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PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.) 
(Nos. I to III. — 1876: with seven plates.) 

edited by 
The Philological Secretary. 

" It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science 
in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to 
the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long 
intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease." Sir Wm. Jones. 








for 1876. 

No. I. 

The Prologue to the Bamayana of Tulsi Das. A specimen transla- 
tion.— By F. S. Growse, M. A., B.C. S., 1 

On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. — By Major-General E. Macla- 

gan, E. E., 30 

Were the Sundarbans inhabited in ancient times ? — By H. Beveridge, 

B. C. S., 71 

On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. — By Eajendralala 

Mitra, LL. D., 76 

No. II. 

Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley, a dependency of the 
Maharaja of Kashmir. — By Capt. H. C. Marsh, 18th Bengal 
Cavalry (with four plates), 119 

On the Ghalchah Languages (Wakhi and Sarikoli). — By E. B. Shaw, 

Political Agent, late on special duty at Kashghar, 139 

No. III. 

Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District in Bundelkhand, N. W. P. 

No. IX— By Vincent A. Smith, B. A., C. S,, 279 

List of Eare Muhammadan Coins. — No. II. (Coins of the Kings of 
Dihli, Malwah, Bengal, Kulbarga, and Kashmir. — By J. G. 
Delmerick, Dihli, (with two plates) 291 

The Bhars of Audh and Banaras. — By Patrick Carnegy, Commis- 
sioner of Eai Bareli, Audh, , 297 

iv Contents. 

Translations from the Diwan of ZfB-uir-NiBA Begam, poetically 
styled ' MAKHFf ', daughter of the Emperor Aurangzib. — By 

P. Whallet, B. C. S., Muradabad, gQo 

Sri Swami Hari Das of Brindaban. — By F. S. Growse, M. A. 

B. C. S., (with one plate) g-^2 

Beply to several passages in Mr. Blochmann's " Contributions to 
the History and Geography of Bengal," ~Ho. III. — By the 
Translator of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, Major H. G. Raverty 

BombayArmy, (Betired), 325 

Morals of Kalidasa. — By Praoath Pandit, M. A., 352 

An Imperial Assemblage at Delhi three thousand years ago. — By 

Bajendralala Mitra, LL. D., 3g§ 

Index > 399 

1 4, 




foe 1876. 

PL I. (p. 135) View of Gaokuch. 

PL II. (p. 119) View of Mazena Pass. 

PL III. (p. 136) View of the junction of the Karambar and Yassin 

PL IV. (p. 119) Sketch Map of countries surrounding Gilgit. 
Plates V and VI. (p. 291) Unpublished Muhammadan coins. 
PL VII. (p. 312) Gateway of the Banke Bihari Temple at Brindaban, 




tor 1876. 

Page 141, 1. 19, and p. 152, 1. 18, for zui read ziii 

143, 1. 27, for Jjjfrc readjjjXK 

150, 1. 6 from below, for with the read with the house, and for in the houses 

read with the houses 
157, 1. 8, for kshon-i read kshon-at 

159, 1. 26, for yu read yu 

160, 1. 2, from below, for doing read taking 

185, note, for Jchan and san, read Jchau and sau 

186, 1. 4, in column " Indian, Modern", after apricot insert chir, Gaddi 
186, 1. 4 from below, in column " Ghalchah", for kashir read khshir 
188, 1. 6, for shanidan read shunidan 
188, 1. 5 from below, for k&rbej read khar-%* 
332, 1. 23, for Shiam read Shiam 
334, 1. 5, from below, for &*Xw reaa <*L*X» 
349, 1. 14, for we read he 
381, 1. 20, for assembled read had assembled 
390, 1. 22, for Materindm read Ratnindm 
390, 1. 29, for gymnasium read gynaeceum 
396, 1. 25, for scymitar read scimitar 
396, 1. 26, dele comma after and 

^v~-*- - -' ■ ■ 





No. I.— 1876. 

The Prologue to the Bdmdyana of Tulsi Dds. A Specimen translation, 
—By F. S. Growse, M. A., B. C. S. 

The Sanskrit Bamayana of Valmiki has been published more than once, 
with all the advantages of European editorial skill and the most luxurious 
typography. It has also been translated both in verse and prose, and — in 
part at least — into Latin as well as into Italian and English. The more 
popular Hindi version of the same great national Epic can only be read in 
lithograph or bazar print, and has never been translated in any form into 
any language whatever. Yet it is no unworthy rival of its more fortunate 
predecessor. There can of course be no comparison between the polished 
phraseology of classical Sanskrit and the rough colloquial idiom of Tulsi 
Das's vernacular, while the antiquity of Valmiki's poem further invests it 
with an adventitious interest for the student of Indian history. But on the 
other hand the Hindi poem is the best and most trustworthy guide to the 
popular living faith of the Hindu race at the present day — a matter of 
not less practical interest than the creed of their remote ancestors — and its 
language, which in the course of three centuries has contracted a tinge of 
archaism, is a study of the greatest importance to the philologist, since it 
serves to bridge an otherwise impassable chasm between the modern style and 
the mediaeval. It is also less wordy and diffuse than the Sanskrit original, 
and — probably in consequence of its modern date — is less disfigured by 
wearisome interpolations and repetitions ; while, if it never soars so high 
as Valmiki in some of his best passages, it maintains a more equable level 
of poetic diction and seldom sinks with him into such dreary depths of 

2 F. S. Growse—TJie Prologue to the Bdmaycma of Tulsi Das, {No. 1 

unmitigated prose. It must also be noted that it is in no sense a transla- 
tion of the earlier work : the general plan and the management of the in- 
cidents are necessarily much the same, but there is a difference in the 
touch in every detail ; and the two poems vary as widely as any two dramas 
on the same mythological subject by two different Greek tragedians. Even 
the coincidence of name is an accident ; for Tulsi Das himself called his 
poem " The Ram-charit-manas'', and the shorter name, corresponding in form 
to the Iliad or iEneid, was only substituted by his admirers as a handier 
designation for a popular favourite. 

The passage, of which a translation is here submitted, forms the In- 
troduction to the first book. It is at once of less obvious interest and also 
of much greater difficulty than the narrative portions of the poem. It is 
valuable, however, as a .resume of popular Hindu theology and metaphysics, 
and it supplies some personal details of the author's life. Thus we learn 
from it that he studied at S o r o n, and commenced writing at Ayudhya 
on the festival of Rama's birthday in the Sambat year 1631, corresponding 
to 1575, A. D. We need not suppose that he remained long at Ayudhya, 
for according to tradition the main body of the poem was composed at 
Chitrakut. His vindication of himself against his critics is a curious 
feature. They attacked him for lowering the dignity of his subject by cloth- 
ing it in the vulgar vernacular. However just his defence may be, it did 
not succeed in converting the opposite faction ; and the professional Sans- 
krit Pandits, who are their modern representatives, still affect to despise his 
work as an unworthy concession to the illiterate masses. With this small 
and solitary exception the book is in every one's hands, from the court to 
the cottage, and is read or heard and appreciated alike by every class of the 
Hindu community, whether high or low, rich or poor, young or old. The 
purity of its moral sentiments and the absolute avoidance of the slightest 
approach to any pruriency of idea — which the author justly advances among 
his distinctive merits — render it a singularly unexceptionable text -book for 
native boys. For several years past I have persistently urged its adoption 
upon the Education Department, and — thanks to Raja Siva Prasad — extracts 
from it have now been introduced into our primary schools. It has always 
been prescribed as the principal test in the Civil Examination for High Profici- 
ency and a Degree of Honour ; and it is equally well adapted for both these 
apparently incongruous purposes. For a Hindu child generally grasps at 
once the familiar idiom and finds no great difficulty in even the most crab- 
bed passage ; while on the other hand both the terminology and the 
syntactic collocation of the words are in the highest degree perplexing to 
the European student. The reason is, that an English official as a rule 
knows only the language of the courts, and has never studied the vernacular 
of the people : for which neglect he has hitherto had much excuse in the 

1876,] F. S. Growse—The Prologue to the Bamdyana of Tulsi Das. 3 

absence both of a Dictionary and a Grammar. The former want is in 
course of being supplied by Dr. Fallon ; and the latter by Mr. Kellogg of 
the Allahabad Mission, who has nearly completed a work that promises 
from the pages I have seen, to be in a remarkable degree both lucid and 

It will, I think, be admitted that a poem of such manifold interest 
should no longer be withheld from the English reader ; and the advantages 
in the way of criticisms and suggestions which I hope to secure from its being 
generally known that a translation is in progress will, I trust, be a sufficient 
excuse for occupying so many pages with the following specimen. The notes 
that I have added are more explanatory than would be required by the mem- 
bers of a learned Society, but they may be found useful by the general public, 
and I have therefore retained them in their place ; since I would have the 
specimen represent as closely as possible the exact form which it is intended 
the complete work should assume. 

Book I. — Childhood. 
Sanskrit Invocation. 
I reverence the Goddess of Speech and the Divine Guide,* who are the 
inventors of the alphabet ; of multiform expression ; of the poetic modes and 
of metre. I reverence Bhavani and Sankara, the incarnation of Faith and 
Hope, without whom not even the just can see God the great Spirit. I re- 
verence as the incarnation of Sankara the all wise Guru, through whom even 
the crescent moon is everywhere honoured.! I reverence the king of Bards J 
and the Monkey-king, of pure intelligence, who ever lingered with delight in 
the holy forest land of Bama and Sita's infinite perfection. I bow before 
Sita, the beloved of Bama ; the queen of birth, of life and death ; the de- 
stroyer of sorrow ; the cause of happiness. I reverence, under his name of 
Bama, the Lord Hari ; supreme over all causes ; to whose illusive power are 
subject the whole universe and every supernatural being from Brahma 
downwards ; by whose light truth is made manifest, as when what appeared 
to be a snake turns out a rope ; and by whose feet as by a bark those who 

* By Vdni, the goddess of speech and Vindi/aka, the guide, are certainly in- 
tended the divinities ordinarily so designated, viz. Sarasvati and Ganesa. The trans- 
lation, however, leaves it open ; since some of the Hindu commentators conceive that 
in this particular passage the reference is rather to Sita and Lakshman. 

t The crescent moon, being one of Sankara' s (i. e. Siva's) constant symbols, is 
honoured on his account, though in itself imperfect ; while the full moon is honour- 
ed for its own sake. 

% The king of bards is Valmiki, the reputed author of the Sanskrit Ramayana. 
The monkey king is of course Hanuman, and the two are brought together more on 
account of the close similarity of name than for any other reason ; Kaviswara and 
Kapisvara differing only by a single letter. 

4 F. S. Grrowse — The Prologue to the Rdmdyana of Tulsi Dds. [No. 1, 

will, ma j pass safely over the ocean of existence. In accord with all the 
Puranas and different sacred texts and with what has been recorded in the 
Ramayana (of Yalmiki) and elsewhere, I Tulsi to gratify my own heart's 
desire have composed these lays of Raghunath in most choice and elegant 
modern speech. 

Sorathd 1. 

Ganes of the grand elephant head, the mention of whose name en- 
snres success, be gracious to me, accumulation of wisdom, store-house of all 
good qualities ! Thou too, by whose favour the dumb becomes eloquent 
and the lame can climb the vastest mountain, be favourable to me, O thou 
that consumest as a fire all the impurities of this iron age. Take up 
thy abode also in my heart, O thou that slumberest on the milky ocean, 
with body dark as the lotus and eyes bright as the water lily. O spouse 
of Uma, clear of hue as the jasmine or the moon, home of compassion, who 
shewest pity to the humble, shew pity upon me, O destroyer of Kamadeva. 
I reverence the lotus feet of my master, that ocean of benevolence, Hari 
incarnate, whose words are like a flood of sunlight on the darkness of ig- 
norance and infatuation.* 


1 reverence the pollen-like dust of the lotus feet of my master, bright, 
fragrant, sweet and delicious ; pure extract of the root of ambrosia, potent 
to disperse all the attendant ills of life ; like the holy ashes on the divine 
body of Sambhu, beautiful, auspicious, ecstatic. Applied to the forehead as 
a tilah, it cleanses from defilement the fair mirror of the human mind and 
enriches it with all the virtues of the Master. By recalling the lustre of 
the nails of the reverend guru's feet, a divine splendour illumines the 
soul, dispersing the shades of error with its sun-like glory. How blessed he 
who takes it to his heart ! the mental vision brightens and expands, the 
night of the world with its sin and pain fades away • the actions of Eama,f 
like diamonds and rubies, whether obvious or obscure, all alike become clear, 
in whichever direction the mine is explored. 

Doha 1. 
By a PPfy m g this collyrium as it were to the eyes, all good and holy 
men see and understand his sportive career when on earth, on mountain or in 
forest, and all the treasures of his grace. 

* The persons addressed in this stanza are Ganes, Sarasvati, Narayan, and the 
'poet's own spiritual instructor, or guru. 

f The simple actions are compared to rubies, which may be picked up on the sur- 
face of the ground; the mysterious actions to diamonds, which have to be dug out of 


1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the Bdmdyana of Tulsi Dds, 5 

The dust of the guru's feet is a soft and charming eollyrium, like 
ambrosia for the eyes, to remove every defect of vision. With this having 
purified the eyes of my understanding, I proceed to relate the actions of 
Eama, the redeemer of the world. First I reverence the feet of the great 
Brahman saints, potent to remove the doubts engendered by error. In my 
heart as with my voice I reverence the whole body of the Faithful, mines 
of perfection ; whose good deeds resemble the fruit of the cotton-plant in 
austerity, purity, and manifold uses, and in painful cleansing from impuri- 
ties : reverence to them, whatever the age or clime in which their glory was 
consummated. An assembly of the saints is all joy and felicity, like the great 
tirath Prayag endowed with motion ; for faith in Eama is as the stream 
of the Ganges ; contemplation on Brahma as the Sarasvati ; and ritual, deal- 
ing with precepts and prohibitions for the purification of this iron age, as 
the sun-god's daughter the Jamuna. The united flood of the Tribeni 
is represented by the legends of Hari and of Hara, filling all that hear with 
delight : the sacred fig tree by faith firm in its own traditions ; and Prayag 
itself by the assembly of the virtuous. Easy of access to all, on any day, 
at any place, curing all the ills of pious devotees, is this unspeakable, spiri- 
tual chief tirath, of manifest virtue and yielding immediate fruit. 

Doha 2. 
At this Prayag of holy men, whoever hears and understands and in spirit 
devoutly bathes, receives even in this life all four rewards.* 

In an instant behold the result of the immersion ; the crow becomes a 
parrot and the goose a swan. Let no one marvel at hearing this, for the in- 
fluence of good company is no mystery. Valmiki, Narad and the jar-born 
Agastyaf have told its effect upon themselves. Whatever moves in the water 
or on the earth or in the air ; every creature in the world, whether animate 
or inanimate, that has attained to knowledge, or glory, or salvation, or power 

* The four rewards are hdma, artha, dharma, moksha ; that is, pleasure wealth 
religious merit, and final salvation. 

f Valmiki confessed to Eama that he had once heen a hunter and had taken the 
life of many innocent creatures, till he fell in with the seven Eishis, who converted 
him and taught him to express his penitence by constantly repeating the word mara 
mara. As this is Eama read backwards, it acted as a spell and advanced him to the 
highest degree of sanctity. 

Similarly Narad confessed to Vyasa, the author of the Puranas, that he was by birth 
only the son of a poor slave-girl, and had become a saint simply by eating the fragments 
of food left by the holy men who frequented his master's house. 

Agastya also declared to Mahadeva that by birth he was the meanest of all crea- 
tures, and had only attained to miraculous powers by the influence of good company. 


6 F. S. Growse — The Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulsi Das. [No. 1 

or virtue, by any work, at any time or place, has triumphed through associa- 
tion with the good ; neither the world nor the Veda knows of any other 
expedient. Intercourse with the good is attainable only by the blessing of 
Rama, and without it wisdom is impossible : it is the root of all joy and 
felicity, its flowers are good works and its fruit perfection. By it the wick- 
ed are reformed, as by the touch of the philosopher's stone a vile metal be- 
comes gold. If by mischance a good man falls into evil company, like the 
jewel in a serpent's head, he still retains his character. Brahma, Vishnu, Ma- 
hadeva ; the wisest of the poets ; all have failed to describe the supremacy 
of virtue ; for me to tell it is as it were for a costermonger to expatiate 
on the excellence of a set of jewels. 

Doha 3-4. 

I reverence the saints of equable temperament, who regard neither 
friend nor foe ; like a gracious flower which sheds its fragrance alike on both 
infolding hands.* Ye Saints, whose upright intention, whose catholic 
charity and whose ready sympathy I acknowledge, hear my child-like prayer, 
be gracious to me and inspire me with devotion to the feet of Rama. 

Again, I would propitiate those saintly wretchesf who without a cause 
swerve right or left ; with whom a neighbour's loss is gain ; who rejoice 
in desolation and weep over prosperity ; who are as an eclipse to the full-moon 
glory of Hari and Hara ; who become as a giant with a thousand arms to 
work another's woe ; who have a thousand eyes to detect a neighbour's 
faults, but, like flies on ghi, settle on his good points only to spoil them ; 
quick as fire, relentless as hell ; rich in crime and sin as Kuver is in gold ; 
like an eclipse for the clouding of friendship, and as dead asleep as Kumbha- 
karanj to everything good ; if they can do any injury, as ready to sacrifice 
themselves as hailstones, that melt after destroying a crop ; spiteful as the 
great serpent, with a thousand tongues ; and like Prithuraj,§ with a thou- 
sand ears, to tell and hear of others' faults ; like the thousand-eyed Indra, 
too, ever delighting in much strong drink and in a voice of thunder. 

* Though the right hand is the one by which it has been plucked, and the left that 
in which it is held and preserved. 

f In the following lines the poet defends himself by anticipation against possible 
objections, and roundly abuses the whole army of critics. 

% Ravan's gigantic brother, Kumbha-karan, obtained as a boon from Brahma, that 
whenever he had satisfied his voracious appetite, the slumber of repletion might be 
of the longest and deepest, and that he might only wake to eat again. 

§ It is not related that Prithuraj had really ten thousand ears, but only that he 
prayed that he might be as quick to hear whatever redounded to the glory of God as 
if his ears were so many. 

1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the Edmdyana of Tulsi Das, 7 

Doha 5. 
I know wlien they hear of philosophers, who regard friend and foe both 
as friends, they are enraged ; but I clasp my hands and entreat them pite- 

I have performed the role of supplication, nor will they forget their 
part. However carefully you may bring up a crow, it will still be a crow 
and a thief. I propitiate at once the feet of saints and sinners, who each 
give pain, but with a difference : for the first kill by absence, while the 
second torture by their presence : as opposite as a lotus and a leech, though 
both alike are produced in water. Good and bad thus resemble nectar and 
intoxicating drink, which were both begotten by the one great ocean :* each 
by its own acts attains to pre-eminence ; the one in glory, the other in dis- 
grace : compare with the good, ambrosia, or the moon, or the Ganges • and 
with the bad, poison, or fire, or the river Karmnasa. Virtue and vice may 
be known to all by their natural development. 

Doha 6. 
The good acquire goodness, and the vile vileness. Thus ambrosia has 
its proper effect in immortality, and poison has its effect in death. 


Why enumerate the faults and defects of the bad and the virtues of 
the good ; both are a boundless and unfathomable ocean. Hence occasion- 
ally virtue is reckoned as vice, improperly and from want of discrimination. 
For God has created both, but it is the Veda that has distinguished one from 
the other. The heroic legends and the Puranas also, no less than the Vedas, 
recognize every kind of good and evil as creatures of the creator, pain and 
pleasure, sin and religious merit ; night and day ; saint and sinner ; high 
caste and low caste ; demons and gods ; great and small ; life-giving ambro- 
sia and deadly poison ; the visible world and the invisible God ; life and the 

* The churning of the ocean is one of the common-places of Hindu poetry, and the 
allusions to it in the Kamayana are innumerable. "With mount Mandara as a churning- 
stick, the great serpent Vasuki as a rope, and Narayan himself in tortoise-form as the 
pivot on which to work, the gods and demons combined to churn the milky ocean. 
Thus were produced from its depth the moon ; the sacred cow, Surabhi or Kama-dhe- 
nu ; the goddess of wine, Varuni ; the tree of Paradise, Parijata, or Kalpa-taru ; the 
heavenly nymphs, the Apsaras ; the goddess of beauty, Lakhsmi or Sri ; and the 
physician of the gods, Dhanvantari. The cup of nectar which the latter held in his hand 
was seized and quaffed by the gods ; while the poison, which also was produced, was ei- 
ther claimed by the snake gods, or swallowed by Mahadeva ; whence comes the blackness 
of his throat, that gives him the name of Nil Kanth. 

8 F. S. G-rowse — The Prologue to the Mamwyana of Tulsi Das. [No, 1 

lord of life ; rich and poor ; the beggar and the king ; Kasi and Magadha ;* 
the Ganges and the Karmnasa ; the desert of Marwar and the rich plain 
of Malwa ; the Brahman and the butcher ; heaven and hell ; sensual pas- 
sion and asceticism ; the Vedas and the Tantras, and every variety of good 
and evil. 

Doha 7. 
The creator has made the universe to consist of things animate and 
inanimate, good and evil : a saint like a swan takes the milk of goodness 
and rejects the worthless water. f 

When the creator gives men this faculty of judgment, they abandon 
error and become enamoured of the truth ; but conquered by time, tempera- 
ment, or fate, even the good, as a result of their humanity, may err from 
virtue ; but Hari takes their body so to speak and corrects it, and removing 
all sorrow and sin cleanses it and glorifies them. If the bad through inter- 
course with the good do good, their inherent badness is not effaced. An 
impostor of fair outward show may be honoured on account of his garb, but 
in the end he is exposed and does not succeed ; like Kala-nemi, or Eavan, or 
Eahu.J The good are honoured notwithstanding their mean appearance, 
like the bear Jamavant or the monkey Hanuman. Bad company is loss and 
good company is gain*; this is a truth recognized both by the world and the 
Veda. In company with the wind the dust flies heavenwards ; if it joins 
water, it becomes mud and sinks. According to the character of the house 
in which a parrot or maina is trained, it learns either to repeat the name of 
Kama or to give abuse. With the ignorant, soot is mere refuse ; but it 
may make good ink and be used even for copying a Purana ; while water, 
fire, and air combined become an earth-refreshing rain-cloud. 

Doha 8-11. 
The planets, medicines, water, air, clothes, all are good or bad things 
according as their accompaniments are good or bad ; and people observe 
this distinction.^ Both lunar fortnights are equal as regards darkness and 
light ; but a difference in name has been wisely made, and as the moon 
waxes or wanes the fortnight is held in high or low esteem. Knowing 

* Magadha (Bihar) is taken as the opposite to Kasi, in consequence of its being 
the birth-place of Buddhism. 

f To the swan (rdj-hans) is ascribed the fabulous faculty of being able to separate 
milk from water, after the two have been mixed together. 

J Kala-nemi by assuming the form of an ascetic imposed for a time upon Hanu- 
man, as Bavan did upon Sita : and even Vishnu, at the churning of the ocean, was at 
first deceived by Bahu, who appeared like one of the gods. 

1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologize to the Bdmdyana of Tulsi Das. 9 

that the whole universe, whether animate or inanimate, is pervaded by the 
spirit of Rama, I reverence with clasped hands the lotus feet of all, gods, 
giants, men, serpents, "birds, ghosts, departed ancestors, Gandharvas, Kinnaras, 
demons of the night ; I pray ye all be gracious to me. 

By four modes of birth* are produced 84 lakhs of species inhabiting 
the air, the water and the earth. With clasped hands I perform an act of 
adoration, recognizing the whole world as pervaded by the spirit of Sita and 
Rama. In your compassion regard me as your servant, and dissembling no 
longer be kind and affectionate. I have no confidence in the strength of 
my own wisdom, and therefore I supplicate you all. I would narrate the 
great deeds of Raghupati ; but my ability is little and his acts unfathomable. 
I am not conscious of any special qualification or capacity ; my intellect in 
short is beggarly while my ambition is imperial ; and I am thirsting for nec- 
tar, when not even skim milk is to be had. Good people all, pardon my pre- 
sumption and listen to my childish babbling, as a father and mother delight 
to hear the lisping prattle of their little one. Perverse and malignant fools 
may laugh, who pick out faults in others wherewith to adorn themselves. Every 
one is pleased with his own rhymes, whether they be pungent, or insipid ; but 
those who praise another's voice are good men, of whom there are few in the 
world ; there are many enough like the rivers, which on getting a rain-fall 
swell out a flood of their own, but barely one like the generous ocean, which 
swells on beholding the fulness of the moon. 

Doha 12. 
My lot is low, my purpose high ; but I am confident of one thing, that 
the good will be gratified to hear me, though fools may laugh. 

The laughter of fools will be grateful to me : the crow calls the koiVs 
voice harsh. The goose ridicules the swan, and the frog the chdtaJc ; so the 
low and vile abuse pure verse. As they have no taste for poetry nor love for 
Rama, I am glad that they should laugh. If my homely speech and poor 
wit are fit subjects for laughter, let them laugh ; it is no fault of mine. If 
they have no understanding of true devotion to the Lord, the tale will 
seem insipid enough : but to the true and orthodox worshippers of Hari and 
Hara the story of Raghubar will be sweet as honey. The singer's devotion 

* The four dkaras, or modes of birth are named Pindaja or viviparous ; andaja 
or oviparous ; swedaja, born in sweat like lice ; and udbhijja, produced by sprouting, 
like a tree. The 84 lakhs of species are divided as follows : 9 lakhs of aquatic crea- 
tures, 27 lakhs of those attached to the earth, 11 lakhs of insects, 10 lakhs of birds, 23 
lakhs of quadrupeds, and 4 lakhs of men. The literal meaning of dkara being a mine, 
khdni which has the same primary signification, is used for it in Chaupdi 44. 

10 F. S. Growse — The Prologue to the Bamayana of Twhi Das. [Ko. 1 

to Eama will by itself be sufficient embellishment to make the good hear 
and praise his melody. Though no poet, nor clever, nor accomplished : 
though unskilled in every art and science ; though all the elegant devices 
of letters and rhetoric, and the countless variations of metre, and the infi- 
nite divisions of sentiment and style, and all the defects and excellencies of 
verse and the gift to distinguish between them are unknown to me, I de- 
clare and record it on a fair white sheet — 

Doha 13. 
That though my style has not a single charm of its own, it has a charm 
known throughout the world, which men of discernment will ponder as they 
read — 

The gracious name of Raghupati ; all-purifying essence of the Puranas 
and the Veda, abode of all that is auspicious, destroyer of all that is inaus- 
picious, ever murmured in prayer by Uma and the great Tripurari. The 
most elegant composition of the most talented poet gives no pleasure, if 
the name of E.ama is not in it ; in the same way as a lovely woman adorned 
with the richest jewels is vile if unclothed. But the most worthless pro- 
duction of the feeblest versifier, if adorned with the name of Eama, is heard 
and repeated with reverence by the wise, like bees gathering honey : though 
the poetry has not a single merit, the glory of Eama is manifested in it. 
This is the confidence which has possessed my soul : is there anything 
which good company fails to exalt ? Thus smoke forgets its natural pun- 
gency, and with incense yields a sweet scent. My language is that in vul- 
gar use, but my subject is the highest, the story of Eama, enrapturing the 

Ghhand 1.* 
Though rapturous lays befit his praise, who cleansed a world accurst, 
Yet Tulsi's rivulet of song may slake a traveller's thirst. 
How pure and blest on Siva's breast shew the vile stains of earth ! 
So my poor song flows bright and strong illumed by Rama's worth. 

Doha 14. 15, 

From its connection with the glory of Eama, my verse will be most 

grateful to every one ; when you apply sandal to your forehead, do you 

think of it as merely a production of wood ? Though a cow be black, its milk 

is pure and wholesome and all men drink it y and so, though my speech is 

* A Chhand is generally a somewhat enthusiastic outburst, in which the offc-re- 
peated rhyme is a little apt to run away with the sense. Whenever one occurs, I shall 
indicate its special character by giving it a metrical version. Its first line always re- 
peats some word that occurred in the last line of the preceding stanza. 

1876.] R S. Growse— The Prologue to tie Bdmdyana of Tutsi Bds. 11 

rough, it tells the glory of Sita and Rama, and will therefore he heard and 
repeated with pleasure by sensible people. 

A diamond in a serpent's head, a ruby on a mountain top, a pearl in 
an elephant's head are all without beauty ; but in a king's diadem or on a 
lovely woman they are lustrous in the extreme. Similarly, as wise men 
tell, poetry is born below, but inspired from above ; for it is in answer to 
pious prayer that the muse leaves her heavenly abode and speeds to earth ; 
without immersion in the fountain of Rama's deeds, all labour and trouble 
count for nothing. A sensible poet understands this, and sings only of 
Hari, the redeemer, and his virtues. To recount the doings of common 
people is mere idle beating of the head, which the muse loaths. Genius is 
as it were a shell in the sea of the soul, waiting for the October rain of 
Inspiration ; if a gracious shower falls, each drop is a pearl of poetry : 

Bold 16. 
Then dexterously pierced and strung together on the thread of Rama's 
adventures, they form a beautiful chain to be worn on a good man's 


Men born in this grim iron age are outwardly swans, but inwardly as 
black as crows ; walking in evil paths, abandoning the Veda, embodiments 
of falsehood, vessels of impurity, hypocrites, professing devotion to Rama f 
but slaves of gold, of passion and of lust. Among them I give the first 
place to myself, a hypocrite alas ! of the very first rank ; but were I to tell 
all my vices, the list would so grow that it would have no end. I have 
therefore said but very little, but a word is enough for the wise. Let none 
of my hearers blame me for offering so many apologies ; whoever is trou- 
bled in mind by them is more stupid and dull of wit than I am myself. 
Though I am no poet and have no pretensions to cleverness, I sing as best 
I can the virtues of Rama. How unfathomable his actions, how shallow 
my poor world-entangled intellect ! Before the strong wind that could 
uproot mount Meru, of what account is such a mere flock of cotton as I 
am ? When I think of Rama's infinite majesty, I tremble as I write. 

Bold 17. 
For Sarasvati, Sesh-nag, Siva and Brahma, the Shastras, the Veda, the 
Puranas, all are unceasingly singing his perfection, yet fail to declare it. 

All know the greatness of the Lord, yet none can refrain from repeat- 
ing it. For this reason the Veda also has declared many different modes of 
effectual worship. There is one God, passionless, formless, uncreated^ the 

12 F. S, Growse — The Prologue to the Ramdymia of Tulsi Das. [No. 1 

universal soul, the supreme spirit, the all-pervading, whose shadow is the world • 
who has become incarnate and done many things, only for the love that he 
bears to his faithful people ; all-gracious and compassionate to the humble • 
who in his mercy has refrained from anger even against the selfish and fro- 
ward ; restorer of the past ; protector of the poor ; # all good, all-powerful 
the Lord Eaghuraj. In this belief the wise sing the glory of Hari • and 
their song thus becomes holy and meritorious. I, too, bowing my head to 
Rama's feet, am emboldened to sing his fame, following a path which has 
been made easy by the divine bards who have trodden it before me : 

Doha 18. 

As when a king has prepared a bridge over a broad stream, an ant, 
insignificant as it is, is able to cross without difficulty. 


In this manner reassuring myself, I undertake to recount Kama's 
charming adventures, as they have been reverently told by Vyasa and the 
other great poets, whose lotus-feet I adore, praying, Fulfil ye my desire • 
both the Sanskrit poets of these latter days who have sung of Eaghupati, and 
also those of high intelligence who have written in Prakrit and the vulgar 
tongue. All who have been in time past, or who now are, or who hereafter 
shall be, I bow to all in the utmost good faith and sincerity. Be propitious 
and grant this boon that in assemblies of good men my song may be honoured ! 
If the good and wise will not honour it, the silly poet has had all his labour 
in vain. The only fame, or poetry, or power, that is of any worth, is that which 
like Ganges water is good for all. The incongruity between Eama's glory 
and my rude speech makes me doubt ; but by your favour all will turn out 
well ; for good sewing can be shown on coarse cloth no less than on silk. 
Be kind enough to think of this, and my style will then match the excel- 
lence of my theme. 

Doha 19. 
A clear style and an exalted theme are both commendable ; and when 
they are combined, an enemy even, forgetting his natural hostility, will 
repeat the strain. But such a combination is not to be acquired without 
genius, and genius I have none ; so again and again I beg of you to bear 
with me while I sing the glory of Hari. The great poets are like the swans 
sporting in the Manasa lake of Hari's deeds ; look on me as a well-meaning 
child and make allowances, f 

* Gharib-nawdz. This is the first Persian word that has occurred in the poem. 

f In Hindi poetry it is considered a beauty if a phrase is so worded as to be capable 
of two or more different interpretations. Thus the line rendered as above may be 
literally translated : Hearing my childish supplication, seeing my good desire, be com- 
passionate towards me— which is the meaning I have expressed. But it might with 

1876,] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to tie Bdmdyana of Ttdsi Bds, 18 

SoratJia 2. 
I reverence the lotus-feet of the great sage who composed the Bamaya- 
na, smooth strains on rough topics and faultless though a story of the 
faulty.* I reverence the four Vedas, which are like a boat in which to 
cross the ocean of exist ence, without ever dreaming of weariness, while 
recounting Rama's excellent glory. I reverence the dust on the feet of 
Brahma, creator of this ocean-like world, from which have been produced 
men, good and bad ; as of old from the same source came at once ambrosia, 
the moon, and the cow Kamadhenu, and also poison and intoxicating 

Doha 20. 

Eeverencing with clasped hands gods, Brahmans, philosophers and sages, 
I pray : ' Be gracious to me and accomplish all my fair desire.' 


Again, I reverence the Sarasvati and the Ganges, both holy and beauti- 
ful streams, cleansing sin by a single draught or immersion, whose name 
as soon as uttered or heard at once removes error. I adore as I would my 
guru, or my natural parents, Siva and Parvati, protectors of the humble, daily 
benefactors, servants and courtiers in attendance on Sita's Lord, and in every 
way Tulsi's true friends ; who in their benevolence and considering the 
degeneracy of the times have themselves composed many spells in a barbarous 
language, incoherent syllables and unintelligible mutterings, mysterious 
revelations of the great Siva.f By his patronage I may make my story an 
agreeable one, and by meditating on Siva and Parvati may relate Rama's 
adventures in a way that will give pleasure. It is only by his favour that 
my verse can be beautified, as a dark night by the moon and stars. Who- 
ever in a devout spirit, with intelligence and attention, hears or repeats this 
lay of mine, he shall become full of true love for Rama, and cleansed from 
worldly stains shall enjoy heavenly felicity. 

equal correctness be rendered : Hearing my childish supplication, seeing their excellent 
beauty, be compassionate towards me. It is sufficient to note this peculiarity once for 
all ; but there are an immense number of lines, in which, though the meaning which I 
have adopted seems to me on the whole the one most appropriate to the context, it by 
no means follows that other interpretations are not, from the grammarian's point of 
view, equally correct. 

* A literal rendering would be — Eough, soft, beautiful, faultless, full of faults. But 
there are two plays upon words ; for sakhar, ordinarily ' rough' and therefore contrasted 
with sakomal soft, is also intended to bear the meaning — i relating to the demon Khar ' ; 
and similarly diishan sahit ' full of faults' can be forced into meaning ' with the demon 

t The allusion is to the magic spells and mystical formularies of the Tantras, which 
are for the most part mere strings of uncouth and utterly unmeaning words, They all 
purport to have been revealed by Siva himself to Parvati. 


14 F. S. Growse — The Prologue to the Bdmdyana of Tuhi Dds, [No. 1 

Bold 21. 
Whether I am awake or dreaming, if Siva and Gauri grant me their 
favour, then my words shall come true and this shall be the effect of my 
song, though it be in the vulgar tongue. 

I reverence the holy city of Ayudhya and the river Sarju cleansing 
from all earthly impurity. I salute also the inhabitants of the city, for 
whom the Lord had no little affection ; seeing that he ignored all the sin of 
Sita's calumniator and set men's minds at rest.* I reverence Kausalya, 
eastern heaven from which glory was diffused over the whole world ; whence 
Baghupati arose as a lovely moon, giving joy to the world, but blighting 
like a frost the lotus leaves of vice. To King Dasarath and all his queens, 
incarnations of virtue and felicity, I make obeisance in word, deed, and heart, 
saying Be gracious to me as to a son or a servant, O parents of Eama, that 
acme of greatness, ye in whose creation the creator surpassed himself. 

Soratha 3. 
I reverence the king of Avadh, who had such true love for Eama's feet, 
that when parted from his lord, his life snapped and parted too like a 

I salute the king of Videha with all his court who had the greatest af- 
fection for Eama ; though he concealed his devotion under royal state, yet 
it broke out as soon as he saw him. Then next I throw myself at the feet 
of Bharat, whose constancy and devotion surpass description ; whose soul 
like a bee thirsting for sweets was ever hovering round the lotus-feet of Ea- 
ma. I reverence too the lotus-feet of Lachhman, cool, comely and source of 
delight to their worshippers ; whose glory is as it were the standard for the 
display of Eama's pure emblazonment. Thou who, to remove the terrors of 
the world, didst become incarnate in the form of the thousand-headed ser- 
pent for the sake of the universe, be ever propitious to me, O son of Sumi- 
tra, ocean of compassion, store-house of perfection. I bow also to Eipu- 
sudan (i. e. Satrughna) the generous hero, Bharat's constant companion ; 
and to the conqueror Hanuman, whose glory has been told by Eama 
himself — 

* The calumniator was a dhobi, whose wife had gone away without asking his 
permission to her father's house and had stayed there three days. On her return her 
husband refused to take her in, saying, Do you think I am a Eama who takes back his 
Sita after she has been living for eleven months in another man's house ? When this came 
to Eama's ears, he showed his respect for the delicacy of his subjects by dismissing Sita, 
and instead of punishing the dhobi promoted him to honour. 

1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologue of tie Bdmwyana of Tulsi Dds, 15 

Soratha 4. 
The son of the Wind, of profound intelligence, like a consuming fire in 
the forest of vice, in whose heart Rama, equipped with bow and arrows, has 
established his home. 

The monkey-lord, the king of bears and demons, Angad and all the 
monkey host, I throw myself at the benign feet of them all, for though 
contemptible in appearance they yet found Rama. I worship all his faith- 
ful servants— whether birds, beasts, gods, men, or demons— all his unselfish 
adherents. I worship Sukadeva, Sanat-Kumara, Narad, and the other sages 
of excellent renown, putting my head to the ground and crying, ' My lords, be 
gracious to your servant.' I propitiate the lotus-feet of Janak's daughter, 
Janaki, mother of the world, best beloved of the fountain of mercy, by 
whose grace I may attain to unclouded intelligence. Again in heart, in word 
and deed, I worship the all-worthy feet of Raghunath, the glance of whose 
lotus eyes like an arrow from the bow rejoices his votaries by destroying all 
their misfortunes. 

DoM 22. 
As a word and its meaning are inseparable, and as a wave cannot be 
distinguished from the water of which it is composed, the difference being 
only in the name ; so with Rama and Sita, the refuge of the distressed, 
whom I adore. 

I adore the name of Rama as borne by Raghubar,* the source of all 
light, whether of the fire, or the sun, or the moon ; substance of the triune god • 
vital breath of the Veda ; the passionless ; the incomparable ; the source of 
all good ; the great spell muttered by Mahadev and enjoined by him as 
necessary to salvation even at Kasi. By confessing its power, Ganes ob- 
tained the first place among the gods ;f by its power, though he muttered it 
backwards, the great poet Valmiki attained to purity ; by its repetition 
after she had heard from Siva that it was equal to a thousand names 

* For there are two other Ramas, besides Rama-chandra ; viz. Parasu-rama and 

f According to the legend : the gods were disputing among themselves as to which 
of them should he accounted the first. To settle the matter, Brahma proposed that thev 
all should race round the world. They started accordingly, each on the animal which 
he most delighted to ride ; and G-anes heing mounted, as was his custom, on nothing 
better than a rat, was of course soon left far "behind. In his distress the sage Narad 
appeared to him and suggested that he should write the word Rama in the dust and 
pace round that, for in it was virtually included all creation. This he did and returned 
to Brahma who at once awarded him the prize. 

16 F. S. Growse— The Prologue of the Bdmdyana of Tulsi Das. [No. 1 

Bhawani was able to join her husband ;* while he, Mahadev, in his delight 
on beholding her simple faith, assumed the woman, making that ornament 
of her sex the ornament of his own body. Again, it was by the power of 
this name that the poison swallowed by Mahadev was converted into 

Doha 23. 
Devotion to Rama, says Tulsi Das, is like the rich season of the rains • 
but the two syllables of Kama's name are best of all, like the months of Sawan 
and Bhadon — 

Two sweet and gracious syllables, the eyes as it were of the soul, easy 
to remember, satisfying every wish, a gain in this world, and felicity in the 
next ; most delightful to utter, to hear, or to remember ; as dear to Tulsi as 
the inseparable Eama and Lachhman. My love is inflamed as I speak of 
these mystic syllables, as intimately connected as the universal soul and the 
soul of man ; twin brothers like Nara and Narayan, preservers of the world 
redeemers of the elect ; bright jewels in the ears of beauteous Faith ; pure 
and beneficent as the sun and the moon ; like sweetness and contentment, 
the inseparable attributes of ambrosia ; like the tortoise and serpent, support- 
ers of the world ; like the bee and the lotus of a pious soul ; and as sweet to 
the tongue as Hari and Balarama were sweet to Jasoda. 

Doha 24. 
Like a royal umbrella or jewelled diadem over all the other letters of 
the alphabet shine the two consonants in Rama's name. 

A name may be regarded as equivalent to what is named, the connec- 
tion being such as subsists between a master and servant. Both name and 
form are shadows of the Lord, who rightly understood is unspeakable and 
uncreated. They are sometimes wrongly distinguished as greater and less ; 
but the wise will understand my explanation of the difference between them. 
See now, the form is of less importance than the name ; for without the name 
you cannot come to a knowledge of the form ; if the very form be in your 
hand, still without knowing the name, it is not recognized ; but meditate on 
the name without seeing the form, and your soul is filled with devotion. 

* One day when Siva had finished eating, he called to his wife Parvati to come and 
take her food too before it got cold. She pleaded that she had not yet finished repeat- 
ing, according to her daily wont, the thousand names of Vishnu ; whereupon her 
husband instructed her that it would sufl&ce if she said the mere name of < Eama' once, 
for that had as much virtue as alb the thousand. She at once believed him and com- 
plied ; and the god was so pleased at her ready faith that in her honour he assumed the 
Ardha-nari, or half-male, half-female form. 


1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the Bamayana of Tulsi Das. 17 

The mystery of name and form is unspeakable and cannot be told, but 
delightful to those who have intuition of it ; the name acting as a witness 
between the material and immaterial forms of the deity, and being a guide 
and interpreter to both. 

Doha 25, 
Place the name of Rama as a jewelled lamp at the door of your lips 
and there will be light, as you will, both inside and out. 


As his tongue repeats this name, the ascetic wakes to life, his thoughts 
free from passion and all detached from the world ; he enjoys the incom- 
parable felicity of God, who is unspeakable, unblemished, without either 
name or form. Those who would understand mysteries, by repeating this 
name understand them ; the religious, who repeat this name absorbed in 
contemplation, become workers of miracles,^ and acquire the power of ren- 
dering themselves invisible and the like ; those who repeat it when burden- 
ed with affliction are freed from their troubles and become happy. Thus 
there are in the world four kinds of Rama-worshippers, all four good, holy 
and beneficent ; but of these four sages who trust in the name they are the 
most dear to the Lord who understand his mysteries. His name is great 
in the four Vedas and in the four ages of the world, but in this fourth age 
especially there is no other hope. 

Doha 2GL 
All free from sensual passions and absorbed in devout affection to 
Kama, the soul disports itself like a fish in the ambrosial lake of his beloved 


The Supreme may be regarded both as devoid of all qualities and also 
as the quality of goodness ; in either aspect it is unspeakable, unfathom- 
able, without beginning and without parallel. To my mind the name is 
greater than both forms, for by its own might it has brought both under its 
sway. My friends must not take this as an exaggeration on my part, for I 
say it confidently and with sincere devotion. The knowledge of the supreme 
is of two kinds, like fire which is either internal or visible ; each is in itself 
incomprehensible but is comprehended by means of the name j and there- 

* The miraculous powers that can be acquired by perfect saints, or siddhas, are 
reckoned as eight in number, and are called aninzd, mahimd y garimdj laghimd, prdpti, 
prdkdmya y isitwd, and vasittwd. These words denote the faculty: 1st, of becoming 
infinitely small ; 2nd, of becoming infinitely great ; 3rd, of becoming infinitely heavy ; 
4th, of becoming infinitely light ; 5th, of obtaining whatever one wishes ; 6th, of doing 
whatever one wishes ; 7th, of absolute supremacy ; 8th, of absolute subjugation. 

18 F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the Bdmdyana of Tulsi Das. [Ko. 1 

fore I say that the name is greater than either Brahm or Kama. For the 
one immortal, true, sentient, complete and blissful Brahm is all-pervading - 
jet though such an unchangeable Lord is in our very soul, the whole crea- 
tion is in slavery and wretchedness, till he is revealed in definite shape and 
is energized by the name ; as a jewel is not valued, till it is so called. 

Doha 27. 
Thus the virtue of the name is infinite and transcends the supreme • 
and in my judgment is greater than Rama himself, 

From the love that he bore to his followers, Rama took the form of a 
man and by himself enduring misery secured their happiness. By inces- 
santly and devoutly repeating his name, all the faithful may attain to felicity. 
Rama himself redeemed only one woman, the ascetic's wife ; # but his name 
has corrected the errors of millions of sinners. To gratify the Rishi 
Viswamitra, Rama wrought the destruction of Suketu's daughter Tadaka 
with her son Maricha and his army ; but as the sun puts an end to night, 
so his name has scattered all crime and pain and despair. In his own per- 
son Rama broke the bow of Siva, but his glorious name has broken the fear 
of death ;£ the Lord himself restored to life only the forest of Dandaka ? f but 
his name has sanctified countless generations ; the son of Raghu destroyed 
many demons, but his name has destroyed all the evil of the world. 

Doha 28. 
Raghunath conferred immortality on all his own faithful servants 
even down to the vulture Jatayu;§ but his name, precious theme of the 
Yedas, has delivered innumerable wretches. 

Rama, as all men know, extended his protection to Sugriva and Vi- 
bhishana ; but his name has protected countless supplicants, shining forth 

* Ahalya, the wife of the Rishi Gautama, having been seduced by the god Indra, 
was cursed by her indignant lord and doomed to remain alone and invisible in the for- 
est for thousands of years till Rama should come and redeem her. 

f Here is a play upon words which cannot be preserved in the translation ; for in 
the first half of the couplet the word bhava is to be taken as a name of Siva, while in the 
second half it means life ; or rather death ; since according to Hindu ideas all conscious 
life is merely a preparation for inevitable death. 

% Dandaka is the name of the pathless forest near the Godavari, where Site was 
stolen away by Ravan. 

§ The bird Jatayu stopped the chariot in which SM was being carried off by Efc- 
van and was mortally wounded by the giant, but he lived long enough to give Rama 
tidings of his beloved. In return for his faithful services Rama and Lakshman them- 
selves performed his funeral rites. 

1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the Bdmdyana of Tulsi Das. 19 

gloriously in the world and the Veda. Rama assembled a host of bears 
and monkeys and had no little trouble to build his bridge ; his name can dry 
up the ocean of life ; meditate thereon, ye faithful. Rama killed in 
battle Ravan and all his family and returned with Sita* to his own city, a 
king to Avadh his capital, while gods and saints hymned his praises ; but 
his servants, if only they affectionately meditate on his name, vanquish 
with ease the whole army of error, and move, absorbed in interior ecstasy, 
without even a dream of sorrow. 

Doha 29. 
The Name is greater than either Brahm or Rama, and is the best gift 
of the best giver ; this Mahadev knew when he selected it from the hundred 
croresf of verses in the Ramayana. 

By the power of this name the blessed god of curst attire, even the 
great Siva, acquired immortality ; by the power of this name Sukadeva, 
Sanat-kumara, and all saints, sages and ascetics have enjoyed heavenly 
raptures ; Narad too acknowledged its power, himself as dear to Hara and 
Hari as Hari is dear to the world j by repeating this name Prahlad through 
the Lord's grace became the crown of the faithful. £ Dhruva in his distress 
repeated the name of Hari, and was rewarded by a fixed and incomparable 
station in the heavens ;§ by meditating on this holy name Hanuman won 
and kept the affection of Rama ; by the power of Hari's name Ajamil|| and 

* Sugriva, the monkey chief, assisted Eama in his search for Sita by shewing him 
the ornaments she had purposely dropped on the way ; and Eama rewarded him by 
installing him as sovereign of Kishkindya in the place of his brother Bali. Similarly, 
Vibhishana was made king of Lanka in the room of Eavan. 

f Of these hundred crores it is said that Siva distributed 33 crores t<5 each of the 
three worlds. The one crore that remained over he similarly divided into three sets of 
33 lakhs each ; the odd lakh into three sets of 30 thousand each ; the odd thousand again 
into three sets of three hundred each ; the odd hundred into three sets of thirty-three 
each and finally the one remaining sloka into three sets of ten letters each. The two 
letters that remained over, being the two consonants in the name of Eama, he kept for 
himself as containing the gist of the whole matter. 

X PrahJM, the pious son of the impious Hiranya-Kasipu who was destroyed by 
Vishnu in the Narsinh avatar, was made equal to Indra for life and finally united with 

§ Dhruva, the son of TJttanapada, being slighted by his step-mother, left his home 
with the determination of winning himself a name in the world. By the advice of the 
seven Eishis, he devoted himself to the service of Vishnu, and was finally exalted by the 
god to the heavens, where he shines as the pole-star. 

II According to the history given in the 6th Skandha of the Sri Bhagavat, Ajamil 
was a Brahman of Kanauj, of most dissolute and abandoned life. By a happy chance 
the youngest of the ten sons whom he had by a prostitute was named Narayan ; and 
the father when at the point of death happened to summon him to his side. But the 

20 F. S. Growse — The Prologue to fhe Rdmdyam of Tutsi Dds. [No. I 

the elephant and the harlot all three obtained salvation : why farther extend 
the list ? not even the incarnate Eama could exhaust it. 

DoM 30. 

The name of Rama is as the tree of Paradise^ the centre of all that w 
good in the world ; and whoever meditates upon it,, becomes (says Tulsi 
Das) transformed as it were were from a vile hemp stick into a sweet smell- 
ing Tulsi plant. 

In all four ages of the world • in all time, past, present, or future ; in 
the three spheres of earth, heaven and hell ; any creature that repeats this 
name becomes blessed. This is the verdict of the Veda, the Puranas and all 
the saints — that the love of Eama is the fruit of all virtue. In the first age 
contemplation ; in the second age, sacrifice ; in the Dvapar age, temple- 
worship was the appointed propitiation ; but in this vile and impure iron 
age, where the soul of man floats like a fish in an ocean of sin, in these fear*. 
ful times, the Name is the only tree of life, and by meditating on it all com- 
motion is stilled. In these evil days neither good deeds, nor piety, nor 
spiritual wisdom is of any avail, but only the name of Eama r his name is as 
it were the wisdom and the might of Hanuman to expose and destroy the 
Kalanemi-like* wiles of the wicked world. 

god Narayan, thus- casually invoked, himself came in answer to the call, and rescued 
the guilty soul from the demons that were about to carry it off to hell, 

The story of the elephant is given in the 8th Skandha of the same Purana. An 
alligator had seized him by the foot while bathing, and though he struggled des- 
perately for 2000 years, he was unable to rid himself of his enemy, and at last was 
deserted by all his wives and children. He then began to give himself up for lost ; but 
reflecting on the pertinacity of the alligator he came to the conclusion that the creature 
must be the embodiment of all the sins he had committed in previous existences and 
that god alone could save him. He therefore addressed a fervent prayer to Nitrayan, 
Who thus invoked by name came down from heaven and with his discus Sudarsan cut 
off the alligator's head and delivered the suppliant. 

The 8th Chapter of the 11th Skandha gives the story of the penitent prostitute 

* Kalanemi was the uncle of Ravan, who promised him half his kingdom if he 
would kill Hanuman. Accordingly he assumed the garb of a devotee and retired to a 
solitary hermitage on a mountain-top, where in course of time he was visited by Hanu- 
man. The latter accepted the hospitality of the holy man, as he took him to be, but 
before eating went to a pond close by to bathe. Here as soon as he put his foot in the 
water, it was seized by a crocodile, which, however, he soon killed, and out of its dead 
body sprung a beautiful nymph, who had long been under a curse. She bade him be- 
ware of Kalanemi, who was sitting deep in thought and already enjoying in anticipa- 
tion the kingdom which he made sure he had secured. His dream was rudely broken 
by Hanuman who seized him in his strong arm, and hurled him headlong through the 
air, till he fell at Kavan's feet in Lanka. 

1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the Rdmayana of Tutsi Ms. 21 

Doha 31. 
As Narsinh was manifested to destroy the enemy of heaven Haranya- 
kasipu, and protect Prahlad, so is Kama's name for the destruction of the 
world and the protection of the pious. 

By repeating this name, whether in joy or in sadness, in action or in 
repose, bliss is diffused all around. Meditating upon it and bowing my 
head to Raghunath, I compose these lays in his honour ; he will correct all 
my defects, whose mercy is mercy inexhaustible. Thou art my good Lord, 
I thy poor servant ; bear this in mind and graciously protect me. By the 
experience of the world and the revelation of the Veda, Rama is known as a 
kind master, hearing prayer and acknowledging affection. Rich or poor, vil- 
lager or citizen, learned or unlearned, pure or impure, good poet or bad poet, 
all according to their ability extol him as their king ; and he, good, amiable 
and gracious, lord of incomparable compassion, hears and accepts their hon- 
est attempts, recognizing in their words both devotion and a measure of 
ability. This is the way with earthly kings, and Rama is their crown ; he is 
satisfied with simple piety though in one who is duller and feebler of intel- 
lect even than I am. 

Doha 32-33. 
The merciful Rama will regard the love and zeal of his poor servant, 
he who made a ship out of a rock and wise ministers out of monkeys and 
bears ; although I am a bye-word, and every one says Rama is exposed to 
ridicule in that he, being such a lord, has such a servant as Tulsi Das. 

My presumption is indeed very sad, as villanous and disgusting as 
hell ; but seeing me alarmed with these terrors of my own, Rama would not 
dream of regarding them ; but hearing and with his own eyes perceiving 
my good faith, the Lord applauded my devout intention. Though my story 
is spoilt by the telling, Rama is satisfied and accounts it good, since the 
will is good. The Lord is not mindful of a chance fault, but on every occa- 
sion he considers the heart. Thus the very crime, for which he, like a hunts- 
man killed Bali, was in turn the sin of Sugriva and again of Vibhishan ; 
but in their case Rama did not dream of censure, but honoured them both 
at the meeting with Bharat and commended them in open court. 

Dohd 34-36. 
The lord under the tree and the monkey on the bough he accounted all 
equal to himself : says Tulsi, there is no master so generous as Rama. O 
Rama, thy goodness is good to all, and if so, then good to Tulsi also. Thus 

22 F. S. Growse — The Prologue to the Bdmdyana of Tulsi Dds. [No. 1 

declaring my merits and defects and again bowing my head to all, I proceed 
to tell the glorious acts of Baghubar, by the sound of which all the sin of 
the world is effaced. 

Now listen all in friendly wise while I relate the story as I have heard 
it, as it was communicated by Yajnavalkya to the great sage Bharadwaja 
It was first of all composed by Siva and graciously revealed to Uma and 
again declared to Kaka-bhusundi, known to be chief among the votaries of 
Kama. From him Yajnavalkya received it, and he recited it to Bharad- 
vaja. These listeners and reciters were of equal virtue and had an equal 
insight into Hari's sportive actions. Their intellect comprehended all time 
as it were a plum in the palm of the hand ; other intelligent votaries of 
Hari have also in different ways heard, understood and spoken. 

Doha 37-38. 
I again heard the story from my own master at Sukarkhet, {i. e. So- 
ron) # without understanding it, when I was quite a child and had no sense. 
And how could such a dull creature, being both ignorant and eaten up with 
worldly impurities, understand so mysterious a legend and a dialogue be- 
tween such sage interlocutors. 

But my master repeated it time after time, till at length I understood 
as much as could be expected ; and I now put it down in the vulgar tongue, 
as well as my understanding allows me ; with my heart fixed on Hari's 
messenger (i. e. Hanuman), I speak with all the little sense, judgment and 
ability that I possess. The story that I have to tell clears my own doubts 
as it does every other error and delusion, and is a raft on which to cross the 
ocean of existence. The story of Kama is a resting-place for the intellect ; 
a universal delight ; a destroyer of worldly impurity ; an antidote to the 
venom of passion ; a match to enkindle the fire of wisdom ; the cow of plen- 
ty of this iron age ; flowers of ambrosia to make good men immortal ; a 
stream of nectar on the face of the earth ; destroyer of death ; a snake to 
devour toad-like error ; befriending the good by the destruction of hell, in 
the same way as Parvati befriended the gods by destroying the army of 
demons ; like Lakshmi rising from the sea in the assembly of the saints ; 
immovable as the earth that supports all the weight of creation ; like the 
Jamuna, to put to shame the angel of death ; like Kasi the saviour of all 
living creatures ; as dear to Rama as the pure Tulsi ; as dear to Tulsi 

* Soron, the modern name, is a corruption of Sukara-grama (Boar-town). The 
place is still much frequented by pilgrims ; the principal concourse being on the festival 
of the Varaha (or Boar) avatar. Sukara-grama = Suar-ganw = Suaranw - Soron. 

1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the Rdmdyana of Tulsi Das, 23 

Das as his own heart's desire ; as dear to Siva as the daughter of Mount 
Mekal (i. e. the Narmada) bestower of all perfection and prosperity; like 
Aditi gracious mother of all the gods j the perfect outcome of love and devo- 
tion to Eaghubar. 

Doha 39; 

The story of Eama is as the river Mandakini and a good intention like 
Mount Chitrakut, while sincere affection is as it were the forest where Ea- 
ma and Sita love to abide. 


The legend of Eama is like the delectable wishing-stone ; or as fair 
jewels to adorn Wisdom, the saint's bride ; His perfection is the joy of the 
world, conferring a state of virtue, wealth and eternal salvation ; # is a saint- 
ly instructor in wisdom, asceticism, and spiritual contemplation ; like the 
physician of the gods to heal the fearful diseases of life ; the very parent of 
devotion to Sita and Eama ; the seed of all holy vows and practices ; the 
destroyer of sin, of pain and of sorrow ; our guardian in this world and the 
next ; the Prime Minister and the General of Kingly Counsel ; a very 
Agastyaf to drink up the illimitable ocean of desire ; a young lion in the 
forest of life to attack the wild elephants of lust, anger and sensual impu- 
rity ; as dear to Siva as the presence of a highly-honoured guest ; as an 
abundant shower to quench the fire of meanness ; a potent spell against the 
venom of the world ; effacing from the forehead the deep brand of evil 
destiny ; dispelling the darkness of error like the rays of the sun ; like a 
shower on a rice-field refreshing the aridity of prayer ; like the tree of Pa- 
radise, granting every desire ; like Hari and Hara accessible and gracious 
to all servants ; like the stars in the clear autumn sky of the poet's mind ; 
like the richness of life enjoyed by Rama's votaries ; like the perfect felicity 
that is the reward of virtue ; like the assembly of the faithful in benevo- 
lence and composure ; like a swan in the pure lake of the believer's soul ; 
like the abundant flood of Ganga's purifying stream. 

* The reading of all the copies I have seen is Ddni muhti dhan dharm dhdm he ; 
and this accordingly I have translated. But dhdm might, with advantage, be corrected 
to Mm, in which case the enumeration would be the ordinary four-fold one of the ends 
of human existence viz. dharm, Mm, artha, moksha, ' religion, pleasure, wealth and final 
salvation.' It is, however, possible that Tulsi may purposely have suppressed Mm, plea- 
sure, as unworthy to be accounted a reAos ; though in many other passages he includes 
it. Dhdm may also be translated the Supreme Being, in which sense it gives a name 
to the sect of the DMmis, or disciples of Pran Nath. 

f As Agastya was one day worshipping by the sea-side, a wave came and washed 
away some of his altar furniture ; whereupon in three draughts he drank the whole 
ocean dry. 


24 F. S. Growse — The Prologue to the Bdmdyana of Iklsi Das. [Ifo 1 

Doha 40-41. 
Kama's perfect merit is like a strong fire to consume the dry wood of 
schism and heresy, evil practices and worldly deceit, hypocrisy and infidelity. 
His acts are like the rays of the full moon that give pleasure to all, but 
are specially consoling to the souls of the pious like the lotus and the 

All the questions that Bhawani asked, with Sankara's replies thereto 
I now proceed to give in substance, with agreeable diversity of style. No one 
is to be astonished if he should happen not to have heard any particular 
legend before ; for a wise man on hearing for the first time any marvellous 
act will feel no surprise, reasoning thus with himself : I know well that 
there is no limit in the world to the stories about Rama, for he has in vari- 
ous forms become incarnate, and the verses of the Ramayana are some thou- 
sand millions in number ; his glorious acts are of myriad diversity and have 
been sung by sages in countless ways. So indulge no doubts, but listen 
reverently and devoutly, 

Doha 42. 
Rama is infinite, his perfections infinite, and his legends of immeasur- 
able extent ; men of enlightened understanding will therefore wonder at 
nothing they hear, 

Having in this manner put away all doubt, I place on my head the dust 
from the lotus-feet of my master, and with folded hands making a general 
obeisance, that no fault may attach to my telling of the story, and bowing 
my head reverently before Siva, I proceed to sing of Rama's excellent glory. 
In this Samhat year of 1631, I write with my head at Hari's feet, on Tues- 
day the 9th of the sweet month of Chait at the city of Avadh ; on the day 
when the Scriptures say Rama was born ; when the spirits of all holy places 
there assemble, demons, serpents, birds, men, saints and gods, and there 
offer homage to Raghunath, while the enlightened keep the great birth-day 
festival and hymn Rama's high glory. 

Doha 43. 
Pious crowds bathe in the all-purifying stream of the Sarju, and mur- 
mur Rama's name, while his dark and beautiful form is imprinted on their 

The Vedas and Puranas declare that sin is cleansed by the mere sight 
or touch of this holy stream as well as by bathing in or drinking of it. Its 

1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to tie Mmayana of Tutsi Bds. 25 

immeasurable grandeur is indescribable even by the pure intelligence of Sara- 
svati. The city, exalting to Rama's heaven,* beautiful, celebrated through 
all worlds, is so all-purifying that countless as are the number of animate 
species that result from the four modes of birth, yet every individual that 
is freed from the body at Avadh is free for ever. Knowing it to be in every 
way charming, a bestower of success and a mine of auspiciousness, I there 
made a beginning of my sacred song, which will destroy in those who hear 
it the mad phrenzy of lust : its mere name— lake of Rama's acts— serves to 
refresh the ear, while the soul, like an elephant escaping from a forest on 
fire with lust, plunges into it and gains relief ; delight of the sages, as 
composed by Sambhu, holy and beautiful ; consuming the three ill condi- 
tions of sin, sorrow and want ; putting an end to the evil practices and im- 
purities of the wicked world ; first made by Mahadeva and buried in the 
deep lake of his own soul till at an auspicious moment he declared it to 
Uma ; thus Siva looking into his own soul and rejoicing gave it the ex- 
cellent name of Ram-charit-manas.t And this is the blessed legend that I 
repeat ; hear it, good people, reverently and attentively. 

Doha 44. 
Now meditating upon Uma and him who has a bull emblazoned on his 
standard (i. e. Mahadeva) I explain the connection, shewing how it is a lake 
and in what manner it is formed and for what reason it has spread through 
the world. % 

By the blessing of Sambhu a bright idea has come into the poet Tul- 
si's mind regarding the Ram-charit-manas, which I will state as well as I 
can, subject to the correction of those good people whose attention I invite. 
The heart is as it were a deep place in a land of good thoughts, the Vedas 
and Puranas are the sea, and saints are as clouds, which rain down praises of 
Rama in sweet, grateful and auspicious showers ; the sportive actions re- 
lated of him are like the inherent purity and cleansing power of rain- 
water, while devotion, which is beyond the power of words to describe, is its 
sweetness and coolness. When such a shower falls on the rice-fields of vir- 

* The compound may also mean, — giving a home to Eama — and probably both 
meanings are intended. 

t From this it will be seen that the name which Tulsi Das himself gave to his 
poem was not < the Eamayana,' hut the Eam-charit-manas ; a name which may be inter- 
preted to mean either the lake or the soul of Eama's acts. In the stanza above trans- 
lated, the word is first taken in the one sense, and then in the other ; and as there is no 
English word with the same double signification, some obscurity is unavoidable. 

+ The words may also bear the following secondary meaning : I relate the whole 
history, shewing how the great soul became incarnate and why it dwelt in the world. 

26 F. S. Qiovrse—The Prologue to the Mmdyana of Tulsi Das. m i 

tue, it gives new life to the faithful, and as its holy drops fall to the earth 
they are collected in the channel supplied by the ears, and flowing into the 
lake of the soul fill it and then settle down permanently cool, beautiful 
and refreshing. 

Doha 45, 

This pure and holy lake has four beautiful ghats, viz. the four charming 
dialogues contrived by divine wisdom ; 

The seven Books are its beautiful flights of steps which the eyes of the 
soul delight to look upon ; the unqualified and unsullied greatness of Ra- 
ghupati may be described as its clear and deep expanse. The glory of 
Eama and Sita as its ambrosial water ; the similes as its pretty wavelets • 
the stanzas as its beautiful lotus-beds ; the elegance of expression as lovely 
mother-of-pearl ; the ehhands, sorathas and couplets as many-coloured lotas 
flowers ; the incomparable sense, sentiment and language as the lotus-pollen, 
filaments and fragrance ; the exalted action as beautiful swarms of bees \ 
the sage moral reflections as swans ; the rhythm, involutions and all poeti- 
cal artifices as diverse graceful kinds of fish ; the precepts regarding the 
four ends of life, the wise sayings, the thoughtful judgments, the nine 
styles of composition,* the prayers, penance, abstraction and asceticism, of 
which examples are given, are all the beautiful living creatures in the lake ; 
the eulogies on the faithful, the saints, and the holy name are like flocks of 
water-birds ; the religious audience are like circling mango groves and their 
faith like the Spring season ; the expositions of all the phases of devotion 
and of tenderness and generosity are like the trees and canopying creepers ; 
self-denial and holy vows are as flowers, and wisdom as the fruit ; the love 
for Hari's feet as the sound of the Vedas ; and all other stories and episodes 
as the parrots and cuckoos and many kinds of birds. 

Doha 46. 
Pleasant is the sporting of the birds in grove, garden, or parterre, 
where good intention like a gardener bedews the eyes with the water of 

Those who accurately recite these lays are like the diligent guardians of 
the lake y the men and women who reverently hear them, these excellent 

* The 9 poetical styles (or Indian Muses) are the Sringar-ras, or erotic ; the 
Hasya-ras, or comic ; the Karuna-ras, or elegiac ; the Bir-ras, or heroic ; the Kaudra- 
ras, or tragic ; the Bhayanak-ras, or melancholic ; the Vihhatsa-ras, or satiric ; the 
Shant-ras, or didactic ; and the Adbhut-ras, or sensational. 

1876,] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the Mmayana of Tulsi Ms. 27 

people are like its owners. Sensual wretches are like the cranes and crows 
that have no part in this pond nor ever come near it ; for here are no pru- 
rient and seductive stories like the snails, frogs, and scum on the water, and 
therefore the lustful crow and greedy crane, if they do come, are disappoint- 
ed. There is much difficulty in getting to this lake, and it is only by the 
favour of Eama that any one reaches it. For there are difficulties of evil 
society ; rocks of heresy ; wicked words like tigers, lions, and serpents ; the 
various intanglements of domestic affairs, like vast insurmountable moun- 
tains ; sensual desires like a dense forest full of wild delusions ; and un- 
sound reasoning like a raging flood. 

Doha 47. 
For those who have not the support of faith nor the company of the 
saints, nor fervent love for Eaghunath ; for them this lake is very hard of 


Again, if any one laboriously makes his way to it, but becomes over- 
powered by sleep and feverishness, a strange torpor and numbness settle on 
his soul, and though he is on the spot the luckless wretch makes no ablu- 
tion. Having neither bathed in the lake nor drunk of it, he goes away in 
his pride, and when some one comes to enquire of him he abuses it. But 
those who by the blessing of Eama gaze upon it, and deterred by no diffi- 
culties, reverently bathe, are relieved from the fierce flames of sin, sorrow and 
pain, and being sincerely devoted to Eama will never abandon it. If, my 
friend, you would bathe in this lake, be diligent to keep company with 
the good. As for myself, having thus with the mind's eye contemplat- 
ed it, my poetical faculty has become clear and profound, my heart swells 
with joy and rapture and overflows in a torrent of ecstatic devotion. 
My song pours on like a river flooded with Kama's bright renown ; like 
the river Sarju, fountain of bliss, with religion and theology for its two fair 
banks ; a holy stream rejoicing the pious soul (or born of the Manas lake) 
sweeping away all worldly impurities like the trees and roots on its bank. 

Doha 48. 
The three kinds of hearers in the assembly are like the towns, villages 
and hamlets on the river side, while the saints are like the incomparable 
city of Avadh, full of all that is auspicious. 


The beautiful Sarju, as it were the glory of Eama, has united with the 

Ganges of devotion, and the magnificent river Son, like the warlike power 

of Eama and his brother, has joined them as a third. Between the two, the 

Ganges stream of devotion shines clear in its wisdom and self-control, while 

28 F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the Mdmdyana of Tulsi Dds. p$ i 

the combined flood destroying the triple curse of humanity, is absorbed i 
the mighty ocean of very Rama, The united stream of the Manas-born 
Sarju and the Ganges purifies the pious listener, while the various tales and 
episodes interspersed here and there are the groves and gardens on its op. 
posite banks ; the description of the marriage and wedding procession of 
Uma and Siva are like the innumerable fish in the water ; the joy and g-kd 
ness that attended Rama's birth are like beautiful swarms of bees. 

Doha 49. 

The childish sports of the four brothers are like the stores of goodly 
merchandise ; the virtuous king and queen and their court like the bees and 


The charming story of Sita's marriage like the bright gleam of the 
flashing river ; the many ingenious questions like the boats on the stream • 
the appropriate and judicious answers like the boatmen ; again, the argumen- 
tative discussions show like crowding travellers ; the wrath of Bhrigunath 
like the rushing torrent ; Rama's soft speech like the well arranged ghats ; 
the marriage festivities of Rama and Lakshman like the grateful swell of the 
tide ; the thrill of pleasure that spreads through the delighted audience like 
the ecstatic feelings of the virtuous bathers ; the auspicious preparations for 
marking Rama's forehead with the tilah like the crowds assembled on holi- 
days ; and like the river mud is Kaikeyi's evil counsel, the cause of many 

Doha 50. 

Like prayers and sacrifices effectual to remove every misfortune are 
Bharat's virtuous acts ; while the corruptions of the world, and sinful men, 
and slanderers are like the scum on the water and the cranes and crows. 

This river of glory is beautiful in each of the six seasons, bright and 
holy exceedingly at all times. In winter there is the marriage of Siva 
with the daughter of the snowy mountains ; in the dewy days the glad 
rejoicings at the Lord's birth ; the account of the preparations for Rama's 
wedding are for the delightful and auspicious spring ; Rama's intolerable 
banishment, the story of his rough journeyings and exposure to the sun and 
wind are the hot -weather ; his encounters with fierce demons, by which he 
gladdens the hosts of heaven, are like the rains that refresh the fields ; the 
prosperity of his reign, his meekness and greatness, are like the clear, bounti- 
ful and lovely autumn* ; the recital of the virtues of Sita, that jewel of 

* The six Hindu seasons, to which allusion is here made, are Hemant, winter ; 
Sisir, the early spring; Basant, the spring; Grishm, the hot weather ; Varsha, the 
rains ; and Sarad, the autumn. 

1876.] F. S. Growse— The Prologue to the B&m&yam of ' Tulsi Bis. 29 

faithful wives, is as the undented and excellent water ; the amiability of 
Bharat as its unvarying coolness. 

Doha 51. 
Their looks and words at meeting, their mutual love and laughter, the 
true fraternal affection of the four brothers are as the water's sweet odour. 

My suppliant address and self- depreciation and modesty correspond to 
the singular lightness of good water, which is anything but a defect. This 
marvellous lymph works its effect by the mere hearing, quenching the thirst 
of desire and cleansing the soul of impurity ; it resuscitates true love to 
Eama and puts an end to all the sin and sorrow of the world, draining life 
of its weariness, comforting with true comfort, destroying sin and pain and 
poverty and error, dispelling lust and passion and phrenzy and infatuation, 
and promoting pure intelligence and detachment from the world. Those 
who reverently drink or bathe in this stream, from their soul is effaced all 
sin and distress ; those who do not cleanse their heart in it are wretches 
whom the world has ruined, turning back, hapless creatures ! like a panting 
deer that has seen a river in a mirage. 

Doha 52-54. 

Thus have I declared to the best of my ability the virtues of this excel- 
lent water, and having plunged my own soul in it, and ever remembering 
Bhawani and Sankara I proceed with my delectable story. I will first repeat 
in substance the original conversation, with the questions put by Bharadwa- 
ja when he found the Muni Yajnavalkya ; and laying my soul at the lotus 
feet of Eaghupati and thus securing his patronage, I will sing the meeting 
of the two great saints and their auspicious discourse. 

Thus ends the Prologue and from here the real action of the poem com- 


[No. 1, 

On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. — By Major- General 
R. Maclaga^ E. E. 

The use of fire in some form or other in war, must have suggested 
itself to fighting people at a very early period in all countries, and has 
probably been practised in all ages, both for attack and for defence. To 
carry fire and sword into an enemy's territory is the common representation of 
active and desolating aggression. And from the simple and direct application 
of fire to the destruction of dwellings and other property, it was a natural step 
to devise ways of applying it from a distance by means of burning matter 
attached to missiles. 

In our day the term fire-arms is applied to weapons which, by means 
of explosive matter, project heavy bodies to a distance, though no fire may 
be carried by the missile itself. Early fire weapons in all countries sent the 
fire with the missile, discharging it by the mechanical appliances in ordinary 
use for throwing missiles of other kinds. 

When the use of igneous projectiles of any kind came to be commonly 
practised, endeavour was then made to devise means of projecting them 
with force that they might reach to a greater distance ; and, at the same 
time, of making them as tenacious as possible of the fire they carried, and as 
violent as possible in their combustion. Success in the first of these objects 
would, with the more ordinary inflammable materials, defeat the second, # 
and a great advantage was gained by the use, for this purpose, of combusti- 
bles of some more powerful kind. 

The earliest kinds of fire-missiles appear to have been much the same 
everywhere — arrows tipped with oiled flax, or wrapped with some soft mat- 
ter soaked in oil, and discharged in the ordinary way from bows. Such was 
the simple contrivance which, nearly five centuries before our era, the Per- 
sians who had occupied Mars Hill, made use of to fire the palisades of the 
defenders of the Acropolis. f And such, probably with little variation, were 
the fire-arrows J that were used in all countries for some hundreds of years. 
After a time, the improvement was introduced of putting the fire in a small 
perforated case, or hollow enlargement of the shaft, a little behind the 
point, which was roughly barbed to make it hold hard in the object assailed 
and keep the fire applied so long as it lasted. This was the malleolus, as 

* So with one of the early forms of fire-arrow, — Et si emissa lentius arcu invalido 
(ictu enim rapidiore exstinguitur ) haeserit usquam, tenaciter cremat, &c. Ammian. 
Marcell., XXIII, 4, 15 and XXIII, 6, 37. 

f Herod., VIII. 52. 

% Alluded to generally in Eph. vi. 16 as fieXri TreTrupo^eVa, and more or less specifi- 
cally by various authors as nvpcjyopoi burroi, -rrvpfyopa ro^v/jLara, ra irvpofioXa, &c. 

1876.] E. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 31 

it was made in the fourth century ;• a missile which seems to have been 
familiar for a long time under that name,f and which was no doubt origi- 
nally made hammer-headed in some sense, and afterwards had the fire case 
put into this more effective shape. It is of this improved missile that Am- 
mianus says it had to be projected with only moderate force, as otherwise 
the fire was apt to go out in the course of its flight. The fire-bearing 
javelin (called falarica), which was thrown by hand or with greater force 
by a tormentum or twisted cord apparatus, either had the ignited matter 
wrapped round the point J or, like the malleolus, carried the fire in a metal 
case or cage.§ And from the war engines were also thrown vessels of com- 
bustibles by themselves. j| 

Each of these kinds of burning missiles acquired increased efficiency by 
the employment of materials giving a more effective and persistent flame ; and 
petroleum or naphtha, when obtainable, or other bituminous products, came 
to be used in place of the vegetable oils.f In countries in which these mineral 
oils are found, in some form or other, the effective character of the fire used in 
this way in war may be generally ascribed to the use of materials of this class. 
Naphtha appears to have been the first and chief of the materials used for 
producing the Greek Fire, ## which was the most distinctive and destructive 
of the war-missiles of the middle ages in the' East. Other inflammable sub- 
stances, combined with naphtha or petroleum in the Greek Fire composi- 
tions, came next to be used in similar manner without the oil. And these 
dry compounds, of various proportions, used at first only in this way, 
reached their highest power and application when, in the form of gunpow- 
der, the explosive material was employed not merely for the purpose of 

* Aran, MarcelL, XXIII, 4, 14. 

f — plena omnia malleolorum ad urbis incendia comparatorum (Cic, Pro Mil., 

X As used by the defenders of Saguntum against Hannibal : — ad extremum unde 
ferrum exstabat. Id sicut in pilo quadratum stuppa circumligabant liniebantque pice. 
(Liv. XXI, 8.) And the flame, it is stated, instead of being extinguished, gained increased 
force in its passage through the air. 

§ Vegetius, De Re Militari, IV. XVIII. 

|| S77610 Trvpcpopa. Polyb., XXI, 5, 1. Arrian, Exp. Alex. I, 21, 22, 23 ; II, 19. Diod. 
Sic., XX. 4. Tac, Hist., II. 21. Virg., JEn., X. 13*0. 1. Maccab., VI, 51. Ockletj, 
Hist, of the Saracens, 427) . 

IT Bitumen, sulphur, picem liquidam, oleum quod incendiarium vocant ad exuren- 
das hostium machinas, convenit praeparare. Vegetius, Be Re Militari, IV, 8, and V, 14. 
&yyeia 8e Ogiov nal a<r(pd\Tov £fiirAri(rdfj.€Voi. nal (papy-dKov '6wep MtjSoi jjikv vdcpOav KaXovaiv, 
EAA?}i/e$ Se Mydeias '4\aiov. (Procopius, de Bell. Goth., quoted in Lalanne's Becherchcs sur 
le Feu Gregeois, p. 48). 

** "It would seem that the principal ingredient of the Greek Fire was naphtha or 
liquid bitumen." Gibbon, Chap. II. 


R. Maclagan — On ~Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 

[No. 1, 

feeding the fire in the projectile, but as the agent for discharging it. 
last is the great step from medieval to modern artillery. 

The advance from one kind of fire-missile and fire material to others 
more effective has not, there is reason to believe, been made by immediate 
Invention or discovery. Local conditions have originated, and practical 
experience has extended and modified, the use of various preparations 
and contrivances for this purpose. M. Remand, in the work* issued 
jointly by him and Colonel Fave in 1845, has brought together a 
number of extracts from Arabic works giving receipts for the prepar- 
ation of war-fire of sorts, showing that the compositions which it has been 
the custom to call Greek Fire were various, and that many of them con- 
tained one or two or all of the ingredients of gunpowder, before the times 
to which the invention of gunpowder is ordinarily ascribed. From these 
early receipts for fire-works and fire-missiles, and from the various accounts 
of Greek Fire and its effects, it would appear that modifications of these 
compositions, introduced from time to time, led up to the preparation of 
gunpowder ; which yet was not what we understand by gun-powder till it 
came to be prepared in a form adapting it for use as the propelling agent 
in guns, and to be so used. 

From very simple and rude arrangements for using the aid of fire in 
fighting, gradual progress in various ways had been generally made before 
gunpowder times ; yet simple and rude arrangements continued fco be used, 
even after better devices were known, when these were not available, or 
when the others were sufficient and suitable for the occasion. Sufficiently 
primitive was the method adopted by Timur, of carrying fire into the ranks 
of an enemy, when, in his battle before Dihli in A. D. 1399, he caused a 
number of camels to be laden with dry grass and driven towards the oppos- 
ing force with the grass set on fire, on sight of which the enemy's elephants 
fled.f This was a resort to a very rude contrivance at a time when modes 
of projecting fire to a distance were well known, and when fire was employed 

* Historie de l'Artillerie, Ire partie. Du Feu Gregeois, &c, pp. 25 et seq. 
Some notices of the early use, among the Arabs, of the ingredients of gunpowder, are 
given in a " History of the Art of War and Organisation of Armies in Europe" by Dr. 
Hermann Meynert ; a book I have not seen and only know of from a newspaper 

f This is one of the incidents of the Indian expedition related to Clavijo when he 
was residing at the court of Timur at Samarqand. {Embassy of Buy Gonzalez de Clavijo 
to the Court of Timour, A. D. 1403-6, p. 153.y/ According to other accounts, they were 
buffaloes that he used, tied together in pairs with burning bushes between them (Mau- 
rice's Modern History of Hindostan, II 9 20J. Somewhat similar, but with a different 
purpose, was Hannibal's device when in camp before Q. Fabius Maximus, B. 0. 200. 
Obducta nocte, sarmenta in cornibus juvencorum deligata incendit, ejusque generis mul- 
titudinem magnam dispalatam immisit. (Corn. Nep. } Hann. V.J 

1876,] E. Maclagan— On Harly Asiatic Mre Weapons. 


of more effective kinds for creating the alarm that was desired. Such fire- 
missiles were familiar to Timnr himself and his predecessors. At the siege 
of Otrar by Chingiz Khan, A. D. 1219, the defenders made good use of 
burning darts, to the injury of the besiegers' engines. The following year, 
in besieging the citadel of Bukhara after gaining the town, he threw in 
pots of burning naphtha. He used Greek Fire in his attack on Khiva, the 
same year, and it was used by and against him on other occasions. # Timur 
eight years before his invasion of India, had made use of Greek Fire dis- 
charged from his boats in his attack on a small town on the shores of the 
Caspian.f In India he encountered fire missiles of other kinds at his attack 
on Bhatnir, when " the besieged cast down in showers arrows and stones and 
fireworks upon the heads of the assailants. "J Timur himself relates that 
Sultan Mahmud, when he attacked him at Dihli, had elephants covered with 
armour, most of them carrying howdas " in which were throwers of grenades 
(ra? d-anddz) , fireworks (atash-Mz) , and rockets (takhsTi-anddz) ." § Timur, 
in his engagement with Bayazid I., before Angora, three years after the Dihli 
battle, had a special body of men for throwing Greek Fire.]] What was 
the nature of the various fireworks used by Sultan Mahmud at Dihli, and 
by the defenders of Bhatnir, is not indicated. In the regions where Greek 
Fire was used by Chingiz and Timur, naphtha abounded or was readily ob- 
tainable, and it is, in some of the instances, named as the material used. 
There does not seem to be reason to believe that Timur was acquainted with 
gunpowder, as General Cunningham has supposed. 1 ^ The use of Greek Fire, 
or of missiles answering to the descriptions of the fire generally so designat- 
ed, was practised chiefly in countries where naphtha, petroleum, or bitumen, 
is produced, and more rarely elsewhere. It is stated that Edward I., when 
besieging Stirling Castle in 1304, after calling for large supplies of balistse, 
quarrells, bows, and arrows, from York, Lincoln, and London, " gave orders 
for the employment of a new and dreadful instrument of destruction, the 
Greek Fire, with which he had probably become acquainted in the East. 9 ' ## 
There is nothing to show what the composition was, but it is most probable 
that this, as well as the fireworks which Timur encountered at Dihli and at 
Bhatnir, was composed of some of the dry materials used elsewhere combin- 
ed with naphtha, — the ingredients of the future gunpowder, 

* Petis de la Croix, History of Genghisean, pp. 166, &c, and 190, &c, from Mir- 
khwand and others, 

f Life of Timour Beg, prefixed to Markham ? s translation of Clayijo. 

X Malfuzdt i Timiiri, in Sir H. Elliot's Historians of India, by Prof, Dowson, 
III, 424. 

§ The same, III, 439. 

II Langles, Yie de Timour, p. 88, (quoting Sharafuddin). 

nr Essay on the Arian Order of Architecture, J. A. S. B., XVII, 1848, ii., 244. 

** For this statement Tytler refers to the Liber Garderohae, or "Wardrobe Book, of 
Edward I, p. 52 (Hist, of Scotland, I, 181). 

84 E. Maclagan — On JEarly Asiatic Mfe Weapons, [j^ j 

From the account above referred to of the defence of Bhatnir, it would 
appear that the fire was not projected to a distance, but thrown down from 
above on the attacking party when they came near. The direct delivery of 
hot matter on the heads of assailants, and of fire upon their engines when 
they approached close to the walls, is a means of offensive defence which 
must have occurred to most people, and for which special arrangements were 
often made in the construction of defensible places : — 

Where upon tower and turret head 

The seething pitch and molten lead 

Keek'd like a witch's cauldron red.* 

The kind of defence is one which was by no means superseded by the 
possession of means of projecting the fire or scalding matter to a distance - 
but it was an arrangement of more prominent importance, and which receiv- 
ed very special care and attention, in times when there was both more hand- 
to-hand work in fighting, and closer operations in the attack and defence of 
fortified positions. Sir Eichard Maitland's defence of his castle of Lander 
in 1296 is commemorated in the ballad which tells us how he cast down 
combustibles upon the roofed machine called the sow (a British version, of 
testudo or musculus) when it was brought close up :— 

They laid their sowies to the wall 
"WT mony a heavy peal, 

But he threw ower to them agen 
Baith pitch and tar barrel.f 

a plan which was followed also, not without much art and skilfully 
prepared appliances, by the Flemish engineer, John Crab, in the defence of 
Berwick when besieged by Edward II. in 1319. Barbour relates how to 
"throw Crabys cunsaiU" they rigged up a cram " rynnand on quheills", 
that it might be readily brought to any part of the walls when required : 

And pyk, and ter, als haiff thai tane, 

And lynt, and herds, % and brymstane, 

And dry treyis that wele wald Tbrin. 

of which they made " gret fagalds" to be lifted over by the machine 
and dropped, burning, on the assailants' engines, which were at the same 
time laid hold of with grappling hooks and chains to prevent their removal. 

* Lay of the Last Minstrel. 

Hi jaculis, illi certant defendere saxis, 

Molirique ignem, nervoque aptare sagittas. (JEn. X, 130.) 
t AuU Maitland. (Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border.) 

It was an exact repetition of an old proceeding. " Cupas teda ac pice refertas in- 
eendunt, easque de muro in musculum devolvunt." (C^sar, de Bell. Civ., II. 11.) This 
is what the defenders of Marseilles did, B. C. 49. 
% Refuse of flax. 


E. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 


And giff the sow come to the wall, 

To lat it brynand on her fall, 

And with stark chenyeis hald it thar, 

Quhill all were brynt up that thar war.* 
For exposure to any such direct and plentiful application of fire at close 
quarters some roof covering of a not very inflammable kind was needed. The 
musculus which, came under the fire of the Massilian tar-barrels,f was pre- 
pared for it, sheltered by tiled roofing covered with earth and hides. Pro- 
tection, also, against fire missiles discharged from a distance needed, in order 
to answer its purpose, to be adapted to the character of the burning matter 
which it had to resist ; and shelter which was sufficient against the more 
innocent combustibles was not fitted to encounter burning naphtha or Greek 
Fire. Against the more primitive fire-arrows, leathern mantlets served for 
the protection of the soldiers and workmen, and for the defensive covering 
of the towers and engines. At the attack on Bamian by Chingiz Khan, 
A. D. 1221, an order was given to kill as many horses and cows as would 
provide hides to cover the besieging engines, by which it is said they were 
effectually protected. The fire thrown by the defenders did them no harm. 
But at Khojand, two years before, when the besieged threw burning naph- 
tha, additional shelter was used, made of sheets of felt covered with clay, 
and moistened with vinegar. % By many writers vinegar is mentioned as the 
best or only means of quenching Greek Fire.§ Against the fire arrows and 

* Barbour, The Bruce, Book XVII. 

f Thucyd., II, 75. Arrian., Exp. Alex., II, 18. When we are told of a stouter pro- 
tection being insufficient against a phalarica, — 

Sed magnum stridens contorta phalarica venit 
Fulminis acta modo ; quam nee duo taurea terga 
Nee duplici squama lorica fidelis et auro 
Sustinuit. (Virg. ^En. IX, 705.) 
we may infer that this had nothing to do with the kind of fire with which the 
javelin was charged, but is meant to indicate, in poetical fashion, the force with which it 
was launched by the hand of a hero. 

t Petis de la Croix, Hist, of G-enghiscan, 307, 190. In the First Crusade an engine 
is said to have been made to Godfrey's order by 

" a cunning architect, 
William, of all the Genoas lord and guide." 

" whereof he clothed the sides 
Against the balls of fire with raw bull's hides." 

Tasso, Jer. Del. (Fairfax's translation), XVIII, 41, 43. 
But this protection was not effectual. It could not withstand the Greek Fire 
(XVIII, 84), 

§ So in two Latin Chroniclers quoted by Lalanne in his Eecherches sur le Feu Gre- 
geois, p. 30 ;— " Inextinguibilem ab omni re prseter acetum" (Ditmar). — " Grsecum 
ignem qui nullo praeter aceti liquore exstinguitur." (Luitprand.) A very old writer on 
military affairs, iEneas Poliorceticus, (about 360, B. C.) says (ch. 34) that the fire 



86 E. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Mre Weapons. m i 

fire Pdo of the Tartars, the Chinese (A. D. 1273) constructed defensive 
covering for their horses of rice straw ropes covered with clay.* 

It is when Greek Fire comes to he employed that the noise is specially 
noticed ; which has given occasion to the surmise that it was in reality 
gunpowder. A French writer who has made researches on the subject 
(M. Lalanne), endeavours to show that it was nothing else than gunpowder 
used as such, and that the tubes from which it was sometimes discharged' 
were cannon. But it may be observed that the noise mentioned in connec- 
tion with Greek Fire was the noise accompanying the flight and combustion 
or explosion of the burning missile itself, as it came among the people 
against whom it was launched. Noises of a kind that would be alarming 
to those unused to this instrument of warfare, may accompany the combus- 
tion of naphtha or petroleum, which appears generally to have been the 
chief ingredient of this fire composition. And any noise would contribute 
to the terror occasioned by encountering a hostile fire so formidable on other 
accounts, and would be magnified by the apprehensions of those exposed to 
it. And their accounts of it constantly exhibit the perturbation it caused. 

They come not, — while his fierce beleaguerers pour 

Engines of havoc in, unknown before 

And horrible as new ; javelins that fly 

Enwreath'd with smoky flames through the dark sky, 

And red hot globes that, opening as they mount, 

Discharge, as from a kindled naphtha fount, 

Showers of consuming fire o'er all below.f 
The most graphic accounts of the Greek Fire, " horrible as new," and 
of the wonder and alarm which it created, are given in the pleasant pages 

thrown by the enemy is to be put out with vinegar. He goes on to mention (ch. 35) 
a certain vdp i<rxvp6u, which he says can by no means be extinguished ; and Ca- 
saubon, in his comment, thinks from the terms used that though certain materials are 
named (pitch, sulphur, &c), something more is possibly intended, of the nature of 
Greek Fire. (Isaaci Casauboni in JEneam Notce, 587.) 

* Eeinaud and Fave, Feu Gregeois, p. 196. Yule's Marco Polo, 2nd Ed., II, 154. 
^ f Lalla Uoolch. The Veiled Prophet. Moore's note, along with other references, 
notices Gibbon's account of the Greek Fire—" It was either launched in red-hot balls of 
stone and iron, or darted in arrows or javelins twisted round with flax and tow which 
had deeply imbibed the inflammable oil." Fire missiles of the same general character, 
and formidable quite as much on account of their novelty to those against whom they 
were used as on account of their real power or destructiveness, were in use long before 
anything ^ of the kind bore the name of Greek Fire. " The Bhodians had engines on 
board their ships, by means of which they threw fire upon those of the enemy. This 
probably resembled the substance which in later times was called Grecian fire : to judge 
of it from the manner in which the Greek historians speak of it, it was not thrown with 
rockets, and was certainly something inextinguishable and not generaUy known." 
(Niebuhr's Lectures on the History of Home, by Schmidt, II, 184 .) 


R. Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 


of the Sire de Joinville's History of St. Louis. " La maniere dn feu gregois 
estoit tele que il venoit bien devant aussi gros comme un tonnel de verjus, 
et la queue du feu qui partoit de li, estoit bien aussi grant comme un grant 
glaive. II f aisoit tele noise au venir, que il sembloit que ce f eust la f oudre du 
ciel ; il sembloit un dragon qui volast par l'air. Tant getoit grant clarte que 
Ton veoit parmi l'ost comme se il feust jour, pour la grant foison du feu 
qui getoit la grant clarte."* This was in Egypt, in 1249. It was dis- 
charged from the engines called perriere (pierriere) upon the crusaders' 
cJias-chastiaus, or towers, and against their stockades. Again it is describ- 
ed as having been thrown by hand, in what we may suppose to have been 
something like grenades. " Au darrien il amenerent un vilain a pie, qui 
leur geta troiz foiz feu gregois. L'une des foiz requeilli Guillaume de Boon 
le pot de feu gregois a sa roelle ; car se il se feust pris a riens sur li, il eust 

este ars."f And again attached to arrows, " si grant foison de pyles 

a tout le feu gregois, que il sembloit que les estoiles du ciel cheissent."| 

Hallam, in noticing Joinville's account of the Greek Fire, calls it " an 
instrument of warfare almost as surprising and terrible as gunpowder." § 
And in another place he refers to a frequently-quoted passage of an Arabic 
work, 1 1 written just about the time of Joinville's first-mentioned experience 
of Greek Fire, and which mentions, Hallam says, the use of gunpowder in 
engines of war, " though they may seem to have been rather like our fire- 
works than artillery." Quoting from Casiri's Latin translation, " serpunt 
susurrantque scorpiones circumligati ac pulvere nitrato incensi, unde explosi 
fulgurant ac incendunt," he says " one would be glad to know whether 
pulvis nitratus is a fair translation." If Mr. Hallam had had the advan- 
tage of seeing the results of the researches of M.M. Reinaud and Fave, he 
would (although the translation is shown to be open to objection) have 
had no occasion to question the literal pulvis nitratus, without coming to 
the conclusion, as he does, that " there can on the whole be no doubt that 
gunpowder is meant. "^ The description which follows the passage quoted 
above is not very different from other accounts of Greek Fire, which indicate 

* L'Historie de Saint Louis, Oh. XLIII. 

f Ibidem, Oh. XLIX. 

% Ibidem, Ch. LXIII, 

§ Middle Ages, I, i., p. 41 (ed. 1860). 

|| In Casiri, Bibl. Arab. Hispan., t. ii, p. 7. (Reference in Hallam.) 

IT Middle Ages, I, 479. M. Eeinaud notices that the word bdriid, used in the ori- 
ginal of the passage referred to, is applied both to nitre and to gunpowder. He gives 
the passage in the Arabic, and a corrected translation in French, and adds, " On voit que 
Casiri, qui traduisait bdroud par pulvere nitrato, et qui ne connaissait pas d'autre pro- 
priety de la poudre que l'explosion, en a introduit l'idee dans sa traduction. Voulant 
donner un sens a ce passage, il etait naturellement amene a y voir l'emploi que nous 
faisons maintenant de la poudre." (Reinaud and Fave, Feu Greg., 67 J 

38 R. Maclagan— On Harly Asiatic Fire Weapons. rjf -. 

some material like petroleum, persistent in burning, and readily laying hold 
of, and setting fire to, objects with which it came in contact. 

In a history of the early Muhammadan occupation of Egypt, called th 
Maurid al-latafat, where mention is made of the use of naphtha for fiery 
missiles, in A. H. 532 (A. D. 1138), the English translator says in his note 
" Utrum auctor noster per vocabulum Naptham significare velit composi- 
tionem illam quam plurimi antiqui scriptores nomine Ignis Grceci comme- 
morarunt, an nostrum Pulverem tormentorium, nescio." # As the author 
says the missiles were fed with naphtha ( kftJJO ), there need be no doubt. 
As elsewhere, other materials may have been added, but there is nothing to 
indicate this. The translator, however, thinks the supposition that possibly 
gunpowder was used, is supported both by the passage from Casiri referred 
to by Hallam, and by another account of a still earlier date. " Et quidem 
apud Arabas vetustissimum pulveris nitrati usum esse liquet ; refert Elma- 
cinus, Lib. I. Hist. Sar., ' Eodem hocce anno {soil. A. H. 71, [A. D. 690]), 
Hajaz arcta premens obsidione Meccam, manganis et mortariis, ope napth© 
et ignis in Cabam jactis, illius tecta diruit, combussit et in cineram rede- 
git.' '' The names applied to the engines might raise some question, but the 
naphtha is there. And in many other instances naphtha is distinctly men- 
tioned, by oriental and other writers, as thus used in medieval fire missiles. 
To which, in the West, people have been accustomed to give the name of 
Greek Fire.f 

But, on other grounds besides the mention of pulvis nitratus in some of 
the Greek Eire compositions, it has been inferred that gunpowder was known, 
as a source of power for propulsion as well as a pyrotechnic composition, 
and that cannon were used, in times long anterior to those of the really 
known and certain application of gunpowder to the purposes of modern 
artillery. In particular, the frequent use of tubes for the discharge of the 

* Maured Attatafet, ed. J. D. Carlyle, A. M. 

f Advenit etiam legatus Kaliphae juvenis illustris, secum vehens naphtse duo onera, 
multitudinemque naphtariorum artificum in ignibus jaculandis. (Bahd ud-dz'n, transl. by 
Schultens, quoted by Lalanne, Eecherches sur le Feu Gregeois, p. 41, note.) Tasso (La 
(j-erus., Lib. XII, 17) makes the magician Ismeno prepare a composition for burning the 
war engines of the enemy, of which composition a note by one of his editors, Signor 
Pietro Traticelli, says, " Dal miscuglio di qui parla Ismeno, dover risultarne il cosi detto 
fuoco greco, &c." " Qnesto fuoco," he goes on to say, quoting the Military Dictionary of 
Giuseppe Grassi, " e invenzione antichissima de' Persian!, i quali adoperavono il nafta 
come principale ingrediente di esso." And he adds " I Saraceni lo componevano in 
quel tempo col nafta o petrolio, che si raccoglie nelle vicinanze di Bagdad." And the 
poet, further on (XVIII, 47), when 

Ismen prepara 
Copia di fochi inusitata e rara, 
says that the asphalt of the Dead Sea was used in the composition. 


R. Maclagan— On Uarty Asiatic Mre Weapons. 

Greek Fire, and the fact of a report of some kind being often mentioned in 
connection with it, have helped to give occasion to this belief. 

Gibbon, in his account of the siege of Constantinople, A. D. 717, after 
observing that the principal ingredient of Greek Fire seems to have been 
naphtha or liquid bitumen, says that, when employed at sea, it was " most 
commonly blown through long tubes of copper, which were planted on the 
prow of a galley, and fancifully shaped into the mouths of savage monsters, 
that seemed to vomit a stream of liquid and consuming fire." # A little 
earlier than the occasion to which Gibbon's account relates, a similar mode 
of discharging naphtha fire on land appears to have been practised by the 
Arab invaders of Sind (A. H. 93, A. D. 712). Their employment of naph- 
tha in their battles with the Hindu inhabitants is noticed repeatedly in the 
Ghachndmah, in passages of which extracts are given in Yol. I, of Prof- 
Dowson's edition of Sir H. Elliot's Muhammadan Historians of India.f 
When the enemy's elephants approached, Muhammad Kasim ordered his 
naphtha-throwers to attack them. Burnes, quoting from another part of 
the ChacJindmah, not included in Sir H. Elliot's extracts, or from another 
version, says the Muhammadans, in the battle at Alor, when the elephants 
were brought against them, had to assail them with combustibles. They 
" filled their pipes, and returned with them to dart fire at the elephants.' 9 
Burnes, in his foot-note, supposes pipes for smoking to be meant, and 
remarks that it must have been bhang or hemp which they smoked in those 
days, as tobacco was not known. J But apparently the word should have 
been tubes. They were probably like what were called in the West y^ipoai^va^ 
or hand-tubes, employed for the same purpose, § in which either naphtha 
or special fire compositions might be used, and through which the fire was 
discharged, or in which it was thrown. One of the meanings given by 
Golius to the word nafdt or nqffat is " instrumentum seneum quod explodi- 
tur naphtha seu pulveris pyrii ope, soil, tormentum bellicum."j| He seems 
to intimate that a name originally connected with naphtha may have con- 
tinued to be used to designate the weapon, even after gunpowder or other 

* " We got into a boat like a fire ship," Ibn Batuta says, in telling of a trip on a 
canal in China. A. D. 1345 (Yule's Cathay, II, 499.) He seems to allude to some par- 
ticular kind or form of ship which used to be thus fitted with fire-throwing apparatus. 
(The passage is one of those omitted in Lee's abridgment translation of Ibn Batuta.) 

f Pp. 170, 172, 174. 

% Travels into Bokhara, I, 67. 

§ Extracts from the Emperor Leo's Tactica given by Lalanne (Feu Gregeois, p. 21). 
From Leo's description it would appear that the tubes themselves, when filled with the 
fire composition, were to be thrown in the face of the enemy. 

II Lexicon Arabieo-latinum, klsi) and ilAJ ? p. 2425. 

40 R Maelagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. \^ 1 

combustible had come to be used in it in place of naphtha.^ Beckmann * 
bis "History of Inventions and Discoveries/' quotes an account of'th 
Greek Fire at the capture of Thessalonica by the Saracens in A. D. 904 
which says that it was blown into the wooden works of the besieged b 
means of tubes. f A number of passages mentioning this use of tubes f 
discharging Greek Fire, in the same century and after, are given by M 
Lalanne in his Becherches sur le Feu Gregeois. % And he surmises that 
certain tubes which Chateaubriand mentions having seen in a collection of 
old arms shown to him at Jerusalem, may have been specimens of the im- 
plements used for Greek Fire. § But the idea seems to be of much older date 
than any of the middle age instances referred to.Jj 

There is nothing to show or suggest that in any of the instances in 
which tubes were used for Greek Fire, the combustible matter they contained 
was employed to furnish the motive force, or otherwise than as the material 
for the fire to be thrown. It is certain that this fire material was frequent. 
ly or generally liquid, and that this liquid was naphtha or petroleum. It 
appears also that other inflammable ingredients were sometimes added • and 
that frequently the dry materials, including one or more of the ingredients 
of gunpowder, were used alone. 

Of reports or noises accompanying fire missiles, which have induced the 
supposition that something of the nature of cannon was used, or shells 
exploding by means of gunpowder, the most familiar illustration in India 
is that given in the account by Firishtah of Mahmiid's battle with Anandpal 
near Pashawar, in A. D. 1008, when the elephant on which the Hindu 
prince rode was alarmed by the sudden noise and fled. The notice of this 
passage in Firishtah gave occasion to the interesting Note by Sir Henry 
Elliot, in the original first volume of his " Index to the Muhammadan His- 

* As we continue to call a thing a chandelier when the lights it carries are no longer 
candles ; and a volume, when it has ceased to be a volumen, &c., &c. The very word tor- 
mentum, which G-olius here uses, is another illustration. 

f Hist, oflnv. and Disc, II, 249. The quotation is from Leo Allatius, cir. 1650. 

% In the times of the Emperor Leo, about A. D. 900 ; of Const. Porphyr., A. D. 
950; Alexius, A. D. 1100, &c, 7re/n rod vypov irvpbs rov Slot toov crify&vcav ixp epofiwov, 
&c., &c, pp. 17,24, &c. Lalanne quotes also a Russian Chronicle of the tenth century, 
which speaks of "une espece de feu aile" which was discharged "au moyen d'un cer- 
tain tuyau," p. 29. 

§ Lalanne, p. 59. " Je remarquai encore des tubes de fer de la longueur et de la 
grosseur d'un canon de fusil, dont j'ignore l'usage." Chat., Ltineraire, II, 313. 

|| Casaubon, in his Notes on iEneas Poliorceticus, after noticing various ancient 
fire missiles, says " Observo etiam, ad liquida injicienda, qu^e Philo appellat vypa T€6ep- 
fiacTfi&a, prselongis interdum usos fistulis, quas idem nominat iverrtpasr This Philo 
wrote in the third century B. C. 

R. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 


torians of India/ 9 on the early use of gunpowder in India.* General Briggs 
had observed, in his translation of Firishtah, that in some manuscripts the 
words top (cannon) and tufang (musket) have been written, in place of the 
naff (naphtha) and Miadang (arrow) of other copies. A confirmation of the 
reading top and tufang, Sir H. Elliot says, is given by Wilken, who found 
this in two copies he had consulted, in which the roar of the cannon also is 
mentioned. " He considers it not improbable that Greek Fire was used by 
Mahmud. Dow boldly translates the word as guns"f Sir H. Elliot ob- 
serves, with reference to Firishtah's account generally, that it does not ap- 
pear on what authority he rests his statement, as the earlier historians who 
notice this important engagement do not mention either naff or top. % But 
he adds that from the mention of the use of naphtha ten years later, in an 
action near Multan, and from the circumstance of naphtha being found in 
abundance in the country near the scene of the first engagement in question, 
it is probable that if any combustibles were used on that occasion, they were 
composed of naphtha. The fact that the fire missile alarmed the elephant, 
would give no indication that it was of any remarkable or unusual kind* 
And the noise (gada) is mentioned in those versions of Firishtah which speak 
of naphtha and arrows, as well as in those which use the words top and 
tufang. § It seems to have proceeded from the missile itself, not from the 
discharge of it. There need not be difficulty in supposing that the noise 
was of the nature of an explosion, if naphtha alone was used, or naphtha 
with other combustibles, thrown in shells, cases, or tubes, as elsewhere. 

* P. 340. 

f The ordinary form of the passage in Firishtah is — 

Dow's version is— " On a sudden the elephant upon which the prince of Lahore, who 
commanded the Indians in chief, rode, took fright at the report of a gun, and turned 
his face to flight." And he says in a foot-note, " According to our accounts there were 
no guns at this time, but many eastern authors mention them, ascribing the invention 
to one Lockman." (Dow's History of Hindostan, I, 46.) He gives no references to any 
of these eastern authors. 

X It may be noticed, however, that the Kit db-i- Taming one of the histories referred 
to by Sir H. Elliot in this passage, speaks in another place (not relating to this engage- 
ment) of the use of dtash-didah ban, or fire-eyed rockets, which, an English translator 
remarks, " may have encouraged the idea that artillery was known in Mahmud's age/ 5 
(Kitdb-i-Yamini, translated by the Eev. J, Eeynolds, page 279.) 

§ Maurice, writing of this battle, says, " A species of fire weapon seems to have 
been in use at that time in Asiatick battles ; and the sudden explosion of one of those 
instruments of destruction, close by the elephant on which the prince of Lahore, the 
generalissimo of the army, rode, &c, &c. " "Which seems to be Dow repeated, with a 
slight variation, and evading his "bold" use of the word gun. (Modern History of 
Hindostcm, 7 ? 253.) Dow's translation was recent at the time Maurice's book was written. 

42 R. Maclagan— On Marly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [^ 0> j 

Numerous modern petroleum explosions* have made us familiar with the 
reports it is capable of producing. Such big demonstrations, of course can 
hardly be taken to illustrate what happens with a naphtha shell, but those 
who have had an opportunity of seeing and hearing a Kerosine lamp explode 
in their room can understand what it means. The naphtha vapour, like 
other gases of the same class, when combined with atmospheric air, explodes 
with a report which, even on a moderate scale, is sufficient, with fiery ac- 
companiment, to alarm an elephant. Explosions are produced, as illustrated 
by frequent experiences, when the gas, issuing from the ground, or accumu- 
lating over the petroleum in wells, is suddenly ignited. f The use of tubes 
for the discharge of fire missiles, and the accompanying report, might, taken 
together, easily give occasion, in after times, to the idea that guns and gun- 
powder were used, though the combustible material was really naphtha or 
Greek Fire. There is, however, not much to indicate that the noises men- 
tioned were of the nature of what we call a report, and nothing to support 
the idea that in Mahmud's time, the beginning of the eleventh century, guns 
and gunpowder were known. 

The use of hollow canes for giving a direction to darts and other mis- 
siles is, no doubt, a practice of great antiquity, followed in the present day 
also by inhabitants of uncivilised islands, and others, and represented among 
ourselves by our juvenile pea-shooters. In India, bamboos have been used 

* The dangerous nature of which called for the English Petroleum Act of 1862, 
and the Ordonnance du Prefet de Police (relative a l'emploi des huiles de Petrole) in 
July, 1864. 

f Thus, for instance, at the great ahode of naphtha on the Caspian :— " Outside the 
temple at Baku is a well. I tasted the water, which is strongly impregnated with naph- 
tha. A pilgrim covered this well over with two or three nummuds for five minutes. He 
then warned every one to go to a distance, and threw in a lighted straw ; immediately 
a large flame issued forth, the noise and appearance of which resembled the explosion of 
a tumbril." (Captain the Hon. Or. Keppel's Journey from India to England, II, 221.) 
The French missionary Imbert, quoted by Hue {Chinese Empire, Ch. VII), describes an 
occurrence of the same kind at the mouth of one of the Chinese fire-wells. " As soon as 
the fire touched the surface of the well, there arose a terrific explosion, and a shock as of 
an earthquake ; and at the same moment the whole surface of the court appeared in 
flames." " I believe", he says, " that it is a gas or spirit of bitumen," To pass to an 
illustration on a very small scale, probably many people who have visited the fire tem- 
ple of Jwala Mukhi in the Kangra District, of the Panjab, will remember the smart pop 
with which one of the tiny jets of gas issuing from the rock is re-lighted, when it has 
been accidentally blown out (as they are sometimes by sparrows flying quickly past 
them). It is the too well-known property of one of the most familiar of the hydro- 
carbons, the grison or fire-damp, to explode with serious results. " II brule tranquille- 
ment avec une flame jaunatre, taut qu'il n'est pas mele avec l'air atmospherique ; mais 
dans le cas contraire, il detone avec violence". " Quelquefois il se degage seul, mais 
souvent il est melange de petrole plus ou moins epais et de bitume." (Beudant, Mine'ra- 
logie, 232). 


E. Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 


for this purpose, in very early times, with fire-arrows. * And in connection 
with the use of naphtha tubes in war, it is not uninteresting to notice the 
employment of canes for naphtha and Inflammable gas for economic pur- 
poses. Humboldt, in his account of the Ho-tsing or fire-wells of China,f 
and of th<? rope-loring for water, salt, and combustible gas, which is prac- 
tised " from the south-west provinces of Yun-nan, Kuang-si, and Szu-tchuan 
on the borders of Tibet to the northern province of Shan-si", says " the gas 
burns with a reddish flame, and often diffuses a bituminous smell ; it is con- 
veyed to a distance, sometimes through pipes of bamboo, sometimes in por- 
table tubes, also of bamboo, to be used in salt works, in warming houses, or 
In lighting streets. "£ Also for cooking food, as mentioned in an old ac- 
count by a Chinese writer,§ and for other purposes. |j Hue, describing 
these fire wells, says " a little tube of bamboo closes the opening of the well 5 
and conducts the inflammable air to where it is required ; it is then kindled 
with a taper, and burns continuously."^ In an old review article in the 
AthencBwn mention is made of an account in the Lettres JEdifiantes of oil 

* Halhed's Genfoo Laws. Introduction, p. 50. See also Moor's Hindu Pantheon, 
p, 299, and As. Researches, I, 264. 

f Asie Centrale, II, 519-540. Cosmos (Sabine's transl.), IV, 216. 
X Here, perhaps, we have the original vdpdrj^ of Prometheus, 

The secret fount of fire 
I sought, and found, and in a reed concealed it, 
Whence arts have sprung to men, and life hath drawn 
Rich store of comforts. (Prom. VincU 107. Prof. Blackie's translation). 

Sore ills to man devised the heavenly sire, 
And hid the shining element of fire. 
Prometheus then, benevolent of soul, 
In hollow reed the spark recovering stole. 

* * * * 

The far seen splendour in a hollow reed 
He stole of inexhaustible flame. 

(Hesiodhj Elton. Ancient Classics for English Readers, pp. 24-92 ). 

§ " In all parts of this Province (Shan-si) are found fiery wells which very con- 
veniently serve for the boiling of their victuals." (Description of China, by Dionysius 
Kao, appended to Ysbrants Ides' Travels, A. D. 1692, p. 125). 

|| " On utilise ces feux naturels pour la cuisson de la chaux, des briques, &c." Beu- 
dant, Miner alogie, p. 23 3. 

IT Chinese Empire, Chap. VII. The practice is mentioned also by Sir John Davis. 
{The Chinese, p, 336). And at some of the American oil wells the same method is fol- 
lowed at the present day. " Some of the pumping engines generate steam by the aid of 
the combustible gas that is so commonly associated with the petroleum, it being only 
necessary to conduct it by a pipe from the tanks in which the oil accumulates to the 
furnace of the engine/' (Prof, H. Draper of New York. Quarterly Journal of Science, 
London, 1865, II, 49.) 

44 R. Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. rjj . j 

that rose from the earth, (at places in China) turned in hollow bamboos in 
any direction, which burned with a clear flame.* The naphtha gas of Baku 
is said to be carried about in bottles,f as that of China is in bamboo tubes. 
It is not improbable that naphtha tubes for hostile purposes may have been 
suggested by the use of bamboos for the oil and for the gas in the modes 
above noticed. 

Not alone on account of similarity of form, then, but with reference 
also, it may be supposed, to previous uses of tubes for Greek Fire, and of 
bamboos for discharging fire arrows, and for carrying petroleum and gas, has 
the name canna been carried forward and applied to modern artillery. The 
connection of bomb and bombarda with bamboo, however, is not one which 
illustrates the derivation of the artillery terms from the name of the cane. 
B6fx/3o<s, bombus, a hum or noise, is no doubt the origin of bomba and bom- 
barda. And bamboo, (which is not a name it bears in its own countries) is 
supposed to be derived from the same origin (via, bomba), and to have been 
applied to it by the Portuguese, with reference to the noisy explosion of the 
air chambers of the cane when burning. % This is possible, though the ex- 
perience which occasioned the application of the name must be supposed to 
have been very exceptional. 

For indication of the knowledge of fire-arms in India at a very early 
period, reference has frequently been made to certain passages in ancient 
books noticed by Halhed in his Code of Gentoo Laws. " It will no doubt," 
Halhed says,§ " strike the reader with wonder to find a prohibition of fire- 
arms in records of such unfathomable antiquity, and he will probably from 
hence renew the suspicion which has long been deemed absurd, that Alexan- 
der the Great did absolutely meet with some weapons of that kind in India, 
as a passage in Quintus Curtius seems to ascertain. Gunpowder has been 
known in China as well as in Hindostan, far beyond all periods of investiga- 
tion. The word fire-arms is literally in Sanscrit Agni-aster, a weapon of 
fire ; they describe the first species of it to have been a kind of dart or arrow 
tipt with fire and discharged upon the enemy from a bamboo. Among 
several extraordinary properties of this weapon one was that after it had 
taken its flight, it divided into several separate darts or streams of flame, 
each of which took effect, and which when once kindled could not be extin- 
guished ;" (on which Halhed says in a foot note — " It seems exactly to 
agree with the Feu Gregeois of the Crusades") " but this kind of Agni- 
aster is now lost. Cannon in the Sanscrit idiom is called Shet-Aghni, or 
the weapon that kills a hundred men at once, from (shete) a hundred, and 
(gheneh) to kill." 

* Aug. 16, 1862. The reference to the Lettres JEdif. is not specific. 

f Beudant, p. 233. 

% Elliot, orig. ed., I, 345. 

§ Preface, pp. 1, li. 

1876.] R- Maclagan— 0» Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 


The compilation which Halhed published under the above title, Code of 
Gentoo Laws, in 1781, was made from twenty Sanskrit works. It was com- 
piled by eleven Brahmans whom he calls a set of the most experienced lawyers. 
They were selected, under the orders of Warren Hastings, from all parts of 
Bengal for the purpose. The compilation, when complete, was translated 
into Persian, under the supervision of one of these Brahmans, and from the 
Persian was translated into English by Mr. Halhed. In the compilation 
itself no indication is given of the particular book (out of the twenty men- 
tioned collectively at the beginning) from which each passage is taken. 
And in the translator's Preface no references are given to the authorities for 
his own comments ; but he speaks of " the number of enquiries necessary 
for the elucidation of almost every sentence," which " give him in some 
measure a right to claim the conviction of the world upon many dubious 
points, which have long eluded the nicest investigation."* This is all we 
get from him. The passage relating to fire-arms is in the second section of 
the preface to the Code, or " the qualities requisite for a magistrate", and 
it says " the magistrate shall not make war with any deceitful machine, or 
with poisoned weapons, or with cannon and guns, or any other kind of fire- 
arms."! This is clearly from the Institutes of Manu. And what Manu 
says about it is this, " Let no man engaged in combat smite his foe with 
sharp weapons concealed in wood, nor with arrows mischievously barbed, 
nor with poisoned arrows, nor with darts blazing with fire." J This appears 
to be the original passage which in the hands of the Bengal Pandits took 
the form given by Halhed. And it can be assigned approximately to the 
ninth century B. C. There is nothing here to indicate anything else than 
primitive fire darts of the kind used in other countries. Mr. Talboys Whee- 
ler, in a note relating .to a description in the Mahabharata of a variety of 
arms, says that, in the original, mention is made, among other weapons, of 
" arrows, producing fire", and he says " The Brahmans in the present day 
point to the fire-producing arrows as proofs that the ancient Hindus were 
possessed of fire-arms." § There are other ancient notices of war missiles or 
engines which (with more reason than this specific mention of arrows) 
have given occasion to this belief, but there is nothing to indicate what 
they were. " From the frequent mention of the Agni-astra, or fire-arms", 
Babu Eajendralala Mitra has observed, " it is to be inferred that the Hin- 
dus had some instruments for hurling shells or balls of burning matter 
against their enemies ; but no description of any such has yet been met 
with." || The Mahay antra, or great engine, and the Satayhni, or centicide, 

* Introduction, p. xi. 

t P. cxiii. 

t Institutes of Manu, translated by Sir W. Jones, VII, 90. 

§ History of India, I, 88. 

|| Antiquities of Orissa, I, 121. 

46 R. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons, [jj a j 

lie refers to as being mentioned in the ancient books but not described. 
Bohlen # alludes to the mention in the Puranas of a kind of cannon ; but 
he does not give the name, or any definite reference. 

Colonel Tod says, " We have, in the Poems of Chand, frequent indis- 
tinct notices of fire-arms, especially the " nal-gola", or tube-hull ; but whe- 
ther discharged by percussion or the expansive force of gunpowder is dubi- 
ous. The poet also repeatedly speaks of " the volcano of the field", giving 
to understand great guns ; but these may be interpolations, though I would 
not check a full investigation of so curious a subject by raising a doubt. "f It 
can scarcely be questioned now, however, that the doubt was justly raised. 
The interpolation (if this is the right mode of explaining the passage) has 
a sort of parallel in a picture, described by M. Lalanne, inserted in ' Le 
Livre de la Vie et Miracles de Monseigneur S. Loys', in which picture " les 
sarrasins, d'un cote, se defendent avec des especes de mousquets a meche, et, 
de 1'autre, le navire royal porte une rangee de canons." % 

Some kind of fire missile is believed by Prof . H. H. Wilson to be in- 
tended in a passage in the MaJid-ndtak or Hanumdn-ndtaJc, to which he thus 
refers in his outline of the play. " In the opening of the thirteenth Act, 
Havana levels a shaft at LaJcsftmana, given him by Brahma, and charged 
with the fate of one hero : it should seem to be something of the nature of 
fire-arms, a shell or a rocket, as Hanuman snatches it away, after it has 
struck Lakshmana, before it does mischief. Havana reproaches Brahma^ 
and he sends JVdreda to procure the dart again, and keep Hanuman out of 
the way."§ There is not much here to show the kind of missile, except 
that it does not seem to have been anything like a shell or rocket. The 
play belongs to the tenth or eleventh century. Of the nature of " the 
Agneya weapon, one of the celestial armoury, or the weapon of fire", men- 
tioned in another Hindu drama, the JJttara Rama Charitra, there is only 
the indication given in the " fiery blaze" attributed to it ; by which, as in 
the other case, some kind of burning arrow is probably meant. || 

While there is no very distinct indication of the nature of the machines 
or missiles thus referred to in ancient Hindu books, the idea of fire-carrying 
arrows seems to have been familiar in India, as elsewhere, from early times; 
and the use of such fire-arrows, discharged from a bow or by other means, 
is seen to range over a long period. In the Ayodhyd Mdhdtmya, of which 
a translation has lately been published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal,^" it is related that on a certain occasion the Baja Kusha, getting 

* Das Alte Indien, II, 63, 64. 

f Annals of Rajasthan, 7, 310. Note. 

% Beefier ches sur le Feu Gregeois, 55. 

§ Hindu Theatre, Vol. III. Appendix, 58. 

|| Id,, Vol. II, Uttar. Mam. Char. 92. 

II J. A. S. B., Part I. 1875, pp. 137, 138. 

1876.] R. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 

enraged, " put an arrow of fire on his bow, to dry up the water of the Sara- 
yd."* The notice in Manu appears to he the earliest. And nearly two 
thousand years after his time, arrows of this kind were in use in Kashmir ; 
towards the end of the century in the beginning of which Mahmud had 
been launching naphtha balls against his opponents in the neighbouring 
plains of the Panjab. This is M. Troyer's translation of the passage in the 
Mdjd Tarangini in which they are mentioned. " Quand il ne restait que 
trois heures du jour, les ennemis, encore une fois rallies, exasperes par la 
defaite, marcherent pour combattre Kandarpa. Alors il lanca dans le conflit 
des Heches de fer, lesquelles etaient ointes d'huile d'herbes, et mettaient en feu 
les espaces qu'elles traversaient."t This Kandarpa was the minister of two 
kings of Kashmir, Utkarcha, who had a short reign in A. D. 1090, accord- 
ing to M. Troyer's chronology, J and Harcha, who came to the throne the 
same year and reigned twelve years. 

Besides the specific notices of arrows, and more indefinite references to 
the undescribed weapons called by the names abovementioned, there are 
other passages in the ancient Hindu books relating to the use of combusti- 
bles in war. " In the JJdyoga Parva of the Mahabharata", Rajendralala 
Mitra writes, " Yudhisthira is described as collecting large quantities of 
rosin, tow, and other inflammable articles for his great fratricidal war ; but 
nothing is there said of any engine with which they could be hurled against 
his enemies." § Another part of the Mahabharata mentions the use of 
igneous appliances in aid of defensive arrangements, and here also without 
any indication of the way in which they were used. It is in connection 
with the account of the Aswamedlia or horse sacrifice. The horse had 
entered the country of Manipura, and approached the city of JBabhru-vaha- 
na. " On the outside of the city were a number of waggons bound together 
with chains, and in them were placed fireworks and fire-weapons, and men 
were always stationed there to keep guard." |j 

* This Mdhdtmya is ascribed to Ikshvaku, son of Maim and king of Ayodhya, 
(Muir's Sanscrit Texts, I, 115). 

f Troyer's Eadja Tarangini, Ch. XII, 983, 984. 

Was any such simple application of inflammable matter to pointed weapons ever 
practised in Britain ? " Go, thou first of my bards, says Oscar, take the spear of Fin- 
gal. Fix a flame on its point. Shake it to the winds of heaven." (Ossian, The tvar 
of Caros.) Whether this fire at the spear's point (which must be meant for a signal in 
this instance) may be meant to indicate also a familiarity with its application to other 
nses, is doubtful. 

X Prof. H. H. Wilson assigns dates 23 years later. (Preface to Batnavali, Hindu 
Theatre, Vol. III.) 

§ Antiquities of Orissa, I, 121. 

|| Talboys Wheeler, History of India, I, 405. 

48 R. Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No. 1 

Mr. Fergusson has observed, with reference to siege scenes represented 
in the sculptures of one of the Sanchi gateways (supposed to have been 
erected about the beginning of the Christian era) , that no engines of war 
are shown, or indications of any attempt to set fire to the place. " I n 
these respects", he says, " the Hindus seem to have been very much behind 
the stage we know from the Nineveh sculptures that the Assyrians reached 
at a much earlier age." # And Babu Eajendralala Mitra, who makes re- 
ference, in the work before quoted, to the siege scenes in the Sanchi bas- 
reliefs, and to the absence of any indication of engines for casting fire to a 
distance, or for battering, adds that the martial processions and battle 
scenes at Bhuvaneswara are also devoid of such representations. f These, 
however, are only pieces of negative evidence, and do not, by themselves, 
go far. There are European mediaeval pictures of siege operations in which 
no engines of war are represented, or indications of the use of fire, but only 
such means of attack and defence as are shown in these Indian sculptures, t 
It may be, and it seems probable, that the Hindus were behind Western 
nations in the knowledge of the mechanical appliances for such purposes, 
(as the Chinese were, so late as the thirteenth century of our era§) but 
they did use fire, and the accounts in books give us what the sculptures omit. 
Yet we may conclude that nothing more advanced in the way of fire 
weapons was known in India in ancient times, than was in use in other 
countries; || and that the application to these old Indian weapons, of terms 
belonging to weapons of our own time, is an illustration of the inadvertent 
(or at least in some way erroneous) transference of familiar ideas to times 
and places to which they do not belong. Shakspeare brings in cannon in 
the time of King John. 

The prohibition in Manu is probably the earliest notice on record of 
fire arrows, unless, as has been supposed, they are referred to in Psalm 

* Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 141. 

f Antiquities of Orissa, I. 121. 

% Wilkinson says, " We may suppose" that the Ancient Egyptians used fire missiles 
in sieges (I, 363), but there is nothing in the pictures or sculptures to countenance this 
supposition, and he mentions nothing in support of it. 

§ See Yule's Marco Polo, 2nd Ed., II, 152. The accounts of the employment of the 
Polos in the construction of the engines to aid Kublai in the siege of Siangyang are 
confused ; hut it appears at all events that Western engineers were employed, and from 
some accounts, that they were specially sent for. Not that the Chinese and their enemies 
were altogether unacquainted with war machines, hut the people of the West were ahead 
of them. 

|| Nothing of much value is obtained from the statement in the Dionysiaca of Nonnus 
that the followers of Bacchus, in his invasion of India and battle with Deriades, fought 
with brands and bolts of fire. (As. Res., XVII, 617.) The question whether the 
materials for the Indian part of the poem were derived from an Indian source is dis- 
cussed in the paper here referred to, by Prof. H. H. Wilson. 

1876.] R. Maclagan— On Marly Asiatic ffire Weapons. 49 

Ixxvi, 3. " The arrows of the how" might be translated " the glowing 
fires", or "the glittering or flashing (arrows) of the bow", "or rather perhaps", 
says Parkhurst, " the ptkrj ireTrvpoyfxiva, fiery or fire-bearing arrows, such 
as it is certain were used in after times. So Montanus, j acuta ignita."* 
The Psalm belongs to the century before Manu, or a little more than ten 
centuries B. C, if the Asaph with whose name it is connected was the con- 
temporary of David. And to a time about three centuries later, the end 
of the eighth century B. C, if he was Asaph, " the recorder" of King 
Hezekiah's time. But it seems most probable, notwithstanding Parkhurst 's 
suggestion, that in this instance no reference to fire arrows is intended. 
Though the literal rendering may be as above, it may be only a poetical 
figure of a not uncommon kind.f A more probable reference to fire-bearing 

* Parkhurst, Heb. Lex. s. v. rpi , the meanings of which, as a noun he gives as 
"red hot coal", " glowing fire", " flashes of lightning". Gesenius translates it flame, 
and refers to its use in Psalm Ixxviii. 48. The same word in Arabic, ^^ rishq, 
is interpreted by Golius, " Jactus rapidior vel vibramen teli. Certus jaculandi sen 
petendi modus." The LXX render the words referred to, in Ps. Ixxvi. 3, rh Kpir-r] tup 
rS&it, followed by the Vulgate, potentias arcuum. 

f Thus in other Psalms we have, by a sort of reverse simile, arrows used for lighte- 
ning (Ps. xviii. 14; cxliv. 6. Also Hab. iii. 11 ; Zech. ix. 14). In the Tdrikh i Ya- 
mint, " arrows ascending towards them like flaming sparks of fire." (Dowson's Elliot, 
II, 34.) The idea of flame or lightning is attached to bright and quick-moving weapons 
of various kinds. Thus in Nahum iii. 3. A similar figure probably is intended in 
Gen. iii. 24, so also Virgil's 

vaginaque eripit ensem 

Fulmineum (Ma. IV. 580). 

" The sword is in'your hands. Let Jessulmer he illumined by its blows upon the 
foe." (Tod's Bajasthan, II, 251). The epithet blazing is mentioned by Eajendralala 
Mitra as applied in a passage of the Big Veda (IV, 93) to swords, lances, and other 
weapons. (Antiquities of Orissa, I, 119.) Khwandmir, in a description of a battle, 
speaks of the " flame-exciting spears," (Habib us-siyar. Dowson's Elliot, IV, 172). 
And 'Pmsuri of Balkh, in one of his odes, " Hadst thou seen his spears gleaming like 
tongues of flame through black smoke, &c." (Elliot, IV, 516). And Homer II. X, 153, 
thus rendered by Chapman, in prosaic fashion telling us it was a reflection— 
His spear fixed by him as he slept, the great end in the ground, 
The point that bristled the dark earth casta reflection round, 
Like pallid lightnings thrown from Jove . 

Pope, more happily, 

Par flashed their brazen points 

Like Jove's own lightning. 

" In that arrow the terrible god hurled forth the fire of wrath, &c." (Mahddeva's 
Equipment for Battle, Muir's Sanscrit Texts, IV, 225.) This too is probably figurative 
fire, though it is added that he discharged it against the castle of the Asuras, and the 
Asuras were burnt up, p. 226. 

Krishna and Arjun are sent by Mahadeva to a lake where he had deposited his bow 
and arrows. They see two serpents, one vomiting flames. The serpents change their 
form and become bow and arrows, p. 186. 



E. Maelagan — On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 

[No. 1, 

arrows is in Psalm cxx* 4. The word there used " coals of 
(more properly broom) seems to refer to actual burning matter. 

Between the ancient Hindu writings whiph mention fire- arrows in early 
days in India, and the Muhammadan historians who tell of naphtha-throw- 
ing, in the time of the first Arab invasions of Sind, we get some indications, 
from a different source, of the use for similar purposes of the petroleum of 
the north-west districts of the Pan jab, about fourteen hundred years before 
it was used in Mahmud's battles in that quarter. The oil mentioned by 
Ctesias as used in the attack of cities, which was launched against the gates 
in earthen vessels, and set fire to everything around, with a flame which 
could not be extinguished by any ordinary means, is obviously petroleum, 
though his story is that it was obtained from a large animal found in the 
Indus. And the animal described, though called a worm (crKtoXrji;), is as 
obviously (in spite of errors and exaggerations with regard to it as well as 
to the oil) a crocodiled It was seven cubits in length, and had a skin two 
fingers thick, and remarkable teeth. It used to come up on the land at 
night, seize any animals it could find, and drag them into the water to 
satisfy its hunger.f Philostratus repeats the story, noticing also, as Ctesias 
does, that the oil was prepared only for the king. $ He transfers the animal 
to the Hyphasis ; but from the nature of the materials for his work some 
inaccuracies may be expected. The story is essentially the same and is 
probably taken from Ctesias. It is not difficult to see in these accounts a 
confusion of separate facts. The petroleum obtained in the districts on 
both sides of the Indus below Atak is for the most part gathered from the 
surface of water. Ctesias refers in another passage to the oil which floats 
on certain lakes or ponds in India, and springs discharging oil.§ Again, 
the highly inflammable mineral oils and other products of the same class 
have been very generally believed to be of animal origin. || In discussing 

* That it should be called a worm, is perhaps not very surprising. Long after 
that time, people did not know exactly what kind of animal it ought to be reckoned. 
Thomas Herbert, (A. D. 1638) writing of the "hatefull crocodyle" of Sumatra, calls 
it "this detested beast, fish, or serpent, by seamen improperly cald Alligator." {Some 
Teares Travels, p. 323.) 

f Ctesice Ind. Historice Excerptce, Gronavius, p. 664. 

% Vit. Apollon. Tyan. Ill, 1. The petroleum collected from a spring in the south 
of Persia, we are told by Dr. Fryer, who travelled in that country in 1674, used to be 
carefully guarded, and taken for the king's use only. {Nine Tears' Travels. J. Fryer, 
M. J). Cant., p. 318.) The story of its discovery, on one of king Faridun's hunting 
parties, and of its being reserved for the king's use, is given in Honigberger's Thirty- 
five years in the East, s. v. Asphaltum Fersieum, p. 238. Also in the Makhzan i Adwiyah 
by Muhammad Husain of Dihli, A. H. 1180. 

§ Ctes. by Gronov., 666. 

|| Modern researches on the nature of some of the great deposits of petroleum in 
the United States and Canada, and elsewhere, have led to the conclusion that they are 


1876.] B. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 51 

the apparent description by Ctesias of the crocodile, and with reference to 
the question whether oil is obtained from that animal, Sir Henry Elliot, 
in the note before referred to, mentions the result of an investigation on 
the subject in which Prof. H. H. Wilson took part. But there is no 
mistake about Crocodile oil. Not only, as Sir H. Elliot observed, is it 
mentioned in native works on Materia Medica, but at the present day it is 
one of the recognised commercial products of this country, and will be 
found duly recorded No. 8282 in Dr. Forbes Watson's comprehensive list, 
prepared in connection with the scheme for an Industrial Survey of India. 
If we accept the crocodile, the story takes a tolerably compact form and 
admits of easy and plausible explanation. Here was an inflammable oil, of 
remarkable properties, believed to be of animal origin, and obtained from 
the surface of waters on both sides of the Indus. Here was a big water 
animal, of frightsome appearance and character, residing in the Indus, and 
from which oil was obtained. It is a very natural supposition that Ctesias, 
having some version of these facts before him, put this and that together, 
and like Mr. Pickwick's friend who wrote on Chinese Metaphysics, " com- 
bined his information."* 

in great part the product of animal decomposition. {Prof. Archer, in Art Journal of 
August, 1864. Prof Draper of New York, in Quarterly Journal of Science, (London) 
Vol. PI, 1865, p. 49. Prof Ansted, Qu. Journal of Science, IP. 755). The substances of 
this class which., according to popular belief, are most directly of animal origin, are 
ambergris, and the dark bitumen known as mumim, highly esteemed in India and 
Persia as a medicine. With regard to ambergris, believed to be a kind of petroleum 
issuing from rocks and hardened in the sea, modern opinion is coming round to the 
belief that whether or not it comes into the sea in this way, and is then swallowed by 
the monsters of the deep, it is actually obtained from the whale. {Bennett's Whaling 
Voyage round the Globe, quoted in Yule's Marco Polo, IP, 400. The animal is the Physater 
macrocephalus, according to Linnaeus {Gmelin, XIV, 495). See also Sindbad's Fifth 
Voyage, Lane's Thousand and One Nights, III, 66, and note, p. 108. Le Qentil, Voyages 
dans les Mers de V Inde, II, 84. D' Ilerbelot, Bibl. Or., s. v. Ghiammbar. Al-Mas'udi, 
Meadows of Gold, ch. XVL Renandofs Ancient Accounts of India and China by two 
Muhammadan Travellers, p. 94. The precious mumiai is understood a little more 
exactly. But at the present day it is popularly believed to be obtained from land 
animals {sotto voce human) by a process exactly similar to that described by Ctesias for 
extracting from the big beast of the waters the inflammable oil used in sieges in India. 
(See Vigne's Ghuzni, p. 61, — " the asphaltum so well known in India by the name of 
negro's fat".) Two years ago there was much alarm among the native servants and 
others at some of our hill stations in the Panjab, occasioned by a rumour that a demon 
who practised the horrible manufacture was prowling about nightly, seizing unwary 
and unprotected people, to furnish material for the preparation of the first-class 

* It is only by a poetical coincidence, and not with any reference to the combusti- 
ble product supposed to be obtained from it, that the crocodile itself is described in the 
book of Job as breathing fire. " Out of his mouth go burning lamps [or blazing torches, 

E. Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Mre Weapons. 

[No, 1, 

The account given by Philostratus of the defence of forts in India by 
thunderings and lightnings which the defenders had power to discharge on 
their assailants,* refers, no doubt,— if any real thing is referred to,— -to 
some description of petroleum missile or Greek Fire. But it is most likely 
only a reference to the mythical celestial weapons and command over the 
elements.f Whenever petroleum or naphtha was obtained, its use for hos- 
tile purposes has been appreciated, and the forms of its application have 
been various. One of the devices of Iskandar Zul-Karnain, in preparing 
for encounters with the Hindus, as related by Mir Khwand J was to make a 
number of hollow images in the form of soldiers, filled with dry wood and 
naphtha, to be set fire to in the midst of the battle. The great junks of 
the Chinese in the middle ages carried arms and naphtha to defend them* 
selves against the pirates of India. § The material used for fire-missiles in 
China in the beginning of the tenth century was known by the name of the 
" oil of the cruel fire."|| A recent investigator on the subject of Chinese 
oils states that the petroleum of Shansi, Lechuen ? and Formosa, is said to 
have been formerly employed by the Chinese in Greek Fire compositions.^ 
For use in fire-rafts for destroying other vessels and wooden structures, 
petroleum is of course very suitable, and has been frequently so used.** And 
thrown upon ships from a distance, or directly applied in other ways, it well 
serves the same purpose. ff Bituminous fire shells are noticed by Tasso as 
•used in the First Crusade (A. D. 1099). H In a descriptive Catalogue of 

as in a translation published in the Calcutta Christian Intelligencer, ' Feb. 1862] and 
sparks of fire leap out. Out of his nostrils goeth smoke, as out of a seething pot or 
caldron. His breath kindleth coals, and a flame goeth out of his mouth." Oh. xli 

* Vit. Apollon. Tyan. II, 14. 

f See Uttara Rama Charitra (in Wilson's Hindu Theatre), pp. 14, 92, 96, &c. 
J Rauzat-tig-gafd, Shea's translation, p. 400. 
f Reinaud, Memoir es sur VInde, p. 300. 
[| Grose's Military Antiquities, II, 309* 

H Dr. F. Porter Smith, on the oils of Chinese Pharmacy and Commerce. Journal of the 
Pharm. Soc. 1874. (The reference is taken from a newspaper review.) 
** lalanne, Feu Gregeois, p. 45, &c, &c. 

ft " At Dely there is a fountain of oil which is said to be unextinguishable when 
once it is set on fire ; and with which the king of Achen burnt two Portuguese Galleons 
near Malacca about 8 or 10 years ago/' M. Beaulieus Voyage to the East Indies, A. D. 
1619 fin Harris's Collection, p. 250). The irresistible rapidity with which timber touch- 
ed with petroleum is consumed by fire is illustrated in the recent destruction of the 
Goliath training ship, 

XX Jer. Del. XII, 42 (Fairfax's version) 

Two balls he gave them, made of hollow brass, 
Wherein enclosed, fire, pitch, and brimstone was, 
misses the bitumi of the original. 

1876.] R. Mackgan— On Early Asiatic Mre Weapons. 53 

Arabic Military books,* mention is made of a peculiar mode of carrying 
fire into a fight, on the face of shields furnished with large hollow bosses 
which were filled with naphtha and had matches applied at one or more little 
apertures. The device seems rather stupid and impractical, but these 
shields are said to have been used in the battle before Mecca, at the attack 
on that place by Hajjaj-bin-Yiisuf, before referred to, in A. H. 73 (A. B. 
692.) • Another fo*m of combination of offensive with defensive arms has 
been devised in more modern times, which is not much better. The Yar- 
kandis, as we learn from Sir D. Forsyth's account of his embassy, have 
"large circular shields gaudily painted with dragons and other hideous mon- 
sters on one side, and concealing, on the other, a gun-barrel set in a socket 
of wood, and serving also as a handle whereby to carry the shield, "f 

It has been a question whether the scorpions, often mentioned as offen- 
sive missiles, are to be taken in their literal meaning, or as representing 
some kind of actively inflammable preparation, called by this name on ac- 
count of the sharp style of its attack and painful nature of its effects ; just 
as some of the engines used in war bear the names of familiar animals with 
reference either to their form and appearance or to their mode of applica- 
tion.! One of these engines was called a scorpion. § This question has 
been discussed by Sir Henry Elliot in the volume before referred to,|| in 
connection with the account in the Tdrihh-i-Alfi of the capture of the city 
of Nasibin, in the time of the Khalifah 'Omar, in the seventh year after the 
death of Muhammad, when large black scorpions are said to have been made 
use of in the attack. In support of the supposition that " a combustible 
composition formed of some bituminous substances" may have been meant, 
he observes that the ancient Indian weapon or rocket called satagni, the 
hundred- slayer, also signifies a scorpion. And the fireworks mentioned in 
the book translated by Casiri, which gives occasion to Hallam's query about 
thepulvis nitratus, are described as being " in the form of scorpions". But 
though the name has been applied to fireworks and fire missiles as well as 
to a mechanical engine of war, yet seeing the distinct mention of these 
animals in many instances, (and of other offensive animal missiles thrown 
into besieged places) there need be no difficulty in accepting the literal 
interpretation. If the situation of the city of Nisibis (with reference to 
the capture of which place with the aid of scorpions the matter has been 

* Fihrist al-kutub fi 'ilm il-harb, p. 64. 

f Heport of a Mission to YarTcand, in 1873, p. 13. 

X Testudo, Musculus, Aries, Onager, Scorpio, Chat, Sow, &c, and, ironically, the 
Bride ('arus), as tender an instrument, in its way, as the maiden in our own country. 

§ Said to have been invented by the Cretans. Plin. N. IT., VII, 57. 

|| Bibl. Index to the Moh. Hist, of India, Calcutta, 1849, 146, 163. Dowson's Edi- 
tion, V, 152, 550. 

54 B, Maclagan — On Barly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [jj j 

discussed) in a country supplying bituminous material, which actually was 
used for fire missiles in that neighbourhood, favours the former idea, at the 
same time it is a place noted for real scorpions, in modern as well as ancient 
days. # 

Among the preparations for the great war on the plain of KurulcsTietra 
it is related that Duryodhana, having fortified his trench with towers, sup. 
plied the defenders of the towers with " pots full of sAikes and scorpions 
and pans of burning sand and boiling oil."f And there are numerous in- 
stances since that time of the similar use of the living animals. $ The Em- 
peror Leo gives instructions, in his Tactica, for this employment in war of 
serpents and scorpions. § Larger creatures, dead and living, less directly 
hurtful but unpleasant, have often been thrown into besieged places for the 
annoyance of the defenders. Human beings have occasionally been project- 
ed in this way from the military machines ;|| and it is related that on a cer- 
tain occasion an unlucky engineer was accidentally hurled into a fortress by 
one of his own great engines.^" 

The introduction of improved devices for war missiles, and particularly 
of gunpowder artillery, was, from various causes, slower in some countries 
than in others. Some nations from their position and opportunities, or by 

* Rev. J. P. Fletcher, Notes from Nineveh, I, 164. The work published under the 
name of Ibn Haukal also mentions both serpents and scorpions in the neighbourhood of 
Nisibis ; (Ouseley's Geography of Ibn Haukal, 56) and, it may be observed, also mentions 
another place noted both for naphtha springs and for a species of scorpion more destruc- 
tive than serpents (p. 77). 

f History of India, J. Talboys Wheeler, I, 275. 

% Imperavit quam plurimas venenatas serpentes vivas colligi, easque in vasa fictilia 
conjici. * * Pergamenae naves quum adversarios premerent acrius, repente in eas 
vasa fictilia, de qui bus supra mentionem fecimus, conjici coepta sunt. (Com. Nep. Han- 
nibal, X XI) Frontinus notices this incident among his devices of war, but seems to 
make a mistaken reference to the occasion. " Hannibal regi Antiocho monstravit ut 
in hostium classem vascula jacularentur viperis plena, quarum metu &c." (Frontini 
Stratagemata IV, 10). Other instances in the East. " And Khalaf cast at them pots 
full of serpents and scorpions from slinging machines." (Kitdb-i-Yamini, Memoir of 
JSabaktagm. Reynold's TransL, 54). " Et prseterea habebant et ignem Graecum abund- 
anter in phialis et ducentos serpentes perniciosissimos." (Itinerarium Regis Richardi, 
XI, 42, quoted by lalanne, p. 44. 

§ lalanne, Feu Gregeois, p. 27. 

|| Yule's Marco Polo, II, 124. Ibn Batuta relates an occurrence of this kind at 
Dihli in 1325. (Travels of Ibn Batuta, by lee, 145.) 

If A modern artist has improved upon this by a voluntary performance of the same 
kind, according to a story which has appeared in recent English newspapers (Dec. 
1875). The story is that a Parisian acrobat gets himself flung up to the high trapeze 
by being shot from a mortar ; and that, on a late occasion, an overcharge of powder, or 
some other small error in the adjustments, sent him a little further than he intended, 
and landed him in the front row of the spectators. 

1876.] E. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 55 

reason of their aims and requirements, have been more receptive than others 
of such improvements in military matters. And some, pursuing careers of 
conquest or of enterprise, have been the chief means of communicating the 
knowledge of these improvements and inventions, which they themselves 
had acquired and brought into use. The Arabs early used the resources of 
the countries in their possession for the preparation of fire compositions for 
use m war, and, among others, (as we have seen) of gunpowder applied to 
fireworks ; but their knowledge of the application of gunpowder to artillery 
there is every reason to believe was derived from Europe. Their active and 
extensive inroads into other countries, East and West, were long anterior to 
the days of gunpowder artillery.* The Spaniards, Prescott says, deriving 
the knowledge of artillery from the Arabs, had become familiar with it be- 
fore the other nations of Christendom.f This is perhaps not well establish- 
ed. But the Spaniards and Portuguese, whether or not the knowledge was 
thus received and thus familiar, were the means of conveying it to eastern 
and other countries with which they traded and fought, or in which they 
settled ; and sometimes they found themselves forestalled. If some people 
were specially apt in adopting the new weapon, in other countries there 
were hindrances of different kinds in the way of its introduction or general 
use. Sometimes of course the reason for artillery not being used was that 
it was not wanted. Then the cannon in early days were very cumbrous and 
very troublesome. The first field-pieces were so clumsy and so difficult to 
manage, that (as Prescott mentions) Machiavelli, in his Arte delta Guerra, 
recommends dispensing with artillery. f Hume believes the French had 
cannon at the time Creci was fought, but left them behind as an encum- 
brance. It is not surprising, then, that some Asiatic nations, and others, 
were slow, as we find, in bringing gunpowder artillery into use. Few of 
those who had the means, failed, it may well be believed, to adopt this new 
instrument of war from under-rating its power and importance.^ 

* " What an exalted idea must we not form of the energy and rapidity of such 
conquests when we find the arms of Islam at once on the Granges and the Ebro, and two 
regal dynasties simultaneously cut off, that of Boderic, the last of the Goths, of Anda- 
loos, and Dahir Despati in the valley of the Indus." (A.H. 99., A.D. 718). Tod's An- 
nals of Rajasthan, I, 243. 

f Ferdinand and Isabella, I, 277. 

X And more probably from the feeling that they were happier days when it was 
not known : as good George Herbert sings, — 

Deerat adhuc vitiis nostris dignissima mundo 
Machina, quam nullum satis execrabitur sevum. 
* * * * 

Exoritur tubus, atque instar Cyclopis Homeri 
Luscum prodigium, medioque foramine gaudens ! 

16 E. Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. m. Q j 

The number of guns that could be brought into use was for a long time 
very moderate, and they therefore did not at once supersede the previous 
contrivances. The English were among the first, after the properties of 
gunpowder had become known, to employ big guns. It was in the early 
part of the fourteenth century that this mode of applying gunpowder was 
first practised in Europe; and from that time it slowly advanced. # The 
Batlistarius, once an important official in our English fortresses, made way 
perhaps more rapidly in Britain than elsewhere, but not all at once, for the 
Master Gunner. In the East, the Naft-andaz, or naphtha-thrower, was the 
co-ad jut or of the Manjaniki who worked the engines ; and these have in 
due course been succeeded by the familiar Gol-andaz of the Indian native 
armies, f 

Guns were brought into the field by the English at Creci in 1346. It 
is said by Tytler and others that Froissart makes no mention of the guns 

Accedit pyrius pulvis— &c, &c. 

Dicite vos, Furiae, qua gaudet origine monstrum ? 

Inventa Belliea. 
Milton, with the same feeling, ascribes the invention of both cannon and powder to 
Infernal agency. Far. Lost, B. VI. 

* Chaucer, in a poem written probably about the end of the third quarter of the 
fourteenth century, — the transition period of artillery in Britain, — borrows illustrations 
from both the old and the new descriptions of military engines. It is in a didactic pas- 
sage in u The Souse of Fame ", in which he discourses on the nature of sound. 
Soun is nought but air y-broken 
And every speeche that is spoken, 
Whe'r loud or privy, foule or fair, 
In his substance ne is but air. 
After this, in noticing various descriptions of sound, he says, 
And the noise which that I heard, 
For all the world right so it fered, 
As doth the routing of the stone 
That fro the engine is letten gone. 
And again, 

Throughout every region 
Y-went this foule trompes soun, 
As swift as pellet out of gonne 
When fire is in the powder ronne.* 
f It is by a fine oriental figure of speech, and with no reference, now, to pyrotech a 
zxic functions of any kind, that another familiar Indian official, of humble rank, is styled 
a Barq-anddz, or ' darter of lightning' . 

* One of the early kinds of cannon " was fired by applying a metal bar made red 
hot in the furnace to the powder contained in the chamber." Viollet U Due, Mil Arch 

of Mid. Ages, 172, 

1876.] E. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 57 

at Creci. But a recent reviewer has indicated two manuscripts of Froissart 
m which they are distinctly mentioned as used by the English on that 
occasion. And he gives some quotations.* Froissart had spoken of guns 
employed at an earlier date —at the siege of Stirling by the Scots in 1341. 
Tytler {Hist, of Scotland, Vol. IZ, p. 60) says this is not corroborated by 
contemporary historians. But at a still earlier date they had been used 
in Britain, if, as is generally understood, guns are meant by the war-crakes 
(crakys of weir), mentioned by Barbour as having been first seen by the 
Scots in their skirmishes with Edward Ill's forces in Northumberland in 

But long after those days, in Britain and other countries where gun- 
powder and its modern application were well known, the employment of 
cannon had not made great progress. In India they were used by Babar, 
as largely, it would seem, as the means and skill available would permit \ 
and he was not much behind other countries in this respect. In 1528, when 
he had the aid of artillery in forcing the passage of the Ganges near 
Kanauj, he says, "For several days, while the bridge was constructing, 
Ustad 'All Kuli played his gun remarkably well. The first day he discharged 
it eight times ; the second day sixteen times ; and for three or four days 
he continued firing at the same rate." J This was just fifteen years after 
Flodden, when artillery practice was at much the same stage in Britain, 

Their marshall'd lines stretched east and west, 

And fronted north and south, 
And distant salutation pass'd 

From the loud cannon mouth ; 
Not in the close successive rattle 

* " Li Engles — descliquierent aucuns kanons qu'il avoient en le bataille pour esba- 
hir les G-enevois." 

" Les Engles avoient entre eulx deulx des bonbardieaulx, et en firent deulx ou trois 
descliquier sur ces Genevois." And from another chronicle (St. Denis) the reviewer 
quotes, " Lesquels Anglois gietterent trois canons : dont il advint que les Genevois 
arbalestiers qui estoient au premier front tournerent les dos et laissierent a traire ; si ne 
scet Ten se ce fu par trai'son, mais Dieu le scet." Saturday Review, July 2ith, 1875. Ke- 
view of Edward III. by Rev. W. Warburton, M. A. The reviewer makes these notes 
with reference to an observation of the author that Villani is the only historian who 
mentions the employment of cannon at Creci. 

t Tytler, Hist, of Scotland, IV, 150. Note. Sir Walter Scott also gives a note in 
the Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border on this mention of guns by Barhour. Some early 
notices of powder and cannon are referred to by a writer in Notes and Queries, May 15th, 
1869. The earliest date mentioned is dr. 1326. 

X Memoirs of Baber, tr. by ley den and Er shine, p. 379 ; Er shine, Hist, of India under 
the first two sovereigns of the Souse of Taimur, Baber, and Humayun, I. 486. Dowson's 
Elliot, IV, 279. 


58 E. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Mre Weapons. n$ j 

That breathes the voice of modern battle, 
But slow, and far between.* 

It was not till after many improvements and much further experience 
during a long course of years, that things came to be done after this other 

The walls grew weak ; and fast and hot 
Against them pour'd the ceaseless shot, 
With unabating fury sent 
From battery to battlement ; 
And thunder-like the pealing din 
Eose from each heated culverin.f 

Babar gives a name to the gun which his engineer and master-gunner 
'Ali Kuli, managed in the way above mentioned : — (" the gun which he 
fired was that called Deg Ghdzi, the victorious gun" — ) from which it is 
seen that he had others, besides one which was put Ivors de combat at an 
early period in the engagement (" Another gun, longer than this, had 
been planted, but it burst at the first fire"). But it is not likely that the 
many other carriages ('ardha), mentioned in other accounts of his war equip- 
ment,]: mean guns, but rather, (as supposed by M. Pavet de Courteille, the 
latest translation of Babar's Memoirs, and by Prof. Dowson) carts of some 
kind, used for transport of ordnance stores and for other purposes in con- 
nection with the guns. Ley den (or Erskine) translates the word as guns, 
even when mentioning so large a number as seven hundred. This is out of 
the question. It appears indeed from other notices of Babar's artillery that 
on some occasions, a single piece was all he had, though at other times he 
had several. § "About noon-day prayers, a person came from Ustad with 
notice that the bullet was ready to be discharged, and that he waited for 
instructions. I sent orders to discharge it, and to have another loaded 
before I came up." H A deal of work has often been done with a single 
gun. But the possession of the new weapon did not confer a very formid- 
able superiority when this was the whole of the artillery.^" 

* Marmion, YI, 23. 

In the early days of artillery in Europe " it was usual for a field-piece not to be 
discharged more than twice in the course of an action." Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella, 
I, 87. 

f Byron, Siege of Corinth. 

% Dowson' s Elliot, Tuzak-i-Bdbari, IV, 268, and Note. 

§ James's ordnance, at Flodden, as given by Pitscottie, consisted of " seven can- 
nons that he had forth of the Castle of Edinburgh, which were called the Seven Sisters, 
casten by Robert Borthwick, the master-gunner, with other small artillery, bullet, pow- 
der, and all manner of order, as the master-gunner could devise." Marmion, Note 3 J). 

|| Tuzak-i-Bdbari, Dowson, IV, 285. 

If Reminding one of Hood's account of the arrangements for quelling an election 
riot, as supposed to be described in the letter of a country cousin at the scene of action, 

1376.] B. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 59 

India seems to have freely adopted the new instrument of war, while 
Persia was slow to use it, even after experience of its powers, and even 
after beginning to make use of it, did not take to it very kindly. The brass 
ordnance which contented the Indian commanders in Babar's time, and after, 
was doubtless of a somewhat rough construction, as we read of Sher Shah 
Star, in 1543, issuing an order to his people to " bring all the brass in camp 
and make mortars (degha) of it", to bombard the fort of Raisin ; and they 
brought their " pots, dishes, and pans," and made them into mortars.* This 
shows at all events a ready appreciation of the value of artillery. Something 
more pretentious than these extempore mortars, and more cumbersome, were 
the guns which, very soon after this, (in 1551) we hear of Islam Shah 
(Sultan Salim) taking with him from Dihli to Labor, after Mirza Kam- 
ran's flight from the court of Humayiin, to take refuge with him. Starting 
in haste he could not get a sufficient number of oxen in the villages near 
Dihli, and " each gun was pulled by 2000 men on foot."f 

At this time, and for long after, Persia was not so far advanced. One 
of the Jesuit missionaries, writing from Ormus in 1549, says of the Soldanus 
Bahylonicus, the ruler of the territories adjoining, " qui modo Catheamas 
appellatur", (that is Shah Tahmdsp) " Hie bona ex parte Persis imperat, et 
in Eegibus potentissimis jure optimo censetur. Eius robur omne ac vis 
copiarum equitatu constat, et peritissimis sagittariis. Nullis bombardis nee 
aliis huius generis tormentis utuntur. Saspe cum Turcis, et quidem f elici . 
Marte belligerant."^ They were not unacquainted with guns, and had 
suffered from the Turkish artillery in the time of this king's predecessor, 
Isma'il Safi. And Herbert relates that when the Turks under Sulaiman in- 
vaded Persia, this same " Tamas, affrighted with their great ordnance, hyres 
5000 Portugalls from Ormus and Indya, who brought 20 cannon along with 
them, and by whose helps the Turks were vanquished. "§ The Turks were 
early noted for their attention to gunpowder artillery, and the armament of 
their forts seems to have been on a par with that which they brought into 
the field against the Persians and others. At the time when Father Gaspar 
wrote the above account of the defect of artillery in Persia, a French tra- 
veller and naturalist, M. Bellon, says of the fortifications of Sestos, which 
he saw in 1548, " Validis tormentis bellicis egregie muniti sunt, quae explo- 
dantur (si necesse sit) in eas naves quae sine licentia effugere, vel in Helles- 

One passage runs somewhat in this fashion. " 3 p. m. Eiot increases. The military 
has heen called out. He is at present standing opposite our door !" 

* TdriM-i-Sher Shdhl Dowson's Elliot, IV, 401. 

t Tdri7ch-i-Ddudi. Dowson's Elliot, IV, 499. See also notices of artillery at this 
period in the Tdrikh-i-BasMdt, V, 131, and TdnJch-i-Alfi, V, 172. 

% Epistolee Indices, p. 38 (Ep. M. Gaspari Belga). 

§ Tho. Herbert. Some Yeares Travels, p. 289. 


60 R Maclagaa— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons, [jj 0i | 

pontum vi perrumpere vellent. 5?# It was from the Portuguese that Persia 
had to obtain the assistance of guns. And twenty years before this, the 
Spaniards were using artillery in Mexico, and cast guns there for them- 
selves, f 

When, in the next century, Ormus was taken from the Portuguese by 
the Persians under Shah 'Abbas the Great, with English assistance (1627) 
the armament of the defenders was something considerable, according to 
Herbert's account of it. " The brass Ordnance in the Castle and Rampires 
were divided ; some say they were three hundred, others as many more : 
Howbeit, our men say there were only fifty- three great brasse peeces mounted 
foure brasse cannon, six brasse demicannon, sixteen cannon pedroes of brasse 
and one of iron, 9 culverin of brasse, two demiculverin of brasse, three of iron 
ten brasse bases, seven brasse bastels, some basilisks of 22 foot long, and 
nintie two brasse peeces unmounted ; which I the rather name, in that the 
Portugalls bragge they had small defence, and few Ordnance. "J At 
this time guns, both large and small, were in use in Abyssinia, having been 
introduced by the Turks and Arabs in occupation of various parts of the 
east coast of Africa. § On the west coast of India also, at the same time, 
some skill in the use of artillery had been acquired by people not otherwise 
highly advanced. " Mallabar", says Herbert, "is subdevided into many 
Toparchyes, all obeying the Samoreen, a naked Negro, but as proud as Luci- 
fer." " By long warres, they are growne expert and orderly: yea know 
how to play with Cannons, have as great store of Harquebuzes, and are as 
well acquainted with the force of powder, as we or any other nation." || A 
special ordnance department was instituted in India in Humayun's time 
(when, as we have seen, artillery had come to play an important part),^[ pre- 
paring the way for the more complete arrangements under Akbar, who paid 
much attention to this part of his war equipment, and who was, himself, ac- 
cording to Abul Fazl, an improver and inventor of matters connected with 
this department. ## 

Persia continued to be backward in its artillery. In 1635, when Her- 
bert was in that country, Shah Safi, grandson of 'Abbas the Great, being 
king, the traveller writes, " In a common muster the Persian king can 
easily advance (as appeares by roll and pension) three hundred thousand 

* Bellonii Observationes, 186. 

f Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, II, 266, 

% Herbert's Travels, p. 118. 

§ Letter a Annua di Ethiopia, Gasparo Paes, 1624. 

|| Herbert, 300, 302. This disregard of clothing, by even the king, was in the pre- 
ceding century (1443) remarked upon by 'Abd-ur-Bazz&k, author of the MatUt us-sa'dain, 
and afterwards by other European travellers, Dowson's Elliot, IV, 101, and Note. 

f Humdyun-ndmah. Dowson's Elliot V, 123. Tdrikh-i-Rashidi V, 133. 

** Elochmcmn's Ain-i-Akbari, Am 36, I ? p. 112. 

1876.] R. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. Qj 

horse, and seventy thousand good musquetoons." " Their harquebuz is 
longer than ours, but thinner and not so good for service. They can use 
that very well, but detest the trouble of the Cannon, and such field peeces 
as require carriage."* When Kaempfer was in Persia more than fifty years 
after (in 1692), they seem to have got no further. " Arma illis sunt lancea, 
sclopeta, arcus, et acinaces ; tormentorum et mortariorum nullus illis in 
campo usus est."f India was much ahead, as we learn from Bender's ac- 
count of Aurangzib's artillery thirty years before this time. J 

After seeing the kind of progress that was being made in India and 
Persia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, one may be surprised to 
read, in the papers on the History of the Burma race, compiled by Sir A. 
Phayre from native sources, published in the J. A. S. B., that in the begin- 
ning of the fifteenth century, more than a hundred years before Babar ap- 
peared with his guns on the bank of the Ganges, the king of Pegu, advancing 
up the Irawadi against king Meng Khoung, did not dare to land and attack 
Prome, " as it was defended with cannons and muskets. "§ The editor of 
the Journal has observed that this mention of guns and muskets in Burma 
in 1404 is rather remarkable. It is, if they were what we understand by 
cannons and muskets. But it suggests a question. This was a region 
abounding in petroleum. Is it not possible that these fire-arms may be 
explained in the same way as Mahmud's top and tufang ? (above, page 41). 
It is true that a traveller who was in India about that time (Nicolo Gonti) 
says "the natives of central India" (by which he seems to mean a part he 
had not visited) " make use of balistae and those machines which we call 

* P. 232. The objection to field guns is one that can be readily understood, from 
the similar experience of other countries, above referred to. Of a different kind was the 
dislike which a traveller in the previous century says the people of North Africa had to 
the smaller fire-arms. " All the Arabians that live towards the west, where the king- 
doms of Fez and Morocco lie, do commonly carry spears about twenty-five hands long. 
They use no Musquets or Pistols, neither do they love 'em." (Description of Africa. 
From John Leo and Marmot. Harris's Collection, I, ZW.J Tod says the same of the Raj- 
puts of the same and later times. Writing of A. D. 1535 he says, " The use of artil- 
lery was now becoming general, and the Moslems soon perceived the necessity of foot 
for their protection ; but prejudice operated longer upon the Rajpoot, who still curses 
*' those vile guns" which render of comparatively little value the lance of many a gal- 
lant soldier." (Rajasthan I, Z10.J See a parallel to this idea cited by Colonel Yule, 
Marco Polo, II, 127. 

f Amcenitates Exoticce, 75. 

% Cinquante ou soixante petites pieces de campagne, toutes de bronze ; soixante et 
dix pieces de canon, la plupart de fonte, sans compter deux a trois cens chameaux legers 
qui portaient chacun une petite piece de campagne de la grosseur d'un bon double mous- 
quet. Bernier, Voyages I, 296. 

§ J. A 8. B. t Vol. XXXVIII, Part J ; 1869, p. 40. 

m B, Maclag&n— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. r^ j 

bombardas, also other warlike implements adapted for besieging cities •"# 
but this does not appear to receive support from the Indian historians. 
Tavernier refers to a tradition of the early knowledge of powder and cannon 
in Pegu, believed to have been obtained from Asam. Writing of the 
attack at Asam by the " Grand Capitaine Mirgimola (Mir Jumlah) under 
the orders of Aurangzib, in 1652, (to which, the traveller observes little 
resistance was expected, the country having enjoyed peace for five or six 
centuries, and the people having no experience of war), he says, "Ontient que 
c'est ce meme peuple qui a trouve anciennement F invention de la poudre et 
du canon, laquelle a passe d' Asem au Pegu et du Pegu a la Chine, ce qui 
est cause que d' ordinaire on 1'attribue aux Chinois. ?? f We have seen that 
in China, the petroleum of some of its western provinces is said to have 
been used in old time for a kind of Greek Fire. % Asam also, it may be 
observed, is a petroleum country. Perhaps this may confirm, in some mea- 
sure, the above suggested explanation of the guns and muskets in Burma. 
Colonel Symes, in his account of the Embassy to Ava in 1795, considers that 
the Burmese learned the application of gunpowder from Europeans, though 
the substance may have been known before. " The musket," he says, " was 
first introduced into the Pegue and Ava countries by the Portuguese. "§ 
JSTow-a-days Ava receives English muskets. || In the Note on the intercourse 
of the Burmese countries with Western nations, in Chapter viii of Colonel 
Yule's Narrative of the Mission to the Court of Ava in 1855, Portuguese 
muskets in Burma are noticed in the early part of the 16th century. There 
is no mention of artillery till 1658, when the guns on the ramparts of Ava, 
directed against the Chinese invaders, were said to have been served by a 
party of native Christians, under a foreigner who is, with some probability, 
supposed to have been an Englishman.^" But the brief notices, in the 
chapter referred to, of the narratives of old travellers, were not made with 
a view to any special enquiry on this subject. 

To the Chinese has been attributed, in a more or less indefinite way, a 
very early knowledge of gunpowder artillery. Gleig, in his " Sketch of the 
Military History of Great Britain", says that " Pobert Norton, the author 
of a treatise called The Gunner, which was published in 1664, # # * 
quotes Uffano, an Italian traveller in the East, as proving that not only 
gunpowder but cannon were used so early as the year 83 of our era by the 

* India in the 15th Century by P. H. Major. (HaMuyt Soc.J Travels of Nicolo 
Conti, p. 31. 

f Voyages de J. B. Tavernier, II, 427. 

% D. F. Porter Smith, on the Oils of Chinese Pharmacy (quoted above). 

§ Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava in 1795, II, 60. 

|| Yule's Mission to the Court of Ava in 1855, p. 75. 

If Id., p. 215. 

1876.] R. Mackgan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 83 

Chinese, and that the alarm created by them was one great cause of the 
defeat at that time of a Tartar invasion."* Few other writers, however, go 
so far back. The nature of the proof of this early use of cannon is 'not 
mentioned. Gibbon says that in China, in the thirteenth century, "in 
the attack and defence of places the engines of antiquity and the Greek 
Fire were alternately employed, and the use of gunpowder in cannons and 
bombs appears as a familiar practice, "f But the absence of all mention 
by Marco Polo of any such practice, while, in his account of the siege of 
Siang Yang in 1268 by Kublai, he records the manufacture and employ- 
ment of mangonels and trebuchets, a short experience of which induced the 
Chinese garrison to surrender, % may throw some doubt on the Chinese know- 
ledge of cannon at that time. 

The exclusive and self -isolating practice of China through many ages, 
and the absence of authentic information regarding its early history, occa- 
sion possible errors in two opposite directions, — perhaps crediting the people 
of that country in early times with a state of advancement in arts and 
knowledge which they had not attained, perhaps again wrongly imagining 
them to have continued in primitive backwardness down to recent times. 
" There must have been a series of ages", Sir Henry Maine has observed, 
with reference to matters of a different kind, " during which this progress 
of China was very steadily maintained ; and doubtless our assumption of 
the absolute immobility of the Chinese and other societies is in part the . 
expression of our ignorance. "§ This is very true ; but, on the other hand, 
this same ignorance sometimes expresses itself in errors of an opposite kind. 
Omne ignotum has, in all ages, been apt to suggest something uncommon 
or wonderful ; and of this kind seems to have been the idea that the Chinese 
were acquainted, before European nations, with gunpowder and cannon. 
MM. Reinaud and Fave, who have gone into the matter pretty fully in the 
work before quoted, thus conclude their statement of the result of the 
investigation, which leaves little ground for the Chinese claim to stand upon, 
" Ainsi tombe l'opinion exageree que s'etaient faite plusieurs savants sur 
l'art des artifices de guerre chez les Chinois."|| 

In the ISTote by Sir Henry Elliot on the Early use of Gunpowder in 
India^" he quotes the opinion expressed by General Cunningham in his Essay 
on the Arian Order of Architecture (J. A. S. B., Vol. XVII, Sept. 1848, 
p. 244) with reference to the condition of the ruins of some of the old 

* Sketch of Mil. Hist, of Great Britain, p. 100. 

f Decline and Fall, Ch. IXIV. 

t Tule's Marco Polo, 2nd ed., II, 152. 

§ Lectures on the Early History of Institutions, p. 227. 

|| Feu Oregeois, p. 201. 

If Original Vol. I. Not© H, p. 340. 

04 R. Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Mre Weapons. [No. 1 

Hindu buildings in Kashmir, particularly those of the temples at Avantipura, 
that no agency but that of gunpowder could have reduced them to the 
state of entire destruction and confusion in which the materials of the 
structures are now found. And this destruction, if it was, as is supposed, the 
work of Sikandar, designated But- shikari, who was reigning at the time of 
Timur's invasion of India, occurred about the beginning of the fifteenth 
century. (Otherwise, gunpowder being used, General Cnnningham supposes 
Aurangzib may have been the destroyer.) But other agencies appear suf- 
ficient to account for the condition of these buildings. During the interval,— 
a little more than quarter of a century, — since General Cunningham expressed 
this opinion, the fingers of Time, and moderate movements of the earth, have 
been making openings in some of the other old Hindu buildings in Kash- 
mir • and from their appearance it may be believed that these same agencies, 
together with undermining work applied for wilful destruction, could do 
what has been done. The little temple of Pdyacli, so complete at the time 
of General Cunningham's visit on the occasion referred to, has now not only 
lost the pinnacle he describes, — which is a small matter, — but has its roof- 
stone, which is a single block, further dislodged than at that time, some of 
the other stones out of their places, and gaps as wide as two inches in the 
masonry of the basement, through which can be seen the interior filling of 
small boulders. At the splendid temple of Martand, the two side buildings 
which General Cunningham described are now seriously out of the per- 
pendicular, and parts of the lower courses of masonry of the north-east 
angle of the main building have fallen out, painfully suggesting the pro- 
bability that, unless measures are taken to re-support it (which it is hoped 
is now to be done) that corner of the building may ere long come down, 
and, with it, great part of the walls. If some such work of destruction 
were done purposely, perhaps suggested by, — partial injury of this kind 
from natural causes, the ruin might be as complete as that of the buildings 
at Avantipura. The whole of that country has long been noted for the fre- 
quency of earthquakes.* In the present century they have occasionally 
been severe. The earthquakes of June and July, 1828, which were repeated 
almost daily for weeks together, caused much destruction of house property 
in Srinagar, and large masses of rock are said to have been detached from 
the hill sides and thrown down. Gunpowder does not seem necessary to 
account for the ruin of these Kashmir temples. 

"While there appears to be no good evidence in support of the idea that 

* "Je croirois," says Bernier, speaking of the legends regarding the opening of 
the Baramula pass by which the Jhelam issues from the placid level of the valley, 
« Je croirois plutot que quelque grand tremhlement de terre, comme ces lieux y sont 
assez sujets, auroit fait ouvrir, &c. &c." {Voyages, II, 269.) Abul Fazl notices the fre- 
quency of earthquakes in Kashmir. (Gladwin's Ayeen AJcbary, II, 153). 

1876.] R- Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 65 

Asia had a knowledge o£ gunpowder, and used fire-arms, before Europe, 
there are plain indications that the knowledge of the most improved 
weapons of war, both before and since the introduction of gunpowder, and 
the skill to make and to use them, came from Europe to India and other 
Asiatic countries. 

It has been seen above how Kublai Khan employed Western engineers 
to construct and direct the machines he used in the siege of Siang-yang 
in 1268. The engines used by Sultan Jalal-ud-din in his attack of the 
fort of Rantanbhor, A. D. 1290, are called maghribihd, or Western (en- 
gines).* In the history of part of the reign of 'Ala-ud-din Khilji, from 
1296 to 1310 (A. H. 695 to 710), called Tarikl-i- 'Aim, the author, to 
illustrate the great strength of the fort of Arangal, says, " if a ball from a 
western catapult were to strike against it, it would rebound like a nut."f 
Again, on one face of the fort, it is said the "western engines" succeeded 
in making several breaches. J The account of the same transaction given 
by Zia-ud-din uses this same term maglirili for the manjaniks used on both 
sides. § 

This indefinite term Western, as applied to the mechanical war engines 
of those days, is narrowed to Wiringilia as the designation of gunpowder 
artillery in Babar's time. This is the term used in this account of the 
battle of Panipat, April, 1526. || Colonel Tod, in his account of the attack 
by Bahadur, Sultan of Gujarat, on the fort of Chitor, defended by Rani, 
Bikramajit, A. D. 1535, (S. 1591) says, " This was the most powerful 
effort hitherto made by the Sultans of Central India, and European artiller- 
ists are recorded in these annals as brought to the subjugation of Cheetore. 
The engineer is styled ' Labri Khan, of Frengari', and to his skill Bahadur 
was indebted for the successful storm which ensued."^" It would appear 
that the employment of Europeans in a similar capacity at a much earlier 
period with the mechanical war engines is what is meant, in certain old 
narratives referred to by the same author, though their employment is not 
distinctly mentioned. He quotes from the " Sooraj Prakas" an account 
of the preparations of the king of Kanauj for opposing an invasion 
from beyond the Indus, in the 12th century, when " the king of Gor and 
Irak crossed the Attok", in which it is said that the invading army had 

* TdriJch-i-Firuz-Shdhi, of Zid-ud-din Barm, Dowson's Elliot, III, 146. 

f Tdrihh-i- Aldi. Dowson, III, 80. 

X Id., Ill, 82. 

§ Tdrikh-i-Firiiz-Shdhi (Zid-ud-din) . Id. II, 202. 

| Ershine and Leyden's Memoirs of Baber, 306. Tuzak-i-Bdhari, Dowson, IV, 255. 

II Tod's Annals of Bajasthan, I, 310. 

86 E. Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons, [JTo. 1 

the aid jf "the skilful Frank, learned in all the arts."* In a footnote Tod 
adds, " It is singular that Chand likewise mentions the Frank as being in 
the army of Shabudin in the conquest of his sovereign Pirthiraj." 

The note in Erskine and Leyden's translation of Babar's Memoirs, on 
the passage above referred to, about artillery at the battle of Panipat, says 
of the term ' FeringiM , " the word is now used in the Dekkan for a 
swivel."f I am informed by Mr. Shaw, lately our representative in Yar- 
kand, that in a book which he obtained during his residence in Turkistan, 
relating to events in Yarkand in the beginning of last century, guns are 
designated Firingi miltih. (Miltik is the word given for musket, in the 
Vocabulary appended to Sir D. Forsyth's Eeport of the Mission to Yar- 
kand in 1873. X K is perhaps used in a more general way also for fire-arms, 
like our gun.) The same term, Mringi Miltik, Mr. Shaw mentions, is now 
applied to Eifles. It may be inferred that it was for a similar reason that 
in the other instances above referred to, in earlier times, corresponding 
terms were used with reference to the engines and engineers, and then to 
the first gunpowder artillery used in India. 

Alike in Asia and in Europe the earlier weapons of war continued, of 
necessity, to be used long after the introduction of gunpowder artillery, and 
along with it. The guns, few in number, were at first merely a small but 
startling addition to the ordinary implements of battle. At Panipat, when 
Babar's Mringi field-pieces were causing a new sensation, the smaller fire- 
arms were not yet in use, and throughout the account of the fight he relates 
how his troops poured in discharges of arrows on the enemy. When the 
Zamorin's subjects had become familiar with powder and modern fire-arms, 
as noticed above, still "in all fights", as Herbert goes onto say, "they 
also use bow and arrow, darts and targets, granads and variety of fire- 
works.'^ So of course did English bows, long after Creci, play the chief 
part in fights in which cannons also were brought into play.|| 

In Europe the fire missiles of the earlier days were both used along 
with modern guns and discharged by means of them. And the Greek Fire, 
having its composition and effects modified by gunpowder led the way to 
the later holies ar denies or pots de feu, and shells. Fire arrows even were 
among the kinds of missiles thrown from the early small-bore guns.l[ 

* Tod's Hajasthan, II, 8. 

f P. 306. Also Dawson's Elliot, IV, 255* 

X P. 548. 

§ Some Yeares Travels, p. 302, 

|| Mr. Grant Duff, in his Notes of his recent journey in India, mentions that an 
officer who accompanied him on his visit to the fort of Lahor (Jan. 1st, 1875) inform- 
ed him he had had an arrow shot at him during the siege of Multan in 1848. (Con- 
temp. Bev., July 1875.) 

IT Nap. Louis Bonaparte. Etudes sur le passe et Vavenir de VArtillerie, p. 43. 

1876.] R. Maclagan — On ~Early Asiatic Mre Weapons. 67 

Froissart mentions Greek Fire used with modern artillery by the English at 
the siege of the castle of Eomorantin in 1356. " Si ordonnerent a apporter 
canons avant et a, traire carreaux et feu gregeois dedans la basse cour.' 
" Adonc fut le feu apporte avant, et trait par bombardes et par canons en 
la basse cour."* In their contests with the Moors in Granada, in 1485, 
the Spaniards threw from their engines large globular masses composed of 
certain inflammable ingredients mixed with gunpowder, which, " scattering 
long trains of light", caused much dismay.f The earlier cannon, M. Viol- 
let le Due says, in his work on the Military Architecture of the Middle 
Ages, " appear to have been often used, not only for hurling round stones 
as bombs, like the engines which worked by counterpoise, but likewise for 
throwing small barrels containing an inflammable and detonating composition 
such as the Greek Fire described by Joinville, and known to the Arabs from 
the twelfth century. "J This application of Greek Fire, or some of these 
other compositions, is the device which the experienced campaigner, Ritt- 
master Dugald Dalgetty, brought to the notice of Sir Duncan Campbell of 
Ardenvohr — " Still however the Captain insisted, notwithstanding the 
triumphant air with which Sir Duncan pointed out his defences, that a 
sconce should be erected on Drumsnab, the round eminence to the east of 
the castle, in respect the house might be annoyed from thence by burning 
bullets full of fire, shot out of cannon, according to the curious invention 
of Stephen Bathian, king of Poland, whereby that Prince utterly ruined the 
great Muscovite city of Moscow. This invention, Captain Dalgetty owned, 
he had not yet witnessed, but observed that it would give him particular 
delectation to witness the same put to the proof against Ardenvohr, or any 
other castle of similar strength ; observing that so curious an experiment 
could not but afford the greatest delight to all admirers of the military 
art."§ The event which the Captain referred to belongs to the latter half 
of the sixteenth century. In 1582, this Stephen Bathian or Bathony, king 
of Poland, made peace with Russia under Ivan II. 

We are generally accustomed, now-a-days, to look upon the practical 
application of any kind of Greek Fire to hostile or incendiary purposes as 
a thing of the past and only of historical interest. But the extraordinary 
abundance of the petroleum with which the world is now supplied has fur- 

* Froissart, I, 2, 26, quoted by Reinaud and lave, 223 ; and Lalanne, Feu Gregeois, 61. 

f Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella, I, 211. The Catalogue of Arabic Military Works 
before referred to speaks of the use of cotton dipped in oil, with daqq-al-harrdqat, 
which may mean fire-powder ; the burning power of fire arrows being strengthened 
by the addition of some gunpowder composition of the earlier kind used for fire-works. 
Fihrist $c., p. 64. 

% Translation by M. Maedermott, p. 170. 

§ Legend of Montrose, Chap. X, 



68 E. Maclagan— On Marly Asiatic Mre Weapons. r$ \ 

nished the means, as well as suggested the idea, of its use for this purpose. 
With all the resources of modern skill and appliances, Greek Fire was 
brought into use at the siege of Charleston in 1863, — not without some 
expressions of public disapproval. * The secret manufacture of Greek Fire 
in Dublin, for Fenian use, in 1867 received a check by the arrest of the 
artist. It is not forgotten how burning petroleum was brought into use 
in a not very edifying manner, by the communists in Paris in 1870 ; and 
since that time by more than one party in Spain. 

The occasional revivals of disused weapons and practices of war make 
but little mark on the line of continuous progress in the art of preparing 
war fire material. It is likely that the advances from one kind of fire wea- 
pon and fire composition to another have all been gradual, and that to no 
definite time or single individual can be attributed the invention or dis- 
covery of either Greek Fire or gunpowder. The usual account of Greek 
Fire, which implies that it was one distinct and specific composition, is that 
it was invented by Callinicus, an architect of Heliopolis (Ba'lbek), who 
deserted from the service of the Caliph to that of the Emperor Consta'ntine 
Pogoimtus (the bearded) in the latter half of the seventh century, that its 
composition was a secret, and the art was preserved at Constantinople, that 
the secret afterwards passed in some way to the Muhammadans, that the 
use of the Greek, or, as it may now be called, says Gibbon, the Saracen fire 
was continued to the time of the invention or discovery of gunpowder, and 
that the secret has since been lost.f Grose adds another supposition, that 
it was the invention of Arabian chymists, and the researches made since his 
time show this to be at least equally likely. 

The various preparations for which receipts are given in the Arabic 
books quoted by MM. Eeinaud and Fave have probably all been recog- 
nised as forms of the fire compositions which, under whatever name at the 
time, caused much terror to those against whom they were used, and were after- 
wards known by the common name of Greek Fire ; though the fire so called 
which was most alarming and destructive was liquid, that is, apparently, 

^ * A feeling which had been strongly expressed in a less advanced age. MM. 
Eeinaud and Fave quote from a manuscript treatise on the Art of War by Christian of 
Pisa, in the reign of Charles VI, of France (beginning of the fifteenth century), " Mais 
comme telles choses a faire ne enseigner pour les maulx qui s'en pourroient ensuivre 
soientdeffenduesetexcommeniees, n'est bon d'en mettre en livres ne plus plainement 
en reciter, pour ce qu'a crestien n'appartient user de telles inhumanites qui meesmement 
sont contre tout droit de guerre." On which the modern authors observe—" Eemar- 
quons que l'auteur ne parle pas du feu grec comme d'une chose inconnue, mais oomme 
d'un moyen de guerre deloyal." Feu Gregeois, p. 220. 
f Gibbon, A. D. 668—675. 

BeeJcniann's Hist, of Inventions and Discoveries, IV, 84. 
Grose's Military Antiquities, II, 309. 

1876.] E. Maclagan— On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 

was prepared with petroleum. It was not one single mixture compounded 
after the prescription of Callinicus. Nor does there appear to have been 
any secret m the matter, nor does the art appear to have been at any time 
lost.* Only all people had not command of the most essential materials of 
the composition, and in particular, of the petroleum or naphtha, which is 
frequently named as the chief or only combustible thus used.f 

With still less certainty can the invention or discovery of gunpowder 
be assigned to any particular time or person. When it is claimed for Eoger 
Bacon or Berthold Schwartz, it comes to little more than this, that they 
were attentive students of the chemistry of their time and acquainted with 
compositions of the nature of gunpowder, and that they recorded what they 
knew and had seen. It was, however, apparently without knowing or not- 
ing the capabilities of gunpowder for application to military purposes. J 
From the various combinations of the ingredients for use in fire-works, the 
advance was great which resulted in the application of the compound to 
explosive and projectile purposes, and its preparation in a form suitable for 
those uses. The discovery of its expansive power would, it might be sup- 

* See Eeinaud and Fave, Chap. VIII, p. 219, &c. 

f A question arises whether a mistake is not made in the use of the term Greek 
Fire ; not merely the question suggested by its uncertain history, whether or not it was 
in any sense of Greek origin, but whether the word " Greek" is the right representa- 
tion of the term from which it is taken. Is the term " Greek Fire 9 ' or any exact equi- 
valent, used before the time of the Crusade Chronicles in which it appears in the form 
Feu Gregeois ? And are the names since used, Ignis Grcecus, Greek Fire &c. taken 
from this ? Then what is Gregeois ? The word is almost, if not entirely, limited to this 
particular application of it. The Dictionary of the French Academy says " Gregeois. 
II n'est usite que dans cette locution, feu gregeois, espece d'artifice dont on se servait 
anciennement a la guerre/' &c. It is not used as a synonym of Grec. Can it be con- 
nected with any other word ? The old French verb gregier is thus interpreted in the 
Complement of the French Academy's Dictionary. " Gregier, v. a. et n. (V. lang.), Gre- 
ver, Accabler, Faire tort.' 5 And grever is from gravis ; (greve = grief). (Diez, My* 
mological Dictionary of the Homance languages^ by T. G. Donkin.) A derivation of gre- 
geois frem gregier does not appear impossible or fanciful. May it not have been a 
descriptive epithet of the fire, grievous or terrible ? Just as in China the material is 
said to have been known in the tenth century by the name of " oil of the cruel fire." 
{Grose, II, 309). The suggestion is perhaps not worth much. But the title of the fire 
to the name Greek does not appear clear. 

X Not that this would have been set aside as being of no concern to men of their 
profession. Sir Walter Scott's picture of an energetic monk, technically familiar with 
the construction and working of the mechanical war engines of his time, while profes- 
sing that they did not come within the range of his studies, (The Betrothed, Chap. 
VIII) is probably not a mere personal portrait. Inmates of monasteries, as well as 
other ecclesiastics, of the Middle Ages, while they were the conservators of learning, and 
the cultivators of the ornamental arts, did not neglect to keep an eye on the arts that 
pertained to war. 



E, Maclagan — On Early Asiatic Eire Weapons. 

[No. 1, 

posed, be readily followed by the invention of cannon. Yet though this 
property of gunpowder was known to Eoger Bacon, no form of instrument 
for applying it to the purpose of propelling missiles of any kind seems to 
have been known till long after. And the invention of cannon does not 
appear to be assignable now, any more than that of gunpowder, to any par- 
ticular individual.* 

The compositions above referred to, for which the Arabs had receipts 
in times preceding the knowledge of gunpowder artillery in Europe, appear 
distinctly to have been applied as combustibles, — in fire-works and fiery 
missiles. They were forms of fire-powder, not gunpowder. And they may 
have been the first to make them. Colonel Fave, in his Etudes sur le passe 
et Vavenir de VArtillerie, goes further, however, and says " Les Arabes 
paraissent avoir ete les premiers a lancer les projectiles par la force explosive 
de la poudre a canon, "f It may be so, but there does not appear to be 
good evidence of it. They led the way to gunpowder, through Greek Tire 
and fire-works, and made it, but did not apparently find out, before 
European nations, its most important form and application. 

It has been noticed that the use of modern artillery made very un- 
equal progress in different countries. The use of gunpowder, like that of 
Greek Fire, was, in its early days, largely dependent on the facilities for pro- 
curing the materials and manufacturing the powder, or on the facilities for 
obtaining the powder ready-made from other countries. With communica- 
tions imperfect and tedious, supplies of gunpowder would be uncertain. 
An Eastern traveller in the beginning of the seventeenth century says that 
at that time a place in the neighbourhood of Achin " supplies in a manner 
all the Indies with sulphur to make powder of." J This was rather a wide 
general statement. In Scotland, a few years after the time of which this 
traveller writes, it is recorded, under date July 19th, 1626, that " amongst 
the preparations for war at this time, the Privy Council, reflecting on the 
inconveniences of being wholly dependent on foreign countries for gunpow- 
der, empowered Sir James Baillie of Lochend, Knight, to see if he could 
induce some Englishmen to come and settle in Scotland for the manufac- 
ture of that article." 

* History says nothing in support of the pretensions of Butler's claimant " Mag- 
nano, great in martial fame", 

Of warlike engines he was author, 
Devised for quick dispatch of slaughter. 
The cannon, blunderbus, and saker, 
He was th' inventor of, and maker. 

Hudibras, Part I, Canto 2. 
f Quoted in Quarterly Review, July 1868. Art. IV. " Gunpowder." 
% M. Beaulieu's Voyage to the East Indies, A. U. 1619. Harris's Collection, II, 250. 


1876.] H. Beveridge— Were the Sundarbans inhabited in ancient times ? 71 

^ The arts pertaining to weapons and munitions of war spread now over 
a wide field. In the line on which they were started by the introduction of 
gunpowder they have made great advances in the hands of different nations 
of Europe. With no essential change, of the kind which took place when 
gunpowder artillery came into use, the minute improvements in execution, 
and careful attention to accuracy, in modern times, and particularly in the 
present century, have made changes nearly as important. Great as the 
difference between the old and the new war engines, in the days when they 
worked together, as great probably are the differences of another kind be- 
tween Babar's firingi field-pieces at Panipat and the Armstrongs of the 
present day. 

Were the Sundarbans inhabited in ancient times ?—By H. Beveeidge 

B. C. S. 

This is a question which has excited a great deal of attention. The 
Bengali mind as being prone to the marvellous and to the exaltation of the 
past at the expense of the present, has answered the question in the affirma- 
tive and maintained the view that there were formerly large cities in the 
Sundarbans. Some Bengalis also have suggested that the present desolate 
condition of the Sundarbans is due to subsidence of the last, and that this 
may have been contemporaneous with the formation of the submarine hol- 
low known as the " Swatch of no ground". It seems to me, however, to be 
very doubtful indeed that the Sundarbans were ever largely peopled, and 
still more so that their inhabitants lived in cities or were otherwise civiliz- 
ed. As regards the eastern half of the Sundarbans, namely, that which lies 
in the districts of Bakirganj and Noakhali and includes Sondip and the 
other islands in the estuary of the Megna, it seems to me that the fact of 
so much salt having been manufactured there in old times militates against 
the view of extensive cultivation ; for the salt could not have been made 
without a great expenditure of fuel, which of course implies the existence 
of large tracts of jungle. Du Jarric speaks of Sondip as being able to 
supply the whole of Bengal with salt, and it seems evident that in old times 
salt was reckoned as the most valuable production of this part of the coun- 
trv. How inimical this must have been to a widespread cultivation of the 
neighbouring tracts may be judged of from the fact that in modern times 
the salt manufacture by Government was a great obstacle to the clearing 
and colonization of the churs and islands, as the Government officers insis- 
ted on the jungles being maintained for salt -manufacture. The zamindars 
also of Dakhin Shahbazpur obtained, as I have elsewhere stated, a large 
reduction of their land revenue on account of part of their lands being 
taken up for the use of the salt works. 

72 H. Beveridge— Were tie Sundarbans inhabited in ancient times? [N 1 

Sondip itself was, it is true, cultivated in Ctesar Frederick's ti 
(1569), but so it is now, and there is no reason to suppose that its civilization 
was greater then than it is at present. It may have, but then it certainly 
had, some thirty or forty years later, one or two Forts, which were marks 
of insecurity rather than of prosperity, and which do not exist now, simply 
because the Aracanese and the Portuguese pirates are no longer formidable 
Ealph Fitch visited Bacola in 1586, and describes the country as being very 
great and fruitful. He does not, however, expressly say that Bacola was a 
city, and it is possible that the people lived then as now in detached houses 
and did not lodge together in any great town or mart. But even if we take 
the words " the houses be very fair and high builded, the streets large" ( a 
most unlikely thing in any oriental city) to mean that there was a city of 
Bacola and give full credence to Fitch's statements, the next clause of the de- 
scription, viz., " the people naked, except a little cloth about their waist" 
does not suggest the existence of much civilization or refinement. 

Moreover, there is nothing to show that Bacola was in what are now 
known as the Sundarbans. It probably was the same as Kochua, which, 
according to tradition, was the old seat of the Chandradip Rajas. But 
Kochua is at this day one of the most fertile and best cultivated 
parts of Bakirganj, and is the only place in the south of the district 
which contains a large Hindu population. No doubt there has been 
a great amount of diluviation near Kochua, and the river between the main- 
land and Dakhin Shahbazpur has become much wider than it was in old times. 
In this way the old city of Bakla and much of its territory may have dis- 
appeared, and to this extent there probably has been a decay of civilization, 
but this is a different thing from the supposition that the tract now existing 
as forest was formerly inhabited by a civilized people. It seems to me also 
that Fiteh cannot have been a very observant traveller, as otherwise he 
would have noticed the terrible storm which overwhelmed Bakla only a 
year or two before his visit, and that therefore we should not press his 
statement too far. Possibly all physical traces of the storm had disappeared, 
but surely people must still have been telling of it, and Fitch must have 
heard of it if he stayed at Bakla any time or had any intercourse with the 

Another thing which indisposes me to believe in the early coloniza- 
tion of the eastern part of the Sundarbans is the terrible hardships 
which the crew of the " Ter Schelling" suffered on this coast in 1661. The 
" Ter ^Schelling" was a Dutch vessel which sailed from Batavia for Ongueli 
(Hijli) in Bengala on 3rd September, 1661, and was wrecked off the coast 
of Bengal in the first half of the following month. The narrative of the 
voyage and shipwreck, and of the subsequent adventures of the passengers 
and crew was written by one of them. The author was, I believe, a 

1876.] H. Beve ridge— Were the Sundarhans Inhabited, in ancient times ? 73 

Dutchman, and his account was first published at Amsterdam and after* 
wards at London in 1682 under the title of ' Eelation of an unfortunate 
voyage to the kingdom of Bengala'. The passengers and crew seem to have 
landed on an island near Sondip, and their sufferings from hunger were 
most terrible. They were compelled to live on most disgusting objects 
such as a putrid buffalo, a dead tortoise^ " leganes", serpents, snails, and 
the leaves of trees, and to drink salt water. They saw very few in- 
habitants, and those whom they did come across seemed to be almost 
as poor and miserable as themselves and to have been driven out from 
more civilized regions. They were several times on the eve of resorting 
to cannibalism, but eventually they got to Sondip, where they were kindly 
treated and sent on to Bulwa (Bhalua). The prince of Bulwa was 
also kind to them, and sent them on to Becke (Bhaka), where they were 
impressed and made to serve in the war under Mir Jumlah against Asam. 
Unfortunately the author does not clearly indicate the site of the shipwreck, 
but it was evidently somewhere on the sea coast of the Sundarbans. The 
people whom he met, or at least some of them, appear to have been Muham- 
madans, for they used the expression ' salaam'. 

In Professor Bloehmann's Contributions to the Geography of Bengal, 
No. I. (J. A. S. B., 1873, Pt. I., p. 227), reference is made to Van den 
Broucke's map in Valentyn's work as showing the place where the " Ter 
Schelling" was wrecked. 

I may also notice here that the copper-plate inscription found at I'dil- 
pur in Bakirganj, and described in the Asiatic Society's Journal for 
1838, seems to imply that the inhabitants of that part of the coun- 
try belonged to a degraded tribe called the Chandabhandas — a fact 
which is not favourable to the supposition of an early civilization of 
the Sundarbans. # 

By far the most interesting account of the Sundarbans is contained in 
the letters of the Jesuit priests who visited Bakla and Jessore in 1599 and 
1600. Their letters were published by Nicolas Pimenta and have been 
translated into Latin and French. I was indebted for my introduction to 
them to my friend Br. Wise, who told me that they were quoted in Purchas's 
Pilgrimage. Extracts from the letters and the subsequent history of the 
mission are also given by Pierre Bu Jarric in his ' Histoire des choses plus 
memorables advenues aux Indes Orientales', Bordeaux, 1608-14. 

It appears that Pimenta, who was a Jesuit visitor and stationed at 
Goa, sent two priests, Fernandez and Josa, to Bengal in 1598. They left 
Cochin on 3rd May, 1598, and arrived in eighteen days at the Little Port 
(Porto Pequino). From thence they went up the river to Gullo or Goli, 

* Vide, however, Mr, Westmacott's remarks on this name, J. A, S. B., 1875, Pt. I, 
p. 6. 


74 H. Beveriage—Were the Sundarhans inhabited in ancient times? [No. 1 

where they arrived eight days after leaving the ' Little Port'. While at 
Gullo, they were invited by the Eaja of a place, called Chan dec an (in 
Italian Giandecan), to pay him a visit, and accordingly Fernandez sent Josa 
there, and he was favourably received by the king. One year after 
these two priests had left Cochin, Pimenta sent two other priests, namelv 
Melchin de Fonseca and Andrew Bowes, to Bengal, and they arrived at 
Chittagong or at Dianga some time in 1599. On 22nd December 1599 
Fernandez wrote from Sripur, giving an account to Pimenta of the suc- 
cess of the mission, and on the 20th January, 1600, Fonseca wrote from 
Chandecan, giving an account of a journey which he had made from Dianga 
to Chandecan by way of Bakla. Fonseca's letter is most interesting. He 
describes how he came to Bacola, and how well the king received him, and 
how he gave him letters patent, authorising him to establish churches' &c, 
throughout his dominions. He says that the king of Bakla was not above 
eight years of age, but that he had a discretion surpassing his years. The 
king " after compliments asked me where I was bound for, and I replied that 
I was going to the king of Ciandecan, who is to be the father-in-law of your 
Highness. These last words seem to me to be very important, for the king 
of Ciandecan was, as I shall afterwards show, no other than the famous 
Pratapaditya of Jessore, and therefore this boy-king of Bakla must have 
been Kamchandra Rai, who we know married Pratapaditya' s daughter. 
Fonseca then proceeds to describe the route from Bakla to Chandecan and 
I shall give this in the original Italian. 

II viaggio di Bacola sin a Ciandecan e il pin fresco, delitioso ch'io 
mai vedessi, per i varii fiumi con alberi alle rive ch' irrigano il paese, e per 
veder&i da una parte correre numerose schiave di cervi, per l'altra pascere 
moltitudine di vacche ; lascio le campagne spatiose di viso, e li molti can- 
neti di canne mele, gli sciami d'api per gli alberi, e le simi andar saltando 
da uno albero all' altro e altri particolarita di grande ricreatione aviandanti. 
Non mancono pero Tigri e Crocodili che si pascono di carne humana, per 
trascuragine, e peri peccoti d' alcuni. Sono ancoraper quelle selve Einoc'eroti 
ma io non ne ho visto veruno." 

Now though the good father evidently had an eye for natural scenery 
and was delighted with the woods and rivers, it is evident that what he ad- 
mired so much must have appeared to many to be « horrid jungle", and was 
very like what the Sundarbans now are. In fact, a great part of this de- 
scription of the route from Bakla to Ciandecan is still applicable to the 
journey from Barisal to Kaliganj, near which Pratapaditya's capital was 
situated. The chief difference is, that the progress of civilization has driven 
away the herds of deer and the monkeys from the ordinary routes, though 
they are still to be found in the woods, and the deer have given their name 
to one of the largest of the Sundarban rivers (the Haringhata). The 

1876.] H. Beveridge — Were the Smidarlans inhabited in ancient times? 75 

faithfulness of Fonseca's description seems indicated by his modestly admit- 
ting that he had never seen a rhinoceros, while stating (quite truly) that 
there were such animals in the forest. Had he come upon any town on his 
route, it is reasonable to suppose that he would have mentioned it. Fonseca 
arrived at Ciandecan on the 20th November, and then he found Fernandez's 
companion Dominic de Josa, who must either have been left there by Fer- 
nandez in 1598, or had returned some time afterwards. The king received 
Fonseca with great kindness — so much so, that he says he does not think a 
Christian prince could have behaved better. A church was built at Ciande- 
can, and this was the first ever erected in Bengal and was as such dedicated 
to Jesus Christ. Chittagong was the second, and then came the church at 
Bandel, which was erected by a Portuguese named Villalobos. 

The fair prospects of the mission as described by Fernandez and Fon- 
seca were soon overclouded. Fernandez died in November 1602 in prison 
at Chittagong, after he had been shamefully ill-used and deprived of 
the sight of an eye ; the king of Ciandecan proved a traitor, and killed 
Carvalho the Portuguese Commander, and drove out the Jesuit priests. 
Leaving these matters, however, for the present, let us first answer the ques- 
tion, Where was Ciandecan ? I reply that it is identical with Pratapaditya's 
capital of Dhumghat, and that it was situated in the 24-Parganahs and 
near the modern Kaliganj. My reasons for this view are first that 
Chandecan or Ciandecan is evidently the same as Chand Khan, and we 
know from the history of Baja Pratapaditya by Bam Bam Bosu (modernised 
by Harish Tarkalankar) that this was the old name of the property in the 
Sundarbans, which Pratapaditya's father Vikramaditya got from king Daiid. 
Chand Khan, we are told, had died without heirs, and so Vikramaditya got 
the property. And there is nothing in this contradictory to the fact that 
Jessore formerly belonged to Khanja 'Ali [Khan Jahan] ; for Khanja 'Ali 
died in 1459, or about 120 years before Vikramaditya came to Jessore, 
so that the latter must have succeeded to some descendant of Khanja 'Ali, 
and he may very well have borne the name of Chand Khan. When the 
Jesuit priests visited Ciandecan, Pratapaditya cannot have been very long 
on the throne, and therefore the old name of the locality (Chand Khan) 
may still have clung to it. 

But besides this, Du Jarric tells us that after Fernandez had been kill- 
ed at Chittagong in 1602, the Jesuit priests went to Sondip, but they soon 
left it and went with Carvalho the Portuguese Commander to Ciandecan. 
The king of Ciandecan promised to befriend them, but in fact he was 
determined to kill Carvalho, and thereby make friends with the king of 
Arakan, who was then very powerful, and had already taken possession of 
the kingdom of Bakla. The king therefore sent for Carvalho to " Jasor ", 
and there had him murdered. The news reached Ciandecan, says Du Jarric, 


76 Eajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [jj- . \ 

at midnight, and this perhaps may gi ve us some idea of the distance of the 
two places. 

I do not think that I need add anything to these remarks except that 
I had omitted to mention that Fernandez visited Ciandecan in October 1599 
and got letters patent from the king. As an additional precaution, Fernandez 
obtained permission from the king to have these letters also signed by the 
king's son, who was then a boy of twelve years of age. The boy may have 
been Udayaditya, and so he must have been only three or four years older 
than Bamchandra Bai of Bakla. 

I must not omit to point out that the fact that Vikramaditya chose 
Jessore as a safe retreat as the strongest possible evidence of the jungly 
nature of the surrounding country. It is true it had been cultivated in the 
previous century by Khanja 'Ali, but the experiment had proved a failure 
and the land had in the time of his successor (?) Chand Khan relapsed into 

To sum up, it seems to me that the Sundarbans have never been in a 
more nourishing condition than they are in at present. I believe that large 
parts of Bakirganj and Jessore were at one time cultivated, that they re- 
lapsed into jungle, and that they have soon been cleared again, and I have 
also no doubt that the courts of the kings of Bakla and of Ciandecan im- 
parted some degree of splendour to the surrounding country. But I do not 
believe that the gloomy Sundarbans on the surface of Jessore and Bakir- 
ganj were ever well peopled or the sites of cities. 

On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India.— By Bajendealala Mitea, LL. D. 

Nothing can be more abhorrent to modern civilization than the idea of 
slaughtering human victims for the propitiation of the great Father of the 
universe ; yet, looking to the character of the different systems of religion 
which governed the conscience of man in primitive times, it would by no 
means be unreasonable to assume a priori that such an idea should have been 
pretty common, if not universal. 

The tendency to assign human attributes to the Divinity was a marked 
peculiarity in almost all systems of religion that then got into currency. 
The ideal of God was derived from the concrete man. The attributes were 
doubtless magnified manifold, but their character remained the same— they 
differed only in degree, but not in kind. A being of unlimited power, of 
profound erudition, of great subtlety, was what the untutored finite mind of 
man could conceive in its aspirations to grasp the infinite ; and as those aspi- 

1876.] Rajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 77 

rations were inspired by a dread of some, to it, unknown force which brings 
on misfortune, the human susceptibilities of being vexed at disobedience and 
appeased by flattery and peace-offering, were early attributed to him. In fact 
a cruel, fierce, vindictive being, whose grace could be purchased by coaxing 
and presents, was one of the earliest conceptions of the Godhead among 
primitive races. With the advancement of civilization this conception was 
materially and greatly purified and improved, but the idea of winning the 
good-will of an offended, or indifferently disposed, being of great power 
could not be shaken off, and the coaxing and the presents had, therefore, to be 
retained under some shape or other. All mantras, charms, and prayers — all 
offerings, oblations and sacrifices — in fact, the whole history of religion, may 
be looked upon as the gradual development of this cardinal idea. And 
inasmuch as the efficacy of an offering, in the case of man, is dependant upon 
its nearness of relation and preciousness to the offerer, and in primitive times 
the prime of the flock was the most valued article of possession, sacrifices of 
animals naturally obtained the highest place in the cultus of ancient wor- 
shippers. The owner of the flock was, of course, the nearest and most pre- 
cious to himself, and his children, the next after him, and accordingly they 
would be deemed the most appropriate to be offered as sacrifices ; though^ 
generally speaking, the main object of worship, in early times, having been 
the temporal good of the worshipper, it was by no means convenient for 
him to offer himself as a sacrifice for it. Children, particularly when there 
happened to be several in a family, could be more readily spared, and they 
would accordingly be more frequently given up for the purpose. 

Again, working out, with reference to the Divinity, the human practice 
of professing submission by putting oneself into privations and degradation 
in the presence of the person whose good- will has to be secured, penance and 
mortification early formed a part of religion, and indeed have been co-exten- 
sive with religion itself ; and the conclusion was soon arrived at, that if the 
mortification of the flesh was gratifying to the Divinity, its entire dedica- 
tion to Him would be much more so. But self-love here intervened, and 
suggested the idea of substitutes or vicarious sacrifice, which has exercised 
so potent an influence in the evolution of the religious cultus everywhere. 

Further, rejoicings after success in warfare formed a most important 
element in the annals of primitive society, and as such successes were uni- 
versally acknowledged to be due to divine interference, the idea of offering 
to the intervener the fruits thereof was but natural, and the offering of pri- 
soners-of-war as sacrifices was the obvious conclusion arrived at. The 
extreme difficulty of keeping in security and feeding large bodies of prison- 
ers-of-war has often suggested the necessity of summarily disposing of them 
by slaughter, — even Napoleon I., it is said, once felt compelled to resort to the 
odious method of poisoning some of his sick comrades whom he could 

78 Eajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No 1 

not carry away in his march from Jaffa,*— and in ancient times, with no secure 
prisons and defective commissariat arrangements, when the victors themselves 
had to depend upon chance for their own rations, it must have been hut too 
frequently felt _; and two massacres under such compulsion would suffice to 
give them a religious character, and render them sacred. 

The capital punishment of criminals at stated times would also assume 
a similar character in a short period. Vindictiveness has, likewise, had a share 
as much in suggesting human sacrifices as in bringing anthropophagism into 

Moreover, it being admitted that a fierce, sanguinary divinity, who help- 
ed his worshippers in achieving success in warfare, would delight in receiving 
sanguinary offerings, vows and promises to make them on the result of a 
projected, or impending, battle proving favourable, or on the attainment of 
some coveted object, would naturally follow ; and the simple-minded people 
who made such vows and promises would not fail to keep them with puncti- 
lious care. 

Moreover, the practice, so common in pre-historic and proto-historic 
times (and not altogether a thing of the past in the present day), of showing 
respect or affection to chiefs and seniors at their funerals by slaughtering 
and sometimes, but rarely, burying alive some of their wives, concubines, and 
slaves, as also their horses and dogs, to accompany them, and to minister to 
their comfort in another world, was, by its frequent repetition on so solemn 
an occasion as a funeral, just what would give a religious character to 
such slaughter, and convert it into a holy sacrifice. 

Yet again, the art of the magician, which in primitive times included 
that of the sorcerer and the soothsayer, had to resort to the most outland- 
ish, uncouth, and extraordinary means to retain its hold on the minds of 
ignorant, credulous, and superstitious people, and what could be more mys- 
terious and awe-inspiring than communion with the dead and the 
slaughter of human beings under the most harrowing circumstances ? and 
that such slaughter under the peculiar state of ancient society would be as- 
sociated with religion was but natural! 

Lastly, a vitiated desire for human flesh as an article of choice food 
was, it would seem, pretty prevalent in rude primitive barbarous times, but 
as this desire could not be satisfied except at uncertain times when strangers 
or prisoners were available, the indulgence in it necessarily partook of the 
character of a feast, and that again soon passed into a religious observance. 

* Dr. Desgentiles, in Ms Histoire Medicals de VArmee dr 'Orient, denies this charge, 
but Napoleon himself says, "Ivas obliged to leave behind all who could not follow us. 
There were fifty men sick of the plague who could not move with the army, and who 
must be left to the ferocious Djezzar. I caused opium to be administered to them to 
release them from their suffering." (Jomini, I, p. 231.) The charge was at the time 
generally believed. 


1876.] Rajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 79 

Thus anthropopathy resulting in devotion, penance, rejoicings, 
vows and a desire to avert evil, or secure a coveted object by divine 
intervention, vindictiveness, expediency, respect for the dead, necromancv and 
depraved appetite, would all tend to human sacrifices ; and that they did so, 
is abundantly evident from the history of human civilization in ancient times. 
To quote, however, a few instances by way of proofs, though many of them 
must be familiar to most of my readers. 

The Phoenicians frequently offered human victims to their sanguinary gods 
Ba'al and Moloch to appease their thirst for blood. The Carthaginians did 
the same to the same divinities. The Druids, both in Great Britain and 
Scandinavia, likewise, satisfied the spirit of their gods by human sacrifices, often 
burning large numbers of men in wicker baskets. The Scythians testified their 
devotion by immolating hundreds at a time. In the Thargalia of the Athenians, 
a man and a woman were annually sacrificed to expiate the sins of the nation. 
Homer mentions that twelve Trojan captives were killed at the funeral of 
Patroclus,* and Menelaus was seized by the Egyptians for sacrificing young 
children with the Greek notion of appeasing the winds.f As an act of vin- 
dictive devotion, Augustus immolated three hundred citizens of Perusia before 
his deified uncle Divus Julius. The cruel practice of the Cyclops feasting on 
their prisoners- of -war is well known. According to Euripides, " the most 
agreeable repast to the Cyclops was the flesh of strangers," % and Homer 
describes that six of the comrades of Ulysses were devoured by Scylla in the 
cavern of the Cyclops. § One passage on the subject gives a vivid picture of 
the cruel practice, and I quote Pope's version of it entire. 

" He answered with his deed ; his bloody hand 

Snatched two unhappy of my martial band, 

And dashed like dogs against the rocky floor. 

The pavement swims with brains and mingled gore. 

Torn limb from limb, he spreads the horrid feast, 

And fierce devours it like a mountain beast. 

He sucks the marrow, and the blood he drains ; 

Nor entrails, flesh, nor solid bone remains. 

We see the death, from which we cannot move, 

And humbled groan beneath the hand of Jove." Od. L. I., v. 282. 

Doubtless there is much poetical embellishment in this extract, but di- 
vested of it it shows that the Cyclops indulged in human sacrifice. The 
cavern evidently was, like many others on the shores of the Mediterranean 
Sea, temples where the horrid rite of anthropothusia was regularly observed, 

* II. XL 33. 

f Herodot., II. 119. 

X Euripides, Cyclops, V. 126. 

§ Bryant's Ancient Mythology, II., pp. 15 ff. 


80 Rajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. l 

and shipwrecked mariners were the persons who afforded the readiest vie- 

The Lamias and the Lestrygons were equally cruel r in their religious 
observances. Adverting to the former, Bryant says, " The Lamias were not 
only to be found in Italy, and Sicily, but Greece, Pontus, and Libya. And 
however widely they may have been separated, they are still represented in 
the same unfavourable light. Euripides says that their very name was 
detestable. Philostratus speaks of their bestial appetite, and unnatural 
gluttony. And Aristotle alludes to practices still more shocking : as 
if they tore open the bodies big with child, that they might get at 
the infant to devour it. I speak, says he, of people, who have brutal 

These descriptions are perhaps carried to a great excess; yet the 
history was founded on truth : and shews plainly what fearful impres- 
sions were left upon the minds of men from the barbarity of the first 

" One of the principal places in Italy, where the Lamia seated them- 
selves, was about Formiae j of which Horace takes notice in his Ode to 
iElius Lamia. 

JEli, vetusto nobilis ab Lamo, &c. 
Auctore ab illo ducis originem, 
Qui Formiarum mcenia dicitur 
Princeps, et innantem Maricas 
Littoribus tenuisse Lirim. 

^ " The chief temple of the Formians was upon the sea-coast at Caiete. 
It is said to have had its name from a woman who died here : and whom 
some make the nurse of iEneas, others of Ascanius, others still of Creusa.f 
The truth is this : it stood near a cavern, sacred to the god Ait, called Ate, 
Atis, and Attis ; and it was hence called Caieta, and Caiatta. Strabo says,' 
that it was denominated from a cave, though he did not know the precise 
etymology. % There were also in the rock some wonderful subterranes, which 
branched out into various apartments. Here the ancient Lamii, the priests 
of Ham, resided :§ whence Silius Italicus, when he speaks of the place, styles 
it Eegnata Lamo Caieta. || They undoubtedly sacrificed children here, and 
probably the same custom was common among the Lamii, as prevailed 

* Aiistol. Ethics, L. 7., c. 6 , p. 118. 
t Virgil. Mn. L. 7. V. 1. 
X Strabo, L. 5, p. 357. 
§ Ibid., p. 356. 
II Silius, L. 8. 

1876. J Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 81 

among the Lacedaemonians, who used to whip their children round the altar 
of Diana Orthia. Thus much we are assured by Fulgentius, and others, 
that the usual term among the ancient Latines for the whipping of children 
was Caiatio. Apud Antiquos Caiatio dicebatur puerilis cades. "* 

It is generally believed that the Syrens were no other then priestesses 
of anthropothusiac temples on the coast of Campania, and they derived their 
infamous notoriety, most probably, from the part they took in the immola- 
tion of shipwrecked mariners ; " for Campania at one time was as dreaded as 
Ehegium and Sicily, for the dangers which awaited those who navigated 
their coasts." The priestesses were invariably selected with special reference 
to their personal charms, and the most important part in the service of their 
temples was singing of hymns in which the Syrens were so far perfect, that 
they were formerly believed to have been the daughters of Terpsichore ac- 
cording to some, and of Melpomene or Calliope according to others. After 
quoting the account of the Syrens given by Homer (Od. M. v. 39 et seq.), 
Bryant says " The story at bottom relates to the people abovementioned, 
who with their music used to entice strangers into the purlieus of their 
temples, and then put them to death. Nor was it music only, with which 
persons were induced to follow them. The female part of their choirs were 
(sic) maintained for a twofold purpose, both on account of their voices and 
their beauty. They were accordingly very liberal of their favours, and by 
these means enticed seafaring persons, who paid dearly for their entertain- 
ment, "f That Scylla, who destroyed some of the followers of Ulysses and of 
whom mention has already been made, was a priestess of this class, is now 
generally admitted. According to Tzetzes, " she was originally a handsome 
wench, but being too free with seafaring people, she made herself a beast." 
" v Hv Se Trpoirov %kvWol yvvr) ev7r/3€7r^s. HoareiSutvc 8k ovvovara aTreOyipHjiQ-q." 
The story of Saturn devouring his own children — a failing which has also been 
attributed to Ops, and, according to a passage of Euhemerus transmitted by 
Ennis, said to have been common among " the rest of mankind" — Saturnum 
et Opem, cseterosque turn homines humanam carnem solitos esitare — is very 
justly supposed by Bryant to be due to the practice of immolation of 
children in the temples of that divinity " in a ceremony styled <o//,o<£ayia, 
at which time they eat the flesh quite crude with the blood. In Crete, at 
the Dionusiaca they used to tear the flesh with their teeth from the animal, 
when alive. This they did in commemoration of Dionusus. Festos funeris 
dies statuunt, et annuum sacrum trieterica consecratione componunt, omnia 
per ordinem facientes, quae puer moriens aut fecit, aut passus est. Vivum 
laniant dentibus taurum, crudeles epulas annuis commemorationibus exci- 
tantes. Apollonius Ehodius, speaking of persons like to Bacchanalians, 

* De Virgiliana continentia, p. 762. Bryant's Ancient Myth. II., pp. 15 ff. 
f Bryant's Ancient Mythology, II, p. 20. 



82 Kajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. pSfo. 1 

represents them (®va<nv a>iAo{3opoi<s iKeAcu) as savage as the Thyades, who 
delighted in bloody banquets. Upon this the Scholiast observes, that the 
Msenades, and Bacchse, used to devour the raw limbs of animals, which they 
had cut or torn asunder. In the island of Chios it was a religious 
custom to tear a man's limb by way of sacrifice to Dionusus. The 
same obtained in Tenedos. It is Porphyry who gives the account. He 
was a staunch Pagan, and his evidence on that account is of consequence. 
He quotes for the rites of Tenedos Euelpis the Carystian. From all 
which we may learn one sad truth, that there is scarce any thing so 
impious and unnatural, as not at times to have prevailed."* It is said 
Orpheus first put a stop to this disgustingly cruel custom ; but, according 
to some, he only stopped the practice of eating raw flesh, but did not 
succeed in altogether suppressing the rite. 

Eeferring to the inhabitants of Cyprus, Herodotus says : " The people 
of this place worship the virgin goddess Artemis ; at whose shrine they 
sacrifice all persons who have the misfortune to be shipwrecked upon their 
coast : and all the Grecians that they can lay hold of, when they are at any 
time thither driven. All these they, without any ceremony, brain with a 
club. Though others say that they shove them off headlong from a preci- 
pice, for their temple is founded upon a cliff, "f This Artemis was the 
counterpart of the Indian Kali, to whom human sacrifices were offered until 
very recently, as will be shown further on. Even the casting of the victim 
headlong from the top of a cliff was not unknown in India, for we are in- 
formed by Dr. Hendley in his interesting account of the Maiwar Bhils (ante 
XLIV, p. 350) that " at installations at Jodhpur, buffaloes and goats are to 
this day sacrificed in front of the four-armed Devi, and thrown down the 
rock face of the fort. So again, at the very ancient temple of Devi on the 
Chitor Hill." " These are," he adds, "relics of aboriginal worship ;" but of 
this there is no proof. " A goat is still offered daily at the shrine of Amba- 
devi, at Amber the ancient capital of Dhundar, or Jaipur, as a substitute 
for the human victim formerly stated to have been sacrificed at the same 
place." The story of the Devi who wanted and got seven consecutive royal 
victims from a chieftain of Chitor, so spiritedly narrated by Colonel Tod, 
must be fresh in the mind of the reader. 

The Assyrians, like the people on the shores of the Mediterranean, free- 
ly indulged in human sacrifices, and imagined that such sacrifices were the 
most acceptable offerings they could make to their gods. 

According to Diodorus " red-haired men were formerly sacrificed by 
the Egyptian kings at the altar of Osiris. $"■ And Plutarch quotes a 

* Bryant's Ancient Mythology, II, pp. 12 ff. 
t L. iv, C. 103. 
X Diodor., I. 88. 

1876.] Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 83 

passage from Manetho to show that "formerly in the city of Idithya, 
they were wont to burn even men alive, giving them the name of 
Typhous, and winnowing their ashes through a sieve to scatter and disperse 
them in the air ; which human sacrifices were performed in public, at a 
stated season of the year during 873."* Herodotus denied the correctness 
of these statements ; and Sir Gardner Wilkinson argues that " it is di- 
rectly contrary to the usages of the Egyptians, and totally inconsistent 
with the feeling of a civilized people ;" but religious observances and social 
customs are such irreconcilable riddles that a priori arguments founded on 
them appear to me to be simply unfit for the elucidation of truth. Tew would 
question the civilization of the Eomans — so much higher than that of the 
Egyptians — or admitting it deny the fact that they devoted their prisoners-of- 
war to carnage for the entertainment of the people of their metropolis ; 
not to advert to their practice of sacrificing human victims until so recent- 
ly as the first century before the Christian era, when (A. U. C. 657) during 
the consulship of Cneius Cornelius Lentulus and P. Licinius Crassus a decree 
was promulgated by the senate prohibiting human sacrifices. f The horrors 
of the Inquisition during the middle ages may also be referred to, to show 
how the immolation of large numbers of men may be consistent with a 
high state of civilization and a humane religion. Certain it is that the 
principles on which human sacrifices got into currency were fully recog- 
nised by the Egyptians ; thus they held that " sacrifices ought not to be 
of things in themselves agreeable to the gods, but, on the contrary, of crea- 
tures into which the souls of the wicked have passed" (Plutarch, des Is. 
s. 31) ; they offered the entrails of the dead to certain inferior gods or 
genii ; and their kings, after every victory, repaired to the temple of their 
chief divinity, " performed sacrifice, offered suitable thanksgivings", and 
lastly " dedicated the spoil of the conquered enemy, and expressed their gra- 
titude for the privilege of laying before the feet of the god, the giver of 
victory, those prisoners they had brought to the vestibule of the divine 
abode. "J It may be that the actual sacrifice of men took place at a very 
early period, and it was subsequently replaced by emblematic offering ; but 
there is no reason to doubt that at one time or other the rite of anthropo- 
thusia did obtain currency among them. Wilkinson, with all his anxiety to 
defend the credit of the Egyptians, is constrained to admit this.§ 

The ancient Jews were in many respects better than their neighbours, 
but the idea of human sacrifice seems not to have been unknown to them. 
When Abraham was commanded to offer up his son, he did not even evince 

* Athen., IV. p. 172. 

f Pliny, XXX, c. 3. 

| Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians II, p. 286. 

§ Ibid., II. p. 343. 




84 Kajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

any repugnance or surprise, and the vow of Jephtha, which was literally 
carried out by the sacrifice of his daughter, affords a positive proof on the 
subject. The offering of children to Moloch, which the Jews evidently 
borrowed from their neighbours, is also remarkable as bearing strongly on 
the question at issue. 

Of all the different races of America, the Aztecs were the most civi- 
lized. Their social institutions, their palaces, their elective form of govern- 
ment, were such as to claim for them a very high position as a nation, and 
yet their addiction to human sacrifice was such as would disgrace the lowest 
savages. At their coronations, "the new monarch", says Prescott, " was 
installed in his regal dignity with much parade of religious ceremony ; but 
not until, by a victorious campaign, he had obtained a sufficient number of 
captives to grace his triumphal entry into the capital, and to furnish 
victims for the dark and bloody rites which stained the Aztec supersti- 
tion."* The number immolated at such times was prodigious ; nor was 
the coronation the only time when this horrid rite was celebrated. Adop- 
ted in the beginning of the fourteenth century, it was not very frequent 
at first ; " it became", according to the historian, " more frequent with the 
wider extent of their empire till at length, almost every festival was closed 
with this cruel abomination."f The total was variously estimated at from 
twenty thousand to fifty thousand in ordinary years, and rising, on great 
occasions, such as a coronation or the dedication of an important temple, as that 
of Huitzilpotchli in 1486, to a hundred thousand. The heads of the victims 
were preserved in Golgothas, in one of which the companions of Cortes 
counted one hundred and thirty-six thousand skulls. The details varied 
according to circumstances, and the nature of the divinity to whose honour 
the rite was celebrated, but they were generally of the most disgusting 
and cruel kind possible ; attended by preliminary tortures, which Prescott 
justly compares with the fantastic creations of the Florentine poet as 
pictured in the twenty-first canto of his ' Inferno'. Neither sex nor age 
offered an immunity to the unfortunate captive from his- cruel doom, and in 
seasons of draught, infants were particularly sought as the meetest offering 
to the rain-god Tluloc. The object in this case was exactly the same for 
which the Khonds of western Orissa sacrificed their Meriah to the Earth 
Goddess, Tari Pennu, and the manner in which they treated the Meriah 
corresponds in many respects with that of the Aztecs. The following 
extract gives the details of an ordinary sacrifice of the Aztecs : 

" One of their most important festivals was that in honour of the god 
Tezcatlepoca, whose rank was inferior only to that of the Supreme Being. 
He was called ' the soul of the world', and supposed to have been its Crea- 

* Conquest of Mexico, I, p. 22. 
f Ibid., p. 67. 

1876.] Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 85 

tor. He was depicted as a handsome man, endowed with perpetual youth. 
A year before the intended sacrifice, a captive, distinguished for his personal 
beauty, and without a blemish on his body, was selected to represent this 
deity. Certain tutors took charge of him, and instructed him how to 
perform his new part with becoming grace and dignity. He was arrayed 
in a splendid dress, regaled with incense, and with a profusion of sweet- 
scented flowers, of which the ancient Mexicans were as fond as their de- 
scendants at the present day. When he went abroad, he was attended by 
a train of the royal pages, and, as he halted in the streets to play some 
favourite melody, the crowd prostrated themselves before him, and did him 
homage as the representative of their good deity. In this way he led an 
easy, luxurious life, till within a month of his sacrifice. Four beautiful 
girls, bearing the names of the principal goddesses, were then selected to 
share the honours of his bed ; and with them he continued to live in idle 
dalliance, feasted at the banquets of the principal nobles, who paid him all 
the honours of a divinity. 

" At length the fatal day of sacrifice arrived. The term of his short- 
lived glories was at an end. He was stripped of his gaudy apparel, and bade 
adieu to the fair partners of his revelries. One of the royal barges trans- 
ported him across the lake to a temple which rose on its margin, about a 
league from the city. Hither the inhabitants of the capital flocked, to wit- 
ness the consummation of the ceremony. As the sad procession wound up 
the sides of the pyramid, the unhappy victim threw away his gay chaplets 
of flowers, and broke in pieces the musical instruments with which he had 
solaced the hours of captivity. On the summit he was received by six 
priests, whose long and matted locks, flowed disorderly over their sable robes, 
covered with hieroglyphic scrolls of mystic import. They led him to the 
sacrificial stone, a huge block of jasper, with its upper surface somewhat con- 
vex. On this the prisoner was stretched. Five priests secured his head and 
his limbs : while the sixth, clad in a scarlet mantle, emblematic of his bloody 
office, dexterously- opened the breast of the wretched victim with a sharp 
razor of itztli, a volcanic substance hard as flint, — and, inserting his hand 
in the wound, tore out the palpitating heart. The minister of death, first 
holding this up towards the sun, an object of worship throughout Anahac, 
cast it at the feet of the deity to whom the temple was devoted, while the 
multitudes below prostrated themselves in humble adoration. The tragic 
story of this prisoner was expounded by the priests as the type of human 
destiny, which, brilliant in its commencement, too often closes in sorrow 
and disaster."* 

Nor did the Aztecs rest satisfied with this offering to their gods. " The 
most loathsome part of the story, the manner in which the body of the 

* Conquest of Mexico, I, pp. 68ff. 


86 Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

sacrificed captive was disposed of, remains to be told. It was delivered to 
the warrior who had taken him in battle, and by him, after being dressed 
was served up in an entertainment to his friends. This was not the coarse 
repast of famished cannibals, but a banquet teeming with delicious viands 
prepared with art, and attended by both sexes, who, as we shall see here- 
after, conducted themselves with all the decorum of civilized life. Surely, 
never were refinement and the extreme of barbarism brought so closely in 
contact with each other. ' ?# Well may the historian exclaim, " Strange 
that in every country the most fiendish passions of the human heart have 
been kindled in the name of religion." 

The neighbours of the Aztecs, the Toltecs and the Tezcaucans, as also 
the Incas, indulged in the loathsome and revolting rite, and often waged war 
with each other, simply for the sake of obtaining captives for their gods. It 
is even said that such wars were sometimes amicably arranged solely for the 
sake of captives for sacrifice.f 

In South America, the Peruvians were strongly addicted to human sacri- 
fices, and the Araucanians, though they are said to have been " sensible to the 
dictates of compassion", and a mild, sensible race averse to cruelty, were never- 
theless sometimes given to the same practice. They celebrated a rite called 
Pruloucon, or " the Dance of the Dead", at which a prisoner-of-war was 
" sacrificed to the manes of the soldiers killed in the war." After subject- 
ing the unfortunate victim to various kinds of ignominy, such as making him 
ride a horse deprived of his ears and tail, symbolically burying the good deeds 
of his national chiefs, and the like, " the Toqui, or one of his bravest com- 
panions to whom he relinquishes the honour of the execution, dashes out the 
brains of the prisoner with a club. The heart is immediately taken out 
by two attendants and presented palpitating to the general, who sucks a 
little of the blood, and passes it to his officers, who repeat in succession the 
same ceremony, in the mean time he fumigates with tobacco-smoke from 
his pipe the four cardinal points of the circle. The soldiers strip the flesh 
from the bones, and make of them flutes ; then cutting off the head, carry 
it round upon a pike amidst the acclamations of the multitude, while, stamp- 
ing in measured pace, they thunder out their dreadful war-song, accompanied 
by the mournful sound of these horrid instruments." J 

Of cannibalism pure and simple, such as that of some of the Pacific Island- 
ers ; of the people of Equatorial Africa, some of whom, the Murirumbites 
for instance, like human flesh raw, and others, like the Wadoe of the 
Coast, prefer to eat it roasted j§ of the " Mongols, who, according to 

* Conquest of Mexico, p. 71. 

f Ibid, p. 74. Vide passim Heaviside's American Antiquities. 
% Abbe Don J. Ignatius Molina's History of Chili, II, p. 79. 

§ Burton's Lake Eegions of Central Africa, II, p. 114 ; also Du Chaillu's Explora- 
tions in Equatorial Africa. 

1876.] Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 87 

Sir John Maundeville, regarded human ears " sowced in vynegre as a de- 
lectable dish" j of the Dyaks of Borneo who delight in " head-hunts" ; of some 
South Eastern Chinese and Japanese of the middle ages, who drank the blood 
and eat the flesh of their captives, esteeming it the most savoury food in the 
world ; of the Tartars, Turks, Mongols, Tibetans, Javanese, Sumatras and 
Andamanese* I need say nothing. The facts are well known ; and however 
repulsive it may be to our common humanity to be told of the fact, it can- 
not be denied, that men under certain circumstances of society, do take 
to human flesh as an article of food. 

That the practice of immolating wives, concubines, and slaves, at first 
originating from a mistaken sense of the future world and the require- 
ments of the manes, did lead to associating such slaughter with religion can 
scarcely be doubted. Dr. Thurnem has put together a large number of 
instances of this practice, and the curious in such matters will find incon- 
trovertible proofs on the subject in the thirty-seventh, the thirty- eighth, and 
the forty-second volumes of the Arehaologia. The cruel rite of Sati must 
have originated from this cause, though the love and constancy of Hindu 
women soon gave it a high character for devotion as a voluntary sacrifice. 
The immolation of twelve Trojan youths, along with two dogs and four 
horses, on the funeral pyre of Patroclusf belongs to this class ; and Tertul- 
lian says—" Olim quoniam animas def unctorum humano sanguine propitiari 
creditum est, captivos vel mali status servos mercati in exsequiis immolabant. 
Postea placuit impietatem voluptati adumbrare. Ita mortem homicidiis 
consolabantur."J — It is supposed by some that the broken bones found 
in the Long Barrows of Great Britain are mostly of persons buried 
alive along with the individuals to whose honour the barrows were raised. 
The opinion, however, has, I believe, not been generally accepted by anti- 

* Col. Yule has collected a large number of facts illustrative of this subject, and 
I must refer the reader to his note. Marco Polo, 2nd Ed., I. pp. 302 ff. ; II. pp, 245, 
265, 275, 292. Adverting to Christiandom, he says " The story of King Richard's 
banquet in presence of Saladin's ambassadors on the head of a Saracen curried (for so it 
surely was), — 

1 Soden full hastily 
With powder and with spysory, 
And with saffron of good colour' 
fable as it is, is told with a zest that makes one shudder ; but the tale in the Chanson 
d'Antioche, of how the licentious bands of ragamuffins, who hung on the army of the 
First Crusade, and were known as the Jufurs, ate the Turks whom they killed at the 
siege, looks very like an abominable truth, corroborated as it is by the prose chronicle 
of worse deeds at the ensuing siege of Thorra." Loe. cit. 

t II. XXIII, 239. 

t Tertullian, De Spectaculis, XII. 


88 Bajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

The human sacrifices in the temples on the eastern shore of the Mediter- 
ranean, to which reference has already been made, were often connected with 
soothsaying, the priests foretelling the future from the appearance of the 
entrails of the victim, and elsewhere the connexion of human sacrifice with 
necromancy, magic, sorcery, and other dark arts can be easily pointed out. 
Some alchemists slaughtered infants to help them in their attempt at dis- 
covering the elixir of life ; but I doubt if it led to any religious sacrifice. 

The only two instances I am aware of of periodical jail delivery of prisoners 
sentenced to capital punishment leading to a religious festival, are the horrid 
rite which keeps the Ashantis in a whirl of excitement for a whole week 
every year, and that of the Yucatans ; # but they are quite enough to show 
that the conclusion I wish to draw from them, is perfectly legitimate. 

The Persians were, perhaps, the only nation of ancient times who did 
not indulge in human sacrifice. As constituting the agricultural section of 
the great Aryan race, they contented themselves by offering the fruits of the 
field for the gratification of their divinity. And the Hindus, as more inti- 
mately connected with them than with the other branches of the Aryan race, 
we may suppose, did not differ much from the Persians ; but it is also certain 
that religious differences, depending principally upon the leaning of the Hin- 
dus in favour of animal sacrifice, made them break off from their brethren, 
and depart from their primitive home, and what is true of the Persians 
need not, therefore, necessarily be so of the Hindus. Besides there is nothing 
to show that they were incapable of doing what their contemporaries, 
the Assyrians, Egyptians, Greeks, and Eomans did in the way of religious 
rite, and what appears from the instances quoted above to have been a 
failing or predeliction common to almost all mankind. They were cer- 
tainly highly civilized for the time in which they flourished, and the spirit 
of their institutions was so benign and pacific, that it may strike us as 
inconsistent to associate with it the disgusting rite of human sacrifice. 
Arguing upon these premises, Colebrooke and Wilson have come to the con- 
clusion " that human sacrifices were not authorised by the Veda itself, but 
were either then abrogated and an emblematic ceremony substituted in their 
place, or they were introduced in later times by the authors of such works as 
the Kalika Purana."f As a Hindu writing on the actions of my ancestors — 
remote though they are, — it would have been a source of great satisfaction to 
me if I could adopt this conclusion as true ; but I regret I cannot do so 
consistently with my allegiance to the cause of history. Doubtless the 
institutions of the Vedic Hindus were of a benign and humane character, and 
that they did not tolerate brutality to the extent that other ancient nations 
indulged in, I can well believe ; but it must be added also that benign and 

* Fancourt's History of Yucatan, p. 126. 
t Journal, E. As. Soc, XIII, p. 107, 

1876.] Bajendralala Mitra— Ow Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 89 

humane as was the spirit of the ancient Hindu religion, it was not at all op- 
posed to animal sacrifice ; on the contrary, most of the principal rites requir- 
ed the immolation of large numbers of various kinds of beasts and birds. 
One of the rites enjoined required the performer to walk deliberately into 
the depth of the ocean, and drown himself to death. This was called Ma- 
Mprasthdna, and is forbidden in the present age. Another, an expiatory one, 
required the sinner to burn himself to death, on a blazing pyre— the Tush- 
dnala. This has not yet been forbidden ; and it is what Calanus performed 
in the presence of Alexander the Great. The gentlest of beings, the simple- 
minded women of Bengal, were for a long time in the habit of consigning 
their first-born babes to the sacred river Ganges at Sagar Island, and this 
was preceded by a religious ceremony, though it was not authorised by any 
of the ancient rituals. For centuries men have courted death under the 
wheels of Jagannatha's car, under the delusion of that being the most merito- 
rious act of devotion which they could perform, and with the fond assurance 
that they would thereby secure for themselves the highest reward in a future 
life. And if the spirit of Hindu religion has tolerated, countenanced, or pro- 
moted such acts, it would not be by any means unreasonable or inconsistent 
to suppose that it should have, in primitive times, recognised the slaughter 
of human beings as calculated to appease, gratify, and secure the grace of, 
the gods. 

But to turn from presumptive evidence to the facts recorded in the 
Vedas. The earliest reference to human sacrifice occurs, according to the 
Hindus, in that most ancient record of the Aryan race, the SarLhita of the Big 
Veda, to which obviously Colebrooke and Wilson refer by the use of the word 
Veda in the singular number. The first book of that work includes seven 
hymns* supposed to have been recited by one S'unahsepha when he was bound 
to a stake, preparatory to being immolated. He prays earnestly that he may 
be allowed " to behold again his father and mother" ; that " Varuna, uii- 
disdainful, may bestow a thought upon him" ; that " he may not take away 
his existence" ; that " he may not make the petitioner an object of death" ; 
that he " may loose the petitioner from the upper bonds, and untie the centre, 
and the lower, so that he may live." One verse says " S'unahsepha, seized 
and bound to the three-footed tree (the sacrificial post), has invoked the 
son of Aditi ; may the regal Varuna, wise and irresistible, liberate him ; 
may he let loose his bonds." (p. 63.) These quotations afford a strong 
presumptive evidence that S'unahsepha was intended for a sacrifice ; though 
there be no positive mention of the fact in the Sahhita, and the hymns 
contain many prayers for wealth, cattle, and other blessings, which any person 
may ask without being in the position of a victim at a cruel sacrifice, 

* Wilson's Big Veda, I, pp. 59 f. 

90 Rajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. I 

The Aitareya Brahmana of the Rig Veda gives the details of the story 
which connects these hymns with a human sacrifice. The story has been 
quoted at length by Wilson, in his paper " On the sacrifice of Human Beings 
as an Element of the Ancient Religion of India"* and by Max Miiller 
in his " Ancient Sanskrit Literature" (pp. 408 ff.) ; who has also printed 
the text, and pointed out the variations of the Sankhayana Sutra version 
of it {ibid, p. 573) ; it likewise occurs in its place in Haug's translation of 
the Aitareya Brahmana (pp. 460 ff.), I need not, therefore, reproduce it here. 
Suffice it to say that according to it, one Harishchandra had made a vow to 
immolate his first-born to Varuna, if that divinity would bless him with 
children : a child was born named Bohita, and Varuna claimed it ; but the 
father evaded fulfilling his promise, until Bohita, grown up to man's estate 
ran away from home, when Varuna afflicted the father with dropsy ; at last 
Rohita purchased one S'unahsepha from Ajigarta for a hundred head 
of cattle, had him tied to a stake, and was about to have him immo- 
lated in redemption of his father's vow to Varuna, when the victim, at the 
suggestion of Visvamitra, recited the hymns, and was thereby released. 
The story is, with some slight variations in minor details, reproduced in 
the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, and the Bhagavata Purana. The Aitareya 
Brahmana gives seriatim the initials of the several hymns as they were 
supposed to have been recited, and as they occur in the Saiihita, but the 
other works refer to them generally, without any specific quotation. 

It is unquestionable that the works in which the story is given, are of 
ages long subsequent to the date of the Saiihita, and their evidence cannot 
be accepted as conclusive. Arguing upon this datum and the absence of all 
mention of a human sacrifice in the Saiihita, Rosen, Wilson and others are 
of opinion that the hymns cannot be associated with a human sacrifice. Wil- 
son explains that the "upper, middle, and lower bonds" referred to in the 
hymns, and which Indian commentators accept to mean the thongs with 
which the head, the waist, and the legs of the victim were tied to the sacri- 
ficial post, have been used metaphorically to imply the bondage of sin ; but 
he admits that the reference to the " three-footed tree," the sacrificial post, 
" is consistent with the popular legend, "f He says nothing about the 
seizure, referred to in the verse above quoted, but that too affords a strong 
argument in favour of the interpretation adopted by the author of the 
Aitareya Brahmana. We have also to bear in mind that, whatever their age, the 
Brahmanas are the oldest exposition we possess, of the origin, scope and pur- 
port of the hymns of the Sanhitas, dating as they do, according to European 
orientalists, from five to ten centuries before the Christian era, and to reject 
their interpretation in favour of conclusions drawn by persons of this century, 
would be to reject proof in favour of conjecture ; and that conjecture 
* Journal, R. As. Soc, XIII, pp. 96 ff f Big Veda, I, p, 63. 


1876.] Eajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 91 

founded in many instances upon very contracted and narrow views of modern 
canons of criticism, of laws of unity and propriety, of consistency and habits 
and modes of thinking, which are not always applicable to those records. 

It may be noted also that the conclusion drawn by the learned orienta- 
lists from the above facts is, that the sacrifice of human beings did not form 
an element of the ancient religion of India, and this is not warranted by the 
premises. Doubtless the details of a sacrifice are not given in the Sanhita, 
but, taking the Sanhita to be, as it unquestionably is, only a collection of 
hymns divested of all connecting links, we have no right to expect them 
there. It would be as reasonable to expect all the details of a story in a 
hymn improvised by the hero of it, to meet a particular contingency, as to 
expect the whole plot of a novel from a single speech in it. The absence of 
reference to any rite, custom, or observance, in a book of hymns, however 
sacred that book may be, is no proof of that rite, custom, or observance 
having never existed among those who held the said hymns to be sacred. 
To accept it as such, is to attach an importance to negative evidence to 
which it has no claim, and in the case under notice there is enough, as shown 
above, to warrant an opposite conclusion. 

Besides, "the ancient religion of India", referred to by the learned 
Professors Wilson and Rosen, can mean either the religion of the 
aborigines, or that of the Indo-Aryans, and as in the case of the former 
no reference would be required to the Vedas, it is to be presumed that the 
early religion of the Indo-Aryans is referred to ; and if so, we cannot 
look to the Sanhita apart from the Brahmanas. What we call ancient 
Hinduism is founded on the Brahmanas, and cannot possibly be dis- 
sociated from it. We can easily conceive that the religion of the Aryans 
before they had finally settled in India differed from it in many respects, 
and we can found conjectures about it on certain slender facts to be gleaned 
from the Sanhita of the Rig Veda and the Zendavesta ; but we cannot, without 
misleading, call that religion, whatever it was, " the religion of ancient 
India." The Brahmanas may have, for aught we know to the contrary, 
changed the ancient rites, and introduced new ones ; and it is unquestionable 
that many of their legends and anecdotes were got up merely by way of 
illustrations, and have no claim to be believed as true, (the professors of the 
Mimahsa school stigmatize them often as artliavdda or eulogistic) but we 
cannot discard them, and replace their testimony by conjecture. 

At any rate the story of S'unahsepha must be accepted as a positive 
proof in favour of the theory that at the time of the Aitareya Brahmana, the 
Hindus did tolerate human sacrifice. To assume that the sacrifice referred 
to in it was a symbolical one in which there was no intention whatever 
to make a sanguinary offering, would be totally to destroy the raison d'etre 
of the legend, to divest it of all its sensational elements, and to make it 

92 KajendraMla Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

quite flat, stale, and unprofitable. The great object of the legend, whether 
it be intrinsically true or false, was to extol the merits of the hymns in res- 
cuing a victim from a sacrificial stake ; but if the stake be divested of its 
horrors, that object would be entirely defeated. Then, if Harischandra 
did not intend actually to give up his son to Varuna, the promise to " sacri- 
fice his son when born" would be unmeaning, and the frequent evasions he 
resorted to, by saying, " an animal is fit for being sacrificed when it is more 
than ten days old" ; " it is not fit for sacrifice until it has teeth" ; " it is not fit 
until the milk teeth are shed" ; " it is not fit until the permanent teeth are all 
come out" ; " a man of the warrior caste is fit for being sacrificed only after 
having received his full armour", were quite uncalled for, and gratuitous 
attempts at cheating a dread divinity whom he adored, and to whom he was 
bound by a solemn vow ; for he could have at any time easily subjected 
the son to the ceremony of being tied to a stake, and after repeating a 
few mantras over him let him off, perfectly sound in wind and limb. The 
running away of the son from his father would also be unmeaning; 
the purchase of a substitute stupid ; the payment of a fee of a hundred 
head of cattle to undertake the butcher's work quite supererogatory ; and 
the sharpening of the knife by Ajigarta a vain preliminary. The Brah- 
mana makes S'unahsepha express much disgust at the sight of Ajigarta, 
his father, sharpening a knife to slaughter him. " What is not found even 
in the hand of a S'udra", it makes him say, " one has seen in thy hand, the 
knife to kill thy son" ; but it has not a word in depreciation of the rite itself. 
It is said in the Brahmana that S'unahsepha, after his rescue, was so dis- 
gusted with his father that he forsook him, and became the adopted son of 
Visvamitra, who named him Bevardt or Diodotus, "the god-given", and 
became the head of one of the several branches of the descendants of 
Visvamitra. S'unahsepha was a grown-up man at the time, and was perfect- 
ly familiar with the S'astras, for he is described to have, immediately after, 
officiated at the ceremony, and to have introduced some innovations in the 
ritual ; if the whole rite were purely symbolical, he had no business to be 
offended with his father, a learned Brahman of high caste, and become the 
adopted son of a Kshatriya. 

The writer of this note claims to be a descendant of this Devarat, and, 
in common with a large number of men in different parts of India, at every 
solemn ceremony, is required by the S'astras and the custom of his ancestors 
to describe himself as belonging to the tribe (gotra) of Visvamitra, and of 
the family (pravara) of Devarat ; he is not prepared, therefore, to say that 
S'unahsepha is purely a mythical personage ; and seeing that, until the 
beginning of this century, the practice of offering the first-born to the river 
Ganges was common, and the story simply says that S'unahsepha was 
offered to the water-god Varuna as a substitute for the first-born Eohita, 

1876.] Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 93 

he can perceive nothing in it inconsistent or unworthy of belief. The 
rescue, of course, is due to the intervention of Visvamitra, as supposed by 
Wilson, and not to the efficacy of the hymns, but that was not intended to 
form the most salient point of the story. 

Exception has been taken to the theory of the sacrifice having been 
originally intended to be real on the ground of a story in the Aitareya 
Brahmana which narrates that " the gods once killed a man for their sacrifice, 
but that part in him which was fit for being made an offering, went out and 
entered a horse" ; then the horse being killed, it went to an ox; and the ox 
being killed, it went to a sheep ; and the sheep being killed, it went to a goat ; 
and the goat being killed, it went to the earth ; and the gods, guarding the 
earth, seized the rice, the produce thereof, which, made into cakes, formed 
the best offering, and all the animals from which the sacrificial part had gone, 
became unfit for being sacrificed, and no one should eat them. # This story, 

* I quote the entire passage from Hang's translation to enable the reader to jndge 
for himself : 

" The gods killed a man for their sacrifice. But that part in him which was fit for 
being made an offering, went out and entered a horse. Thence the horse became an 
animal fit for being sacrificed. The gods then dismissed that man after that part which 
was only fit for being offered had gone from him, whereupon he became deformed. 

" The gods killed the horse ; but the part fit for being sacrificed (the medha) went out 
of it, and entered an ox ; thence the ox became an animal fit for being sacrificed. The 
gods then dismissed (this horse) after the sacrificial part had gone from it, whereupon 
it turned to a white deer. 

" The gods killed the ox ; but the part fit for being sacrificed went out of the ox, 
and entered a sheep ; thence the sheep became fit for being sacrificed. The gods then 
dismissed the ox, which turned to a gayal (Bos gaevusj . 

" The gods killed the sheep ; but the part fit for being sacrificed went out of the sheep, 
and entered a goat ; thence the goat became fit for being sacrificed. The gods dismissed 
the sheep, which turned to a camel. 

" The sacrificial part (the medha) remained for the longest time (longer than in the 
other animals) in the goat ; thence is the goat among all these animals pre-eminently 
fit for being sacrificed. 

" The gods killed the goat ; but the part fit for being sacrificed went out of it, and 
entered the earth. Thence the earth is fit for being offered. The gods then dismissed 
the goat, which turned to a S'arabha. 

" All those animals from which the sacrificial part had gone, are unfit for being 
sacrificed ; thence one should not eat (their flesh). 

" After the sacrificial part had entered the earth, the gods surrounded it (so that no 
escape was possible) ; it then turned to rice. "When they (therefore) divide the Puro- 
dasa into parts, after they have killed the animal, then they do it, wishing " might not 
animal sacrifice be performed with the sacrificial part (which is contained in the rice of 
the Purodasa) ! might our sacrificial part be provided with the whole sacrificial essence 1" 
The sacrificial animal of him who has such a knowledge becomes then provided with the 
sacrificial part, with the whole sacrificial essence. The Purodasa (offered at the animal 
sacrifice) is the animal which is killed. The chaff and straw of the rice of which it con- 

94 Kajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

however, proves too much. If it is to be accepted as an evidence against 
the existence of human sacrifice in the time of the Aitareya Brahmana it 
must be allowed to tell equally against all animal sacrifices ; but curiously 
enough, immediately after the story, the Brahmana supplies the necessary 
mantras for offering the omentum ( Vapd) of a slaughtered animal • and, in five 
hundred different places, it furnishes directions for selecting, offering, slaugh- 
tering, and dividing among the officiating priests, goats, sheep, oxen, and 
other animals. In short, all the principal rites of the Brahmana period re- 
quired animal sacrifices, and it would be absurd to believe on the strength of 
the story in question that in the time of the Aitareya Brahmana there was 
no horse sacrifice, no cow sacrifice, no goat sacrifice, and everywhere rice 
cakes were substituted for sanguinary offerings. It would be equally 
absurd for the Puranas to prohibit the Purusha-medha and the horse sacrifice 
in the Kaliyuga, if they had been already prohibited in the Vedas. The 
fact, however, is, the story is simply eulogistic (arthavdda) and not at all 
intended to be prohibitive. In the Brahmanas every rite, when being 
enjoined, is the best of rites, as in the Puranas every sacred pool is the holiest 
of the holy, and every god the greatest among gods ; and as the object of 
the story was to praise the rice cake, it at once made it supersede all other 
kinds of offering. The Mimansakas invariably adopt this style of explana- 
tion to reconcile all contradictory passages in the Vedas, and it is, I think, 
the only reasonable one that can be adopted in such cases. Jaimini dis- 
tinctly lays down that " nothing is binding in the Vedas, which is not posi- 
tively enjoined as a duty" (Ghodandlakshano'rtho dharmah), and devotes 
a whole chapter (Book I, Chap. 2,) to what are mere arthavdda or eulogistic, 
including all Vedic legends under that head. 

Colebrooke's opinion on the subject was founded upon a passage in the 
Satapatha Brahmana of the White Yajur Veda, in which the human victims 
at a Purushamedha are recommended to be let off after certain mantras 
had been repeated over them ; but that passage cannot be accepted as a 
proof in the case under notice. The word Purusha-medha, it is true, literally 
means " a human sacrifice" ; but it is not a common term descriptive of 
every rite in which a human victim is offered to the gods, for there were 

sists are the hairs of the animal, its husks the skin, its smallest particles the blood, all 
the fine particles to which the (cleaned) rice is ground (for making, by kneading it with 
water, a ball) represent the flesh (of the animal), and whatever other substantial part is 
in the rice, are the bones (of the animal). He who offers the Purodasa, offers the sacri- 
ficial substance of all animals (for the latter is contained in the rice of the Purodasa). 
Thence they say : the performance of the Purodasa offering is to be attended to. 

" Now he recites the Yajya for the Vapa (which is about to be offered) Yuvam etani 
divi, i. e., Ye, O Agni and Soma, have placed, by your joint labours, those lights on 
the sky ! Ye Agni and Soma, have liberated the rivers which had been taken (by demons), 
from imprecation and defilement." Haug's Translation, pp. 90 ff. 

1876.] Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 95 

several such ; but a technical one, implying a specific ceremony to be per- 
formed in the spring season, according to certain fixed and well defined 
rules, which, according to the Puranas was altogether prohibited in the 
present iron age, and has no relation whatever to the sacrifice of children in 
redemption of vows. Whether the latter was ever prohibited or not, I 
cannot state positively ; but that the sacrifice of S'unahsepha to the water- 
god Varuna was the type on which the offering of infants to the water- 
goddess Ganga at the confluence of the river of that name with the sea, the 
emblem of the water-god Varuna, I have no reason to doubt ; and the 
latter was duly and pretty extensively observed for centuries, until finally 
put down by the British Government at the beginning of this century. 
It should be added here that the offering did not invariably or even generally 
lead to a murder, for a priest or bystander generally took up the child from 
the water, and brought him up as a foster son, very much in the same 
way as Visvamitra did in the case of S'unahsepha. 

The Purusha-medha was celebrated for the attainment of supremacy 
over all created beings. Its performance was limited to Brahmans and 
. Kshatriyas. It could be commenced only on the tenth of the waxing moon in 
the month of Chaitra, and altogether it required forty days for its perform- 
ance, though only five out of the forty days were specially called the days 
of the Purusha-medha, whence it got the name of Panchdha. Eleven 
sacrificial posts were required for it, and to each of them was tied an 
animal fit for Agni and Soma, (a barren cow) the human victims being 
placed between the posts. 

The earliest indication of this rite occurs in the Vajasaneyi Sanhita of 
the "White Yajur Yeda. The passage in it bearing on the subject is supposed 
to describe the different kinds of human victims appropriate for particular 
gods and goddesses. The section, in which it occurs, opens with three verses 
which, the commentator says, were intended to serve as mantras for offerings 
of human victims. Then follows a series of one hundred and seventy-nine 
names of gods in the dative case, each followed by the name of one or more 
persons in the objective case ; thus " to Brahma a Brahmana, to Kshatra a 
Kshatriya," &c. The copula is nowhere given, and it is quite optional 
with the reader to supply whatever verb he chooses. The whole of these 
names has been reproduced in the Taittiriya Brahmana of the Black Yajur 
Yeda, with only a few slight variations, and in some cases having the verb 
dlabhate after them. This verb is formed of the root labli "to kill" with 
the prefix a, and commentators have generally accepted the term to mean 
slaughter, though in some cases it means consecration before slaughter. The 
century of Brahmanas of the White Yajur Yeda also accepts the passage to 
be descriptive of human victims, and under the circumstance we may un- 
hesitatingly take it in that sense, though the arguments by which the hymns 

96 Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

of the Big Veda have been attemped to be divorced from their commentary 
in the Aitareya Brahmana may be fairly brought to bear upon it. 

As the passage in the Taittiriya is a curious one, though long, I shall 
quote it entire, pointing out within brackets in the foot notes the differen- 
ces observable in the Vajasaneyi Sanhita. It runs thus : 

I. " To a (divinity of the) Brahman (caste), a Brahmana should be 
sacrificed (dlabhate) ; 2. To a (divinity of the) Kshatriya (caste), a Ksha- 
triya ; 3. To the Maruts, a Vaisya ; 4. To Tapas (the divinity presiding over 
penances), a S'udra ; 5. To Tamas (the presiding divinity of darkness) a thief • 
6. To Naraka (the divinity of hells), a Virana (one who blows out sacrificial 
fires) ; 7. To Papaman (the divinity of sins), a hermaphrodite (or a eunuch) ; 
8. To Akraya (the divinity of commerce), an Ayogu (one who acts against 
the ordinances of the S'astra) ; 9. To Kama (the divinity of love), a courtezan • 
10. To Atikrushta (a detested divinity), a Magadha (the son of a Vaisya 
by a Kshatriya woman)* ; 

II. To Gita (the divinity of music), a Suta or musician (the son of a 
Kshatriya by a Brahmana woman) ; 12. To Nritta (the divinity of dancing), 
one who lends his wife to another (a cuckold) f ; 13. To Dharma (the 
divinity of duty), one who frequents assemblies and preaches morality ; 14. 
To Narma (the divinity of humour), a wit ; 15. To Narishta (a dependent 
goddess), a coward ; 16. To Hasa (the divinity of laughter), a person of 
an ambling gait; 17. To Ananda (the divinity of delight), a favourite of 
women; 18. To Pramada (the divinity of joy), the son of an unmarried 
woman ; 19. To Medha (the goddess of intelligence), a coach-builder ; 20. To 
Dhairya (the divinity of patience), a carpenter (carver) ;J 

21. To S'rama (the divinity of labour), the son of a potter ; 22. To Maya 
(the divinity who delights in art), a blacksmith ; 23. To Kiipa (the divinity 
of beauty), a jeweller ; 24. To the divinity of prosperity, an agriculturist 
(sower of seeds, vapa) ; 25. To Saravyi (the divinity of arrows), an arrow- 
maker ; 26. To Heti (the goddess of arms), a bow-maker; 27. To Karma 
(the divinity of art-work), a bowstring-maker ; 28. To Dishta, a maker of 

f The Vajasaneyi Sanhita, assigns the Suta to Nritta, and the cuckold to Grita. 

1876.] Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 97 

ropes ; 29, to Mrityu, (the divinity of death) a hunter ; 30, to Antaka, (the 
divinity of murder) a person delighting in hunting with dogs j* 

31, To Sandha, (the divinity of assignation) a person given to adultery ; 

32, to Geha, (the divinity of homesteads) one who lives in concubinage ; 

33, to Mrriti, (the goddess of misfortune) one who has married before his elder 
brother ; 34, to Arti, (the goddess of pain) one who wishes to marry before 
his elder brother ; 35, to Aradhi, (the divinity who causes obstruction to en- 
terprise) one who has married a widow ; 36, to Pavitra, (the divinity of purity) 
a physician; 37, to Prajnana, (the divinity of time) an astronomer ; 38, to 
Mskriti, (the goddess of success) the wife of a goldsmith ; 39, to Bala, (the 
divinity of strength) a girl who is forcibly taken and kept as a concubine for 
food and raiment, but no pay ; 40, to Varna, (the divinity of colours) one 
who works for the sake of another, not for himself ;f 

41, To the gods of rivers, a fisherman, (Paunjishta) ; 42, to the regents 
of lonely places, a Naishada ; 43, to the god who claims to be the noblest 
of males, an excessively vain man ; 44, to the gods of heroes, an insane man ; 
45, to the G-andharvas and their wives, one who has not been duly purified 
by the initiatory rites (a Vratya) ; 46, to the regents of snakes, and snake- 
charmers, one unfit for the initiatory rites ; 47, to the guardian gods, a 
gambler ; 48, to Iryata, (the goddess of food) one who abstains from gamb- 
ling ; 49, to the Pisachas, a basket-maker ; 50, to the Yatudhanas, (a race 
of demons) a gardener, or one who puts up a thorny hedge ; % 

51, To those gods who frustrate undertakings, a hunchback ; 52, to 
Pramada, (the divinity of excessive joy) a dwarf ; 53, to those goddesses 
who are the guardians of gates, a diseased person ; 54, to the presiding 
divinity of dreams, a blind man ; 55, to the divinity of sin, a deaf man ; 
56, to the divinity of sense, one who wins her husband's affection through 
charms or filters ; 57, to the divinity of profuse talk, a bore ; 58, to the 
goddess who is little conversant with the Vedas, a sceptic ; 59, to her who 
is conversant with them, one who is proficient in questioning ; 60, to her 

^t% qftfaf^pf i |>n?j[ qfWm] ^t<tw f^f^qfci i *rfw*f fmrn.t 
*Ri^r^w: srTf*r i ^ra^^rww ^f?rq^ i ^w |>rawn ] 1%?r^ i t^Nt^t 

^farR | fqW^itT f%^3iT< [f^^^RTTfr ] I ^T^Rttj: ^.t^^ far®%% 
wfx 3 II VL II 


98 Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

who presides over the purport of the Sastras, one who is able to meet 
arguments ; * 

61, To the divinity of thieves, one proficient in thieving ; 62, to one 
who prides in killing heroes, a tattler ; 63, to one who presides on gains, a 
charioteer ; 64, to the divinity who protects royal treasuries, a treasurer or 
revenue-collector ; 65, to the mighty, a servant ; 66, to the majestic, an 
officer, or an assistant j 67, to the dear one, a sweet speaker ; 68, to the un- 
injurious, a cavalier ; 69, to the intelligent, or him who is proficient in a 
knowledge of religious rites, a washer- woman j 70, to the most loving, a 
female dyer ;f 

71, To the refulgent, a collector of fuel ; 72, to the highly refulgent, 
a fire-man, or lighter of fires ; 73, to him who dwells on the top of heaven, one 
who officiates at a coronation ; 74, to the regent of the region of the sun, a 
polisher of metal pots j 75, to him who prides himself on being of the region 
of the Devas, one who causes enmity ; 76, to him who resides in the region of 
the mortals, one who foments quarrels among those who are in peace ; 77, to 
those who belong to all regions, a peacemaker ; 78, to him who presides 
over deaths by penance, one who meddles in quarrels ; 79, to him who prides 
himself on being of heaven (svarga), one who collects the dues of a king 
from his subjects ; 80, to the most aged of heaven, a table-servant ;% 

81, To the wavy-mover, an elephant-keeper, or mahut ; 82, to the 
swift, a groom ; 83, to the robust, a cowherd ; 84, to the vigorous, a goat- 
herd ; 85, to the energetic, a shepherd ; 86, to the divinity of food, a 
ploughman ; 87, to that of water, a distiller, or vintner ; 88, to that of 
welfare, a householder ; 89, to that of prosperity, an owner of wealth ; 90, 
to him who is the immediate cause of all things, the servant of a charioteer, 
or an assistant charioteer ;§ 

M i W^t! q^fqqsir ii < ii 

t ^*T ^^f ^ i Ir^rito fqi^' I fafa%j t3t!TT | l?Tqi?Sre ^TffSfrnT I 

^ i t«rrc ■qrc: q^Rgff j wrore xmfwfi ii *> ii 

|^ra ^t4t^ t^ i swreT ^t¥*3 i f mm s*totW?&t< i w%m fq^qrq 
qT^ftnrtf i j|q%qjre qfawif i *T^i%3rre s^ft^nr i ^«n %w ^q- 
t^Tt i *praj w^TqijfarmT i wtiw %w% wn^it i qfw*? ^\m^ 
qftTOK ii ^ H 

§ *to«it ^Tm | ai^T^T^q i qtj irrqT^ i ^*ms^qT^ i ^rcifq- 
qr% I tsw qffrm i qftware ^jqn< i ^re tz^ q i 5m fq^q i wwr- 
^m^nt ii £ ii 

1876.] Kajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 99 

91, To the mentally wrathful, a blacksmith, or one who works at a 
forge ; 92, to the manifestly angry, one who leads a convict to execution ; 
93, to him who presides over griefs, a groom who runs before a chariot ; 94, 
to the two who preside over gains above and below one's expectation (JJthula 
and Vikula), a cripple who cannot move even with the help of a crutch ; 
95, to him who presides over expected profits, one who harnesses a horse 
to a chariot ; 96, to him who protects gains, one who unharnesses a horse ; 
97, to the portly-bodied, the son of one who is addicted to her toilet ; 98, to 
him who presides over politeness, one who puts collyrium on his eyes ; 99, to 
the divinity of sin, a maker of leather sheaths for swords ; 100, to Yama, 
(the destroyer of life) a barren woman ;* 

101, To Yami, a mother of twins ; 102, to the goddesses who preside 
over the mantras of the Atharva Veda, a woman who had aborted ; 103, to 
the divinity of the first year of Jupiter's cycle, a woman who is confined long 
after due time ; 104, to that of the second year of ditto, one who has not 
conceived for the second time ; 105, to that of the third year of ditto, one who 
is able to bring on delivery before due time ; 106, to that of the fourth year 
of ditto, one who can delay delivery ; 107, to that of the fifth year of ditto, 
one who becomes lean without delivery, 108, to one who produces a 
misleading impression of the world, a woman who appears old in her 
youth ; 109, to the divinity of forests, a forest-ranger or keeper ; 110, to 
the divinity of a side forest, one who protects forests from fires ;f 

111, To the divinities of lakes, a fisherman who catches fish both in 
water and also from the bank ; 112, to those of ponds one who catches fish 
with hooks ; 113, to those of bays, (or streamless waters near woods,) one who 
earns his livelihood with a net ; 114, to those female divinities who preside 
over waters amidst prairies, one who earns his livelihood with fishing-hooks ; 
115, to the divinity of the further bank, a Kaivarta, (or one who hunts fish 
from the banks) ; 116, to that of the near bank, a Margara, (or one who catches 
fish with his hands only) ; 117, to the divinities of fords, one who catches fish 
by putting up stakes in water ; 118, to those who preside over other than 
fords, one who earns his livelihood by catching fish with nets ; 119, to those 
who preside over sounding waters, one who catches fish by poisoning them 

sjTiWfarr*" i fri4ci ^i^c^fTTt i ^mrem* n v n 
^m nun 

100 Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

with poisoned leaves placed on the water ; 120, to those of caverns in 
mountains, a Kirata (or hunter) • 121, to those of peaks of mountains a 
Yambhaka ; 122, to those of mountains, a Kimpurusha ;* 

123, To the divinity of echoes, a news-dealer ; 124, to that of sounds 
an incoherent speaker ; 125, to that of fading sounds, one who speaks 
much ; 126, to that of unending sound, a dumb person ; 127, to that of loud 
sound, a player on the Vina ; 128, to that of musical sounds, a player on 
the flute ; 129, to that of all kinds of sounds, a trumpeter ; 130, to that of 
sounds other than sweet, a blower of conch-shells ; 131, to those who 
preside over the seasons, one whose profession is to collect fragments of 
skins ; 132, to those of statesmanship, (or of time, place and opportunities, 
for peace negotiations,) a preparer of musical instruments with leather ;f 

133, To the goddess presiding over abhorrence, a (man of the) Paul- 
kasa (caste) ; 134, to the goddess of affluence, one who is always careful 
or wakeful ; 135, to that of indigence, a careless or sleepy person ; 136, to 
that of scales (or weighing instruments,) a purchaser ; 137, to the god pre- 
siding over the radiance of jewels, a goldsmith ; 138, to the Visvedevas, a 
leper ; 139, to the divinity of diseases other than leprosy, a naturally lean 
person ; 140, to the goddess of motion, a scandal-monger ; 141, to that of 
prosperity, one who is not impudent ; 142, to the god of decay, one who 
splits wood ; (?) £ 

143, To the divinity of mirth, a loose woman should be sacrificed ; 
144, to that of song, a player on the Vina and a songster ; 145, to that of 
aquatic animals, a Sabulya (one whose body is brindled, or has two colours, a 
piebald woman) ; 146, to that of congratulatory words, a woman of perfect 
form ; 147, to that of dancing, one who plays on flutes, one who leads the 
Octave in a chorus, and one who beats time with his hands ; 148, to that of 
manifest delight, one who invites people to a dance, or one who makes a 
sound to indicate the cessation of a dance j 149, to that of internal de- 

[<?rcre *tt3tt< i ^fT?m*? I*m ] i crrt«r wH i ftwi w<g i ^wr J 
^f*wttf*r*r^T'3 i ^rswwjgTw ii ^ ii 

1876.] Rajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 101 

light, one who plays on the talava (a musical instrument, probably the 
archetype of the modern tabid), or one who produces music from his 
mouth ;* 

150, To the divinity of gambling with the dice, a proficient gambler ; 
151, to that of the Krita age, a keeper of a gambling hall • 152, to that of the 
Treta age, a marker or reckoner at a gambling table ; 153, to that of the 
Dvapara age, one who is a spectator at a gambling ; 154, to that of the Kali 
age, one who does not leave a gambling hall even after the play has stopped ; 
155, to that of difficult enterprises, a teacher of gymnastics on the top of a 
bamboo ; 156, to that of roads, a Brahmachari ; 157, to the Pisachas, one 
who commits robberies on public highways and then hides himself in a 
mountain ; 158, to the goddess of thirst, one who skins cattle ; 159, to 
that of sin, a cattle-poisoner ; 160, to that of hunger, a cow-butcher ; 161, 
to the goddesses of hunger and thirst, one who lives by begging beef from 
a butcher ;f 

162, To the divinity of land, a cripple who moves about on a crutch ; 
163, to that of fire, a Chandala ; 164, to that of the sky, one whose profession 
is to dance on the top of a bamboo ; 165, to that of the celestial region, 
a bald person ; 166, to the presiding divinity of the sun, a green-eyed per- 
son ; 167, to the presiding divinity of the moon, one who twinkles his eyes 
too frequently ; 168, to the presiding divinity of the stars, one affected 
with white leprous blotches ; 169, to that of day, an albino with tawny 
eyes ; 170, to that of night, a black person with tawny eyes ;% 

171, To the goddess of speech, a fat person ; 172, to Vayu, the five 
vital airs : prana, apana, vyana, udana and samana, of that person ; 173, to 
Surya should be immolated his eyes ; 174, to Chandrama his mind ; 175, to 
the regents of the quarters, his ears ; 176, his life, to Prajapati.§ 

w*f 11 u 11 

fWJTUT ^qfH^ II \< II 

*K I V$ ^TO fw^U ^Tf^ ST^ fWTW* II ^ II 

^wtt^3 1 Www 1 fl^tw $H 1 s*nq<rc j*to 11 \e tl 

102 Rajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No 1 

177, Now to ugly divinities should be immolated very short, very 
tall, very lean, very fat, very white, very dark, very smooth, very' hairy 
few-toothed, numerously-toothed, frequently-twinkling- eyed, and very glar- 
ing-eyed, persons ; 178, to the goddess for unattainable objects of hope, 
a woman who has passed the age for conception ; 179, (and) to the goddess 
of hope for attainable objects, a virgin."* 

In explanation of the purport of this long passage in the Taittiriya 
Brahmana, Apastamba says : " The Purushamedha is pentadiurnal ; a Brah- 
mana or a Rajanya (Kshatriya) should celebrate it. He thereby acquires 
strength and vigour; he enjoys all fruition. (The number of) days 
should be as in the Panchasaradiya rite, and as a sequel to the Agnishtoma 
rite, eleven animals, meet for the Agnisomiya, should be tethered to eleven 
sacrificial posts, and, three oblations to Savitri having been offered with 
the mantra Deva savitastat savitur visvdni deva savita Sfc, on the middle 
day they should be sacrificed (or consecrated updkrita). Having sacrificed 
twice eleven men, reciting the mantra Brahmane BrdJimandn dlahheta, (the 
priest) places the sacrificed (or consecrated, updJcritd) victims between the 
sacrificial posts. The Brahma (priest), then placing himself on the south 
side, recites the hymn to the great male Narayana beginning with the verse 
sahasra sirsa purusha, Sfc, and, then turning a burning brand round the 
victims, consigns them to the north; (the other priests), then offering an 
oblation with clarified butter to the presiding divinity, place them (there). "f 
Sayana Acharya, after quoting this opinion of Apastamba, and ex- 
plaining the different terms used in the Brahmana to indicate the different 
gods and goddesses and the persons deemed meet for them, adds, " the human- 
formed animals beginning with Brahmana and ending with Virgin, are im- 
molated (alabdliavydJi) along with the sacrificial animals on the middle day 
of the five days of this Purushamedha, which is a kind of Somayaga."| 

t wwfwwiw ^s i T^rs; wsrw wwm xm^\ ^r #f i %wt *ftdj- 

*jf^T*T %qTfWT ^fcTfRTrr *f^fwf*T t^f^Mw frPi: SttMt^T 


1876.] Kajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 103 

Neither Xpastambha nor Sayana has a word to say about the hu- 
man victims being symbolical. The word used by A'pastamba is Updkrita, 
which may mean consecration before a sacrifice or slaughter ; and ac- 
cording to Jaimini, the highest authority on sacrifices, and his commentator 
Savara Svami, the sacrificial operations " of consecration, of bringing the 
animal to the place of sacrifice, fettering it, tying it to the post, 
slaughtering, and cutting the careass open for the distribution of the flesh 
among the priests, are all implied when sacrifice is meant," and the latter adds 
that " all the different acts should be understood when sacrifices are or- 
dained, except when special instructions are given."* Now no special excep- 
tion has been made in the text about the human victims, and consequently 
the only conclusion to be arrived at is — that, the Taittiriyas did not look 
upon the rite as symbolical, though in the case of sacrifices under Nos. 172 
to 176, the actual slaughtering of the airs, &c, would be rather awkward. 
It must be added, however, that A'pastamba is very brief and obscure in 
his remarks, and it would be hazardous to draw a positive conclusion from 
the insufficient data supplied by him, particularly as the S'atapatha Brahmana 
is positive on the subject of the human victims being let off after conse- 
cration ; though the fact of that Brahmana being much later than the 
Taittiriya Brahmana, may justify the assumption that the practice of the 
Kanva school can be no guide to the followers of the Taittiriyaka. 

The S'atapatha refers to the Purushamedha in several places ; and 
the following is the full description of the rite given in it : 

1. " Verily the great male, Narayana, willed : ' I shall abide over all 
living beings ; verily I shall become all this (creation).' He perceived this 
penta-diurnal sacrificial rite Purushamedha. He collected it. With it he per- 
formed a sacrifice. Performing a sacrifice with it, he abided over all living 
beings, and became all this (creation). He abides over all living beings 
and becomes all this, who performs a Purushamedha, as also he who knows all 

2. " Of that rite there are twenty-three initiations {dilcslid), twelve 
benefactions (upasada), and five lustrations (sutya), making altogether forty 

* \3*TT*RT*PT ^qTSre^ra ^^^T^^T, "W f^T«H^T ^pTTO faiWHT 
*jf^ SJefR;^ f^^T if *R"cI I Mimansa Darsana p. 373. 


104 Bajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

members (gdtra). The forty comprising the initiations, benefactions, & c . 
constitute the forty- syllabled virat, (a form of metre) which assumes the 
form of Virat (the first male produced by Prajapati, and the father of man- 
kind). Thus it is said ; ' Virat, the first or superior male, was produced.'* 
This is the same Virat. From this Yirat is produced the male for sacrifice.f 

3. " Thereof these. There are four Dasats, and since there are four 
Dasats, they are the means for the attainment of the (different) regions and 
quarters (of the universe). This region (the earth) is the first to be attain- 
ed by a Dasat ; the upper region the second ; the sky the third ; the quar- 
ters the fourth. Thus verily the institutor of the sacrifice attains this region 
through the first Dasat, the region of ether through the second, the celestial 
region through the third, and the quarters through the fourth. Thus the 
Purushamedha is the means of attaining and subjugating all this — all these 
regions and all the quarters. J 

4. " For the initiation of this ceremony eleven animals meet for Agni 
and Soma, (should be procured). For them there should be eleven sacrificial 
posts (Yupa). Eleven syllables are comprised in the Trishtup metre ; the 
Trishtup is the thunderbolt, — it is vigour. With the thunderbolt and 
vigour of the Trishtup the institutor of the sacrifice destroys all the sin 
before him.§ 

5. "In the rite of lustration there should be eleven victims. Eleven 
syllables are comprised in the Trishtup metre ; the Trishtup is the thunderbolt, 
— it is vigour. With the thunderbolt and vigour of the Trishtup the 
institutor of the sacrifice (Yajamana) destroys the sin before him. || 

6. " Because the victims (in this sacrifice) are eleven-fold, therefore 
verily is all this (creation) elevenfold. Prajapati is eleven-fold ; all this is 

* A quotation from the Purushasukta as given in the Vajasaneyi Safihita. 

trre^^rfr^^T faro ?rf%Tmimgwr^w rrer fw^Rfr trains 
t <n ^ts ^m: i ^pr%T ^^t ^T^ffr fT^rn^rri t ^stwt *re?ai*f ^N 

^tt fas^ffcre^ftsq' f^^^^ttrifr *ftsw ?i*mw vxwn <mji*roTOW n 8 n 
|| w^ft^n; $c9t§ ms$T ^N I tot^wspct f%2s ^f<sre«r ?W 

1876.] Rajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 105 

verily Prajapati ; all this is the Purushamedha, which is the means for the 
attainment and subjugation of all this.* 

7. " That Purushamedha is verily penta-diurnal, and the greatest rite of 
sacrifice. Fivefold is Yajna ; fivefold are victims or sacrificial animals ; five 
are the seasons included in the year. Whatever is fivefold in celestial or 
spiritual matter, the same may be obtained through this (rite).f 

8. " Thereof the Agnishtoma is the first day ; next the Ukthya ; the 
next Atiratra ; the next Ukthya ; the next Agnishtoma : thus it is hedged 
on either side with the Ukthya and the Agnishtoma. J 

9. " Yavamadhya are these five nights, (that is like a barley corn 
stoutest in the middle and tapering on either side, meaning that the most im- 
portant day is in the middle ; or, as the commentator has it, the penance of 
gradually reducing the food and then again gradually increasing it, should be 
observed, so that on the third night there should be the smallest allowance of 
food). These regions are verily the Purushamedha ; these regions have light 
on either side, — Agni on this (side), and the sun on the other (side). In the 
same way it (the Purushamedha) has, on either side, the food of light and 
the Ukthya. The soul is Atiratra ; and since the Atiratra is hedged in on 
both sides with the two Ukthyas, therefore is the soul nourished by food. 
And since the thriving Atiratra, is placed in the middle day, therefore is it 
Yavamadhya. He who engages in this rite has none to envy him, or to grow 
inimical to him. He who knows this suffers not from envy or enmity. § 

10. " Of that Purushamedha this region is the first day. Of this region 
the spring season (is the chief) . That which is above this region, the etherial 
region, (antarihsha,) is the second day ; of that the summer is the season. 
The etherial region is its third day. Of the etherial region the rainy and the 
autumn are the seasons. That which is above the etherial region, the sky, 
(Diva,) is the fourth day ; of it the dewy is the season. The heaven is its 

W ^*TWT#TfrR*rW3^;[: II « II 

^ ii <e ii 

106 Kajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

This much is the celestial 

fifth day ; of that heaven the winter is the season, 
account of the Purushamedha.* 

11. "Now for its spiritual relations. Initiation (PratisltU) is its 
first day. Initiation is the spring season. That which is above it and be- 
low the middle is the second day ; of that the summer is the season. The 
middle is the middle day. Of the middle day the rainy and the autumn are 
the seasons. That which is above the middle day and below the head or last 
day is the fourth day ; thereof the dewy is the reason. That which is the 
head is the fifth day ; the season of this head is the winter. Thus verily 
these regions, the year, and the soul constitute the Purushamedha. All 
these regions, the whole year, the whole soul, the whole Purushamedha are 
for the attainment and subjugation of every thing, f 

(Section 2.) 1. Now, whence the name Purushamedha ? These re- 
gions verily are Pur, and He, the Purusha, who sanctifies this (Pur) sleeps 
(sete) in this abode (Puri) and hence is he named Purusha (P^and sete = 
Purusha). To him belongs whatever food exists in these regions ; that food 
is (called) media ; and since his food is media, therefore is this Purusha- 
medha. Now since in this (rite) purified males are sacrificed (dlallate,) 
therefore verily is this a Purushamedha. J 

2. These (males) verily are sacrificed (dlallate) on the middle day. 
The etherial region is the middle day ; the etherial region is verily the 
abiding place of all living beings. These animals are verily food; the 
middle day is the belly, and in that belly is that food deposited.§ 

* cnsnmw*: jtoto I ^*m %p*t tow ^?p^w#^?T- 
w**wc^ faftrc: ^gf^f^^rf ii \* ii 

WT^ || [«(. \.] || || 

t ^ wm ww wt* i T*f t -%mv *jrcwr jw ^m ^^ *mmi 

i^cR^TS ^W ^TS ^ q¥^ ^^f TOWm^ rf^ ^Tfrf II ^ Ii 

1876.] Rajendralala Mitra—O^ Human Sacrifices in Ancient India, 107 

3. They are sacrificed by ten and ten. Ten syllables are comprised in 
(each foot of) the Virat, (metre) ; the Virat is complete food, for the at- 
tainment of complete food. # 

4 Eleven tens are sacrificed. Eleven syllables are comprised in the 
Trishtup (metre) ; the Trishtup is the thunderbolt —it is vigour. With the 
thunderbolt and vigour of the Trishtup, the institutor of the sacrifice de- 
stroys the sin within him (lit. in the middle). f 

5. w Forty-eight (animals) are sacrificed at the middle post. Forty- 
eight syllables are comprised in the Jagati (metre) ; the animals belong to 
the Jagati (metre) ; by the Jagati are animals bestowed on the Yajamana.J 

6. " Eleven eleven at the other (posts) . Eleven syllables are comprised 
in the Trishtup; the Trishtup is the thunderbolt,— it is vigour. With 
the thunderbolt and vigour of the Trishtup should the institutor of the 
sacrifice destroy the sin around him.§ 

7. " Eight best ones are sacrificed. Eight syllables are comprised in 
the Gayatri (metre). The Gayatri is Brahma. That Brahma consummates 
the well-being of all this. Therefore is Brahma said to be the best of all 
this. j| 

8. " They (the sacrificial animals) belong to Prajapati. Brahma is 
Prajapati ; Prajapati belongs to Brahma ; therefore do they (the animals) 
belong to Prajapati.^" 

9. " He (Prajapati, i. e. Brahma, here meaning the priest so named) 
having sanctified the animals, offers, for the gratification of S'avita, three 
oblations with the S'avitri verses beginning with, JDeva savitus tatsavitur, &c. 
He (Savita), gratified thereby, produces these men, therefore are these men 

ii ^ h 

t wt<h* qsnr wrem i ^T^srr^r fqqq quffrqq ^4* fqq*r q#- 
^q fr% q'teur q^m^n ^«*q: tnnRirq^fr ii a n 

q^qr «r3i<^qT^i q^^rq^^ ii u ii 

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i\^ ^m^T^j^rf: qrqrqi?qqq a i ii 

II WS ^Tf^RT^^W I ^^TW^T »TT^qt q^JITq^ Wf q^qcr^^ S^TtR 
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^ If t q qmrq^T *rqf% i q^ q srsnqfqqTW fq ssnqfcrogmr qrarTq^T 

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^ fq^Tfq ^q *fqqft;fq qfq^K q^rfq %TS§ sffcr qqrq qqqrq qlhfw qq 
q^qT^T^qq ii £ n 



108 Rajendralala Mitra— 0» Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. \J$ . 1 

10. " A Brahmana is sacrificed to Brahma.'* Brahma is verily 
Brahmana ; Brahma thrives through Brahmana. To the Kshatriya (divi- 
nity) a (person of the) Bajanya (caste), (should he sacrificed). The Ksha- 
triya is verily Bajanya. The Kshatra thrives through, a Kshatra. To the 
Maruts a Vaisya (should be sacrificed). The Visa istheMaruts. The Visas 
thrive through the Visas. To Tapas (the presiding divinity of penances), a 
S'lidra (should be sacrificed). Tapas is verily S'udra. Tapas thrives through 
Tapases (works of penance). Even as these gods thrive through these 
animals (victims), so do they, thriving, cause the institutor of the sacrifice 
to thrive in all his wishes.f 

11. "Offers oblation with butter. The butter is verily vigour. 
Through that vigour, vigour is given to this (institutor of the sacrifice)! 
Offerings are given with butter, which is the gods' most favourite glory ; and 
since butter promotes their favourite glory, they, thriving, cause the insti- 
tutor of the sacrifice to thrive in all his wishes, t 

12. " The persons appointed. The Brahma, from the south, praises 
the great male Narayana, with the sixteen Rig verses beginning with Sahag- 
srasirsha &c. (the Purushasukta), for verily the whole of the Purushamedha 
is sixteen membered for the attainment of everything, and for the 
subjugation of everything; and he is praised with the words, "thus 
thou art, thus thou art." In this way he is worshipped for certain. Now. 
as it is, this is said about it, the animals are consecrated by turning 
a flaming brand round them, but left unslaughtered," (asanjwvptah)§ 
[Katyayana explains that the Brahmanas &c, are let loose, like the Kapinjala 
bird in the Asvamedha ^ar^ae.—Kapinjalddi-vadutsrijanti Brahmanddin ; 
and his commentator adds, " after a flaming brand has been turned round 
them :" paryagnikritanutsrijantityarthaTi.~\ 

* A quotation .from the Sanhita. 

^Tft fro ^t* ^i*q fro§t*rf mmi ^i^fa m v* wstt; ^W^ *8: 

^fTi: II U II 

1876.] Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 109 

18. "About this ; speech (vdk) uttered this ; < male, grieve not if 
you remain here ; a male will eat a male.' Thus, those who had the naming 
brand turned round them, were let loose, oblations of butter were offered to the 
several divinities ; and thereby were the divinities gratified ; and thus gra- 
tified they conferred all blessings on the worshipper."* [Three oblations are 
offered to each of the divinities, naming each, and followed by the word 
svaha] . 

14. " He offers oblations with butter. Butter is vigour ; by that vi- 
gour verily vigour abides in this (worshipper, Yajamana). f 

15. " (This rite) is established (for the worshipper, Yajamana) by the 
eleven (animals). Eleven- syllabled is the Trishtup. The Trishtup is the 
thunderbolt,— it is vigour. Through the thunderbolt and vigour of the 
Trishtup, the Yajamana destroys the sin within him. J 

16. "Abiding in the ceremony of Udayaniya." (Vide Asvalayana 
Sutra IV, 3. Katyayana VII, 1, 16.) "Eleven barren cows, such as are 
meet for Mitra, Varuna the Visvedevas, and Brihaspati should be sacrificed 
(dlabhate) for the attainment of these deities, and since those for 
Brihaspati are the last, Brihaspati is the same with Brahma, and therefore 
the Yajamana ultimately abides in Brahma. "§ [Katyayana explains that 
three cows are to be slaughtered to Mitra and Varuna, three to the 
Visvedevas, and five to Brihaspati]. 

17. " Now why are there eleven ? Eleven-syllabled is the Trishtup. 
The Trishtup is the thunderbolt, — it is vigour. By the thunderbolt and vigour 
of the Trishtup, the Yajmana destroys the sin within him. Threefold is 
the ceremony of Udavasaniya; " (Aitareya Brahmana 8, 8,)" it is a friend 
of the Yajamana. 1 1 

18. "Now for the fees (dakshina). (Wealth acquired) from [a 
conquered] country, excluding land, and wealth taken from Brahmanas, 
but including men (slaves). (Wealth from) the eastern side (of the king- 

**f sftrTT ^SlW'fT U% 3n§: II S^ II 

t ^t#t *nrTf?r 1 ^wr ^m w^ wsre^rfsNnw ^mf<T 11 ^ a 11 

110 Rajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1 

dom), along with slaves (should be given) to the Hota (or reciter of Rio- 
mantras). (Wealth from) the southern side (with slaves) to the Brahmana 
(the director) ; (wealth from) the western side (with slaves) to the Adhvaryu 
(Yajur Vedic priest) ; (wealth from) the northern side (with slaves) to the 
Udgata (or singer of the Sama hymns), and according to their dues to the 
Hotrikas, (or junior priests)."* 

[This verse is very elliptical and obscure, and translating without the 
aid of a commentary, I am doubtful about its exact construction. The 
ellipses have been supplied from the Sutras of Katyayana.] 

19. " Now if a Brahmana performs the ceremony he should give (all 
his property) to the most learned. The Brahmana includes everything ; the 
knower of every thing is included in everything ; the Purushamedha includes 
everything, (and it is) for the attainment and subjugation of everything.! 

20. " Now, keeping to himself only his own self, and his (household) 
fire, and after praising the sun with the Uttara Narayana hymn, looking at 
nothing, he should retire to a forest ; thereby he separates himself from 
mankind. If he should like to dwell in a village, he should produce a 
fire by the rubbing of two sticks, and, praising A'ditya with the Uttara 
Narayana hymn, return home, and there continue to perform the rites he 
was used to, and which he is able to perform. He verily should not speak 
with every body ; to him the Purushamedha is everything, and therefore he 
should not speak to all (kinds of persons) ; to those only whom he knows, 
who are learned, and who are dear to him he may speak ; but not to all. "J 

No one, I fancy, will deny that the sacrifice described above clearly 
shows that it is a modification of a prior rite in which the human victims 
wholly or in part were immolated. No other theory can satisfactorily 
account for its peculiar character, and the way in which it justifies itself. 
Probably the number originally sacrificed was few, and that when the 
rite became emblematic, the number was increased in confirmation of some 
liturgical theory, particularly as it did not involve any trouble or difficulty. 

* *TOT^T ^ff^TOf I Tf^T Sfw TJ% m *T^^9 WT^W "* f^TfTrT *JW 

*r§ i&mw* [»<£.] 11 

1876.] Eajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancieni India. Ill 

But whether so or not, certain it is that at one time or other men were 
immolated for the gratification of some divinity or other in this rite 
or its prototype. The question then arises, was it the case before the date 
of the Bik Sanhita, or after it ? 

The interval between the date of the S'atapatha Brahmana and the 
Sanhita of the Eig Veda is estimated by the learned Professor Max Miiller 
at about six and seven hundred years, and the question being, when was the 
sacrifice real which became emblematic in the time of the S'atapatha ? it 
would require more confidence in one's power of conjecture than I can 
pretend to, to say that it must have been before the time of the Sanhita, 
and not after it. National rites, customs, and ceremonies are, doubtless, 
very tenacious of life, but in primitive times, in the infancy and early 
youth of society, the characteristics of social life changed much more rapidly 
than in later times ; certain it is, that the social condition of the Indo- 
Aryans and their rites and ceremonies underwent radical and most extensive 
changes during the interval between the Eik Sanhita and the S'atapatha 
Brahmana, and there is literally not an iota of evidence to show that the 
rite of Purushamedha was left unaltered for the whole period. Seeing 
that the Brahmana depends solely on the Sanhita for scriptural authority, 
and adapts the, to us, indistinct and vague generalities of the original, for 
the developement of a new cultus, modifying and changing details to suit 
its own views, the presumption becomes strong that the real sacrifice be- 
longed to the Sanhita, and the Brahmana divested it of its hideousness and 
cruelty, and made it emblematic, even as the Vaishnavas have, within the 
last five or six hundred years, replaced the sacrifice of goats and buffaloes 
to Chandika by that of pumpkins and sugarcane. 

Nor is the Purushamedha the only sacrifice at which human sacrifices 
were ordained. The Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, required the immolation 
of a human being just as much as the former, and hence it is that the horse 
sacrifice was prohibited in the Kali Yuga along with it. The Taittiriya Brah- 
mana of the Black Yajur Veda gives the following story on the subject : 
" Prajapati, having created all living beings, through affection entered within 
them. But afterwards he could not get out of them. He said, ' Whoever 
will extricate me from this confinement will become wealthy.' The Devas 
performed an Asvamedha and thereby extricated him ; thus they became 
wealthy. Whoever performs an Asvamedha attains profusion of wealth by 
extricating Prajapati."* 

112 Eajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India, [Ho. 1 

The object of this story is to point out the necessity of slaughtering 
one hundred and eighty animals of different kinds at this sacrifice to 
liberate Prajapati from his confinement, and the first victim ordained is a 
man. " He (the institutor of the sacrifice) immolates a man ; (the form of) 
a man is (like that of) Virat, the type of the animated creation. By the 
immolation of the man is Virat immolated. Now Virat is food, and there- 
fore through Virat food is obtained."^ The horse, the cow, the goat 
and other animals are ordained to be immolated in almost the same words • 
everywhere using the verb dlahhate. The details of the Asvamedha would 
require more space than what I can spare here, so I must reserve them 
for a separate paper. 

Apart from the Purushamedha and the Asvamedha, the S'atapatha Brah- 
mana, in adverting to the offering of animal sacrifice generally, and enu- 
merating separately the horse, the cow, the goat, &c, has a verse which is 
remarkable for the manner in which a human victim is therein referred to. 
It says " Let a fire-offering be made with the head of a man. The offering 
is the rite itself (yajna) ; therefore does it make a man a part of the 
sacrificial animals ; and hence it is that among animals man is included as a 
sacrifice. Whoever offers an oblation with the head, to him the head gives 
vigour."f The commentator explains that by the term purusha sirsa "man's 
head", a man is understood, a part being, by a figure of speech, taken as 
equivalent to the whole. 

Passing from the Brahmanas to the Itihasas, we have ample evidence 
to show that the rite of Purushamedha was not unknown to their authors. 
The Institutes of Manu affords the same evidence, but it would seem that 
when it came into currency, the rite was looked upon with horror, and so 
it was prohibited as unfit to be performed in the present age. The Puranas 
followed the Institutes, and the prohibition included along with it the Asva- 
medha, suicide by drowning one's self in the sea, procreation of children on 
an elder brother's widow, and a variety of other reprehensible and odious 
rites, ceremonies and customs, J showing clearly that the rite originally was 
not so innocent as the supposition of its being emblematic would make it ; 
for had the offering been limited to the mere repetition of a few mantras 

t Beef in Ancient India, ante XLI, p. 194. 



1876.] Rajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 113 

over a certain number of men, it would not have been so obnoxious to 
Hindu feeling as to necessitate its suppression. 

But while the Puranas suppressed the Purushamedha, they afford 
abundant indications of another rite requiring the immolation of a human 
victim having come into vogue. This was Narabali, or human sacrifice to 
the goddess Chamunda, or Chandika,— a dark, fierce, sanguinary divinity, who 
is represented in the most awful forms, not unoften dressed in human 
Palms, garlanded with a string of human skulls, holding a skull by the hair 
in one hand, and an uplifted sabre in the other, and having her person 
stained with patches of human gore. European orientalists assign a very 
modern date to the Puranas, and also to the Tantras which describe the 
cultus of this divinity ; but poems and dramatic works dating from eight 
to fifteen hundred years ago refer to her and her predilection for human 
sacrifices, and lithic representations of her form of early mediaeval ages are 
still extant. It has also been proved by unquestionable evidence that most 
of the leading Tantras of the Hindus were translated into Tibetan from 
the seventh to the ninth century of the Christian era, and thereby the 
worship of that goddess naturalised on the other side of the Himalaya.* 
It must follow that the Hindu Tantras existed for some time before the 
7th century, and then the rite of Narabali was known and practised by the 
people of this country. How long before that period the rite was known, 
I shall not attempt to determine, for data for such a determination are not 
available ; but the theory of interpolation apart, the goddess is mentioned in 
the JSamayana as reigning in the nether regions ; and her type, as I have already 
stated, is to be found in Artymis, and even among Assyrian records, and 
she cannot, therefore, reasonably to taken to be so modern as is generally 

The Kalika Purana is in ecstacy on the merits of the disgusting rite. 
It says, " By a human sacrifice attended by the forms laid down, Devi 
remains gratified for a thousand years, and by a sacrifice of three men one 
hundred thousand years. By human flesh the goddess Kamakhya's con&ort 
Bhairava, who assumes my shape, remains pleased for three thousand years. 
Blood consecrated, immediately becomes ambrosia, and since the head and flesh 
are gratifying, therefore should the head and flesh be offered at the wor- 
ship of the goddess. The wise should also add the flesh free from hair, among 
food offerings, "f The Purana then enters into minute details about the ways 

* Csoma de Korosi, in the Asiatic Researches, (XX, pp. 569 ff.) gives a long list of 
Buddhist Tantras. 

114 Bajendralala Mitra — On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. I, 

in which, the times when, and the places where, the rite should be celebrated • 
but as the whole of the chapter in which the details occur, has been already 
published,* I shall confine myself here to a short extract from another 
chapter to give an idea of the ceremony connected with the Durga Puja. 

After describing the ritual of the Durga Puja, that Purana conti- 
nues — " Next should be performed such sacrifice as is gratifying to the Devi. 
The elephant-headed (Ganesa) should be gratified with sweetmeats ; Hari 
with clarified butter, (Habis, the word may be rendered into rice, fruits 
&c.) ; the all-destroying Hara, with the threefold entertainment, (of dan- 
cing, singing and music) ; but the worshipper should always gratify Chandi- 
ka with animal sacrifice. Birds, tortoises, crocodiles, hogs, goats, buffa- 
loes, guanos, porcupines, and the nine kinds of deer, yaks, black antelopes, 
crows, lions, fishes, the blood of one's own body, and camels are the sacrificial 
animals. In the absence of these sometimes horses and elephants. Goats 
sarabha, (a young elephant, or a fabulous animal with eight legs,) and 
human beings in the order in which they are named, are respectively 
called Bali, (sacrifice) Mahabali, (the great sacrifice,) and Atibali (highest 
sacrifice). Having placed the victim before the goddess, the worshipper 
should adore her by offering flowers, sandal paste, and bark, frequently repeat- 
ing the mantra appropriate for sacrifice. Then, facing the north and placing 
the victim so as to face the East, he should look backward and repeat this man- 
tra : ' O man, through my good fortune thou hast appeared as a victim ; 
therefore I salute thee ; thou multiform, and of the form of a victim. Thou, by 
gratifying Chandika destroyeth all evil incidents to the giver. Thou, a victim, 
who appeareth as a sacrifice meet for the Vaishnavi, havest my salutations. 
Victims were created by the self -born himself for sacrificial rites; I shall slaugh- 
ter thee to-day, and slaughter at a sacrifice is no murder.' — Then meditating 
on that human-formed victim a flower should be thrown on the top of its 
head with the mantra ' Om, Ain, Hrin, Srin' . Then, thinking of one's own 
wishes, and referring to the goddess, water should be sprinkled on the victim. 
Thereafter, the sword should be consecrated with the mantra, ' O sword, thou 
art the tongue of Chandika, and bestower of the region of the gods, Om, 
Ain, Hrin, Srin. Black, and holding the trident, (thou art) like the 
last dreadful night of creation • born fierce, of bloody eyes and mouth, wear- 

*TWrT rifqojif ^T\ W wK^T ^Tf^rf I 

^ fromfaTfsr f*Rifts}Tf f*r*rw 

* Blacquire, Asiatic Researches, vol. V. pp. 371 ff. 


1376.] Rajendralala Mitra-— 0» Kuman Sacrifices in Ancient India. 115 

ing a blood-red garland, and equally sanguinary unguents (on thy person), 
arrayed in blood-red garment, and holding a noose, master of a family, 
drinking blood, and munching heaps of flesh, thou art Asi, (that which eats 
away the head of its victim) ; thou art Visasana, (the drier up of its 
victim) ; thou art Khadga, (that which tears up) ; thou art Tikshnadhdra 
(keen-edged) ; thou art Durdsada, (the giver of difficultly attainable 
objects) ; thou art S'rigarlha (the womb of prosperity) ; thou art Vijaya 
(victory) ; thou art DJiarmapdla, (protector of the faith) ; salutations 
be to thee. 'The sword' having been thus consecrated, should be 
taken up while repeating the mantra ' A$ Hut phat,' and the excellent 
victim slaughtered with it. Thereafter, carefully sprinkling on the 
blood of the victim, water, rock-salt, honey, aromatics, and flowers, it 
should be placed before the goddess, and the skull also with a lamp 
burning over it should be placed before her with the mantra, ' Om, Am, 
Hrin, Srin, Kausiki, thou art gratified with the blood.' Thus having com- 
pleted the sacrifice, the worshipper attains rich reward."* 

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118 Kajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1, 

It is not necessary for me to swell the bulk of this paper, already 
more swollen than what I at first intended to make it, by collecting notes 
of all the places where, and the occasions when, the rite of Narabali was 
performed, in order to show how widespread was the practice during the 
middle ages and modern times. Ward has given several instances of its 
occurrence in Bengal in his elaborate dissertation on the Hindus. The fact 
is well known that for a long time the rite was common all over Hindustan • 
and persons are not wanting who suspect that there are still nooks and corners 
in India where human victims are occasionally slaughtered for the gratifi- 
cation of the Devi. In old families which belong to the sect of the Vama- 
charis and whose ancestors formerly offered human victims at the Durga and 
the Kali pujas, a practice still obtains of sacrificing an effigy, in lieu of a living 
man. The effigy, a foot long, is made of dried milk (kMra), and sacrificed 
according to the formula laid down in the Kalika Purana, the only addition 
being a few mantras designed typically to vivify the image. A friend of 
mine, Babu HemchunderKer, Deputy Magistrate of Twenty-four Pergunnahs 
and author of an excellent work on the culture of Jute in Bengal, informs me 


^W ftro^i w #^^. s f%*pw ii 

rim ^i^farf *k?QX i{l% Ij-ZFZtrrrTXW' I 

^5T% f%%*J-^# fiK^ *S^W II 
Vf ^T srf^l q^ '"^^ vjTtTfw 13TW II 

Kalika Purana. Chapter 56, 

1876.] Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 117 

that in the eastern districts of Bengal this sacrifice is frequently performed, 
bnt the image, instead of being slaughtered by a single individual, is cut up 
simultaneously by all the grown-up members of the family, either with 
separate knives, or with a single knife jointly held by all. This is known by 
the name of S'atrubali or " sacrifice of an enemy." The sacrifice, both in the 
case of Nara- and the S'atru-bali, is performed secretly, generally at midnight. 
The S'atrubali, however, is a distinct rite, apart from the Narabali of the 
Kalika Purana, and authority for it occurs in the Vrihannila Tantra, in which 
it is said, after performing certain other rites therein described, " a king 
should sacrifice his enemy (in an e&igj) made with dried milk (hMra). 
He should slaughter it himself, looking at it with a fiery glance, striking deep, 
and dividing it into two with a single stroke. This should be done after in- 
fusing life into it by the rite of Prdna-pritishthd, and repeating the name 
of the person to be destroyed. consort of Mahesa, he doubtless destroys 
thereby his enemies."* 

The offering of one's own blood to the goddess, to which reference has 
been made above in the extract from the Kalika Purana, is a mediaeval 
and modern rite. It is made by women, and there is scarcely a 
respectable house in all Bengal, the mistress of which has not, at 
one time or other, shed her blood, under the notion of satisfying the 
goddess by the operation. Whenever her husband or a son is dan- 
gerously ill, a vow is made that on the recovery of the patient, the 
goddess would be regaled with human blood, and on the first Durga Piija 
following, or at the temple at Kalighat, or at some other sacred fane, the lady 
performs certain ceremonies, and then bares her breast in the presence of the 
goddess, and with a nail-cutter (naruna) draws a few drops of blood from 
between her busts, and oifers them to the divinity. The last time I saw 
the ceremony was six years ago, when my late revered parent, tottering 
with age, made the offering for my recovery from a dangerous and long- 
protracted attack of pleurisy. Whatever may be thought of it by persons 
brought up under a creed different from that of the Indo-Aryans, I cannot 
recall to memory the fact without feeling the deepest emotion for the 
boundless affection which prompted it. 

Of human sacrifices among the non- Aryan tribes of India, it is not 
my intention to make any mention here, so I bring this paper to a 

* fTW: W^^fit ^TSTT ^TfT ^<* faMrf | 

snursffrof mm ^ iwrwr v^ifk i 

118 Bajendralala Mitra— On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 

close by adding the following summary of the conclusions which may be 
fairly drawn from the facts cited above : 

1st. That, looking to the history of human civilization and the rituals 
of the Hindus, there is nothing to justify the belief that in ancient times 
the Hindus were incapable of sacrificing human beings to their gods. 

2nd. That the S'unahsepha hymns of the Eik Sanhita most probably 
refer to a human sacrifice. 

3rd. That the Aitareya Brahmana refers to an actual and not a typical 
human sacrifice. 

Uh. That the Purushamedha originally required the actual sacrifice 
of men. 

5th. That the S'atapatha Brahmana sanctions human sacrifice in some 
cases, but makes the Purushamedha emblematic. 

6th. That the Taittiriya Brahmana enjoins the sacrifice of a man at 
the Horse sacrifice. 

7th. That the Puranas recognise human sacrifices to Chandika, but 
prohibit the Purushamedha rite. 

8th. That the Tantras enjoin human sacrifices to Chandika, and 
require that when human victims are not available, an effigy of a human 
being should be sacrificed to her. 



icurnal, As: Soc: Bengal, for 1876. Pt= T. 




i— i 



Journal, As. Sc 


Taken from CoL Wall 






No. IL— 1876. 

Description of a trip to the Oilgit Valley, a dependaney of the Maharaja of 
Kashmir. — By Capt. H. C. Maksh, 18£A Bengal Cavalry. 

(With three plates and a map.) 

Starting in the summer of 1875 from Srinagar, the chief town of 
Kashmir, my route lay through the pretty valley of the Pohar river and 
over the watershed dividing the drainage of the Jhelum and the Kishn- 
ganga. I crossed over the latter river by a slack twig-rope bridge and con- 
tinued up the Kheyl nala, a small tributary coming from the highlands 
under the immense mass of the ISFanga Parbat mountain on the borders of 
€hilas. # I arrived at the Mir Malik district of the Astor country by an 
hitherto almost unknown pass, called by the Astories ' Sheothur' or Bone- 
cutting, about 15,000 feet high, at that time covered with snow; and 
marching through the Astor valley (a brief description of which I gave in 
the ' Pioneer' of January 1876), I found myself at the desolate village of 
Bunji on the arid banks of the Indus river on the 16th July. 

The wars between the former rulers of Gilgit, especially those of Gora- 
man against the Dogras, as the Kashmir troops are generally called, have 
devastated a once flourishing district, for such it was, in the times of Ahmad 
Shah, the former ruler of Skardu. 

The present aspect of the Bunji plain is a desert. There are a few fields 

and trees round the fort itself, the whole country slopes from the high snow- 

* A sketch of the Mazena Pass leading into Chilas is given. It was hitherto almost 

unknown, and is situated at the head of the Eoupel Nala, one of the glaciers of the Nang 

Parbat. The Pass is only open in September and October, and is little used. 


120 H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to tie Gilgit Valley. [Ho. 2 

clad peaks at the end of the Astor Valley towards the Indus, and is covered 
with stones and boulders, gravel and sand, cut up by many dry watercourses 
presenting the most forbidding aspect of a country brought to ruin bv con- 
tending factions, not only Dogra and Gilgit, but Astor and Chilas, also Chilas 
and Dogra, all at various times, within the last twenty-five years, choosino- 
this unfortunate place as a battle-ground. The traveller leaving Kashmir and 
journeying through these narrow, poor valleys cannot understand why such 
unproductive conquests should have been undertaken by the Kashmir Gov- 
ernment. Even for the greed of dominion, little or no advantage has 
accrued to the conquerors. In short, the Dogras, in their ideas of conquest, 
committed a great blunder in annexing either Astor or Gilgit, as both have 
been a burden on the State ever since their acquisition, Astor having to be 
supplied with grain for the troops required to hold it, and Gilgit only just 
supporting the small garrison located there. Even if the taking of Astor 
is advanced on the plea of strategy, so as to gain a good natural and political 
frontier on the Indus, what can be urged for crossing that frontier into 
a far off and useless country like Gilgit, of small resources and difficult 
to hold. 

The former inhabitants of Bunji were Shins mixed up with Bhiitiahs 
from Skardu, but latterly, before its final destruction about 1852, most 
of the people were Shins from the opposite and populous valley of Sye. 
The Fort was rebuilt by the Dogras in that year, but the fertilizing 
canal which used to bring water from the adjacent nala was not repaired, 
so that the present village consists of less than a dozen houses of Kashmiri 
thieves, transported to the place, and a company of sepoys in the fort. 

The few fields are eaten up by grasshoppers that annually appear about 
harvest time, and the villagers have a constant struggle for life. The sol- 
diers are fed on Kashmir grain.* The summer heat here is great, the ther- 
mometer Fah. marking from 69 to 95 in the shade and over 104 in the sun. 

The ferry over the Indus is about two miles from the Fort. The latter 
is situated at least 500 feet above the river. There are only three boats, such 
as are used in Kashmir for ferry purposes, each capable of holding some 30 
people. The river runs about three miles an hour and is from 500 to 600 
feet broad. The road lay through old uncultivated fields, and descend- 
ing by a winding path down two terraces to the banks of the river, we 
waited till the Kashmiri boatmen arrived to convey us over. On the bare bank 
a garden has recently been planted. The natives are very superstitious, and 
only after many invocations to God for protection on the unstable element, 
did they allow myself, pony and coolies to embark, a sepoy accompanying 
me. The two boatmen were not powerful enough by themselves, so we 
* For a description of this grain supply see the " Pioneer" of 17th December, 1875, 
for my account of Ponies in ' Kashmir '. 

1876.] H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to tie Gilgit Valley. 121 

all had to take to the paddles and* urge the unwieldy craft to the opposite 
or right bank, which is higher than the left, and crowned by an old fort. The 
scenery of the river is desolate but grand; the surrounding hills, some 
20,000 feet high, are bare of vegetation, steep, and in winter peaked with snow, 
which, however, seldom falls in the valley itself. 

Shortly after leaving the river and entering into the Sye valley, which 
is watered by a stream falling into the river just below the ferry, we came 
to the first village of a few houses called Dumrote, surrounded by green 
fields and fruit trees, a pleasant contrast to the desolation on the Bunji 

After marching up the Sye river three or four miles, we arrived at the 
junction of two streams, and crossing the Sye, by wading one half and the 
other half by a bridge, we made a short halt at the village of Sungrot, a 
large, well populated place, to change our coolies, the Astor ones having 
come four marches with us, as none were procurable en route* The Vizier, 
Bagdur Shah, a Shin, lives here, and is the chief man in the valley ; he came 
to pay his respects, and helped me to get men to carry my traps. The Sye 
valley from this point contracts, and the path leads along the right bank of 
the Sye river close to the water. At times the river floods the road. This 
wild and desolate scene continues for four miles, with high steep hills on 
each side, when again the valley opens out to nearly its former size, about 
a mile broad, at the village of Chakerkot. 

Here all was smiling plenty and peaceful repose, green fields of wheat, 
barley and other grains, such as Trombu and China, together with fig, 
walnut, grape, and mulberry trees, on all sides. The clouds which had been 
threatening, here broke over us with a crash of thunder, the rain deluging us 
in a moment, and glad were we to find shelter in the small enclosed masjid 
of the village. The mosques of these countries are enclosed and have deep 
verandas round them, if in -populous places ; if not, they are simply a square 
room with a small door and a hole in the roof to let out the smoke of the 
fire, which generally burns all day long. 

I was soon surrounded by the simple villagers, but unfortunately not 
understanding their language, Shina, could keep up but a broken conversation 
in Persian with the Mulla, who only knew a few words. 

After the storm was over, we came out and found the court in front full 
of people, mostly children, who had come to see the Firingi, or Farang. 
Again changing coolies, we continued our march through the pleasant fields 
and under the shade of fruit trees. The path ascends the valley, passing 

* The method of forced labour in these countries is unavoidable with the present 
arrangements, causing great discontent and even desertion into other countries. All 
might be obviated by a good road to facilitate pony traffic. 

122 H. C. U&Tshr— Description of a trip to the Gil git Valley. [Ko. 2, 

many small hamlets and solitary farms with pretty scenery, till the village 
of Jugrote is reached five miles from Sungrote. Here my tent was pitched, 
close to th<? well-kept mosqne. 

The lower -and inhabited part of the Sye valley, only twelve miles in 
length, owing to its fertility, is the envy of the surrounding countries. The 
inhabitants are all Sunni Muhammadans of the Shin clan, and this small com- 
munity never having been able to hold its own against its more powerful neigh- 
bours, Gilgit and Chilas, has passed from hand to hand according to the 
varying fortunes of either tribe, but still has escaped the fate of Bunji, 
owing, no doubt in part, to the people being more industrious and helping one 
another, and in part to the great fertility of the soil and plentiful supply of 
water. The people are an independent set and must be gently used, as they 
brook little tyranny at the hands of the Kashmiri ; for if taxed too heavily, 
they pack up their goods and chatties and making a flying march with their 
families and cattle, go over into the Yaghy or Free country of Gor and 
Dareyl, which are situated at the back or west of their valley. 

There is another road to Gilgit higher up the Indus and along the Gilgit 
river, from its junction upwards, not used for some years past, a part of 
the road having been carried away into the latter river by an earthquake. 

Continuing my route, the road to Gilgit leads straight up the Sye valley 
to Jugrote, and the Pass of Mladar between the two countries overhangs the 
village. The south side of the Mladar pass is easy, but has no water on it ; 
the lower ascent is gradual, over a stony hill side, but the upper part is steep 
and rocky, all of a red colour. A well defined path leads all the way up the 
Pass, which I traversed on foot. The summit, reached in about two hours, 
disappoints one as to the view. The Sye valley and Indus below look 
pretty, Bunji a dark speck of green on a red field. A short distance still 
further up, the Barbuni* valley can be seen, but of Gilgit, little more than 
a confusion of rocky bare peaks, the river being hidden in its deep bed. 

The descent is very long, but at first gradual, and if we divide it into 
four parts, would be described as the 1st and 2nd parts an easy slope over 
a bare waterless gravelly plateau. A large herd of urial, or wild sheep, 
enlivened the scene ; they kept too far off to give me a shot, galloping away 
out of sight over fearful ground. In the 3rd part, the descent becomes 
more rough and steep, the river below, with a part of its valley, comes into 
view, as the path leads more to the north-east and parallel to the Gilgit 
river, the lower part is the most trying, still steeper and rougher, till 
at last we scrambled down into the river bed by a nearly precipitous cliff, 
and rushed to drink of its muddy waters, now swollen by melting snows. 
The path then leads up the steep bank again, crossing many wearisome 

* The local name of the Sye River, which rises on the south slopes of Pehot Moun- 
tain, on the boundaries of Dareyl and Gilgit. 

1876.] H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 123 

ravines, till, fairly tired out, the traveller (riding not being easy on such a 
rough road) at length arrives at the high slope on which Minnor, the first 
large village in the valley, is situated. 

I reached this place at 2 p. m., having been on the move from dawn ? 
the distance is about 12 miles. 

The Justero, or Headman, brought me a ' dollie' of fruit, which was 
most acceptable to a weary man. The village contains about 30 houses and is 
prosperous ; the inhabitants are Shins as in Astor, and mostly understand the 
Hindustani spoken in the Panjab, owing to their intercourse with the Dogra 
troops, which have occupied the country continuously since 1860. I re- 
mained at Minnor two days. It was most enjoyable under the shade of the 
walnut trees in the village green, but in the middle of the day in the sun, the 
heat wa» great. The peculiarity of this village was, that it kept no poultry, 
because, as the old Justero told me, in former days, they had had a great 
faction fight among themselves, owing to the fowls of one of the villagers 
having got into the garden of another, and eaten some of the fruit in it : 
after the fight was over and their hot blood had cooled down, the old men 
made all swear that they would never keep any more fowls in the village. 
But though I could not obtain fowls, I had plenty of food brought me as 
presents in return for my medicines. 

I always travel with a supply of common drugs, and invite patients to 
come to me for treatment, which obtains for me free intercourse with all 
classes of the people, men, women, and children. There are no medical men 
in those parts, and the poverty of the masses prevents them from obtaining 
medicines for themselves, besides their ignorance is great on all such matters. 
They require very strong drugs to affect them, croton oil being a favourite. 
The quacks of the country generally use poisons, such as arsenic, in small 
doses, as purgatives. 

Next day we started early, so as to arrive in Gilgit before the great 
heat. We soon got clear of the range of the village fields and the shade of 
trees, back into the heat and glare ; ther. 103° at noon in shade. A fine view 
of the Gilgit valley was before us, the river below, the bare rocky hills on 
each side with the snowy peaks of Hara-mush, 24,000 ft. ; Dubani, 20,000 ft. ; 
and Eakiposhi, 25,000 ft. high, in the distance to the north-east. 

The valley is three miles broad at its greatest width, but opposite Min- 
nor only a mile. The villages are situated where sufficient water can be 
obtained for irrigation purposes. The supplying streams have thrown up a 
sloping plateau with the debris brought down from the hills. On these high 
slopes the villages are built, surrounded by trees, and easily seen at a distance, 
owing to the whole country being a light red colour without vegetation. 

The path is good and fit for ponies. We passed through the small village 
of Sakewan, watered by a stream which, like that of Minnor, nearly dries up in 

124 H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Qilgii Valley. [No. 2 

August ; then on again over desert till the Soneup stream is reached, which 
flows from the peak behind the hills to the west, called Kumeregah, a day's 
march off. Half the water is wasted, as is usual in these countries, owW 
to carelessness and indifference : no tanks or dams are made to retain water 
for the dry season ; water-wheels are also unknown. We forded the stream 
sweet to drink, but icy cold, and rested in the village of Jutial just beyond' 
from whence is seen, far below, the plain of Gilgit, with its Fort by the river 
side. Here we had a great feast of grapes, rich clusters hanging within 
reach of the road side. Throughout the country grapes are not picked by 
the people before they are fully ripe. A day is fixed for the vintage, when 
they are cut by the men and carried home by the women with great rejoi- 
cing ; most honestly is this custom carried out, they do not object to a stran- 
ger eating, but will not touch them themselves, they also impose a fine of a 
kid on any one found trespassing. The old Justero of Minnor's little son 
was brought to me for treatment, and on asking him if he had eaten any- 
thing that morning, after a great deal of pressing and persuasion, he acknow- 
ledged he had eaten some grapes ! ! ! A roar of laughter was raised at this 
answer by the bystanders, as the old man would have to pay a kid for the 
boy's fault. 

I had a deal of trouble and delay, caused by the frequent changing of 
coolies, as they will only go from village to village. No amount of pay 
could induce them to go beyond the next village ; for they hate carrying 
loads, and do not care for the few pice they can thus gain. 

The plain immediately surrounding the Fort, the centre around which 
the many villages are dotted, is about four miles long and two miles broad, 
bordered by the river to the north, Jutial to the south and east, and the 
heights of Nafur to the west. It is about 200 feet above the river, and is 
plentifully watered by a canal, taken out four miles up the river ; on its 
right bank it is well cultivated and peopled. 

On passing the first few houses of the village, the coolies asked me 
where I should like to camp, so I chose a nice dry spot under a walnut tree 
about 400 yards from the garden, in which lie the remains of poor Hayward, 
who was murdered in Tassin in 1870. - 1 did not go near the Fort, because 
of its disagreeable proximity to the Dogra sepoys, a dirty lot. The great 
object in choosing a camping ground, is to escape from the musquitoes which 
infest all damp places in the valley. 

Close to me were encamped two other travellers, who were having a 
national dance performed by some Gilgitis. It was an animated scene, we 
sat in the inner circle, and were surrounded by a large crowd of Dogras and 
villagers, all attracted by the sound of the fifes and drums, to which the 
dancers kept time. Some of the dances were ' Pas-de-seul', others again were 
danced in a circle by a number of young men, the pace and gestures of each 

1876.] H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 125 

increasing as they warmed to their work, all keeping pretty good time with 
the leader of the dance. Amongst those assembled on this occasion were 
the Kardar, or Governor, of Gilgit, an old Sikh, Bhai Ganga Singh, the 
General commanding the Kulla fauj, or Militia, Man Singh, and Colonels 
Tej Singh or Tejn, and Hushiara, commanding the two Kegiments quar- 
tered here, also the Vizier of Gilgit, Ghulam Haidar, and some of the peo- 
ple from Yassin, who were accompanying the Envoy sent to the Governor 
of Gilgit. The same evening we heard of the death of the wretch Mir 
Wall, the murderer of Hayward, he having been shot ten days previous to 
our arrival. The following statement was the account we heard : 

Hayward was killed by order of Aman-i-Mulk, ruler of Chitral, by 
Mir Wali, the Baja of Yassin, his son-in-law, who was assisted by Bah- 
mat, his prime minister or Yizier, and Muhammad Eafi' Nabi Beg, foster- 
brother to the Mir. Nabi Beg's mother having, from the death of his own 
mother, brought up Mir Wali from the cradle. The unhappy traveller was 
murdered just outside the village of Darkot, a march beyond Yassin towards 
the Pamir Steepe. When Mir Wali obtained Hayward's loot or property, 
he fled to Badakshan with it, and asked the assistance of the Duranis of 
Kabul, to recover his country from Phailwan, his younger brother, who had 
been given the throne of Yassin on his flight to Badakhshan. Mir Wali stated 
he fled, because he fancied Aman-i-Mulk wished to get him into trouble with 
the Kashmir authorities. 

About two months ago (May 1875), Mir Wali, still with the Duranis, 
finding that Aman-i-Mulk retained a bad feeling against him (for not giv- 
ing him a part of the spoil) and would not return him his country of Yas- 
sin, sent his wife, Aman-i-Mulk's daughter, and her little son five years 
old, to him, to Chitral, saying, " If you will not make friends with me, at 
least do something for your own daughter and her son, let him have Yassin ; 
if not, I will get Durani help and bring a force against you." 

Aman-i-Mulk, Kaja of Tatial, as that part of Chitral round the Fort 
is called, being uneasy at these threats, determined to throw himself into the 
hands of the Duranis, with whom he had been lately far from friendly, be- 
cause they had been trying to take some small forts from him,* so he sent 
Phailwan to Takhtpul near Balkh, to the Durani Governor of Turkistan, 
with a message, saying " I will salam to you, give you my daughter in mar- 
riage and all my wealth, if you will turn Mir Wali out of Badakhshan." The 
Duranis had on Mir Wali's first flying to them demanded of Aman-i-Mulk 
his restitution to Yassin, but now on Aman-i-Mulk's overtures, turned 
against Mir Wali and ordered him out of their territories. Mir Wali had, since 
* These forts are situated on the south slopes of the Hindu-Kush, on the confines 
of the Bashgali or Kafir country, which shows that Kabul is trying to extend her rule 
beyond Badakhshan into Chitral by the Dorah Pass from Zebak. 


126 H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [No. 2 

his murder of Hayward, been staying at a small place called Gurgial, close to 
Kil'ah Punj, a few days journey to the north of Chitral across a range of 
the Hindu-Kush, called Yarkun. 

Phailwan, as soon as his embassy proved successful, returned to Yassin 
and about fifteen days ago (4th July, 1875), Mir Wall, having been turned out 
of Gurgial, was coming over the Yarkun into Mustach, when he was way. 
laid in a narrow spot, quite close to that place, by two sons of Hayat Nur" 
Phailwan's Vizier, with 50 or 60 men. Mir Wall had 40 Chitral and Yas- 
sin men in his pay, who had shared his fortunes, also his foster-brother 
Nabi Beg, who had assisted to murder Hayward, and was his factotum • 
as soon as the Mir saw the ambuscade into which he had fallen, he drew 
Hayward's revolver and shot at one of his enemies, the ball striking his head 
and glancing off the turban. Mir Wall was then killed by two bullets, to- 
gether with three of his men, the rest were captured— of the Yassin party 
Hayat Nur's youngest son was killed together with several men. Nabi 
Beg is amongst the prisoners. 

^ This is the account accepted generally by the people themselves of this 
affair. The next day, my two friends left for Astor. 

I found great difficulty in getting my shoes and chuplis, or sandals, 
mended ; they do not cure leather by tanning, in all the countries of Yagistan,' 
but simply rub it together till it becomes like wash leather. Of course all 
leather articles waste away like paper in wet weather, and the people depend 
on harness or sword belts from Kashmir or Badakhshan, from whence they 
also obtain their matchlocks. 

^ The people are very ignorant, and less warlike than their neighbours, 
which accounts for their having been conquered. When the Dogras first 
came into Gilgit in 1847, they found all the now cultivated land, a jungle of 
wild fruit trees, with a few huts, in which the inhabitants lived in wet or 
cold weather. This jungle they first cleared, and only in the last eight years 
have the people been taught to cultivate the land as they ought. 

I went to see the Port, built of earth many years ago by GurtamKhan, 
a former ruler of Gilgit. It has changed hands many times, and has often 
been demolished and rebuilt. Goraman rebuilt it of stone and mud, lime be- 
ing unknown to these people. Within the last fifteen years, the Dogras 
have entirely rebuilt it on a new site close to the old Fort, which lies a heap 
of stones. It is now built of beams of wood, stones and clay in layers, the 
wooden frames helping to bind all firmly together. There are double walls ; 
the inner court is used as a store-room for provisioning the garrison. Its 
armament consists of 1 small six-pounder brass gun, 6 " sher-bachas", or 1 lb 
wall piece swivels, and six large « jazails", or two ounce matchlocks. 

The garrison is made up of about 500 men, mostly militia. They drill 
daily after a fashion, and, for the country, are a sufficiently powerful force 

1876.] H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Qilgit Valley. 127 

in ordinary times, to hold the place. The fort is on the hanks of the river 
100 feet ahove it, and depends on the river for water, a covered way 
leading down to it. The other day an earthquake shook down one of its 
bastions, which was being repaired during my stay. The highest bastion 
commands the river on both banks and the whole plain. A few of our shells 
would soon demolish the whole affair. 

The difference of level of this river in the hot and the cold weather is 
fully 20 feet. It contains few if any fish, and the sand is not washed for 
gold as is the stream coming from Hunza and Nagyr, which contains quan- 
tities of the precious metal. The snows melting in July and August on the 
Pamir and highlands of Yassin, raise it to its highest level ; in winter it 
can be waded across at most parts, up to the junction of the Nagyr 
stream, at the village of Dyor, a short way below the fort, from which point 
till it joins the Indus it is too deep. No boats are used on the river, nor are 
rafts brought down its floods. Only one bridge of twig ropes crosses at 
Gilgit, the opposite or left bank not being as well inhabited as its right. 

There are many who speak Persian among the Gilgitis ; some Yassinis 
are met with, as a Vakil and ten men are detained here and changed from 
time to time. These are guarantees for good behaviour, which shows that 
Kashmir exercises a certain amount of influence out of its own immediate 
boundaries, as the Eajas of Hunza and Nagyr also send Vakils, but no 
Kashmiri is allowed to live in either Yassin or Kunjut, as Hunza and 
Nagyr are called, although they are separate and independent states. 

I have daily large presents of fruit brought to me by my poor patients, 
grapes of three sorts, white, yellow, and red ; apples of two sorts ; water- 
melons large and sweet, long in shape, also cucumbers and figs, the fruits now 
m season. In the evenings, I have large audiences, visitors coming from 
far and near, to talk. I do not think the people are such bigoted Muham- 
madans, as in our North-West frontier, and a Medical Missionary who 
understood the dialects spoken, would have a fair chance of being listened 
to patiently. These people are very ignorant, though a few learn the Koran 
by heart, both men and women. 

Manufactures are very rude, a coarse cotton cloth, about fifteen inches 
broad, and quite plain, also a stuff of wool. Wooden platters, bowls, and spoons, 
very bad soft knife blades, no guns or swords, or leather articles. Boots, or 
Pabus, made like moccasins, are of raw hide, and are used only in dry weather, 
and a description of long stockings made by women of coloured wool like a 
bag without a heel ; some of the patterns are pretty and effective. All well- 
to-do persons wear these, but like most articles they are made for home use 
only, few being obtainable in the market. The head dress of the people is 
not a turban, but a broad topped cap made like a bag, its edge being rolled 
up, so as to form a thick brim, which can be pulled down over the ears and 
neck in cold weather. 


128 H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [tf . 2, 

The name Bote, as the people call themselves, is not to be confounded 
with the BMtias or Tibetans. The name is derived from the cap, so that 
all who wear this headdress, be they Shi'ah, Sunni, Astori, Gilgit'f, or Chi- 
lasi, Shin, or Yeshkun, are Bote, although the difference of language is 
great between all these countries, especially the latter. Of the two castes if 
one might so call them, the Shin is the highest, and forms a comparatively 
small, but influential body throughout Astor, Gilgit, Guaris, and parts of 
Chilas ; they are careful to intermarry only among themselves, but of late 
years, the Yeshkun, or mixed breed, is unavoidably increasing, owing to the 
pressure put on by the Kashmiris, who all like to intermarry with Shin 
families if possible. The Shins are a fine class, and look upon themselves as 
the creme de la crime. In Gilgit there are about 100 families of pure de- 
scent, they are looked up to as upright honest people, whose word and faith 
may be depended upon, in fact most of the heads of the villages are 

The Kardar, Ganga Singh, had on the departure of my friends for 
Astor, gone to Sher Kil'a, to place on the gadM, or throne, the son 
of the late Tsa Bahadur, chief of that place, who had died a month before 
our arrival, and now came to see me in state with a large following. 

He is a little old man, very polite, was formerly the Darbar Munshi 
to the Eesident at Srinagar. He has lately been made Governor, and is well 
acquainted with our ways. I told him of my desire to proceed to Gaokuch, 
the furthest point on the Kashmir frontier. He of course made every ex- 
cuse, as roads were bad, nothing to be seen, great heat, no food, &c, &c, 
but seeing I was determined on going, he gave in with a good grace, and made' 
all the arrangements necessary for my comfort and safety. 

I visited Colonel Teja Singh, some relative to the Maharaja of Kash- 
mir, a broken-down old man, and the Sunadis, or General, Man Singh, who 
were both hard at work, the former, in drilling the troops, the latter, making 
improvements in and about the fort. The troops were expecting their usual 
two-year relief, and longing for the return to Kashmir and Jammu. They 
have rather hard times of it in this outpost, getting few or no luxuries, 
as all articles imported are very expensive, and money scarce. 

The coinage is copper, and has to be brought from Srinagar, which 
increases its value much. The usual rate for pice at the capital is ten to 
the anna, but here only four go to the anna, which makes all small articles in 
the bazar very expensive, for instance, tobacco, sugar, and salt, all of which 
have to be imported.* 

In my evening strolls amongst the villages, I came across some an- 
cient mounds and slabs of sandstone and granite, the remains of the palace 
of a former Baja by name Shirbudut, regarding whom are many popular 
* It would be a gain to travellers to take coppers with them. 

1876. j H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 129 

legends, one is— Azro Shamsher, a demigod who appeared on mount Koh, 
opposite Minnor, heard how much the people were oppressed by Shirbudut, 
and came to the palace to try and rid them of the tyrant. The palace had 
no gates, but the Eaja had a flying horse which used to leap the walls, 
and alight always on one spot. Sherbudut had a daughter, whom he used to 
bring out on his horse for a walk at times. Azro while devising some scheme, 
was one day walking round the Castle walls, when the Eaja and his 
daughter < Urzu' suddenly appeared on the horse and alit at their usual 
place. He hid himself and saw the Eaja go into the mountains to shoot, 
Urzu being left behind to amuse herself under some shady trees. He went 
up and made himself known to her, and to make a long story short, they 
fell in love, and after many difficulties Azro killed the Eaja, married the 
beautiful Urzu, and became Eaja of Gilgit. They had a daughter by 
name Jaushini, who married one of the ancestors of Ahmad Khan, chief 
of Skardu, by name Mirza. Jaushini ruled in Gilgit in her own right, and 
was as much beloved by the people as Shirbudut had been hated. One day, 
the Queen and her consort were sitting under the shade of their fruit 
trees watching their maids treading the wine-vat, when a crow alighted 
near them and began cawing. She being annoyed asked him to shoot it, but 
Mirza from some superstition refused to do so, and the Queen, taking up 
his gun to fire, shot it dead with a bullet. He was greatly surprised 
at her good shot, and taking into consideration other wonderful feats 
he had noticed in reference to his wife, concluded she must be like her 
father Azro, more than mortal. He separated himself from her, fearing 
her violent temper and returned to Skardu. The Queen remained in 
Gilgit, and after reigning eighty years, one day disappeared. The son of 
her daughter who had married Habi Khan, a Nagyr chief, succeeded 
her, and from that son was descended Gurtham Khan, Eaja of Gilgit, who 
is still remembered by " the oldest inhabitant." The old Polo ground 
near the Masjid now lately taken into use again by the Gilgitis, is said to 
have been laid out and used by Shirbudut. 

The village of Nafur, situated in the slope of the hills which bound 
the valley to the west, and considerably above the Fort, has a curious Bud- 
dhist figure carved on a rock at the side of a nala, which is said to be very 
ancient. From this village a good view is obtained of the Gilgit Valley, the 
temperature also is lower, and having some fine old Chinars, is a pleasant 
place to pass the day. 

I used to be surrounded by patients, whose number increased daily. 
They came from all parts, Yassin, Hunza, Nagyr, Dareyl, Tangyr, and Panyal, 
all surrounding states, even the sepoys and officers from the Fort and traders 
from Koli and Palas on the Indus came to me for medicine. Every disease 
flesh is heir to, here finds its representative. 

130 H. C. Marsn— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [No. 2 

Amongst others the vakil from Yassin, an old Sayyid, blind of one eye 
came to have the other doctored, and after I had applied a remedy he 
stood up, and with upraised hands gave me a blessing from the Koran in 
Arabic, to which, when he had finished, the whole assembly said Amen,— an 
impressive scene. 

The old Colonel from the Fort came for some magical elixir, to rein- 
vigorate a system broken down with debauchery— also two merchants from 
Koli, who were here collecting their debts (which are paid only in gold 
dust). These were fine large men, but nearly disabled by rheumatism. 
Goat-herds from Dareyl also came to ask for drugs. 

Having now been encamped for a week and the heat daily increasing, 
I determined to push on as fast as possible, so striking my tent at dawn 
of the 26th July with only seven coolies and a pony I started. The first part 
of the way led along a raised road with a canal on the left, and after passing 
out of the villages, we reached the river, and went along its right bank to 
the village of Bassein, where they grow rice, down to a nala which is 
bridged ; then the road leads up over a steep spur to the house of 'Azmat 
Shah and his family, the rightful heir to Yassin, now a pensioner of the 
Dogras. He was absent in Srinagar urging his claims, so I did not see 
him, only his son. There is a nice Polo ground through which the path 
leads, and a mile beyond, the upper Gilgit Valley begins to close in. The 
dry steep cliffs radiate great heat, and all is desolation, as far as the 
hamlet of Hunzil four miles. This spot has been uncultivated for many 
years past, and we saw the first crop of wheat stacked. There are no trees 
here, only a few fields and two huts. A high conical mound marks the 
ruins of a former monument of some sort of which nothing is known. 

A short 300 yards beyond is a rock with water near, which affords shade 
up to noon, the path then ascends a very bad spur called « Katate" and 
along the steep banks of the river. Just at the worst spot where the path 
way is so narrow, that two ponies can hardly pass, I met young Fiilad, 
Tsa Bahadur's little son going to Gilgit to be educated. My pony nearly 
kicked him down into the river, the plucky behaviour of the two men leading 
the animals (it being too steep to ride) only prevented an unpleasant acci- 
dent. Then descending to the river bank along a short level, we arrived 
at the foot of a granite spur up which the path leads, with no shade, only glare 
and heat. 

From the top of the spur, Hunzil is to be seen below, bearing 340°, then 
scrambling down again to the river, which is here very rapid and narrow, we 
had a long sandy stretch along the water. This part is called < Yaspur Kun.' 
The river widens again soon, and reaching some tamarisk trees we rested in 
the shade at 2 p. m, thermometer in shade 105° Fah. The river here has a few 
islands m its bed covered with long grass and bushes. The path usually runs 

1876.] H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 131 

along its right bank when the water is low, but owing to its sudden and great 
rise we had to make a long detour over a high hill up which three paths lead, 
the upper for ponies and the lower for footmen, but being in the jungle with 
no one to ask the road we had great trouble. The pony had to be led 
along the upper road, too steep to ride. I wished to go the shortest cut, 
but the coolies being behind I had no one to show me the way, so I wan- 
dered out of the right direction and had great difficulty in finding the road. 
At 5 p. m., I reached the top, five miles from Hunzil, and saw Panyal below 
me due west, the descent was very bad. By sunset I reached the first 
village, three miles from top of the mountain, called Sherote, the last mile 
only being a good road. 

How refreshing it was to enter this oasis ! Its rippling streams, shady 
groves and clustering fruit made us forget the fatigues of the day. The 
tent was pitched under the Chinars, where the villagers used to assemble 
in the cool of the evening. 

One of the streams fed a covered tank, used to keep the drinking 
water cool, and here came the maidens not only to fill their pitchers, but to 
have a sly peep at the strangers. The village consists of twenty houses, en- 
closed by a stone wall, which has acted as a fort in past rebellious times. This 
is called the boundary of Gilgit and the beginning of the country of Panyal. 
In reality Gilgit ends at Hunzil, but they say a former Raja gave this 
and its sister village on the other side of the river, as a dowry with his 
daughter to a Raja of Gilgit. The boundary is only political as these 
Sherotis have the same manners and customs as all the others villagers of 

Panyal is the long upper valley of the same river I had been following. 
The people are all Shi'ahs, instead of Sunnis as in Gilgit. Their language 
is almost the same, but with less Panjabi, and more Yassini and Persian. 
Throughout this valley the people keep silkworms, and reel silk. They also 
make wine ; of course this to an orthodox Sunni is a great sin, so they are 
called Rafizi, Moghli, and other terms equivalent to Kafir. The inhabitants 
are much more free and easy than in Gilgit ; the women do not hide themselves 
or their faces, they are all dark brown, but not black. Some few of Yassin 
and Chitral mixture are fairer than the rest, but the great heat of the sum- 
mer keeps the colour quite brown. My cook quite beat by the march, did 
not give me my dinner till late, and as I lit my lamp, the young fry col- 
lected round me, and I shared my roast fowl with two boys who seemed very 
much to enjoy a change of food, and were the envy of all the others. 

Two sepoys live here to collect toll, and tithes of all the produce in 
kind, money being a very scarce commodity. These men are to be found thus 
in pairs in all the villages of this country, they feed on the fat of the land, 
pay for nothing, and consequently are well hated. They assisted me to get 


132 H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to tie Gilgit Valley. [No. 2, 

my coolies, so that I was able to start early, after giving out a few doses of 
medicine, the fact of being able to obtain medicine gratis has gone before 
me, it is the first thing I am asked for, and I have obtained the name 
of the Hakim Sahib. I wish I were better able to support the title, it was 
little I could do, my stock being very small. The narrow path between the 
high walls and hedges of the gardens took some time in traversing, but when 
clear of the village, I saw that the valley here is only about three-quarters of a 
mile wide, very barren looking, shut in with high bare hills. The path leads 
down to the nala which runs from the Hills to the south, past the small Fort 
of Shipyot. This has six bastions, and was built by the Dogras about twelve 
years ago on the occasion of the attack of Malik Aman and his brother Mir 
Wall from Yassin, Tsa Bahadur defeated them by help from Gilgit. 

The river runs close under the Fort. We now enter into the territories 
of Panyal proper under Tsa Bahadur, the chief of Sher Kil'a, or rather under 
his son, as Tsa died lately. After crossing a long sandy flat, at least twenty 
feet above the ordinary level of the river, which has been known in high floods 
to cover it and do great damage to the surrounding countries, we ascended 
gently up to the village and Fort of Golapur, about five miles from Sherote. 
The village nestles under its cool green trees, and is famous for its grapes. 
About twenty houses are scattered over the slope. 

I pitched in a garden of apple trees laden with fruit. The next garden, 
enclosed by a wall, belongs to B,aja Langar Khan, he was absent in Kashmir, 
having gone as a hostage for two years, leaving his family here. His little 
son, five years old, came to make his salams and brought a basket of fruit. 
A faqir and his son, both very intelligent, came to have a chat. They only 
speak Persian and Yassini, and being Badakhshis, they were quite fair, with 
delicate features, they made their livelihood by doctoring and selling charms, 
and were quite glad to see a real Hakim as they thought. Their general 
remedies are opium, arsenic, sulphur, and mercury, which are used equally for 
all diseases. I gave them some quinine, which they had not seen before, also a 
very potent medicine in the shape of Worcester Sauce ! !, a tea spoonful of 
which nearly choking them, gave them a great idea of the efficacy of my drugs. 

Leaving Golapur next day, we came shortly in sight of Sher Kil'a, a 
large fort and village surrounded by gardens and fields, on the opposite side 
or left bank of the river, situated on a long slope from the high hills which 
back it. 

Our road led over tolerably level ground, and along a cliff above the river 
about 50 feet high, path very narrow, rocks of conglomerate and sandstone. 
The Fort has 13 towers and is the largest in Gilgit. The communication to 
this right bank is by a rope bridge of the usual shaky structure. Animals 
crossing have to be swum across, which is only possible when the river is low. 

When we arrived opposite the Fort, I was met by the young and newly 

1876.] H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 133 

made Baja Akbar Khan, son of Tsa Bahadur, and his following. He is a 
heavy-featured lad of eighteen, and speaks little but his mother-tongue. After 
a short chat with his people and the Guard of Honor, supplied him from 
Gilgit, (in reality to overawe the rather turbulent population) I continued 
my march. The path then descends to the level of the river along a narrow 
ledge, the site of many a fight, opposite which is the village of Hammuchul on 
the left bank. The spur of Gaisheli with its steep climb brought us to the 
upland slope of Dalnath, with its bright sparkling stream allowed to run 
to waste, the village having been depopulated in one of the late wars and 
never been re-inhabited. 

This fact of depopulation is the curse of this small but fertile valley. 
Situated between two powerful neighbours, Gilgit and Yassin, the unfortunate 
people have suffered from both sides, have been taken off en masse, either to 
populate Yassin or sold into slavery, a few finding refuge in the neighbour- 
ing states of Dareyl and Tangyr. After our midday meal under the shade of 
the willows which border the Dalnath stream, we wended our weary way 
over a bad rocky spur down again to the river, then up again over a hill side 
opposite to the nala which brings water from the high hills above, to 
the village of Japoke on the left bank ; then continuing we reached Gitch, 
a small village, 8 miles from Golapur ; then again by a level path over a 
stony uncultivated flat above the river, from which we began to ascend a 
narrow ledge of limestone rocks, with a very difficult bad road, hardly 
passable for ponies, but easily defended. 

A second road leads up over the tops of the hills from Shere, so as to 
avoid this narrow ledge, and is the usual road taken by an hostile force from 
Yassin. At the highest point of this narrow ledge and high up over the 
river which rushes past its perpendicular base, is a flat stone under which a 
lookout is kept towards Yassin, to give warning to Sher Kil'a, in case o£ 
trouble, which in Goraman's days was common enough. Opposite this place, 
on the left bank, is a small village of Dajipoker with its few corn fields. 
The path improves as the ledge of rocks becomes broader, and finally leads to 
Singul, a large village with extensive gardens and fields with a small fort 
for its defence. This was our halting-place, and while the camp was being 
pitched, I took a stroll into the fort. Conceive a space of 150 feet square, 
surrounded by 25 to 30 feet walls, without any space left as a court, but 
quite crowded by small irregular huts, some parts in two to three stories, com- 
municating one with another by dark passages and notched logs of wood to 
ascend to the roofs ; then imagine this crowded with men, women, and children, 
all their rags, cooking pots, agricultural implements, guns, dogs, and fowls, 
and a faint idea of the conditions under which they live can be obtained. 
The force of circumstances obliged them to crowd into forts in former days, 
but as Dogra rule has been paramount for at least twelve years, habit has still 



134 H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to tie Gilgit Valley. [No. 2, 

the mastery, and sooner than live out, each on his own land, they still sleep at 
night inside their forts, collecting the cattle close under the walls in enclo- 
sures outside. 

The stream which supplies this village flows down from the range of 
mountains that divide Dareyl from Gilgit, and along this nala come the 
wild inhabitants of those hills to seek a description of salt-earth for them- 
selves and their goats, on vast flocks of which they principally subsist, agri- 
culture being at the lowest ebb owing to the insecurity of life and property. 

This village of Singul, where I stayed a week on my return from Gaokuch, 
waiting for an answer to a letter I had sent to the Kardar for permission to 
explore the nala to the confines of Dareyl, (but to which he would not consent 
saying it was too dangerous) presents nothing to attract the traveller ex- 
cept its simplicity. I used to roam about the fields and gardens, which are 
well cultivated, producing maize, wheat, barley, beans, carrots, turnips, pump- 
kins, gourds used for carrying water, radishes, cucumbers, and garden stuff, 
as salads, spinach, capsicum, mint, fennel, pepper, one or two plants which 
yield dye, &c, &c. 

The fruits in season were pomegranates, grapes of three sorts, figs, apples, 
mulberries, peaches, apricots, and walnuts, from the kernels of which they 
make oil, melons and a few cherries. All these fruits ripen towards the end 
of summer, so I used to feast daily on the best while chatting to the 
villagers at work, a quietly inclined people if let alone. No doubt with 
proper security for property, and no marauding sepoys allowed, the 
whole of Panyal would produce silk and grain more than enough to pay its 

Iron is not found in the valley of Gilgit, coming mostly from Ladak 
and Kashmir, consequently there are few workmen. The utensils they use 
are mostly of a coarse soft green semi-transparent stone, called Baloshbut, or 
pot stone ; these stand fire and are universally used throughout the surround- 
ing countries. Bullet moulds are also cut out of the same material. 

They do not consume much meat, being too poor, but live principally on 
coarse mixed flour, cakes, ghi and milk. Wine in large quantities is made, every 
large garden having its wine vats. The manufacture is of the simplest descrip- 
tion. A trough four feet long by two broad and three feet deep, is constructed 
of large flat stones cemented with clay ; at one side, near the bottom, is a hole, 
closed with a wooden plug covered with cloth. The grapes plucked in bunches 
by the women and children are carried in large baskets, of which the side next 
the back is flat ; the grapes are thrown into the vat as they come from 
the garden, when heaped up a boy gets in and with naked feet treads it all 
into a mash ; the plug is removed, and the juice flows off into a large hole 
in the ground immediately under. Here it remains covered up for a month 
or two, till fermentation is over, or till the owner has no further patience. 

Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, for 1876. Pt: I. 




1876.] H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 135 

The hour fixed for the opening is a joyous one, young and old, men and 
women, assemble to take a little, and amidst a tumult of joyful acclamations 
and song, they bear away the precious liquid, and store it in their rooms in 
the fort. Having no pottery, being unacquainted with its manufacture, 
most of the liquid is drunk as soon as possible, and a little kept in skin bags 
and wooden bowls. The women never get drunk, the men often. 

I was greatly troubled by sandflies at this place, which are worse in shady 
damp places, but in a dry spot they only appear at sunrise and sunset. 

On marching from Singul, we first crossed the nala, at the mouth of 
which it is situated, by a rope bridge. Large quantities, of fish were observed 
lying quietly at the bottom, no one troubling them by net or line.* A guard 
remains here on the lookout for armed Dareyl robbers, who come down the 
nala on marauding expeditions. 

A dam of stones turns off the stream from washing away the fort. 
The road leads along the flat and high bank on which there is no cultivation, 
being covered with boulders detached by earthquakes from the granite rocks 
above ; these are of no rare occurrence, I saw a case of a large fall of rocks 
and earth close to the Fort at Gilgit during a slight shock we had. A 
couple of miles brought us to the village of Gulmutti, opposite which is the 
large Fort and village of Bubbur.f The influence of the Baja of Gaokuch 
commences here, as they give tithes to him as well as to Sher Kil'a. Chang- 
ing coolies at the fort of Gulmutti, where they brought me a large present 
of grapes and melons, we continued along close to the river opposite the 
small cultivation of Barjur, a hamlet of Bubbur ; the road thence ascends a 
high spur, called Singdas, which shuts in the river, to a small gorge through 
which it rushes with great violence. 

As I was toiling up on foot, the path very steep and bad, the sun very 
powerful, I was met by the Baja of Gaokuch with his ' rikab', or following. 
Mutually rushing into each other's embrace, and anxiously enquiring 
after one another's health and welfare, we continued our course, dipping 
down to the river again, where under the shade of a few tamarisk bushes, he 
made me eat a fine melon and smoke the Calmet of Peace. 'Afiat Khan is a 
thick set, dark, middle-sized man of common-place appearance, about forty 
years of age. He was mounted on a good young pony 13 2 hands high, 
of his own breeding, carrying him well over the bad slippery rocks ; finally 
we ascended the side of the plateau on which Gaokuch stands. The fort 
and village are situated about two miles further on ; no vegetation on this 
plain till we reached the village. The whole valley is about 1|- miles broad, 
but as we have been gradually ascending the whole way from Gilgit, 

* Otters also abound. The people catch fish by small conical baskets fixed into the 
end of a dam across the stream. 

t A small colony of Sayyids make it of some importance. 


136 H. C. Marsh — Description of a trip to tie Oilgit Valley. [No. 2, 

the surrounding Mils, quite bare, are not so high as lower down. The 
Singdas spur divides Panyal from Gaokuch. As we approached the Fort, 
the distant snow-covered hills of Yassin and Pamir came into view. On 
coming up to the fort, the Dogra sepoys who guard the district, formed up 
and presented arms to us, a motley group armed with flint-lock smooth bore 
muskets. My encamping ground, on this 29th July, was a level of green 
sward, fringed with willow trees, a delightful contrast to the bare rocks and 
glare of the last few days' journey. Here I was at the end of civilization, 
and truly glad to have arrived at the object of my desires. The Gaokuch 
plateau is bounded to the north by high rocky hillocks which descend pre- 
cipitously to the river. The Fort is built on a large rock, the sketch was 
taken from the top of one of those overlooking the river, on the top of 
which I disturbed a flock of urial, or wild sheep. 

The whole valley is about two miles broad, of which the plateau takes 
up \\ mile, the river and some uncultivated strips on the opposite bank, the 
rest. This is the ' ultima Thule' of India, or rather of the influence of British 
Eule. Just beyond Gaokuch, and divided from it by a deep ravine, commence 
the fields of the extreme frontier village of, Aish, and beyond, about four 
miles, comes the frontier of Yassin. From both sides of the border a strict 
watch is kept on the opposite party, no one being allowed to pass without a 
messenger from either Chief accompanying him. I went with the Eaja to 
the furthest point possible, and there we found two lads of sixteen, keeping 
a sharp lookout, their matchlocks resting against the rocks close by, and if 
we had attempted to go further, the Yassins, though we could not see them, 
would have been sure to have taken a shot at us. 

Below us was an expanse of river bed about half a mile broad, without a 
living creature, or fish or fowl being visible. Opposite was the valley of 
Karambar winding away into the distance, little known or used, and down 
it was rushing a broad stream of dirty water direct from the snowy heights 
of the Pamir. It forms its junction with the stream from Yassin at this 
point, meeting at about right angles. The two streams create a great 
commotion, when, as now, the snows are melting, filling the whole bed with 
a shallow flood. * 

On returning to Aish and its fields of golden grain and shady groves, 
I found under a clump of fine trees a repast laid out in true native style : 
a basket of hot chapatis baked like "nan", another with a large bowl 
of fresh curds in which was a wooden spoon. Spreading blankets we all sat 
down, and had our share of bread with a slice of raw cucumber and salt 
handed to each of us, the curds were placed in the middle of the party, and 

* At the head of the Karambar is a lake formed by a glacier, which dams up the 
valley ; when the lake gets too full and heavy, the dam breaks, causing the fearful rush 
of water which makes the Indus flood. 

Journal, As : 


J- Sohcujvrribvurcf, L 


l,As: Soc: Bengal, for 1876. Pt.I 


<J- •Schauumbut-a, Litfv: 

(From, a, -painting- by Qxpt. Lcorrrvunm cvnxl ct, drazuinty by Capfi. Marsh.) 


1876.] H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to tie Gilgit Valley. 137 

as each required so he took a spoonful ; in this way we soon finished the 
first course — after which came some beautiful ripe melons, long in shape 
with smooth green skins, some with green, others with yellow, flesh ; they were 
cut up in long slices and distributed. The third and final course was a large 
pannier of apricots, for which fruit the place is famed. I got up after all 
was over, feeling I should require no more food for a week ; then I distri- 
buted some tobacco, and took, myself, forty whiffs. The whole proceeding 
was most picturesque, the place, the men, &c, &c. I shall long remember the 
scene and our conversation, which was mostly on the history of the place and 
its people. I remained at Gaokuch four days, strolling about and enjoying 
the delightful climate. The elevation is about 6,800 feet. The sun at noon 
is powerful, but more endurable than at Simla or Murree. The water which 
irrigates the plateau descends from a spring high up a valley to the south, 
at the head of which valley is the range of mountains which divides Yassin, 
Tangyr, and Gaokuch. The supply sometimes fails in dry seasons, there 
being no glaciers on the south side to feed the stream. 

The people dress like their neighbours in coloured paijamas, white cot- 
ton kurtas worked over the front with a patchwork of coloured cloth ; the 
caps are either the Yassin kulahs, or else the bag cap used by all the 
Gilgitis or Botes. Just below on the river's edge is a small patch of soil, 
from which they extract salt by boiling the earth in water. 

Tobacco, salt, and iron, are the three articles of which these countries 
are most in want. If an iron mine were to be discovered, as no doubt it 
will be some day, the status of the whole people would be raised thereby, 
and a great impetus be given to the industries of a naturally hard- 
working people. 

Faqirs and pirs, or saints, both beg and rob the people. I saw a case of 
a fine strong f aqir with five murids, chelas or disciples, who used to go about 
sometimes mounted, at other times on foot, and beg all they could, and occa- 
sionally, if they found an opportunity, would take by force food, clothing, 
ponies, goats, fowls, &c, giving in exchange ttiwiz, or charms, against illness, 
the evil eye, ill-luck, and love charms. 

One peculiarity in the dress of these people is the use of the brooch. It 
is made of different sizes and shapes, but generally a ring with a needle attached 
to one side. Ivory, mot her-o' -pearl, brass, and silver, are used in their construc- 
tion. Both sexes wear them, the women to fasten their chogas together, the 
men to hang on their charms. It is curious to see these charms sewn up in 
little bags, dangling from whatever part of the body they are supposed to affect, 
head, shoulders, arms, &c. Although saltpetre is universally found, they do 
not understand how to purify it. Sulphur is found in Nagyr and Hunza, and is 
sold in round cakes by weight. Gunpowder is made by all who have guns, 
in their own houses, by their own hands, no regular manufacturer makes it 

138 H. C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [N . 2, 

exclusively. It is of a very weak description, about four times our English 
charges being put into the gun, viz., 10 drams of theirs to 2i of mine. The 
proportions used are as followed : Nitre, 5 parts ; sulphur | part ; charcoal 
1 part — 6i parts. 

During summer all the ponies and cattle are sent up to the grazing 
grounds in the Hills, but in winter, which is long and severe, all animals are 
housed, fodder being collected during the autumn for their use, grass and 
the leaves of most trees. 

Donkeys have lately been introduced in Gilgit and Panyal. The Dogra 
Force, which attacked and massacred the people of Yassin in 1863, brought 
down several with them. They are small, quite black, without the usual 
stripe down the back and shoulders, but have a white nose ; they are used in 
the gardens for carrying loads of earth, manure, or in harvesting crops, but 
are not ridden. 

All the cloth, iron, drugs, &c, which find their way into the Gilgit valley 
are brought up by the Koli and Palas men from the unknown banks of the 
Indus, which river runs through Yagistan, or Independent territory, from 
Eawal Pindi in the Panjab via Koli through Chilas. The loads are of 60 
lbs. each, carried throughout by men, who are paid 30 Kashmir chilkis, of 8 
annas each, for the trip up to Gilgit. Little or no merchandise reaches these 
parts through Kashmir, owing to the excessive taxation and bad roads. 

I returned to Srinagar by the main road through Gurais and the 
Kumri Pir Pass, having had very little sport, though the country is full 
of it, owing to the season being too late for shooting. 

I can recommend Gilgit as a field for sportsmen, especially if they 
take no Kashmiri shikaris, as the latter spoil the whole country and are 
quite unnecessary, the Gilgitis being keen shikaris themselves. 



On the Ghalchah Languages (Wahhi and SarikoU) .—By E. B. Shaw, 
Political Agent, late on special duty at Kdshghar. 

The dialects of which, a brief sketch is here given, are spoken in valleys 
which descend to the east and west respectively from the Pamir plateau. 
They are members of a group of kindred dialects which prevail about the 
head waters of the Oxus ; the SarikoU being the only one of them whose 
home is on the easb of Pamir, on one of the affluents of the Yarkand river. 
The inhabitants of Kolab, Macha, Karatigin, Darwaz, Boshan, Shighnan, 
Wakhan, Badakhshan, Zeibak or Sanglich, Minjan, &c, (see maps) are all 
classed by their Turki neighbours under the general designation of Ghal- 
chah ; they are mostly Shi 'ah Musalmans, and speak either Persian or other 
kindred dialects. " Such evidence as we have, confirmed by the general 
report of the nations round, ascribes (to them) a Tajik (i. e., an Iranian) 
origin."* Now the Tajiks form the' substratum of population all over 
Western Turkistan, where, as well as in Persia, the Iranians are intermixed 
with and dominated over by Turkish tribes. To us, the Tajiks represent 
the earliest inhabitants of the regions occupied by them, for the Turanians 
now settled there are of later introduction ; and no recognisable trace of any 
pre-Aryan population is to be found there. 

The Tajiks of the plains speak their own form of Persian, differing 
merely in pronunciation and in a few peculiarities from the language of 
Iran. The Badakhshis are said to have only adopted that language within 
the last few centuries, having formerly spoken a dialect of their own, probably 
a mere patois of Persian whose peculiarities gradually gave way before a freer 
intercourse with their neighbouring kindred. 

There remain the more secluded tribes of the higher valleys, south and 
east of Badakhshan, also of Aryan race and of the Persic branch. A glance 
at their vocabularies will prove this : but in order to show that these dialects 
are not mere offshoots or corruptions of modern Persian (notwithstanding the 
numbers of Persian words which they have adopted), I have collected a list 
of words which seem to have a closer connection with the early eastern form 
of Persian, Zend, and even with other Aryan tongues.f 

* Wood's Oxus, ed. 1872. Col. Yule's Essay, p. xxiii. 

( f Thus the Zend maidhydna can never have passed through the Persian form miydn, 
to make the Ghalchah word madhdn (middle). Nor the Zend syllable raesha have had 
its two vowels a e blended into one in the Persian word rish on its way to the Ghalchah 
form reghish (beard). The Gh. md'i is derived from Zend maesha in a different way 
from the Persian mesh (sheep), not through it. See Comparative List of Words. 


E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 

[No. 2, 

History tells us nothing of their arrival in their present seats, nor 
whence they came. Their own traditions, as far as we know, are equally 
silent ; but perhaps their language may afford some indications. With this 
view it is necessary to consider their geographical position. If a line be 
drawn transversely across the paper from the upper left hand corner towards 



the lower right hand corner, this will represent a portion of the Himalaya- 
Pamir water-parting. If then on the left of this we draw a horizontal line 
falling on the former at an angle, we shall have a rough representation of 
the Hindu-Kush water-parting in its relation to the other. The tribes 
which we are considering live in the acute angle north of the Hindu- 
Kush spur; while in the obtuse angle which forms its supplement dwells 
another group of tribes called the JDards. Beyond the Pamir mountains 
live the Turkis of Kashgharia. 

With the latter of course the (xhalchahs have no connection of speech. 
And, if they were simply the foremost tribes of an eastward migration of 
the Persic race we should expect their language to have no closer radical 
connection with that of their other neighbours, the Dards, than that of their 
supposed parents the Persians or Tajiks has. There might have been an in- 
terchange of words during the centuries that they have dwelt in one another's 
neighbourhood ; but grammatical connection can only exist where there is 
previous linguistic affinity and (roughly) in proportion to its closeness. 

If, moreover, the Dards were similarly an offshoot from the Hindu 
race (sent up into the mountains after the settlement of the latter in India), 
then as we know that the tongues of Persians and Hindus have diverged 
from a common original, each successive offshoot from either would probably 
get further and further apart in point of language. As Persian and Hindi 

1876.] E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 141 

are sisters, Ghalchah and Dardu would then be cousins, and we should expect 
to find this more distant relationship typified in their speech. 

It is therefore interesting to compare the Ghalchah with the Dard 
dialects. Isolated words may creep into a language at any time, especially 
when new ideas or inventions reach a rude people from a more civilized one. 
It will be seen, however, from a list which I have collected, that the words 
which resemble one another in Ghalchah and Dardu convey the most simple and 
fundamental ideas. But it is to a comparison of grammatical forms that 
we must look for a measurement of the degree of affinity that exists 
between them. 

First, with regard to the declension of the Noun. Here the Ghal- 
chah dialects are almost bare of inflection, the cases being chiefly marked by 
separable pre-positions and post-positions. But the one termination of an 
oblique case which is not so separable (in the Wakhi dialect), occurs also 
as a Dardu inflection. In the Wakhi Instrumentative and Ablative cases, 
the termination an is used in addition to the appropriate preposition ; as in 
Latin (e. g. cum vird). There is also a Genitive absolute with the same 
termination, which may possibly be a relic of its general use for the Genitive 
case, e. g., zui-an, mine, Mir-an, " the king's." 

Now, taking Dr. Leitner's work as the most complete account we have 
of the Dardu dialects, we find in the Arniya form (or that spoken in the 
valleys adjoining Wakhan on the south of the Hindu-Kush water-parting), 
the same termination an used for all the oblique cases of the Plural. It is 
not used in the Singular, but still it is distinct from the proper termination 
of the Plural, as will be seen below. 

Ghalchah (Wakhi). 


Dabdtt (Arniya). 

Nom. S. mir 

a king 


S. miter. 

Nom. PL mirisht 



PL miter ann. 

Gen. „ mirav (an) 

of kings 


„ miterauAN. 

Dat. „ mirav-ar 

to kings 


„ miteranAN-te» 

Ace. „ mirav 



„ miter an an. 

Instr. „ da mirav an 

with or by kings 


„ mit eran an -somega. 

Abl. „ sa mirav an 

from kings 


„ miter an an -sar. 

It will be seen that the Dardu noun has preserved the termination an 
in other oblique cases where it has been lost or has never existed in Wakhi ; 
on the other hand the Wakhi has got it in the Singular as well as in the 
Plural. The fact of the Plural affix in Arniya being also an (as av is in 
Wakhi) need make no confusion ; but for clearness' sake I also give the 
plural of a Pronoun where this possible ambiguity does not exist. 



B,. B. Shaw — On the OhalcJiah Languages. 

Ghalchah (Wakhi). 
Norn. PL yaisht 
Gen. „ yav (an) 
Dat. „ yav-ar 
Instr. „ da yav AS 
Abl. „ sayavAS 

Daedtj (Arniya). 

[No. 2, 



of them 

to them 

by them 

from them 
Where the t would seem to be merely euphonic to save the meeting 
of two vowels. 

Thus in both languages the termination an has become a merely formal 
one for some or all of the oblique cases, but requiring to be re-inforced by 
prepositions or postpositions. It was probably once significative, and may 
have been the mark of some primitive case which did duty for all the 
various objective relations of nouns, until a want was felt for greater preci- 
sion which was attained by superposing special affixes and prefixes. # 

Passing on from this general oblique inflection to the particular cases^ 
we find that the Genitive in the Ghalchah dialect under notice is formed 
merely by the apposition of the noun (in its oblique form if any) to ano~ 
other noun. In some of the Dardu dialects the same seems to be the rule, 
though others have a special genitive form : 

Aeniya. English. 




. sorum gold 


a king. 


( -te to 
sormo < 

(. -sar irom 


mitaru ] 

L -sar 

to V ",-'. 
&omi aklng 


sormo of gold 


of a king. 










r -te 

to "\ 

,c v 


miteranan < -somega 

with > kii 

tigs (also Ace.) tha 

mo < -kath 


from ) 




of kings 


Nom. "host a hand 

Obi. hosto (Ace. and Abl.) { a hand 

( from a hand 

Gen. hosto of a hand 

Kalasha. English. 

Nom. sha a king 

Obi. shdas (Dat. to (or from) a 

and Abl.) king 
Gen. shdas of a king 

So also with the Pronouns. 
* Prof. M. Miiller shows that several genitives and datives were originally locatives 

Kalasha. English. 

motsh a man 

motshes(J)&t. and to (or from) a 

Abl.) man 

motshes of a man. 

E. B. Shaw— On tie Glaldal Languages. 

Nom. awwd 


Gen. ma 

-te to ^ 
-nase by > m e 
-sar from) 

of me 

*» thou 

r -te to >v 
fa j -^ase by ( thee 

C -s^ from ) 
fa of thee 



-fe to 
-nase by 
-sar from 

of him 



In all these, it will be seen, the Genitive is merely the oblique form 
stripped of the special affixes or prefixes of other cases. It is the same in 
the Ghalchah dialects • compare the f ollowing pronouns of Sarikoli which 
possess separate oblique forms : 


to s 

by C him 
of him 

Norn, waz I tdo thou 

r -ar to \ r -ar to \ r ~ar 

Obi. mu j Ms by me til \ -its by [ thee wi \ -its 

<<$e. $o.) kSfc. Sfc.) L'Sfc. 

Gen. mu of me tu of thee wi 

But the rule holds good throughout, even when, as in the case of sub- 
stantives, the (singular) oblique cases have no form distinct from the 

The Dative in the Ghalchah dialects is formed by the post-position ar 
or ir. This also occurs in one of the Dardu dialects, the Khajuna, 
Compare : 

Ghalchah (Wakhi and Sarikoli) . Daedu (Khajuna). English. 

Nom. Sing, mir jY> 

Dat. „ mir-KR 
Nom. PL mirav Jjft* 

Dat. „ mtrav-An JjH* 

So also the Khajuna Pronouns : 

Nom. gye I I umm 

Dat. gy&n to me [ umin 

Norn, mi we 

Dat. wkiEtons 

thorn ^ a king 

tMm-nn to a king 

thdmo yty kings 

thdmo-'n* jj*l£ to kings 

to thee 

in he 
inni&R to him 

uwe they 
uwhbb, to them 
The Accusative in the Dard dialects has no appropriate termination or 
affix, but consists of the bare noun either in its nominative or its oblique 

in Greek, Latin, French, &c, and quotes in a foot note the statement that 'the 
Algonquins have but one case, which may he called locative.' Lectures in the Science 
of Language, vol. I, pp. 250. Ed. 1866. 

* In Dr. Leitner's work this stands as thanor, hut the n is probably a misprint 
for m. 


E. B. Shaw — On the GhalcJiah Languages. 

[No. % 

form, So also in Ghalchah (Wakhi) for this case the noun is often used 
without any special mark, though occasionally the syllable a is either pre- 
fixed or affixed. 

The Ablative and Instrumental -cases have been already mentioned. The 
inflectional termination is the same for both groups. The only post-positions 
or pre-positions in these cases that can be compared are : hatti in Sarikoli, 
and hath in Khajuna, meaning with, and perhaps sa (or tsa) in Wakhi with 
the Khajuna tzum, meaning from. 

We now come to the Vebb. The two forms of the Infinitive {phi 
and ond) in the Shina (Dard) dialects, appear to correspond with the two 
forms in Wakhi (ah and an or in), which , however, have lost the final 


English. Dabi>tj. 

Gilgiti. Astori. 

to die .......... ...., 

to say or tell ray-OKL 

to cook 

to do £oki 


jpaj -o^o 


The Kalasha form of Dardu also has an Infinitive resembling that of 
the Wakhi in ah, e. g. on-ih "to bring", deh "to give", jagd-ih "to see", 
har4h " to do", mond-eh " to say, &c. 

The Infinitive in Dardu seems to be declined as a verbal noun, as in 
the Ghalchah dialects, e. g. to hi djo "from doing". 

The whole of the inflectional part of the Ghalchah Verb-conjugation 
is effected by means of two sets of personal terminations, of which one set is 
used for the Future Present, and the other for the Past Tenses. The former 
set may be thus compared with the terminations of the same Tense in the 
Dardu (Shina) : 

English. Dakdu. 

I go or will go... mu boy-VM. 

thou&c tu %-e 

he &c , , , , # jo boye or boyey 

we &c # h e boy-oiz or bbis 

ye &c, ............ tzo %-ET 

they &c. ......... je boy-m or boy-im 

Wakhi. Sarikoli 

waz rach-AM 
tu rach-i 
ydo rach-d 
sah rach-KE 
sdisht rach-iT 
ya'isht rach-xs 

waz so-m. 
tdo so 
yu san-d 
mdsh so-TS 
tamdsh so-td 
wodh so-in 

This remarkable similarity between the personal terminations of the 
Future-Present Tense in the two groups of dialects, does not extend to the 


E. B. Shaw— On tie Ghalchah Languages. 


other set of terminations (those of the Past Tenses) which are very peculiar 
in Wakhi and Sarikoli. 

Thus, to sum up, we have discovered similarities between the two groups 
of dialects, as regards the noun declension , 1st in the mode of expressing the 
Genitive (by simple apposition), 2nd the Dative (by the affix or, er), 3rd 
the Accusative (a negative resemblance), 4th the Instrumental and Ablative 
(by means of a termination an in addition to the appropriate pre- or post- 
positions, which themselves are in two instances alike). The Nominative 
can afford no evidence either way. Only in the remaining prepositions and 
post-positions used with the cases can no resemblance be traced, as well as in 
the special terminations which give a plural sense. Thus by far the greater 
part of the noun declension in Ghalchah has parallels amongst the Dardu 

Again in the conjugation of the verb, we have seen that 5 out of the 6 
personal terminations of the Future Present Tense are similar in Dardu 
(Shina) and in Ghalchah ; while the Wakhi Infinitive meets with a pretty 
close parallel in Kalasha (Dardu), and both its forms seems to be the 
same as those of the Shina (Dard) dialect, merely dropping the final vowel 
of these. 

The resemblances therefore cover pretty nearly half the inflections of 
the Wakhi verb ; and the differences occur in the remaining set of personal 
terminations (used for the Past Tenses), as also in the Participles. 

The resemblances in the vocabulary represent the most simple and 
organic ideas (see Comparative Table). 

This radical similarity between the Ghalchah and the Dardu groups of 
languages, so far as it goes would seem to show that the present local con- 
nection of these two groups cannot be the result of movements starting 
from opposite quarters and meeting accidentally in the present homes of the 
tribes in question. If Ghalchahs and Dards were offshoots detached respect- 
ively from the Persic and Indie races at a period when the languages of those 
two races had already assumed their present distinct types, they could 
scarcely, in their isolated valleys, severed from one another by snowy ranges, 
have worked back their dialects in the direction of primitive unity. This 
would have been reversing the natural course of events. 

We must therefore suppose that the ancestors of the Ghalchahs and 
Dards at one time lived together and spoke much the same language, 
although their dialects have since diverged ; and although that divergence is 
precisely of such a nature as to bring one group into the Persic class and the 
other into the Indie, notwithstanding a strong mutual resemblance. The 
water-parting of the Hindu-Kush range which divides Ghalchahs from Dards, 
also forms the speech-parting between the Persic and Indie tongues ; and the 
long valleys on the south of that range contain a trail of Aryans pointing 



E. B. Shaw — On the QhalcTtah Languages. 

[No. 2, 

as plainly towards India, as those on the north do towards that greater 
Persia which comprises all Persian- speaking races from the Jaxartes to the 
mountains of Kurdistan. 

But further, as the discovery, in undisturbed soil, of a skeleton with 
all its parts lying together in their proper relative positions, proves to the 
geologist that the body of which it is the remains must have been deposited 
there at, or soon after, death, and consequently that the habitat of the 
living animal must have been near ; similarly the present position of the 
Bard and Ghalchah tribes on either flank of the speech-parting Range 
of Hindii-Kush, — bound together by dialectic ties, and yet attached also in 
the same way to the neighbouring nations, the Persic limb lying towards the 
Persian side, the Indie limb towards the Indian side, — would seem to shew 
that the early home of their unity cannot have been far off. Had they 
divided asunder in some distant land, what probability was there of their 
coming together again in one locality, and of their finally taking up relative 
positions precisely corresponding with their respective linguistic affinities ? 

The connection of the Ghalchah hill-tribes with the Badakhshis and of 
these again with the Tajiks or Iranian population of Central Asia, is so plain 
that it is recognised by all the natives of those regions. On the other hand 
the Bards, whose languages are classed as decidedly Indian or Sanskritic by 
Br. Leitner, extend from the axis of the Hindii-Kush Range down to and 
across the Indus. In the valleys of Guraiz and Tilel they overlap or inter- 
mingle with the Kashmiri race, from which again an unbroken chain of dia- 
lects has been traced out by Mr. Brew # through the outer Himalaya valleys, 
connecting by a gradual passage the Kashmiri with the Hindi spoken in the 
plains of India. 

It is not alone in the extreme eastern section of the Hindii-Kush that 
a speech-parting of the kind described above exists. . If, as is probable, 
the Siahposh Kafirs are merely unconverted Bards, they are matched on 
the north by the Ghalchah inhabitants of the valleys of Minjan, Sanglich, 
&c, and the linguistic water-parting coincides with the geographical one ? 
at least as far west as the Khawak Pass above Kabul. 

Thus in the same way that, philologically, the Indian and Persian 
tongues have been traced back through ancient writings into such mutually 
resembling forms of speech as to imply original unity ; so, geographically, 
we can at the present day follow up from either end a chain of Indie and 
Persic tribes until we find the last links of each fixed close together on the 
flanks of the Hindii-Kush Range, and connected with one another by linguis- 
tic ties. 

Whether this distribution is of so early a date as to indicate the line 
of the original migrations of the Aryans on their way to India I leave to 
* See his "Jumrnn and Kashmir", p. 467* 


E. B. Shaw— On tie Ghalchah Languages. 


abler heads to determine ; but it seems probable that the separation of the 
Dards from the G-halchahs took place at a time when there still existed a 
spoken tongue neither distinctly Indian nor distinctly Persian but contain- 
ing the germs of both. If the Dardu immigration from the north had 
been a late one, (say at the time of the Yuechi or of the Musalman inva- 
sions) at a time when the language spoken in the plains of Bactria had 
become almost as strongly differentiated from that of India as at the 
present day,— it is not easy to see how the speech of the Dards could 
have taken its development on Indian lines, as it has done ; and vice versa. 
The fact of the tongues under notice still retaining so much mutual 
resemblance, together with a local connection, would imply that they were 
descended directly from one and the same mother ; while the fact of their 
belonging to the opposite families shows that we must not seek their 
common parentage either in the Indian or in the Persian tongue, but in 
an early Indo-Iranian mother dialect, which alone would be capable of 
giving birth to two such children from the same womb. To put the 
matter in other words, it would seem that the Ghalchah and Dard nations 
must have lived each a life of its own, distinct from that of any other 
branches of the Aryan race and changing less fast than they, ever since 
they emerged from the oneness of the Indo-Iranian stem. They are true 
sisters, and yet they belong to rival families. Hence they must be of that 
generation in which the split occurred. In any lower generation they 
would either not be sisters, or, if they were, they would belong to the same 
branch of the family. No Spanish Bourbon has been brother to a French 
Bourbon since the generation in which the distinction first arose. 

Again, if the Dards were admitted to have come down across the Hindu- 
Kush in those early days, but the Kashmiri and outer Himalayan popula- 
tions were supposed to be a reflex wave of migration sent up by the Indo- 
Aryans after their arrival and settlement in India, what a gap we ought to 
have between the dialects of the Dards and those of these later comers into 
their neighbourhood, a gap representing the whole progress in language made 
between the time when the Indo-Aryans were still a mere Central Asian tribe 
with incipient peculiarities of speech, and that when, their great migration 
accomplished, they were in possession of their Sanskrit form of language. 
A gap certainly does appear to exist, but I am not able to judge whether 
it is a sufficiently broad one, or whether later inquiries may not fill it up as 
the gap between Kashmiri and Panjabi has been filled by Mr. Drew's re- 

Max Muller tells us : " Before the ancestors of the Indians and Per- 
sians started for the South, and the leaders of the Greek, Boman, Celtic, Teu- 
tonic, and Slavonic colonies marched towards the shores of Europe, there 
was a small clan of Aryans settled probably on the highest elevation of 

148 E. B. Shaw— On the GhalcTiafi Languages. [No. 2 

Central Asia [the Western slopes of the Belortagh (Pamir), near the 
sources of Oxus and Jaxartes.] After this clan broke up, the ancestors of 
the Indians and Zoroastrians must have remained for some time together 
in their migrations or new settlements." [Max Muller's Lectures on the 
Science of Language, Vol. I, pp. 238. Ed. 1866.] 

Perhaps to this we may hereafter be able to add something like the 
following : 

After a long settlement in and about fertile Badakhshan (during which 
slight differences of speech sprung up between south and north), the fur- 
ther disruption took place. The southern section of the Indo-Iranian clan 
poured over the Hindii-Kush water-shed by successive waves into the long 
valleys of the Kuner, Panjkorah and Gilgit rivers (perhaps also of others 
further west) which lead down towards the Indus. Arrived in the broad 
plains of the Panjab, where the conditions were favourable to expansion, 
they increased in numbers and civilization, developing out of the dialect 
which they had brought with them the rich structure of Sanskrit. The 
northern section of the clan, left behind in Badakhshan and increasing in 
their turn, expanded westward and northward, and also closed up behind 
their departing brethren into the valleys on their own side of the Hindii- 
Kush, pushing the hindmost of the Indo- Aryans across into the heads of 
the valleys on the south. In the plains of Bactria and of Iran the dialectic 
differences which had perhaps begun to exist before the departure of their 
southern kinsmen, developed into Zend and early Persian; while those 
fragments of either branch which were left high and dry in the valleys on 
both sides of the Hindu-Kush, isolated from the main bodies of the Persians 
and Indians respectively, were less affected by the linguistic tendencies of 
their more civilized and numerous brethren ; their speech changed in a less 
rapid ratio, and moreover they had been the latest to divide asunder ; and 
thus their dialects retain to the present day a much closer mutual resem- 
blance than do the languages of the two great nations whose ancestors 
once dwelt with theirs. As the forefathers of the Indian and Persian races 
remained longest together of all the Indo-European tribes, and their lan- 
guages show consequently the closest mutual affinities of all the great 
divisions of the Aryan family • so also among the minor tribes of those two 
sister races, the Ghalchahs and Dards appear to have remained together 
longer than the rest of their kindred, and their dialects consequently show 
greater coincidences than any other two which can be picked from both 
sides of the border between Indian and Persian speech. 



K. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 


The Sounds 
And their Representations. 

The dialects o£ Sarikol and Wakhan are not found in a written form. 
They exist only as spoken by the people. For all literary purposes Persian 
is used by those who have sufficient education to know how to read and 

Many of the sounds in the spoken dialects of Sarikol and Wakhan are 
different from any that can be expressed by the ordinary Arabic letters. 
To employ these in representing Sarikoli and Wakhi words, it would be 
necessary to adopt a considerable number of conventional signs. As this 
may be just as accurately done with Eoman characters, I shall confine my- 
self to the latter in the following pages, instead of forming an adapted 
oriental alphabet for this purpose. 

The accented & will be used for the Central Asian broad sound resem- 
bling that of aw in the word pawn. 

The a (with a grave accent) will represent the Italian sound as in f ara. 

The unaccented a, for the short oriental sound as in ' America', ' woman/ 
* oriental,' ' ordinary,' &c. 

The vowel e, for its sound in the English word then. 

The same accented, e, will rhyme with the English word may. 

Unaccented i as in him. 

Accented * or * as in machine. 

Unaccented o, as in the German word Gott. 

Accented 6 or o, as in English go. 

Dotted o, as in German schon. 

Unaccented u, as in German hund. 

Accented u or u, as in English rumour. 

Dotted ii, as in German, miihe. 

Diphthong ai as in mitraille ; ei as reveille ; cm and ao pretty nearly 
as in German frau and English now. 

The ordinary consonants need not be separately mentioned. The fol- 
lowing forms however require description : 

The compound th represents the hard sound of the English th in the 
word thing. 

The compound dh represents its soft sound in the word the. 

The accented z represents the French sound of the consonant in 
je, or the z in the English word azure. 

Sh is to be pronounced as in English (same as French eh in chose, or 
German sch in schon). 

Ch as in English (represented in French by tch, and in German by 


150 R. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. [tf . 2 

J" as in English (French dj). 

W as in English, but always distinctly pronounced and not coalescing 
with the preceding vowel. 

The rough German ch (as in marten) will be represented by khh. The 
softer German sound as in ich (more usual in Wakhi and Sarikoli) will 
be represented by kh. It is, however, a little harsher than in ich. There 
is another sound intermediate between these and an sh ; the tongue being 
placed considerably further back than in the latter and the sibilation conse- 
quently coming from the back of the palate instead of from the front. 
This will be represented by the combination sch. 

Gh is the oriental ghain £. In some words of Wakhi it is softened 
down to the intonation of the g in the German word tage. 

Sketch of Wakhi' Grammar. 

The Substantive. 

There is no distinction of Gender. The Plural is formed by affixing 
the syllable isht for the Nominative and the syllable av for the oblique 

The relations of substantives are expressed either by position, or by 
means of significant Prepositions or Postpositions attached to the Singular 
or Plural form. The Ablative and Instrumentative take, besides these a 
termination resembling the case-terminations in the classical languages. 

The Singular has two forms ; that of the Ablative and Instrumentative 
and that of the other cases. The Plural has three : that of the Nominative 
that of the ordinary oblique cases, and that formed by the addition of the 
Ablative termination to the latter. 


The house [Nom.] TcMn 

the house's [Gen.] khun 

to the house [Dat.] khun-av 

the house [Ace] khun 

or khun-Sb 
at or in the house [Loc.]...da-M«k 

on the house sak-khun 

by or with the [Instr.] . ..da-Munan 
from the house [AM.] ..Mh-khunan 


houses khunisht 

of houses khunav 

to houses khunav-ax 

houses khunav 

at or in houses d&-khunav 

on houses sak- khunav 

by or in the houses . . Aa,-khunavan 
from houses tsa-khunavan 

The Noun in the Genitive is merely placed before the governing noun 
without any sign; e. g., Mun bar "the door of the house (the house-door)". 

The signs of the Dative and Accusative (ar and a) are sometimes pre- 
fixed instead of following ; as ar -bazar " to the market." 

.] R. B. Shaw— On the Qhalchah Languages. (Wakhi). 
The Adjective is not inflected. It precedes the Substantive. 


An adjective can be formed from a substantive by the addition of the 
termination dng or ung, Ex. rwdr-iing « belonging to a day", « daily". 

The Pronoun. 
The Personal and Substantival Pronouns are declined as follows :— 









wuz I 

zii, zui my, of me 

mar ...... me 

maz, amaz 

— maz . ........ (at, in) me 

maz-an . , . (from, with) me 



mh, sakisht ... .we 

spa our, of us 

mh-ar ., to us 

sak, safc-a .. 

— sak .............(at, in) us 

— sak-an (from, with) us 







Instr. ) — i 


str. I 
.1. J 

tu thou 

ti ........thy, if thee 

tar. — to thee 

tao, a-tao ......thee 

— tao (at, in) thee 

-an — . . . . . (from, with) 


sdJishi ........... .ye 

sav your, of you 

sav-ar ......... you 

sav, sav-m., ......... .you 

— sav .(at, in) you 

— sav-an ...... (from, with) you 



yao he or that 

yao of him 

yao-ar, yaor, gar to him 

yao, a-gao him 

| — -yao (at, in) him 

Isikao* on him 

sdnan. . . * ........ .from him 

• ••••• ^ey 

of them 

yavvar, yaisht-ar to them 

yav •• them 

Sfo ■■■■- ...........(at, in) them 

yd'n—ydv-an (from) them 

Reflective Profotjis". 

(Singular and Plural.) 

Mat he himself, she herself, &c. 

Mil . . of himself, &c. ; his, her or its own 

JcJiat-ar ........... to himself, &c. 

hliat himself, &c. 

— Mat (at, in) himself, &c. 

> — Mat-an (from, with) himself, &c. 

* Here the preposition is incorporated with the pronoun fsikao for sak-yao, sdnan 
for sa ydo-anj. 









152 B* B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. (Wakhi). [Ho, 

Adjectival Peokotos. 
(Singular and Plural.) 




Norn. gem...... ....this or his 

Gen. gem of this or his 

aram* dram 
or tram or 
gem - — ar 

gem.. ..,..., this or his ga 

/ dam* or tarn at, in, &c.., 

\ this or his 

y salcam* on, on ae- 

v count of, &c, this or his 

Instr. ( tsaman* or soman from this 

Abl. (. or sam £m...from his 

Emphatic : ha-gem "this very", Jia-ga 

ya ...that 

9* of that 

to this or his dra or ga ar . . .to that 


da „ f .,at, in &c. that 

sahao . . on, on account 

of &c. that 

tsanan or sanan from that 


that very' 9 . 

Other pronouns, such as cliiz " what" ? Jcoi " who" ? tsum " some", imam 
" one-another", &c, are declined, when necessary, as substantives. 

[Genitive absolute : zui-&N i' charhli = a wheel of mine ; gao-XE i % 
mdina = a talking bird of his.] 

There is moreover a set of personal terminations to the Past, Perfect, 
and Pluperfect tenses of Verbs, which are capable of being separated from 
the Verb to which they belong. Thus they may perhaps be looked upon 
as Pronouns (see Sarikoli, p. 159). 

They are : 

1st pers. am or im. 
2nd „ at or it. 
3rd „ (caret) 

1st pers. an or in. 
2nd „ av or iv. 
3rd „ av or iv. 
The Veeb. 
Every Verb appears, in its various tenses, under four forms ^ which re- 
quire to be known, in each case, before it can be conjugated. These are : 

(i.) The Investitive form, from which are obtained a Verbal noun, 
the Imperfect Indicative, and two derivative verbal substantives and ad- 

(ii.) The Present form, from which are obtained the Present Future 
Tenses of the Indicative and Conditional, and the Imperative. 

(iii.) The Past form, from which is obtained the Past tense. 
(iv.) The Peeeect form, (Perfect Participle) from which are ob- 
tained the Perfect Tenses and the Pluperfect ; also a derivative verbal 
Adjective and Substantive. 

* Contracted from ar-yeni, da-yem, sak-yem, tsa-yeni-an respectively* 

,] R. B. Shaw— On tie Ghalchah Languages. (WakM). 153 

The following is a description of these formations : 

(i) a. The Infinitive (which appears under two forms : ah (or >g) and 
an or in or mi) may be considered a verbal substantive, which takes 
several of the Prepositions and Postpositions as well as the Abla- 
tive termination an. Ex. tsa mara'in-an = than (from) dying. 

h. The Imperfect Indicative is formed from the Dative case of the Infi- 
nitive (considered as a verbal-substantive) by the addition of the 
pronominal terminations (see above), and of tu, the 3rd person 
"Past Tense of the Verb " to be." 

Ex. From chilg-ah " to desire" ; Imperfect, cHlgah-ar am tu (lit. to 
the desiring I was) " I was desiring." 

From latsar-an "to put"; Imperfect, latsaran-ar am tu "I was 

c. A derivative substantive (used also adjectively) in hilzg. Ex. nasiin- 

huzg " sleepy", " sleeper." It has a future or continuative sense. 

d. Another derivative in asolc, implying fitness or likeness. Ex. konddk- 

asoh "laughable." 

(ii.) a. The Present tense (which has also a Future application) merely 
adds certain personal terminations to its own proper form. The 
personal terminations (which are different from the separable ones 
mentioned under the head of Pronouns) are as follows : 

Singular. 1st am. Plural. 1st an. 

2nd *. 2nd it. 

3rd d. 3rd an. 

[These have a great resemblance, especially in the Plural, to those of the 
same tense in the Shina dialect of Dardu, which are : 

Singular. 1st urn. Plural. 1st on. 

2nd e. 2nd et. 

3rd eg. 3rd in or en."] 

Ex. Present form : vin; Pres. Tense : vin-am " I see" or " am about to 
see", &c. 

Pres. form : clialg ; Pres. Tense : chalg-am " I desire" or " am about to 
desire", &c. 

Sometimes the syllable ap is prefixed or affixed to the Present Tense, 
when it is used with a Future application. Ex. vinam-ap or ap 
vinam " I shall see." 

h. The Present Conditional is formed from the Present Indicative by 
affixing 6 to each of the persons. However, the 1st person singular 
seems often to be used in its Indicative form, and the 2nd person 
singular loses its terminational vowel. See Conjugation.* 

* It refers to all times not earlier than the present moment, and so includes all the 


154 E, B. Shaw— On He Glalclah Languages. (Wakhi). [No. 2 

c. The Imperative is taken from the Present Tense of the Indicative, 

merely dropping the terminational vowel in the 2nd person singular, 
but retaining the termination in the 2nd person plural. The 
singular imperative is therefore simply the Eoot-form of the 

(iii.) The Past tense is formed by adding the separable terminations or 
pronouns to its own proper form ; 

Ex. Past form : cliald ; Past tense : chald-am "I desired." 

The 3rd person singular, having no special pronoun-ending, takes the 
termination ei, as do also the other persons when their pronominal 
terminations are separated from them or prefixed. 
E. g. clidld-ei " he desired 

am ehald-ei " I desired." 

(iv.) a. The Perfect Tense similarly adds the separable terminations of 
pronouns to its own proper form. 

Ex. Perfect form : clilgeth ; Perf . Tense : chilgetk-am " I have de- 
sired," &c. 

Perf. form: laharth ; Perf . Tense : laTcartlc-am " I have put," &c. 

I. The Pluperfect is obtained from the Perfect Part, by rejecting the 
last letter of that form, excepting when it ends with g, and adding 
the syllable tiw (or tiilv) together with the separable terminations : 

Ex. Perfect form: clilgetJc ; Pluperfect Tense: chilget-tiw am " I had 

Perf. form : Jcsheng ; Plup. Tense : Jcsheng-tiw am u I had heard." 

[N.B.— This affix is perhaps for the Past tense of the auxiliary "to be" 
(which see). Thus chilget-tku am for chilgeth-tu « = 'Iwa8 
having desired" = I had desired."] 

c The Perfect Conditional is formed from the Perfect Participle by 
adding the several persons of the Present Conditional of the Yerb 
"to be." 

Ex. chilgetJc Tiumiam " if I had desired", lit. " if I am having-desired."* 

The Pluperfect Indicative is sometimes used instead of this Tense. 

The syllables sa and hi are sometimes prefixed, in order to give a sub- 
junctive or conditional sense. 

d. A Verbal adjective is also obtained from the Perfect Participle by 

the addition of ung, ung, or eng. 
Ex. cUlgeth-ung " which has desired" or " is desired" or " has been de- 

English expressions : « if I we re to desire," " if I should desire," " if I were desiring," 
" if I shall desire," " if I desired," &c. 

Ihis refers to all times earlier than the present moment, and thus includes the 
English expressions : « if I have desired, " if I had been desiring," &o. 

1876.] E. B. SUw~On the Ghalchah Languages. (WakM). 155 

[When there are separate forms of the Verb for the Active and Passive 
Voices, there is not this ambiguity of application about the 
Verbal adjective. 

E. g. schhoth-ung " which has broken" (trans.) 
schlwng-ung " which is broken," 
This form is also frequently used as a substantive. 
Ex. rasang-ung "a cut or notch", from rasudh-an "to cut." 

I. Infinitive form: chilg-alc ; II. Present form: chalg ; III. Past 

form : chald ; IV. Perfect form : chilgetlc. 
Verbal Substantive, Nom. Gen. and Ace. chilgak " the desiring or " to 

Dative: chilgak-ar " to the desiring" or u for to 

AMative '; m-chilgakan " from desiring" or "than 
desiring," &c. 
Derivative Substantives and Adjectives : 

Future Present : chilgah-Mlzg " who desires" or " will desire." 
Passive (of fitness) : chilgaTc-asoh " who is to be desired," " de» 

Perfect Participial : chilgetlc-ung " which has desired" or " has 
been desired" or " is desired," 


chalg u desire (thou)"; chalg-it " desire (ye)." 


Present Fijttjee. 


1. chalg- am. I desire 

2. chalg -1 (or chalg) thou desiresfc 

3. chalg-D he desires 


1. chald-AM I desired 

2. chald- at thou de sir edst 

3. chald-ei . he desired 

1. chald- an . we desired 

2. chald-AY ye desired 

3. chald-AY they desired 


1. chalg -ke we desire 

2. chalg-iT ye desire 

3. chalg- an they desire 


1. chilgaJcar-AM. tu I was desiring 

2. chilgakar-AT-tu thou wast desiring 

3. chilgaJcar-tu ... he was desiring 

1. chilgakar-AN tu we were desiring 

2. chilgakar- ay tu ye were desiring 

3. chilgaJcar- ay tu they were desiring 

156 R. B. Shaw— On the G-halchah Languages. (Wakhi). [No. 2, 

Peefect. Pltipebeect. 

1. chilgeth-AK... I have desired 1. chilgettiw- am. I had desired 

2. chilgeth- at ... thou hast desired 2. chilgettiw -at. thou hadst desired 

3. cUlgetk he has desired 3. chilgettiw ... he had desired 

1. chilgeth-AK ... we have desired 1. chilgettiw- as we had desired 

2. chilgeth-AY ... ye have desired 2. chilgettiw -ay ye had desired 

3. chilgeth-AY . . . they have desired 3. chilgettiw- ay they had desired 

N.B.— Although the above are the regular forms, yet the personal 
terminations of all Tenses referring to a Fast time are separable from the 
verbal stem and may be placed in any previous part of the sentence, as has 
bsen said. This is the more common usage. When they are thus placed 
separately, the verb takes the form of the 3rd person singular of the tense 
required. Thus instead of saying " wuz sa-tao-an chald-AM." (' I desired 
from thee') it is more usual to say " wuz AM sa-tao-an chaldei " or " wuz 
sa-tao-an am chaldei" So " tu hhoch at sa-maz-an chilgettiw " or " tu 
Mibch sa-maz-an at chilgettiw" or "tu at hhoch sa-maz-an chilgettiw" 
instead of " tu hhoch sa-maz-an chilgettiw- at " (' thou hadst desired bread 
from me'). This cannot be considered an impersonal verb with an instru- 
mental case as in Hindustani transitive past tenses, because we have here ■ 
also a pronoun of the same person in the Nominative. 




1. chalgam (if) I desire 

■2. chalg-6 (if) thou desirest 

3. chal(g) d-o (if) he desires 


1. chalgan-6 (if) we desire 

2. chalgit-6 (if) ye desire 

3. chalgan-6 (if) they desire 


1. chilgeth-hvimiam. ... (if) I had desired 

2. chilgeth-hiimui (if) thou hadst desired 

3. chilg eth-hiimixt (if) he had desired 


1. chilgeth-humixm ... (if) we had desired 

2. chilgeth-hixmuit . . . (if) ye had desired 

3. chilgeth-humiun . . , (if) they had desired 

1876,] K. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. (Wakhi). 157 

The Verbs which have their Infinitives in g or in an or in or their 
Perfects in g are conjugated in a precisely similar manner, regard being had 
to their typical forms (those of the Infinitive, Present, Past, and Perfect, 
which are given in the Vocabulary under each). 

Ex. (I.) Kshu-in « to hear" ; Tcshiiin-ar am tu " I was hearing 5 ' ; hshu- 
in-Jciizg " a hearer", &c. 

(ii.) Pres. Jcshui-am « I hear' 9 Jk%hm " hear (thou)", &q. 

(iii.) Past. kshon-am " I heard" ; JcsJion-i "thou heardst" &c. 

(iv.) Perf. Jcsheng" heard"; Jcsheng am " I have heard" .; Jcshengtiw 
am "I had heard" ; Jcsheng humiam "if I had heard; Jcsheng -ung 
" who has heard" or "is heard." 

So also (i) wing " to see" ; wing-ar am tu " I was seeing" &c. 

The Negative is formed by prefixing ma to the Imperative (or to other 
tenses when used in an Optative sense), and na to all other tenses. 

The Interrogative is formed by affixing a to the verb. See SarikolL 

The Numerals are as follows : 

iv or i one 

bui or bu two 

trui three 

tsahilr four 

pdnz five 

shddh six 

hub seven 

hat , . , eight 

nau nine 

dhas , ten 

dhas iv... . . , . eleven 

wist ....*♦.*.. twenty 

si . thirty 

chil .......... , forty 

panjd fifty 

altmish (Turki) sixty 


sad a hundred 

hazier , . a thousand 

a half = chot or choti 
One and a half = iv u chot 

Numeral Adjectives. 

Add the syllable ao to the ordinary numerals : e. g. iv-ao = first, bui-ao 
= second, &c. 

158 R. B. Shaw — On the Qhalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2, 

Sketch of Sarikoli' Grammar. 

The Substantive. 

There is no distinction of Gender. 

The Plural is formed by affixing the syllable av or iv in the oblique 
cases, and the Persian word d^ Mel (a troop) for the nominative. 

The relations of substantives are expressed as in English, either by posi- 
tion or by means of Prepositions or Post-positions attached to the Singular 
or Plural form of the noun. 

The Nominative is marked out by position. The possessive relation 
is expressed by simple apposition • the name of the thing possessed being 
placed last : e. g. ched divir — the door of the house (house-door). 

The Singular has but one form ; the Plural has two, that of the Nomi- 
native and the Oblique form. 


the house (Nom.) ched 

the house's (Gen.) ched 

C AR-ched 
to the house (Dat.) ... < or 

( ched-iR 

( A-ched 
the house (Ace.) } or 

(. AR-ched 
in or at the house (Loc.) p A-ched 

on the house chiuched 

towards the house ? AR-ched 

from the house (Abl.) ...Az-ched 

with the house c^-katti 

before the house ched-y? iit 

as far as, till, also by means 

of, the house ched-ms 


C ched 
Nom. the houses 3 or ' 

( ched-khel 
Obl. the houses' (Gen.) ...chediv 
to the houses (Dat.) chediv-iR 

C chediv 
the houses (Ace.) ... } or 

( A-chediv 

in the houses (Loc.) p A-chediv 

on the houses ...... chii-chediv 

towards the houses ?AR-chediv 

from the houses (Abl.) Az-chediv 

with the houses ...chediv-KATTi 

before the houses . . . chediv--pr iit 

as far as the houses chediv-iT8 

&c. &o. 

There is also a kind of Genitive absolute in an or yan : 
Ex. pddkhdh- an i radzin = a daughter of the King's ; i vrod mu-yan 
a brother of mine. 

The Abjective 
is not declined ; it usually precedes the substantive. 

^ An adjective can be formed from a substantive (or other word) by the 
addition of enj or unj (after a consonant), or yenj (after a vowel), which 
answers to the Hindustani " wdld." 

Ex. Garma-Ymj " belonging to a cave." 

JJhes math-VNj kardr "an agreement for ten days." 

1876.] R. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). 159 

Added to the Perf . Participle of a Verb, this affix makes a Participial 
Adjective which may take the place of a relative clause in English. 

Ex. mu wanj-inj ched " the house which I have seen." 
With a substantive it has a similar effect : 

Ex. Ghed-enj adam-hhel " the people who are in the house" or " of the 

There is an Adjectival Future Participle in ichoz. 

Ex. pigan yet-ichoz adam " the man who is going to arrive to-morrow" 
(lit. " to-morrow about-to-arrive man"). 


The pronouns have mostly two forms, a Nominative and an Oblique 
form, as in English. The prepositions and postpositions are applied to the 
latter, as to Substantives, so that it is unnecessary to go through them in 
detail here. 

Singular. Pltieal. 

1st Peeson. 

Norn, waz I mash we 

Obi. mu me mash or mash-ev us 








wi . 

2nd Peeson. 

tamash , 

tamash or tamash-ev . . . 
Bed Peesojst. 

he, she or it wodh 

him, her or it wief 

Adjectival Peonodns. 

that wodh 

that wi ef 





Nom. yam this modh or dodh these 

Obi. mi or di this mef or def these 

There is, as in Wakhi, a set of personal terminations to the Past Tenses 
of verbs, which are capable of being separated from the verb to which they 
belong and put in other parts of the sentence. Thus they have a certain 
claim to be mentioned among the pronouns. Perhaps we may look upon 
them as having been originally affixed pronouns (after the manner of the 
agglutinative languages) , which have become worn down to a certain extent, 
losing vowels, and even disappearing and (in the case of the 2nd pers. PL) 
giving place to a substitute ; but still retaining the recollection of their 
origin sufficiently to be used separately. They are : 


160 E, B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2, 


1st pers. am (corresponding to Turki 


2nd „ at (......... ....san.) 

3rd „ — (also wanting in Turki, 
as a verb termination.) 


an (corresponding to Turki miz.) 
av (the original pronoun lost, and its 
place supplied by the simple 
Plural affix of Nouns.) 
av (do. Conf . Turki lar in 3rd pers. 
PL of verbs, which is simply a 
plural affix, used also with Noun. ) 

The Verb. 

Each verb assumes, in its several parts, either three or four distinct 
forms from which the various tenses are formed by certain rules. 

The following forms are generally distinct, viz. 

(i.) The Infinitive or Boot form, from which are derived a verbal 
Substantive and Adjective, an Imperative, and the Imperfect Indicative. 

(ii.) The Present form, from which are derived the Present Tense 
Indicative, and the Present Conditional. 

(iii.) The Past form, from which are derived the Past Tense and the 
Perfect Tense [unless when the latter has a separate form of its own (iv.)]. 

The Boot may be considered a verbal Substantive of which the Nomi- 
native Case and Accusative are formed by the addition of the syllable ao, 
the Boot itself being its oblique form to which can be affixed several post- 
positions. Thus : 

Boot. Affix. 
a. Nominative and Accusative : zolclit-ao "to take" or " the taking." 

Oblique : zohU-ir " to the taking" or " in order 

to take." 
zohht-its " whilst taking" " during 
the taking." 

h. From the Root is also formed a Future Participle or Adjective by 
the addition of the affix ichoz : 

Ex. zoMt-ichoz " about to take." 

c And an adjective of probability in asuk : 

Ex. zohU-asuk " likely to be taken" or " to take." 

d. From the Dative of the Eoot is derived the Imperfect Tense Indi- 
cative Mood, as : zoMit-ir am vild " I was doing" [see Max Muller, 
Sc. of Lang., Series II. p. 19.] 

1876.] R. B. Shaw—Ow tie Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). 


(ii) a. The Present form is tlie basis of the Present Future Tense 
(with frequent irregularities in the 3rd Person Singular however). 
The terminations of this Tense are : 1st Person Singular am, 2nd 
Person Singular (none), 3rd Person Singular d or t ; 1st Person 
Plural an, 2nd Person Plural id or it, 3rd Person Plural in, 

[These terminations resemble, still closer than in Wakhi, (owing to the 
difference between the 1st and 3rd person of the Plural) those of 
the Present Future Tense of the Shina dialect of the Dardu Lan- 
guage. E. g., I go or will go, &c, in Shina, is Singular 1. hog-TJM, 
2. hoge, 3. hog eg ; Plural 1. hog-ox, 2. %-et, 3. hog-mi. See 
Leitner's Dardistan, Vol. I., p. 32.]* 

b. The Present Indicative gives rise to the Present Conditional by 
adding an 6 to all the persons. 

Ex. zoz-amo " if I should take" or " if I were to take." 

(iii) a. The Past form is the basis of the Past Tense, which is eon. 
jugated with the separable pronominal terminations given above at 
the end of the section on " Pronouns." 

b. From it is formed (in many verbs) the Perfect Participle, by affix- 

ing the letter j. 

Ex. Past Form : zuhlt ; Perfect Participle : zuhhtj "taken." 

(iv.) From the Perfect Participle (whether formed in this way or 

possessing an independent form) are derived : 
a. A verbal Adjective, by the affixing of enj or genj ; 
Ex. zukhtj-enj " having taken" or " which has taken." 
h. The Perfect Tense, by the use of the separable pronominal termi- 
nations mentioned above : 
Ex. zuTclitj-am " I have taken." 

c. The Perfect Conditional, by adding the several Persons of the 

Auxiliary Present Conditional vao-am, &c, " I may be, &c." 
Ex. zuTclitj vao-am, " I may have taken." (lit. " I may be having-taken.") 

d. From the Perfect Tense Indicative Mood, again, is formed the 

Pluperfect Indicative, by affixing the syllable it, and using the 
separable terminations as before : 
Ex. zuWitj-it am " I had taken." 

* The German Present Indicative has also a curious resemblance to these : 

Ich mache I make. "Wir m&chen we make. 

Du machst thou makest. Ihr roach* ye make. 

Er mach* ...... he makes. Sie machew they make. 

162 R. B. Shaw— On the Ohalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2, 


(3 Forms.) 
(i) Boot form : zokht ; (ii) Present form : zoz j (iii) Past form : 


Verbal Substantive : Nominative and Accusative Case : zohht-ao " the 
taking" or " to take." 

G-enitive Case,... zokht " of the taking." 
Dative Case, . . . zokht-ir " to take" or " in order to take" 
or " to the taking." 

Abl., az zokht " from the taking. " 

&c, zokht-its "during the taking" or 

"whilst taking." 
Perfect derivative Adjective : zuhhtj-enj " having taken" or "taking." 

Future ditto ditto ) zoJcht-ichoz "about to take" or "the 

Also Noun of the Agent ... ) taker." 

Verbal Adjective of probability zoleht-asuh " likely to be taken" or "to 



zoz = take thou. zoz-id = take ye, 


Peesent Futxjee Tense. 

1. zoz-am. I take or will take. 

2. zoz thou takest, &c. 

3. zoz-d he takes, &c. 


1. zbz-an we take, &c. 

2. zoz-id ye take, &c. 

3. zoz-in ......... they take, &e. 

Impeefect Tense. 

1. zokhtie (am) * vud I was taking. 

2. zokhtie (at) vud thou wast taking. 

3. zokhtie viid he was taking. 

* The syllables between brackets are the separable pronoun-terminations 

1876.] R. B. Shaw— O* tie Ohahhah Languages. (Sarikoli), 


1. zokhtir («w) «>&? we were taking. 

2. zokhtir (av) viid ye were taking. 

3. zokhtir (av) viid they were taking. 

Past Tense. 

1. zukht (am) ...... I took. 

2. zukht (^ ....... thou tookest. 

3. zukht he took. 


1. zukht (an) we took. 

2. zukht (av) ye took. 

3. zukht (av) they took. 

Perfect Tense. 

1. zukht J (am) ......... I have taken. 

2. zukhtj (at) ......... thou hast taken. 

3. zukhtj he has taken. 


1. zukhtj (an) we have taken. 

2. zukhtj (av) .... ye have taken. 

3. zukhtj (av) ......... they have taken. 

Pluperfect Tense. 

1. zukhtj-^ (am) I had taken. 

2. zukhtj-^ (at) thou hadst taken. 

3. zukhtj-^ he had taken. 


1. zukhtj-zY (an) we had taken. 

2. ZJJKH.T j -it (av) ye had taken. 

3. zukhtj-^ (av) they had taken. 

coinditional and subjunctive mood. 

Present Future Tense. 

1. zoz-amo I may or should take. 

2. zoz-o thou mayest or shouldst take, 

&c &c. 

Pereect Tense. 

1. zukhtj vao-am I may have taken. 

2. zukhtj vao thou mayest have taken. 

3. zukhtj vid lie may have taken. 

&c.=* &e. 

* See Auxiliary defective verb " to be," 


164 E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2 

The prefix tsa is often used with the Indicative Present tense to give 
it a Subjunctive or Conditional sense. 

In some Verbs the 3rd Person Singular of the Present Indicative is 
irregular in its form : 



1. didh-am I enter. 

2. didh thou enterest. 


1. vor-am... I bring. 

2. vor thou bringest. 

8. vm-d he brings. 


1. vor-an . , . . we bring. 

2. vor-id ......... ye bring. 

8. vor-in ......... they bring. 

3. dedb> d he enters. 


1. didfo-an we enter. 

2. didh-id ye enter. 

3. didh-in they enter. 


1. zdn-am. I kill. 

2. zdn thou killest. 

3. zm-d ......... he kills. 


1. zdn-an... we kill. 

2. zdn-id ye kill. 

3. zan-in they kill. 


1. kan-am , I make. 

2. Jean thou makest. 

3. kakh-^ he makes. 


1. 7can-an we make. 

2. KA-'it ye make. 

3. KA-m they make. 

In the last example it will be observed that the 2nd and 3rd persons 
Plural are also irregularly formed. 

Some Verbs have a distinct Perfect form [not derived according to rule 
from the Past Form]. 


[4 Forms.] 
(i) Root Form: set; (ii) Present Form: so; (iii) Past Form: silt; 

(iv) Perf . Form : sedhj (not siitj) . 
Verbal Substantive ; Nominative and Accusative Case [Infinitive] : set- 
ao " the going or becoming/' " to go or become." 
Genitive Case, set " of the going or becoming." 
Dative Case: set-ar " to 'the going or becoming," " in 

order to go or become." 
Abl. Case : az set " from going, &c." 

&c... set-its " during the going" or " whilst going." 

Perfect Adjective derivative sedhj -enj "having gone or become." 

Future ditto set-ichoz " about to go or become." 

Adjective of probability set-asuk " likely to go, &c." 

1876.] E. B. Shaw— On the Ghahhah Languages. (Sarikoli). 185 


Peesent Ftttttee Tense. Impeeeect Tense. 

Singular. Singular. 

1. sb-'m I go or become, or 1. setar [am] vild. . I was going or 

will go or become. becoming. 

2. setar [at] vild... thou wert going 


3. setar vild lie was going, &c» 


1. setar [an] vild we were going, &c. 

2. setar [av] vild ye were going, &c» 

3. setar [av] vild they were goings 


Peeeect Tense. 

2. so thou goest, &c. 

3. sau-d he goes, &c. 


1. sb-n or so-yan we go, &c. 

2. so -id .... ye go, &c. 

3. sb-in they go, &c. 

Past Tense. 

1. silt [am] I went or became. 1. sedhj [am] ... I have gone or 


2. silt [at] .. thou wentest, &c. 2. sedhj [at] thouhast gone ? &c. 

3. silt he went, &c. 3. sedhj , he has gone, &c. 

Plural. Plural. 

1. silt [an] we went, &c. 1. sedhj [an] we have gone, &c. 

2. silt [av] ye went, &c. 2. sedhj [av] ye have gone, &c. 

3. silt [av] they went, &c. 3. sedhj [av] ...... they have gone,&c. 

Pltjpeeeect Tense. 

Singular. Plural. 

1. sedhj -it [am]... I had gone or be- 1. sedhj -it [an] ... we had gone, &c. 


2. sedhj -it [at] ... thou hadst gone, 2. sedhj -it [av] ... ye had gone, &e. 


3. sedhj -it he had gone, &c. 3. sedhj -it [av] . . . they had gone, 


Peesent Fiituee Tense. Peeeect Tense. 

Singular. Singular. 

1* so- mo I may or should go 1. sedhj mo -am... I may have gone 

or become. or become. 


166 E. B. Shaw — On the Qhalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2, 

2. so-yo thou mayest or 2. sedhj vao ...... thou mayest have 

shouldst go, &c. gone, &c. 

3. sau-do he may, &c 3. sedhj vid he may have gone, 


1. sedhj vao-an... we may have gone, 

2. sedhj vao-id ... ye may have gone, 

3. sedhj vao-in . . . they may have 
gone, &c. 


1. so-'nb we may, &c. 

2. so-idb ......... ye may, &c. 

3. so-ino ......... they may, &c. 


(i) Eoot Form: vid; (ii) Pres. Form: vao ; (iii) Past Form: vild; 
(iv) Perf . Form : vedhj. 
Nom. vid-ao. 
Obi. vid, (vid-ir, vid-its, &c.) 

Perfect Participial Adjective vedhj -enj. 

Future do. (also Noun of the Agent)... vid-ichoz. 
Verbal Substantive, " the being or existing" : vid-i. 


Pbtesejstt Future TeWSE. 

1. vao-am* (yost-am) f I may be, or am. 

2. vao (yost-at) thou mayest be, or art. 

3. vi-d (yost) he may be, or is. 


1. vao-an [yost-an] we may be, or are. 

2. vao-id [yost-av] ye may be, or are. 

3. vao-in [yost-av] they may be, or are. 

Past Tei^se. Pereect Tei^se. 

Singular. Singular. 

1. vild [am] I was. 1. vedhj [am] ... I have been. 

2. vild [at] thou wert. 2. vedhj [at] ... thou hast been. 

3. vild he was. 3. vedhj he has been. 

* Generally has a conditional sense, but is placed here, because it is inform a Pre- 
sent Indicative. 

f This alternative tense is in form the Past-tense of some other Verb, but used 
for the Present Tense of this. 

. **&:■ • ..T? 

1876 J K. B. Shaw— On the Qhalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). 167 


1. vild [an] we were, 

% vild [av] ...... ye were. 2. vedhj [av] 

3. vild [av] ...... they were. 3, vedhj [av] 

Pluperfect Tense. 

1. vedhj-it [am'] I had been. 

2. vedhj -it [at]. . thou hadst been. 

3. vedhj-it he had been. 

1. vedhj [an] ... we have been. 
ye have been, 
they have been. 


1. vedhj-it [an]., we had been. 

2. vedhj-it [av].. ye had been. 

3. vedhj-it [av].. they had been. 


Present Future Tense. Perfect Tense. 

Singular. Plural. 

1. vao-amo.. ....... I may or should be. 1. vedhj -vao-am. . . I may have been, 

&c. &c. &c. &o. 

The Interrogative 
is formed by affixing & to the verb, when there is no other interrogative 
adverb or pronoun in the sentence. 

E. g. til kdhr-gdt-1 = has thy anger come ? 
but : tsez-ar at yat why hast thou come ? 
The ordinary negative consists of the syllable na prefixed to the verb. 
But in the Imperative or Optative the syllable ma is used instead. 
E. g. na kan-am, I make not. 
ma han^ make not [thou]. 

The Numerals are as follows :— 

iv or % one. 

dhau or dha two. 

haroi ......... ,.... three. 

tsavur aea four. 

jpinz five. 

hhel , six. 

wd seven. 

wolcht eight. 

neaw . ## nine. 

dhes-at-i eleven, 

vist .. twenty. 

vist-at-i twenty- one , 

si thirty. 

ehal forty. 

jpinju fifty. 

altmish [Turki] ... sixty. 
Sfc * &c. 

sad a hundred. 

hazor a thousand. 

dhes ten. 

A half = naim ; a quarter = tsavur lalah. 
One and a half = iv -at -naim, 8fc. 

Numeral Adjectives 
Add the syllable ao to the ordinary Numerals. 
E. g. iv-ao first, dhau-ao second, &c. 
* The remaining multiples of ten up to ninety are borrowed from the Turk*. 


E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2 


1. The prefixes or prepositions, a and ar (vr), are never separated 
from their noun by any adjective or other word. Thus we have : 

tu ar-tsem, lit. " thy to eyes", not ar-tu-tsem " to thine eyes." 
Generally the other prepositions also immediately precede the nonn : 
E. g. KM tar-tsem " to his own eye" (lit. " own to-eye") 

dinar pa-bon " at bottom of plane-tree" (lit. " plane-tree's at 

ipa-garmd " in a cave" (lit. " one in-cave") 
but we also have : 

.pa mi hash "at this side" (lit.) 
It would seem that adjectives and adjectival pronouns are sometimes 
allowed to be interposed between the prepositions (other than a and ar) and 
the noun. 

2. There seems to be a Dative absolute in i : 

Ex. sandih mu'r-i {mu-ar-i) " (let the) box (be) for me or to me" 
Jchurjin tttr-i (tu-ar-i) " (let the) bag (be) for thee or to 

or, as we should say, " the box to me, the bag to thee." 
With a verb, the Dative would be : a-sandih mu'r dhd 
" give the box to me." 

3. The separable verb-terminations or pronouns in both Wakhi and 
Sarikoli, are sometimes used instead of the verb substantive, after the man- 
ner of the Turki language (which, however, employs the ordinary pro- 
nouns reduplicated). 

laur am wax " I (am) great." 

waz laur yostam do. 

man ulugh man do. 

dzul at too " thou (art) small" 

Mo dzul yostat do. 

san hichih san do. 

The example of the Turki (although belonging to another family of 
languages) shows, I think, that we need not seek, in these separable termina- 
tions, for the relics of some defunct verb substantive. In the present 
examples, as in children's language, the verb substantive is simply omitted 
altogether ; the apposition of the subject to the attribute being sufficient- 
ly explicit. ^ A child says : " I good," « dog naughty." The Turk and the 
Ghalchah, in their own several manners, do the same j only, for emphasis, 
they contrive to insert the pronoun twice (as in French "jesuisbon, 

Ex. (Sarikoli) 
instead of 
Compare (Turki) 
instead of 
Compare (Turki) 


E. B. Shaw— On the Ohalchah Languages. 


But it may be said : why should not these separable terminations be 
considered a tense of the verb substantive ; attached to other verbs as an 
auxiliary, and also used independently as connecting the subject with its attri- 
bute ? But I think the following answer might be made. Any tense of 
the verb substantive must have consisted originally of two elements ; the 
constant verb element, and the variable personal or pronominal element. 
In the present case, the former element (if it ever existed) must have been 
rubbed off, for nothing remains but single syllables varying with the per- 
sons ; in other words we have come back to the simple pronominal element, 
corrupted it may be by the companion which it has now shaken off. In 
either case, the separable terminations which we are considering are Pro- 
nouns, whether they have gone though the process of being attached to an 
auxiliary verb substantive (now vanished), or not.* 

3. Eelative clauses, which are rare in the simple Ghalchah dialects, 
are expressed usually by means of the verbal adjectives in ung (W.) and 
enj (S.), and in Jcuzg (W.) and ichoz (S.) 
Wakhi Ghini schJcot-ung hhalg \ " the person who breaks or 
Sarikoli a-chin varafchtj-enj adam ) has broken, the cup." 
Wakhi Ghini schkodhn-kuzg khalg \ " the person who will break 
Sarikoli a-chin varakht-ichoz adam ) or is in the habit of break- 
ing, the cup." 
In this they resemble the Turanian languages. 

4i. Causatives or Transitives are generally formed in iv or uv (Wakhi), 
and an d and an (Sarikoli). 

Ex. Wakhi : nadhefs-an = to be dented 
nadhefsilv-an = to dent. 
Sarikoli : bizeid-ao = to touch 

hizeiddnd-ao = to cause to touch, 
hizis-am = I touch 
hizisan-am = I cause to touch. 
5. In compounds formed of two verbs, both of them generally vary 
together, taking the terminations of the same person, instead of one of 
them taking a Participial form, as in Persian, Urdu, &c. 
Ex. rasidham-durzam = I cut I take 
(I cut out) 
instead of 
dozg-rasidham = having taken I cut 

rasang-diirzam = having cut I take. 

* Compare the Persian terminations of the Perfect tense (am, i, &c), which are 
also used to replace the verb substantive (See Forbes' Persian Gram, § 48). They 

170 B. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. (Wakhi). [No. 2, 



Aflatiin-an porstei ki ghafch sal da kishti 
Plato (abl.) asked that many years in ship 
at gokhtei da darya chiz 'ajaib at 

(thou)* madest in sea what wonder (thou) 

? ajab hem (ha~yem) tu ki sa darya-an 


1. I' khalg sa 
one person from 
tu darya safar 
wert sea voyage 
windei. Khattei 
sawest ? He said 


yikah-in saht am 

(to) shore (abl.) safe (I) 
2. V diwana 
a ' beggar 
chaldei, Sa khun 
asked for. From house 


da i' bai darwaza 

to a rich man's door 

dost-an jawab wazdei ki 

inside (abl.) answer came that 

was that from sea (abl.) 

ragdei i ? chiz 

went one thing 

kond da khun nast 

woman in house is not. 

am na-chilgattiw 
(I) had not asked for 

ragdei. Hawa shundr 
went. Air hot 

l ? shtik-khak-kiizg tan 

Diwana khattei : chot khoch am chilgattiw, kond 
Beggar said : piece bread (1) had asked for, woman 
ki azi jawab am gottei. 
that such answer (I) have got. 

3. I 5 hakim har wakt da kabristan rachanar-tu khii reimal da khii 
a doctor whenever to graveyard used to go his scarf to his 

sar da khii rui zwainar-tu ; khalgisht porstei ki : yao sabab ehiz ko ? 
head to his face used to wrap ; people (pi.) asked that : its reason what ? 
khattei : yem kabristan khalgiv-an khajal watsam yao jinib ki sa zii 
he said : this graveyard people from ashamed I am because that from 

daru-an mard ki. 

my medicine they have died. 

4. I 5 rwar i' mir khii potr mashan da shikar 
one day a king own son with to hunting 

wittei. Mir da khii potr-an khii bot-a da 

became. King with his son his cloak to one jest-maker's back 

lakartei. Mir khandei khattei : Eh shtik-khak-kiizg da tao i' khur viir 

put. King smiled said : Oh jester to thee one donkey's load 

ap-ktimiit. Khattei: Balki bu' khur viir. 

there is. He said : Yea two donkeys' load, 

5. I 9 put-dam-ar khattei : ehalgi ki ti dam rast 
one crook-back to (they) said : desirest thou that thy back straight 

wast ya digar khalgav dam ti dam rang put-dam 

should become or other people's back thy back like crook-backed 

wast ? Khattei : chalgam ki digar khalgav dam put-dam wast 
should become ? He said : I desire that other people's back crooked should become 

seem to be mere contractions of the fuller form astam, asti, &c, which is also sometimes 
used as a termination (or auxiliary verb) to the Perfect Tense (See Forbes, § 48. o). 
But as the whole of the constant element {ast) of this latter form has disappeared in 
the contracted form am 9 t, &c., it is evident that nothing can be left in the form am, i } 
&c., but relics of the pronouns. 

* The English of the separable pronouns is put in brackets, 




E. B. 

Shaw— On the Ghahhah Languages. (Wakhi). 

latsar,* yao jinib ki da-ya chazm-an yMsht a-maz vinan waz 

because that with those eyes they (ace.) me see I 




sa vinam 

may see. 

6. I 








ramattei ki 







sa sha 5 ir-an rizdei, jallad 

from (with) poet (abl.) become angry, executioner 
prut shai. Jallad khangar wiiziiman-ar 

in my presence kill (him). Executioner sword to fetch 

tagdei. Sha'ir hazir khalgav-ar khattei : ta khangar wiiziiman-its 
went. Poet present people to said: till sword fetching whilst 

a-maz chipat diid ki mir khush wast latsar. Mir kandei, yao 

me slap strike (ye) that king happy may-become. King smiled his 

gunah shokhhstei. 
fault passed over. 

7. I khalg hip martaba gottei. I dost mubarak gokhn- 

a person great dignity obtained, A friend congratulation in order-to 

ar wazdei. Ya khalg porstei : tu kui, chiz-ar at wazdei ? Yao 
do came. That person asked : thou who what for (thou) hast come ? His 

dost sharminda vittei. Khattei: A-maz na dish' -a? ti kadimi dost 
friend ashamed became. He said : me not knowest ? thy old friend 
wuz j niiiwn-ar da ti prtit am wazdei ; kshon-am ki kur 
I ; in order to weep into thy presence (I) came I heard that blind 

at vitkei.f 
(thou) hast become. 

8. I khalg darwesh dastar dozdei rannei darwesh da-kabristan ragdei 




turban took fled 
khattei : ki ya 

beggar at grave-yard went 
dhai ti dastar da bagh- 
man thy turban in garden 
at nieng chiz 

(thou) hast sat down what 
ha- dram ap vizit. 

a person 

People to him said : that that 
yiittei, da kabristan chiz-ar 
direction took away in grave-yard what for 

gokh. Khattei : Yao ba akhir 
dost (thou). He said : He at 
Ha-yem jinib dram nieng-am. 
Therefore here I have sat down. 

9. I naksh-khak-kiizg da i shahr ragdei dra tabibi pursam 

a picture-maker to a town went there doctoring beginning 

gokhtei. Tsum rwar-an sibas i khalg sam diar-an da 

made. Some days (abl.) after a person from his country (abl.) at that 

the end to this very (place) will come. 

* Latsar is the root or Imperative form of the verb latsar-an u to put." Combined 
with another verb it seems merely an intensitive, if not altogether superfluous. It will 
be observed that the Optative 3rd person is rendered by the simple Imperative. 

f According to the form given in the grammar this ought to be merely vitlc (see 
3rd person singular of the Perfect Tense). But I let it stand as above as taken down 
by me. It may be a mistake, through a false analogy on the part of the illiterate man 
from whom I took down the phrase ; or it may indicate that the rule is not a hard and 
fast one, 


172 E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalcfial Languages. (Wakhi). rj^ 2 

shahr ghattei. Yao vindei porstei: Haniv chiz yerk go ?* khattei : tabibi 
town arrived. Him saw asked: Now what work 
gom.* Porstei chiz-ar ? Khattei, Yao jinib 

I do. He asked what for ? He said, (for) that reason 
gunah gokham, shet yao piir-dost dikht. 

fault I make, earth it on inside (strikes) presses. 
10. Mir Iskandar Zu-'l-karnain i 

King Alexander Lord-of-two horns one 
shokhhstei. Khattei: Eh fakir. 

passed by. He said : Oh 

Khattei : Mags tashwish randan, 

doest ? 

ki agar 
that if 

I : doctoring 

dam yerk 

in this work 

He said : flies trouble give, 
khattei : sa maz-an i chiz 

said : from me (abl.) something ask that in my 
khattei: agar mags da ti ikhtyar na hiimut, 

said : if flies in thy 

rwar sa i fakir-an 
day from a beggar 
sa maz-an i chiz chalg. 

ix, from me (abl.) something ask. 

ramai ki ma-randan. Mir 

chalgam ? 

shall I ask ? 

11. I 

command that (they) should not give. King 
chalg ki da zii hnkm hiimut. Fakir 
power may be. Beggar 
sa tao-an chiz 
from thee (abl.) what 

power not may be 


rwar i khalg khat-ar khattei ki har chiz da wundr 
one day a person self to said that whatever in earth in 

asman hiimiit, kokht sa zii jinib hiimut ; a-maz Khuda ghafch 
heaven maybe all from (for) my sake may be (is) ; me' God very 
lup afrida gokhtei. Ya wakt i mags dam mis neinei. Khattei : 
great created made. That time a fly on his nose alighted. It said : 
tar azi takaburi na sazd. Yao jinib ki 

to thee such superciliousness is-not-becoming. (For) that reason that 
har chiz da wundr da asman hiimiit, Khuda ti jinib afrida gokhtei ; 
whatever in earth in heaven may be, God (for) thy sake created made ; 
balki a-tao sa zii jinib-an. Na dish' a ki sa tao-an 

but thee from (for) my sake (abl.) Perceivest-thou-not that than thee (abl.) 
luptar am wuz. 
greater (I) I, 

12. I khalg 1 bai sifat gokhtei. Hech chiz na gottei. 

a person a merchant's praise made. nothing not received. 
Yao sibas-an ghaibat gokhtei ; bai yaor hech chiz na khattei. 

That after slander made ; merchant to him any thing not said. 
Bfi. rwar-an sibas ya khalg dam darwaza ragdei neinei. Bai 
Two days (abl.) after that person at his gate went sat. Merchant 

khattei : Eh khalg ! 

said : Oh such-an-one ! 

rattei ; ghaibat at 
gave ; slander (thou) 
dram chiz-ar 

in this (place) what for 

ki agar morio ti baid khanam. 

that if thou mayest die thy lament I will sing. 

* Go and gom short for gokh and gokham, 






at gokhtei, wuz hech chiz am na 
(thou) madest, I any thing (I) not 
hech chiz am na khattei : haniv 
any thing (I) not said : now 

nieng ? Khattei : Haniv chalgam 
hast sat down ? He said : Now I desire 

1876.] B, B. Shaw— On the Ghalehal Languages. (Wakhi). 173 

Wakhi Tale. # 

I kampir tu. Yao-an i naplis tu. I rwar yao napiis khattei ki : Mir 
dhayd mar khastaga katt. Kampir khattei ki i Yao Mir humiit, sak fakir 
hiimiiin, yao khii dhayd randa. Yao napiis khattei ki : Tu rach, hudda pur 
maz. Kampir ragdei, khattei ki : I yupk-war chalgam. Mir khattei ki : 
Tamshm liich diid. Chiz gi yit. Mir naukar-av tamshin liich dikhtei. Pa 
khun ragdei. Waz yao napiis stattei. Waz Mir khun ragde. " I yupk-war 
chalgam," khattei. Mir khii Wazir-ar khattei ki : Yem shain-a, tsi-rang 
gon? Wazir khattei ki " kalinga tki katan. Yan piishit ap." " Khhub, 
kaling katit.'" Hazar kala, hazar shutur, hazar chat, hazar yambu, hazar 
kimkhab bot, hazar atlas hot, hazar adras bot, hazar arghumak yash, hazar 
ghulam, hazar chori, kartei. Kampir khaffah vittei ragdei. 

Yao napiis porstei " Ha mum, tsi-rang". Kampir khattei : Yem rang, 
yem rang, yem rang." Napiis khatte'i : " Ma'kul vinetk hiimiit, hudda 
piir maz." Yao napiis angiishtar kartei khattei ki : " Atum maliha dram 
kokht paida wast latsar." Ba dam-i- Suleiman Paighambar kartei ; kokht 
paida vittei. Mir priit khalg ramattei : " Anjam am hazir gokhtei. 
Mir khii anjam gokht latsar." Mir hairan vittei waragnei. Khii Wazir- 
an porstei ki : " Tsi rang gon ?" Wazir khattei ki, " Mv randan, hech 
Mir tsa khii wa'dah-an na piishetk" Mir khatte'i : Anjam wiiziimit" Khalg 
ragdei, kaling wozomdei. Mir hairan vittei. Da Mir kila na wistei. Toi- 
av gokhtei yuttei. 

Kampir napiis da i chiil biaban sa ishn-an kila' kartei. Mir dhayd 
yuttei. I' rwar tu, ki shikar nieshtei, ki kampir wazdei. Porstei ki, Kam- 
pir ! chiz-ar at wazdei. Kampir khattei ki, Da Mir damad khun racham. 

Mir damad da khii sibas kartei wozomdei. Mir dhayd khattei, A-yem 
chizar at wozomdei, kampir khii pa-khun ap na latsaran. Mir damad khat- 
tei ki : Sam dhast-an chiz wizit. Mir dhayd khattei : Ti dil hiimiit. 

I' rwar damad shikar nieshtei. Kampir khattei, Ti dhai tar yurung na 
tiiwetk. Khii shaf sh dez ino (?) nozd, da khii dhai priit ma-niiiz. " Chiz- 
ar na niiiz" khand-6, " Tu mar yurung-a na-tiiwetk ; tu mar yurungo, 
angiishtar mar rand," khan. Yao dhai wazdei, tarn priit na nieshtei. 
Khattei ki " chizar at zii priit na-nieshtei." Dhayd khattei. " Tu mar 
yurung na-tiiwetk." Khattei " tsi-rang yurungam nist." Dhayd khattei 
ki : Tao mar yurung hiimiii angiishtar mar rand. Yao dhai yaor rattei. 

Waz shikar nieshtei, kampir khattei ki : Darya, lab rachan. Da-darya 
lab ragdei. Kampir khattei : Ziii-an i charkh tei, sak ha-yao vidhawan. 
Mir dhayd vidhettei kampir katti ; ras tav-gokhtei, pa asman nieshtei ; 
chap tav-gokhtei da-i shahr washtei. Ya shahr Mir kampir-ar i lak tillah 
rattei. Kampir tillah dozdei tagdei. 

* This seems to be merely a badly remembered story of the common Oriental type. 
But it will serve as an illustration of the Wakhi mode of speech. 


174 K. B. Shaw— On tie GTialchah Languages. (Wakhi). [No. 2 

Tao napiis wazdei, ki yao kond nist. Ghafch khaffa vittei. I'maina 
yao-an tu. Sa maina-an porstei : Tar-kum ragdei ? Maina khattei ki : 
Da-kampir-an katti tagdei. Napiis khattei ki : Tsa-rang gon. Maina 
khattei ki : " Wuz shahr ba-shahr gir-am shkur-am ; got-am-6 angiishtar 
mar rand-ap." Yao khattei : Khhub, rach, tu waz amaz ma-bun. Maina 
khattei, Wuz na bun- am. 

Maina ragdei, shkurdei ; sum sal shkurdei, gottei. Mir dhagd angush- 
tar maina- 'r rattei. Maina yuttei kampir napus-ar rattei. Yao ba-dam-i- 
Suleiman Paighambar kartei. Yao kond paida vittei, da khii murad mak- 
sud gottei. 

Teaisslaticot of the FOEEaoisra Wakhi Tale. 
There was an old woman. She had a grandson. One day her grandson 
said : " Ask the King's daughter (in marriage) for me, (lit. arrange a 
betrothal)." The old woman said : "He is a king, we are beggars ; will 
he give his daughter (to you) ?" The grandson said : " Go thou ; the re- 
sponsibility is on me." The old woman went (and) said : " I desire a 
drawer of water"/* The king said: " Kick (her out). What dirt is she eat- 
ing?" The king's servant kicked (her out). She went home. Again her 
grandson sent (her), again she went to the king's house. "I desire a 
drawer of water", she said. The king said to his Wazir : " Shall we kill 
her, (or) what shall we do ?" The Wazir said : " Let us appoint a large 
(full) marriage settlement. From that she will turn back (i. e. she will be 
unable to comply with it)." The king said : " Good, appoint a marriage 
settlement." He appointed a thousand rams, a thousand camels, a thousand 
cows, a thousand ' yambus,'f a thousand brocade garments, a thousand satin 
garments, a thousand silk garments, a thousand thorough-bred horses, a 
thousand slaves, a thousand female slaves. The old woman became angry, 
(and) went away. 

Her grandson asked : " Well, grandmother, how (go matters) ?" The 
old woman said : " Thus and thus." The grandson replied : " It is agreed. 
I am answerable." Her grandson drew on a ring and said : " Let so much 
goods be all produced on this spot." With the breath of the Prophet Solo- 
mon he drew it on. Every thing was produced. He sent people into the 
presence of the king (saying), " I have made ready my arrangements, let the 
king prepare his own." The king remained in astonishment. He asked 
his Wazir : " What shall we do ?" The Wazir said : " We will now give 
(the princess). No king has turned back from his promise." The king 
said, " Take his preparations." The people went and brought the marriage 
gift (of the bridegroom). The king was astounded. It could not be 

* Wakhi mode of asking for a wife. 

f A Chinese silver piece in the shape of a shoe, worth about £17 and current in 
Eastern Turkistan. 

1876.] B. B. Shaw— On the Ghahlah Languages. (Wakhf). 175 

contained in the king's castle. They made the marriage and took away (the 
bride) . 

The old woman's grandson made a fortress of iron in a desert, (and) 
took the king's daughter (there). One day it so happened that he went 
out hunting. The old woman came. He asked, "Old woman! where- 
fore hast thou come ?" The old woman said, " I am going to the house of 
the king's son-in-law," 

The king's son-in-law put (her) behind him (on his horse) and brought 
her (home). The king's daughter said: "Why hast thou brought her ? 
We will not put the old woman in our house." The king's son- 
in-law said : " From her hand what will come (what harm will she do) ?" 
The king's daughter said : " It will be thy heart (?)" 

One day the son-in-law went out to hunt. The old woman said : " Thy 
husband does not love thee, undo thy hair and sit weeping, do not go forth 
into thy husband's presence. If he says ' Why dost thou not come forth ?' 
say, 'Thou dost not love me; if thou lovest me give me (thy) ring.'" 
Her husband came, she went not forth into his presence. He said: 
" Wherefore earnest thou not into my presence ?" The girl said : " Thou dost 
not love me." He said : " How do I not love (thee) ?" The girl said : " If 
thou lovest me, give me (thy) ring." Her husband gave (it) to her. 

Again he went out to hunt. The old woman said, " Let us go to the 
river bank." They went to the river bank. The old woman said : " I have 
a (spinning) wheel (to me there is a wheel), let us ride on it." The king's 
daughter rode with the old woman. She turned (the wheel) to- the right, it 
ascended to the sky ; she turned it to the left, it descended in a certain city. 
The king of that city gave the old woman a lak of tillas. The old 
woman took the tillas and went away. 

Her grandson came (home) ; his wife is not (there). He became very 
troubled. He had a talking-bird, from it he enquired : " Whither has she 
gone ?" The bird answered : " She has gone with the old woman." The 
grandson said : " How shall we do ?" The bird said : " I will go round 
city by city and will search ; if I find her, she will give me the ring." He 

said : " All right, go. Do not again (?) me. The bird said : I will 

not (?) 

The bird went and searched ; for several years it searched (and at 
last) found (them). The king's daughter gave the ring to the bird. The 
bird took it away and gave it to the old woman's grandson. He with the 
breath of the Prophet Solomon drew it on. His wife appeared, and he at- 
tained to his desire. 

had desirei 

176 E. B. Shaw— On the GfialcJicth Languages. (Safikoii). [No. 2 


1. I khalg az Aflatun pdrst ki : Hiich sal ar-kima at 

a person from Plato asked that : Many years to ship (thou) 

viid, darya saf ar at chaug ; ar darya tsez tamash& at wand ? 

wast sea yoyage (thou) madest to sea what strange things (thou) sawest ? 
Levd ko : 'Ajab yii viid az darya pa mi kash am faribt 
Eeplied that strange this was from sea to this shore (I) arrived. 

2. I gadai bai pa darwaza siit i ehizi talibt. 
a beggar rich man's to door went a thing (something) desired 

Chid az dariin jawab yat ko khanzoh pa ched niest. Gadai levd 
House from inside answer came that lady at home is not. 
ko: I kond khpik am talibtjit a-khanzdh am na 

that: a piece of bread (I) had desired (ace.) lady (I) not 

ko dos jawab am YUg. 
that such answer (I) obtained. 

3« I habib har-wa|t pa kabristan set-ar viid, 

a (certain) doctor whenever to grave -yard was-going own 

ehadir kh' ar-kal kb' ar-pets parwid-ar-viid. Mardum porst ko : 

scarf own to head own to face used-to-wrap. Men asked that; 

Mi sabab tsez ? Levd ko : Az mi kabristan-enj murdha, kha- 

Of this reason what ? He said that from this grave-yard (adj.) corpses ashanv 

pal som, wi ivon choi mu av dawa-av khiigj maugj. 

ed I am (I go) because whoever my (they) medicines have eaten have died. 

4r. I math i padkhah s-hahzada katti ghieu nakhtiig ; Kher jiirm 

one day a king prince with hunting went out air hot 

siit. Padkhah at shahzada khii V lei maskharah ehii 

became. King and prince own (they) cloaks jester's on 

lachaug. Padkhah sbiind levd : Eh maskharah ! tii inder i sher 

placed. King smiled said: Oh jester thee on an 'ass's 

yost. Maskharah levd ko : Badki dha sher wez. 

is. Jester said that: Yes two ass's loads. 

5. Khalg i duk-ar av levd ko ■; Talab-a ko 

People a crook-back to (they) said that : Desirest thou that thy 

dom khez tsa-saod, yu judu khalg dom tii rang cherd tsa- 

back straight should-become, or other people's backs thy like crooked should 

saod ? Levd ko : Talab-am ko judu khalg dom duk tsa- 

become? He said that: I desire that other people's backs crooked should 

saod, wi-ivon wi tsem katti a-mu weinin, waz a-wif 

become, because (so that) those eyes with (ace.) me they see, I (ace.) them 
tsa weinam. 
may see, 




1876.] E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). 177 

6. I math i padkhah i ar sha'ir zar siit. Jallad-ir ramod 
one day a king a to poet angry became. Executioner to ordered 

ko: mu prut zan. Jall&d a-medhj veg-ir tiiid. Sha'ir 

that: (in) my presence slay. Executioner (ace.) sword to-fetch went. Part 

hazirav-ir levd ko : a mu chupatak dhoid, ko padkhah khush 

present people-to said that: (ace.) me slaps strike ye, that king happy 

saod. Padkhah shiind j u az gunah narzed. 
may be. King smiled ; and from fault passed over. 

7. I khalg laur martabah vug. I dest wi'r priit a- 
a person great dignity obtained. A friend to him before (ace.) 

wi wand-ir siit. Wi dest porst ko : Choi tao? tsez-ar 

him in order to see went. His friend asked that : who (art) thou ? what for 
dest kharmindah siit. Levd ko : A-mu na 

friend ashamed became. He said that : (ace.) Me no 
kadim-inj dest am waz. Matam ivon am tu 
old (adj.) friend (I) I. Condolence for (I) these 
priit yat, khedhjit-am tao at kaur sedhj. 
before came, I had heard thou (thou) blind hast become. 

8. I khalg i darwesh dastur zukht ratsust. Darwesh ar-kabristan 
a person a beggar's turban took fled. Beggar to grave-yard 

siit naliist. Mardum wi-'r levd ko : " Yii adam tu dastur tar 

went sat down. Men him to said that : " That man thy turban towards 

bagh-gunah yud, tsez ivon at ar-kabristan naliistj, 

garden direction took away, what for (thou) to grave-yard hast sat down, 

tsez kan aud ?" Levd ko : " Yii mas akhir aud yadhd ; wi 

what doest here ?" He said that : " He also at last here will come ; that 
ivon am aud naliistj. 
for (I) here have sat down. 

at yat ? Yii 

(thou) earnest ? That 

padzan-a. Tii-yan 

knowest ? Of-thine 


1. I nek i badh viid. 2. Wodh dhau av safar tuid. 3. Chan- 
din math av pond tiiid. 4. Wi kech marzun siit. 5. Nek levd badh-ir : 
I ghov khpik mu'r dha. * 6. Badh levd ko : Tao kh' tsem kaur kan, torn waz 
tii'r dham. 7. Nek khii tsem chaf and, aziim av tiiid. 8. Chandin math- 
onj pond av tiiid. Waz wi keeh marzun siit, 9. Nek levd ko : I ghov khpik 
mu'r dha. 10. Badh levd ko : I sari tsem mas chafan, torn tii'r dham. 
11. Virt tsem kaur siit. Badh tiiid, nek reid. 12. I math chii biur naliist. 
Khum (sham) siit. I kiid yat. 13. Kiid az dhumwadhord. Kiida-wi kutal- 
khii yud. I pa garma duwust at khab" siit. 14. B'ad az wakt i khithp 
i yiirkh i rapts i void yat. Yurkh az rapts porst ko : Tao at ko-jui viid 

178 E. B. Shaw—0^ the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2, 

15. Eapts levd ko : Waz am niir padkhah ar-khar (shahr) vixd, 16, 
Yiirkh levd ko : Tsez khabar yost ? Rapts levd ko : Padkhah khii wazir-av 
katti dar ghazab sedhj. Padkhah-an i radzin kaur sedhj. Padkhah khii 
wazir-av-ir levd ko : Tamash tabib vareit vorit. 17. Khithp levd ko : Eh 
ahmak at Padkhah ! tii mul ar-dariin i khoin reidz yost. A-wi reidz tsa vird 
reidz ar-past tsa zozd, wi tsem tazo saod. 18. Yiirkh levd ko : Eh ahmak 
at ! garma prut i savz chinar yost. Chinar pa biin i kaul yost. Har rang 
kaur tsa vid, az chinar wadhord, i dhiist ar kaul dhid, az kaul zozd tar chinar 
roft, az chinar zozd, khii tar tsem roft, wi tsem tazo saod. 

19. A-di gap garma-yenj kaur khiid ; pigan aziim indaud nakhtiig. 
20. Siit chinar pa biin. Az chinar wadhord, khii a-dhiist dhod ar-kaul, rift 
tar chinar ; rift khii tar tsem. Wi tsem tazo siit. 21. Aziim indaud tiiid. 
Padkhah ar-khar siit, ko Padkhah a- wazir-av jam' chaugj. 22. Az wazir- 
av porst ko : " Niir tamash-ir dhes math-onj karar viid. Niir a-tamash zan- 
am." 23. Nek levd ko : Eh ! Padkhah 'Alam, mef a-gunah i math-onj 
talab-am. Padkhah levd ko : Ma'akul. 24. Nek levd ko : mu'r hukm saud- 
6 Padkhah radzin a-tsem tazo kan-am. 25. Padkhah levd ko : mu 
radzin a-tsem tazo kan-6 a-wi tiir dham. 26. Nek levd ko : Tii ar-mal i 
khoin reidz yost. Mu'r vor. 27. A-wi reidz vaug kokht. Wi a-talkha 
zukht. Padkhah radzin chii-tsem viist. Wi tsem tazo siit. 28. Pigan- 
adh Padkhah-ar khabar siit radzin tsem tazo siit. Padkhah khush-wakt 
siit. Levd ko : kiw kait vorid. 29. Padkhah khez av yat. Levd ko : 
khii radzin tiir tsa dham khush-wakt soy-a. 30. Nek levd ko : Eh ! 
Padkhah ! tao pid waz pots. Khii a-radzin nek-ir dhad. 31. Padkhah levd 
ko : Eh ! pots, nakhti chii takht. Nek nakhtiig chii takht. 

32. Chandin math az-zabo badh yat. " As-salam aleikum." Nek levd 
ko: " Aleikum as-salam. Tsez talab tii-yan yost." 33. Badh levd ko : 
" Eh ! Padkhah. Ghazina-i-ghaib az tii talab-am." Levd ko : " Charj saud, 
So, falan jai i garma yost. Grarma pa dariin durr khurjin yost j la'l sandik 
yost ; a-wi mur zoz vor ; la'l sandik mur-i, durr khurjin tur-i." 34. Khair 
az-iim rawan siit tiiid. Siit garma pa dariin. Kheg-ir ash, pameg-ir lei, 
az i chiz be-'ajat. 35. Badh levd ko : Eh Khuda ! waz am dhew sedhj- 
a, a-mi padkhah-'r yussam-a. Khii-bath khor-am alasam. 36. Khair ; 
khab siit. Yiirkh, void, khithp, rapts yat. Ghaul wodhd ko : Az dariin 
sherfa nakhtiig. 37. Khithp levd ko : Eh ! yiirkh, i sham kan. Yiirkh 
a-sham zukht ; a-divir hat chaug. Khalg naliisj. 38. Yiirkh khuj dhaug ; 
imi'r taklif chaug ; khithp deid. Wi kech kond chaug. Badh maug. 


1. I churik-an haroi pots viid. I math churik wasiyat chaug ko : 
Albatta, albatta, keno khadorj yost, pa khadhorj i-tsemi baba yost, wi khez 
ma so, yii adam khird. Levd, maug. 2. Pots khel levd ko : Mash son. 


1876.] E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). 170 

Dziil pots levd ko : na som. Laur pots levd ko : som. 3. Aziim slit, levd 
ko : As-salam aleikum, wa aleikum as-salam. Sehat-at-a. Levd shiikri. 4. 
Levd ko : Eh pots, ko jui so. Levd ko, mu'-ata-an [pron. m'dtd'n] ghazina 
viid par-wi am yat. 5. Baba levd ko : Eh pots ! be wakt at yithj. Niir 
aud khab-ar risan. Yii ghadha khab-ar reid. 6. Baba levd ko : Tao mu'r 
farzand so, waz khii radzin tiir dham. 7. Levd ko ; Tsez kizmat tiir kan- 
am. Baba levd ko : I sher yost, wi surun patao. Mu-yan i khislat yost. 
Tii kahr yadhd-6 waz tii a tsem kau-am. Mu'r kahr yadhd-6, tao mu a tsem 
kau. Ghadha levd ko : Ma'akul. 

8. Pigan indaud ; i ketman wi'r dhad. " So, sher surun patao." Ghadha 
siit, ko divir hat na sut a-divir az garg chaug deid. 9. I math chii-biur 
tizd, ada na siit. Yat, a-ketman pataod. 10. Churik levd ko : Tii kahr 
yat-a. Ghadha levd ko : Mu kahr nei, ko tao at a mu zed. 11. Churik 
indaud, wi tsem kaud. 12. Dhau-ao pots uz yat. Churik levd ko : Eh pots 
tsez-ar at yat ? Ghadha levd ko : Khab i vrod mu-yan (y)ithjit. A-wi am 
khkaig-ir yat. 13. Churik levd ko : khuj ma dhor. Tii ata-an fulan jui 
ghazina yost. Tii vrod par wi tiiid. 14 Tao mu'r khez nith. I sher mu- 
yan yost ; tao wi surun patao. Waz khii radzin tiir dham. 15. Ghadha 
pigan-ath nakhtiig. Sher a- surun pataod. 16. Churik levd ko : Pigan 
az jangal zez vor. Sher-ar levd ko : Chii tii g-dhakhto tao alas. 
17. Ghadha a-sher det tiiid. Az jangal zez chii sher dhakht. Sher aliiid 
indaid-ir na chimbd. 18. Ghadha a-chog tizd. Wi ghaul khchakht. 19. 
Sher aziim a-zez zukht ratsiist, yat pa divir. 20. Churik porst ko : Eh Sher ! 
tao at tsa'r yat. Sher levd ko : Eh kaur ! tao mu ghaul na wain-a. Ghadha 
mu ghaul khchakht. 21. Churik levd ko : Ah bala ! sher ghaul at tsa'r 
khchakht. Ghadha levd ko : Ah pid ! tu kahr yat-a. 21. Churik levd : 
Mu kahr yat. Ghadha zibet, wi tsem kaud. Churik maug. 


1. I bai viid. Bai-an haroi pots viid, dha'r gal dha 'azar mdo viid. 2. 
I math levd ko : So pots, az mal khabar zoz. Laur pots, tuid, a-mal jama' 
chaug, ar-gal dhad. Khab pa divir khuvd. 3. Barabari khab viid ko dha, 
vurjin yat, a-mal az gal det. Wi laur pots padkhah a-radzin wadhord. 4. 
Radzin levd ko : a-mu ma wadhor, mal mu-yan. Laur pots levd ko : mu- 
yan. 5. Eadzin levd ko : tao a mu zoz. Waz a-mal na dem. Laur pots levd 
ko : Waz a-tu zoz-am ; waz som kh' ata khez. 6. Aziim siit khii ata khez. 
Ata levd ko ; Bala ! tsez hayal at siit. 7. Levd Padkhah radzin a-mal mu'r na 
dhad. Ata levd : Tsez-ir na dhad. 8. Padkhah radzin levd ko ; Bai a-mu 
kh' pots-ir dhid-6, waz a-mal dham. 9. Ata porst ko : Padkhah radzin yus- 
L Laur pots levd ko, na yiis-am. 10. Az madhan-sedhj pots porst : 
Padkhah radzin yus-a. Wi levd. Na yusam. 11. Az dziil pots porst j 
Levd ko yusam. Pid levd ko : te son. 12. Sut Padkhah khez. Padkhah 
khii radzin dhad. 

180 R. B. Shaw— On the Olialchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [J^ » 2 

13. Mardum mubarak-bad-ir yat : " Ha Padkhah ! mubarak vid, mu- 
barak vid. Khub Padkhah at vedhj. Makborj darakbt tii-yan na vedhj." 
14. Levd ko : A-mi cboi vareid. Mardum levd ko : A-mi tii damad va- 
reid. 15. Wi damad kbaffa siit, levd ko : Eozagar i nek kbez som. Levd 
so. 16. Aziim siit. Levd ko : Eb Eozagar i nek ! Padkhah mu'r levd ko : 
Makborj darakbt vare. Waz az ku vaream. 17. Wi gbin levd : Gham 
ma kan. New past kbii'r sbira taz. New past kbii vurj-ir sbira taz. 

Ar-vurj suwar so vurj a-tii darya pa-lab yust, kbii vurj-ar 

cbil kamcbi dha> vurj ar-darya (?) gbiit dbid 


1. (Tbere) were (two men,) one good (and) one bad. 2. They 
went a journey. 3. (They) went several days' road. 4. Their stomachs 
became hungry. 5. The good (one) said to the bad : Give me a piece of 
bread. 6. The bad one said : Thou, make (thine) own eye blind, then 
I will give thee (some bread). 7. The good (one) pierced (his) own eye. 
Thence they went (on). 8. Several days' road they went. Again their 
stomachs became hungry. 9. The good (one) said : Give me a piece of 
bread. 10. The bad (one) said : Pierce also the eye (of the) one side 
(which remains), then I will give thee (some bread). 11. Both (his) 
eyes (thus) became blind. The bad (one) went (on), the good (one) re- 
mained. 12. He sat one day on (till) evening. (It) became evening. A 
dog came. 13. He laid hold by the dog's tail [lit. dog's from tail]. 
The dog leading (him) took him away. Brought him into a cave and went 
(to) sleep. 

14. After a time, a wolf, a bear, a fox, a night-mare (!) came. The 
bear asked the fox : Thou, where wert thou ? 15. The fox said : I was 
to-day to (at) the king's town. 16. The bear said: What news is 
(there) ? The fox said : The king has become angry with his Wazirs. A 
daughter of the king's has become blind. The king said to his Wazirs : 
Find a doctor (and) bring (him). 17. The wolf said: Ah! thou (art) 
a foolish king. Amongst thy flocks [lit. thy flocks' to inside] (there) is a 
blue goat. If he brings that goat, (and) takes the goat's skin, her eyes 
will become (renewed). 18. The bear said : Ah! thou fool, before the 
cave (there) is a green plane-tree. At the foot of the plane-tree (there) 
is a pool. What kind so-ever (of) blind person (there) may be, (if) he 
lays hold of the plane-tree, puts [strikes] one hand into the pool, takes 
(water) from the pool, smears (it) on to the plane-tree, takes from the 
plane-tree, (and) smears (it) on to (his) own eyes, his eyes will become 

1876.] E. B. Shaw— On tie Ghalclah Languages. (Sarikoli). 181 

19. The blind man who was in the cave [lit. the in-the-cave (adj ) 
Wind man] heard this speech ; next day he rose up thence (and) went out 
20. He went to the foot of the plane-tree. He laid hold of the plane-tree 
struck his hand into the pool, smeared (water) on to the plane-tree, smeared 
[to] his own eyes. His eyes became renewed. 21. He rose up thence 
(and) went (away) . He went to the king's city ; when [that] the king had 
[has] assembled (his) wazirs. 22. He interrogated his wazirs (saying) : 
To-day, your ten days' agreement is up [lit. to you ten-days' (adj.) agree- 
ment was]. To-day I slay you. 23. The good (hero of the tale) said : Oh 
king of the world ! I beg (off the punishment of) their fault for one day. 
The king said : All right. 24. The good one said : If the order be 
(given) to me, I will cure (renew) the eyes of the king's daughter. 25. 
The king said ; If thou curest my daughter's eyes, I will give her to thee, 
26. The good one said : Amongst thy flocks (there) is a blue goat. Bring 
(it) to me. 27. He brought that goat (and) flayed (it). He took its 
gall (and) bound (it) on to the eyes of the king's daughter. Her eyes 
became renewed. 28. Next morning news went to the king (that) (his) 
daughter's eyes were cured. The king rejoiced. He said : Call (them and) 
bring (them). They came before the king. He said : If I give thee my 
daughter wilt thou be glad. 30. The good one said : Oh king ! thou (art 
my) father, I (am thy) son. He gave his daughter to the good one. 31. 
The king said : Oh son ! mount on the throne. The good one mounted on 
the throne. 

32. After some days the bad one came. (He said) Peace be with you. 
The good one replied : And with you be peace. What is thy desire [lit. 
what desire of thine is (there)]. 33. The bad one said : Oh king ! I desire 
a hidden treasure from thee. He replied : (It) is good. Go, in such a 
place (there) is a cave. Inside the cave (there) is a sack of pearls, (there) 
is a box of rubies. Take (and) bring them [it] to me. The box of rubies 
(shall be) for me, the sack of pearls for thee. 34. Well, thence he started 
(and) went. He went into the cave. (There was) food to eat, clothes to 
put on, no lack of any thing [lit. from one thing not lack]. 35. The bad 
one said : Oh God ! have I become mad ? Shall I take this to the king ? 
By myself I will eat, I will lie down. 36. Well, (it) became night. The 
bear, the night-mare, the wolf, the fox, came. (They) gave ear (and 
heard) that a sound came from within. 37. The wolf said : Oh bear ! show 
[make] a light. The bear took (a) candle (and) opened the door. (A) 
person was sitting (there) [lit. person has sat down]. 38. The bear felt 
fear; each invited the other (to enter) [lit. one to this one gave trouble*]. 

* The expression, taklif hardan, "to give trouble," "to trouble," is a common 
oriental one for "inviting in", answering to the French " donnez-vous la peine d'en- 


182 R. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2, 

The wolf entered. He tore [made] his stomach (to) pieces. The bad one 


1. A (certain) man had three sons [lit. of one man (there) were three 
sons] . One day the man gave (them) a dying warning, (saying) : Truly, 
truly ; (there) is an old mill ; in the mill (there) is a one-eyed old man ; 
go not before him ; he eats men. He said (and) died. 2. The sons said : 
"We will go. The younger [little] son said : I go not. The elder son 
said : I go. 3. Thence he went (and) said : The peace be with you. 
(The old man replied) And with you be the peace. Art thou in (good) 
health ? (The son) replied : Thanks. 4. (The old man) said : Oh (my) 
son ! whither goest thou ? He replied : There was a treasure of my 
father's. To (seek) it I come. 5. The old man said : Oh son ! thou 
hast come untimely. To-day we will remain here for the night. That 
boy remained for the night. 6. The old man said : (Do) thou become 
a son to me ; I will give thee my daughter. 7. He said : What service 
shall I do thee ? The old man replied : (There) is an ass, throw away 
its dung. (There) is a custom of mine. If thine anger comes (if thou 
becomest angry), I will dig out thine eyes. If my anger comes, (do) thou 
dig out my eyes. The boy said : All right. 

8. Next day he rose (and) gave him a hoe (saying) : Go, cast away 
the ass's dung. The boy went (and found) that the door (would) not 
open. He took [made] the door off its hinge (and) entered. 9. (For) 
a (whole) day till evening he removed (the dung) . (The work) was not 
completed. He came (in, and) threw down the hoe. 10. The man said : 
Has thy anger come ? The boy replied : Am I not angry [lit. my anger 
not?] that thou (hast) killed me (with hard work). 11, The man 
arose (and) dug out his eyes. 12. The second son again, came. The 
man said : Oh son ! what for (hast) thou come ? The boy replied : (Last) 
night a brother of mine had come (here) . I came in order to seek him. 
13. The man said : Feel not afraid ; (there) is a treasury of thy father's 
in such a place ; thy brother (is) gone to it. 14. (Do) thou sit down 
before me. (There) is an ass of mine. (Do) thou cast away its dung. I 
will give thee my daughter. 15. Next day the boy went out. He cast 
away the ass's dung. 16. The man said : To-morrow bring fuel from the 
forest. To the ass he said : If he loads (it) on thee, (do thou) lie down. 
17. The boy drove the ass (and) went. He loaded fuel from the forest 
on the ass. The ass lay down, and consented not to get up (again). 18. 
The boy drew (his) knife (and) cut off its ear. 19. The ass took the 
(load of) fuel thence, (and) ran away, (and) came to the door. 20. The 
man asked : Oh ass ! what for (art) thou come. The ass replied : Eh ! 

1876.] B- B. Shaw— 0/* ^e GhahJiah Languages. (Sarikoli). 183 

(thou) blind man, seest thou not my ear ? The boy (has) cut off my ear 
21. The man said : Oh child ! what for (hast) thou cut off the ass's ear 9 
The boy replied : Oh father ! (has) thy anger come ? 22. The man said • 
"My anger (has) come." The boy sprung up (and) dag out his eyes. 
The man died. 


1. (There) was a rich man. The rich man had three sons. In two 
folds (there) were two thousand sheep. 2. One day he said : Go, son 
(and) take knowledge of the flocks. The eldest son went (and) gathered 
together the flocks, and put (gave) them into the folds. At night he slept 
at the door. 3. The night was over (?) when two horsemen came, (and) 
drove the flocks from the fold. That eldest son seized (one of the riders 
who turned out to be) the king's daughter. 4. The girl said : Seize me not, 
the flocks (are) mine. The eldest son replied : Mine. 5. The girl said ' 
(Do) thou take me (to wife) ; I will not drive (away) the flocks. The 
eldest son said: I will take thee (to wife). I will go before my father. 
6. He went thence (and came) before his father. The father said : Child ! 
What delay has occurred to thee ? 7. He said : The king's daughter 
(would) not give me the flocks. The father said : What for did she not 
give (them) ? 8. The king's daughter replied : If the rich man gives 
me to his son (to wife), I will give up the flocks. 9. The father asked : 
Wilt thou take the king's daughter ? The eldest son replied : I will not 
take (her). 10. He asked the second son [lit. from middle-being son] : 
Wilt thou take the king's daughter (to wife) ? That (one) replied : I will 
not take her. 11. He asked the youngest [little] son. He replied : " I 
will take her." The father said : (— ) We will go. 12. They went be- 
fore the king. The king gave his daughter. 

13. People came to (make their) congratulations. " Well, King ! may 
(she) be happy, may (she) be happy ! Thou hast been a good king. 
(But) thou hast not possessed a coral tree [lit. a coral tree of thine has not 
existed]." 14. He said : Who shall find this ? The men replied: Thy son- 
in-law will find this. 15. His son-in-law became troubled. He said : I 
will go before my wife [lit. my good allotment or portion].* (The king) 
replied : Go. 16. Thence he went, and said : Oh wife ! the king (has) 
said to me, Find a coral tree. Whence shall I find (it) ? 17. His wife 
said : Grieve not. Draw on nine skins (as a) covering to thyself. Draw 
on nine skins (as a) covering to thy horse. Mount the horse .... the 
horse will take thee to the river bank ; strike thy horse forty (strokes of 

the) whip, the horse will plunge into the river 

[The remainder of the MS. has become undecipherable.] 

* A curious periphrasis to avoid saying "wife," 
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fco be able . . # karsar~an 


above, over (postposition) tsa - — ~ wucb-an 

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. az — ter, — az ter 

, ter 

. randUao 

. ran-am 

.- rand-am 

. randj 

W. kamtii set-ao T. S. 

• asub A. 

. — — ivon 

P. asbab p. 

P. teiz R 

- wajak 



nadhivs-am, nadh^avs~t 



khuj dheigao 

— dhor-am 

— dhaug^am 


m kar 


• az zabo 
— - zabo 

P. wuz 

P. sal 
P. pir 


* The four words in each dialect opposite each English verb, are the four forms 
required to be known in order to conjugate the verb, viz. the Eoot or Infinitive Form, 
the Present, the Past, and the Perfect. Where there are two forms in the second place, 
the latter of the two is the 3rd Person Singular, 


1876.] R. B, 

Shaw— On the Gha 


to agree, to tssnse&t 

. kamei-n 

c kami-am 
(kimi-t . 



agreement, concord, 

♦ asht 

to aim 

. karawal diirz-an 

all . ."■': 

to allow (see to put) 


along (prep.) following a 

road, river, &c, 
also . '■'-", 
an ambush, a man placed 

in ambush 
an ambuscade 
to lie in ambush . 




> ehomb-am 


P. ukht 
T. W. ehokand-ao 



. Mk 
, lacheig-ao 
• iwj 

malish tserak-kiizg 


malish tserak 

amongst , . ....". 

and « . 

anger, wrath . , kar A. gMsh 

to be, or become angry . ghash gokh-an, dar 

ding, riz-an 

ancient, former . , mis-ung 

animal's droppings . poshk 

an animal'l leg . . long 

a riding animal, a ' monture' wulagh 

to annoy . . . khaf a khak 

annoyed, troubled . khaf a . 

an answer, reply , . jawab . 

an ant . mir-prich 

(king ivorm) 

an antler . , , schao . 





sord, malikh 







kar (kahr) A, 

zar set-ao, dar kar dhad- 

. prod-enj 

. bukan 

P. lang 

T. wulugh 

. khaf a cheigao 

P. khafa 

P. juwub 

. chumeli 

, khao 





R, B. Shaw— On the GhalcTiah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



an anvil 

« » 


• sandal 


any one 


hecb kui . 

P. W. becb cboi 

P. S. 

to appear 

sadboid-am , 
siidbiiyetk , 

. namaid-ao 
, namay-am 
. namaid-am 
. namaidj 


appearance * 



. rang 

an apple 



. man 




• nosh 

arid, dry 


wesk , 

, ziakbj 

to arise 

gozg . 

, indeid-ao 
. indiz-am 
. indaud-am 
, indaudj 

an armful 


, magbaul 

an armpit 



. bijel 


arms, weapons 


asbab . 

P. yeragh 


an army 



P. lakbkar 


to arouse, to cause to stand giziiv-n 

. indeizand-ao 






. indauzan-am 
. indauzand-am 
. indauzandj 

to arrange, to 

appoint (t( 





to arrange in a 


katar latsaran 

A. katar lacbeigao 


to arrest 


. pacbrakbbt-ao 
. pacbrekbb-am 
. pacbrakbbt-am 
, pacbrakbbtj 



. padromd-ao 
, padromb-am 
, padrombd-am 
. padrombdj 

to arrive, to reach 

# yat-ak 

. farebt-ao - 


. farobs-am 


. faribt-am 


. faribtj 

an arrow 




articulation, a 


band . 

P. band 



* The g in italic represents the softer sound of the ghain mentioned above (see 
Sounds), resembling the German g in tage. 


E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 




an artizan '. 





ashes, cinders 

parg . 

• • 


to ask, also to have juris 

diction over 




an ass * 



sher (from khar P.) 

a jack-ass 

hangi khhur . 

. T. P. 

hangi sher 

T. P. 

a female ass . 

macha khhur 


markab sher 

A. P. 

a young ass 



te khar 


a wild ass (Equus hemionus) , 

found on Pamir 

kulan . 




an assemblage 



. ma'reka 


to assemble together, to 

be assembled 

ghort watsn 


wikhtj setao 




. kiimak 


to attain, to touch 




to cause to attain, to hit 



with a missile . 








an augury, an omen 

mutr , 




a maternal aunt 








to awake, to wake up . 

agah watsn 

. P. W 

. agah setao 

P, S 

an awl . . ■ . 




an axe, a hatchet 

tipar • 




to babble, also to talk in 




one's sleep . 

bramd-am . 



the back or rear of any- 


sibas i 



the back (of a man or 


part, dam 

chomj, dom 

back, backwards (adv.) 

tar- sibas 


tar- zabo 


E. B. Shaw— 0» the GTialchah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



on one's back 

sak part 

* chii chomj 
(on hack) 

backwards, et reculons . tsibas pudh . 

* zabuj padh 


• shaki , 

. ziti 

bad, also old 

. shak . 

. zit, badh 


bad tasting . 

. trach . 

. ? P. trach 


a bag . 

* khalta 

. khalta 


baggage, a load 

i viir 

* wez 

a baggage horse 

. yabu , 

P. yabu 



a baking-pan 

• sat 

. sad 

a (playing) ball . 

. tup 

. patth 

the bank (of a river) . lab P. kor . 

. lav P. yar T. 

bare, naked . 

. shilakh 

. chalendak 

bark (of trees) 

. shung pist ♦ 
wood shin 

. kabzak 


to bark 

• wak-n 

• wakt-ao 

• wak-am 

. wakt-am 
. waktj 


barley, corn, cattle-feed . yiirk . 


a bat . 

. shaparak 

P. shaparak 


bay (colour) 

. turugh 

. turugh 


to bay together (as 

dogs), variii-n 

. varaud-ao 

to howl 

. varuy-am . 
varoid-am . 

. varau-am 
. varud-am 
. varaudj 

to be . 

. humiii-n 

. vid-ao 

I am, &c, 

tei-(am, at, &c.,) . 

. yost-am 

I was, &c, 

tu (am, &e.J 

. viid-am 

having been 


. vedhj 

I may be 


. vao-(am, &c.,) 

thou mayest be 


(see Grammar.) 

he may be 


we may be 


ye may be 


they may be 



to tell one's beads 


. nashrud-ao 

shiraw-am . 

. nashraw-am 

shirand-am . 

. nashrud-am 

shirawetk - 

• nashrudhj 

a beak 



. niisk 



R. B. 

Shaw — On the Q-halchah Languages. 

10 ; 


the main beam of a roof 
a bear (brown) 


to bear (a child) . 

. yaz-n .. 




the Great Bear . 

. aft bradaran 

Br others) 

a beard 

. reghish 


• kasa 

to beat, to pound . 

. chuk-n 





. yao jinib, ye 

to become 

. wats'n . 

C wats-am 
( was-t 



(the Seven 
P. W. 


it becomes (suits) [im^ 

a bed . 

a bee, or a wasp . 
a beetle 
before (time) 

before (place) 

a beggar, a petitioner 


behind, after (adv.) 

behind (p.p.) 

the being or existing 

a bell . 


beloved or loveable 

to bellow 

belly, stomach 

to bend 




singurt . - . 

dar wakht . P. A. 

tar mis (nose) } 

— tar mis 





tsa ■ 


zul . 

purdast, sa past-an 

ba tserak-chok 
sak-waghn watsn\ 
wanj, dur . 
khham ding. P. W. 

P, S. 


aft kunan 







wi ivon, mi ivon 


J so-m 

( saud 



dar wakht P. A. 

— tar prod or prut 




— az zabo 


— pa bun, — — az baber 

ba eheig-asuk 
chii waghd setao 

cheng dhadao 
kham dhadao 




R. B. Shaw — On tTie Qhalcfiah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



to besiege, to enclose . kabal ding 


kabal dhadao 

to bestow, to grant nung ding 


num dhadao A 



. kh'astaga 


. miyana 

beyond (p.p.) 

. tsa an dhir 


az dhar 

beyond (adv.) 

. ya sar . 


tar wi sar 

the bile 

. talkhah 

. P. 


to bind . . 

. vand-dk 






a binding or edging . ziek 




a birch tree 

• furz 




birch bark 

. furz pist 

kaying past 

a bird 

. parinda 




a biscuit 

. piitak 


a bit (horse's) 

. jaoji 



to bite or sting 

. nosh ding . I 

\ w. 

nekh dhadao P 


to bite 

. dunduk ding 


dhandan dhadao 


. talkhh 



the black on the bottom 

of a kettle 

• rizm 




. schu 




a blacksmith 

, ain-gar 



a blanket, a body 




. kampal 

? p. 


a horse blanket 

. . jii , . 




a cold blast , 

• suz 


sauz (lit. *a flame/ 
from the burning 

effect of cold) 

to bleat 

• wagh-an 



blessing (subst.) . 

.kiit .. a 




blind . 

• kur 




. wukhan 



to blow 

• puf tserak 


puf cheigao 





khoin, savz 



\ muk 



to blush 

. sokr watsn 


rusht set-ao 

a boat 

* kishti 




to boil 

• y&ksh-n 




R, B. Shaw— On the Qhahhal Languages. 










a hone 



♦ « 



hoot (given in 


to an article exchang- 


ed) . 






rough boots of 


ned leather 



• » 


the bosom . 





both . 


har kif ch 

e » 









a bow (to shoot 

with) • 

tir dast 

. P. 
. P. 


a wooden bowl 





a box , 





a boy 






safk * 



a, branch 






to brand 


dagh katak , 

P. w. 

dugh dhadao P 

. & 

the brain 



. p. 






. p. 



brave, courageous 



batiir (bahadur) 







a thin cake of bread 





breadth, width 






to break (intr.) 

waketk H 



to break [intr.], 

to be- 

come broken 

schkodh-an watsn 
also schkodh-an 

varakhtj setao 

to break (tr.) 

schkodh-an . 



to break in (a horse, &c.) 

borgi ding 


burgi dhad-ao 

c c 

200 r; B. 

Shaw— On the Ghalohah Languages. [No. 2, 



to break (of a rope, &c.,) 

[intr.] , 


. zdakht-ao 


. zdeig-am 


. zdakht-am 


* zdakhtj 

to break (a rope 


thread) [tr.-] 



• zdardhand-ao 





the breast, the chest 


. poz 




. dam P. 

a piece of brick . 


sholg . 

. khalg 

a bridge 


skord . 

. yeid 

a bridle 



. vidhan 

to bring 

wiiziim-an , 

. veig-ao 
c vor-am 
\ vir-d 

wiiziim-am . 

wazamd-am * 

o vaug-am 

wiiziimetk . 

. vaugj 

to bring or take in, 


cause to enter, to 




chirmiiv-n . 

• duwast-ao 

to bring to mind, to ^ 



tar yad wiiziim-n 

. tar yod veig-ao 

broad, expanded . 


P. kkhudh E 

to bring up, to nurture . 








which is or has been 



sehkongung > 

. varakhtj sedhj 

which or who has broken 

schkotgung * 

. varakhtj-enj 

broken ground 


wuch past 

W, P. karsi bilik 

(high low) * 

[low high~\ 

a brother 


vriit, lal (?) . 

, vrod 

related as brothers 



• vrador 

brow, forehead 



to brush against, to 




, turft-ao 

ghtrakh-am , 

o turf-am 



R. B» Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages* 




shtrakht-am , 

. turft-am 

shtrakhetk , 

, turf tj 

a buck-goat . 


ghurgau tugh 

. biich 

a buckle 



. alka 


a bull , 

chat druksh ..' 

o chat khiej 
• wierz 

a bullet 


wutch • 

• poth 

a bullock, an ox . 


. khiej 

a bundle 



T. bukhehah 


to burn (tr.) ? to set fire to 


. thawand-ao 


. thawan-am 

thawovd-am . 

, thawand-am 


. thawandj 

to burn (intr.), 

to be burnt thau-ak 

. thid-ao 


. thau-am 


. thud- am 

thetk . 

. thedhj 

to burst [intr.], to be 


ziibedh-am . 

„ parist-ao f 
. parath-am 
. pariist-am 
. pariistj 


to burst [tr.] 

ziibutiiv-n • 
ziibott-am , 

. parind-ao 

• parin-am 

• parind-am 

• parindj 

to bury 


khhak khak . 

• ba khhak qheig-ac 


a thorn bush, a 

bramble . 

chirir . 

. khar 


a bush-harrow, 

a rake • 


. namiizg 

business, work 



. cher 

to butt . 

ding [to strike] . 

• takht-ao 


butter . 


rughn . 

P. raun 


a butterfly . 



. kopali 


a button 


tiigma, kawa 

. tiigma 


to buy . 

khharid tserak 

. khharid cheigao 

by, by means of ; with . 

-— ' moshon 

. — — — its 


K. B. &h£W — On tie Ghahhah Languages. 

[No. %, 


a thin cake of bread 
a calf . 

to call, to summon, to 
make proclamation . 

a camel [two-humped] . 

a young camel 

a [camel's] hump , 

camp, quarters, aim a 

a canal, water-course 

a candle [made by wind- 
ing cotton cloth round 
a central core of fat 
surrounding a stick] . 

a fur cap 

to take care of 

a carrier of merchandize 
for hire , 

carrion . , . , 

a cat , , 

cattle . 

horned cattle 

a cave , 

a chain 

to change [in appear- 
ance] [tr.] 

to be changed 

a charge [of cavalry] . 

cheap . 

the cheek 


chesnut [colour] , 

to chew the cud . 

a chicken [young] 

a child, an infant 

child-bearing labour 

a chimney , 


fitir . 
wushk . 

kiw tser-ak . 

ushtiir . 

iishtur zaman 


kosh « 
charm, wadh 


sham . 
nigah tserak 




mal (= /property*) 



zanzir , 

yan rang khak 
yan rang watsn 
arzan , 
lunj . 
panir . 
jeiran . 
ramot yit-n (« 
kilich . 
zah, zaman 
zicha . 
ritsn . 
mori , 

P. W. 



see c to eat*) 


? T, 


chapati T* 


kiw cheigao 

khtur R. 



kesh, kushum T. 
wadh, iistang 11 



nigah cheigao P. S. 








bui, garma 


yan rang cheigao 

yan rang setao 


arzan P, 


paner P. 

jeiran T. 

wakhkier khheig-ao 




? R 


bacMh P., bala 



1876.] R. B. Shaw— On tie Ghaldal Languages, 



to chirp, to twitter 

to choose out, to select 

to chop 

a chopping-board 

a chough 

cinders, ashes 

a circuit, a circumference 


a claw, a talon 

clay, mud 

fine clay 

a cliff 

an overhanging cliff or a 

vertical precipice 
a cloak, clothes 
to close one's eyes, mouth, 













dosh shung 




koh . 

haud . 

cotton cloth » , chikman 

coarse cotton cloth . chil 
bleached coarse cotton 

cloth , « . kinei 
to clothe (another person) pametsiv-an 
a cloud, a fog . . mur 
cognizance, perception darak 
cold (adj.) . , . sur 
a cold , , . kokh 

? T. 





yarur cheig-ao T. S. 





dosh khiing 



san dawand 

(edge circle) 



ghat * 

















? P. 



R. B. Shaw— On the Qhahhah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



to become cold . . waser-n 

. patsig-ao 


. patsi-am 

wasert-am . 

. patsiig-am 


• patsiigj 

a cold blast . < . .. suz 

. sauz 

coldness, cold (subst.) * siiri 

• ishi 

a collar [of a garment] . gharagh 

. ? ere j 

to collect, to bring toge- ^iirt-an 

• wikht-ao 

ther . . • . yiirt-am 

. wikh-am 


. wikht-am 


. wikhtj 

colour, dye . . . rang 

P. rang P 9 

light-coloured [of eyes] . chakir . 

. chakar 

a colt .♦:•„:-, tai 

. t. m ' T. 

a comb . naposan 

• wakherj 

to come , . . waze-in 

. yet-ao 

( wazi-am * . 
( wizit 



- yat-am 

wazg . 

. i*hj 

to cause to come [a liv- wiizum-n 

• vayand-ao 

ing creature] . . wiiziim-am . 

. vayan-am 

wazamd-am . 

• vayand-am 

wiiziimetk . 

• vayandj 

to come out, to go out . niuz-n . 

. nakhtig-ao 

to command, to order . ramei-n 

« ramad-ao 

( rami-am 
( rimi-t . 

. ( rami-am 
. ( rama-id 

ramatt-am . 

. ramod-am 


. ramodhj 

a companion on the road am-rah 

P. am-rah P s 

to compensate . . tawan rand-ak I 

3 . W. tulan dhadao 

complete, entire . . driist 

. putiin T. 

to compound, to mix . shind-ak 

. khirkt-ao 


. khirkh-am 

shandid-am . 

. khirkKt-am 


. kherkhtj 

concord, agreement . asht , 

P. ukht P. 

to consent [agree] , kamei-n 

. chimd-ao 

to construct, to make . saz khak 

P. suz cheigao P. 

contrariness, disobedi- 

ence • • . mastrakhhi . 

. kaishi T, 



B. B. Shaw— On the Ohalchah Languages. 


contravening, contrary 

to converse . 

to cook, also to ripen 

to cause to cook „ 

cooked rations 
a cooking pot, a caul- 
cool . - # \ 
to cool [intr.] 

to cool [tr.] • 

coral • 
Indian- corn [not grown 

in W. and S.] . 
reaped corn, heaped up 

ready for threshing . 
a corner [of any square 

a corpse, a dead man • 
a cough 

to cough up phlegm 
counsel, advice 
to count 
a counterpane 

a country, "patrie" 
courageous, brave . 

ksa khanak 





















konak . 


palch . 
kokhh . 
akhh khak 
salah . 
asab tserak 
kurpa . 
batxir . 

, kaish 
A. W. gap cheig-ao P. S. 
. pizd-ao 
( pez-am 
( pas-t 
. pekhht-am 
. pekhhtj 

. pekhht ramad-ao, &c. 
(to command, q. v.) 

P. sheilan 



deg ^ 












T. konak 











akhh eheigao 






asub eheigao 

A. S. 















E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



to cover, to close . 


• bawid-ao 

gaw-am, git . 

. bawei-am 


. bawid-am 


• bawedhj 

to cover the head 


tying a cloth round 

it ; said of a woman). 

sar zwain 

. sarmala dhad-ao 

a cow 


chat ghii 

. chat zau 

a cradle 


gaura (gahwara P 

.) * prakht 

a crane 



. turnai 




. mareb 

to create 


afrid khak , 

P. W. afrid cheigao P. S. 

to creep, to crawl 


gaza ding 

• gaza dhadao 

a crook-back 



. duk 




• cherd 

a crop 



P. chermi 

to cross (a Pass), to 


^ir-an . 

. gherd-ao 

over or round, to dance 

^ir-am . 

. ghirs-am 


• gherd-am 

$iretk . 

. gherdj 

a crow 



. kargha T. 

to crumble . 



. warfakht-ao 


. warfareig-am 


. warfakht-am 


. warfakhtj 

to cry (as animals 


children) . 


nala tserak 

. chiras cheig-ao 

a cuckoo 


(none in Wakhari) 

. kakkiik T. 



kiirn-asuk . 

• chard-asuk 

to cultivate 


kiir-n . 

. chard-ao 


• char-am 


♦ chard-am 

koshk . 

. chardj 



koshk-ong . 

. chermi 

cultivation , 



a cup . 


pil, chini 

. chinak, chini 



. poi 

a curse 



. zaugh 

a custom, institution 



A, yusun T\ 

a cut, a notch 



. khchakhtj-enj 

1876.] E. B. Shaw— On the Glalohah Languages. 




to cut, to cut off . 




rasiidh-am, rasatht 

( khcheig-am 
( khchakht-am 





to cut, to whittle 

tush- an 












to cut out o 

rasiidhn diirzn (to cut to 



rasiidham- diirzam, 

khcheig-am zoz-am, &c* 

(I cut I take) &c, 


to cut witli an axe 

trash ding . P. 



to cut into strips 












The Tartar year Cycle named after 12 animals 

is used. 

Cypress {cupressus torn- 

losa) (called pencil cedar) 





daily, of a day 



to dance attendance, to 

pay one's court 

shinjual khak 


valvakh cheigao 





darkness, dark 



tarik P* 

a daughter 




a daughter-in-law 








to dawn 

rukhhn wats- 



yaul dhad-ao 

a day 












dealings (lit. give and 

take) ... 

diirzn radha- 



dhad zokht 

B D 


E. B. Shaw — On the Qhalchah Languages. 

[No. % 


clearness, scarcity 


a debacle of soil, rock, &c. 

brought into the stream 

by a flood of rain, &c. 
a deception, a deceit 
a decree, an edict 
a deer, a general term for 

all horned wild animals 

delicate, tender 
a demon 
to dent, to compress 

forcibly , 

dented (of a kettle, &c.) 
to be dented, to be com- 

to deny 

to depart, to start 
deprived of, without 
to descend . 

a desert 
a desire 
to desire 

a "devil," a whirlwind 
dew, also a white frost 
difficult, troublesome . 
with difficulty, hardly 



kimati A* 

marg P. 


tarzik, durogh 









munkir watsn 
rawan watsn 






dasht P., chul 






liw dama 

schak . 

kilah . 

azar ghilah 


P. W. 


kara kokum 
tarziv, f and 










P. . W. 

nadhamband-ao, &e» 






munkir setao A. SL 

rawan setao P. S. 

be - 





dokht P. chaul T. 

talab A, 





dhew balamiit 



azur ghilah P. S, 


to die • 

B, B. Shaw — On the GhalcJiah Languages. 


to dig, to excavate 

to digest 

to dip (tr.) . 

to dip oneself, to plunge 


in what direction ? 

dirty >.*♦,.• 

a dish 

disobedience, contrari- 
to disperse, to scatter 

[intr.] . 
disposition, temper 
to distribute [as alms] 
a divarication of a stream 
to divide into small pieces 
to do * . « 

docile, tame, tractable, 

a dog 

a wild dog * 
the dog days 
a child's doll 
which has been done 
a door 

a door socket 
double-faced, deceitful 

mari-am, mirit 
'azam khak . 
ghot ding . P. W. 
ghot yit-n (lit. to eat a 
dipping) . P. W. 
tush T., gana 
tar kum gana ? 
chirkin . ; T\ 

rim . 
kubun . 


takhhirm watsn . 
mijaz {for mizaj) A. 
bakhsh tserak P. W. 
taran . 
zest khak 
khak, or gokh-n 
gokh-am, gom 

shach . 
kik . 
tamus . 

gorj . 

mir-am, merd 

'azam cheigao P. 
ghiit dhad-ao P. S. 

ghiit kheig-ao P. S, 
tush To 

tar ka guna ? 


• kaishi 

takhhirm setao 
mijuz A, 

bokhsh cheigao 
taram T, 

rezah cheig-an P. 3« 
kan-am, kakht 

» shuv 

. kiid 

• kauj 
A. tumus 

• jinjik 

. chaugj-enj 

P. divir 

. gargh 

P. kaibiir 

T. guman 




B, fi. Shaw— On the Ohahhah Languages, 

[No. 2, 

a dove 

to drag 

to draw (a sword, &c, 
out of a receptacle) . 

to draw a line, to score 

to draw out, to extract 

kashun tserak 






— khash-am 



a dream 

to dream 

to dress (one self) 

to dress (other people) 

dried, dessicated 
to drink 

a drink made by mixing 

water with whey 
to drip 

, in&t 
inat ving 
pamets-an . 
( pamets-am . 
I pamest 
pamagn-am . 
( pametsiv-am 
( pametsiiv-d 
► wesk vitk-iing 
, pit-n . 
pov-am, pit 






. pakhtak T. 

. nughusur 
P* nughusur-das 
. kakhela cheigao P. 

. nalfond-ao 
. nalfon-am 
. nalfond-am 
. nalfondj 
. chighir-tizd-ao 

. - - taz-am 

. — ■ - tizd-am 
. — tizdj 




. khiidhm 
. khiidhm wandao 
• pameig-ao 
. C pamez-am 
. Ipamiz-d 
9 pamaug-am 
. pamaugj 
. pamedzand-ao, &c» 

• ziakhtj-enj 

• brokht-ao 

• braz-am 

. brukht-am 

. brukhtj 

..- dughov 

P. khikt-ao 

. khok-am 

. khikt-am 

. khiktj 


/ f 


R. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 




to drive in [a nail], to 

hammer • 



to drive 

hai tserak, zatran khak . 

zatran cheigao ; also 





to be drowsy, to nod 

khhal khhofs-an , 


khhal khhiifst-ao 

khhal khhof s-am . 


khhal khhiif s-am 

khhal khof st-am . 


khhal khhiif st-am 

khhal khhof setk . 


khhal khhiif stj 

a drug, medicine . 

darii, dawa . 


dari, dawa P. 

dry . . . 

wesk . 



to dry (intr.), to become 

dry . 

wesk watsn . 


to dry (tr.) . 

wesk khak . 


dung . 

, sigin . 


gharsh, siirun 

during, as far as, as long 


as, till 

. batkan 


— its, ta — its 





dust, earth 




dye, colour 


• rang 


rang P. 


an eagle 

bispiir . . . 



an ear . . - 

. ghish . 



earless . 

. chinak 


be ghaul 

early in the morning 

. naghdin, naghdinak 


pigan P. 

earnings, gain 

. gotak . 


vig or vigao 

an earring 

. gishniz 



ghish-porg . 


ghaul saf s 




earth, ground 

. wundr . 






E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalehah Languages. [ffe 2 

earth, dust . 

a lump of hard earth 

East, sunrise. 

to eat . 

echo . 
an edge 

an edging or binding . 
white efflorescence [of 

saltpetre ?] 
covered with efflorescence 
an egg 
eight ♦ 

eighty .... 
the elbow 
an elm (said to grow in 

Sarikol, not in 

Wakhan) . 
emaciated, lean 
an ember 
empty . 
to empty out 

to enclose, to besiege 
to encounter, to meet 
to endure, to last . 
to endure, or suffer 

to entangle 


yir tserakhh 
yit-an . 
yaw-am, yit 
yitk . 










seda . . • ? T. 

khot . 

zagiirg . 

61k, piich . . T. 

tosh-an or tosh tserak . 

tosh-am &c. 



kabal ding 

dichar ding 

poi ding 

poi ding 








khher tserakhh 
asan p # 

khhor-am, khhir-d 

lab p. 

yaka T. 

zeak T. 





saksan T. 


seda ? T. 


chugh T. 

alk, puchak T. 

tis-ao or tls cheigao 

tis-am &c. 

tist-am (?) 


kabal dhadao 

dichar dhad-ao 

poi cheigao 

poi dheg-ao 

— dhor-am 

— dhaug-am 

— dhaugj 
baradzein cheigao 


E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 





pargoshetk . 

# # 


to be entangled . 


baradzein setao 

to enter 


, , 


cherm-am, cheram-d 

didh-am, dedhd 


• • 





to cause to enter, to 

chirmiiv-n , 

• • 


bring or take in, to in- 

chermiiv-am . 

• » 






the entrail . 


» • 



an entreaty, a humble 



• . 


entire, complete . 

drust . 

. p. 



an entrenchment . 


. p. 



to entrust 

tawil tserak 

A. W. 

tawil cheigao A 

. S. 

an envoy . t 


. T. 



equal, same, [one sort] . 

i rang . 

W. P. 

i rang S. 


equivalent , 

chok . 

? T. 


an error, a sin 


. A. 



to estimate [weight, &c] 



chok cheig-ao 

even, equal [in height] . 






piirz . 


biurn, khum 



of the evening 




the evil eye . 

kurdi . 




a ewe 

strei mai 


stir maul 

to excavate, to dig 




in excess, excessive 

boshi . 


bakhi (? for UU A.) 

to exchange 

alish khak 

. T. 

alish cheigao 


excitable, fiery 




excrement . 


to exert one's self, to 

make an effort . 

zor tserak 


ziir cheigao P 

• S. 

to be exhausted, or pros- 


sest watsn 


siist setao 

814 E. B. Shs 

iw—On the Ghalc 

"hah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



to exhibit, to show, to 

cause to see 

visovd-am . 



to expel, to bring out . 

nikhind-am . 



to express, to squeeze 

out . 

wazem-am . 
wazemd-am . 



to extinguish, to cause 

to go out, to put out 





an eye 


• P. 


the eye -brow 

varao . 



an eye-lash . 

the face 

skord . 




. p. 


to face [towards] . 

rui khak 

P. w. 

rui cheigao 

E S. 

to fall . 

waz-n . 



family [in the larger 


khhesh kaum 

P. A. 

khekh kaum 

R A, 

famous . , ■ 

nungi . 

. P. 



f ar 

dhir . 

? P. 


? P. 

far-sighted . 


. P. 


as far as, as long as, till, 


— — batkan 

, c 

— its, ta — its 


dhiri , 

• • 


fast [of a horse], light 

[in weight] 

ranjk . 



fast, well-paced . 





E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchak Languages. 




a fast . 


. ? P. 



to fasten a horse's head 

up short . 

kaizd khak . 


kaiza cheig-ao 

fat, thick, stout . 

baj, farbi P. 


divez, farbe P. 

fat, grease . 

rogiin . 




refuse of fat left after 



? T. 



a fat sheep • 






pid, ata T* 


khurs . 
baghi tat 

. PP. 

boghi ata 


fatigue, tiredness . 




a fault, a mistake 


A. P. 



a favourite or pet child 





to fear, to be afraid 

washuk-an . 
washi-am \ 
wish-it | * 


khuj dheigao 


— dhor-am 



- — dhaug-am 




fear, fright . 





khuj dheig-ichoz 

a feast 


. T. 



to feel, to experience 



a feeding tube [for ba- 


upchi • 



a felt . , . ♦ 

ijin^ . 



a female 



a thorn fence 





to ferment, to rise [as 




dough], to foam [as 




water in a torrent] . 




fever and ague 

andav . 




a stubble field 




fiery, excitable 



fifty ... . 

pin j ah . 



a fight . 

ghash, jang P. 


ghash ; jang P, 

E E 


B. B. Shaw— O^ the Ghalchah 

to fight together [of ani- 
mals] * 

a file . 

to fill . 

to fill into receptacles 
from a store of any- 


to filter, to strain 

to find, to receive, to 
obtain , 

fine powder, also soft . 

a fine . 

a finger 

the little finger . 

the 3rd, 2nd and 1st 

a finger-nail, a claw 
to finish, to come to an 

end .... 
to finish (tr.) 

a fire-place, a hearth 
first (adj.) . 
first (adv.) , 
a fish 

a fish-hook 
the fist . 

five , f 
a flame . 






tki khalj: 









got-ak . 
gotetk . 
p&lm . 
taweni . 
yangl . 
ziklai yangl 

making yangl 
dgor . 

ada watsn 

ada khak or tser&k 





mai f 


most , 

panz • 

rauj . 

Languages. [No. 2, 


i zghod-ao 


. zghodhj 


pur cheigao 









vug- am 
zilak ingakht 




madhan ingakht 

ada set-ao 
ada cheigao 










E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 


to flame up 

a flank, a side 

flax, linseed {none grown) 
to flay, to kill 

a flea 
to flee 

flint and steel 
a flock 

flocks and herds 
to flood (spoken of the 
water) , t o be spread out 

to cause to flood to 
spread out (tr.) 

a flood . 
flour . 
to flow 
a flower 
a flower pot 
a fly 
to fly . 

shun j . 
anwar . 
pakhj , 
zaghir . 

rong . 
chikhmak ghar 


werkhhxiv-n « 





yumj . 

tuk-n (to go) 



maks • 









W. P. 














tsakhmak zer 


kala, mul 





tid-ao (to go). 















to cause to fly 

B. B, Shaw— On the Ohalchah Languages. pjfc. 2, 


a fog, a mist 

a fog, a cloud 

a fold (of cloth, &c.) 

a sheep-fold 

to fold (sheep) 

to follow, to pursue 

a fool 

a foot, a leg 

a footman, a man on foot 

a foot-track 

a ford 

to ford, to wade 

the forearm 

the forehead 

former, ancient 


a fort 



a foster brother 

a foster child 



a fowl, a cock 

a fowl-house 

or sister zarz 

a fox 

to free, to release 

to freeze 

fresh, new 
a friend 
to become friends, to be 






zatran khak 




podh . 


tiirt ding 



mis-ung, tar-mis 

mis (= nose) 




zarz zaman 






khhalas khak 

yikh vadhak 

yikh tserak 



asht watsn 



P. W. 


rawazand-ao, &c. 


bus Y. 


tu p. 


duwast-ao (to cause to 

duwadham [enter) 



zatran cheig-ao 

ahmak A. 


piadah P. 



paug dhadao 





kala A. 

chal-ao P, 

chal p. 

S. T. 



zorz bal&h 

7 khhalus cheigao 
shtu vistao 
sorj setao 
dest P. 


• P, W. ukht setao P. S. 


to frighten 

E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 


to frighten, cause to shy 

a fringe 
a frog 
f rom, than 

frozen, (of earth, &c.) 

frozen, (of liquids) 


a fruit stone 

to fry 



to be full 

full moon 

a fur cap 

a fur robe 

an irrigation furrow 

on the further side 


galled (horse, &c.) 
to gallop (intr.) 
to gallop (tr.), to cause 
to gallop 

wo trio vd- am 

tsa or sa (with the 
oblique case in -an) . 
yikh . 
yikh , 


tki watsn 

pur zumak 




tr& (tar-ya) piir 

yd sar 



intreisand-ao, &c. 






shtu sedhj 












piir setao 

piir mas 




tar wi pur 

tar wi sar 





P. s. 




B. B. Shaw — On the Qhalchah Languages. [No. 2, 

to gather (one by one) chiip-an 


a gelding 

a gimlet or centre bit 

a girdle 

a girth • 

to give . 


to glitter, to glisten 

to go [move to], also to 
become [setao] 

to go, to walk (indef.) 

to cause to go away, to 

to go or come out or up 

to go out [of fire] 

akhhtet , 
barmah . 
miun, taband W 
tarang , 
, rand-am 
ratt-am or dhett 
sar- chofk (lit, 

jellas tserak 


rach-am, rash-t 

chau-am, chit 
takhk . 

nieshk . 
niii-n . 
niii-am, niyi-t 
nietk • 






akhhta T. 

barmah P. 

miund, taband S. P. 
tiirong ? P. 

dha-m, dhi-d 

. kal-tsevdj (do.) 

. pollas cheig-ao 

P. serekh P. 

. set-ao 

, so-m, saud 

. sxit-am 

. sedhj 

. tid-ao 

. tedz-am, tiz-d 

. txiid-am 

. tiiidj 

. tedzand-ao 

. tedzan-,am 

. tedzand-am 

. tedzandj 

. nakhtig-ao 

• nakhti-am 

. nakhtiig-am 

. nakhtiigj 

• wazid-ao 

. wazew-am, wazau-d 

. waziid-am 

. waztidhj 


* Apparently the Causative of a verb chati-an, of which only the Present Tense 
remains. This is used as the Present Tense of the verb tuk-an, (see above) which seems 
to have lost its own. 



1876.] E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah 


Languages. 221 


to cause to go out (fire), 

to extinguish 

nixiv-n . 

» • 






to go round, to dance, to 

go over 

^ir-an . 



yir-am . 




• • 


</iretk . 

» • 


a goat • 

tugh, buch 

» • 

vaz, reidz 

goat's down [pashm or 

shawl- wool] . 



tibit. T. 

goat's hair 

dhiirs . 



goats and sheep 

jandar . 


rezapai (? scattered 
feet P.) 

a goitre 

zaghar . 


pukhhak T 9 


tilla . 

% » 




• • 


goods . 



mul [mal] P. 

goose . 



ghaz P 9 

a gorge, a ravine 

jirav, dhor 


darah, dher P e 





(without lower jaw) 

(without lower jaw) 

grain with the husk on . 


» • 

char T, 

a grandfather . 


♦ • 


a grandmother . 


* i 


a grandson 

napxis . 

© » 


a granddaughter 


• » 




• « 


lucerne grass . 

wujerk (has 

a yellow 

flower as in 

Tibet) . 

beda (with flowers 
yellow, white and 
blue, as inYarkand)T, 

dhub grass 

ghesha . 



a grasshopper . 



malakhh p # 

to grasp, to press 














E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalohah Languages. [No. 2, 



to grasp, to seize 











grease, fat 





great, big 



green . 





grey (colour of a horse) 





to grieve 

gham tserak 

A. W. 

gham cheigao 

A. S. 

to grin 

jok khak 


jiek cheigao 

to grind 

charkht khhash- 


chorkh tizd-ao 






a grub (that eats cloth) 





to grudge 

jahiidi kh&k (li 

t. to do 

the Jew) 


jahudi cheig-ao 

tkhheiri tserak 


aboi cheigao ? 

P. S. 

to guard 

nigah khak 

P. w. 

nigah cheigao 

P. S. 

a guide, 

sar tserak-kiizg 




to guide, to precede 

sar khak 


sar cheigao 

a gun 





the gut 

kiitan . 




a gutter 

hair (of the head) 

sar j en 








hair (on the body) 






choti, nimah 




a halter 





to hammer 




a hand 




a handful 





a double handful 




a handkerchief 






the handle (of any tool) 




handsome, good-looking 



khhiish rtii 


to hang from a peg &c. 











K. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 


happy, well 

to be happy 


hardly, with difficulty 

a hare 

haste, hurry 

to hasten, to hurry 

a hatchet, an axe 

I have, thou hast, &c. 

a kind of hawk (karchi- 

ghah, T.) . 
the head 

the back of the head . 
a headman (of a village, 

&c.) . 
a heap (of grain) 
to heap up 
to hear 


heart (metaph.), mind . 

a hearth, a fire-place 

the heel 

height, tallness 

height-sickness [from 

rarefaction of air] 
a hem . 
to hem . 

hemp fibre [none grown] 

a hen . . , 

a herdsman 

here ! [inter].] . 

here (adv.) 

a hero, also a man " vir" 


a hillock 

E F 


sihat . A. 

khxish wakhht watsn 

azar ghilah 


iztrab khak 


zii — tei, ti - 

P. W. 


A. W. 


tei, &c. 

(pig — is) (thg — is). 






sor khak 

kshiiin . 



kshong . 




posht, pashnah 

parsits . 
chiga . 

strei kork, makian 

dram, ha-dram . 
wuch « 



tinj T. 

khxish wakhht setao 

azur ghilah P. S. 

jati ? P. 

jati cheigao P. S. 
baldah T. 

mu — yost, tii— yost, &c. 
(my — is) (thy — is) 


kal P. 


arbob A, 


sor cheigao 


khan- am 




dil P. 


naburg, pukhnah P. 

kad A, 

dhaf s dhadao 

&c. i 








bilik, biland 



B. B, Shaw-On the GhaMah Languages. [No. 2, 


hinge [wooden pins, re- 
volving in a hole] 
the hip bone 
on the hither side of 

on the hither side (adv.) 
a hobble [for a horse's 

legs] . 
a hoe . 
to hoe, to dig up 


gorj . 

shunj sar (lit. side-head) 


khaun kal 

• yem sar 

tram (tar-gem) piir . tar mi pur 

mi sar 


a hog , 

a hole, an aperture 

hollow . 

the hollow of the hand 

a hoof [of a horse] 

a cloven hoof , 

to hop (to Jig) , 

a horn . , 


a horse . 

to put on horseback 

horse-clothing . 

a horseman, a rider 

a horse shoe 


hot . 

to become hot . 

a house [built with flat 
roofs, a hole in the 
centre of the ceiling 
for smoke, and raised 
dais round the walls . khhun 
a household, also quar- 
ters, a camp , , ^ osh 



kuwok . 



shilch . 








sowar khak 

prigin . 


shundr . 
tov watsn 



P. W. 














? T. 


P. siim 
. khalzak 
. rawikht-ao 
. rawaz-am 
. rawiikhht-am 
. rawukhtj 
. khao 
. kal 


suwiir cheigao P. S. 


vurj in 

n &l A. 

memani P. 

zxirm ? p. 

tuv setao 


keshum, kushum T. 


R. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 




a household slave 

khana zad 


khana zad 

how, also what like ? 



az ka 

P. S. 

how? . 

tsa rang W 


tsa rang 


how many, how much . 

tsum . 




to howl, to bay together 




(as dogs) 




a (camel's) hump 








a hundred 








marzanj, marzun 

to be or become hungry 

marz watsn 

marzanj set 


hunting, sport 




a husband 




? P. 

a hut 




I (pron.) 

wuz, also am [see Gram,] 


[see Gram.] 

- an ibex 



yakh, also riisht ghxiej, 

" red deer" 

female, ditto 

vazik tugh 
{deer goaf) 


ghiiej vaz 
(deer goat) 






yad (recollection) 




idle, lazy 

kalgi tgerak-kixzg 

vanao kim 

S. P. 

m . . 





ill-advised, who will not 

take counsel 









to impinge, to brush 





turf- am 
pa , 

— dariin 

AH • » . 


pa $ 



Indian-corn (not grown 






an infant ; a child 







E. B. Shaw— On the Gfialchah Languages. [No. 2, 


in order to 


to intend, to resolve 

— — ar 

j^ CLO 

kasd khak 

interest, usury 


the interior 




(interrogative affix) 


o> $ 

to introduce, to bring 


take in, to cause 







cast iron 



an island in the midst of 

a stream 



to isolate 


wi'r kMk 

to itch 


gorosh tserakk 

A. W. 


a jackdaw 


jade -stone 


a jar, a large cup 

pii . 

the lower jaw . 


to be jealous 

arish khak 



to jog . 





to join, to unite 

. katti khak 

a joint, a soldering 

. kafshir 

a joint, articulation 

. band 

a joke, a jest 


to jostle 

. sukh-n . 



sukhetk , 

T. W. 


— pa dariin, pa — dariin 
kasd cheigao A. S. 
jazanah A. T. 

dariin P. 

aralash T. 








iw'j cheigao 





tar taghanak 




arish cheig-ao 






katti cheig-ao 





1 I 




E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 





Kashghar ■ 



to keep, to hold [to seize] wadhiir-an 


the kernel of 

a fruit 


. serk 


rnkchi maghz Y. P. 

a key . 

. shik 


achghu Ta 

to kick . 

• liich ding 


liich dhadao 

a kid 

. chogh . 



a kidney 

. welk 



to kill, to slay 

sha-in . 



shay-am, shi-t . 


zan-am, zind 




shitk . 


a Kirghiz tent 

. khhirgah 


khhergoh P. 

to kiss • 

. ba tserak 


ba cheigao 

a kite [bird] 

. tsar 


tsargh # 

the knee 

,. brin 


zun P. 

to kneel 

. sak brin niiidhn 


chii ziin nalist-ao 
char zun nalist-ao 

a knife . 

i • koz 



a knot . 

. zerakh . 


to knot 

, zerakh — - ding 


strike <$fc.) . 

zerekh — dhad-ao 

diam . 






— dietk . 



to know 

# , dish-an . 

wazand-ao, &c, 


child-bearing la 

bonr . zicha 



a ladder 

. wakhhar 


shatta T. 

a lady . 

. khhanzah 



a lake, a pool 

. kul 


kaul T, 

a lamb . 

. wurk 


* Probably for chargh P., which has in Wakhi become contracted, by the loss of 
the final guttural, to tsar. In the Yarkandi name sa for a kite, we probably have the 
same Persian word in a form contracted to a still further extent by the loss of the final 
r (which the Yarkandis are apt to omit in many of their words), and by the alteration 
of the Persian ch which becomes ts in the Ghalchah dialects and simple s in Yarkand. 
The series of corruptions (chargh, tsdrgh, tsar, sdj is so natural as to suggest the idea 
that the Yarkandis obtained this Persian word through their Ghalchah neighbours. 


lamb- skin 

a lamp . 
large, big 
a lark [bird] 
last year 
of last year 
lasting, strong 
late [adv.] 
late, recent 
lately . 
to laugh 

lazy, slow 
lead [metal] 
to lead . 
a leaf [of a tree] 
lean, emaciated . 
to lean against . 

to learn 

leather (not tanned but 

rubbed soft) . 
leave, permission, reply, 

left [hand] 

leg, foot 

— (an animal's) 

the leg below the knee . 

a white leopard, an ounce 
less (adv.) 

to let go, (to put down) 
a lever 

E. B. Shaw— On tie Ohalehah Languages, [No. 2, 

wurk pist 
lang . 
wagh wagh 

turghai . 








yekhk watsn 


chap dhast 
piidh . 
long . 
mashin lang 
pos, babr A. 
khhirs . 





zer bast 
lang P. 

























kutal cheig-ao 

pork (Jbarg P.) 







ikhhman setao 

P. parkhao 

. juwiib 

. chap 

. chapaki 

. pedh 

. lang 

. mishin lang 

. paichah 

. pis 

. dztil-dir 

. dram 


P. Y. 





to lick 

K. B. Shaw- 

a lid or cover of a sauce- 
a lie, an untruth 
to lie in ambush 

to lie down, to lie 

to cause to lie down, to 
lay down 

to lift, to raise , 

light (in weight), also 
fast (of a horse) 

light-coloured (of eyes). 

light, radiance . 

to lighten, (lightning) . 


like that, so, 

like . 

a line, a score . 

to line, to cover a gar- 
ment, &c. with stuff . 

to draw a line, to score . 

linseed, flax (none grown) 

a lip 

to listen, to give ear 

-On the Ghalcliali Languages. 


likh-n . 
likhetk . 


durogh ,-.-".« P. 

malish tserak 

nasii-n . 
nasi-am, nisi-t . 
nasetk . 

wuch tserak 

ranjk . 
chakir • 

barkhh ding 
hazi, nik-hazi 


chirgh . 

tash khsh&k . T. W. 
chirgh khash-an 


khasht-am . 


zaghir . 
lafch, lav 
ghish kat-ak 









surd- am 



alas -am, alist 



aleizand-ao, &c. 

ter cheigao 




barkhh dhadao 



- rang 




tash tizd-ao T. S, 
ehighir tizd-ao 

— tizd-am 



ghaul wedhd-ao 


-- wedhd-am 




r. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2, 

little, small 

a little, little (adv.) 

a very little morsel 

the liver 

a load . 

to load . 

dzaklai . 

timik safk 
jigar . 
viir khak 

locality, a place • 

to lodge, to put up (intr.) , 

to pass the night 
to cause to lodge, to give 

a night's lodging, to 

put up (tr.) . 

a log of wood . 


as long as, as far as, till, 

longing, desire . 
to look ; to look after . 

to look after, to watch . 
loose, wide 
to loose 

to lose . 

to be lost, to disappear . 


shub'r halak 

shub'r dtivn 




didig-n . 




nigah tserak 

farakh . 





niis-an . 

niis-am . 







. dziil 

. dziil 

. dund klk 
P. thud 

. wez 

. dhakht-ao 

• jai 

. reid-ao 

khab-ar reizand-ao 

• reizan-am 



kundah P* 

. — — its, ta its 


. chas-am 
. chiikt-am 
. chiikhtj 
P. W. nigah cheig-ao P. S. 
P. riin 

. binast-ao 
. binas-am 
. binast-am 
. binastj 
. beid-ao 
r bis-am 
' ( bast 
. beid-am 
, bedhj 




B. B. Shaw— On the Ghalckah Languages* 


to lose the way . 

to cause to lose the way, 
to mislead 

a louse . 


to love, (to kiss) 

lucerne grass 


lungs ... 

a mace . . 

to macerate, to powder . 

a cotton-cleaning 

mad, a madman 
madder (suhst.) 
a magpie 
a maid, a virgin 
to make, to do .. 


to make, to construct . 
to make equal (in height) 


rapits-am y 
rapats-t ) 


yurung (?) 
ba tserak 
wufjerk .. 
shush . 








urudan . 




khak, gokh-an 

gokh-am, go-m 
gokh-t . 

khetk . 
saz khak 
riir-an . 
riir-am . 
riiretk . 
ghosch . 









? P. &pal 

ba cheigao 




chigharik T, 




. shal 
, cheigao 
s kan-am 
' < kakh-t (3rd sing.) 
* ( ka-it (2 pi.) 
. chaug-am 
. ehaugj 
P.-W. suz cheigao P. S, 
. rord-ao 
. ror-am 
. rord-am 
. rordj 
. nier 

q a 


E. B, Shaw— On the Ghalchal Languages. 

[No. 2, 


a mallet 

a man "vir," also aliero 

a man of Yarkand 

a manger 

the mane (of a horse) . 

a mantilla (woman's) . 

many, much 

how many ? how much ? 

a march, a migration . 

a mare . 

a married man, a master 

of a household 

a marsh (see mud) 
massive, thick . 
a master 
to masticate, to munch . 

matter, pus 
mean, sordid 
a measure of capacity . 
to measure 

medicine, a drug 
to meet, to encounter . 
to melt (intr.) . 
memory, recollection . 
a merchant, a rich man . 
a merlin (hawk) 
midday meal 
the midst, the middle 
middle (adj.), intermedin 
ate . 


thick milk (shortly after 

kiitum . 











mak-an . 



maketk . 


badh-tap (? bad 

plmana . 

chok khak or tserak 

gusht . 


dichar ding 

ab watsn 



khhatir bin 


chasht . 




. petgal, kutum 

• churik 

. khari (viz. shahri, 
P. akhur P a 

• yal T, 

• khadhbun 
. hiich 

. tsund p. 

P. kach p. 

P. ketkhhudilh P. 

. muzg 

, ghatin 

. divez 

A. sahib A, 

. zghad-ao 

. zghau-am 

. zghod-am 

. zghodhj 

P. ghond 
tabi'atP.) ghazd 

P. paxmana P. 

. chok cheig-ao 

P. giikht P, 

P. dari p. 

. dichar dhad-ao 

. ub setao P. S. 

P. yud p, 

T. bai T. 

P. khhatir bin P. 

T. turungtai T. 

P. tsukht 

. madhan 

. madhan-enj, madhan 


. khevd 

• rathch 


E. B. Shaw — On the GTialcTiah Languages. 




to milk . 


, dhaud-ao 


. dhauz-am 


. dhaud-am 


. dhaudj 

to give milk freely (of a 

cow or goat to which 

the young one is shown) 

ravir khak 

. raver cheigao 

a mill . 


. khadhorj 

a funnel-shaped feeder 

of a mill 



to mimic 

put mxii-n 

. pardhid-ao 


. pardhau-am 

- — — moid-am . 

• pardhiid-am 


. pardhedhj 

to mince, to cut up 




. kheib-am 


. khevd-am 


. khevdj 

mind, heart 

pxiziiv, dil P. 

. dil 


a mine . 


P. kun 


mirage (shadow ?) 


suya ? 


a miser . 


. bakhhil 


to mislead, to cause to 

lose the way 


. nalkhawand-ao 





to mix, to compound . 


. khhirkht-ao 


. khhirkh-am 


. khhirkht-am 


. khhirkhtj 

m on f,Ti 


. mas 

Money.— There is no coinage ; that of neighbouring countries is sometimes 
found, but barter is the usual mode of transacting business, 
coarse pieces of Yarkand cloth being the standard of value 
(in dealing with the Kirghiz, grain is the standard). Grain and 
cattle are cheaper in Wakhan than in Sarikol, or rather Yarkand 
cloth is dearer in the former place. 

jiimak • • mas 


P. wuz P. 

moon . 
moreover, again 




E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2, 

early in the morning ♦ 
the morning meal 
the Morning Star 

a mosquito 

a moth 

a moth (that eats cloth) 


mother-in-law . 

a mound, hillock 

a mountain 

a mountain stream 

to mount, to go up or 

out . 
a mouse 
a mouth 
to move, to shift (intr.) 

to move, to shift (tr.) 

much (full amount) 

so much, that much 

thus much, or many 

mud, clay 

music , 

to make music 

a musical instrument 

musk . 

a mussuk (goat skin) 

a small do. (kid skin) 





karwan kiisli 

(caravan killer) 








jirav yupk 

















saz khak 


mushk . 




zarghun # 


. pigan, pigan-ath P. 
. pakhik 
P. yaulan zak 
(dawn star ?) 

♦ pasha p. 
P. parwana P. 

. kuwah 

. ana T. 

. khhekhh 

• beak 

p. t&j 

P. W. darahkhats P. g. 

. nakhtid-ao 

. piirg 

. biirut T. 

. ghov 

. kuzghal set-ao T. 

kuzghamish cheigao T. 


P. W. 









saz eheig-ao 









P. S. 


naked, bare . . ghilakh, chand 

* Perhaps this is the origin of the Yarkandi 
common in that dialect—rather than vice versd). 

. chalendak 
word zdglun (by the elision of the r 


E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 




name . 





a napkin, a handkerchief 

rimal . 




narrow, tight . 

. tang 




narrower, tighter 





the navel 




near (adv.) 

schikh . 



near, by (p.p.) . 

Hfi . p< /-i m -%\-- 



u.d/ scniK 


lazimi . 



necessary, needful 

lazim . 



dar kar 


dar kur 


the neck 





a needle 




a packing needle 

. jual-duz 




a neighbour 

'am- say a 




a nephew 

. khilian 


a nest . 

. yoth 



to net (to lay a net) 

tor rast khak 


tur rust cheigao 

to net (stitch) [see t< 


plait] . 

. parwuf-n 



new, fresh 

schoyd, tazah P 

niij, tuzah P. 


. khabar 




to give news ♦ 

. khabar katak 


khabar wedh-ao 




— ~- kart-am 


- katetk 


TT T r i rl ^ f\ ~i 

■ wtjcmuj 

night . 

. naghd 

khab (shah) 


a night-spectre that eat 


people, a night-mare 

. vaghd . 



• nao 



. toksanao 





• toksan 




ninth . 








a noise, a cry 

. awagh 








noon . , 

• madhxxr 


madhor (? madhan 


a nose 

. mis t 






E. B. Shaw — On the OhalcJiah Languages. 

[No. 2, 


^ SarikoK 

a nose bag 


P. tufrah 


. na, ma with In 

iterative . na, ma (Imp.) 

there is not, is not 

. nast 

. nist 


now, at this very time 

. niv, ha-niv 

■* •:;'; . . 


an oath 

kasam . 

. kasam 


to obtain, to arrive at 

. got-an . 

. vig-ao 

got- am 

. vare-am 


• viig-am 


• ™g] 

odd, not even > 

. tak 

. tuk 


odour, smell, scent 

• vul 


to offer, to present 

. riir-an &c. 

. rord-ao, &c. 

a high official . 

• sardar 

P. sardar 



. khhiyar 

. keno (kohnah) 


an old man 

• baba pirak 

P. abushka 


an old woman . 

. kampir . 

P. kampir 



. sak — an, — i 

;susk, piir chii — , — inder 


. iw, i 

. iw, i 

one- another 

• iman (? for 


" one with tl 

lis one") i-mi'r (one to this on 

one by one 

, ighan ighan 

. igan igan 


wild onions 

■ karilghan 

. karilghan 


■ hot 

• hat 

to open 

• hot tserak 

• hat cheigao 



• rubaru 


oppressed, humble 


. vizedhj 

order, (goodness) 


• charji 

to order, to command . 


• ramad-ao 

( rami-am 
\ rimi-t 

. C rami-am 
. Crama-id 


. ramod-am 


. ramodhj 

orderly (good) . 


. charj 

a personal ornament 


• safs 

the os coccygis 


. dzugzugh 

an otter 


, Y. kama 


an ounce, a white leo- 



• pis 

outcry, proclamation . 



outside (adj.) 

vich-ung , 

, , vach-enj 



E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 




outside of (prep.) 


tsa vich 

. az — — tar vach 

outside (adv.) . 

tar vich 

• tar vach 

to overflow 


norosh ding 

. ter dhad-ao 

to overtake 



. frebt-ao 


, frobs-am 


. fribt-am 


. fribtj 

to overthrow. 


down, (a wall &c.,) . 


. imbat-ao 

but -am 

. imbat-am 


. imbatt-am 


* imbatj 

the Ovis Poli , 



. rus 

— _ female 



an owl 



• kiim 

an ox 



. khej 





. weyau 


. tid 

well paced, fast 



. weyawin 

a paddle 



. fei 

a padlock 



• kiilf 

a pail (wooden) 



• tala 

to feel pain, also 

to be 



. dhizd-ao 


. dhiz-am 


. dhizd-am 


. dhizdj 

a pair 



. jiift 

a paling 


. kushum 

a panier 


? var 


a parasol 




to parch or roast 



. virzd-ao 


. virz-am 


. virzd-am 


. virzdj 

parched grain { 


into meal. 


" sattu" 


. pakht 

parti- coloured 



T. chiel 

a partner 


P. urtak-chi 





E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalclali Languages. 

[No. 2 r 


a partridge (Caccabis 

pallidus. Hume.) 
a pass (over mountains) 
to pass through, over, 
or by; to ford, to 
traverse, to pass by 
a fault, to let pass 




(one's rights) 


. narjed-ao 


( narjes-am 
( narjas-t 



. narjed-am 


. narjiidhj 

to cause to pass by 



shokhhsiiv-am . 

. narzamban-am 


. narzamband»am 

shokhhsovetk . 

. narzambandj 

a passer-by 



a pasture (see grass) 

. wushin 

. wukhin 

a patch (in a garment) 


. psaun 

a path, a road * 


. pand 


. poi-nag 

• poi-nuk 





pay, wages 


. muzd 




. makh 

to peck 

niichk ding 

. niisk dhadao 


a peg, a nail 


. makhh 


perception, cognizance 


. darak 


to perforate 

serv khak 

. darz cheigao 

a person 


A. khhalg 



khil, arak A. 

. khaidh 

to perspire 


. khaidh vasid«ao 

a snow pheasant (Tetrao- 

gallm tihetanus) 


.... tsatsa 

a piece, a portion 


. kond, ghor 

in pieces (adv.) 

chut chut 

kond kond 

to pierce, to split (tr.) . 



a pig 


P. khaug 


a pigeon 


P. chabaud 


E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 




to pile up, to make 


a fire 




a pillow 



to pinch 









a pit 




a pitcher 



a pitch-fork 



a place, locality 





a place covered with 

stones, like a moraine 




a watering place 


yupk jai 


. P. 


a plague 

ghumar (? for 


" vapour" A.} 




a plain (inan angle 


a river) 




to plait, to weave 



to plaster 

lawak khak 


lawak cheigao 

a platform or raised 




to please 

khhush khak . 



khhush cheigao I 


to be pleased with 


laik khak 



yerar cheig-ao (? 

T.) S 

a plough 




a plunderer 






a plundering raid 





to plunge, to dip oneself 

ghot yit-n 



ghiit khig-ao P 

. S. 

a pocket 




> P. 



a poem, poetry 





a point 


mis (nose) 



to poke 


farnets ding 

ket dhadao 

H H 

— — **-' 

240 B. B. Shaw— On the Ohalehah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



a police official 


P. kurbashi 


a pool 



poor, indigent 


P. A. na-murad 

P. A. 

a poplar 


. tirak 



. toghrak 








. shakhhor 


to pound (into powder) 

palm khak 

. padhm cheig-ao 

to pound, to beat 






. chakt-am 


. chaktj 

to pour 


. wiedhd-ao 




to powder, to macerate . 


. yiig-ao 
. yan-am 
. yiig-am 

power, strength 


. kuch 



powerful, strong 


. kiichin 


spragh (Jlower) 

• gul (Jlower) 


to praise 

sto-an or sitao-an . staud-ao 

sto-am or sitao-am . stau-am 


stod-am or sitao 

d-am . staud-am 

stowetk or sitao 

fck . staudj 



. pariend 

pregnant (of women) . 


. garim pui 

,, , with young (of 



. varinz 

prepared, ready 


. shai 



prut, shikh 

. prod, prut, khez 

a present, a keep-sake . 


. samghut 


to present, to offer, (to 




* rord-ao 


* ror-am 


. rord-am 


. rordj 

to press.* to grasp 


. waghrakht-ao 
* waghreig-am 
. waghrakht-am 
. waghrakhtj 



to press down 

R. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 



to prick, to stab 

to prick its ears (of a 

print (chintz) 
a proclamation 
to profit, to affect, to 


a prop, a support 

to prop 

propitious (right -hand) 

to be prostrated, to be 

to prove, to try 
a proverb, a tale 
provisions, supplies 
to pucker up, to become 

to pull, to draw (in 
several senses), viz. to 
drag, to draw lines, 
also to pull tobacco, 
i. e. to smoke, also to 

the pulse 

a puppy ; . 

to purge 

to pursue, to follow 

pus, matter 

khhala ding 

kiirr khak 





takia diin (ding) 


sest watsn 
azmud tserak . 
zindag . 

zau "• • 

ghort watsn 


. vizid-ao 

. vizin-am, vizan-d 

. vizid-am 

. vizedhj 

P. W. khhalla dhadao P. S* 

. kiirr cheigao 
. chit (? English) 
T. ulam A. 

. nadhevd-ao 
. / nadhivs-am 
. ( nadhavs-t 
. nadhevd-am 
A. baleik 
. baleik dhadao 
. khheiz 


wanj ding 
zatran khak 
chirk . 



siist setao 
azmiid cheigao 

wikhj setao 







darun det-ao 

zatran cheig-ao 





E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Langaages. [No. 2, 

to put, to place 

to put by 

. latser-n 
lakartk . 
. bosh diiv-n 



- diivetk 

to put on (clothes), to 

dress (oneself) . pamets-an 

( pamets-am 
L pamest 
to put on horseback . sowar khak 
to put in pieces, to di- 
vide small . . zest kh&k . 
to put up (intr.), to lodge, 

to pass the night . shub'r halak 

to cause to put up, to give 

a night's lodging . shub'r diivn 

to put in the proper place, sak jai latsarn 

to set in order, latsar-am 



to putrify, to rot . pitk watsn 


. lacheig-ao 

. lak-am 

. lachaug-am 

. lachaugj 

. bakh dhaiand-ao 

. dhaian-am 

. dhaiand-am 

• dhaiandj 

. pameig-ao 
. C pamez-am 
. Cpamiz-d 
. pamaug-am 
. pamaugj 
P. W. suwur cheigao P. S. 

a quagmire . 

a quail 
to quake 

a quarrel, a tumult 








ghash . 

rezah cheig-ao 

khab-ar reid-ao 

khab-ar reizand-ao 

■ reizand-am 

• ■ reizandj 

chii jai lacheig-ao 







badanah T. 

malikkas cheigao 




E. B. Shaw — On the GTialchah Languages. 


to quarrel 

a quarrelsome person 

quarters, camp, also 

to quench one's thirst 

to quench another's 
thirst, to give to drink 

quickly . 

more quickly . 


to quiet, to appease 

to become quiet 

to quilt 


radiance, light . 
a rag . 
a ram . 

to ram in 

a rat or mouse • 

rations . 

a raven . 

a ravine, a gorge 

a razor . 

to reach, to attain 

to read, to say, to repeat 

ready of speech 

to reap . 

ghash katak 
ghash katak-kiizg 

kosh . , T. 

takhhi shkiidh-n 

— shkon-am 


shkong . 

takhhi shkadhiiv-n 

— shkadhxiv-am . 

— shkadhovd-am . 

— shkadhxivetk . 


jald-tar . 
sim-av . 
shov khak 
shov watsn 
sirekh khhashak 




ghosch mai 







sheilan . 

shond . 



tiegh . 



ushyar . 

dru-n . 

draw-am, drit 


dretk . 




ghash wedhdao 

kushiim T» 

txiri varakht-ao 


— — ■ varakht-am 
- — — varakht j 

turi varakhtand-ao 
— — varezan-am 


- varezandj 

shuv cheigao 
shuv setao 
siregh tizd-ao 




nier maul 











P. paki 













R. B. Shaw — On the GhalcJiah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



the rear, the back part . 

tsibas . 


to receive, to find, to 


gotak . 
got-am . 
gotetk . 



to recognise 

pazdan . 



to recollect, to bring to 


tar yad wiizum-n 

tar yud veig-ao 

recollection, memory . 





to be reconciled, to be- 

come friends, 

asht watsn 

P. W. 

ukht setao 

P. S. 

to recover (from illness) 

sehat watsn 

A. W. 

sehat setao 

A. SL 





a reed . 

kamish . 




refuse . 













related in the 1st degree 

(brothers german) 

vriitin . 


a relation 





to release, to free 

khhalas khak . 

khhalus cheig 

ao P. 

to remain over . 

bosh ding 


bakh dhad-ao 

to remain 

warech-n or wara-in 



( ris-am 
C. ras-t 





a remainder 


? T. 



a remedy 

chara . 




to remove, to cause to 

go away 



t adz and j 


dangi . 



? T. 

a rest-house 








E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 




to retrovert,to force back 

tov tserak 

tab- am 

to return, to turn back 

. pshe-in 



( ] 



pshin-am, or < 


> wazevs-am 





a social re-union 

mailis . 



to revolve, to rotate 







to cause to revolve o? 

a rib 

rice in the husk (not gro 


. yiriv-an 








in those valleys) . 

shal P., grxinj T 



a rich man, a merchant 

. bai 





4 vidhe-in 
\ vidhaw-am 


to ride . 

1 vidhett-am 
v vidhetk 

> suwur setao 

P. S. 

riding animal, a u mon- 






a ridge . 

. kir 




right (hand), hence suc- 

cessful, propitious,aZs<; 






to set right 

baf khak 


rust cheigao 

rind (of fruit) . 

shpak . 


a ring , 



to ring, to resound 

jiringas khak . 

jiring cheig-ao 

to rinse (cups or clothes" 

) puru-n . 



246 R. 

B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 



to rip up a seam 


. raod-ao 

riz-am . 

. raoz-am 


. raod-am 

rizetk . 

. raodj 

a river . 

darya . 

. darya P. 

a river beach (gi 


bed) . 

sangov . 


a road, a path . 

vadhak . 

. pand 

to roast or parch grain, . 


. virzd-ao 

to fry 



. virz-am 


. virzd-am 


. virzdj 

a fur robe 

karast . 

. warban 

an outer robe . 

chapan . 

T. chapan T. 

a rod . 

shopk . 

. kheib 

to roll (intr.) . 

wul watsn 

. wul set-ao 

to roll (tr.) 

wul tserak 

. wul cheig-ao 

to roll up, to wind 


. zerwid-ao 


. zerwey-am 


. zerwid-am 

zwetk . 

. zerwedhj 

a roller . 


P. ? ghultak P. ? 

a root- filament 


wadhn . 

. yildiz T. 



shivan . 

. viikh 

to rot, to putrify 

pitk watsn 

. pid-ao 

rotten, putrid . 



. pedhj 

round . 



. put 

to rub, to stroke 


dhast ding (to strike the 


. . dhiist dhad-ao 

to rub to powder 


tween the fingers 


. vizamd-ao. 


. vizamb-am 


. vizamd-am 


. vizamdj 

to rub up (paint, 


in water 


. shipt-ao 






. shiptj 


E. B. Shaw — On the Qhalchah Languages. 




a rug . 



palus P. 

to ruin, to spoil . 

weiran tserak 


weirun clieigao P. S. 

rumour, report • 


T. ? 

dong T. ? 

to run . 

gof s-an . 












a rush (kind of grass) . 





zangar . 




a coarse sack 

taghar * 

T. ghaun 

a saddle 

pddhn . 

• bidhan 

a saddle-bag 





, ivon 

saliva . 


T, tu 


nimak . 

P. namadhj 

salt (adj.) 


, namadhjin 

this same, this very 

ha-yem . 

• nik-yam 



. chush 

to satiate 

setk khak 

, seir cheigaa 



. seir 

to be satiated , 

setk watsn 

, seir setao 

savoury, sweet , 


. khheg 

a saw . 

harrah , 

, harrah 

to say , 


, levd-ao 


, lev- am 


. levd-am 


. levdj 

to say (prayers), to read 

join . 

* khoid-ao 


. khuy-am 

j oid- am 

. khoid-am 


. khoidj 

a scabbard, a sheath 


. ghaluf 

& scar . 

tof ch, turtuk T. 

. tufch, tartik T, 

to scare away . 


. padromd-ao 


. padromb-am 


. padromd-am 


. padromdj 


I I 


R. B. Shaw — On tie Ghalchah Languages. 

[No. 2, 

to score, to draw a line . 

a scorpion 
to scratch 

a scratch, a score, a line 
to scream, to lament 
the seat of honour (in a 

to stand security 
to see, also to visit 

a seed , 

to seek, to search 

seemly, worthy of being 

to seize, to grasp, to 

hold . 


by one's self 
to sell . 

chirgh khash-an 
— — khash-am 


— — khashetk . 
khhur prich . 
(donkey worm) . 
chingal diin (ding), 
driip-n . 
chirgh • 
wagh-w&gh tserak 

. chighir-tizd-ao 

. taz-am 

. tizd-am 

• tizdj 

sher eherm 
(donkey worm) 

also changuFdhadao, also 

• chid-ao 

. chau-am 

• child-am 

• chiidhj 
. chighir 

• wagh-wagh cheigao 


dastadar watsn 




winetk . 

taghm • 






wadhiir-n . 
(Nom.) khat 
(Gen.) khii 
(Dat.) khat-ar 
(the rest) khat 

piiriing or piiriin 
piirutk , 

• nokh 

P. W. kafil setao P. S, 

. wand-ao 

. wein-am 

. wand- am 

„ wandj 

. toghm P. 

. khkeig-ao 

. khkar-am, khkir-d 

. khkang-am 

• khkaugj 

. wand-asuk 

• wadhord-ao 
. wadhor-am 

• wadhord-am 

• wadhordj 
. khii 

khii bath 
para dhadao 


E. B. Shaw — On the G-halchah Languages. 


to select^ to choose out . 

to send . 

to send (a person), to 

order (to go) 

a serpent, a snake 
to set in order, to put . 

in the proper place . 

seven . 
several . 
to sew . 

shade, shadow • 
to shake 

shame . 
to shampoo 

sharp . 

a shaving (of wood) 

to shear 

a shed, a "machdn" 

layak khak A. S., or 
yawern . 
stxiy-an or stiii-n 

ramein • 

jedhah P., bulak T. 


sak jai latsarn 





yetmish . T. 


drovn . 



drafk . 

sayah . 

tap- an . 

tap-am . 

t apt -am 

tapetk . 






taghd . 


varing . 





yarur cheigao T. S. or 


judhoh P. 


elm jai lacheig-ao 





yetmish T. 

tsund, chandin P. 





suyah P. 






? P. 







kapa, alajiik 



E. B. Shaw — On the Qhalchah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



a sheep 



maul, mao 

sheep and goats (flocks) 





a Ml grown sheep 




a shepherd 

shpxin . 

. ? p. 


? P. 

a shelf 


# , 


a shift (woman's) 

parhan . 




to shift (intr.), to move 




kuzghal set~ao 


to shift, to move (tr.) . 



kuzghamish cheigao 







a shirt 




shore, bank 





? T. 












a shoulder 


flak, tan 


sevd, dalii T a 

a shovel 


pei, bil P. 


fei, beil R 

to shovel 





bun- am 









to show, to exhibit (to 

cause to see) 








to shy (as a horse) 

r witrin-am 
( witritht 


r intras-am 
( intrist 








to cause to shy, to frigh- 











E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 


a side, a flank . 
on the further side, be- 
on the hither side 

on what side ? 
a sieve 

to sigh 

far sighted 

silence ! be quiet ! 




a sin, an error . 

to sing 

to sink 

a sister 

a sister-in-law 

to sit down, to alight 

to cause to sit down 

to sit down (of a camel) 
to cause (a camel) to . 
sit down . 

to sit kneeling 




ya sar, tra (tar-ya) pur 

W. P. 

tram (tar yem) pur, 

yem sar 
tar kum sar 
algok . T. 

dam ding 

chojm-in . P. 

shov ! 

varshiim (abresham P.) 
varshum-in . P. 


nukra , P. 

khatagi . P. 

ghot yit-n 

khhuyun (husband's sis- 
khasirz (wife's sister) 

chuk ding . T. W. 

chuk diiivn 

diiiv-am ♦ 


diiivetk . 
sak brin niiidhn 
altmish . T. 



tar wi sar, tar wi pur 
S. P. 

tar mi pur, mi sar 

tar ka sar 

algak T, 


dam dhad-ao 



varekhiim P 9 

varekhxim-in P. 


nukra P. 

khatogi P 6 





chii bon dhadao 




nith-am, nath-d 







chok dhadao T. $ 9 

chok dheyand-ao 

char z&n nalist-ao 


altmish T, 


E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



a skin 





to skin 




a skin (used as a bag) 




a skirt 





a skull-cap 




tlie sky 





to slander 





to cause to slander 





shar andaz , A. 



slanting wise . 

shigard mars . 



a slap 





a slate (used for flat 

roofs and also for bak- 

ing on) 




to slaughter (an animal) 

bismal khak (to 
JBism-Illah) . 


basmal cheigao 

a slave (male) 




^lUIIlctJLU 1 ♦ 

slavery, servitude 




to slay, to kill . 

C shai-am 

1 shi-t 


( zan-am 
( zind 


shit t -am 






a sledge hammer 









to sleep 


riikhp-am, riikhiip-t 



sleepy, sluggish 




a sleeve 




1876.] E. B. Shaw— On the Qhalchal Languages. 



slender, thin, (of things) sanar 
a slice 

green slime on the sur- 
face of standing water 
a sling 
to slip, to slide 

to slit, to split 

a slit 


slow, lazy 

small, little 

small pox 

marked with small-pox 

a smarting (of a wound) 

to smear 

a smell (good or bad), a 
perfume, an odour . 

to smell (intr.) 

to smell (tr.) . 



to sneeze or snort 
(of a horse or camel) 

to sneeze 

a sneeze 

a snore 

snow • . . zam 

a snow pheasant (? Tet- 

raogallus tibetanus) . khorz 
snow J • . , zamin 







pagh ding 





spragh (flower 








vul nuwuz-an 

vul tserak 







shtrof-an or porsh-an 

shtrof-am porsh-am 






porshetk . 









pagh dhadao 





giil (flower) 








bao nakhtigao 

b&o cheigao 



















B. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 

so, like that 

so much 


a social re-union 

a sod, a turf 


soft, also fine powder . 

a land-slip of soil, rock, 

&e., brought into the 

stream by a flood of 

rain, &c. 
a soldering, a joint made 

by soldering . 
the sole of the foot 

a son . 
a son-in-law 

a soothsayer 
to sort (to select) 
sordid, mean 
sorrow . 
a sound 
to sound (tr.) (to cause 

any instrument to 



to sow (seed) 

to sow (cultivate) 

hazi, nik-hazi 
atum . 
sabun . 
mailis . 
shilat , 





i tsiz 




mutr katak-kiiz; 



gham . 





treshp . 

zodh-n . 




kiir-n . 



koshk . 


T. ? 


« kara kokum 

. kafkheir 
. naburg 


? P. 



i tseiz 









[No. 2, 


? T. 




A. T. 
















takhirm cheigao 



E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalehah Languages. 


a span . 

a spark . 

to give out sparks 

a sparrow 

to speak 

a speaker 

a speech, a word, talk 
ready of speech 
to spin . 

the spinal chord 
a spindle 

a spinning wheel . 
to spit . 

to splash, to slop 

to be splashed np 

sound of splashing of 

a split, a fissure 
to split (intr.) . 

to split (tr.), to pierce . 
a spoon 


• avart 

rakhnig nawiiz 

wingas . 






gap, ksa 

ushyar . 

ziip-n . 

ziip-am . 


zofk or ziipetk 



charkh . 

tuf tserak 

tuf tsaram 

tuf (am) kart 

tuf (am) khotk 





stras-n , 




yupk awagh 
pagh . 

kapch . 


• wardhord 
. khharm 

. yuts nakhtigao 

, wadhich 

. levd-ao 

. lev-am 

• levd-am 
. levdj 

. levd-ichoz 

P. gap P e 

P. chech^n 

. zevd-ao 

• zeib-am, zevd 

• zevd- am 
, zevdj 

. mok 

• starkh 

. charkh P. 

T. tii cheigao T. 


• washlipt-ao 
. washlab-am 

• washlipt-am 
. washliptj 

. zatrist-ao 

• zatrust-am 
. zatrustj 

W. P. khats sherfa S. P. 
. pagh 

chafand-aOj &c. 
? P. chib 
P. kamich 


E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 

sport, hunting . 
to spread see to throw 
in, &q. 

to spread, to extend, to 
flood, (tr.) . 

to be spread out, to flood 
(of the water) 

a spring (of water) 
spring (season) 
to spring up 

j springe 

o sprinkle, to strew 

a spy , 
to squat 
to squeeze out, to express 

to stab, to prick 
to stain, to affect, to 

a stake 3 a. post , 

. TVakhi. 
shkar . 

katam . 
k art am . 
katetk . 







bahar . 

dhiing . 

zedh-n . 





tsok nudh-n 





khhala ding 






P. ghew 

• wedhd-ao 
. wedh-am 

. wedhd-am 

. wedhdj 

• waleisand-ao 

walis- am 

[No. % 

. kaug 
P. wug 




. dhomj 
* ^ietht-ao 
. ^ieth-am 
. ^ietht-am 
. ^iethtj 
P. jasiis P a 

. tsek nalistao 
.. sherzd-ao 
. sherz-am 

. shirzdj 
P. W. khhala dhadao P. SL 

* nadhevd-ao 

c nadhivs-am 

( nadhavs-t 
. nadhevd-am 
, nadhevdj 
T, khadda T. 

1876.] B. B. Shaw—0;* the Ghalchah Languages. 


a stallion 

to stand, to stay 

a star . 

the evening star 

the morning star 

a starling 

to start, to depart 
to stay, to remain 

to steal 




step (father, mother ,&c.) 

to stick together (intr,) 

to stick into, to infix (as 
a flower in the cap) . 

a walking stick 
to sting or bite 
to stir (a fire) . 

iigiir . T. 


sakr star (red star) 
karwan kiish (the car a- 
van hitler) . P. 
schu wingas (black bird) 

. P. W. 

rawan watsn 
hal-ak . 
hal-am • 
haletk , 

ghMhi khak, aha 








baghi (? P. hostile) 










nesh ding 





P. W. 

eighir T. 

rnsht khturj (red star) 

yanlan zak (dawn star) 
tar wadhich (black 

rawan setao R S, 

also reid-ao, &e« 
. tsaft-am 
. tsaf tj 
P. tefP., biisY. 
T. knrch % 

. padze 

• boghi (? P. hostile) 
. nadhevd-ao 

. nadhefs-am, nadhafst 

• nadhevd-am 
« nadhevdj 





asai A. 

nekh dhadao P. S. 






E. B, Shaw— On the G-Jialcfiah Languages. 

[No. % 

a stirrup 
to stitch roughly 
a coarse stitch 
stomach, belly . 
a stone, a rock . 
a fruit-stone 
to stop (intr.) . 

to stop (tr.) 

a rain storm 

a snow storm . 

stout, fat, thick 

stoutness, thickness 

straight, right , 

to set straight . 


to strain,, to filter 

a strainer, a cullender . 
strange, unknown 
strength, power 
to stretch out ; to extend 
(tr.) , 

to strike 

kok ding 

wanj, dur 
wur dama 
(rain wind) 
zam dama 
{snow wind) 

rast P., shigard 
rast khak 






ding or diin 
' di-am, di'm 
> dikh-t 

dikht-am ' 



A. padh-bun(/(?o^ hottom) 

. kek dhadao 

. kek 

• kech 
, zer 

. rukchi Y, 

• warevd-ao 
. warafs-am 

. waruvd-am 

• waruvdj 

• warambandao 
. waramban-am 

• waramband-am 
. warambandj 

. baresha P. 


• chapghin 

. divez 

. divezi 

. kheij, tors 

o kheij cheigao 

• kheij i 

. kardaz-am 

• kardazd-am 
. kardazdj 








' dha-m 
I dhi-d 





1876.] R. B. Shaw— On tie Q-halchal Languages. 




to cause to strike 

dliiv-n . 







• , 



• « 


to strike, to touch 


* . 



• , 

bizis-am, bizast 


• • 





to cut into strips 













to stroke, to rub 

dhast ding 


dhiist dhad-ao 

strong, powerful 




strong, lasting 



poinug P e 

stubble field 


. , 


to stumble 





, , 

turf- am 



turf t -am 




a stumbler 

shtrakhn-kiizg « 










to suck (the breast) 





















to summon, to call 

kiw tserak 


kiw cheigao 

the Sun 




sunrise, East 

yir tserakhh 


khher tserakhh 

sunset, West 

yir wishan 


khher nalist 

supplies, provisions 




to support (to raise) 

wuch tserak 


ter cheigao 

to surge (of water) 













to suspend to a peg or 

hook, to hook (tr.) , 





E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalohah Languages. [No. 2, 



(see a to bang from 


peg", intr.) . 

. zireviiv-am 



• ravindak 


to swallow 

. nezghern 









a swallow 

. kildirgaeh 




sweet . 

khhiizg . 



to sweep 

. vishiuw-n 












. rapk 



to swell, to ferment 

. podhmosh-an , 
pddhmosh-am . 
podhmosht-am . 
podhmoshetk . 



to swim 

. kelocb khash-ak 


keluch tizd-ao 









a swimmer 




P. J 

a sword . 

. kbingar 



a straight sword 

shop koz 





a tail (horse's) . 

• bechkam 

. dhxim 


(sheep's) . 

. diimba . 

P. diimba 


to take . 

. diirz-n • 

. zokht-ao 
o zoz-am 





• zukhtj 

, * 

to take away 

. yond-ak 

. yod-ao 

• yiis-am 
. yud-am 

• yMhj 



E. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 


to take care of, to look 
after . 

a tale, a story, a saying, 

a proverb 
to talk 

a talon, a claw . 

tame, tractable, docile . 

tame, not escaping (stay- 
ing) . 

to tan (skins, only sheep 
and goats') 


didign . 
nigah tserak 

zindag . 
ksa khanak 
gap khak 
chang . 

waref s-n kiizg 

koz katak 


P. W. 


nigah cheigao P. S* 


gap cheigao 

or levd-ao 



the Tartar year cycle, named after 12 animals, is used. 

kuz wedhd-ao 

a tassel 
to taste 

a tea-pot 
to teach 

to tear, also to tear along 
(of a living creature 

moving very fast) 
a tear . 

the temple (of the head) 

tender, delicate . 
a tendon 
tepid, lukewarm 
than, from 

that (pron. subst., &c.) 
that (pron. adj.) 
that far, to that extent . 
that which is there, 

the there . 

that (conj.) 

that much, so much or 


maza khak 

yekhk khak 

chok ding 

yashk . 



senaf . 




P. W. 

? T. 


tsa (with the Oil. case) 





a-tum • 


maza cheigan 



ikhhmand cheigao 



chuk dhadao P. S. 











? T. 



E. B. Shaw — On tie Glalclal Languages. 

[No. 2, 





thence . 


there (adv.), thither 

dra, ha-dra 

. , 


there ! (interj.) 




they, those 

yavisht, yaisht 


thick, stout, fat, massive 




thickness, stoutness 


, . 


a thief . 

ghudh . 

• . 



ghudhi . 


the thigh 

malung yaich 


madhan kho j 

lang . 



a thimble 


. W. P. 



thin, lean 





thin, slender (of things) 

sanar . 

, # 


to thirst, to become 


takhh watsn 

. pp. 

tiir set-ao 



takhh . 





yem . 



this much 



, m 


this very 


ha-yem . 


ha-yam, nak-yam 

a thorn fence 






a thorn . 





a thorn bush 


chirir . 








a thousand 






a thread (of cotton) 




(of wool) 




a thread of hemp or 

hair, &c. 








the throat 





to throw, to throw away 




to throw down, to over- 

•*• • j 





biitetk , 




E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalehah Languages. 


to throw in, to throw off, 
to pour in or out, .to 
arrange, to appoint . 

to throw over, to reverse 
the thumb 

to thunder 

thus much 
Tibet (Ladak, &c.) 
a r tick 
a tickling 
to tie in a knot 
to tie head and tail to- 
tight, narrow . 
to tighten 
till when 

time (precise), epoch • 
time (so many times) . 

a tinkling 
to tire (tr.) 

to be tired 

to (motion or intention 
towards) [definite] . 

to [indefinite] 


L L 






savan ding 

ghosch yangl 

{male finger) 


tungiir ding 

hazi, azi 





jirekh ding 

pa i-'m-an kantar 


shukh khak 


ala, mahal 









J" warech-am 
^ waresh-t 



tar — — 



skelak dhadao 
nier ingakht 
(male finger) 

. sada cheig-ao 

• das, nak-das 

. mund 

. Tibat 

. khhesak 

, gilgich 

. jirekh dhadao 

khak . pa i-mi vistao 

P. tong P. 

. ching cheig-ao T. 

. chum-its 
A. ala, wakht A, 

. pitig 
A. kaliah A. 

P. khhof P. 

. jiringas 

. warezand-ao 



1 warez-d 

pa - 
par • 

-, tar - 

ar. ar • 



R. B. Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2, 













tongue, language 





a tooth 




on the top (adv.) 

sak tsusk 

J - cliii ter 

on the top of (p, p.) 

sak — — tsusk 



torture, also trouble 


• * 



to totter, to waver, to 





to touch, to attain 



bizis-am, bizast 

touching, contiguous . 

piwas . 







tar guna 

a town 

khar (shahr) 


a town-crier 



ulam-chi A 


a foot track 




to train (a hawk, &c.) . 

yekhk khak 

ikhhmand cheig- 


to tread down . 















pimal khak 

P. w. 

peimaj cheigao 

a tree 





to tremble 






to tremble, to shiver 

larza khak 


larza cheigao 


trial, also tried 





to trip up (intr.) 

shtrakhht-am . 



to trip up (tr.) 

shtrakhhov-n . 
shtrakhhov-am . 





B. B. Shaw— On the Ghalchah Languages. 


a trot (pace of a horse) 
to trot 


troublesome, difficult 
a wooden trough . 
the trough of a water 

trousers, drawers 
wide outer trousers 
to trust 
to speak truth 
to try, to prove 
to tuck up (sleeves &c.) 

a tumult, a noise 

a turban 

a turf, a sod 

the Turkis of Eastern 

a turn, succession 
to turn (in a lathe) 

to turn back (tr.) 

to turn back (intr.) 

» turn round . 



ishanz tserak 
rast khan&k 
azmud tserak 
, ^iirtetk 














yir-n . 




T. ? 




turf and] -am 




dzekt -am 














piti set-ao 

T. S 8 

rust levd-ao 


azmud cheigao 







? T» 




T. ? 











wazabt-ao or wazevd-ao 

wazeib- am wazevs- am 

wazabt-am wazevd-am 

wazabtj wazevdj 




E. B, Shaw — On the Ghalchah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



a turner, a man who 

uses a lathe . 









a twig 





to twist (tr.) 

tovn or tov tserak 


tov (am) kart 

tov (am) khotk 

tuv cheigao 


to twist, to wind, (as a 




to twitter, to chirp 

chir-an , ? 










twofold, &e., 



bu-pitig, &c. 


dha-pitig, &c. 

shak, battiMt P. 


dhew kher 







to understand . 

kshuin (to hear) 


khid-ao (to hear) 

understanding . 




to unite, to join 

katti khak 


katti cheig-ao 

unripe, uncooked 





to untie, to undo 



hat cheigao 

an untruth, a lie 






pa khidh 







upon, on the top of 

sak — tsusk 


— chii ter, chii - 

- ter 




upright, standing (of liv- 

ing beings) . 


tsek dhadao 

to set upright 9 

tsok ding 



pa-khidh mars . 




rang rang 


khil khil 


this very, this same 






a water vessel 

a village 
a kind of violin 
a virgin, a maid 
to visit, also to see 

E. B. Shaw — On the QhalcJiali Languages. 


a vulture 


to wade, to ford 
wages, pay 
a waist-sash 
a man's waist 
to walk, to go 
to walk about 

a wall 

a wart 
to wash 

• wards 

a wasp 

to watch, to look after . 

to watch intently 


water-course, a canal • 
a watering place (of 


win- am 

tiirt ding 











— mars 



wiizdi-am ^ 

wiizdiii-d ) 




nigah tserak 






charm ? wadh 





tasin dhad-ichoz 

P. W. 



paug dhadao 

muzd P. 

miund P. 




khkar-am, khker-d 



deiwul P. 







hari T, 

nigah cheig-ao P. S, 







yupk jai 

W. P, khokh4uj 


K. B. Shaw — On the Ghalehah Languages. 

[No. 2, 

a wave 


to lose the way 


weapons, arms . 
to wear out (intr.) 
to wear down (intr.) 

to weed, to pull out 
weeds, &c. 

to weep 

Weights and Measures . 

well, in good health 
well, happy 
a well 

well-paced, fast 
West, sunset 
wet, damp 
wetness, dampness 
what ? 

what like ? also how ? 
at what time ? 
what for ? to what pur- 
pose ? 
in what direction ? 
on what side ? 

rapits-am } 
repats-t ) 

kohna watsn 
siidhah watsn 


. washlipt 

P. mum P. 

. nalkhhid-ao 

. nalkhhan-am 

. nalkhhiid-am 

. nalkhhiidj 

• mash 

P. yeragh T. 

. kena setao 

P. W. khiirdhah setao P. S. 

. dak&t P. 

rut tserak , . rut cheig-ao 

nazdiin khak . . khauj cheigao 

niuw-n # . niiiwd-ao 

niuw-am . . naw-am 

naud-am , . niiiwd-am 

niuwetk . . nixiwdj 

No weights or balances known. Flour, &c. is 
sold by dry measure, containing what is called 
a ' charak' T. in Sarikol (about 10 lbs.). In 
Wakhan a 6 por' is used, being a wooden vessel 
(hollowed out of a single log of wood, with a 
bottom fixed to it) containing some 80 lbs. of 





ylr wishan 





tsa wakhht 


tar kum gina 
tar kum sar 


W. P. 
W. A. 


khher tserakhh 
tsa wakhht 



S. P. 
S. A. 

tseiz -ar 
tar ka guna 
tar ka sar 





B. B. Shaw— On tie Glalclal Languages. 



till when 

whence ? 



where ? well ? 

to whet, to sharpen 

which, who ? 

which has been done • 


a whip 

a whirlwind, a devil 

to whisper 

to whistle 

a whistle, whistling 


a white frost, also dew . 

who ? 


the whole, all 

why ? on account of 

what ? 
why ? to what purpose ? 
a widow 
width, breadth . 
a wife 

wild onions 

wild, untamed . 

a wild dog (hunting in 
packs, the size of a 
large sheep-dog, yel- 
low, with small stand- 
ing black ears, and 
black nose, a thin 
straight tail), Turki 

a wild ass (Uquus He- 
mionus), found in 

tsoghd (?ywtsa-wakt) 
tsoghd-batkan . 

har wakhht . p. 

kum-jai . "W. P. 

pasan ding 


liw dama 

mulaim ksa khak 

shkhhelan khak 





har kui, har kum P. W. 


tsiz jinib . W. P. 


biwa . P. 


kond, yupk-war {water- 




• az-ka 
har wakhht P. 

ka-jui S. P, 


pasan dhadao 

— its 

kamchi T„ 

dhew balamiit 

khish gap cheigao 

shkhhelun cheigao 





har choi P. S. 


tseiz-ar, tsa'r 
b£wa zan . P. 
bar P. 

yhin, rozagar-i-nek 








B,. B. Shaw — On the Qhalchah Languages. 

[No. 2, 



a willow (tree) , 




wind, air 



kher, shamal 


to wind, to twist 

zwai-n « 
z way -am 



the wind-pipe . 




a wing 



kanat T. or P 

winnings (substantive) 

at the game of sheep's 

knuckle bones 





to winnow 









to wipe * 

vishiowd-am . 



— wise, — wards 




with, by, by means of . 

C da — an 

i moshon 


— - — —its 

with, (together with) . 



— its, — — 


without, deprived of 




a wolf . 




a woman, a wife 

kond, strei 


ghin, stir 

a young woman 



an old woman . 





a woman connected with 

another by being wife 

of the same husband . 




a woman's head kerchief 

or mantilla . 




wood, a stick . 




a woodman, a fuel 









a word, a speech 

ksa, gap 




work, business . 




a worm ; a grub . 







E. B. Shaw — On the GJialcJiah Languages. 




to worship, (to bow the 

a wound 

to wrap, to wind 
to wrestle (to seize one 


to wring 

to cause to wring 

the wrist 
to write 

to writhe, to twist one- 
self ; 


a yak (Bos grunniens) 

the city of Yarkand 

a man of Yarkand 

a year 

a half year 

last year 

of last year 

a yearling bull calf 

— cow calf 

to yearn 
a yoke 

M M 

sar khamiiv-n 

iman wadhiirn 














tov khak 










indokhtj tserak 




savisht, saisht 

P. W. 

kal khamband-ao 
zakhm P. 


miun pa-khat 
tab-am, tip-t 


taband-ao T. 

taban-am, &c. 

. pardhiist 

• navisht-ao 

• navish-am 
. navisht-am 
. navishtj 

. tiptao 

. tab-am 

, tipt-am 

• tiptj 

• staur 

• khar (shahr — town) P. 
; khari P e 

P. sar-i-sal i 

P. sal 







giirm cheig-ao 










R. B. Shaw — On the Qhalchah Languages. [No. 2, 



a young camel . . iishtiir zaman 

. tailak 

a young woman . ptirchodh 

. pchein 

pregnant, with young 

(of animals) . varenj 


youth . . jawani 

P. jawani 



Wakhi', Sarikoli', Shighni, Sangli'chi, Minja'tii. 

(Tie three latter collected Ig Mimshi Faiz BaJchsh.) 
English. Walhi. Bariholi. Bhighndn. tSanglich. Minjan. 


. miir 

. man 

. mun 

. aminga 


• ehiwan 

. nosh 


. cheri 



* pudh 

. pas 


• khur 

. sher 

. markab 

• khar 

. kara 


. agah 

. agah 

. andez 

B 9 


• dam 

> dom 

. dam 

. kamik 


. shak 

• ?it 

• ganda 


• yiirk 

. chiishj 

. joshaeh 

. vurvuth 



. naghordum yiirkh 

. pursh* (? yursh) 


. reghish 

. bun 

. bun 

. yarzah 


. di 

. dha 




. dur 

. kech 

. kich 

. diyir 


. lup 

. laur 

. sark 


• talkh 

. tsekh 

. saish 


. schu 

. tar 


. shoi 



• wukhan 

. wakhhin 


. vain 


. yaich 

. ustkhan 


. astak 



• bap 

• tej 

. bash 

• chiji 



. maghz 

. maghz 

. maghz 


. khoch 
. puz 

. khpik 

. poz 

. gardah 

. khesta 

• yuz (? puz) 


. wiiziim 

. vor 


. nas 



. vriit 

• vrod 

• brad 

. vurd 

* Perhaps ^j by mistake for J^ {yursh), which in Sarikoli would become 
yurkh by the common change of sh into kh. 
t F»*. jjj a mistake for j^j ? 


E. B 

English. WaJcM. Sarikoli 

Shighndn. Sang lie Ji. Minjan 


. charm 

. wadh 


. chodar 


. tumagh 

. tumagh 

. taki 


. khola 


• pish 

• pish 

. pash 



. zanzir 

. zanzeir 

. ginzir 





• zich 


. lunj 

• nurj 

• pes 

. peshur 




. zingii 

, alashah 

• alakhshah 


. bot 

• lei 


. vanjin 


. siir 

. ish 

. shitagh 



. wazi 

• yadh 

. (tar a) it 

. es 

. as 




• manja 



. ghxi 

• zau 

. istaor 

. ghao 

. ghaoda 

staur (yah} 


. karghi 

. kargha 




, pai 

. poi 

• neduk 

• nijk 


. dhagd 

. ghats 
(a maiden] 


, odagh 

. loghda 



. math 

, rusht 


. riikhn 




. marg 

. marg 

. murda 



. kiid 


• kod 

. ghalb 


. bar 

. divir 

• labra 



. nughusur . 

. poyan 

• forsara 



. braz 


. khvar(?mi 



. shet 

. ait 

• shat 

. gharai 





. ghovar 




. zamin 



. khhor 


. khvar 



• wokht 

. hat 

. ashka 





. sam 

. chain, 

eye-hrow , 


• varao 


". vurichh 

eye-lash , 


• y&d 


. patak 





. tat 

. tat 





. pud 

• palah 

female (of 

animals) . 



. shisch 

. meyah 




R. B. Shaw— On the GTmlchah Languages. 

[No. 2, 








. yangl 

. ingakbt 

. ingit 



. rakhnig 

. yuts 

. yats 

. f rosbnai . 
. ( shunai . 



. panz 


. panz 





. goft 

. pudaf 




e tup 

, baebun 



• J°p m 






. mogba 

forehead . 





fore-arm . 







. tsavur 






. kbar-bej 

sber-bicb . 




ghee (but- 


. zez 





. rughn 

• raun 





• so 


• sbdb 


goat 07 




# (ma)dugb 

he goat 



, cbarva 

she goat . 

. v&z 





. cbarj 





. bab 




. wukh 





. zems 




. miltek 



gun pow- 



c daru 





. kbad 

. daks 


. pogba 



. dbiist 

. « 


. last 


. s&r 

. kai 





. pxiziiv 

. zard 

zaro(Pzard) % uzdai 

. ztl 


. makian 

. makian 


* The syllable ma is probably not in reality a part of the word. Perhaps the 
Munshi's informant said " my goat", and the whole was entered as one word. 

f The syllable po is perhaps a pronoun entered by mistake as a part of the word. 
% Query j^fj fsdroj, by mistake for ^(j (zard) ? 


E. B. Shaw— On the OhalcTiah Languages. 


English. Wdlcm 


h. ShigTindn 



here, hither dram 

• and 


. mala 

hold . wiidhiir 

• wadhor 


. ghorya 




. agman 

horse . yash 

. vnr j 

. varch 


. yasap 

honse . khhnn 

. ched 

. chet 


. kei 


intestines . shingor 

• rand 

. durmiin 

iron . ishn 

. spin 

. sapsan 


knee . brin 

• zan 

. ZVLli 


knife . koz 

. chog 

. ched 



light , voin 

. voin 

• roshnagah . 


lip . lafch, 

• panz 

. ghib (?) . 



loin . malung yaich madhan khoj 



male . ghosch 

. nier 

• • 


man . dhai 

• chunk 

. ch&rak 

many , ghafch 

• hiich 

. lab 

Inp (great) 

milk . zarz 

, khevd 




moon . ziim&k 

• mas 

. maesit 



mother . n&n 

. ana 

. nan 


month • gh&sh 

• ghov 




nail (finger) 


neck . gardhan , 




needle . sits 

. sits 

. saj 

night . naghd 

. kh&b 

> forshnk 


nine . nao 

• new 



nose . mis 

• n&z 

. nids 


• foska 

276 R7B. Shaw— On the Ghalehah Languages. [No. 2, 

English. WaTcM Sarikoll Shighndn. Sanglich. Minjan. 


one . iv 

ox . druksh 


pigeon . kibit 
pot . hit 

quilt . sirekb 


rain . wiir 

rat . piirk 

red . sokr 

ribs • purs 

river . darya 

robe . cbapan 











sleep (imp. 






stand up 

* The 
the Munshi 
' iv 9 ). 

. iv 

. khez 

. chabaud . chapud 
. liet 

. siregh . lef 

. wareij 

. purg . purg 

, riisht . risht 




. podhn 
. nimak 
. hub 
. khiii 
. nozd 
. shadh 
. flak 
. asman 
. yunuk 
.) rukhp 

• dzaklai 

• fuks 
. zam 
. pasht 
. potr,zaman pots 

. warefs . warafs 

• star . khturj 

. bidhan 

. nimadhj 

. iivd 

. yakhh 

• nith 

. khhel 

, sevd 

. 4sman 

. khhiidhm shaftis 





























yao (? iw)* 









J 1 ? 




Munshi took down jj. This should perhaps have been jj\. (In Wakhi 
spells this word likewise^; 4 j^w',. while it is there decidedly pronounced 

f Perhaps this should he ^b (pdrgh), instead of ^(j ydrgh. 



E. B. Shaw — On the Ghalehah Languages. 


English WakM* Sariholi. Shighndn. Scmglich. Minjan. 















wanj, dur 



» shop koz 

, diindiik 

, salla 




















. khhegh 
. khub 

, dhandan 



water-mill khadhorg . khadhorj 

way . vadhak 

went . ragd 

wheat . ghidim 
where, whi- 









. siit 
. zandam 

. choi 

• S^ n 
. khiing 

. zird 




1 khaish 
shap-ched . 









. das 
. latai 


, ghar 
, zuluk 


, dii 



. vik 

, khadari 

. panda 

, shet 

. ghandam 

. ko-jui 
. isped 

zind, ghin . kdch T. 

zirii (? 6jij zird) 








• ghandam 

. ko 
. supi 




The word Mats (shdts) 

* It will be remembered that in Sarikoli Teh stands for sh. 
therefore is very like the Shighni shads. 

JN . B w — I have not thought it necessary to mark the words which have a more or 
less close resemblance to Persian, 


E. B. Shaw — On the Qhalchah Languages. 


The following words may he added to the 'Comparative Table 
shewing the connection of the Ghalchah Languages with neighbouring 
Tongues' — 

English. Ifdiabt. Ghalchah. Peesian. 

Ancient. Modern. 

pine-tree . pita . . pit 

wool . urna . tin . wan 

smell . baodha . bo . bao 

Ancient. Modern. 

. baodha . bu. 





No. III.— 1876. 

Popular Songs of the Hamirpnr District in BundelMand, JUT. W. P% 
No. II. — _% VnrcEHT A. Smith, B.A., C.S. 

In fulfilment of the promise which I made in my paper on the Songs 
in honour of Hardaul, I now submit to the Society some further specimens 
of the popular songs of Bundelkhand. Very little attention has hitherto 
been paid to the variety of Hindi spoken in this province, and few or no 
specimens of it have as yet been published ; I hope therefore that the speci- 
mens which I am now placing on record, and which in general accurately re- 
flect the popular speech, will not be without value to the lexicographer and 
philologist, and that besides their philological value the songs will not 
appear devoid of interest on other grounds. 

The songs in common use among the people are almost infinite in 
number, and might be divided into various classes. The selection which I 
have made for the present paper, consists entirely of Caste Songs, that is to 
say, songs which describe, or specially refer to, the occupations and charac- 
teristics of the caste of the singer. Such songs are sung on various occa- 
sions, but are I am informed seldom sung except in presence of the members 
of the caste to which the song refers, and to which the singer belongs. 

Of the twelve songs now translated, eleven were collected during the 
last rainy season at my request by Pandit Murli Dhar in his native town 
Maudha and the neighbouring villages. The Lodhi's Song, No. X, was 
lately obtained by him from a Lodhi resident in Panwari, the south-western 
parganah of this district. None of these songs appears to have been ever 
before reduced to writing, and they have now been taken down exactly as 

280 V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. II [No. S 

pronounced; I am satisfied that no corrections nor amendments have been 
introduced. Although the specimens which I have selected for publication 
happen all to be songs of the inferior castes, it must not be supposed that 
these Caste Songs are known only to the lower classes, for I possess Brah- 
man, Bajpiit, Baniya, and Kayath songs of the same kind. 

My translations are all literal ; one song only, viz., that of the Khan- 
gars, No. VIII, I have rendered into rhyme as an experiment, but in 
general I am inclined to think that a prose translation is preferable : many 
of these songs indeed are not capable of being rendered into English verse 
with any approach to accuracy. 

The first three songs, namely the Goldsmith's, Blacksmith's, and Car- 
penter's are specimens of a numerous class, and consist of little more than 
a rhyming catalogue of the goods made or the wares sold by the singer's 
caste fellows. My collection comprises similar compositions sung by the 
Halwai (confectioner), Bharbhiinja (grain-toaster), Tamoli (paw-seller) and 
other castes. I need hardly observe that in India generally each trade 
forms a separate caste. 

The Kahdr's song (No. IV) is a grumbling lament over the hardships 
of the life of the carrier of burdens, which will be readily appreciated by all 
■who have ever travelled in a pdlki. 

The Barber's and the Khangar's songs (Nos. V and VIII, respectively) 
are somewhat satirical, and note with amusing candour some of the less 
creditable characteristics of those castes. 

The Khangars,* now a low and despised race, and often acting as 
menials of the zamindars of the higher castes, once played an important 
part in the history of Bundelkhand, and held state at Karar, 17 miles from 
Jhansi, whence they were expelled by the Bundelas. They are still the 
zamindars of some villages in the Jhansi and Hamirpur districts, but in the 
greater part of Hamirpur, they hold the office of village watchmen, and 
enjoy the reputation of being as great thieves as any of those whom they 
are set to watch. 

In Parganah Jaitpur, the Basors or sweepers replace the Khangars as 
the village watchmen, and everywhere they are employed as basket-makers 
and musicians. They are spoken of indifferently as Basor, Basor, or Du- 
mar, and sometimes the name Dom is used for this caste. I am not at 
present able to say whether the sweepers of this district are identical or not 
with the Doms of the Benares Province ; the latter people occupy a posi- 
tion still more degraded than that of the ordinary sweeper, and are often 
homeless vagrants. In his song (No. IX), the Basor claims for himself a 
much better character than the Khangar can pretend to. 

* For ™te* «* the Khangars see K W. P. Gazetteer, Vol. I, pp. 19, 162, 295, 351, 
and Beames' Elliott, Vol. I, App., p. 347. 

1876.] V. A. Smith — Popular Songs of the Hamirpur Distriet. No. II. 281 

The Kol's Song (No. VI) was obtained from a solitary old Kol 
labourer who has been residing for some years past in Mauza' Bakcha Chhani 
in Parganah Maudha. The village traditions show that long ago the 
Kols shared along with Gonds, Bhils, Bhars, and other aboriginal tribes 
much of the soil of the Hamirpur district, from among the permanent in- 
habitants of which they have now entirely disappeared, though considerable 
numbers of the tribe still exist in the hilly parts of the adjoining Banda 

The Kol's song appears to me to be one of the most interesting in my 
collection, and the distinct expression which it gives to the feeling of de* 
fiance and distrust with which the savage regards the civilized man, is very 
remarkable. The language of the song is unusually Sanskritised, but its 
general meaning would be intelligible to any rustic. Probably in spite of 
his antipathy to "the men who abide in towns and villages", the Kol 
composer felt his dignity enhanced by a display of his command over the 
fine words of the race which he despised. 

The song of the Nats, (No. VII) who seem to be much the same in 
this district as elsewhere, calls for no special explanation. Other wandering 
tribes, specimens of whose songs I possess, are the Beriyas, Kapariyas or 
Kapar-Mangtas, and the Khunkhuniyas or Ahir-Mangtas. 

The *Lodhis' Song (No. X) is a faithful picture of the mode of life 
of the members of the Lodhi caste, a most important element in the popu- 
lation of the Hamirpur district, especially in the Parganahs of Bath, Panwa- 
ri, and Jalalpur. The Lodhis or Lodhas ( == Sanskrit LuodhaJca) may 
perhaps be the representatives of a non- Aryan tribe : so far as I have yet 
ascertained, it appears that they entered the Hamirpur district from the 
west, and settled in a few villages, from which they colonized numerous 
others, gradually expelling by force of arms the Bhars and other earlier 
inhabitants. A curious bronze plate inscription which I lately obtained, 
records a victory of the Lodhis over the Bhars in 1404 Samvat = 1347 
A. D. The Lodhis are excellent cultivators, and in this part of the country 
are almost the only people who know how to utilize water for irrigation, 
and to grow sugarcane successfully ; in all their labours they are actively 
assisted by their women, but the description in the song must not be taken 
as meaning that while the women work, the men are idle, for both sexes are 
industrious. In Bath and part of Panwari, the zamindars of most of the 
villages are Lodhis, but their women are not too proud or bashful to work 
hard in the fields, and it is on this peculiarity that the song lays stress. 

The popular songs of Northern India do not testify to such a profound 

* According to the census of 1872 there are 58,034 Lodhis in Hamirpur district. 
The caste is more numerous in E'ta only, where there are 73,873. See N. W. P. Gaz., 
Vol. I, pp. 162, 208, 331. 



282 V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. M, II. [Ho. 3 ? 

and widely diffused moral and religions sentiment as do those of the *Dra- 
vidian peoples, but songs containing an allegory or a moral are numerous. 
The Oilman's Songs, JSTos. XI and XII, are specimens of this class : my col- 
lection includes similar songs of the Kewat (fisherman), Mali (gardener) 
and Kori (Hindii weaver) castes, some of which, as does No. XI, profess 
to be the composition of Kabir,f and others claim to be the work of Tulsi 
Pas. There are I believe a good many disciples of Kabir in the district, 
chiefly among the lower classes. The Oilman's Songs are printed as recited 
by a Teli of Maudha ; the same songs when recited by a native of Hamir- 
pur differed only by the substitution of ' bhargayo 7 = ' tired', for girgayo 
= ( fallen', in line 2 of No. XI, and in the transposition of the words 
milaniydn and cMJcaniydn. 

I still refrain from making any detailed examination of the verbal 
forms in these songs, in the hope of being able to examine the Bundelkhand 
dialect and sub-dialects at another time with the help of fuller materials. 

It is necessary, however, to observe that the more characteristic forms 
and words of Bundelkhandi must be sought for in the southern parganahs of 
the British districts of Hamirpur, Banda, and Jhansi and in the adjoining 
native states. The speech of the Lodhis, of which song ISTo. X is a 
specimen, has some peculiarities of its own. The forms of Hindi spoken in 
Parganah Maudha in the east of the Hamirpur district, are intermediate 
between the dialect of the Doab and that of southern Bundelkhand, and the 
songs now published are all (except No. X) specimens of this intermediate 
variety of Hindi. JThe Hardaul songs which formed the subject of my 
last paper, were obtained from a Kayath woman in Hamirpur ; and there 
is not much difference in the forms used in the Parganahs of Hamirpur, 
Sumerpur, and Maudha. 

I. The Suna'r's (Goldsmith's) Song, 
^prcr 1% sis fwi: 

^ 3*TTC T^T *Bt|R *JTTOT ^T*ft W 3ITf fa^t 

*rfw Ifar *ttk^ %?tt ^#T^t ^T*rf f^ wr£ 

* See Gover's Folk Songs of Southern India passim. 

t For some account of Kabir see Introduction to Dr. Fallon's New Hindustani 
Dictionary, pp. VIII to X. 

J In my last paper I overlooked a paragraph in Beames' Elliott, Vol. I, p. 269, 
which gives a brief notice of the Hardaul legend, differing in some respects from mine. 



1876.] V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of tie Hamirpwr District. No. II. 283 
f^% <3*T* ^KT l^t *TC *ft*n VX m$ fiSTT 

™ ^t^ SRTS;* *V^ *3r ^«ITT ^JITT 
**t ^*PTT ^fsffi ©»fti W*T ^ H^ KW *jt ^TT 
^T^fx: ^f% #T<^T mWK ^JK ^Wf ^3TTT 

%^ ws\ wwt ?r^ ^m^frm ^roft *ittt 

mw^ ^wwt wm*r ^S3T ^rt*^ ^ttt 
srsRt tot Ifr ^^t*tt trfire^nft* um wf% warn; 

The Sunar sits with his mat spread, 

With all his # iron tools in his wallet, and in the earthen bowl fire 
brightly kindled ; 

Taking his blowpipe the Sunar begins to blow the fire, having fixed the 
anvil in front. 

Into the crucible he throws silver and gold and melts down both, 

Then takes them out, casts them into an iron trough, quenches them 
in cold water ; 

He uplifts his good hammer, and on the ingot fall many blows. 

By dint of hammering and cutting are fashioned pretty ornaments, 
the worker's skill is shown ; 

Eingsf for second toe, rings for little toe, plain anklets, rings for big 
toe, and hollow tinkling anklets are worked at steadily and heartily ; 

Pdejels% of great price are made, fitted with a thousand bells, 

JPaijands turned out very handsome, the sound of tinkle tinkle was 
heard all along the road. 

Seeing the§ twisted ankle-chain, the woman from behind the screen 
opened the door-chain and staid gazing ; 

The plain linked chain, and the zone with round links and double band 
were graceful in her sight, 

* Lwdhhar = lokhar, i. e. iron tools : tod is frequently substituted for medial o 
and yd for medial e. 

f The enumeration of personal ornaments begins with those of the feet and so 
upwards to those of the ears. 

X Pdejebs and paijands are varieties of ankle ornaments. 

§ In the original the same word ' sdnkar' expresses both kinds of chain. 


284 V. A. Smith — Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. M. II. [No. 3, 

Beholding the hamel* with bells, and seeing its square pendant, her 
mind is delighted : 

[Alsof when beholding] gold necklet, necklace, five-stringed necklace, 
coral and gold necklace, gunj and goph, all weighty, 

Sell, hantU, plain ring, signet ring, thumb-ring, manufactured finger 
mirror ; 

Churd,% patd, pacTiJielawd, hahand, Jiarraiydn, charming bangle, 

Bdju-hcmd,§ bajulld, joshcm, laJiutd, tdnr carefully made, 

Nose-ring, heavy nose-ring, and pendant, by wearing which the charm 
of [the wearer's] face was increased : 

Also haranphul\\ and dhdr, nostril-ornament, fillet, and pattd adorned 
with granules of precious metal. 


The Luha'r's (Blacksmith's) Song. 

^XVT *3VJ\ ^fw rTf^T ^JI^ ?RT WRf T f ^x\ 
f?f*T3T W<l *S^ <?tjlTT W5T*J\ W WXT f^Ttt 

vcm *rtct *im\K ^f<jrT ^^^ f?iw 5ro %ii<^ 
^m 1^ ^ffta st^t fare^r *nreft ^t sre qrrct 
5% *Jrerr %^r ^T^^ft ^ti f^rw^T *m ^T^t 

The Luhar blows his forge fire, 

Holding the bellows one man sits behind, in front another where the 
anvil is fixed, 

* Samel a sort of necklace made of rupees generally, and furnished with a pen- 
dant ; also known in other districts as haikal. 

t The construction of the sentence here is rather obscure, but the word dekhi 
seems to be carried on to the following lines. This line enumerates various kinds of 
neck ornaments ; sell and Jcanthi are similar articles. 

4. Chura, etc., these are all kinds of bracelets : the harraiydn is worn next to, and 
the pachhelawd farthest from, the hand. 

§ The ornaments enumerated in this line are worn on the arm above the elbow. 

|| Karanphul and dhdr are kinds of earrings ; the pattd is worn in the upper part 
of the ear. 


1876.] V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. II. 285 

The heated iron being placed on the anvil, on it fall the sledge-ham- 
mer blows ; 

Khurpd* Tchurpi, sickle, spindle, baking-plate, phdord, Jcuddri, are 

Also tongs, knife, boiling pan, hammer, forceps, and razor and axe, 

Drill, nail, chain, hasp, ox-goad, ploughshare, share of bdkharf plough 
are constructed ; 

Also the saw, well made and closely toothed, which severs the root of 
the tamarind tree ; 

TlientM,X jMnjM, plummet, iron-ladle, clasp-knife, iron-claw, battle- 
axe and dagger. 

The Barhai"s (Carpenter's) Song. 

^TfrT ^ % H& 3?lTcrT 3?^TT%T*I^TTT 

The Barhai is a good worker in wood, 

Sdkhu,§ Shishcm, and teak timber lie splits and cleaves, 

Well made door-step, lintel, door-posts and doors he makes, 

Having prepared side-pieces, head and foot pieces, and turned feet he 

constructs a bed-stead, 

Chairs, and thrones fit for Kalandar Shah, and block stools onj| which 

you could stretch your legs, 

* Khurpd, khurpi, phdord, Jcuddri — the well known tools which supply the place 
of the English hoe, spade, and pickaxe. 

Y The bdkhar is an instrument peculiar to, or at least chiefly used in Bundel- 
khand. It is employed to take the hard surface crust off fields, and to clear away 
surface weeds. 

X Thenthd is an instrument with a flat blade and long handle, used in cooking, to 
press down cakes, etc., on the pan. Jhdnjhd is a perforated ladle, 

§ Sdkhu, a forest tree : sMsham or sir sad = Dalbergia Sissoo {Roxburgh). 

I! This seems to be the meaning of the words pdnw pasdrd. 

286 V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. M. II [No. 3, 

Large stools, four-legged stools, < flying cots '* and swings lie con- 

Curtained p&lkLs, and ordinary pdlMs, poles and bahangisf and round 

Of all sorts he makes, also wooden bowls :—he knows how to hollow 


The Kaha'r's (Bearer's) Song. 

Of all trades the worst is the Kahar's ; 

With carrying bafiangis, pitchers and pdlkis, his shoulders get broken 
and his skull blackened : 

Whenever delay occurs in the stage, then straightway the slipper is 
applied, and he must put up with abuse. 

All men in a wedding procession get carriage, he himself has to carry 

The Na'i"s (Hindu' Barber's) Song. 

**% ttt i?pr fw^t 

Sh^Tfar^ ftrc *f wine m<nn -r^M ^t^ 
to} *m ^v*x %m ^ref%^ *wmft 

Of all men the barber is the greatest trickster, 

With his whetstone, nail-parer, and razor, he gets ready his tool bundle ; 

* The words uran khatold are explained to me as being used in a proverbial 
sense to mean < very fine cots', i. e. as good as those which are described in fairy tales. 

f Kdnwar means the same as bahangi, the well known pair of baskets slung 
from a pole, so much used in India. 

1S76.] V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. II. 287 

He catches people by the top knots, and *clean shaves them — armpit, 
moustache, and beard, 

Leaving a ronnd tonsure on the head, he points off the side locks, 

By clean* shaving he fills his belly, neither field nor garden has he ; 

With his bundlef under his arm and his brass water-pot in his hand, 
he gets his living. 


The Kol's Song. 

IStt sr^^ *reft f^T TT?rt ^w *r ^t^ wT*rf€ tfhft 

W^ ^^ ^3 «fHf «TPnr ^Rf^ ^1fT m^ JI^T iW 

Behold the ways of the dwellers in the woods ! 

In hills and caves they dwell, never neither for night nor day build the 
Kols a wall, 

In men who abide in towns and villages never will they put trust, 

The camp of travellers they always plunder, regarding not the law of 
God nor man ; 

In dreams even, corn they never see, wood fruits they eat — so their 
life passes. 

Among the Kols the Chief is he whom all men united cannot subdue. 

The Nat's (Juggler's) Song. 

%W 311^ *TZ TT^T f^^T^fT 

^Urf 5i^T %T^T *SW W5.K W4l f^^> ^TrT W\^\ WTW* 
The Nat plants a bamboo pole and shows off his dancing; 

* Munrd = 'clean shaved', with a double entendre. 
t Peti means the same as chliurdnri in line (2) of this song. 
o o 

288 V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. Mo. II. [No. 3, 

Acrobatic and tumbling feats he performs himself upon the pole and 
teaches to others, 

As the kingfisher dances in the sky, so he while dancing sings many- 
songs : 

Wherever he sees a good opportunity, there he halts and roofs himself 

The Khanga'r's Song* 

trei fat* §f%% ^iTjiprft jft<T it^^ft ?mri 
<§tt^ far^fi Tj-if f^sr ^ ^ra^ T^nx 

How smart the Khangar is who can tell ? 

He can groom a horse and play tumbler as wel^ 

He can sing a song and perform on the drum, 

And while watching the thief, himself steal some : 

From lane to lane he prowls on his way, 

And is ever watchful night and day. 


*W ^fV*ff 

The Duma'r's (Village Sweeper's) Song:. 

WY*T -SWai ^Ttt ^T^- TOT f^TcT <^er W ^T^f 

*r m*n t>*r ^m wrerr -^tt wrw ^?r mrw 

^KT %T ^?^T t>S *IT^ ^TCf ^rT ^ff TW %V*T*i 

Of all men the Basor is the best worker, 

*ChMntd, tuJmd, dauri, and or* baskets and fans he plaits willingly^ 
He sells for cash down and keeps in jolly good spirits, 
Tambourines, drums, and kettle-drums he covers nicely with leather^ 
and he has no thoughts hidden ; 

* ChMntd = a broad shallow basket ; the word is used in line (3) of Song No. X. 
Juknd^ = a smaller basket used for grain, etc. Dauri = the flat basket used for 
irrigating and other purposes. OH = a very large basket. 




1876.] V. A. Smith — Popular Songs of the Samtrpur District. No. II. 289 

All instruments he plays with his own hands, those who hear his flute 
are much delighted. 

Night and day he clears away dirt for other people, and never shows 


The Lodhi"s Song. 

%Tf*ref m 3ftcT | 
%^ % TETT %R *WTT 
%T3I^^T 3TC W^*: f^T ^f^T ^^ TOT WTT 

qrc tiff^i t%^ *rc wter <stt ji^t^t t*ut f«iwrT 

#T^^T ^ m*T $T *I^RT wft ^TT^T W^ *1TTT 

The Lodhls' house-folk* are their women, — 

[The Lodhi woman] putting men aside, girt with her waist-cloth, f 
packing^ dhdh leaves between her bangles, 

Puts her little girl to bed in a basket on her head, with a wrapper 
^tbove and a -cloth spread underneath ; 

Stubbing up briars and brambles, and scraping up grass, she does her 
weeding ; 

Kodo§ bread, and gram pottage, mahud paste, and mahud sweetmeats 
she makes and eats ; 

Attaching the bucket, she works the Persian]] wheel and well, and 
waters the sugarcane j 

* Logoxlugwd (and in MaudM lugaund) means here i males' as distinguished 
from lugcd 6 women', and the words are so used in common speech, 

f Kustd = the waist-cloth, but little fuller than a man's dhoti, worn by adult 
women of the lower castes, and by yoking girls of the higher castes in Bundelkhand ; it 
leaves most of the leg bare, 

t i, e. to prevent the bangles from being troublesome and interfering with her 
work. The form patdi seems to be used only for the sake of the rhyme. 

§ Kodwan is plural. Bwdt&, not rot£, is always used to mean bread made of 
Jcodo or sdwdn. The mahud (Bassia latifolia) is very abundant in the Hamirpur dis* 
trict, and its flowers are much used for food. 

II The Persian wheel (rahat) is in this district used only in the southern parganahs* 
Bardhi or harhddk the Biindelkhandi synonym for the ikh or uhh of other parte of the 


290 V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Samtrpur District, m. II. [No. 3, 

Wearing on her leg heavy toothed* and stocking-anklets she need- 
lessly bears a plaguily heavy load ; 

The Lodhis, small and great, Sir, one and all, eat the fruit of their 
women's toil. 

Teli"s (Oilman's) Song, No. 1. 

*rew<? *mrs firoiT my fiiTjT ^tt%t ^w f^^rf^r^T 

*F3rT ^Nfa ^T *TT *W $*hft fH§f ^ ^fw II ?> II 

The Teli's wife was grinding the charge of oil seed ; 
The upright beam broke, the mill cracked, her sleek bullock fell, 
The oil cake spoiled, the residuum went bad, the oil spoiled and be- 
came watery ; 

From going round and round she fell, and with her fell her worthy 

Quoth Kabir, ' Hear, good brother, just so the whole world shall fall.' 

Teli''s (Oilman's) Song, Wo. 2. 

vhft' vim §" T%mx gw *ncfw iiix wx* 

wt ins m^ mm «j3i?r ** v*f% g??^ fa<^ *to^?T ii ^ ii 

All deceit abandon, worship Earn the Lord j 

Otherwise, dropping into the oil mill of error, you will fall down as 
does the charge of oil seed, 

Just as the oilman's bullock longs to go out [but cannot], 

Even so will you long, O husband mine, when entangled in vanity. 

As oilf and water mingle in the world, just so should you mingle with 
all men. 

* The pewter and brass ornaments worn by the low caste women in Bundel- 
khand are very heavy and rattle like fetters : the chulld fits the leg like a stocking. 

t ». e. as oil lies on water without mingling, so should you be in the world, but 
not of it, ' 


Journal, As: Socj: Bengal, Pt.I. for 1876. 


S. SectyfteUb^L-itih,: 


JsiruxzL Khouny r deL. 

Journal, As: Socy-. Beragfal, Pt. I, for 18 76. 


s -5e^ r a^loL ) Lith^ ; 


IsrrvaaZ Kh^ns, dLeL. 




List of Bare Muhammadan Coins.— No. II (Coins of the Kings of DMi, 
Mdlwah, Bengal, Kuloarga, and Kashmir. — By J. G. Delmebick, 

("With two plates.) 

Khusrau Shall. 

Plate V, No. 1. New variety. Silver and copper. Weight, 51 grs. 

A. H. 720. 

Muhammad "bin Tughluq. Sha'h. 

Plate V, No. 2. Silver. Weight, 170 grs. A. H. 732. 

UWf j.*U fkz)i\ 

•V 5 </ 

Margin— *i [ +**»* u^J ^ * U <>* I***** 
Fi'ru'z Sha'h. 
Plate V, No. 3. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H, 766. 

&XJ\ ±±s> ^ 

Margin— &>U**w J lH£"J 0> * * U ^ ^ ar * ,<U ^ 

Muhammad bin Fi'ru'z Sha'h. 
Plate V, No. 4. Gold. Weight, 170 grs. A. H. 793. 


292 J. G. Delmerick— List of rare Muhammadan Coins.— M. II [No. 3 
Ibra'hi'm Sha'h Su'r. 
Plate V, No. 5. Copper. Weight, 292 grs. A. H. 962. 


Akbar Sha'h. 

Plate V, No. 6. Gold. Weight, 166 grs. Julus 5. 

Plate V, No. 7. Gold. Weight, 164 grs. Julus 5. 

J^j slAib^AS'f^c jl t^fjj 

Plate V, No. 8. Gold. Mihrabi. Weight, 167 grs. A. H. 981. 

Plate V, No. 9. Gold. Weight, 200 grs. A. H. 1015. 


In the Tuzuk-Jahangiri (Sayyid Ahmad Khan's edition, page 5), Ja- 
hangir states that the couplet on this coin was the composition of the 
Amir-nl-Umara, or Muhammad Sharif. 

Plate V, No. 10. Gold. Weight, 165 grs. A. H. 1018. 



Plate VI, No. 11. Silver. Weight, 220 grs. A. H. 1017. 

jjn^ fa^j&i^ gu r lij 

I ♦» v 

r 5 

Plate VI, No. 12. Silver, Weight, 219 grs. A. H. 1019. 


1876.] J. G. Delmerick — List of rare Muhammadan Coins.^-JSFo. II. 293 


Plate VI, No. 13. Silver. Weight, 176 grs. A. H. 1035. 


Plate VI, No. 14. Gold. Weight, 164 grs. A. H. 1025. 


Shall Jaha'n II. 
Plate VI, No. 15. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 1173. 


U»flbo CUX#.A/c ^»j.l^. v-^^ 

^jli 81»,}(j ^/^ &U tJjU-'O <*£«» 


He was the grandson of Kam Bakhsh, the youngest son of Aurangzib, 
and was called Muhiyy-ul-Millat.* He was placed upon the throne by 
Ghazi-ud-din 'Imad-ul-Mulk after the assassination of 'Alamgir Sani 
on the 8th Kabi'-us-Sani, A. H. 1173. Muzaffari has it that he reigned 
until the 9th Safar, A. H. 1174, when the Bhao before quitting the 
capital to engage with the Abdali, deposed him and appointed Prince 
Jawan Bakht, the son of Shah 'Alam, in his place. This statement 
appears to be correct ; for I also possess a silver coin of Shah Jahan II., 
struck in A. H. 1174. Thus he reigned for a whole year and a month. 
His ultimate fate is unknown. 

Beda'r Bakht. 

Plate VI, No. 16. Gold. Weight, 169 grs : A. H. 1202. 


* Beale in his Miftah-ut- Tawarikh, page 342, says his name was Muhiyy-us- 
Sunnat. On the other hand, Sayyid Ahmad in his Asar-uc-ganadid, page 42, states 
that he was the son of Muhiyy-us-Sunnat, the son of Kam Bakhsh. Sayyid Ahmad is 
right. Vide also Proceedings, A. S. B., for July, 1876. . 

U»j.iU oi*J;A3 (J-jA^ OA-t <U-W9 

294 J. G. Delmerick— List of rare Muhammadcm Coins. — JVo. 21. [No. B } 

I am aware of only two other specimens of the coins of Bedar Shah, 
but they are both rupees, and therefore I believe my coin is unique in gold. 

One of the silver coins is in the collection of Mr. Mark Thornhill, late 
B. C. S., and has been described in the list of that gentleman's coins by 
Nawab Muhammad 'Abd-ul 'Aziz Khan, a Pleader of the Judge's Court at 
Farrukhabad, in a publication of the Bareli Literary Society in 1867. 

The other is, I believe, in the cabinet of the late Col. Guthrie. A rub- 
bing of it was sent by Col. F. W. Stubbs to the Asiatic Society of Bengal 
and noticed in their proceedings for May 1871 ; and a promise was made 
at the time that a drawing of it would be published, but I understand that 
as the coin itself was never sent to Calcutta, no drawing was ever made or 

In addition to Mr. Blochmann's remarks regarding Bedar Bakht in the 
Proceedings for May 1871, which are very interesting, I may add that 
Bedar Shah nominally occupied the throne for only two and a half months. 
He soon disgusted his patron Ghulam Kadir Khan by his puerilities, such as 
flying kites (patang-bazi) in the public streets, &c, and after the flight, 
capture, and execution of Ghulam Kadir Khan by the Marhatas, Bedar 
Shah was for a short time kept in confinement in Salimgarh, but after- 
wards suffered a cruel death. His body was thrown into a hole near the 
Nao Mahall, a building which formerly existed in the vicinity of the Dihli 
gate of the Fort. 

The Tarikh-i-Muzaffari contains a good narrative of the events which 
resulted in the elevation of Bedar Shah. Mr. Seton-Karr's Selections from 
the Calcutta Gazettes for 1774 to 1788 are interspersed with several notices 
of Bedar Shah and of the revolution at Dihli. See also Captain Francklin's 
" Life of Shah 'Alam", pages 181 to 195; but by far the best and most 
comprehensive account of the transactions is to be found in " Keene's 
Mughal Empire", Book II, Chap. VI, pages 169 to 189. 

Baha'dur Sha'h. 
Plate VI, No. 17. Silver. Weight, 171 grs. A. H. 1257. 

jjmjJU O***.A/0 U*if^ ^J** 

I rav 

The last of the Mughuls, who was sentenced to banishment for life for 
complicity in the Mutiny of 1857. He died at Rangoon on 7th Nov. 1862. 
His coins are rare. Lord Ellenborough stopped the issue of money in the 
name of this Titular in the cold season of 1842-43. Before that on the 

1876.] J. G. Delmerick— List of rare Mwhammadan Coins. JSTo. II 295 

occasion of certain " Jashans" or festivals, such as the "Nauroz" and the 
anniversary of his coronation, &c, coins used to be specially struck in his 
name and offered as a part of the customary nazar by the Resident on 
behalf of the British Government. See also Kaye's Sepoy War, Vol. II, 
page 12 and Appendix. 

Hu'shang Sha'h Ghori'. 
Plate VI, No. 18. Gold. Weight, 170 grs. No date. 

JkU { 

Margin.— Cut away. 

Mahmu'd Sha'h Khilji'. 
Plate VI, No. 19. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 870. 

Margin. — *jU ,J-^j &■$**»* ***» o^c?^^ Bj*a.ssi <$wJ! $&*> ^^ 

Baha'dur Sha'h. 
Plate VI, No. 20. Gold. Weight, 165 grs. A.H. 728. 

v j . 

Margin. — *jU*Uj ^*£j &Ui <£**. jitfjlxw ^^as? <x£~Jt ^st 
For a single silver specimen, lost in the Mutiny and no longer in ex- 
istence, see coin No. 186, page 215 of Thomas' Chronicles of the Pathan 
Kings of Delhi. 

Husain Sha'h. 
Plate VI, No. 21. Gold. Weight, 162 grs. A.H. 905. 

w LbJU| 

p ]? 

296 J. G. Delmerick— List of rare Muhammadan Coins. No. II. [No. 3, 

Another gold coin, dated A. H. 907, has been figured and described by- 
Mr. Blochmann in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 
No. 3, for 1874. 

Ahmad Sha'h. 

Plate VI, No. 22. Gold. Weight, 166 grs. A. H. 853, 

Mahmu'd Shall. 
Plate VI, No. 23. Gold. Weight, 170 grs. No date. 

Margin. — Cut away. 

Muhammad 'Ali' Shall. 
Plate VI, No. 24. Silver. Weight, 96 grs. A. H. 986. 

Margin. — (J»& 3 &l'i*L& j a*ay 

Muhammad Yu'suf Sha'h. 
Plate VI, No. 25. Silver. Weight, 94 grs. A. H. 987. 

JflwaU *£mijJ &+S*> ^tJljAAA 

JjLw^lJ ^le «S^a/° ^d^t jJ^ 


Margin. — ^fl^j olL&A _j o»/&.J 



Pirishtah says that 'Ali Shah was killed by a fall from his horse in 
A. H. 986, and was succeeded by his son Yusuf . Vide also Ain Translation, 
I, p. 478. 




The Bhars of Audh and Banaras. — By Pateick Carnegy, Commissioner 
of Bdi BareU % Audh. 

Who are the Bhars ? 

This is a question that has very often been asked since the British 
became possessed of the Province of Banaras, and more especially since they 
annexed Audh. Probably no one has devoted more thought to the solution 
of this question, or has had greater opportunities of considering it closely 
than the writer, and he therefore proceeds to answer it by the light of his 
own enquiries. 

There is unquestionable evidence that Ayodhya, near Faizabad, was the 
capital of the solar race of Chhatris, many centuries before the Christian 
era. That this race was Aryan and Sanskrit- speaking does not admit of 
doubt. The writer is in possession of numerous Bactrian coins, bearing 
Oreek and Sanskrit inscriptions, of the Kadphisis and Kanerko groups, 
portions of two large hoards of many hundreds each, which were discovered 
in Ayodhya and near Sultanpur. Not a single coin was found in either of 
these hoards of any subsequent mintage, which is proof positive that these 
coins had remained hidden where they were eventually found in old metal 
vessels, since they formed part of the currency of the day. Time, the 1st 
and 2nd centuries, B. C. We may from this with perfect confidence 
assume that the Sanskrit -speaking races were dominant in Ayodhya and 
Audh from before the days of Bamchandra and the Bamayan, down to 
after the commencement of our Era. 

Our path is next illuminated by another historical glimpse. In the 4th 
and 6th centuries the Chinese pilgrims Fa-hian and Hiouen-Thsang visited 
Hindustan, when Buddhism was still dominant throughout the land, with its 
chief centre at Sahet-Mahet, on the Gonda-Bahraich border, the Borne or 
Jerusalem of that creed. At Ayodhya, at Banaras, at Kanauj, at Kashmir, 
and at all the other chief centres of ancient fame, Buddhism was found to 
be paramount ; at the same time, however, inimical as the two religions may 
have been to each other, temples dedicated to Brahma were also found by 
the pilgrims at all the places named. 

To Numismatics we owe our next clue. Within the writer's observation 
four sets of debased gold or silver coins of the second Kanauj series, have been 
found in the Faizabad, Bahraich, and Partabgarh Districts, of which he has 
various specimens, and amongst these not a single coin of a more modern 
date was discovered. Moreover, in the Asiatic Society's Journal for Janu- 
ary 1841, page 98, we have copy of a land grant of Jayachandra found 
near Faizabad, and sent by the Besident, Colonel Caulfield, to James 




P. Carnegy — The Bhars of Audh and Bandras. 

[No. 3, 

Prinsep. Here then we have proof absolute that Kanauj was the territorial 
capital of north-east Audh 6 to 900 years ago. 

About that time, too, we arrive in the more immediate region of direct 

history, with the Muhammadan advent and conquest, A. D. 1000 1200. 

It is denied by no one that on the arrival of these invaders they found in 
possession, and soon overthrew, the Tomars of Dihli, the Bathors of 
Kanauj, and the Bhars, who were found to be in universal possession of the 
soil of north-east Audh and Banaras. And it is with the last two of 
these classes that we have any present concern. 

Literature and science have brought us so far, and up to this point 
speculation and theory have been alike avoided ; we must now fall back on 
tradition, and see what that may bring forth. The late Maharaja Sir 
Man Singh, K C. S. I., himself a Brahman amongst Brahmans, was a 
scholar and a savant as well as a politician and a soldier, and it 'was the 
privilege of the writer to know him intimately and to receive much valuable 
information from him connected with Audh and its peoples. The writer 
has also had access to some of the most learned pandits of the day, includ- 
ing Umadat of Ayodhya, and Suraj Narain of Aldemau, a former pupil of 
the Banaras College, and the information received from such sources as 
these, so far as it relates to the subject in hand, he now proposes to utilize 
for the purposes of this paper. 

Centuries of Brahmanism which the want of tact of its priesthood had 
made intolerable to the secular members of the community, had given place 
to centuries of Buddhism, during which sway was at different times held 
over Ayodhya, by dynasties which had Gaya (Magadh) and Sahet-Mahet 
(Siri-Bastu) as their respective capitals. But the ardour of perverts does 
not last for ever, and so for yet another term of centuries, came a period 
during which the people troubled themselves but little about religion and 
caste ; the Hindu Pantheon was forgotten and forsaken, and but little 
attention was paid to even the well known gods in whose hands alone 
rested the powers of creation and destruction. 

The writer has repeatedly been assured by Sir Man Singh, and Pan- 
dit Umadat, that during the present century an inscription was discovered 
m the mound known as the Manipardat in Ayodhya, which attributed its 
construction to Baja Nanda Bardhan of Magadh, who is generally accre- 
dited with the suppression of Brahmanism there, and with the establishment 
ot the non-caste system which then became general. This inscription was 
seen and read by both of these gentlemen, and was sent into Lakhnau in 
Nacir-ud-din Haidar's time, but all attempts to trace it further have proved 
abortive. ^ After this third period, the period of atheism, gleams of Brah- 
manical light again began to appear in Ayodhya many centuries ago, and 
with this circumstance is traditionally associated the name of Vikramaditya 

1876.] P. Camegy—The Mars of Audi and Banaras. 299 

of Ujjain. Its position on the Sarjii, and the survival through many 
vicissitudes of the shrine of Nagesar Nath Mahadeo led to its identi- 
fication. But it was probably long after this, and perhaps some ten centu- 
ries ago, that the great Brahmanical revival, which had Ajmir for its centre, 
commenced, and which in time reached eastwards even to Ayodhya. 

It was, as we have been informed, when the power of the Gaya dynasty 
waned, that Ayodhya became the apple of discord between the rulers of 
Kanauj and Sahet-Mahet, and then it was that Chandardeo Bathor 
(regenerated Buddhist) and Siri Chandar (Buddhist and Ex-Surajbans 
Chhatri) referred their pretensions thereto to the issue of the sword, when 
a great battle was fought at the modern Satrik, which ended in the down- 
fall of the latter, (the former vanquisher of Sayyid Salar) and the overthrow 
of his creed and capital. Time, the early half of the eleventh century. 
Thus came it to pass that those whom the Chinese pilgrims had found to 
be Buddhists in Dihli, in Ajmir, and in Kanauj, in the 4th and 6th centuries 
of our era, were found by the Muhammadans six hundred years later, restored 
nominally at any rate to the Yedic faith of their fathers. The Buddhists 
were believed to be disregarders of caste distinctions, but this was not 
universal, and for a time at any rate the perverts from Brahmanism to 
Buddhism maintained their caste distinctions ; because the Chinese pilgrims 
refer to Kusala, " with its Kshatriya king of the Buddhist faith" ; another 
king is mentioned as a Kshatriya " and a zealous Buddhist" ; and of a third 
it is said that though a Brahman he patronizes the Buddhist religion. Lastly, 
the pilgrims were "particularly struck with the minute observances of 
caste". It would thus appear that in the 4th and 6th centuries caste dis- 
tinctions were not entirely disregarded by the perverts ; they were indeed 
in some instances maintained till the Brahmanical revival ; for it is believed 
that the rulers of Dihli continued to call themselves Tomars and Bathors 
both before and after that event. 

But whether it was during the Buddhist supremacy or at a later time 
when religion and its accessaries became greatly neglected, there can be no 
doubt that for a considerable period before the Muhammadan conquest the 
distinctions of caste had altogether disappeared, and the soil of north- 
east Audh and Banaras had become possessed by a single god-neglecting, 
caste-disregarding race, whom it is the fashion amongst the natives of the 
day, who are mostly their descendants, to treat with the utmost disdain. 

Here I answer the question put at the beginning of this paper, this 
god-neglecting caste -disregarding race were the Bhars ! 

There is nothing either astonishing or improbable in this, for we have 
the authority of the great lawgiver Manu that " all those tribes of men, 
who sprang from the mouth, the arm, the thigh, and the foot of Brahma, 
but who became outcastes by having neglected their duties, are called Dasyus, 

j j9 




P. Carnegy— The Bhars of Audi and Bandras. 

[No. 3, 

or plunderers, whether they speak the language of Mlechchhas or that of 
Aryas." D&syu is a common word used in old Hindu writings to indicate 
such outcastes as the Bhars, Bhils, Chiros, Gonds, and Kols, most of whom 
strange to say, still keep up a Rajput tribal nomenclature, and most of 
whom are gradually becoming again uplifted and enlisted into the fraternity 

of Rajputs. Family vicissitudes are thus treated by Manu : " Should the 

tribe springing from a Brahman by a Sudra mother, produce a succession of 
children by the marriages of its women with other Brahmans, the low tribe 
shall be raised to the highest in the seventh generation. As the son of a 
Sudra may thus attain the rank of a Brahman, and as the son of a Brahman 
may sink to a level with the Sudra, even so must it be with him who springs 
from a Kshatriya j even so with him who was born a Vaisya." 

These quotations from the famous Code of Hindu Ethics surely make it 
very clear that there was a general Brahmanical fall, when distinctions of 
language even did not prevent the people from becoming a universal family 
of Dasyus or outcastes, a family known in the area of which we treat as 
Bhars ; and they also explain how in the general Brahmanical revival that 
finally followed, these robbers and plunderers were admitted once more to 
all the privileges and beatitudes of the twice-born. 

Many years of the official life of the writer have been devoted to duties 
which involved the examination of the genealogies of some of our oldest 
and best native families, and the results of his enquiries have led him to the 
following conclusions : (1) That not a single member of the landed gentry 
or local priesthood can trace back to an ancestor who held an acre of land 
or who administered a spiritual function, within the area under enquiry 
during the Bhar supremacy ; (2) That scarcely any of them can trace 
back to an ancestor who came into Audh at the Muhammadan advent, when 
the Bhars, who were then in universal possession of the land, were over- 
thrown ; and (3) That the great mass of the landowners of to-day can trace 
no further back than to an ancestor whose origin is easily discovered to be 
both indigenous and spurious. 

Referring to the first of these three classes, it amounts unquestionably 
to this ; that in what was once the very heart and soul of Hindustan, the 
much vaunted birthplace of the solar race and of Hinduism, there was not 
a single Hindu landowner left in it, and it had become overrun by pagans, 
when the Muhammadans conquered it ; but no sooner had that event taken 
place, than not a pagan was to be seen anywhere ; they had utterly dis- 
appeared, and the country at once became peopled again with orthodox 
Hindus, with their veds and their pandits, just as if they had never left it. 

In regard to the second of these classes, the writer thinks it expedient 
here to quote some remarks from a treatise by him on the < Races of 
Audh' :— 

1876.] P. Carnegy— Tie Mars of Audi and Bandras, 


" I have found the opinion so generally entertained that there was a 
Rajput conquest and colonization of Audh, that it requires a distinct 
answer. The theory which I have broached and supported in this paper 
(of the Bhars of old being the Hindus of to-day), is invariably met by the 
argument that it opposes the declarations of a clear and general tradition. 
It is argued that in spite of specious theories to the contrary, such a tradi- 
tion cannot in its main features be false ; that if to satisfy the pride or 
envy of the more recent converts, an origin was invented for them, it would 
have been more consistent with the gradual growth of the Brahmanieal 
creed, to assert a continuous adherence to it, than immigration by force of 
arms : that if the Rajput clans retained the shameful tradition of illegiti- 
mate alliances with low caste women, the fact affords strong grounds for 
crediting the remainder of their traditionary history. 

" To this argument there is but one reply. I have not discovered the 
existence of any such central tradition of conquest by Rajputs from without, 
as that on which the argument entirely rests. It is stated in some of the 
books to which we commonly refer, but it is not the statement of the 
Rajput clans of Audh. I can refer to the histories of many Rajput clans. 
We find accounts of their origin, some mythical, some confused, and some 
not very honorable ; but none of them declare, as do many of the Muham- 
madan legends, the arrival of an army of clansmen, and colonization by the 
victors with their families and kin. 

" The very fact of the singular connections to which so many of the 
clans trace their descent, is opposed to the idea of a conquest by arms. An 
orthodox Hindu, the conqueror of a low-born race, would not have founded 
a family by an alliance which his religion sternly rebuked. He would, like 
his Muhammadan contemporaries, have summoned his wife and children to 
the new country which Lis prowess had won. The tradition of descent 
from a pure Chhatri may point to w hat is possibly true, that some pure 
Chhatris did immigrate into Audh as Buddhism waned, of which the pro- 
vince was the cradle and head quarters, and there is evidence to shew that 
Buddhism retreated from the west and south to the north through Audh. 
That the western Chhatris were, therefore, earlier returners to the Brahman 
creed than the inhabitants of north-east Audh, and sent representatives to 
this province before the final decay of Buddhism and the Bhars, is not sur- 
prising. It is finally noticeable that the Audh clans who claim an extra- 
provincial origin, trace their descent to single Chhatris, and not to troops 
of Rajput invaders. Such are the Bais of Baiswara, who claim to descend 
from Tilokchand, who came from the Central Provinces, and the Rajkumars, 
from Barriar Singh, a Chauhan of Manipuri, through whom they claim 
kindred with Prithiraj of Dihli. With these two exceptions none of the 
clansmen of eastern Audh claim a western origin." 

302 P. Camegy—The Bhars of Audi and Bandras. [No. 3, 

In regard to the third class, it is always invidious to enter into details 
of pedigrees, but a few amongst very many available instances may be given. 
The Kanpiiria is one of our most important clans ; so is the Bandelgot. 
In twenty generations according to the members, both these pedigrees are lost 
in obscurity ; but what the world says is this, that they are the offspring of 
mal-alliances between two Brahman brothers, and women of the Ahir and 
Dharkar castes. The Amethia is not an unimportant clan. They call them- 
selves Chamar-gor Eajpiits, and their generations are not longer than the 
others named. What the world says of this, is that a Chamar-gor is the 
offspring of a Chamar father and a Gor-Brahman woman. Moreover within 
the memory of man, an Amethia Chief has, according to Sleeman, taken to 
wife the grand-daughter of an ex-Pasi Chowkidar, and raised up orthodox 
seed unto himself. The Eaotars are another numerous clan with but half 
the number of generations, and with precisely a similar parentage as the 
Kanpiirias (Brahman- Ahir) . Their name is taken from Eawat, an Ahir 
Chief. The Pulwars are influential and numerous, and of these it is said that 
they are descended from a common ancestor, who had four wives, of whom 
one only was of his own status, the others being a Bharin, an Ahirin and 
another low caste woman. Here we have a Hindu-Bhar origin freely 
admitted. The Bhalesaltan clan, also, is comparatively modern, and of 
equivocal Ahir origin. There are numerous families of Bais, too, who are 
in no way related to the Tilokchandi Bais of Baiswara. The former are 
modern and equivocal, the term Bais being, it may be mentioned, the most 
ready gate by which enlistment into the fraternity of Bajputs could former- 
ly be achieved. The most proud and haughty of our clansmen have not 
been slow to take to themselves wives from the mammon ol unrighteous- 
ness, in the shape of the daughters of those whom we nave shewn above to 
be of equivocal origin, and so in the result, their offspring, our contempora- 
ries, are little better than their neighbours. Add to this the fact that 
owing to daughters being as a general rule put to death as soon as they 
were born, wives had almost invariably to be purchased, through those who 
were as great adepts at cheating in respect of caste, as horse-dealers are 
elsewhere, in passing- off screws, and it will be admitted that it really does 
not very much signify who the fathers of Audh were, for if its mothers 
were not Ahirs and Bhars, there is no certainty that they were at all better 
than if they had been members of those classes. Finally, all those land- 
owning families who can only urge an indigenous origin, must, whether 
they admit it or not, recognize the fact that they are descendants of Bhars 
tor every acre of land was owned, and the country was throughout peopled! 
by these alone, and by no others. 

The next point to which we shall refer is language. Notwithstanding 
the evidence we have that Audh was peopled by the solar race of Hindus 


1876.] P. Carnegy— The Bhars of Audi and Bandras. 303 

before our era, it has been said that the Bhars who peopled and held the 
soil and who are as modern as the Muhammadans, were aborigines. If so, 
they must have had a language. But they had not. Documents of older 
date have been found, but no Bhar writing was ever heard of ; and we have 
it on the authority of an Ouseley, an honoured name in oriental lore, that 
the Bhars were of Sanskrit- speaking origin, otherwise that they were 
Aryans, otherwise that they were demoralized Hindus. The parganas of 
Bhardoi, Bharosa, Bahraich, and Bharoli, and the town of Bhartipur (near 
the Bhar capital, Kusbhawanpur alias Sultanptir,) are all believed to derive 
their names from the Bhars ; in modern times they have assumed the pro- 
nunciation of Badoi, Barrosa, Baraich, and (Bai) Bareli. Sleeman also 
mentions a large district of nearly a thousand villages near Mahamdi, which 
even in his day was known as Bharwdrd, now occupied by Ahban Bajpiits. 
On the point of religion we have no reason for supposing that the 
Bhars were by any means devout, still they were no doubt superstitious, 
and in some sort of way they reverenced and made sacrifices and offerings 
to the powers of creation and destruction. In Baiswara the universal belief 
is, that the Bhars of the past are the Ahirs of our day. That of course 
amounts to an admission that they were Hindus. It also accounts for an 
Ahir origin being given to so many of our Bajpiit clans, as already pointed 
out. Sir Henry Elliot, too, traced an affinity between Bhars and Ahirs. 
Mr. Benett, in his history of the Bai Bareli clans, mentions that " the tomb 
of the Bhar chieftains (Dal and Bal, slain by the Muhammadans,) is still at 
Pakrauli, rather more than a mile from Dalmau, and is celebrated by a fair 
in the autumn, at which great numbers of Ahirs collect, and offer milk to 
the souls of the departed heroes." The writer has seen this shrine which 
contains idols, supposed to be the headless bodies of the deceased chiefs who 
were decapitated and turned into stone, but which are only hideous repre- 
sentations of the goddess of destruction. These idols are worshipped not 
only by Ahirs (whom, according to Sir George Campbell, other Hindus include 
amongst the respectable classes, because they are in charge of the sacred 
cow), but by all other Hindus as well, including even Brahmans. Had the 
Bhar chiefs whom these idols are said to represent, been pagans, or other 
than Hindus, it is scarcely to be supposed that their tomb would have 
remained to this time the object of Brahmanical adoration. 

Since the writer first addressed himself to the consideration of subjects 
akin to the present, his views and opinions in regard to the working upwards 
in the religio- social scale of the different sects of Hindus, have received 
most unexpected and remarkable confirmation from the very able writings 
of Mr. Alfred Lyall, B. C. S., on Hinduism as a missionary religion, &c 
He has already instanced cases of the movement upwards by marriage. He 
can at this moment lay his hand on families of Brahmans who were made 



T. Carnegy — The Bhars of Audh and Bmdras. 

[No. 3, 

Brahmans to meet the momentary and temporal necessities of a man of 
influence. So also he can name families who are now Rajputs (if not 
Chhatris), because it had been their good fortune to render service as 
menials to a man who had the power to reward it. These are comparatively 
modern instances of the movement upwards. Moreover, the Mahants of the 
far-famed Monkey- temple of Ayodhya, revered of all good Hindus, are 
recruited from all classes of Hindus, even to the lowest, and having gone 
through their discipleship, they receive reverence and homage from the 
highest in the land. It can scarcely, therefore, with truth be contended that 
Hinduism is not a missionary religion, or that social advancement is fettered 
by caste prejudice. 

It must always be kept in mind that the change from Brahmanism to 
Buddhism did not involve an absolute change of religion, it was a universal 
protest against priestly intolerance — just as Protestants rose against Eoman 
Catholics, or the Free Kirk of Scotland rebelled against State interference, 
and in process of time, when the cause that brought the schism about, had 
been forgotten, the heretics again quietly lapsed into the old faith, apparent- 
ly as a matter of course, just as we hear it said that the tendency of the day 
is for the Free Kirk to return to the Establishmenb. Had there been an 
absolute change of religion, it might have been very different. At the same 
time we have before our eyes an instance to show how difficult it is for 
natives to change, and it strongly supports our position that throughout the 
Buddhist and Atheist periods the traditions of caste were not altogether lost. 
We know that 400 years ago the Muhammadan dynasty of Jaunpur made 
converts to their faith in no measured degree, the practical result being 
that nearly every one of our older Rajput clans has its Muhammadan or Khan- 
zada branch ; but such is the tenacity of consanguinity and custom, that 
while on the one hand, the perverts retain all their old Hindu ordinances 
and rituals, and are allowed to join in all the domestic ceremonials of the 
Hindu portion of their clans, by the names of which, moreover, they still 
continue to be known, the old Muhammadans on the other hand, who profess 
to disregard caste, will not readily marry with the perverts, and hesitate not 
to show them the cold shoulder on every possible occasion. Here we have 
an absolute change of religion, notwithstanding which all caste forms and 
distinctions have been scrupulously maintained for more than 400 years. 
Does this not support the position that in the other instance, in which there 
was first a mere modification and afterwards a temporary neglect, but no 
absolute relinquishment of creed, the old traditions were burnished up and 
the old rituals and forms once more revived with the return of god-fearing, 
caste-respecting days. To shew that the breach between a Brahman and a 
Buddhist is not so very wide as we are taught to suppose, it may be men- 
tioned that at this moment all the Jain-Buddhist temples at Ayodhya are in 
charge of a G-or Brahman !. 


1876.] P. C&megy—The Bhars of Audh and Bandras. 305 

One of the things about the Bhars which create surprise, is that the 
numerous old mounds on which we still find traces of their habitations, and 
which are known throughout the country as Bharddis (or Bhar-abadis), 
are usually found strewed with burnt bricks and other debris, indicative of 
a better class of residences than are adopted by the agricultural population 
of these days. The reasons for this, however, are not difficult to assign. 
There is nothing more certain in political economy than that the land can 
only in comfort support a certain number of lives ; and one of the difficulties 
of the future, is what we are to do with our surplus population. Eastern 
Audh is at this moment the most densely peopled tract in the world, and 
day by day as population increases and the margin of culturable waste 
becomes smaller, the means of the people, derived so largely from agriculture, 
will become individually smaller. In the days of the Bhars, population was 
sparse, and land plentiful, the people consequently were in better circum- 
stances. Moreover, Audh was then covered with jungle. Even the eastern 
or most advanced portion of it, was known as Banaudha, the " Audh forest". 
Wild animals inhabited the woods. It followed that people who were com- 
paratively well off, should secure themselves from beasts of prey, by using 
bricks and tiles in the construction of their houses, rather than the mud 
and reeds which poverty and security have now made universal. 

There are few things more misleading and untrustworthy than the 
definitions which natives, however well educated, offer in explanation of the 
names of tribes and localities ; and every effort to find a reasonable rendering 
of the term BJiar has as yet failed. Tod mentions that in the times to 
which this paper refers, the people of Rajpiitana became amalgamated 
into a single great family conglomeration, and they were called Blumiya. 
This is a well known term indicative of connection with the soil, and 
means neither more nor less than agriculturist. This was precisely the 
position occupied by the Bhars in the territory peopled by them, and for all 
we know to the contrary, the name may have some similar meaning. 

It is denied by no one that 500 years ago no one but the Bhars owned 
a single acre of land in these parts, but not a single inch of land has been 
owned by the Bhars since the Muhammadan conquest. In fact but few of 
the tribe are now to be found, and these few follow such degrading occupa- 
tions as keeping swine, in the most eastern portion of Audh. Whether 
these are the same as the Bhar rulers of the past (whom Mr. Thomason 
refers to as the Raj -Bhars of Rama's time) or not, it is impossible to say, 
but they now worship the same gods as the Hindus, and by general admis- 
sion they are Hindus. The Rajputs and the Rajbhars of old were not above 
caring for the good things of this life — and whatever the former may do 
now, they then eschewed neither pork nor strong drink. The Bhars of 
to-day are as liberal in their views on these things as their ancestors were, 
and the only oath they really respect is associated with wine. 


P, Carnegy — The Bhars of Audh and Bandras. 

[No. 3, 

Our able friend and fellow labourer in the field of Audh antiquarian 
research Mr. W. C. Benett, B. C. S., the author of the history of the Eai 
Bareli clans, is one of those who believe in a Chhatri colonization and con* 
quest from the West, and is disposed to treat our views on the Bhars, as set 
forth in this paper, as somewhat heretical. But whereas that able enquirer 
gives no evidence at all of any military colonization, he records many things 
which support the views w T hich he has not yet ceased to consider as errone- 
ous. We quote some of these remarks here and reply to them. He says, 
p. 21 : " The story of his (i. e., the Great Bais Baja, Tilokchand's) 
creation of new castes, is too well attested and too much opposed to the 
spirit of Hindu invention, to admit of doubt. More than one caste of 
Brahmans are grateful to him for their cord and their privileges, while it is 
indisputable that he largely increased the number of Kshatri clans. The 
Ahir Bhale Sultans, the Kahar Mahrors and the Pargulis directly ascribe 
their elevation to him ; and numerous castes in the Faizabad and Gonda 
districts, such as Gundharias, Naipurias, Barwars, and Chahus claim to have 

been originally Bais, There are besides numerous families of small 

zamindars who call themselves Bharudhi Bais, and whose want of any tradi- 
tion of immigration and peculiar religion, distinguish them from the pure 
Bais of the West." This last instance amounts to the admission of a Bhar 
descent, and in our estimation the difference in purity between the various 
Bais branches is hard to distinguish ; some are no doubt older than others. 

At page 25, Mr. Benett admits with us, that the Bais (other than the 
Tilokchand branch) " occupy nearly the lowest position among Audh Chhat- 
ris", and he adds, " It seems most probable that about 400 years ago, 
members of the agricultural and military aristocracy of all castes assumed 
the title of Bais, in much the same way as the leading families of Orissa 
and parts of Central India are now claiming to be Chhatris." It pleases 
those who think with Mr. Benett to speak of the inhabitants of those days 
as " the agricultural and military aristocracy of all castes" ; to our mind, 
however, we have demonstrated that those classes were then represented by 
the caste-forgetting Bhars alone. It is not denied that these became Raj- 
puts, though of " the lowest position". It is remarkable that the families 
of Orissa and Central India to which Mr. Benett refers, have all along 
retained a Chhatri tribal nomenclature, and now that they are again become 
Chhatris, they resume the old family titles ! This surely supports the 
view of a general local religious downfall, followed by a gradual local refor- 
mation and revival ! 

Mr. Benett thus finally disposes of the Bhars (p. 25) : " The complete 
extinction of this people has occasioned much surprise, but it is not dif- 
ficult to understand. Both the Musalmans and the Hindus were conquering 
nations, and the hand of each was turned against the old inhabitants whom 

1876.] P- Carnegy— The Bhars of Audi and Bandras. 307 

they wished to dispossess. Against one enemy the Bhars might have stood, 
and retained, even when defeated, a portion of their former rights, but in 
the wars between the invaders, each victory, to whichever side it inclined, 
was to them a new defeat and entailed another onslaught on their possessions. 
As the balance swayed from side to side in the long and doubtful struggle 
between the Eajpiits and the eastern empire, they suffered with every 
change of fortune, and were conquered not once but many times. It was 
not one war of extermination, but the harassing attacks of two centuries, 
often repeated, each time with new vigour, before which they fell. Their 
customs, their position, and we may conjecture their language and nation- 
ality, prevented anything like a perfect union with either of their enemies. 
And yet there can be no doubt that while many were slain, and many fled 
to the north and to the east, many still survive in their old territory under 
modern names. The statesmanship of Tilokchand elevated not a few of 
their principal families to the rank of Chhatris, and the Tirgunait Brah- 
mans, the Kharibind Kurmis, the Bharotia and Bhiettia Ahirs, and many 
families of the Griijars are connected with their race by hardly doubtful 
tradition. A careful enquiry into the private worship and peculiar customs 
of the present castes of the district would probably still further disprove 
the tale of their utter extinction, but it can hardly be a matter for surprise 
that the more obvious evidences of their kingdom have been swept away." 

It will be observed that in this last quotation the whole argument is 
based on the Bhars being an older people than the Hindus, with a language 
of their own. Now nothing is more certain than that the Bhar non-con- 
formists were not in power, or so far as we know in existence in the 6th 
century, when the Chinese pilgrims visited Audh, which was then peopled 
by Buddhists and Brahmanists ; but they were dominant when they were 
conquered by the Muhammadans. So their day of power was obviously 
confined to a period between the 7th and 12th centuries. The Siirajbans 
Hindus under Rama, on the contrary, nourished centuries before the Chris- 
tian era, and we are still in possession of writings to establish what their 
language was. Then what becomes of the argument based on the Bhars 
being older than the Hindus and having a language of which, however, not 
a vestige written or oral is to be traced ! 

Mr. Benett fully admits that "many (Bhars) still survive under 
modern names", and that many were " elevated" by what he calls " states- 
manship", into the ranks of the twice-born. In the circumstances it 
appears that our views of a social and religious regeneration have been 
completely confirmed by these quotations, and it is alike needless to look 
further for proofs of an immigration or colonization from the west, or an 
extermination or exodus to the north and east. 

308 ~P.^N]ml\ej— Translations from Mahhfl [No. 3, 

We began this paper with a reference to the teachings of science and 
literature, and we shall end it in the same way. Books have told us of the 
sovereignty of the Surajbans of old and the Bathors of more recent times. 
The coins of Bactria and Kanauj have confirmed what these books have 
said of these races of rulers, and land-grants of the last mentioned dynasty 
have added to this confirmation. But neither book nor coin nor grant 
throws even the faintest ray of light on a people who possessed the land at 
a still more recent period ; and whose sway, over the territory inhabited by 
them, was for many centuries universal. The historians who might perhaps 
have been able to tell us the facts, are the Buddhists, or their successors the 
Jains, who have locally disappeared : from the Brahmans we are not likely 
to receive further information. It is not, however, impossible that enquiries 
carefully conducted at Mount A'bii, at Parisnath, and at Katmandu, may yet 
throw light upon a subject which is still involved in obscurity. The 
Ayodhya of old has always been intimately connected with those localities. 
Some half dozen of the Jain Hierarchs (tirthankaras) , who afterwards died 
at the first two mentioned of those places, were natives of Audh, and it 
was from A'bii that the Brahmanical revival gradually spread over the 
country which eventually reached even to Audh. The historians of those 
quarters may not have the same motives for secrecy that our Brahmans 
who alone can have the information here, possess, and to them only can we 
therefore look satisfactorily to elucidate this mystery. 

Translations from tie Biwdn of ZfB-uw-sisi Begam, poetically styled 
Makhfi, daughter of the Emperor Aitk^gzib.— By P. Whallet 
B.C.S., Murdddbdd. 

No. I. 
\^.xs<° l&Sj) ^ fj ^ ^Ujj& 



P. Whalley — Translations from Makhfi. 


2%e (?«£<? 0/ Ecstacy. 

In the dusky alleys, 

Where grief dreams and dallies, 
Pause, O soul, nor seek the bowers of bliss ! 

Drink the wine of sorrow : 

Whence shall lover borrow 
Strong endurance better than from this ? 

Moth, forbear thy yearning 

For the lamp's bright burning ! 
See, the moonlight, from yon heaven's abyss 

Sends her splendour welling 

Through our roofless dwelling ; 
See, moth, there is no lamp like this ! 

In the tranced glamours 

Of our mystic amours 
Smile to smile and kiss replies to kiss. 

In the love and laughter 

Of the here or the hereafter 
No enchantment shall be found like this. 

Where my love reposes 

'Twist the wine and roses 
Nothing, foolish heart, can chance amiss. 

Rest thee here, for never 

Through the long forever 
Shall we meet with happiness like this. 

In the heart's recesses, 

Where the soul confesses, 
Burns the flambeau of my love, my bliss : 

Nor does breast of lover 

In earth's confines cover 
Any purer brighter flame than this. 

Makhfi, where temptation 

Flaunts its invitation, 
Pause not, question not, nor be remiss : 

They who, onward slaving, 

Follow their heart's craving, 
Ask not, need not any guide but this. 


P. Whalley— Translations from Mahhfi. 
No. II. 

C^^u/o &ls**> CUs^ J&4 poU li^j 

jU L-^-^J^ ,j&Co U*^*° UU** yJ^J 

5%e Dervish's Bevel. 

[No. 3, 

u — 

yj KJ yj yj 


Wine we drink. Take not the cup but from the hand frenzied with wine. 
Brothers all, gather ye close. Sympathy breeds fury divine. 

Here beside table and door, tumbled about, strew we the floor. 
Fill the glass, soberer host, drench us again drunk to the core. 

Gard'ner mine ! tease not the coy moon with thy prayers, dark tho' the night, 
Light enough,— as from a lamp, gleams from the eye drunkenly bright. 

Here before lords of the brain, why and till when, foolishly vain, 
Sett'st thou forth, crown of the feast, drunkard, thy soft ebriate strain ? 

Laughing thro' tears sprinkle we aye salt on the soul bleeding and bare, ' 
Salted cakes are for the strayed, wandering, and lost, wholesomest fare. 

We amid wassail and wine chronicle truths, holy and sad : 

Let us be,— wisely we seek friends among rakes, drunken and mad. 

Mte.-See Brown's Derveshes, p. 224. "Their exercises consist, like those of 
the Knfa'ees and other Orders, at first in seating themselves, and afterwards in rising 




P. Whalley — Translations from Makhfi. 


upright ; but in often changing the attitude, and in redoubling their agitation, even 
until they become overcome with fatigue, when they fall upon the floor motionless and 
without knowledge. Then the Shekh aided by his vicars employs no other means to 
draw them out of their state of unconsciousness than to rub their arms and legs and to 
breathe into their ears the words la ilaha ill 9 allah." 

No. III. 

ss^jhi fa <>"* (*W d^ ls^^ v 

+y} *j dj& k*ir} W^vo 

1%<? Mystic's Choice. 
Mine be pure love, love that pursues its hest 

Through wild and desert ! mine the lone lament, 
The heart of Majmin, and his weary guest, 

And tears, and raiment rent ! 

Mine be the toil that overtasks the breath, 

The groan of pain, the agony of strife, 
The life that only lives to long for death, 

And death more dear than life ! 

Mine be the wine of love, the deadly wine 
That floods, like lava, all the seething brain, 

Leaving the lips unslaked. Fell draught ! be mine, 
My medicine and my bane. 

Mine be the shame, if others deem it shame, 
To love unloved, nor falter suffering wrong, 

Until beneath the earth my frame and name 
Be buried, and my song. 

E E 


[No. 3, 

Sri Swdmi Sari Das of Brindaban. — By F. S. Gkowse M. A. B. C 8 

Among the more conspicuous modern temples at Brindaban is one 
dedicated to Krishna under his title of Bihari Ji, or in more popular 
phrase Banke Bihari. The Gosains, who with their wives and children 
now number some 500 persons, form a distinct subdivision of the reformed 
Vaishnavas, and are all the collateral descendants of the founder of the 
sect, Swami Hari Das. The temple is not only their head- quarters, but 
appears to be the only one in all India of which they have exclusive 
possession. It has lately been rebuilt at a cost of Bs. 70,000 ; a sum 
which has been raised in the course of 13 years by the contributions of 
their clients from far and near. It is a large square red sand-stone block 
of plain but exceedingly substantial character, with a very effective central 
gateway of white stone. This has yet to be completed by the addition of 
an upper storey ; but even as it stands, the delicacy of its surface carving, 
and the extremely bold projection of its eaves render it a pleasing specimen 
of the style of architecture now in vogue at Brindaban — one of the few 
places in the civilized world where architecture is not a laboriously studied 
reproduction of a dead past, but a still living art, which is constantly 
developing by a process of spontaneous growth. The estate is divided into 
two shares or bats, according to the descent of the Gosains. Their founder 
was himself a celibate ; but his brother Jagannath had three sons, Megh 
Syam, Murari Das, and Gopinath Das, of whom the third died childless, 
the other two being the ancestors of the present generation. As is usual 
in such cases, the two families are at war with one another, and have more 
than once been obliged to invoke the assistance of the law to prevent a 
serious breach of the peace. Beyond the saintliness of their ancestor, but 
few of them have any claim to respect, either on account of their learning— 
lor the majority of them cannot even read — or for the correctness of their 
morals. There are however two exceptions to the general rule — one for 
each bat — in the person of the Gosains Jagadis and Kishor Chand ; both of 
whom are fairly well read, within the narrow limits of their own sectarian 
literature, beyond which they have never dreamed of venturing. 

Like all other Vaishnavas, they profess to regard the Bhagavad Gita 
as the authoritative exposition of their distinctive creed j but in practice 
their studies — if they study at all — are directed exclusively to much more 
modern compositions couched in their own vernacular, the Braj Bhasha. 
Of these the work held in highest repute by all the Brindaban sects is the 
Bhakt-Mala, or Legends of the Saints, written by Nabha Ji in the reign of 


Jo urn; Asiat- 

l: Asiat:Soc: Bengal. Pt. I. for 187 




1876,] F. S. Growse— Sri Swdmi Hari Das of Brmddban. 313 

Akbar or Jahangir. Its very first couplet is a compendium of the theory 
upon which the whole Vaishnava reform was based : 

Bhakt-bhakti-Bhagavant-guru, chaturanam, vapuek : 
which declares that there is a divinity in every true believer, whether 
learned or unlearned, and irrespective of all caste distinctions. Thus the reli- 
gious teachers that it celebrates are represented not as rival disputants — which 
their descendants have become— but as all animated by one faith, which varied 
only in expression ; and as all fellow workers in a common cause, viz. the 
moral and spiritual elevation of their countrymen. Nor can it be denied that 
the writings of the actual leaders of the movement are instinct with a uni- 
form spirit of asceticism and detachment from the world and a sincere piety, 
which are very different from the ordinary outcome of Hinduism. But in 
no case did this catholic simplicity last for more than a single generation. 
The great teacher had no sooner passed away than his very first successor 
hedged round his little band of followers with new caste restrictions, 
formulated a series of narrow dogmas out of what had been intended as 
comprehensive exhortations to holiness and good works ; and substituted for 
an interior devotion and mystical love — which were at least pure in intent, 
though perhaps scarcely attainable in practice by ordinary humanity — an 
extravagant system of outward worship with all the sensual accompaniments 
of gross and material passion. 

The Bhakt-mala, though an infallible oracle, is an exceedingly obscure 
one, and requires a practised hierophant for its interpretation. It gives no 
legend at length, but consists throughout of a series of the briefest allusions 
to legends, which are supposed to be already well-known. Without some 
such previous knowledge the poem is absolutely unintelligible. Its concise 
notices have therefore been expanded into more complete lives by different 
modern writers, both in Hindi and Sanskrit. One of these paraphrases is 
entitled the Bhakt Sindhu, and the author, by name Lakshman, is said to 
have taken great pains to verify his facts. But though his success may 
satisfy the Hindu mind, which is constitutionally tolerant of chronological 
inaccuracy, he falls very far below the requirements of European criticism. 
The work is however useful, since it gives a number of floating tradi- 
tions, which could otherwise be gathered only from oral communications 
with the Gosains of the different sects, who as a rule are very averse to 
speak on such matters with outsiders. It will be seen in the sequel that no 
dependence can be placed upon the details of the narrative, and that the 
dates are all hopelessly wrong. In the original Bhakt-mala of Nabha J£, 
the stanza referring to Hari Das stands as follows : 

314 F. S. Growse — Sri Swdmi Hari Das of Brinddlan. [No. 3, 

^qfe? ^K 3Tt ^C% W ^V* ^T¥H W* W\ Ii 

m^x w<r src Tf%^f wrq if^re <ft ii 

which may be thus translated : 

Tell we now of Hari Das, the pride of Asdhfr, who sealed the list of the saints; 
who, bound by a vow to the perpetual repetition of the two names of Kunj-bihari, was 
ever beholding the sportive actions of the god, the lord of the G-opis' delights ; ' who 
was a very Gandharv in melodious song and propitiated Syama and Syama, presenting 
them with the daintiest food in daily sacrifice and feeding the peacocks and monkeys 
and fish ; at whose door a king stood waiting in hope of an interview ; Hari Das, the 
pride of Asdhir, who sealed the list of the saints. 

In most MSS. of the Bhakt-Mala each stanza of the text, or mul, is 
followed by the tiled of Priya Das composed in the Sambat year 1769 ; the 
word tiled in this case being more appropriately translated by ' supplement', 
rather than ' commentary' ; as the later writer gives no explanation of the 
original text, but adds entirely new matter of his own. The following is 
his encomium on Hari Das : 

z\m i 

Tf^^rTT^ wr ^tt mm i?f«I ^TT^ II 
srnir ^rar %?n ^mj ^f?r **r itrer *t!t 
^k^t # g^f*r ^ tot f%*r ^n^? ii 

^f ^it vs ^ «r "^tt^ ii 
msmfa ^Tx m^ ^^TTf^r 
f%"??T ere f?m ^°5rT»fT f^f^r jitt^ ii 

which may be thus rendered : 

Who can tell all the perfections of Sri Swamf Hari Das, who by ever muttering 
m prayer the sacred name, came to be the very seal of devotion. Some one brought 
him perfume that he valued very highly ; he took and threw it down on the bank • the 
other thought it wasted. Said the sage knowing his thoughts : Take and shew 'him 
the god : he slightly raised the curtain ; all was drenched with perfume. The philoso 
pher's stone he cast into the water, then gave instruction : many are the legends of the 

Probably few will deny that at least in this particular passage the 
disciple is more obscure than his master; and the obscurity, which is a 

1876.] F. S. Growse — Sri Swarni Sari Das of Brindaban. 315 

sufficiently prominent feature in the English translation, is far greater in 
the Hindi text, where no indication is given of a change of person and a 
single form answers indifferently for every tense of a verb and every case of 
a noun. The Bhakt-Sindhu expands the two stanzas into a poem of 211 
couplets and supplies a key to all the allusions in the following detailed 
narrative : 

Brahm-dhir, a Sanadh Brahman of Kol or Jalesar, had a son Gyan- 
dhir, who entertained a special devotion for Krishna under his form of 
Giridhari — ' the mountain- supporter' — and thus made frequent pilgrimages 
to the holy hill of Gobardhan. On one such occasion he took to himself a 
wife at Mathura, and she in due time bore him a son whom he named 
As-dhir. The latter eventually married a daughter of Ganga-dhar, a 
Brahman of Bajpur — a small village adjoining Brindaban — who on the 8th 
of the dark fortnight of the month of Bhadon in the Sambat year 1441 
gave birth to Hari Das From his earliest childhood he gave indications 
of his future sanctity, and instead of joining in play with other children was 
always engaged in prayer and religious meditation. In spite of his parents 5 
entreaties he made a vow of celibacy, and at the age of 25 retired to a 
solitary hermitage by the Man Sarovar, a natural lake on the left bank of 
the Jamuna, opposite Brindaban. He afterwards removed to the Nidh-ban 
in that town, and there formally received his first disciple, Bithal-Bipul, who 
was his own maternal uncle. His fame soon spread far and wide, and among 
his many visitors was one day a Khattri from Delhi, by name Dayal Das, who 
had by accident discovered the philosopher's stone, which transmuted into 
gold everything with which it was brought in contact. This he presented 
as a great treasure to the Swami, who however tossed it away into the 
Jamuna j but then seeing the giver's vexation, he took him to the margin 
of the stream, and bade him take up a handful of sand out of the water. 
When he had done so, each single grain seemed to be a facsimile of the stone 
that had been thrown away and when tested was found to possess precisely 
the same virtue. Thus the Khattri was made to understand that the saints 
stand in no need of earthly riches, but are complete in themselves ; and he 
forthwith joined the number of Hari Das's disciples. 

Some thieves however hearing that the sage had been presented with 
the philosopher's stone, One day when he was bathing, took the opportunity 
of stealing his sdlagrdm, which they thought might be it. On discovering 
it to be useless for their purpose, they threw it away under a bush, and as 
the saint in his search for it happened to pass by the spot, the stone itself 
found voice to tell him where it lay. From that time forth he received 
every morning by miraculous agency a gold muhr, out of which he was to 
provide the temple-offerings (bhog) and to spend whatever remained over 
in the purchase of grain wherewith to feed the fish in the Jamuna and the 
peacocks and monkeys on its banks. 

316 F. S. Growse— Sri Swami Hari Das of Brindaban. [No. 3, 

One day a Kayath made him an offering of a bottle of atar worth 
Ks. 1,000, and was greatly mortified to see the Swami drop it carelessly on 
the ground, so that the bottle was broken and the precious essence all 
wasted. But on being taken to the temple he found that his gift had been 
accepted by the god, for the whole building was fragrant with its perfume. 
Again, a minstrel at the court of the Delhi Emperor had an incorrigi- 
bly stupid son, who was thereupon expelled in disgrace. In his wanderings 
he happened to come to Brindaban, and there threw himself down on the 
road to sleep. In the early morning the Swami, going from the Nidh-ban 
to bathe, stumbled over him, and after hearing his story gave him the 
name of Tan-sen, and by the mere exercise of his will converted him at once 
into a most accomplished musician. On his return to Delhi, the Emperor 
was astonished at the brilliancy of his performance, and determined himself 
to pay a visit to Brindaban and see the master under whom he had studied. 
Accordingly, when he was next at Agra, he came over to Mathura, and 
rode out as far as Bhat-rond— half-way— whence he proceeded on foot to 
the Nidh-ban. The saint received his old pupil very graciously, but took 
no notice of his royal companion, though he knew perfectly well who he 
was. At last, as the Emperor continued begging that he might be of some 
service, he took him to the Bihari Ghat close by, which for the nonce 
appeared as if each one of its steps was a single precious stone set in a 
border of gold ; and there shewing him one step with a slight flaw in it, 
asked him to replace it by another. This was a work beyond the capacity 
even of the great Emperor ; who thereupon contented himself with making 
a small endowment for the support of the sacred monkeys and peacocks 
and then went his way after receiving a most wearisome amount of good 

No further incident is recorded in the life of Hari Das, the date of 
whose death is given as Scmbat 1537. He was succeeded as Mahant by 
his uncle Bithal-Bipul ; and he by Biharin Das. The latter was so absorbed 
in enthusiasm that a Sarasvat Brahman, of Panjabi extraction, by name 
Jagannath, was brought over from Kol to administer the affairs of the 
temple : and after his death the succession was continued through several 
other names, which it seems unnecessary to transcribe. Thus far the 
narrative of the Bhakt-Sindhu, which, it will be seen, affords an explanation 
of the obscure allusions in the Bhakt-Mala to the two presentations of the 
atar and the philosopher's stone, the daily feeding of the monkeys and 
peacocks and the Emperor's visit. In other matters, however, it is not at 
all m accord with the traditions accepted by the Swami's descendants • for 
they say that he was not a Sanadh by caste, but a Sarasvat ; that his family 
came not from Kol or Jalesar, but from Uchch near Multan, and that he 
lived not four centuries ago, but at the most only three. It would seem 

1876.] F. S. Growse — Sri Swdmi Sari Dds of Brinddban. 317 

that the author of the Bhakt-Sindhu was the partisan of a schism in the 
community, which occurred about 50 years or so ago, and that he has 
moulded his facts accordingly ; for the Jagannath whom he brings over 
from Kol is not named in a genuine list of the Mahants, which will be 
given hereafter. That he is utterly at fault in his dates, sambat 1441 — 
1537, is obvious at a glance ; for the Emperor who visited Brindaban was 
certainly Akbar, and he did not ascend the throne till sambat 1612. It is 
true that Professor Wilson in his Eeligious Sects of the Hindus, where he 
mentions Hari Das, describes him as a disciple and faithful companion of 
Chaitanya, who was born in 1485 and died in 1527 A. D. But although 
Hari Das had imbibed the spirit of Chaitanya's teaching, I know of no 
ground for maintaining that there was any personal intercourse between the 
two ; had it been so, the fact would scarcely have escaped record in the 
Bhakt-Mala or some one of its modern paraphrases. Moreover, I have by 
me a small poihi of 680 patras, which gives a complete list of all the 
Mahants and their writings from the founder down to the date of the MS., 
which is sambat 1825. The list is as follows : Swami Hari Das, Bithal- 
Bipul, Biharini Das, Nagari Das, Saras Das, Naval Das, Narhar Das, 
Easik Das and Lalit-Kishori, otherwise called Lalit-mohani Das. Allowing 
20 years for each incumbency, which is rather a high average, since only an 
elderly man would be elected for the post, the date of Hari Das's death is 
thrown back only as far as sambat 1665. His writings moreover are not 
more archaic in style than the poems of Tulsi Das, who died in sambat 1680 ; 
and therefore on all grounds we may fairly conclude as an established fact 
that he flourished at the end of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th 
century A. D., in the reigns of the Emperors Akbar and Jahangir. 

Each of the Mahants named in the above list is described as being the 
disciple of his immediate predecessor, and each composed some devotional 
poems, which are known as sdkhis, chaubolas, or padas. The most volu- 
minous writer is Biharini Das, whose padas occupy 684 pages. In many 
of them he expresses the intensity of his mystical devotion in terms of 
exaggerated warmth, which are more suggestive of an earthly than a divine 
passion. But the short extract that follows is of a different character, and 
is of special interest as confirming the conclusion already stated as to the 
date of Hari Das ; since it mentions by name both the Emperor Akbar and 
also the death of his famous friend Birbar, which occurred in 1590 A. D. 

*r| ^erfa ens faf^r wi *ft«r *t vn $xzk ii 
htw ^t fw «r fa^T fw «r wt 3Tf% w* w 


318 F. S. Growse — Sri Swami Hari Dds of Brinddban. [No. 3, 

T^fi *r ^wf% WH^ wir t|w t fax* ^f^ *rc n 

"Why boastest thou thyself, mortal man? thy body shall be the prey of dogs 
and jackals, though without shame or fear thou now goest delicately. This is known 
throughout the world to be the end of all : a great man was the Brahman Birhar, yet 
he died,' and at his death the Emperor Akbar was sad of heart, nor himself longer 
lived nor aught availed. When gods or demons breathe out their life, Death holds 
them in his maw, suspended, f neither here nor there, but in an intermediate state. 
All astray and swelling with pride, on whom is thy trust ? Adore Hari's blessed lotus- 
feet ; to roam and wander about from house to house is all vanity. By the strong aid 
of Hari Das, Biharini Das has found and laid hold of the Almighty. 

The founder of the sect has himself left only two short poems, filling 
4tlpatras, entitled Sddhdran Siddhdnt and Bas he pada. The former is 
here given both in the original text and in a translation. Most of the 
habitues of the temple know the greater part of it by heart, though I have 
ascertained that very few of them have more than tfre vaguest general idea of 
the meaning. Even the best-informed of the Pujaris — Kishori Chand — who 
went over it carefully with me, supplied an interpretation of some passages 
which after consultation with other Pandits I could see was quite untenable 
and was obliged to reject. The connection of ideas and the grammatical 
construction are often so involved, that it is highly probable my version 
may still be not altogether free of errors, though I have done my best to 
eliminate them. The doctrine inculcated does not appear to differ in any 
essential point from the ordinary teaching of the other Vaishnava sects : 
the great duties of man, by the practice of which he may have an assured 
hope of attaining to ultimate salvation, being defined as submission to the 
divine will, detachment from the world, and an unquestioning faith in the 
mystery of the incarnation. 

*rrc Vit ^nr*^ <rre w $ ti qrt t tiT# w vfx ii 

* One MS. for svdsan nikasat reads trds nikasi na sakat. 

f Routhna has the same meaning as the more common term jugdli karnd, ' to 
ruminate', like a cow. 


1876.] F. S. Growse — Sri Swmii Sari Das of Brinddhan. 

m*m f f *ro*rr vhjt f^T ^ntr §1' ^Vk ^tf ^t ^ xm vhTk j 

4n* ftmt ^^" ^rttf wrf^*? wt m # nrfa n 

*taftxre# m*ft m%]-$m?3^\x\ yfrf^ mmKfo w ^ 11 
sreat qrejt ^*r tw ^w sj tw -*itW ^ ^t*r # ^fa^r ^ n 

WHW *Tf% ?H?<T ^fffa" ^CT^T ^Tlfwr <TR #T ^ II 

^HfW?% ^M WflTf STf^^T^ f^T ^W ^tt f^W V* II ^ II 

^rc vfm ^ft vm wife *r *tpt ^<?*rlrr h 
f^fcT ^f^ f^r ^twt fa^frn^ «W$f II 

3>f% ir^ts i?H ^f ^rt <ti ^*r # ww ii a n 

II am fawresr ii 
'j ^ %t!t *r fajirc*r^f %tf «r wrw#t ^Tf% mf% <?t^ ire ii 

*RT*rer ^TrT ^TT^fT IK ^K^T T WFS II 

gijrtt w^T^rWt ^r^t fanrf ^t% *% 3JT3f ^ ^re n 
^rf% ift^nj i * wHr ire g*r w^ t ^re ii * ii 
^ ^vm< *t^t ii 

NfT T ^TW ^TW ^^Tf«T *ft<TT *T ITU ^R^T II 

T fqfK ^C<^ *P^^ ^T %TS W^^IT II 

^fl <^TO 3>*;WT f%^?T %T ^?T ^^ ^*\ ^W H ^ II 

f% W §T ^W ^H^^^ftf 5!T f%?r% w ^tt f^w i^R wt^T II 

^1X^T f%fT lj§T wtf TJI i?^ " 
^TTf^rT W wtT TI^^W f^^^ttr II 

*sfs if^re ff ?r ^ftw fWnfftf ^n: fT^Tw «ftif h ^ ii 
«gf wrt <tf ^^T^r ^^T"^ ^fT^ kw ii 

Wfl%^ f^%T^f §re W^ ^W II 

^ 'TkfC^m f^TT ^l f^f^T f^vft TTf^ STW Ii ^ II 



820 F. S. Growse — Sri Sw&mi Hari Das of Brinddocm. [No. 3, 

Mmx ^w* - *to "ftf to wn: #k srfa TO*f^f% n 
to tot?: s^ to^^ qh[fa ii 

vf% ^fr^re 3f ^rta <ttc*^ ^ if% ^f ^-tt *pr«f^f^f% ii £ ii 

<?f^fi TTTOT *rT*re faffi" 3TC?T^ t SffT^T fw^fT ^ ^P* II 

3t fit^; ^*rf% sttto ^ln ftirT?rf ^fs ii 

^\Xf ^SrT ^PH^TO - ST^T TO ^ ^fa II 

ere ^w t ^^pt *re ^tto ^to^ ^rir ii v is 

^t TfT %*Tfrot «rrer> ii 

*nnr?r «rrf% ^f^TTOTO^ff fror *rer ^rerefa ti 

^>t ^hfw? m$ farcsft? sfarfircrrct far?rrer> ii u ii 

TO *PITO sftfw ^ ^X *S*?1 $T sfsretfTO ^t^T %TT*ft II 

■g^T^T%T TO3<re*rlh tf *F*T*T ^F^J qT^Wt || 

*TT ^TlfT^rtf ??*ft *J*WT* f IflT TO TO *T WTTO^ II 

^Wft^TO% *tf*ft isriftiT^srf^pft f t fro ^h f%T<rc ^rtf\ \\\\\\ 

|| TITTr 3f^TR || 

^f^irr ^tt to q^r h 

TOTO ^ttoto ^tstto ^f 4fro*f #5f ii 

*fit ^Nf^TO 3% fare SITtT Wk^RfTOT to II ^ ii 

mi ^fa t ^-Jit w ^TOTO%f tfro <^to ^to ^^rrr^^r *fro ii 
^r t *itt^w tf w vhkx qfafT ^re*r ^far ^f ^tt «r **to ii 
*N?H %ff% ^jfarTO #?* %w *hrf% 1x*r 3rrTOre%*Kf%?r ii 
^f% ^f^w vik qfa^ ^fs^r ?r ^rfsf ^ f% TT^ff 3i^?r ii u h 

II KTir ^^Rt II 

1876.] F. S. Growse— Sri Swdmi Sari Das of Brinddban. 321 

wR wtw m^\ *sfv. f^rerm ^ft ?imx u 

3T3 ^TT^ TOT fire^T ^ *T^% ^TJIT II 

w^mfrt r^w $r* s??rf?r f^Tm «r "^f %r^r ii 
f^«r w are ^sw si*JT5r% 4wt sirt f^fT ^rer it 

lf*T ^f^TO *ft<T *T^T <TT*JT fa^Ttt 4Nr qif T *R %RT II ^*> II 
§m TTT w|t ^ wIt (J«T *?ffT w|lT ^T^T^fT^ II 
^Tq^T ^Trf Wife ^TT^Wf Xfrt ^jf ^rcf*W ^1T\ II 

*sf% ^ft^re 5iw K*tm f^^rif ?wt *rtf ii *« n 

WTW *ftt Wt|)T ^ ^f«T T ^ST <*TK ^TfT *R *JTf^ II 

llTS ^T^^TWjjT $ g; *fifT #*T ^ITf^ II 

^5R^ ^SHR KTSm^ W§T T3IT f^Tf^ II 

*fif% ^ft^TC %V ^T^^T 3?Tt*tft *fff faKTf^ II ^ || 

sra^^q^?lf%T ^^ <3T*T *TT3" II 

*sh sffaft^re mifa 3Tf ^ f¥?rtt *nsw *r ^t^tt^ ii «?* ii 

Translation of the Siddhdnta of Skodmi Sari Dds. 
Bag Bibhds. 

1. Hari, as thou disposest, so all things abide. If I would shape 
my course in any different fashion, tell me whose tracks could I follow. If 
I would do my own will, how can I do it, if thou holdest me back ? (The 
lords of Sri Hari Das are Syama and Kunj-bihari). Put a bird in a cage, 
and for all its fluttering it cannot get away. 

2. Bihari, Biharini, none else has any power ; all depends on your 
grace. Why babble of vain systems ? they are all pernicious. To him 
who loves you, you shew love, bestowers of happiness (the lords of Sri Hari 
Das are Syama and Kunj-bihari), the supporters of all living creatures. 

3. At times the soul takes a flight hither or thither ; but it finds no 
greater joy. Discipline it in every way and keep it under, or you will 


322 F. S. Growse— £W Swdmi Hari Das of Brindaban. [No. 3, 

suffer. Beautiful as a myriad Loves is Bihari ; and Pleasure and all 
delights dwell in his presence (the lords of Sri Hari Das are Syama and 
Kunj -bihari), be ever contemplating his manifold aspects. 

4. Worship Hari, worship Hari, nor desert him out of regard for thy 
mortal body. Covet not, covet not the least particle of wealth. It will 
come to you unsought, as naturally as one eyelid drops upon the other. 
Says Sri Hari Das, as comes death, so comes wealth, of itself : or like 
death, so is wealth — an evil. 

Bag Bildvali. 

5. O Hari, there is no such destroyer as I am, and no such restorer 
as thou art : * betwixt me and thee there is a contest. Which wins or loses 
there is no breaking of the condition. Thy game of illusion is wide-spread 
in diverse ways ; saints are bewildered by it and myriads are led astray. 
Says Hari Das, I win, thou losest, but there is no change in thy love. 

6. O ye faithful, this is a good election : waver not in mind ; enter 
into yourselves in contemplation and be not stragglers. Wander not from 
house to house, nor be in doubt as to your own father's door. Says Sri 
Hari Das, what is God's doing, is fixed as Mount Sumeru has become. 

7. Set your affection on the lotus-eyed, in comparison with whose 
love all love is worthless ; or on the conversation of the saints : that so the 
sin of your soul may be effaced. The love of Hari is like the durable dye 
of the madder ; but the love of the world is like a stain of saffron that 
lasts only for two days. Says Hari Das, set your affection on Bihari, and 
he knowing your heart will remain with you for ever. 

8. A straw is at the mercy of the wind, that blows it about as it will 
and carries it whither it pleases. So is the realm of Brahma, or of Siva, or 
this present world. Says Sri Hari Das : this is my conclusion, I have seen 
none such as Bihari. 

9. Man is like a fish in the ocean of the world, and other living 
creatures of various species are as the crocodiles and alligators, while the 
soul like the wind spreads the entangling net of desire. Again, avarice is 
as a cage, and the avaricious as divers, and the four objects of life as the 
four doors of the cage. Says Hari Das, those creatures only can escape 
who ever embrace the feet of the son of bliss. 

10. ^ Fool, why are you slothful in Hari's praises ? Death goeth 
about with his arrows ready. He heedeth not whether it be in season or 
out of season, but has ever his bow on his shoulder. What avail heaps of 

* For a similar expression of the same sentiment compare the following lines of 
Stir Das: Mere pdpan so, Sari, hari hau- Main gar ua, turn men bal thora, ndhahk hi 
pichimari hau. < Hari, you are vanquished by my sinfulness ; I am so heavy and 
you so slight, that you get badly thrown.' 


1876.] F. S. Growse— £W' Swdmt Sari Das of Brinddban. 323 

pearls and other jewels and elephants tied up at your gate ? Says Sri 
Hari Das, though your queen in rich attire await you in her chamber, all 
goes for nothing when the darkness of your last day draweth nigh. 

11. See the cleverness of these people : having no regard for Hari's 
lotus feet, their life is spent to no purpose ; when the angel of death comes 
and encompasses them, he does what seemeth him good. Says Sri Hari 
Das : then is he only found long-lived, who has taken Kunj-bihari to his 

12. Set your heart upon securing his love. With water-pot in hand 
perambulate the ways of Braj and, stringing the beads of your rosary, 
wander through Brindaban and the lesser groves. As a cow watches her 
own calf and a doe its own fawns and has an eye for none other (the lords 
of Sri Hari Das are Syama and Kunj-bihari), be your meditation on them 
as well balanced as a milk-pail on the head. 

Mag Kalydn. 

13. All is Hari's mere sport, a mirage pervading the universe, without 
either germ or plant. The pride of wealth, the pride of youth, the pride 
of power, are all like the crow among birds. Says Sri Hari Das : know this 
of a surety, all is but as a gathering on a feast-day, that is quickly dispersed. 

14. sister, how happy are the does who worship the lotus-eyed, 
each with her own lord. Happy too the calves that drink in the melody of 
his pipe in their ears as in a cup from which no drop can be spilt. The 
birds too are like holy men, who daily do him service, free from lust, 
passion, and avarice. Hearken, Sri Hari Das, my husband is a difficulty ; 
he will not let me go but holds me fast. 

Bag Bardri. 

15. friend, as I was going along the road, he laid hold of my milk- 
pail and my dress : I would not yield to him unless he paid me for luck. 
" clever milk-maid, you have bewitched my boy with the lustre of the 
go-rochan patch on your forehead" (0 lord of Sri Hari Das) this is the 
justice we get here ; do not stay in this town, pretty one.* 

Bag Kdnhrau. 

16. clever Hari, thou makest the false appear true ; night and day 
thou art weaving and unweaving ; thou art an ocean of deceit. Though 

* In two of the three MSS. of the poem that I have consulted, stanzas 14 and 15 
are omitted and they appear clearly to he an interpolation hy some later hand, heing 
quite out of keeping with the context. They must he regarded as a dialogue between 
two of the Gopis and Jasoda. 


F. S. Growse — Sri Swami Hari Dds of Brinddban. [No. 3, 

thou affectest the woman* in form and name, thou art more than man. 
Hearken ye all to Hari Das and know of a truth it is but as when one 
wakes out of sleep. 

17. The love of the world has been tested ; there is no real accord. 
See, from the king to the beggar, natures differ and no match can be found. 
The days of many births are past for ever ; so pass not thou. Hearken to 
Hari Das, who has found a good friend in Bihari ; may all find the like. 

18. People have gone astray ; well, they have gone, but take thy 
rosary and stray not thou. To leave thy own lord for another is to be like 
a strumpet among women. Syama declares : those men rebel against me 
who prefer another, and those too (says Hari Das) who make great sacrifice 
to the gods and perform laboured funeral rites for departed ancestors, f 

19. Worship Hari from the heart as long as you live ; all things else 
are vain. It is only a matter of four % days, what need of much baggage. 
From pride of wealth, from pride of youth, from pride of power, you have 
lost yourself in mere village squabbles. Says Hari Das : it is greed that 
has destroyed you ; where will a complaint lie. 

20. In the depth of the delights of an ocean of love how can man 
reach a landing-place ? Admitting his helplessness§ he cries, What way 
of escape is open ? No one's arrows fly straight, for all his boasting in 
street and market-place. Says Sri Hari Das : know Bihari to be a god 
who overlooks all defects in his votaries. 

JEnd of the SiddMnta of Swdmi Hari Dds. 

* In this stanza it is the god's illusive power, or Maya, that is addressed, rather 
than the god himself. 

f Thus the Yaishnavas, when they perform a Sraddh, do not repeat the names of 
their own ancestors, but substitute the names of Krishna, Pradyumna, and Aniruddh. 

% The number ' four' seems to be an allusion to the four stages of life : childhood, 
youth, manhood, and old age. 

§ The word beJcdryau is doubtful and probably corrupt though given in all three 



A Beply to several passages in Mr. Blochmann's " Contributions to the 
History and Geography of Bengal," No. III.— By the Translator 
of the Tabakdt-i-Ndsiri, Major H. G. Baverty, Bombay Army, 

It is rarely necessary for either an author or translator to have to de- 
fend his work before it is complete, but I find I have to do this in the case 
of my translation of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri ; and, although I have devoted more 
than four years to the task of collation of MSS. and to that translation, it 
is likely, to judge from appearances, to turn out a very thankless one after 

It was my duty, as a translator, to show that the Calcutta Printed 
Text is exceedingly incorrect and imperfect. Mr. Blochmann, in note J, 
page 212 of his " Contributions to the History of Bengal," Part I., J. A. 
S. B., 1873, said " the printed text is untrustworthy." 

What I refer to more particularly, are certain strictures contained in 
Hid portion of those same " Contributions", which I have just received ; 
and, in justice to my translation and to myself, I will reply to them as 
briefly as possible ; but, at the same time, I would remark that criticisms 
on the MSS. on which I have been working, might have been deferred, at 
least, until the translation was complete. 

The first objection on the part of Mr. Blochmann is [page 275 of his 
" Contributions'''' No. III. in J. A. S. B., for 1875] my spelling of the 
word J^. I have written Khalj as it is explained and spelt according 
to the vowel points belonging to it. I also say [in note 3, page 548 of 
my Translation] that it is written rarely Khalaj [in poetry, for the sake 
of rhyme] ; but to imagine that I could be led, in a matter of sober 
history, by the " common Indian pronunciation of the adjective," how 
to pronounce a Turkish word is preposterous : I might as well turn 
the Khalj Turks into " Ghiljie Pathans" as some have done. My 
note to the page in question seems to be unpalatable. I have never 
said that the yd-i-nisbat could not be added, and have written it with it in 
several places, when my author used it — as for example — Muhammad-i- 
Bakht-yar, the Khalj, and Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, Khalji. I also wrote 
on simple prose : I did not refer to " rhyme" or poetic license ; but I ap- 
prehend that Khallaji is required to rhyme with " multaji " rather than 
Mr. Blochmann's " KhalajV 

With regard to the authorities for Malik Kutb-ud-Din's establishing 
himself at Dihli, I am told, " Mr. E. Thomas fixes it at 587 h. as consis- 
tent with the best authorities." But who are these best authorities ? Two 

326 H. G. Baverty— Reply to ' Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: [No. 3, 

pages farther on, Mr. Blochmann states that " the Tabaqat is the only 
authority we possess for this period." 

Now I will give an example of Mr. Thomas' " best authorities." At 
page 11 of his " Pathan Kings of Dehli," he says : " In 587, in a more 
extended expedition into Hindustan, Muhammad Ghori was totally routed 
on the memorable field of Thaneswar * * * After a year's repose * * * 
on the self-same battle ground, he again encountered his former adver- 
sary * * * This time fortune favoured the Ghories * * * By this single 
victory the Muhammadans may be said to have become the virtual masters 
of Hindustan," &c, &c. 

I will take it for granted that a year after 587 means 588 h., and that 
Mr. Blochmann will also allow it. 

But now turn to the foot-note at page 23 of the same work. There 
Mr. Thomas, forgetting, apparently, what he wrote a few pages before, 
says : — "As regards the historical evidence to the date 587 a. h. for the 
capture of Dehli by the Muslims, it is complete and consistent with the 
best authorities !" 

Mr. Thomas adds "and Minhaj-'Ws-Siraj repeats in various forms, 
while treating of the life of Aibeg, the confirmation of the same date." 
In this I cannot agree with him. Let us turn to page \f"\ of the Calcutta 
Printed Text, the foot-note, and also to my Translation, page 515, in both 
of which it says [leaving out the first defeat by the Hindus, but again 
referring to Kutb-ud-Din's being taken captive], he " took possession of 
that place — Mirath — in 587 h. [see note 5, page 515 of my version]. Prom 
Mirath likewise he issued forth in the year 588 h., aud captured Dihli." 

These are the actual words in the different MSS. collated. It is not 
actually said that Dihli was taken in 588 h., merely that Kutb-ud-Din, in 
588 h., marched from Mirath, and it must have been towards the close of 
that year, as will be shown farther on, according to the Taj-ul-Ma'asir 
he had to start to relieve Hansi in the ninth month of that year, and 
only took Mirath after that. It is evident, therefore, that Minhaj-ud-Din 
did not intend it to be understood that Dihli was taken and made the seat 
of government in 588 h., unless he stultifies himself by upsetting his 
previous statements at pages 248, 378, 456, 457, and 464 of my Translation, 
which can be compared with the same places in the original MSS. 

I will now leave the " best authorities" and go to facts, first mention- 
ing, however, that, in note 9, page 469 of my Translation, I have quoted 
several other authors for my dates, which note Mr. Blochmann probably 
has not read, and, further, that they also " must have had very good MSS. 
of the Tabaqat-i-Naciri, some of which in all probability were older" than 
the Calcutta Printed Text. 

Minhaj-ud-Din states [pages 456—477] that troubles arose in Khwa- 

1876.] H. G. Eaverty— Reply to ' Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: 327 

razm in consequence of the outbreak of Sultan Shah, the Khwarazmi, in 
587 H. ; that, subsequently [but in the same year], Sultan Mu'izz-ud-Din, 
Muhammad-i-Sam, advanced into India, took Tabarhindah ; left a garrison 
there with orders to hold out for six months, and was preparing to retire 
[in consequence of the hot season, it being the third or fourth month, at 
latest, of 587 h. — April or May, 1191, a. b.] ; was defeated by Rae Pitho- 
ra ; and had to retire, leaving the garrison still there. In the cold season 
of that year — five or six months after — instead of being able to return as 
he intended, he was under the necessity of preparing to attend his brother, 
Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Sam, along with other dependent 
Princes and their troops, against Sultan Shah, the Khwarazmi Prince, who 
threatened Ghiyas-ud-Din, Muhammad's dominions in Khurasan. Besides, 
Mu'izz-ud-Din had been badly wounded in the first battle, and it must have 
taken him some time to recover. This campaign, Minhaj-ud-Din states, at 
pages 248 and 378, took place in 588 h., and occupied six months. Kutb- 
ud-Din accompanied his master, and was taken captive by the Khwarazmis, 
but, after a battle, and defeat of the enemy, he was re-captured. " This 
victory," says Minhaj-ud-Din, " was achieved in the year 588 h." 

I also take it for granted that Mr. Blochmann will allow that this cap- 
ture of Kutb-ud-Din must have taken place before he captured Dihli. But 
what will totally overturn the theories on this matter, unless people will 
not be convicted, is the fact that Minhaj-ud-Din' s relative, Kazi, Muham- 
mad, the Tiilaki [Mr. Dowson's " Kazi Tulak"], was left with a body of 
troops to hold Tabarhindah for the space of six months [that is to the next 
cold season — the ninth or tenth month of 587 h. — September or October, 
1191 a. d.]. Why did he do this it may be asked ? and the answer is 
plain enough : he could not remain in India any longer with safety. The 
hot season was close at hand, and he would have been unable to return if 
he stayed much longer, for, besides the heat, the six mighty rivers in his 
rear would have all been unfordable, and would have to be crossed by boats, 
even if boats were procurable, a dangerous matter with regard to most of 
those rivers at that season, witness the strong Bailway Bridges washed 
away in these days. The Sultan, having been defeated immediately after 
he placed the Kazi in Tabarhindah, and having subsequently to accompa- 
ny his brother towards Marw, where they were occupied six months, could 
not return as he intended, and the Kazi having held out over thirteen 
months [see Translation, page 464], the Sultan still not having come, had 
to give it up to the Hindus. 

Now if we calculate, say, fourteen or fifteen months from the first 

defeat, for the Sultan's return \i. e. from the setting in of the hot season— 

the ninth month of 587 h.] we shall come to the last month of 588 h. ; 

and, in the same way, if we calculate six months of 588 h. for the opera- 

t t 

328 H. G. Uaverby—Bepty to 'Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. HI.' [No. 3, 

tions in Khurasan, we must allow some little time for the Sultan to reach 
Ghaznin, and he would then even require a month or two to prepare for a 
campaign in India ; and besides, even if Tie were ready before, he could not 
move towards India during the height of the hot season. There were the 
same six mighty rivers to be crossed, and all unfordable at that period ; and 
all these things being thought of, it was utterly impossible for Sultan Mu'izz- 
ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Sam, to have entered India, at the earliest, before the 
middle of September or October — the end of the ninth or tenth month of 
588 H., previous to which period no man in his senses, would have attemp- 
ted to march from Ghaznin, to cross the six rivers, and advance into India. 

Then followed the battle with Eae Pithora, Kutb-ud-Din is left in 
charge at Kuhram, and the Sultan prepared to return home again. 

These being the facts, how is it possible, on Mr. Thomas's " best autho- 
rities," that Kutb-ud-Din could have occupied Dihli in 587 h. ? 

I am glad also to find that General Cunningham, on his visit to Dihli 
in 1862, considered that 589 h. and not 587 h. was the correct date on the 
Mindrah — not of " Qutbuddin Aibeg," about which so many reams of 
paper have been written, but of a wholly different Kutb, respecting whom 
see note 6, page 621, to my Translation. I refer to the date on this 
Mindrah about which " doctors disagree," and with regard to which Mr. 
Thomas would fix on 587 h. for the occupation of Dihli, and so all other 
dates must be made to suit it. I suppose, however, that all the " best 
authorities" never considered how it could be possible for Sultan Mu'izz- 
ud-Din to be defeated by Eae Pithora just before the hot season of 587 
H., to take " a year's repose" [Thomas], again enter India, be occupied 
some time even then against Eae Pithora before finally overthrowing him 
[according to the Taj-ul-Ma'asir also], leave Kutb-ud-Din at Mirath, retire 
again from India, for Kutb-ud-Din, subsequent to all this, to occupy 
Dihli, build a great Mosque, upon which [notwithstanding the address of 
the President of the Archaeological Section at the Oriental Congress of 
1874] Musalman artizans brought from different parts of Asia were em- 
ployed, and all these events to have happened in the one year of 587 h. ! 
The idea is simply preposterous. 

It occurs to me, on considering this subject further, that the inscrip- 
tion on the fourth circlet of the lower storey of the Mindrah as given in 
Thomas [Pathan Kings, pages 21-22] refers not to Mu'izz-ud-Din, Muham- 
mad, son of Sam, if the name given is correct, but to his elder brother. 
It will be found at pages 368 and 370 of my Translation, and in the cor- 
responding places in the original, that the elder brother and suzerain of 
Mu'izz-ud-Din, Muhammad, son of Sam, was first called Muhammad and 
his title was Shams-ud-Din, and that the younger brother was also called 
Muhammad and his title was Shihab-ud-Din. The first brother after he 


1876.] H. Gr. Eaverty — Reply to ' Hlsty. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: 329 

came to the throne, assumed the title of " Ghiyas-ud-Dunya wa ud-Din, 
Muhammad, son of [Baha-ud-Din] Sam, Kasim-i-Amir-ul-Muminin," and 
that after the successes in Khurasan, in 588 h., the younger brother, 
Muhammad, who, up to that time, bore the title of Shihab-ud-Din, received 
the title o/Mu'izz-ud-Din, so, when defeated by Eae Pithora, he bore the 
title of Shihab-ud-Din, but after, on his return the second time, Mu'izz-ud- 
Din. This may account for the subsequent Indian Muhammadan writers 
calling him Shihab and Mu'izz indiscriminately. 

At the period in question, when these inscriptions are said to have 
been recorded [I fancy they were recorded subsequently. See note 6, page 
621, of my Translation] , the elder brother and suzerain was still living, 
and lived for ten years after ; and, I imagine, it will be allowed, that the 
two sovereigns, and both the brothers, at the same identical time, could not 
bear the title of Kasim-i-Amir-ul-Muminin, or G-hiyas-ud-Din, and, there- 
fore, leaving out the additional titles, the work of the artist probably, the 
title in the said inscription is, — " Sitltais'-us-Salatin, Ghiyas-ud-Dunya 
wa tjd-Dik, Muhammad, bin" Sam, Kasim-i-Amie-ul-Muminin," and 
throughout the inscription [given by Thomas] the name of MWizz-ud-Din, 
or Shihdb-ud-Din even, never once occurs. 

The Taj-ul-Ma'asir is quoted as an authority, and a sufficient authority, 
to upset the statements of Minhaj -ud-Din, whose father, Saraj -ud-Din, was 
Kazi of Sultan Mu'izz-ud-Din's army, and whose kinsman, the Kazi of 
Ttilak, was present on the spot ; but I do not place trust in the statements 
contained in that inflated work, unless they are corroborated or confirmed 
by some other contemporary writer. 

In Elliot [page 211, vol. ii.] it is stated that the Taj-ul-Ma'asir is rare 
in Europe. I have had/owr copies to compare with the extracts from it 
given in that work, and I find that the date mentioned there — 587 H. — for 
the victory Sultan's [it totally ignores his defeat] over Eae Pithora, is 
written £u» &s*> [which may be either £**» or £*«3] without any points in 
two copies of the four MSS., in the third with one dot over and one 
under, and in the fourth £~3. It is, therefore, evident that that date may 
be either 7 or 9, just as one chooses to read it ; but, as the first battle, 
according to every other author who has written on the subject, took place 
in 587 h., the same year, 587 h., cannot, for reasons already stated, be the 
same in which the Sultan defeated Eae Pithora, and the former's slave 
occupied Dihli. See note 6, page 521, para. 3 of my Translation. 

If the "best authorities" had looked at the Taj-ul-Ma'asir attentively 
however [see also Elliot, vol. ii., page 217], they would have found that, 
even according to that work, in Eamazan, the ninth month of 588 H. — the 
middle of October [1192 a. d.]— Kutb-ud-Din had to march from Kuhram 
to relieve Hansi [see also note 2 to page 516 of my Translation], and that, 


330 H. G. Kaverty— Reply to 'Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: [No. 3, 

subsequently, " When" [according to Elliot, page 219], " the chief lumi- 
nary threw its shade in the sign of Libra, and temperate breezes began to 
blow, after putting to flight the army of heat, Kutbu-d-Din marched from 
Kahram and took Mirath," and subsequent to that " he then encamped 
under the fort of Delhi, which was also captured:' This means 587 h. I 
suppose ? 

If Mr. Blochmann will look at " that excellent work" the Haft-Iklim, 
he may see therein stated, that the defeat of Mu'izz-ud-Din, Muhammad-i- 
Sam, took place in 587 h., his victory in 588 m, and that Dihli was 
occupied, as the seat of government, in 589 h. 

The Tabakat-i-Akbari, the author of which " must have had good 
MSS. older than" mine, also says, " defeated 587 h., victorious 588 h., 
Dihli occupied and made the seat of government by Kutb-ud-Din, in 589 


The Tazkarat-ul-Muhik also says, first battle and defeat of Mu'izz-ud- 
Din, 587 h., his victory 588 h., Dihli taken 589 h., and, next year, 590 h., 
Mu'izz-ud-Din came again on an expedition to Kinnauj. 

The Tarikh-i-Alfi says that the Sultan gained the victory over Eae 
Pithora in the year 578 of the rihlat = 588 h. 

The Zubdat-ut-Tawarikh also says that Dihli was made the seat of 
government in 589 h., and that, in the following year, 590 h., the Sultan 
returned on the expedition against Kinnauj. 

The Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh likewise says that Dihli was made the 
seat of government in 589 h. 

Biida'uni and Firishtah also will be found to agree with the Tabakat- 
i-Akbari ; and, to crown the whole, and put the finishing touch to the 
picture, Mr. Blochmann's own Ain says that the first battle and defeat 
of the Sultan took place in 587 h., the second and victory in 588 h., and 
that in the same year his slave took Dihli, but nothing is said of his making 
it the seat of government ; and this agrees with the Taj-ul-Ma'asir, where 
nothing is said of making Dihli the capital in that year ; but that, " from 
Dihli," after staying some time there, " he marched forth against Kol in 
590 h." 

I need not say more on this head I think, and do not doubt but that 
Mr. Thomas is open to conviction. 

The next matter is the conquest of Bihar by Muhammad, bin Bakht- 
ydr, the Khalj, which Mr. Thomas fixes at 599 h. on the authority, Mr. 
Blochmann "believes" of the Taj-ul-Ma'asir [Elliot's version probably], 
which state* that Kutb-ud-Din took Kalimjar in that year; but the MSS. 
of the Taj-ul-Ma'asir examined by me, unfortunately, have that same 
stubborn £X*> and what makes the date still more doubtful ^*j^— viz. . 
AjU^L j e,x*A^ &» &x* which, from the want of diacritical points, may 
be 577, 579, 597, or 599, just as the reader chooses to render the words. 

1876.] H. G. Baverty— Beply to « Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, JSTo. Ill: 331 

At page 523 of my Translation [note, para. 2] I have noticed that " it 
is astonishing that the Musalmans remained quiet for six years" assuming 
that 599 H. was the correct year in which Kalinjar was taken, which, I add, 
" was the same year in which Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din died," but, from the 
examination of these four MS8. of the Taj-ul-Ma'asir again, I am in doubt 
whether 597 H. is not the most correct according to that work. Minhaj- 
ud-Din says the Sultan died in 599 h., but, as I have noticed in note 4, 
page 383, some authors give 597 h., and some 598 h. as the date of his 

Those who suppose that Bengal was " conquered" [the surprise and 
capture of Nudiah I refer to] in 599 H., do not consider how Muhammad, 
bin Bakht-yar, could have " reigned," as he is said to have done, " twelve 
years" seeing that he was assassinated in 602 h. 

I am told that I am mistaken, according to my own authorities, in 
connexion with the very doubtful date in the Taj-ul-Ma'asir above referred 
to. Mr. Blochmann says, page 276, Part III. of his " Contributions" : — 

" (1) That Muhammad Bakhtyar appeared before Qutbuddin in Dihli, 
and was rejected by reason of his humble condition. 

" According to Major Baverty, Dihli was occupied in 589 h. # ; hence 
Muhammad Bakhtyar must have been rejected in or after 589 H. 

" (2) After his rejection, Muhammad Bakhtyar goes to Badaon, where 
Hizabr gives him a fixed salary. 

" (3) After some time Muhammad Bakhtyar goes to Audh, where he 
obtains certain fiefs near the Bihar frontier. He now undertakes plunder- 
ing expeditions, which continue, according to the printed text, for one or 
two years. 

In a foot-note is added, " Major Baverty has left this out." 
" (4) He invades Southern Biharf and takes the town of Bihar. He 
then goes to Dihli, where he remains for some time at Qutb's court. 

" (5) The second year after his conquest of Bihar, he sets out for Ben- 
gal, and takes Nadiya. 

" Now how is it possible, with these five chronological particulars, that 
" Muhammad Bakhtyar could have left Bihar, as Major Baverty says, in 589 
" H. to invade Lakhnauti, if Qutb occupied Dihli in 589 ?" [A foot-note has, 
Major Baverty says that Muhammad Bakhtyar presented himself to the 
Sultan at Lahor, but the text has Dihli (page 549).] " It would, indeed, 
" be a close computation if we allowed but five years for the above events, 
"i. e. if we fixed the conquest of Bengal as having taken place in 594 h., 
"or a. n. 1198." 

* Early in 589 h. 

f It should have been stated above that his fiefs were close to the frontier of 
South Bihar, as in my translation, 


332 H. G. Havei^y— Reply to' Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: [No. 3, 

To this my reply is that the text (page 549), says not one word about 
" Muhammad Bakhtyar" presenting himself before " the Sultan at Lahor" 
[" the Sultan" in this instance was a slave, continued a slave during his 
master's lifetime, and did no.t obtain his freedom and the title of Sultan 
until 605 H. — only about fifteen years after this time I See page 389 of 
Translation, and corresponding place in the original] . The words in my 
Translation are, that " Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar presented himself before 
the Muster-Master at DihU," and so, the probability is, that Malik Kutb- 
ud-Din was at Lahor, as I have stated in note 6, page 550, on the authority 
of another writer, and Muhammad, bin Bakht-yar, straightway went to 
Husam-ud-Din, Ughul-Bak. 

If looked at in a different light, although the time seems very short, 
it is not so utterly impossible for Muhammad, bin Bakht-yar, to have waited 
on Kutb-ud-Din at Labor, or gone to Ughul-Bak, as the case may be, pro- 
ceeded to Awadh, have been sent to Bhiuli and Bhagwat, have taken Bihar 
which only required a party of 200 horsemen (in fact, it may be said Mu- 
hammad, bin Bakht-yar, took it alone) and might have occupied him a 
couple of weeks, or even say a month from his fiefs, a distance of under 
200 miles as the crow flies, have gone to Dihli to Kutb-ud-Din in 589 h. 
or to Mahobah, as the case may be, and have invaded Bengal the following 
year, for the second year after means the following year — I quote my au- 
thors as I find them. That in ihe following year after 589 h., he took 
Niidiah, agrees with the statement of Shiam Parshad, whose work Mr. 
Blochmann, of course, has referred to ; but he appears not to have noticed 
the statement of Minhaj-ud-Din at page 556 of my Translation [page 150 
of the printed text], that when Muhammad, bin Bakht-yar, returned from 
the presence of Kutb-ud-Din, he suddued Bihar, thus contradicting his 
previous statement. 

The only thing I can blame myself for in this matter is, that I did not 
mention in a note, that the printed text, which at one time is so utterly 
untrustworthy, and then so trustworthy, contained the words " matters 
went on in this way for one or two years" after the words " and ravaged 
that territory," at page 551 of my Translation. The reason why I did not 
do so is, that, in all probability, I did not look at the printed text here, or 
that it escaped my attention, otherwise I certainly should have done so : 
I think I have noticed the printed text pretty often, when right as well as 
when wrong. I had no object not to do so : I had built up no theory or 
made statements anywhere else that I wished to support. I might also 
have added that the two MSS. on which that printed text is based, two of 
the three worst of those collated, contain the same words, and that all the 
other collated MSS. had no such words. 

1876.] H. G. Baverty— Beply to 'Misty, and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: 333 

I would, however, remark here that I did not profess to translate the 
Calcutta Printed Text, but to translate the work from MSS., and as adver- 
tised on the covers of the Society's publications. 

Why the expression " some years before 601 h." can make it clear 
[« Contributions," page 277] that Niidiah "must have been taken shout 
594 H. or 595 h., i.e. in a. d. 1198 or 1199," any more than about 591, 2, 3 
or even 596 or 7, I am at a loss to understand. But one thing, at least, is 
very clear, that the year 599 h. for the conquest of Bengal, even " as con- 
sistent with the best authorities," is utterly impossible. 

Another theory is then raised. Although it is clear to Mr. Blochmann 
that Nudiah " must have been taken in 594 or 595 h.," the statement 
contained in the Taj-ul-Ma'asir [Mrishtah, who merely copies from his 
immediate predecessors, more particularly, is a very trustworthy authority 
to quote !] that Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar waited on Kutb-ud-Din at Mahobah 
in 599 h. — a doubtful date in that work, as before stated, which may be 
597 h. a,n& four or Jive years after Mr. Blochmann says Bengal was con- 
quered — " involves no contradiction as far as chronology is concerned:'' 
No, not in the least, even though Minhaj-ud-Din states, that Muhammad-i- 
Bakht-yar waited on Kutb-ud-Din before he surprised Niidiah. With that 
city Bengal — or rather Lakhanawati — fell. There is no mention of any 
fighting after; and so, if it is correct, according to the Taj-ul-Ma'asir, that 
Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar only waited on Kutb-ud-Din at Mahobah, in 599 
h., not from Awadh and Bihar as incorrectly rendered in Elliott's ver- 

sion, [page 232, vol. ii.], but from jl#J *ijd\ — the points are thus given — 
according to the text of the Taj-ul-Ma'asir, I now have before me, that 
city could only have been taken after that time — 599 h. See also foot- 
note page 276 of the " Contributions,'''' in which it is contended that &ijo] 
— as Minhaj-ud-Din writes it — cannot be correct because the Calcutta Text 
has aij|. The author of the Tabakat-i-Akbari, like some others, takes Mu- 
hammad, son of Bakht-yar, from the presence of Mu'izz-ud-Din direct to 
Husam-ud-Din, Ughal-Bak, and says, that Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, when 
subsequently he came to Kutb's presence, " was deputed to conquer Lakh- 

The Tazkarat-ul-Muliik also takes Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar direct 
from Ghaznin to Ughal-Bak, and states that he took Bihar before he went 
to Kutb-ud-Din]. 

" The time fixed upon by Mr. Thomas for the conquest of Bengal is 
599 h., that is, /ow or five years after the time assumed by Mr. Bloch- 
mann, while I have stated, according to my author, the year following 589 
H., that is 590 h. — but three ox four years before Mr. Blochmann' s chosen 
time. Mr. Thomas is only " a little too late :" mine is " impossible as 
being too early." Probably Mr. Blochmann has not noticed that at page 

II ' 

334 H. G. Baverty — Beply to ' Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: [No. 3, 

340 of the Bo. As. J., vol. vi. for 1873, Mr. Thomas has again changed in 
Ms ideas, and says " the first occupation of Bengal by Muhammad Bakht- 
yar Khilji" was " in 600 a. h." 

I now come to another chief point in this discussion. 

Mr. Blochmann " thought" the name of " Qutbuddin of the Paralyzed 
Sand," [see Briggs' translation of Firishtah, noticed in note at page 519 
and 521 of my Translation, which makes a very energetic warrior of him, 
considering his " Paralyzed Hand"], had been " set at rest" by Mr. Thomas 

but in this I cannot agree any more than in the date 599 and 600 

H. for the conquest of Bengal — and says that my different MSS. " have 
clearly the same words as the Bibl. Indica Edition of the Tabaqat" : my 
MSS. run thus : — 


but, in the Calcutta Text, after the word jl, the words «a».*o jl — " of a" or 
" the hand" — occur, and the Hamilton MS., the worst of the whole num- 
ber collated, has the same, but the other two MSS. from which the Printed 
Text is taken have not those words, and another MS. has b j\ — " of a" or 
" the foot" — but all the rest of the MSS. are as I have given it above, and 
translated it. 

I fail to see much difference in Mr. Blochmann's "literal translation :" 
— " Outwardly he had no comeliness, and his little finger [of one hand] 
possessed an infirmity. For this reason they called him Aibak-i-shall 
[Aibak with the paralyzed hand] " and my : — "He possessed no outward 
comeliness, and the little finger [of one hand ?] had a fracture, and on that 
account he used to be styled T-bak-i-Shil [the ■powerless-fingered']" The 
only difference is that where I translate «-^| l } had, Mr. Blochmann trans- 
lates it possessed — a mighty difference truly — and that I translate the 
word ^^xteS — guftandi which is the imperfect tense of the verb, used also 
to imply continuity or habitude, and is not the past tense, and that I give 
to ^xJLX* the meaning of a concrete noun. I see no reason to alter my 
translation, as lexicographers, who are supposed to know something of the 
meanings of words, render ^JLX*. a rupture, a fracture, defeat, as well as 
breaking, brokenness, &c. 

Mr. Blochmann calls the Haft-Iklim " an excellent work," and in this 
I quite agree with him. Let him look at it, however, and he will find with 
respect to Kutb-ud-Din, T-bak-i-Shil, that, in it, are the following words — 
(iJiaSo/o ^ajj \j 3 \ ^ <3uX£ j^^ cu^xii iS ^Jt J (—which I defy any one 
to translate otherwise than—from, or on this, that his little finger was 
broken they used to call him I'-bak." Which hand is not stated. 

The author of the Tabakat-i-Akbari, Buda'uni, and even Firishtah, all 
of whom Mr. Blochmann states [" Contributions ," page 280], must have 

1876.] H. G. Baverty— i^/y to ' Kisty. andGeogr. of Bengal, No. IIV 335 

had very good MSS. of tie Tabaqdt-i-Mciri, all have the vert same 
words, copying one from the other, as are contained in the Haft-Iklim, the 
Tazkarat-ul-Muliik has the same, and also the Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. 
Some others say the same, bnt I need not name them here, as those I have 
mentioned are easily obtained for reference, but all leave out the JU with- 
out which <2Uj|— finger, is meaningless. Mr. Blochmann quotes the Shams- 
ul-Lughat : let him look at it for the word c£bj| and he will see these 
words— c^xJ| ^U+j^xj <*Uj|_ « T-bak with kasr means fltoeb," as well 
as the other meanings mentioned in the " Contributions." 

The Tarikh-i-Majami'-ul-Khiyar— not the work even of a resident in 

India — has aua^ cU i£Uj| |jj| ^j &ju£& j\ j,&U>. *s*m&\ e^ "As his 

little finger was broken, they called him I'-bak-i-Shil." The Zubdat-ut- 
Tawarikh, which copies Minhaj-ud-Din, has the same words as given in 
my Translation ; and it is satisfactory to know that those authors who say 
his little finger was broken, read the word ii fl«£A as I have read it. Of 
course, neither Minhaj-ud-Din, nor any other who writes I'-bak-i-Shil 
which even, on Mr. Blochmann' s own showing, is in the Calcutta Printed 
Text as in other copies, is right in putting cU whether it be shil or shall 
last, and it ought, according to Mr. Blochmann, to be inverted into " Shil- 
Aibak," otherwise it is " un- Persian." None of these authors who write 
I'-bak-i-Shil therefore, according to this theory, could have known their 
own language ! He also, in his literal translation, renders the passage 
" and his little finger [of one hand] possessed an infirmity," and yet he 
turns him into " Aibak with the paralyzed hand." Because one finger 
was broken, or "possessed an infirmity," it does not follow that the whole 
hand was paralyzed. Mr. Blochmann could not have thought of these 
matters when he proceeded to criticise the correctness of my Translation. 

I have never said that T-bak alone meant T-bak of the broken finger, 
but, with shil added to it — I'-bak-i-Shil — as I have already stated in note 1, 
page 513-14 of my Translation, and I have also stated that, in Turkish, 
I -bak " means finger' ' only : not broken or f ractured-fingered, or the like. 
Mr. Blochmann could not have read the notes through, or failed to see 
what I said of I-h&k-i-IJang in the same note. Nor have I said that T-bak 
was not Turkish, for he was a Turk, and so bore a Turkish name. 

Neither have I ever hinted, much less stated, that his real name was 
Kutb-ud-Din : to have said so would have been absurd. That is his Musal- 
man titular name only, as Shams-ud-Din was the Musalman name title of 
his slave, I-yal-timish. In my note 1, page 513, I have said that Kutb-ud- 
Din could not have been his real name, nor T-bak either, which I looked 
upon as a nick-name or by-name. So Mr. Blochmann here, unknown to 
nimself probably, has come to the same conclusion. I should not write his 
name however under any circumstance " Qutbuddin," any more than I 



336 XL G. Baverty — Beply to ' Misty, and Geogr. of Bengal, No. III? [No. 3, 

should translate it Thepolestarofthefaith, but Kutb-ud-Din — The Polestar 
of [the] Faith. 

There is not the least cause for " the izdfat" to be cancelled in I'-bak- 
i-Shil : to do so would be contrary to the primary and simplest rules of the 
Persian Grammar— the Trani I mean— of the " Turani" dialect I know 
nothing. In Shil T-bak an adjective precedes the noun, and the cJL£|— 
izdfat — does not take place ; but, when the adjective or qualifying word 
follows the noun, the Jcasrah of izdfat is required. See the "Am," page 
629 for an example, where Mr. Blochmann himself writes " A'zam KhXst, 
vide Kha^-i-A'zam." Any Persian Grammar, however simple, will show 
this, as well as Lumsden, or Sir W. Jones, Forbes, &c. The following is 
given as an example, and is very pertinent to the subject : — 

" The last letter of every Persian word is quiescent, or un-accented— 
i. e. (j.S'U* as v-**»| asp, a horse ; cu^^ dast, a hand ; dj*> mard, a man. But, 
in composition, when such word is either the ol^ — muzdfi or governing 
noun, or the vJ^yo mausufi or substantive noun, the last letter must be 
accented with the Jcasrah of izdfat : as for example — aJ^ y*»l asp-i-jald — 

a swift horse ; &i) cu-*^ — dast-i-Zaid — the hand of Zaid ; ^# &j*> mard-i- 

nek — a good man ; ou*»|j ty rdh-i-rast — a true or right way, the Jcasrah 

being the sign of the governing noun, or the antecedent of the relative 

Again : " When the adjective follows the substantive, the latter must 
be accented with the Jcasrah ; as *U*° yH asp-i-smh — a black horse, but, on 

the contrary, when the adjective precedes the noun, the Jcasrah must not 
be used, as y*»| *U** sidh asp — a black horse. The same rule is likewise 
applicable to the governing and the governed nouns substantive ; as w%°j 

e;U>Uob — hddshdhdn-i-zamin — kings of the earth ; a>4^ 8L& shdh-i-jahdn — - 

f * 

king of the world ; *^ cjI^ jahdn-shah — world king," &c. 

When I learned these simple rules just thirty years since, I did not 
expect I should have to quote them again. Shil T-bak therefore and 
I'-bak-i-Shil, and f-bak-i-Lang, as he is styled in the Jami'-ut-Tawarikh, 
and in Fanakati, come under these rules, but no writer who pretended to 
elegance of style would prefer the former to the latter. I am quite content 
to leave this to any Persian scholar — Persian or European. In aU^^c 
which Mr. Blochmann himself translates [page 136] " Lord of the Moon," 
why is he so m- Persian, and why does he not " cancel the izdfat?' and 
write Moon Lord ? and without an artificial izafat whence comes " of the ?" 

I do not know that any one has said that Mr. Thomas is not quite 
correct in looking upon i£bj| as " the original name." I, certainly, have not 
said so. I only write I-bak what Mr. Thomas writes Aiheg and Mr. Bloch- 

1876.] H. G. Kaverty— i^Zy to'Sisty. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: 337 

mann Allah, but I think Mr. Blochmann would have some difficulty in 
showing me the word written with a madd, viz. tiojf. He certainly cannot 
show it to me in any copy of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri. I never saw it so 

As to what is given as the legend on coins he is said to have issued, 
and his being merely called I'-bak therein, which Mr. Blochmann deems 
quite sufficient to refute me by my own remarks, it is evident that, before 
Mr. Blochmann had calmly read my statements, he penned this portion of 
his " Contributions." I read in the legend given at page 525 of my 
Translation the words— Sultan Kutb-ud-Din, I'-bak, as plain as it is possi- 
ble to print. He would scarcely have put shil or shall upon his coins. Did 
Timiir add the word Lang to the legend on his ? Of course not : but I 
will not give the legend here. See the additional note to my Transla- 
tion, on the subject of the legends on these coins : end of Nasir-ud-Din, 
Mahmiid Shah's reign, page 717. 

I do not consider that Mr. Thomas or any one else has " set this ques- 
tion at rest" with respect to " Aibeg ;" and had Mr. Blochmann not been 
quite so hasty he might have read a note in my Translation, a little farther 

on, where I have remarked upon the number of other Maliks styled <£Uj| 

some five or six or more, including Ulugh-Khan's brother. I have endea- 
voured to get a real Turkish scholar to give me his ideas upon several Tur- 
kish titles in the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, and perhaps, before this is sent off, I 
may receive his reply. 

As to there being no such word as shil in Persian meaning limp, weak, 
soft, paralyzed, &c. [" Contributions," page 278] I do not agree with 
Mr. Blochmann. It is not Turani, and may be Irani, or possibly local, 
and peculiar to the Farsiwans of Afghanistan, but is commonly used ; and 
another Persian word—shul — is used with it in the sense mentioned. As 
to Mr. Blochmann's " rare Arabic word shal or shall [which " rare" word 
I have also referred to in my note, page 513], he says it means " having a 
withered hand," but I say it means a hand or foot paralyzed or powerless, 
&c., on the authority of an excellent Lexicon in Persian, which explains it 
thus : — 

*-«U j^iU) j(j Jg y aS di-ij* \) ^Jj ^»«o ^j** j 
I think I may venture to assert that Sultan Mu'izz-ud-Din, Muham- 
mad, son of Sam, was rather unlikely to have purchased a slave with the 
whole of one hand paralyzed : a finger broken or paralyzed would have been 
no very great detriment, but how could a one-hand paralyzed man fight on 
horseback ? See too the wonderful feats Dow and Briggs — not Firishtah 
make him perform. As to its being " a rare Arabic word" I beg to say 
that it is a most common one among the Afghans : in fact, they rarely ever 
use another word, except by adding J^ shull to it — " shall-o-shull" See 
my Pushto Dictionary, page 656. 


838 H. G. Baverty— JRepfy to 6 Sisty. and Geogr. ofBengal^No. Ill: [No. 3, 

In the following page [279] of his " Contributions 1 '' Mr. Blochmann, 
referring to my mentioning in a note to my Translation, that Aram Shah 9 
said to be the son of f-bak, and, by some, the adopted son, is called X'-bak's 
brother by Abii-1-Fazl, says he takes " the opportunity to justify Abul-Fazl, 
and that, in his [own] Ain text, Abul-Fazl states twice distinctly that 
Aram Shah was Aibak's son." Mr. Blochmann's Ain may, but in my 

the MS. I quoted, and which is now before me — a " good old copy" — 

has these words, in which may be a clerical error : — 

^Jb&iUji awojj Ijjlj&J/i *^ f'jf !^°l c^^Uj^ ^%**j «**j ^)Ij ^j^ Jd 

At page 279 of his " Contributions 17 Mr. Blochmann considers the 
word ^T di " a moon" in the word *£Xm\ to occur in other names of Indian 
History, and in what he calls ".^i-tigin" or j^'tigin [he is not certain 
which perhaps : t^f can be written jE7, in Tiirani probably], and in " Ai- 
lititmish, the emperor Altamsh," but unfortunately ^f with madd over the 
I does not occur in either of those names, nor will Mr. Blochmann show 
them to me so written even in the Bibl. Indica edition of the " Tabaqat." 

If " Ai-lititmish" be the name of the so-called "emperor" [but why 
not write also the " emperor" Mahmud, son of Sabuk-Tigin, the " emperor" 
Mu'izz-ud-Din, and the " emperor" Kutb-ud-Din ? They were Sultans by 
title as well as "^"-lititmish" was], and if " ^-lititmish" be right, why 
style him " Altamsh" still? Such must be " behind modern research." 
If l$1 be contained in the words eH^ui and J&*aJj| — there are no madds 
here — and is entirely separate from the && and (j*+xf of those words, 
how does Mr. Blochmann account for the words (J*+±ki Kal-timish, ^j^U^i 
Tak-timish, and tjSwiL* — Sal-timish ? These are names often occurring as 

well as 4j^^Jj| # — I-yal-timish, elsewhere than in Indian history, because 

they are Turk names, but the last part of these compound words is tj**3 
sometimes written (Jk±+$ and <j*U£> and the first part <Ji — Jp — cU» and 
Jj| respectively, and not ^f at all. After this same fragile theory, I-yal- 
Arsalan — eM**j| Jj| ? I-yal-ka — ^t, and I-yal-diiz — J>j^| which latter the 
author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri and some others write jj^i Yal-duz [where 
is the " (^f di ' a moon' " here ? Jj^l is said to mean a star in Turkish], 
those names must be written ^U-liarsalan, ^(i-lika, and ^'-lilduz. I should 
like to know the titles of these " oldest Dictionaries" which give the pronun- 
ciation " Ji-lititmish." No, no, the " ^f di ' a moon' " in these last names 
is all moonshine. 

Again Mr. Blochmann makes everything succumb to " metrical pas- 
sages" and poetry while I treat of prose. 

I have included the name of Jb+^kl* — I-yal-timish, as one of my 

* Major Raverty's original contains sukuns above the Idm^ mim ) and shin. Ed. 

' '■«£ 

1876.] H. G. Eaverty— Beply to 'Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: 339 

three oldest MSS. of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri writes it with tie points, among 
the Turkish titles or by-names referred to a Turkish scholar. 

In the order of Mr. Blochmann's strictures I come now to " dangerous 
innovations" in spelling names, but, for convenience, I will notice them last, 
and proceed to another most important point. He says, page 279 : 

" The only thing we knew hitherto (and I believe it is all we know 
now) is that the conqueror of Bengal was called 

Muhammad Bakhtyar, 
and the name of his paternal uncle was 
Muhammad Mahmiid.* 

" The names of these two persons Major Eaverty breaks up, by intro- 
ducing an artificial izafat, or sign of the genitive" [see ante on the use of 
the izafat and the ^-J^p IjuS and any Grammar on the subject], "into 
four names, viz. Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, and Muhammad-i-Mahmud * * 

" Major Eaverty says in explanation that " in his older MSS." the word 
bin, or son, is inserted between the words Muhammad and Bakhtyar in the 
heading of Chapter V., which contains the biography of the conqueror of 
Bengal ; hence the conqueror of Bengal was Muhammad, and " the father's 
name, it appears, was Bakhtyar, the son of Mahmud." It is not stated in 
how many MSS. this bin occurs ; but, though it occur in the heading, it 
never occurs in the text. 

" The name of Muhammad Bakhtyar occurs more than thirty times in 
Major Eaverty's Chapters V. and VI. (pages 548 to 576) ; but in every 
case Major Eaverty gives Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, i. e. the Izafat. Hence 
his MSS. have no bin in the text. In the heading of Chapter VI., there is 
no bin, though Major Eaverty puts it in ; he tries even to do so in the 
heading to Chapter VIII., in the name of Husamuddin 'Iwaz, and " one or 
two authors" get the credit of it." 

My answer is, I "put" nothing "in": "nor does the word bin 
"occur in the MSS. of the Taj-ul-Maasir, in Firishtah, the Tabaqat-i-Akbari, 
Badaoni, and later writers, though the authors of these histories must have 
" had very good MSS. of the Tabaqat-i-Naciri, some of which in all pro- 
bability were older than those in Major Eaverty's possession. Hence I 
' look upon the correctness of the solitary bin in the headings of some of 
"Major Eaverty's MSS. as doubtful." The Taj-ul-Ma'asir has no Arabic 
headings like the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, and does not use the word bin, but, 
that work not being written in the Tiirani idiom, the Kasrah of 
izafat, where necessary, is understood. The author of the Taj-ul-Ma'asir 
could not have had a good or an old copy of the " Tabaqat" seeing it was 
only written thirty years and more after that work. Neither has the 
labakat-i-Akbari Arabic headings, Buda'uni says he copies from his patron's 

* Where is it so stated before I stated it P 



340 H. Gr. Raverty — Beply to 'Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. III. 9 [No. 3, 

work. I have already shown, in my notes 6 and 4 to pages 697 and 711, 
and in many other places of my Translation, what the Tabakat-i-Akbari is. 
The Author in all probability saw the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, but, as I suppose, 
he did not take the trouble to collate different copies, and contented himself 
with one— for example the I. 0. L. MS. 1952, "a good old copy" too, 
which one person, at least, styles an " autograph" — the short-comings of 
the Tabakat-i-Akbari may be accounted for. Firishtah contains nothing 
whatever — not a single event — respecting the Turk Sultans of the Mu'izzi 
and Shamsi dynasties, but what is contained in the Tabakat-i-Akbari, even 
to the poetical quotations and the blunders also. 

I do not propose to change the name of the " conqueror of Bengal" : 
I do more. I do change it, without the least hesitation, on the authority of 
the best extant copies of the text of the " Tabaqat," which work, as Mr, Bloch- 
mann most correctly observes, " is the only authority we possess for this 
period" and it will require positive proof to the contrary to make me give 
up the point. Because a name has been written incorrectly before, on 
wrong assumption, or on mere theories, and because the two names Muham- 
mad and Bakht-yar have been handed down and repeated from one writer 
to another as that of one man only, is there any reason why such error 
should be obstinately stuck to through thick and thin ? 

But at the same time I must state that I have naught to gain or lose 
by the change : I have no object in changing it, and only do so on the 
" undoubted authority" of my author. The matter lies in a nut-shell : 
either the father was called Bakht-yar, or he was not. If he was so called, 
then he has hitherto had the credit for what his son performed. 

As to Muhammad with the kasrah of izdfat being correct, I fancy Mr. 
Blochmann, even in a Muhammadan " School Register," [a great authority 
certainly,] never found one person called Muhammad Mahmiid without the 
last referred to his father — certainly not if a Musalman in his senses wrote 
it down. But with regard to the " conqueror's" name, i. e. Muhammad, 
and Bakht-yar, that is Bakht-yar-ud-Din, his father's name, the word bin 
— son of — I first noticed in the oldest British Museum copy, one of the three 
best I have had for my translation, and Professor Rieu, on whose words, 
opinion, and experience in such matters, I place implicit confidence, considers 
it a MS. of the 14th century, or about a century after the time that Minhaj- 
ud-Din wrote. The word bin also occurs in the other British Museum MS., 
and in the best St. Petersburg copy, which is another of the three I refer 
to, and in the very old copy I have— which apparently looks, but may not 
be, much older than either of the other two — the whole of the headings are 
pointed, and in this last MS. the word bin does not occur, for at this par- 
ticular place, as well as in a few other instances where bin, as in the case 
of Muhammad bin Suri, of whom more anon, is subsequently given, the 
bin has clearly been left out, accidentally, by the copyist. 

1876.] H. G. Bavertj—Bephf to'Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: 341 

The word bin— Mr. Blochmann's " solitary bin"— also occurs in the 
best Paris copy. So bin— 11 son of"— occurs in four MSS. : in three of the 
best and oldest copies ; the izafat in a fourth which often uses the izafat for 
bin in other instances where son of is undoubtedly meant ; and bin in a 
fifth considered to be a precious " autograph" of the author's. In the 
other MSS. vowel-points are not marked, but the izafat is, without doubt, 
meant there, as in other places where not marked. The " one or two 
authors" seems to be disapproved of— I had an object in not stating all my 
authors' names at the time. 

I can give hundreds of such like instances of bin and an izafat being 
used indiscriminately. But just look at the Calcutta Printed Text for 
example— the first page that meets the eye— page pp 44, the heading is 
" Al Amir Muhammad, bin 'Abbas," and immediately under, second line, 
are the words :— &jX» ^Up o+=z»jx*k * # # * # j y> ^Ji^ and? as ren _' 
dered in my version, page 332, " He made over the kingdom of Ghiir to 
Amir Muhammad-^-'Abbas," and which Mr. Blochmann, according to his 
theory, would have written " Amir Muhammad 'Abbas," and so have made 
one person of the plural There is another good example at pages I ||* and 
r I a viz. :— fU *+** &i «5j+*'° wWl &k*— Ghiyas-ud-Din, Mahmud bin 
Muhammad-i-Sam. Here bin is used for one person — the son, and an 
izafat understood and required for another person — the father : there is no 
izafat marked, but it must be used, because Muhammad, his father, was not 
called Sam, but he was the son of Sam — that is Baha-ud-Din, Sam. 
Ghiyas-ud-Din, Mahmiid's father's name, is written in full in the headings 
with bin, but under, fU **** ^J\ d^— Ghiyas-ud-Din, Muhammad-*'- 
Sam, and likewise his brother's, j*U» **s: /0 ^joJ| j,*x> — Mu'izz-ud-Din, Mu- 
hammad-«-Sam, but, by the theory put forth in the " Contributions;' and 
the system followed in the translation of the " Ain-i-Akbari," they would 
both be turned into Sam which alone refers to their father, and not to 
them, as the headings as well as the text — including the printed text — most 
undoubtedly show, and many other examples are to be found in the work. 
Ihe names in the headings are written in Arabic, in every copy, throughout 
the whole book, and in the body of the work, according to the Persian 
idiom, the izafat for bin is understood, as is also the case with the name of 
Ikhtiyar-ud-Din, Muhammad, bin Bakht-yar-ud-Din, the Khalj, and others. 
Another matter tending to prove that Bakht-yar is the father's titular 
name, is the fact that the author of the Tabakat-i-Akbari— one of those 
who must have had the old and correct MSS.— styles him, " Malik Muham- 
mad-i-Bakht-yar-ud-Din." Muhammad could not possibly be called Bakht- 
yar-ud-Din, and Ikhtiyar-ud-Din too. 

The same author, by the bye, at the head of the chapter, styles the 
" conqueror" of Bengal Ikhtitae-tjd-Dim-, Muhammad, only. Why ? 
Because he understood that Bakht-yar-ud-Din was his father's name. 



342 H. G. Raverty— Beply to 'Histy. andGeogr. of Bengal, M. Ill: [No. 3, 

" Further," says Mr. Blochmann, « supposing bin to be correct, is it 
"not strange, nay totally un- Persian, to speak continually of Muhammad- 
" £m-Bakhtyar, or Muhammad-z-Bakhtyar, instead of using the single name 
" of Muhammad ? This would be Arabic usage. Thirdly, if Mahmiid were 
" the grandfather, it would, have been extraordinary on the part of the author 
" to have left out the grandfather in the heading, and in the beginning of 
" the chapter, when Muhammad Bakhtyar's descent is spoken of, and merely 
"incidentally to mention it in connexion with the paternal uncle." 

It certainly would be ^-Persian to speak continually of Muhammad- 
lin Bakht-yar, hence, after the Arabic heading, as in other places through- 
out the whole work of Minhaj-ud-Din, the Persian izafat is understood. 
Scores of examples in the text also show that a man's single name, such for 
example as Muhammad would be here, is unusual except in the case of some 
slaves whose fathers' names appear to have been unknown. So engrafted is 
the custom of using the father's name with the son's [but not the grand- 
father's], that in our Indian Courts we find bin and walad always used, 
and even in Bombay we find low- caste Hindus, Dehrs, &c, styled, for ex- 
ample — " Lakhsman, walad Nursia," and " Pandu. bin Santo," &c. A 
grandfather's name is very seldom put in the headings of the Tabakat-i 
Nasiri — it is not usual to do so. Had the paternal uncle's name occurred 
in a heading the word bin would have been written no doubt ; but, as I 
have before noticed, did any person ever hear one man called Muhammad 
Mahmiid ? I know, however, that one of the sons of Mahmiid of Ghaznin 
is styled Muhammad- ^-Mahmiid, and that his uncles are styled, Nasr-i-Sabuk- 
Tigin, and Yiisuf-^Sabuk-Tigin respectively. What a nice thing for a 
translator to make one man of them ! 

" Lastly," writes Mr. Blochmann, " the use of the Izafat, instead of 
" bin or pisar (son), is restricted to poetry, and does not occur in prose [see 
"note J, page 280]. I see therefore, no reason to change the name of the 
"conqueror of Bengal, as proposed by Major Eaverty." 

This is a matter of such vital importance that I must give two exam- 
ples of what may be caused through a translator not knowing where to 
place the izafat so much objected to, as never occurring in Persian prose, 
in place of bin, son of, and which is so " «m-Persian." 

A careful and conscientious writer like Elphltststone says, in Book 
V, Chapter I, of his History of India, that "Mahommed-Casim" invaded 
Sind ; and, page after page, and paragraph after paragraph, it is said that 
" Casim" did this, and " Casim" did that, and that " the Mohametan arms 
ceased with the death of Casim." 

In Elliot also, Vol. I, page 138, the extract from the Chach-namah 
commences with the death of Rae Dahir " at the hands of Muhammad 
Kasim Sakifi." These names — for they are used as that of one person— 

1876.] H.G.Raverty— Beplyto < Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, M. IIZ' 343 

« Muhammad Kasim" occur in scores of places throughout the extract 
but, at page 157 we also have " Imadu-d-din Muhammad Kasim Un Abi 
»Akil Sakifi. 

Now " Casim" or « Kasim" had nothing whatever to do with Sind or 
its conquest. He was dead before his son, Muhammad, was appointed by 
his uncle to lead the 'Arabs into Sind, and so the father, who was in his 
grave at the time, has had credit up this moment, in our Histories of In- 
dia, for what his son performed, in the same manner that Bakht-yar-ud- 
Din, the Khalj, has had the credit for what his son, Ikhtiyar-ud-Din, per- 

From Tabari downwards, the name of the conqueror of Sind is 'Imad- 
ud-Din, Muhammad, son of Kasim, son of Muhammad, son of Hakam, son 
of Abu-'Ukail, and Al-Biladuri, an extract from whose work' is given in 
Elliot, says the same as Tabari ; but because the author of the Chach- 
Namah headed his Chapters in Persian instead of Arabic, the necessary izafat 
was not recognized, and hence this lamentable error. Such is history. 

Examples of this I have already given ; but turn to page p» — 40 of the 
Calcutta Printed Text, wdiich is the same as other copies in these instances, 
and the fourth line from the heading are these words ojj**, ^JSS^^ dj+sz* 
j* ^ i^y ^^ cJj-^. chun tahht-i-Ghaznin ha Amir Mahmud-i-Sabuk- 
Tagin rasid. Does Mr. Blochmann mean to assert that Sabuk-Tigin is not the 
father's name ? So much for the random assertion that " the izafat in- 
stead of bin or pisar [which last I have not used] is restricted to poetry, and 
does not occur in prose," and according to the foot-note that it " is rare in 
poetry, and poets do not like to use this Izafat.'' 1 If Mr. Blochmann met 
with the following in Indian History — cjl^ v-Cb' |j*j c^jU> <n) Jt y); wl^—I 
wonder what he would think of it : he would write it " Shihabuddaulah 
Harun Bughra flak Khan," and make one person of it. I, however, would 
read it—" Shihab-ud-Daulah, Harun-i-Bughra-i-r-lak-Khan," because I 
know for certain that Harun who is entitled Shihab-ud-Daulah is the 
son of Bughra, who is the son of the I-lak Khan, who is named Miisa, 
who were Khans of Mawar-un-JSTahr of the Afrasiyabi dynasty. 

Next, in the same foot-note,J page 280 of the Contributions," Mr. 
Blochmann says that " Minhaj-i-Siraj" does not mean in prose, ' Minhaj, the 
"son o/Siraj,' but Minhaj who writes under the name of Siraj. That the 
"father's name was Siraj has nothing to do with it." 

Mr. Blochmann would find it difficult to show me where he " writes 
under the name of Siraj." I suppose it will be allowed that that Author 
knew his own name, and his father's, and if that be allowed, he calls himself 
repeatedly Minhaj -ud-Din-i-Saraj, and he further says that his father was 
the Maulana Saraj-ud-Din, whose father was the Maulana Minhaj -ud- Din, 
'Usman, whose father was the Imam, 'Abd-ul-Khalik, the Jiirjani. Tor 
V Y 



344 H. G. Kaverty— Reply to 'Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: [No. 3, 

these reasons AEtf-'UMR-i-'UsMAN, who is also called MiNHAj-UD-Dftf, 
sometimes styles himself in his work— Minhaj-i-Saraj-i-Minhaj— refer- 
ring to father and grandfather also. Here are two izdfats, and in prose 
too. See also note 7, page 727 of my Translation. 

I have already shown Mr. Blochmann's theory of " artificial" izafats, 
as he calls them, to be " ^m-Persian," but, to prove that another statement 
here made is likewise incorrect, I must prominently notice another izafat. 
It refers to the article " Who were the ' Patari' or ' Pathan' Sultans of 
Dihli" — the paper in the Journal A. S. Bengal, for 1875, page 31. 
Mr, Blochmann says in the same foot-note,;}; page 280, " Contributions" 
para. 2, " The form of the name of Muhammad-i-Siiri, on whose name 
Major Baverty has built a hypothesis, is doubtful for this Izafat." 

Mr. Blochmann, apparently, did not notice that the matter of the 
kasrah of izafat, at page 31 of the Journal, has reference solely to Firish- 
tah and his translators. If he will take the trouble to refer to my Trans- 
lation, page 316, and to the corresponding place, page TA — 38 of the 
Calcutta Printed Text, he will find the heading, Suri, son of 
Muhammad, showing that here Suri is itself a Ghuri name. Then 
let him turn to page 320 of the Translation, and he will find the 
heading " Malik Muhammad bin Suri", but in the corresponding place 
in the printed text page p* — 40, merely (SJj-^ ^♦■= sX) <£lU. If I chose 
to be guided by Mr. Blochmann's theory on that heading alone, and did not 
know that the kasrah of <^J^>> or description was required, and was in 
any doubts respecting the persons I was writing about, I might have called 
him, as Mr. Blochmann would, Muhammad Suri, as though the two names 
belonged to one man, and have turned two men into one accordingly. The 
printed text also mentions him as <js)y» ^^ twice in the same page, but 
a third time, in the last line of that page, when speaking of Malik Muham- 
mad having made over Ghiir to his eldest son, his name is given with his 
father's and grandfather's name— ^y° ^j &***> ^ ^JLc ^ j^\ viz. : — 
Amir Bii 'Ali, son of Muhammad, son of Suri. 

Look again at the following heading in the Printed Text— page 
PI— 41, and there it is again confirmed, and we have isjj~» &■> 43 * HB * cH J^ 
j»\— Abd-'Ali, «w o/ Muhammad, son of Suri, but in the ninth line, the 
father is again called isjy ±+^ the izafat being understood. The next 
heading also refers to Muhammad being Siiri's son, viz. :— 'Abbas, son of 
Shis, son of Muhammad, son of Suri. 

^ If my long note on this subject, 7, page 321, had been read before 
taxing me with building up a doubtful "hypothesis," it might have been 
seen that in the Kitab-i- Yamini, the author of which was contemporary with 
this very Muhammad, son of Suri, who it is pretended [merely because 
Dow and Briggs so rendered it and made a Pathan of him], was called 

1876.] H. G. Kaverty— Reply to ' Risty. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: 345 

Muhammad Suri, he is never once referred to as Muhammad but as (sj>r» e>!l 
the son of Stfsf. The Tarikh-i-Alfi, Fasih-i, Jahan-Ara, Bauzat-us-Safa, 
Habib-us-Siyar, Mir'at-i-Jahan-Numa, and Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, call 
him son ofSvni only ; and in the account of Mahmiid-i-Sabuk-Tigin's raid 
upon the Ghiiris in the Jami'-ut-Tawarikh he is also merely called son of 
Suei : never Muhammad. The Bengal A. S. Library contains a copy 
[No. 14] of this work, and Mr. Blochmann can refer to it. He will find, 
if the portion copied for me has been correctly copied, that in the first two 
places this Ghurian chief is called iSJy^ Shiiri — a mistake of <J> for <j» 
but, four or five lines from the end of the paragraph, he is styled u)**jri, 
pisar-i-ShuA — that is the son o/Shuri, and it is clear that Kashid-ud-Din 
followed the Kitab-i-Yamini and styled him son o/Suri likewise, but that, 
in two instances, the copyist of that MS. No. 14, or the Calcutta Jcdtib, 
left out the word j^$ before the name, in the first two instances. 

If the two words 'Ali Mardan alone mean 'Ali who was as valiant as 
many men, and if Muhammad Sheran alone also mean Muhammad who was 
equal to many Lions, and his brother is also " equal to many Lions" [rather 
strange that both brothers should be so], whence come these five or six 
" artificial" words, since without artificial means being adopted, the words 
' Ali Mardan are — ' Ali men — and Muhammad Sheran — 'Muhammad lions ? 
These words would, without the kasrah of description be much the same as 
Shah Jahan — King World — referred to in what I have said on the izafat, 
and which is a complete answer also to these questions. Muhammadan 
" School Eegisters" have nothing to do with it. The Khalj Turks of 
Garmsir did not keep any Eegisters. 

As this answer to Mr. Blochmann's criticisms may fall under the no- 
tice of readers not acquainted with the Irani dialect of the Persian, and as 
he constantly refers me to his " Ain," I must point out how inconsistent 
he is himself about these izdfats — I do not think I can be taxed with 
inconsistency — and how often his izdfats are used when they are not requir- 
ed, and wanting when not used. These inconsistencies, which I take from 
his translation of the Ain-i-Akbari, may be seen at a glance ; he appears 
to have no fixed system : — "Mir Sharif- i-Amuli" requires the izafat ac- 
cording to his theory, but, as Mir Sharif was a native of Amul, the yd-i- 
nisbat or of relation affixed to Amul — { J*>i — i. e. of Amul — as it is written 
in the MS. from which it is taken, was" sufficient ; as Mrs — Persia, Bar si 
—Persian or of Persia ; and Panj-ab— Panj-abi ; Afghan, Afghani, &c. 
The same occurs in " Shaikh Parid-^'-Bukhari," which last word containing 
the yd-i-nisbat means, of Bukhara, or the Bukharian. As is now stands it 
is " Shaikh Farid the Bukhdri" Again, in the words " 'Alauddin-i-AT/k'///," 
although, at the very first page of Part III. of the " Contributions" refer- 
red to, the word Khilji is called an adjective. 

346 H. G. Baverty — to ' Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: [No. 3, 

In another place, I find, " A'zam Khan" vide Khdn-i-A'zam [see 
example of Izafat previously given], and we find " Khan-i- A'zam" accord- 
ingly, but Mir-i-'Adl [as I should write it] is not correct according to 
Mr. Blochmann's theory : it must be " Mir 'AdL" For example, I will 
give a list of some of the titular names and patronymics, and Mr. Bloch- 
mann's different ways of writing them : — ■ 

" Chingiz Khan" in histories called " Qaan i Buzurg" ; Qadr Jahin 
Mufti requires no izafat, but " Mufti-i-Mamalik" does, and " Umara-i- 
Kibar" does ; " KhanKhanan" and " Khankhanan" requires none : 
" Khan-i-Kalan" does ; and " Khan-i-A'zam" does ; " Khan 'Alam Mruz- 
jang," " Nucratjang" and "Khan Zaman" require none: " Bustam-i- 
Zaman," Tiizuk-i-Jahangiri, and Farhang-i-Jahangiri do : but Bahar-i- 
Danish from me would be a dangerous innovation too, and my " Shah-i- 
Jahan" is dangerous and un- Persian, but " Malikah i Jahan" is not ! 
" A'caf Khan 'Abdul Majid" requires no izafat, but the same person 
" 'Abdul Majid-i- A'caf Khan" does ; Sulaiman Kararani [by-the-bye, there 
is no such name] requires no izafat, but, a little farther on, it requires to be 
written" Sulaiman-i-Kararani" ! I could multiply these examples ad infi- 

Burdan-kot may be due " north of Bagura (Bogra) in Long. 89° 28', 
Lat. 25° 8' 25", close to Govindganj, on the Karataya Biver," but I fail to 
find it in the 119th Sheet of the Indian Atlas ; but great changes must 
have taken place since Minhaj-ud-Din wrote, when "a river" flowed in 
front of Ms Burdan kot, " of vast magnitude, the name of which is Bag- 
mati ; and, when it enters the country of Hindustan, they style it, in the 
Hindu! dialect, Samund (ocean) and, in magnitude, breadth, and depth, it 
is three times more than the river Gang" [Translation, page 561], and 'the 
Karataya must therefore have grown " small by degrees and beautifully 

I did not " identify Maksadah" : My words [note 4, page 576] are 
" the Maxadabad^>ro&a&/y of the old Maps," <fcc. 

Mr. Blochmann at page 284 kindly recommends me to Mr. Thomas's 
" Initial Coinage op Bengal," regarding the reigns of " Muhammad 
Bakhtyar's" immediate successors ; but as I have the account of " Minhaj- 
ud-Din," "the sole authority for the period," and some others, I can 
dispense with it, and have already done so in my Translation. 

I am very glad to find, however, that Mr. Thomas has met with the 
coins of Ikhtiyar-ud-Din, Daulat Shah-i-Balka, the Khalj, mentioned in 
my Translation, page 626 and farther on, which has not appeared in the 
" Contributions," or doubts might probably have been thrown on his very 
existence as a ruler. 

1876.] H. G-. EaTertj— Reply to < Histg. and Geogr. of Bengal, M. Ill: 347 

I am told that Sultan Firiiz Shah4-Abii-1-Muzaffar, SMh-i- Jahan, the 
Habashi, " has not been included" among the " Pathan" dynasties. ' He 
will be found in Dow and Briggs, and in the following, respecting some 
coins found in " Cooch Behar" : « Of the other Bengal Bathans whose 
coins occur in this trove, I [Kajendralala Mitra] have to notice Fibtjz 
Shah the Aevssiotaf." See Bengal A. S. Journal, 1864, page 481. 

Page 285, of the "Contributions," Mr. Blochmann says regarding 
Jaj-nagar, " Major Eaverty has come to the same conclusion as I had." 

This is really too magnanimous on his part, and more than I can ac- 
cept. I beg leave to state that I had come to the conclusion many years 
before I offered the Translation, of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri to the Society : 
in fact, in 1865. 

Mr. Blochmann will find Katasin by and bye : I shall have something 
to say about it hereafter. 

Page 285, " Contributions," it is said, " Major Kaverty's assertion 
that ' Lakhnauti' was called by the Emperor Humayun ' Bakhtabad,' is 
untenable." If Mr. Blochmann thinks Bakhtabad is a copyist's error, he 
can satisfy himself, for, of course, he had seen and consulted the " Khula- 
§at uttawarikh," which is " a modern work." It is an excellent one never- 
theless in many ways. I found the two copies I consulted quite similar, 
and quoted it accordingly. Page 286 of " Contributions" we have "As 
the borderland to the west of Jaj-nagar Major Raverty mentions Garha- 
Katanka, and then says (page 587) quoting the Ma\lan-i-Akhbdr-i-Ahmadi 
that ' on the north it is close to the Bhatah territory [the Bhati of the Ain- 
i-Akbari], and, south, is close to the Dak ban. 5 " But this is an extraordina- 
ry confusion of names, partly due to the author of the Ma'dan, especially 
" if he wrote Bhatah with a long a. He means Bhath, or Bhat-ghora, the 
" mountainous tract south of Allahabad, whilst Bhati is the name of the 
" Sundarban region along the Bay of Bengal," &c. 

Mr. Blochmann has evidently not seen " the Ma'dan," but that Bhati 
is written, or rather printed, with a long a, is not due to ".the Ma'dan" at 
all, but to " the Ain" — my MS. original I mean. The Ma'dan has &^j 
but I, foolishly depending on my Ain-i-Akbari as a better authority, put 
it in as I found it there J&tf with |. So what is supposed to be an error of 
" the Ma'dan's" is really mine from being thus led astray. Whether Mr. 
Blochmann's Ain contains it I cannot say, but the Ain before me has ^ Itf. 
I see nothing, even according to Mr. Blochmann, particularly wrong even 
in the Jami'-ut-Tawarikh, although it is styled a " compilation without 
value," when we consider what natives write imagine regarding the cardi- 
nal points ; and that work evidently refers to the Bhati Sundar-ban which 
was S. W. from the place, probably, where the author of it wrote. 


^uMMjieaaflMK ■ 


348 H. G. Eaverty— Reply to 'Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: pfo. 3 

Whether Bhatah, Bhatah, Bhati, or Bhati, with long or short a it 
comes from the same original. In the Ain translation it is said : " Abul- 
fazl gives this spelling in the ' Akbarnamah,' and says it means lowland 
from the Hindustani <yV, down the river." The word is written in Hindi 
Jtt&> and Jy&>. 

As to "the " stone" wall in the same paragraph of the " Contributions," 
referring to note page 595 of my Translation, I mentioned that " I am not 
personally acquainted with Bengal," but my Ain's words respecting it are 
as follows : — 

«yjf 3*x&r ijjijj* i^f^» *»y G<jar ^^ }\ j-f^ j\^» ^ 

I wonder how any one would read that, the hamzah— s— expressing 
the izafat being added to & even according to the " Tiirani " idiom ? To 
express what Mr. Blochmann says of the stone wall, I should have expect- 
ed to have found it written *y G &k? ^\j j6 y <jj| ^*^ ^(^ ^j^ 
and then there could be no possible mistake even for a copyist to make" in 

In a foot-note to page 286 also it is said : " Major Eaverty mentions 
[it should have added what I really did say at page 592] the Afghan 
Zamindar of Birbhum tm&Jdt-nagar —the italics, I daresay, imply a refer- 
ence to Jaj-nagar," &c— I daresay they imply nothing of the sort; and 
the previous twenty. six paragraphs on Jaj-nagar, extending over six pages, 
will show, to any ordinary eye, where I consider Jaj-nagar to be. 

Persons not absolutely acquainted with a locality may at 6000 miles' 
distance, in the extreme west of England, and not having the staff of a 
Madrasah at command, and on the spot, be involved in error by a clerical 
mistake in a MS., and in proof of this and show that he is not immaculate, 
1 will give a single instance out of many in Mr. Blochmann's own Am 
lranslation, quoting the Ma'asir-ul-Umara, although he is in India. 

Pa p 422, vol. i. :— « Eegarding the town of Bhakkar, Abulfazl says 
that it is called in old books Mancurah. Six rivers united pass by it in 
several branches (sic) ; two branches lie to the south, one to the north. 
Ihe town at the latter branch, is called Bhakkar. On the second branch 
another town lies, called Lohari, and near it is the Indus." 

So, according to this, « Bhakkar" and « Lohari" are not on the Indus, 
but near it ! ? 

; The following is, literally, what the Ma'asir-ul-Umara, says :-« Bhakar 
is tne name of a fort among the erections of former times-in old books 
tney write it Mansurah-and all the six northern rivers [♦. e. the Indus 
ana tne J^anj-ab], having become one, pass by it-one portion passing on 
the southern side, and one part on the northern. The kashahs named lak- 
nar-^^- a town on one bank of the river, and another town, known as 

1876.] H. G. Eaverty— Bejply to 'Kisty. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: 319 

Lhori,— 15>«- > — on the other side [Sindhis often substitute r for Z] were 
always included in Sind. Mirza Shah Husain, the Arghun, entirely rebuilt 
it [Bhakar] of exceeding great strength, and made it over to Sultan 
Muhammad-i-Kokal-Tash. ' ' 

This is perfectly intelligible to any one who has seen Sakhar, Bhakar, 
and Eohri, or looked at a map only. Notwithstanding the " learned" Abu- 
1-Fazl, however, Mansurah was a totally different place to Bhakar, and 
some 200 miles farther down the river. See page 540 of my Translation, 
and note, last para, of that page. 

With reference to what is called [" Contributions," page 279,] my 
" dangerous innovations" in spelling names, which in reality means' that 
everything is innovating which may be contrary to Mr. Blochmann's 
system, I foresaw, at the outset, that we should not agree in this matter, 
we having, it appears, peculiar ideas on this point. Such Bengal names as 
are derived from the Sanscrit may, in some instances, be not quite correct : 
I have written them as my Persian authorities write them, and from my 
system of transliteration — the Jonesian system — the original letters may 
be known. In some few places " the printer's devil" has left his mark 
upon them [as he has in my Paper on " the PatMn Dynasties," with a 
vengeance], and Mr. Blochmann was in such a hurry that he did not wait 
for the list of errata to my Translation, but thought he had made a dis- 
covery. For example: the word Asif is an error for Asaf ; Bikrampiir 
for Bikrampur, Jessore for Jellasore, and Dinjapur for Dinajpur. The last 
will be found correctly at page 559. 

As to the rest, referred to in note f of the same page of the " Contri- 
butions," I do not agree as to the word Salar being part of the name : it 
refers to a chief — Sipah-Sdldr may be a proper name after the same fashion. 
In Elliot [page 315, vol. ii.] the man's title and name are actually trans- 
lated " victorious general." I shall expect with some curiosity Mr. Bloch- 
mann's strictures or otherwise on this translation of " Minhaj-^s-Siraj." 
j&& — Zafar — means victory — so it would be Sdldr victory — chief victory 
— if translated. Arabic words — active participles in particular — are used as 
Musalman names and titles, but it is new to find the noun Zafar — victory 
— used for the purpose. 

Minhaj-ud-Din, and a score of others write Kalbi — it is used as well 
as Kalpi. In Lexicons words beginning with *-> b and y p, will be both 
found under the letter b. 

Kuhram — is spelt thus /*!j4^ with Kdf-i-Tdzi and rd-i- Hindi in a geo- 
graphical account of the upper provinces from Dihli to the Indus, and from 
thence to Sindh, Kandahar, and all round to Ladakh, and the Antarbed 
Do-ab, which I should have published but for the years I have given to 
the Tabakat-i-Nasiri. Elliot also spells it with h, not g. 

350 H. G. Eaverty— Beply to 'Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, M. Ill: [No. 3, 

Buda'iin is spelt e^l ^ and also e^|*j# Budan'un, the first w being nasal • 
Sursuti— (V-v** ; Siwastan — oIxw^a*,, anc [ a i so Shiwastan, from Sanskrit 
fw*, a Hindu deity ; Jamadi l£*L*$> is written in the Irani idiom • some- 
times Jamada ; 'Arif — ojl*, 'Arifain — ^Jj> ; Tazkirah or Tazkarah, both 
are correct ; Shajr and Shijr both signify a tree in Arabic, hence Shajarah 
or Shijarah may be used ; Saraj, which I have also met with spelt Sirdj, 
signifies a lamp, luminary, or the sun, hence Saraj -ud-Din, the father, means 
" the Luminary of the Faith," as his son's name, Minhaj -ud-Din signifies 
" the Highway or Eoad of the Faith" ; Wana-Ganga — &^J, ; Giidawuri [ask 
a Madras! how he pronounces it] — <^>I3j^ ; Basin — ^x*»|; ; Chhotah Nag-pur 
jjSb %4^ ; Jhar Kundah i&f yt^ and S^ ;l^ [signifying bushy, a forest, 
the forest of Baijnath] and is also written in some of the works quoted in 
my Translation with g — $Z& f^ ; and Karmah-nasah is written A^li-Lo^ 
and Karam-Nasa L*»IJ {J>. 

The Haft-Iklim of Mr. Blochmann may be different, but my copies of 
that " excellent work" have precisely what I have given at page 593. As 
to when the author finished his work, or where he got his Hindi Z from 
may be seen from that work. Perhaps Mr. Blochmann will examine one. 
Possibly he may have seen a small letter -k written over letters, which 
are intended to express j 3 6. 

The word iybb, as any Dictionary will show, means " depression," 
"lowliness," "inferiority," as well as "end" and "extremity." 

Arkhnak is " the printer's devil's" work for Arkhank, also written 
t^L) — Bakhang — anglicized Arracan. 

I have lived too long in the Dakhaw ever to write it Dak'hin, and I 
have never written it Dak'han ; neither could I think of writing Abu Bakr 
where Abu Bikr is meant. 

Mr. Blochmann taxes me with making " dangerous innovations" in 
spelling proper and geographical names, but he has a peculiar method of 
his own, and I must point some of them out. I take them merely from 
the first volume of his Translation of the Ain-i-Akbari, to which he so 
often refers me : — 

'^'Mulla Muhdrik;' also " Qutbuddin MuUrih Shah" and "Shaikh 
Mubdrik," even on the covers, for Shaikh Mubarak, Mulla Mubarak, &c. 
" Bahtas'^' instead of Bohtas ; " Pashawar", instead of Peshawar [;>&& is 
written in Pushto with its peculiar k'h or s'h. "Harat" f or Hirat "[It 

* Major Eaverty-s original has suMns above the ddl, the medial and the final 
nun. Lower down, in 'drifmn, the suMns stand above the/* and the nun. Types with 
fixed diacritical marks are not to be had here.— Ed. 

1876.] H. a. Raverty— Bepty to l Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. Ill: 351 

may have been supposed that, as Hari was the ancient name, natives of it 
styled Harawi, and that the river is still the Hari river, "Harat" must be 
right]; "Darogah" for Daroghah ; " Farmili" for Farmuli ; " Zul-nun" 
for Zu-u-Niin [Jonas] ; " Ziizan," for Zozan or Zauzan ; " Jhelam" 
[whence the e f], for Jhilam ; " Sodharah," for Siidhara; " Shuja" 
forShuja; " Bhambar," for Bhimbar ; " Bigram," for Bagram ; "Pak'hali" 

for Pakhli or Pakli ; " Qdrlyghs," as the transliteration of kjijls Karlugh ; 

" Bhirah and Khushab," for Bharah and Khushab ; " Sewe," for Siwi • 
"Baloch," forBahich; " Duab," for Do-ab or Do-abah ; " Chanab," for 
Chinab ; " Sukkhar" and " Suk'har opposite Bhakkar," for Sakhar and 
Bhakar or Bhakhar ; " Qanauj", for Kinnauj ; " Galnah", for Jalnah ; 
" Guhram," for Kuhram ; " Tiranbak," for Trimbak and Trinbak ; 
"Qalat," for Kal'at ; " Sahwan," for Sihwan ; " Dara Shikoh", for Dara 
Shukoh ; " Qoran" and " Qoran", for Kur'an ; " Kazartin", for Kazirun ; 
"Sulaiman Kararani" and " Sulaiman i Kararani", in several places, 
for Suliman, the Karani : [" Kararani" is an impossible name] ; 
" Miisa Baza," for Miisa-i-Riza [♦. e. the son of Musa-ul-Kazim, the 
Imam] ; " Khattar," for Khat-har {j4^ ] ; " Dilahzak," for Dilazak ; 
"Raushanis, who like other Afghan tribes," &c, there being no such 
Afghan tribe whatever ; " Khan Jahan Lodhi," for Khan-i- Jahan, Lodi ; 
" District of Mount Terah," for Hill tract of Tirah : " Taiqan" for Taekan. 
The system of writing 'Arabic words is after the same uncertain 
fashion: — at one time, " Makhdum-ul-Mulk," at another, " Makhdum 
ulmulk ;" " Mui'zzulmulk" at one time : " Mu'izz-ul-Mulk", and " Mu'izz- 
ul Mulk" another ; " Zakhirat ulkhawanin" at one time, " Zakhiratul- 
khawanin," another ; " Qimcam uddaulah,"for Samsam-ud-Daulah* ; " Abii- 
jahl," for Abu- Jhal* ; " Rauzatuccafa," for Rauzat-us-Safa, and the like. 
Some ' Arabic titular names and patronymics require the ' Arabic 
Jl to give them sense, such as " Mihr^wnisa," for Mihr-ww-JSTisa, and " 'Abd- 
ul Majid" for ' Abd-^/-Majid, but with other words, used according to 
the Persian idiom, which require an equivalent to this J\ in the shape of 
the hasrah of description the Izafat is wrong, " dangerous," " un- Persian", 
and must be " Nur Jahan", " Niir Mahall", like Shah Jahan, which mean, 
respectively, thus written, " Light- world," "Light-palace or house," and, 
" King- World," instead o/Nur-i- Jahan— The Light of the World ; Nur-i- 
Mahall— The Light of the Palace or House ; Shah-i- Jahan— The King of 
the World ; and yet, when, he comes to translate them, Mr. Blochmann 
adds these " artificial" izafats to get the the and of the, as in " Qadr Ja- 
han"— Mufti of the empire; and " ' Abdurrahim Kharf"— Abdurrahim the 
Ass, &c. 

* Thus in printed original. Ed. 
t The long a in Major Raverty' s printed original. 
W W 



— '- 


Prannath Pandit — Morals of Kdliddsa. 

[No. 3, 

In concluding these remarks I think what I have here given is suffi- 
cient reason for my saying that, in the matter of izdfats, and system of 
spelling proper and geographical names, I shall never follow Mr. Bloch- 

Note.— The above article has been inserted at the urgent request of Major Kaverty. 
As he has now stated his views on Persian Grammar, &o., and Mr. Blochmann does 
not think it necessary to write a ' Eejoinder', the subject has come to a close. E». 

Morals of Kdliddsa. — By Prannath Pandit, M. A. 

It has been remarked by a great philosopher that the conception of 
man as the chief of the economy of nature is a stimulus to the cultivation 
of the noble qualities, which place him at the head of the living hierarchy. 
There can be, he observes, no danger of apathy in a position like this,— 
with the genuine and just pride of such pre-eminence stirring within us ; 
and above us the type of perfection, below which we must remain, but 
which will ever be inviting us upwards.* Viewed in this light, it may not 
be uninteresting to investigate the moral type which the greatest of Indian 
poets held up for imitation to his contemporaries, men within whom there 
stirred not only the pride of being placed at the head of the living hierar- 
chy, but that of being the highest development of the human race. 

The four divisions of Morality which I have adopted in this paper are 
the following : 

I. Individual. 

II. Domestic. 

III. Social. 

IV. Military and Political. 

And I may here mention once for all, that neither in the principles, 
nor in the details of classification, do I pretend any claims to originality. 

Individual Mokality. Self-conservation.-l n the first great sub- 
division of Individual Morality, namely, self- conservation, Kalidasa does not 
tail us. He tells us of Bilipa that he guarded himself, though not through 
tearf to which the advice of the disguised Shiva that the body is the first 
requisite for religious works* may serve as a commentary. Nandini ad- 
vises the same king to preserve his body, the enjoyer of continuous hap- 

* Comte's Positive Philosophy, translated by H. Martineau, Vol. II, p. 554. 

t *pHTT<3TT*PR^r: | Raghu., I, 21. 

+ irCtfTTO-*^ q^TOftp^ ( Kumara Sambhava, V. S3. 


Prannath Pandit— Morals of Kdliddsa. 


piness* and the disciple of the sage VaratanH eloquently exposes to Aia 
the futility of killing himself through grief for his Queen.f 

Maiming.-Eecognising the justifiableness of maiming a member for 
the preservation of the whole, Kalidasa has adduced the example of a snake- 
bitten finger, which though otherwise so dear, must be excised. J 

Sati.-In the case of Sati§ the individual duty of self-preserva- 
tion is subordinated to the higher duty of conjugal fidelity, and it cannot 
be urged as a reproach against our poet, that he was one-sided in his con- 
ceptions. Whatever might be the popular practice, Kalid£sa|| could con- 
ceive of a husband's immolating himself on the funeral pyre of his beloved 
wife, or deterred from that by exterior considerations, killing himself deliber- 
ately in some manner more orthodox. In the case of the disconsolate 
consort of the God of Love, the final catastrophe is avoided,^ without 
any detriment to her conjugal fidelity, by the intervention of a voice 
from the sky which bids her desist, as her husband would at last be 
restored to life. 

Suicide.— Mallinatha** feels himself bound to justify the apparent 
immorality of the suicide of the blind parents of the boy whom Dasharatha 
had unwittingly dealt a death- wound, and he does so on the ground of 
a text which permits decrepit Vcmaprasthas, when no longer able to per- 
form sacrificial rites, to put an end to their existence by falling from 
a precipice, burning in fire, or drowning in water. The suicide of 
Eama mayff be explained on two theories. Firstly, the obligation that the 
poet was under, of not falsifying such a cardinal point in the traditional 
history ; and secondly, the incompatibility of the conception of death by 
disease or old age, with that of an incarnation of the Supreme. Deity." 

Health. — Early rising is one of the best means of preserving our 
health, and this Kalidasa predicated of his heroes, though he has said 
nothing about the general duty of preserving our health. The princes of 
the solar race are very regular about the hour that they left their beds, % J 

* nw% *tm-*wTWKrm\$miT?im^*Tm^\ i Eaghu., 11. so. 

t Eaghu., VIII. 83—90. 

t <ST% -%W> fs^^TCKlF^TC^WT I Eaghu., I. 28. 
§ Kaglm., XVII. 6. 
|| Kaglm., VIII. 72, 94, 95. 
f Kumara Samhhava, IV. 39-45. 
** Comm. on Eaghu., IX. 81. Sf ^mmWrl^JW' I ^tfJSTTTCHW 3TTW3J 

ft Eaghu., XV. 103. 

Eaghu., I. 6. 



Prannath Pandit — Morals of Kalidasa. 

[Ko. 3, 

and this is exemplified in the case of Aja. # One of the reasons that led 
the sage councillors of Dasharatha to approve of his hunting expedition is 
its bracing effects on the constitution. f The Messenger Cloud is requested 
to rest his wearied feet and quench his thirst on the lofty mountains and in 
the cooling rills which abound in his path ? J and the request to rest himself 
is repeated further on.§ 

Wealth.— The duty of accumulation of wealth flows from that of 
preserving our health, as wealth accumulated is but energy conserved. It 
was not lost sight of by Kalidasa. He puts into the mouth of one of his 
characters the reflection that even a thirsty Ohdtaha cares not to solicit 
rain of the autumnal cloud whose aquatic stores have been drained to the 
dregs. || But knowing withal how to guard against its degenerating into 
a selfish miserliness, he subordinated it to the higher moral duty of benevo- 
lence. As he himself tells us, the good, like the clouds, take but to give.*|[ 
The princes of the solar race, accumulated treasures, in order to be able to 
give them away, ## and of Dilipa we are told that he amassed wealth though 
devoid of avarice. ff Of another king, Atithi, we are told that he collected 
treasure only because that lies at the root of patronage, as the Chdtakas 
greet only the cloud that carries a store of water in its bosom. J £ To use 
the language of the Meghaduta : 

" Of all the fruits that fortune yields, the best 

a Is still the power to succour the distrest.§§" 

Humility. — Humility lies at the root of self- culture, the second sub- 
division of Individual Morality, for surely, ere one labours for self -improve- 
ment, he must be impressed with a sense of his own shortcomings. 
Kalidasa never grudged humility. He begins his Eaghuvansa with the 
following confession : 

" How men will mock the humble bard who sings 
" The ancient glories of sun-born kings ; 

* Eaghu., V, 65. 

t ^TO^SWqmjf ^XT^qtT rP?T^?m^eP ^f*c!w || Raghu., IX. 49. 

X Purva Megha., 13. 

§ Purva Megha., 27. 53. 

II f^f%rTC^3W\ "iRXf *f *nf % ^TTcWttfal Raghu., V. 17. 
11 m^J^ f% fWrre W ^TfTi^Tfrre I Raghu. ? IV. 88. 
** HttJTTO WfTT^TTTH I Raglm., I. 7. 

tf ^rarcn^ ifr$«ra v i Kagim., i. 21. 

ft Kaghu., XVII. 60. 

1876.] Prannath Pandit— Morals of Kdliddsa. 355 

" Like a young child with little hands outspread 
" For fruit that glows above a giant's head.*" 

Eaghu, he informs us, appropriated the wealth of the Kambojas, but 
not their pride, f The education of Kama and his brothers only increased 
their natural modesty, as oblations of clarified butter magnify the sacrificial 
fire. J Shatrughna bends his head in humility when the holy sages congra- 
tulate him on his prowess in killing the demon Lavana.§ Youth, beauty, 
and prosperity are each of them fountains of pride, but still the king 
Atithi was humble of mind.|| The same monarch was abashed when the 
praises which he justly deserved, were uttered before him.^f Another king 
Fdriydtra shared the same virtue.** JBururavd, when complimented by 
the king of Gandharhas on his valour in rescuing the nymph TJrvasi from 
the profane hands of a vile demon, and thanked in Indra's name for 
the same, modestly disclaims all personal merit : 

Fur. You rate the deed too high. Not mine the glory, 
But his, the Thunderer's, from whom derived 
The strength of those who conquer in his cause. 
The very echo of the lion's roar, 
As through the rocky rifts it spreads and deepens, 
Appals the mighty elephant. ff 
Justly might Chitraratha exclaim : 

'Tis well. 
This modesty becomes your worth. Humility 
Is ever found the ornament of valour. J J 

Self-control. — The third sub-division of Individual morality is self- 
control, or the subjection of passion to reason. Kalidasa rightly conceived 
that self-control has a moral value only when it has some temptation to 
overcome. He reconciles the apparent inconsistency of Shiva's behaviour in 
approving of Umd's ministering to his wants, such as they were, whilst 
engaged in the performance of severe austerities, by the reflection that 
they indeed are the really firm-minded whose equanimity is not disturbed 
in the presence of a disturbing cause. §§ 

* Eaghu., I. 3. 

t Eaghu., IV. 70. 

t Eaghu., X. 79. 

§ Eaghu., XV. 27. 

II Eaghu., XVII. 43. 

f ^UTT: ^ fcj^f *SIHJ*fa *nm*£ I Raghu. XVII. 73. 
** Eaghu., XVIII. 17. 

ft Vicramorvashi, Act I. Wilson's Hindu Theatre, Vol. I., p. 204. 
tt *?Uffl s I ^-f^cTT 1!*j f3W*M1?TC; I Vicramorvashi, Act I. 
k\ Kumara Sambhava, I. 59. 




Prannath Pandit— Morals of Kalidasa. 

[No. 3, 

The sexual appetite.— Kalidasa subordinated the strongest animal 
appetite to the religious duty of procreating progeny. The princes of 
the solar race, and JDiUpa in particular, marry but to have progeny.* The 
untimely death of Agmvarnaf points the moral of a course of abandoned 
licentiousness to which many an Indian prince has fallen a victim. DasJia- 
ratha had sufficient strength of mind, to withstand such allurements. No 
passion for the chase, no fondness for dice, nor moon-begemmed goblets, 
nor the charms of maidens in the bloom of youth, could allure him from 
the paths of ambition. % 

Temper.— Kalidasa' s sages have sufficient control over their temper, to 
modify the effects of their curses, when the impertinent victims of rage, 
too often mere instruments in the hands of their masters, craved for 
mercy, § as Priyamvadd remarks, water is naturally cold, it is but the 
communicated heat of fire that makes it momentarily warm.|| 

The most remarkable case of self-control, however, is to be found 
in the beginning of the Baghuvansa, and fully to appreciate it, a little 
detail is necessary. Dilipa, king of men, blessing and blessed in his 
loyal and contented subjects, at peace with his vanquished foes, and ruling 
the earth — 

Like one vast city girdled by the sea,^f 
is sad at heart since his lovely queen has borne him no son. He 
feels most keenly that the load of debt which he owes to his ancestors, 
remains yet undischarged. The idea is painful that after him there 
will be none to present the ancestral oblations, none to continue the 
lineage. He repairs with his consort to his family-preceptor, the sage 
VashishttJia, who by holy meditation arrives at the cause of the king's 
misfortune. At a "thoughtless moment", he had omitted to pay due 
respect to the divine cow SurabM, and had been punished in the very 
object that had caused the fatal omission. As an atonement, he is 
directed to propitiate her daughter, Nandini, by tending her most 
faithfully through thick and through thin. For three weeks he plied 
this arduous task, sitting when she stopped, rising when she moved, desir- 
ing water only when she had allayed her thirst — pursuing her as her 
shadow. The next day when he had followed her to fresh fields and 

* ysm 3Z^fa-TT« I Eaghu., 1. 7. ^f^W^J W*T3 I Raghu., t. 25. 

t Eaghu., XIX. 48—54. 

t Raglm., IX. 7. 

§ Eaghu., V. 53. 54. VIII. 79, 80, 81. 

II ^S^W^Trrq^^JlTfT^csi f% 3f«r ^[ STUf^^T II Kaghu., V. 54. 

IT Griffith. 


Prannath Pandit-Jf 0m / 5 of Kdliddsa. 


pastures new, amidst ; the glens of the Himalaya, and when, confident in his 
mmdthatthefiercestbeastsof prey could not even entertain an idea of attack 
mg her, he was ^admiring the majestic scenery around, a lion, unseen 
pounces upon Xante*. The moan of the victim attracts his attention and 
his right hand 1S at once to has quiver. But, wonder of wonders- it's 
paralysed as soon as ft touches the feathered tip of an arrow. Astounded 
at tins strange occurrence, the king burns with his own fury as a serpent 
whose energy has been restrained by charmed drugs. The Roval heZ 
then in human language, makes himself known as one of Shiva's attendants 
who had been made to assume the leonine shape for the purpose of scaring 
away wild elephants from certain trees which were Pdrvati's pets To 
ensure the most perfect vigilance, his food was restricted to such animals 
as might stray into his grasp. The cow therefore was his lawful and 
pre-ordained prey. DiUpa is therefore advised to return to the hermitage 
unabashed, as he had tried to do his best in the matter, and there was no 
help for it. 

This speech gave BiUpa at least one consolation, namely, that he owed 
his discomfiture in arms to the majesty of Shiva and not to any inferior 
agency. But to leave his precious trust to her fate, was out of the 
question. He therefore attempts a compromise by offering himself as a 
substitute for Nandini. The Beast laughs at his foolishness and appeals 
both to his Self-love and his Benevolence, to preserve himself and let the 
cow meet her fate. The undisputed sovereignty of the whole earth, the 
bloom of youth, and such handsome limbs were too much to be sacrificed for 
an insignificant quadruped. His death would liberate the cow, but plunge 
into the depths of misery the thousands who flourished under his fatherly 
protection. Nor was there any thing to be apprehended from the anger 
of the sage, which might easily be appeased by the present of myriads of 
stout milk-bearing cattle. 

The monarch, however, is unconvinced, despite all this convenient 
philosophy. He feels that death would be better than belying his Kshat- 
tnya protectorate of wrongs. Nor was the cow any ordinary one, but 
inferior to SurabU only, and but for the prowess of Shiva, would' have 
proved a tough morsel for the leonine palate. The loss therefore could not 
be made good by any number of substitutes. He concludes by adjuring 
the Lion to take pity not on his terrestrial form, but on his jj^x ^^t^:, his 
hody of fame. The Lion thereupon leaves hold of the cow, and the king 
offers himself up as a ball of meat before him. At this supreme crisis, 
when, with down- cast eyes, he was expecting every moment the infuriated 
beast to fall on his back, and with famished paws to tear him open from 
limb to limb, a shower of flowers falls from the sky, and the nectareous 
words float to his ear, 'Rise, Son!' He rises to see only the cow 


Prannath Pandit- — Morals of Kaliddsa. 

[No. 3, 

standing before him as an affectionate mother. The whole was an illusion 
called up by Nandini to test the sincerity of Dilipa's devotion, and pleased 
with the result of the ordeal, she asks him to mention any boon, and, as 
mi^ht be expected, he asks for a son, the founder of a race. Nandini 
thereupon directs him to improvise a goblet of leaves and quaff her milk. 
He had at last attained the goal of his long-cherished desires. After 
toil, danger, and sacrifice, the prize lay within his grasp. What does he 
do ? He informs her most respectfully that he would rather postpone 
the consummation till her calf had been satisfied, the quantity sufficient 
for sacrificial purposes obtained, and the permission of the sage accorded. 
This is perhaps as high an ideal of self-control as may well be imagined. # 

Domestic Moeality. Sexual Morality, Love.— The ultimate mole- 
cule of society is not the monad man, but the dual couple. Sexual mora- 
lity, or the duties of the conjugal relation, comprise therefore the first 
division of Domestic Morality. The union begins in love, and of that 
we may be sure of having an abundant supply in the works of Kali- 
dasa. Indeed wiseacres have been heard to exclaim what else of morality 
could be expected in them. From the tender regard of Dilipa for his royal 
spousef to the famished looks with which the latter drinks in the coun- 
tenance of her husband when returning from the forest where he tended 
Nandini% ; from the eloquent madness of Pururava to the feeling delusion 
of the exiled Yaksha ; from the heart-rending dirge of Aja for his beloved 
Indumati, which makes even the trees shed their tears of nectar, § to the 
equally moving lament of JRati for her incinerated Kandarpa, which 
attracts the sympathy of the forest, || there is ample room and space enough 
to satisfy the most fastidious ideal of conjugal love. When Rati laments 
the indelible stain which would attach to her for ever, that she had survived 
her Cupid even for a moment, stain that not even* the self -ignited flames 
of a Sati's pyre would cleanse,^" and when Sitd reproaches herself with 
having survived the illusion of llama's decapitated head, which the 
malignant ingenuity of Havana had conjured up, after she had once 
believed it to have been true, ## there is a poesy of love that would bear 
comparison with anything that has been written in different climes or 
distant ages. 

* Raghu., I. 12—95. II. 1—66. 
f Raghu., I. 54. II. 3. 
X Raghu., II. 19. 
§ Raghu., VIII. 44—70; 
|| Kumara Sambhava, IV. 4 — 38. 
If Kumara Sambhava, IV. 21. 
** Raghu., XII. 74, 75, 


Prannath Pandit — Morals of Kdlid&sa. 


Fidelity— The moral value of the system of marriage, as has been 
justly observed, lies in the discipline to which it puts the strongest instinct 
in our animal nature, while at the same time satisfying it. To reap the 
full effects of this moral discipline, conjugal love must be not only strong 
but constant. Aja never marries after the tragic death of his beloved 
Indumati.* When the fair sister of Havana makes a delicate proposal to 
Rama, the latter pleads as an excuse that he is married, f When the clamor 
of the populace compelled him to send into exile his beloved Sitd, he could 
not exile her from his heart. J Bam a is a staunch monogamist at heart, 
and when the ordinances of religion made it imperative, that he should 
have a partner by his side when performing sacrificial rites, his only com- 
panion was a golden image of the exiled Sztd.§ His son, Kusa, who trod 
in his footsteps, proudly assures a female apparition that had mysteriously 
found access to his chamber at dead of night, that the well-governed mind& 
of Uaghu's race have no predilection for the wives of others. \\ 

Polygamy. — This brings us to the kindred subject of Polygamy. 
That this practice was prevalent among the kings and the aristocracy will 
not admit of dispute, and perhaps the greater fidelity to nature expected of 
a dramatist may account for its mention in the dramas. But it is note- 
worthy that it is never prominently brought forward in the poems, except 
in the case of the wives of Dasaratha. These are only three in number, 
and not ten thousand. The fact was one too prominent to be safely 
suppressed and indispensable to the plot of the story, and indeed it may be 
pleaded as an excuse that the tragic end of the monarch, and th^ exile of his 
eldest son, illustrate very well the evil effects of Polygamy. The greatest 
of our poet's heroes are either monogamists or may be taken to be so for all 
the purposes of his epic narrative. ' Mayest thou gain the undivided love of 
thy husband '% is the blessing that is pronounced over TJmd when her bridal 
toilette is finished, and throughout the seven cantos of the Kumara Sam- 
bhava there is no mention of the co-wifehood of Gangd, though that was 
well-known to Kalidasa.** 

Obedience.— "The natural subordination of the woman, which has 
reappeared under all forms of marriage" ft fin <l s expression in the conjugal 

* Eaghu., VIII. 92—95. 

t Eaghu., XII. 34. 

% Eaghu., XIV. 84. 

§ Eaghu., XIV. 87. XV. 61. 

II ^t^t w Iftrt Kwi\ ^ vi^wareffP ' Ea s hu - XVL 8 ^ 

1" ^f%rf 5?T ^TW XfcS? I Kumiira Sambhava, VII. 28. 
** Purvamegha, 51. 

tt Comte's Positive Philosophy, Vol. II., p. 135. 
x x 


Prannath Pandit — Morals of Kdliddsa. 

[No. 3, 

duty of obedience, o£ which examples are not wanting in the poems of 
Kalidasa. Sudakshind, advanced in pregnancy, greets her lord by rising from 
her seat, although it cost her an effort to do so.* Vishnu reclines in the 
Ocean of milk, on his Serpent-bed, with his feet resting on the gentle lap 
of Zakshmi.f MenaJcd, queen of the mountain- king, has no objection to 
give away JJrnd in marriage to Shiva, as devoted wives never take exception 
to the wishes of the husband. $ At the nuptial rites the officiating priest 
solemnly preaches to JJrnd implicit obedience as the rule of married life. §. 
History or Romance will afford but few parallels to the resignation with 
which S-itd bore her mandate of exile. She said nothing harsh against her 
husband, who had cast her away for no fault of her own, but only 
reproached herself, because so much misery argued misbehaviour in a previous 
existence. She gladly absolves Lahshmana from all blame, as he has only 
implicitly carried into effect the mandates of his elder. A momentary 
doubt hangs over her mind, whether scripture or ancestral example warrant- 
ed Mama's desertion when the flames had testified to her purity. But she 
instantly recollects herself. Bdma is wise — and could not have done any- 
thing thoughtlessly. She is only atoning for sins committed in a previous 
existence. She would therefore enter on a life of penance, in order that, in 
the next birth, she might have Bdma for her husband, without the risk of 
cruel separation, [j 

Sitd could bear up with the privation and indignity of exile, when 
she knew that she still remained the undisputed master of Mama's heart, ^f 
But how are we to measure the depth of Ausinari's feelings when convin- 
ced of the love at first sight which Pururavd had contracted for the nymph 
JJrmshi, and sincerely repenting her harsh behaviour on that score, she 
makes the sacred promise to her Hero : 

" Whatever nymph attract my lord's regard, 
" And share with him the mutual bonds of love, 
" I henceforth treat with kindness and complacency."** 
To the stupid query of the jester Mdnavaha : 

" What, then, is his majesty indifferent to your grace ?" 
She replies with dignity : 

" Wise Sir, how think you ; to promote his happiness 

* Eaghu., III. 11. 
t Eaghu., X. 8. 

% ^^m^mjfK% ^frt <rfw?f fTP I Kumara Sambhava, VI. 86. 
§ Kumara Sambhava, VII. 83. 
!l Eaghu., XIV. 57—66. 
f Eaghu., XIV. 87. 
** Vikramorvashi, Act III. Wilson's Hindu Theatre, Vol. I., p. 235. 


Prannath Pandit— Morals of Kdliddsa. 


" I have resigned my own. Does such a purpose 

" Prove him no longer dear to me ?" 
We cannot but exclaim with GJiitralehhd : — 
" She is a lady 

" Of an exalted spirit, and a wife 

" Of duty most exemplary." 
Parental duties— The parental relation is a result of the sexual one. 
In the economy of nature, the subordination of ages is as marked as that 
of the sexes. The aim of sound morality is not to subvert this natural 
subordination, but to place it on a satisfactory footing by a well-regulated 
code of duties and obligations. " There is no other case, which offers, in 
the same degree, the most respectful spontaneous obedience, on the part of 
the inferior, without the least degradation ; an obedience imposed by neces- 
sity first, and then by gratitude ; and nowhere else do we see in the 
superior party the most absolute authority united to entire devotedness, 
too natural and too genial to be regarded as a duty."* 

Kalidasa had a clear conception of the intimate connection between 
the sexual relation and the parental. He tells us of the Royal pair, 
JDilipa and Sudahshind, that when their son shared the affection which 
was only reciprocal before, the total amount of affection which they had 
for each other, instead of decreasing as the rule of thumb would require, on 
the contrary, increased, f Our poet recognised education and support as 
parental duties, when he described Dilvpa as the true father of his people, 
whose education, protection and support, emanated from him ; their so- 
called fathers being mere progenitors — birth-causes. J The princes of 
Bagliyls royal race were all educated in their boyhood§ and Bagliu, besides 
the intellectual training which he received at the hands of learned tutors, |j 
was initiated into the practice of arms by his own father.^" The education 
of Aja precedes his marriage** and the necessity of educating and maintain- 
ing the infant Dasaratha compel the bereaved husband to pass eight long 
years ere he renounces the world. ft Bdma and his brothers were duly 
educated. %% It was impossible for Bdma to look to the education of his 
sons, but the duty was well discharged by the sage Vdlmiki, in whose her- 

* Comte's Positive Philosophy, Vol. II., p. 137. 

f Raghu., III. 24. 

% Raghu., I. 24. 

§ lfa5«Jraf^nr«rT*L I K'dghu., I, 8. 

|| Raghu., III. 29, 30. 

IT Raghu., III. 31. 
** Raghu., V. 38,-40. 
ft Raghu., VIII. 92—94. 
U Raghu., X. 79. 


Prannath Pandit— Morals of Kalidasa. 

[No. 3, 

mitage the exiled BUd had taken shelter, and given birth to the twins, Kusha 
axALava* Kusha, true to the traditions of his race, looks first to the 
education o£ his son in the royal sciences, and then to his marriage. f 

Filial duties.— The children on their part are not wanting in the 
reverential love and grateful requital which is expected at their hands. As 
the state of society which Kalidasa contemplates, provided for the retreat 
of householders into the forest when they had passed the third stage of 
their life, J the requital is limited to cheerful obedience. 

Eaghu, when in the bloom of youth he exceeded his father in 
stature and physical strength, looked shorter on account of his meekness. § 
When in his old age, the same monarch wishes to abdicate the throne in 
favour of his son Aja and retire, according to the family custom, to the 
contemplative shades of the primeval forest, the latter falls at his feet and 
passionately entreats him not to forsake his son.|| At last, a compromise is 
effected by the hoary monarch's consenting to spend the remaining portion 
of his life in a retired grove near the capital.^" When he had breathed his 
last, Aja is assiduous in the performance of the proper obsequies, as a mark 
of respect for the deceased, though he knew full well that souls which had 
obtained final emancipation, are above the reach of such offerings.** 

When the kingdom had been offered by his father to Aja, the king- 
dom which princes desire to possess even through the means of the deepest 
crimes, Aja consents to accept it, not through any lust for dominion, but 
out of a deep sense of the obedience due to a father's commands,ff and to this 
the modest refusal of Ayush in the fifth act of the Vikramorvashi furnishes a 
parallel. When the infants Mama and Lakshmana are directed by Dasara- 
tha to accompany the sage Vishwdmitra for the purpose of encountering the 
ferocious monsters who interfered with the celebration of Vedic rites, they 
have no excuse to make, no delay to solicit, but are instantly ready to start. %% 
The cheerfulness with which Rama obeyed the mandate of his father to 
resign the throne and wander forth an exile for fourteen years in the path- 
less wilds of Danda~kd,% § is too well known to require any detailed description. 
The filial obedience ol Par ashurdma we leave casuists to analyse and explain. || j[ 

* Eaghu., XV. 13, 32, 33. 

f Eaghu., XVII. 3. 

% Eaghu., VIII. 11. 

§ Eaghu., III. 34. 

H Eaghu., VIII. 12. 

IT Eaghu., VIII. 13, 14. 
** Eaghu., VIII. 25, 26. 
ft Eaghu., VIII. 2. 
XX Eaghu., XI. 1—4. 
§§ Eaghu., XII. 7—9. 
Illl Eaghu., XL 65. 



Prannath Pandit— Morals of Kdliddsa. 


Sustain the honor of your lineage and he still obedient to thy sire are the 
exhortations which Pururavd and VrmsM respectively address to their son* 

Fraternal duties.-We may here properly enter into the consideration 
of the fraternal relation. It has been aptly remarked that brotherly love is 
the best preparation for society. The sons of Basaratha never quarrelled 
among themselves, even in their infancy.f The devotedness of LaTcshmana 
who voluntarily followed Rama into exile, % and at last laid down his life for 
the sake of his brother § will not easily find a parallel in the whole history 
of literature. Bharata's behaviour, too, in strenuously declining the 
throne, stands out in bright contrast to the treachery of KaiMyi. He can 
only be persuaded to guard the throne as the humble servant of his elder 
brother, and would even then insist on having a visible emblem of Rama in 
the shape of a pair of slippers which had been hallowed by contact with his 
feet. 1 1 The faithful manner in which he preserves his trust, and the cheer- 
fulness with which he makes over the kingdom to Rama, furnish as high 
an ideal of integrity as may well be desired.^" The records of Raghu's 
royal race do not furnish a single instance of fratricidal struggle such as 
that which raged over the sick-bed of Shah Jahan or the grave of 
Aurungzib. The healthy feeling which existed between Rama and his 
brothers, has already been indicated. Their sons inherited this virtue. 
Kusha is peacefully installed by his brother and nephews, as he was their 
elder both by birth and superior qualities : brotherly feeling was their 
family trait.** 

Master and Servant. — We now come to the last division of domestic 
morals, namely, the duties of master and servant. Slavery was the earliest 
form of this relation, and though inevitable, nay a decided improvement on 
the war of extermination which preceded it, had a baneful influence on the 
whole fabric of domestic morality. Slavery, though incidentally mentioned 
in the worksf f of Kalidasa, never enters into the composition of any of his 
pictures. He was also perfectly cognisant of the salient points of the 
relation of servant and master, namely, cheerful obedience on the part of the 
one and kind recompense on the part of the other. The dialogue between 
Kandarpa and Indra in the Kumara Samhhava,%% which is too long for quota- 
tion, strikes this key-note. The devotedness of Dilipa, too, who was for the 

* Vikramorvashi, Act V. Wilson's Hindu Theatre, Vol. I., p. 270. 

t Eaghu., X. 80. 

t Eaghu., XII. 9. 

§ Eaghu., XV. 92—95. 

II Eaghu., XII. 12—19. 

IT Eaghu., XIII. 64—67. 
** Eaghu., XVI. 1. 
tt Kumara Sambhava, V. 86. 
XX III. 2-22. 



Prannath Pandit — Morals of Kdliddsa. 

[No. 3, 

nonce playing the part of a servant of Vasishttha in charge of his precious 
cattle the details of which have been already given, is decidedly exemplary. 
The Hindu Cupid when summoned for his fatal mission by Indra, was 
painting the feet of his Venus, but such is his promptitude to obey the call, 
that he leaves one foot unpainted.* TTrvasTii, when about to culti- 
vate the acquaintance of her loved and loving deliverer, is summoned to 
assist at a dramatic entertainment at Indra' s court, and though it cost her 
an effort, promptly obeys.f 

Social morality. — From the home we pass by a natural transition to 
society. Social virtues may be classified under Justice and Eenevolence. In 
domestic morals the two are blended or at least ought to be, into one 
harmonious whole. 

Justice, Candor. — Justice in our thoughts, or candor, is the ornament 
of all of Kalidasa's heroes. There is not a single instance in his works of 
malicious equivocation. The illusions which Nandini% and Shiva § practise 
on Dilipa and Pdrvati respectively, are benevolent in their conception, and 
end in agreeable surprise. It would be manifestly unfair to drag into this 
comparison the dramatic character of the Vidushaka, which is professedly a 
Caricature of human frailty. The equivocation of Pururavd with Ausmari\\ 
is the most decent course that could be adopted under the circumstances. 

Veracity.— Of veracity in its widest sense, or Justice in words, 
Kalidasa was a great admirer. He makes the princes of Baghu's race 
reticent out of their determination not to speak anything but the truth. ^[ 
Of Dasaratha we are told that, like Epaminondas, he never spoke an untruth 
even in jest,** and of Atithi we are informed that what passed his lips was 
never untrue. ft Dasaratha's sincerity must always challenge our admi- 
ration, when he kept his word at the expense of his happiness and his life. J ^ 

Gratitude. — Priyamvada is anxious to requite his unconscious liber- 
ator Aja,§§ and his feeling that without a proper requital, his restoration to 
celestial rank was vain, finds an echo in the text which Mallindtha quotes to 
the purport that one unable to requite his benefactor had better be dead. || |j 
The Megliaduta contains the poet's confession of faith on the subject : 


Kumara Sambhava, IV. 19. 

Vikramorvashi, Act II. Wilson's Hindu Theatre, Vol. I., p. 221. 

Vide ante. 

Kumara Sambhava, V. 84. 

Vikramorvashi, Acts II. III. Wilson's Hindu Theatre, Vol. I., pp. 223, 233—235. 

^c5JT^ fafT"Wfw^ ' Ea ghu., I. 7. 

T farRIT ^ft^TWSIT^fa I Raghu., IX. 8. 

^T^rnr ?r rrfHrw i Eaghu., xvii. 42. 

Eaghu., XII. 10. 

Eaghu., V. 46. 

^ffRfijpTOf^ ^tfa<niTO TOU Mallindtha on Eaghu., V. 46. 


Prannath Pandit— Morals of Kdliddsa. 


"Even a low man, when Ms friend comes to him for assistance will 
not turn away his face, m consideration of former kindness "* 

"The Hindus," remarks Wilson, « have been the object of much idle 
panegyric and equally idle detraction. Some writers have invested them 
with every amiable attribute, and they have been deprived by others of the 
common virtues of humanity. Amongst the excellencies denied to them grati 
tude has always been particularized ; and there are many of the European 
residents in India who scarcely imagine that the natives of the country ever 
heard of such a sentiment. To them, and to all detractors on this head 
the above verse is a satisfactory reply, "f Kalidasa extended the duty of 
gratitude even to benefactors amongst the brute creation. J 

Benevolence. Civility.— Kalidasa's characters never lack in civility or 
benevolence in our conversation and manners. Ditipa and his queen are hono- 
rably received at their preceptor's hermitage. § Dasaratlia, we are told, never 
used a harsh word even to his bitterest foes.|| Bdma, when finally bidding 
adieu to the chiefs of apes and demons who' had attended at his coronation, 
offers them parting offerings through the hands of the Queen in whose 
rescue they had been instrumental.^ The anxious frenzy of the exiled 
Yacsha which leads him to address the inanimate cloud as a messenger to 
convey tidings to his faithful spouse, does not make him omit the formalities 
of civil reception.** The prefatory civilitiesf f which the disguised Shiva 
utters to Bdrvati, and the liberal professions with which the Mountain-king 
receives the seven sages, + + would bear comparison with the Persian or 
Chinese code of politeness. 

^ Of active kindness and liberality, we have an instance in Baglu, who 
instituted the VisJiwajit sacrifice, and at its end gave away all he possessed. §§ 
The generous struggle between the same king and Kautsa, the former bent 
on giving more than the latter had wanted, and the latter declining to take 
anything above what he urgently required, |||| furnishes another notable 
instance of liberality. AtitU never revoked his gifts.f f Tne kings of 

Purvamegha, 17. J 

f Wilson's Works, Vol. IV, p. 330. 
:1m., IX. 65. 
mi., I. 55. 
hu., IX. 8. 
If Eagau., XIV. 19. 
** Purvamegha, 4. 
tt Kumara Sambhava, V. 33—40. 
tt Kumara Sambhava, VI. 50—63. 
§§ Raghu., IV. 86. V 1. 
Illl Raghu., V 31. 
f 1" ^tT ?T WIX WrfJ Raghu., XVII. 42. 


Prannath Pandit— Morals of Kalidasa. 

[No. 3, 

RaqTiu's race never disappointed an expectant even at the cost of life itself.* 

Hospitality. — Hospitality is not a rare virtue in the works of Kalidasa. 
DiUpa and his attendants are first hospitably received, and it is not until 
they have recovered from the fatigues of the journeyf that any questions 
are asked. Rag7iu,% too, practises the same behaviour towards Kcmtsa. 
JBhoja's hospitality to Aja was such that, when they entered the capital, 
the host looked as guest and the guest as master of the household. § We 
are told in the Kumdra Sambhava\\ that great men take even inferior 
refugees under their special protection. 

Friendship.— Friendship is placed by the poet on the widest basis. ^f 
The most casual occurrence may lay its foundation. The attachment of the 
celestial nymphs to TIrvasM is full of affection and sympathy. 

Politico-Military Morality. Conquest. Chivalry.— Kalidasa' s 
military morality comprised conquest for its own sake. His conquerors are 
always satisfied with formal submission and their greatest glory is to reinstate 
fallen foes. ** His warriors have chivalry enough to restrain them from 
taking undue advantage of an opponent's weakness.f f The sage councillors 
of Baghu laid before him plans both honest and dishonest, for the encom- 
passing of his ends, but he disdained to take advantage of the latter, and 
relied on honesty as the best policy. %% Atithi's martial policy was guided 
by the same principles. §§ Kalidasa appreciated the intimate correlation 
which exists between prudence and valor. Valor without prudence, he 
justly remarks, is but animal ferocity, and prudence without valor, is but 
another name for cowardice. [| || 

Kingly virtues. — Kalidasa could rise to just conceptions of political 
morality. His kings are mild taxers and take but to expend on proper 
objects.^"*}]" They are no respecters of persons, but impartial dealers out 
of rewards and punishments. ** m They never abused the rigor of the law 
for private purposes, and presided personally over the administration of jus- 
tice.f ff They are as affectionate fathers to their subjects.^ %% A Bdjd does 

* Baghu., X. 2. 
f Baghu., I. 58. 

Baghu., V. 2, 3. 

Baghu., V. 62. 

I. 12. 

Kumara Samhhava, V. 39 ; Baghu. II. 58. 

Baghu., IV. 35, 37, 43, 64. VIII. 9. IX. 14. XL 

Baghu., VII. 47. 




U Baghu., IV. 10. 
§§ Baghu., XVII. 69. 
IHI Baghu., XVII. 47. 

Baghu., I. 18, 26. VIII. 7. 

Baghu., I. 6, 25. IV. 8. IX. 6. 

Baghu., VIII. 18. 

Baghu., I. 24. II. 48. 

9. XVI. 80. XVII. 42, 





Prannath Pandit— Morals of Kdliddsa. 


not deserve the name if he be not— ^^jf?r^^«r, — gladdener of his subjects.* 
To his being void of avarice the people owed their wealth ; to his protection 
they were indebted for whatever deeds of virtue they performed in peaceful 
leisure ; the king was their father in being their instructor and guide, the 
king was their son inasmuch as he was the wiper of their woes.f 

Self-abnegation.— The kings of Kalidasa had sufficient moral con- 
victions to subordinate their personal happiness to the general weal. This 
self-abnegation is held up by the poet in the most prominent light. Dilipa, 
we are told, loved a good man, though an enemy, and discarded a favourite, 
when he took to evil ways, with the merciless promptitude which one 
must shew in excising a snake -bitten finger. $ They had a high idea of 
their mission as redressers of wrong, and were ready to carry it out even at 
the risk of their throne and life. So equitable is the behaviour of the 
model king that every one thinks himself the greatest favourite. § Aja is 
restrained from following his beloved queen on. the path of flame, not by 
reason of any fondness for life, but from a sense of what is due to his position 
as a king. || In the characteristic phraseology of the poet, kings are wedded 
to the earth. % Their personal pleasures never encroached on their public 

Loyalty. — This healthy feeling was reciprocated on the part of the 
people. They took a personal interest in their sovereign. They partici- 
pated in his good fortunes and sympathised with his losses.f f 

Altruism. — The key-stone of morals — Live for others — did not 
escape the penetration of Kalidasa. We may quote his own words : 

TO <r^ fw*r %-^^t 

Power, to remove the fears of the afflicted ; great learning, for the 
cordial reception of the learned ; not only the wealth, but even the good 
qualities of that King (Aja), were for the benefit of others. 

* Eaghu., IY. 12. VI. 21. 
f Eaghu., XIV. 23. 
| Eaghu., I. 28. 
§ Eaghu., VIII. 8. 
|| Eaghu., VIII. 72. 

** Eaghu., VIII 32. XIV. 24. 
ft Eaghu., II. 73, 74. VIII. 74. 
U Eaghu., VIII. 31. 

Eaghu., VIII. 83. 

Y Y 

r " 


Kajendralala Mitra— An Imperial Assemblage 

[No. 3, 

An Imperial Assemblage at Delhi three thousand years ago. — 
By Rajekdkalala Mitba, LL. D. 

The Imperial Assemblage to be beld at Delhi on the 1st of next month 
cannot fail to recall to the mind of oriental scholars the description, given 
in the Mahabharata, of a similar gathering held there npwards of three 
thousand years ago. Then, as now, the object was the assumption of para- 
mount power by a mighty sovereign. Then, as now, princes and potentates 
came from all parts of India to do homage to one who was greatly their 
superior in power, wealth, and earnest devotion to rule honestly and pater- 
nally. Then, as now, the feeling of allegiance was all but universal. But 
noteworthy as these points of similitude are, there are others which place 
the two assemblages in marked contrast. The one was held by men who 
had barely emerged from a state of primitive simplicity in the infancy of 
human society ; the other is to be inaugurated under all the refinements and 
paraphernalia of the highest civilization. The one borrowed all its sanctity 
from religion ; the other depends for its glory on political and material 
greatness. The one was purely national ; the other brings into the field a 
dominant foreign power. There are other points, equally remarkable, both 
of similitude and of divergence, which afford singular illustrations of the 
state of political ideas at immensely remote periods ; and a short account 
of the ancient ceremonial may not, therefore, be uninteresting at the present 

The ceremony, in ancient times, was called khe]JRdjasuya, or that which 
can be effected only by a king — from Raj an ' a king' and shu ' to be effect- 
ed'. This derivation, however, is not universally accepted. Some interpret 
the term to mean the ceremony at which the Soma juice is produced, from 
raja ' moon' for the moon-plant, and su ' to bring forth' ; but as there are a 
hundred different rites at which the brewing of the Soma beer is an essential 
requirement, while it is distinctly laid down, that none but a king who can 
command the allegiance of a large number of tributary princes, and who is, 
or wishes to be,* a universal monarch, exercising supremacy over a large 
number of princes, should perform it, the first derivation appears to be 
the right one, — at least it conveys an idea of the true character of the 
ceremony, which the other does not. Yajnika-deva, in his commentary on 
the S'rauta Sutra of Katyayana, explains the word raj a in the first aphorism 
on the subject, to mean a Kshatriya,f without specifying that he should be 
a king, and this may at first sight suggest the idea that any Kshatriya, 

* KT«TT ^KT^^fTflT ^T«T^^T W<T I Taittiriya Brahmana. 

t Km ^^j: ik ii ^ ^ ^m 5 ^: ^fwnf«Tf*rfirfj* i 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


whether a soveriegn or not, may perform it ; but the context shows clearly that 
a king was a sine qua non, and none but a king could undertake the rite. 
According to the S'astras, none but a Kshatriya was fit for royalty, and the 
use of the word raj an both for a king and a man of the Kshatriya caste 
was so common, that in interpreting it, in particular passages the context 
is always looked upon as the safest guide to its true meaning. If we 
assume, however, that Katyayana wished only to indicate the caste of the 
performer, with a view to exclude the other castes, without caring to point 
out his political position, the interpretation of the scholiast would be open 
to no exception. 

From its very nature a ceremony like the Eajasuya could not be 
common anywhere, or at any time, much less during the Hindu period, 
when India was never held by a single monarch. It was then divided 
into many kingdoms, principalities and chief ships, each enjoying perfect 
autonomy, and entertaining more or less jealousy, not unoften amounting 
to hostility, or even violent animosity, against each other, and a universal 
sovereignty like that of the autocrat of Russia was perfectly impossible. 
The language of praise or flattery has doubtless often declared particular 
sovereigns to have been Ghahravartins or emperors ; but the reality, as 
regards the whole of India, was never accomplished. It is unquestionable 
that in rare instances, such as those of Chandragupta and Asoka, many 
sovereigns acknowledged subordination to some mighty monarch or other, 
and the weaker ones paid tribute, but their autonomy was rarely sacri- 
ficed, and their alliances generally bore the character of confederacies, or 
federal union, and not that of feudal baronies subject to a ruling chief, and 
under no circumstances were servile duties, such as under the feudal sys- 
tem the Barons in Europe were obliged to render their suzerains, ever 
exacted from the tributaries. The* bond between them was, besides, of 
the feeblest kind, and snapt at every favourable opportunity. In the 
Vedic period even such monarchic federations on a very large scale were 
any thing but common, and the rite of MaMbhisJieka, or imperial bap- 
tism, which follows the Eajasuya, was administered to only a few. The 
Aitareya Brahmana of the Eig Veda affords a curious illustration of this 
fact. After describing the ritual of the Mahabhisheka, with a view to 
point out its high importance, the author of that work gives a list of the 
persons who had been inaugurated by that rite, and of the priests who 
officiated thereat, and it includes only ten names.* The list does not, it is 

* The list includes the following names: 1. Janamejaya, son of Parikshit, 
inaugurated by Tarn, son of Kavasha. 2. Saryata, son of Manu, anointed by Chyavana, 
son of Bhrigu. 3. Somasushma, son of Vajaratna, by S'atanika, son of Satrujit. 4. 
Ambashtya, by Parvata and Narada. 5. Yudhamsraushti, son of XJgrasena, by Parvata 
and Narada. 6. Vis'vakarma, son of Bhuvana, by Kasyapa. 7. Sudas, son of Puja- 





370 Eajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3, 

true, profess to be exhaustive ; but the necessity felt for such a list and 
its meagreness suffice to show, that the rite was but rarely performed, and 
even the knowledge of its ritual among the priesthood was not common. 
The Eamayana describes the rite as celebrated by Bamachandra, but there 
is no description of it in any later work; and no manual for its per- 
formance has yet been met with. 

The description of the Bajasuya in the Mahabharata is a popular poeti- 
cal one, loaded with much that is mythical, and a considerable amount of 
exaggeration ; but it is the best known all over India, and comprises the full- 
est account of its exoteric characteristics. Yudhishthira, the hero of it, lived, 
according to Hindu chronology, in the last century of the third cycle or 
the Treta Yuga, i. e. five thousand one hundred and fifty years ago ; but 
recent researches of oriental scholars are fatal to his claim to so remote 
an antiquity. A careful study of the lists of ancient kings given in the 
Puranas, allowing an average reign of sixteen years to each king, would bring 
him to the twentieth century before the Christian era. But even this is 
not tenable. On the other hand the existence, in the Aitareya Brahmana, 
of the name of Janamejaya, son of Parikshit, who is evidently the same 
with the sovereign named in the Mahabharata, and the grandson of Arjuna 
brother of Yudhishthira, would force the inference that he lived long before 
that portion of the Eig Veda came into existence ; and the lowest estimate 
possible appears to be somewhat over twelve centuries before the era of 

Yudhishthira and his four brothers lost their father Pandu,* king of 
Hastinapura, at an early age ; and during their minority the management 
of their paternal state fell into the hands of their uncle Dhritarashtra, under 
whose guardianship they were brought up. Dhritarashtra was senior to 
Pandu, and would have, under ordinary circumstances, inherited the 
principality of Hastinapura. But as he was born blind, his claims were set 
aside, according to Hindu law, in favour of his younger brother. The 
principality having, however, come to his hands during the minority of his 
nephews, court intrigue was brought into play, when the youths came of age, 
to prevent their coming into possession of even a portion of their patrimony. 
The sons of Dhritarashtra were most inimical to them, and domestic dissen- 
fcions were frequent and serious. To prevent these unseemly disputes, the 

vana, by Vasishtha. 8. Marutta, son of Avikshit, by Samvarta, son of Angiras. 9. 
Anga alias Alopanga by Udamaya, son of Atri. 10. Bharata, son of Dusbyanta, by 
Dirghatamas, the son of an unmarried woman. 

* The word means " pale yellow" and is ordinarily used to indicate jaundice. Mr. 
Wheeler opines that it is a euphemism for white leprosy, but there is nothing to justify 
the theory, Kunti is said to have selected him from out of a whole host of princes at a 
grand sayanvara ; and no damsel is ever likely to select a leper for her consort. 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


Pandava brothers were sent away to Varanavrata, modern Allahabad, where, 
it was thought, they would be beyond the reach of their intriguing 'cousins'. 
But those who interested themselves in the welfare of the Pandavas were 
doomed to disappointment. The palace, which the five brothers and their 
mother occupied at Varanavrata, was, one night, set on fire, and they had to 
fly for life, and, for some time after, to keep themselves secreted in jungle 
and unfrequented places, or roam about as beggars. At last they effected 
an alliance with the powerful king Drupada of Panchala (modern Kanauj), 
whose daughter they married at a Sayahvara, and through his influence and 
that of their cousin-german Krishna, obtained a small tract of land for their 
share with the town of Indraprastha for their capital. Here they establish- 
ed themselves, and laid the foundation of what afterwards became a mighty 

Close by Indraprastha, there happened to be a large forest,* which the 
Pandavas burnt down and cleared, and by dint of perseverance, and gradual 
encroachment on the possessions of their less energetic neighbours, raised 
their little tract of land to the rank and position of a respectable principality. 
Alliances with some of the aboriginal races also helped them to rise in power ; 
and the extension of their possessions towards the west and the south-west 
where they met with little opposition, soon enabled them to assume a high 
position among the crowned heads of India. A magnificent palace, called a 
SaUd or ' audience chamber', was next built in the capital, and it proved to 
be the finest work of art that had ever been produced in this country. A 
Titan (Danava) was its architect, and it was enriched with the most 

* The existence of this forest has suggested to Mr. Wheeler the idea of Delhi, or 
the country about it, having been an outpost of the Aryans in India at the time of the 
Pandavas, and the whole of his criticisms on the Mahabharata is based upon this major. 
That there were many forests in the country three thousand years ago, is a truism 
which none can venture to question, but there is no valid reason to suppose that the 
Khandava forest was the ultima thule of the Aryans at the time in question. The line of 
argument which has brought the learned author to this conclusion, could be appealed to 
with great effect, to show that the jungle of Chataura near Jagadispur in which the muti- 
neers under Kumar Singh, found a shelter, was the outpost of the English raj in 1858. 
To save his position, the author has been obliged to denounce the whole of the geo- 
graphy of the Mahabharata as after thoughts. The poet says that Bhishma got into his 
chariot, went to Kasi, and brought the three daughters of the king of that place, as 
brides for his younger brother, and the critic exclaims, " Kasi is 500 miles from Hastina- 
pur," and as no one could make the journey so easily and without attendants, the place 
meant must be a village in the neighbourhood of Hastinapura ; as if it was absolutely 
necessary for a poet to give in detail the number of the attendants, the places where 
they halted, and the stages they travelled over. Chand, in the 12th century, with 
nearly as much laconic brevity, makes his hero Prithviraj travel to Kanauj from Delhi 
on a like mission, and it was crowned with equal success. It is not likely that any 
historian will question the truth of the elopement of the Princess of Kanauj. 



372 Kajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3, 

precious materials that could be collected from the different parts of India, 
including some highly-prized stones from the Himalaya. Its description 
refers to flowers of crystal, partitions of glass, and marbles of all colours j to 
spacious and lofty apartments, and doors and windows, terraces and gardens, 
artificial lakes and fountains. Much of this is doubtless due to the poet's 
imagination ; but there was nevertheless enough to make the owner proud 
of its possession, and to long to show it to his rivals. To inaugurate it by a 
grand festival was the first idea that occurred to his mind, and that suggested 
the ambitious scheme of celebrating the politico-religious sacrifice of the 
Eajasiiya, and raising the principality to the rank of an empire. 

This was, however, not an easy task to accomplish. Close by, to the 
north, there was Hastinapura, the capital of their ancestors, in the possession 
of their inveterate enemies the Kurus. To the east, Mathura was held by 
a powerful sovereign. To the south, the king of Malava was a standing 
menace, and to the west there was the principality of Virata, # which 
would not in a hurry yield to its neighbours. There were besides other 
mighty sovereigns in different parts of India, who were proud of their high 
position, and not at all disposed to succumb to what to them was a new- 
born and petty Eaj. 

The most powerful king at the time, however, was Jarasandha, sovereign 
of Magadha. He had carried his victorious arms as far as Mathura, and 
expelled therefrom the Yadavas, who had wrested it from a relative of his. 
His army was the largest and best-trained ; and he had already imprisoned 
ninety- seven princes with a view, when the number came up to a hundred 
and twelve, to offer them as a sacrifice to the gods, by way of a preliminary 
to his raising the white umbrella of imperial sovereignty. For the Pan- 
davas to wage war against him, with any hope of success, was out of the 
question, and no one in India could proclaim himself an emperor without 
bringing on a most desolating retribution from that monarch. 

To remove Jarasandha from the field by other than open warfare was, 
therefore, the first scheme to which the Pandavas set their head, and assas- 
sination was resolved upon as the only means feasible. Disguised as Brah- 
manas, Bhima, Arjuna, and Krishna set out for Magadha, and, entering the 
palace by a back door, took him unawares, while he was engaged in his 
prayers, and killed him. The Mahabharata gives a long account of the in- 
terview, and says, he was challenged to a single combat, and fell under the 
blows of Bhima, the " wolf-stomached" hero. But this appears to be a 
euphemism for assassination, inasmuch as the Pandavas were ever after 

* The modern Bengal districts of Kangpur and Dinajpur to the north claim to be 
the ancient Virata, but the cattle-lifting foray of the Kurus in the country of Virata, 
described in the Virata Parva of the Mahabharata, leaves no doubt as to the true posi- 
tion of that country having been as given above. 




at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


accused of baseness for it, and no baseness could be predicated of a hero who 
challenged another to a single combat. However that may have been it 
enabled the Pandavas to liberate the imprisoned chieftains, and not only at 
once to secure to themselves their loyal adherence, but also to obtain a great 
accession of power and influence in different parts of India. 

Four grand military expeditions were next organised, one to proceed to 
each quarter of India. Arjuna assumed the command of the army of the 
North, and, proceeding on, successively conquered, or otherwise brought into 
subjugation, the Kulindas, the Kalakutas,the Avarthas and the S'akala-dvipis. 
Thence he proceeded to Pragjyotisha, where he had to wage a protracted war 
against Bhagadatta, its king, who was ultimately obliged to purchase peace 
by the payment of a handsome tribute. Ascending the Himalaya, he 
encountered many petty chieftains, including those of Uluka, Modapura, 
Vainadeva, Sudaman, Susankula, North Uluka, Devaprastha and other places' 
—mostly robber chief s— as also the Kiratas and the Chinas. Turning then 
towards the west, he pushed on his victorious army through Kashmir to 
Balkh, burning and sacking several large towns in the way. Then turning 
back, he passed through Kamboja, Darada, and Uttara-rishika from all which 
places he obtained highly-prized horses as tribute, and arrived at the foot of 
Dhavalagiri, where he rested for awhile. Then he crossed the Himalaya 
and encountered the sovereigns of Kimpilla-varsha and Halaka, the last in 
the neighbourhood of the Manasarovara Lake ; and lastly approached the 
confines of Uttara-kuru, which was inhabited by Gandharvas, the fabled 
choristers of Indra's heaven. Here he was met by ambassadors, who pur- 
chased peace for their sovereign by a present of some rich stuffs, jewels, 
valuable furs, and silken dresses. 

The second expedition was headed by Bhima, who proceeded to the 
east, taking in the way the country of his father-in-law Drupada in the 
Doab of the Ganges and Yamuna. Then crossing the Ganges he went 
southwards to Dasarna, and, taking the Pulindas in the way, arrived at 
Chedi, the country of Sisupala, who, being related to the Pandavas, readily 
acknowledged subordination, and paid a handsome tribute. Bhima tarried 
at this place for a month, and then marched on successively to Kosala, 
Ayodhya, Uttara Kosala, Mulla, and the Terai, whence descending down he 
conquered the king of Kasi. His next encounter was with the Matsyas, 
then successively with the Maladas, Madadharas, the Batsabhumians, the 
Bhangas, the Santakas and Barmakas, and several Kirata and other races, 
which he conquered, and, making an alliance with the king of Mithila 
(Videha), came down to Magadha to collect tribute, having on a former 
occasion destroyed its valiant king Jarasandha. The son of Jarasandha 
joined his army along with several minor chiefs, and with them he pro- 
ceeded to the country of his half brother Kama, (Bhagalpur) who was 



g^4 Bajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3, 

always mimical to the Pandavas, and waged a protracted war in defence 
of his rights. But his efforts were of no avail, and he was ultimately- 
made to negociate for peace by the payment of a heavy indemnity. Bengal 
and its numerous petty chiefs next attracted the attention of Bhima, and 
they were all overpowered and obliged to enrich the conqueror with large 
contributions of gold, silver, jewels, sandal-wood, agallochum, wool, and rich 


The army of the South, under Sahadeva, first overpowered the king of 
Mathura, and then, proceeding through the northern parts of country now 
owned by Sindhia, in which it encountered and subjugated many hostile 
chiefs came to the country of Kuntibhoja. This aged monarch was the 
foster-father of Kunti, the mother of the three elder Pandavas ; he welcomed 
the general with every mark of consideration, and readily entered into the scheme 
of his eldest grandson to assume the imperial title. He gave much wealth 
and valuable assistance in pushing on the expedition with success. Crossing 
the Chambal, Sahadeva came face to face with the heir of Jambhaka, an 
old enemy of Krishna. What the name of the prince was or of his country, 
is not given, but the prince was powerful and fought with great courage. 
He was, however, ultimately overpowered, and made to render homage and 
to pay an indemnity. The Narmadda was next crossed, and Sahadeva, 
in his victorious march, successively made a lot of petty princes to acknow- 
ledge his supremacy, until he reached the Pandyan kingdom which held him 
at bay for a time. Kishkinda proved even more troublesome, and a treaty 
of amity and friendship was all that could be extorted from it. Beyond 
Kishkinda was the country of Mahisamati (probably Mysore) which was 
owned by a chief of great valour, who was especially favoured by the god 
Agni, who had seduced a daughter of the king, and afterwards married her, 
and promised protection to his father-in-law. Sahadeva and his army were 
no match for this mighty chief, and Agni so befriended his protege by rain- 
ing fire on every side that the assailants were well nigh overpowered. At 
this juncture Sahadeva sought the protection of Agni, and through his inter- 
vention effected a treaty of peace and friendship. The story of Agni affords 
an instance of the use of fire-arms in ancient times, and also a hint about 
the Nair custom of women not living under the protection of their husbands, 
but of cavaliers of their own choice ; for in order to wipe off the stigma on 
the character of the princess, Agni, says the story, had ordained that women 
in Mahisamati should ever after lead a wanton life in public (Avaraniya) 
independently of their husbands. 

Proceeding further south from Mahisamati, Sahadeva subjugated 
several petty chiefs, as also several one-eyed, one-legged, or otherwise de- 
formed races, described in the orthodox style of traveller's stories, and thence, 
through ambassadors, secured the allegiance of Dravida, Sarabhipattanam, 



at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


Tamra island, Timingila, or the country of the whale, Kalinga, Andhra, 
Udra, Kerala, Talavana, Ceylon, and other places. On his way home, 
he passed along the western coast through Surat to G-uzerat where he 
met Krishna and the other Yadava chiefs, and finally returned home, loaded 
with immense wealth and many valuable presents. 

Nakula, at the head of the army of the West, first went to Eohitaka ; 
thence towards southern Eajpiitana to Mahettha, Sivi, Trigarta, Ambashtha, 
Malava, Panchakarphatas, Madhyamaka, Vatadhana ; and, then retracing his 
steps to Pushkara, and next the Abhira country on the banks of the Sarasvati, 
he marched on to the Panjab, to the western frontier of which he encountered 
the Pahnavas, Varvaras, Kiratas, Yavanas, and the S'akas, from all of whom 
he obtained valuable presents, and acknowledgment of allegiance. 

In making the above abstract of the progress of the different armies, I 
have omitted several names of places and persons, and also used words to 
indicate directions which do not always occur in the original. The routes, as 
laid down in the Mahabharata, are not always such as an invading army would, 
or conveniently could, take in its progress from Indraprastha, and many rea- 
sons suggest themselves to show that the poet was not quite familiar with 
the places he describes. Some of the discrepancies, however, may be due to 
my inability to identify the several places named, and to the possibility of 
there having existed more than one place of the same name, one of which 
is known to me, and the other not. Several districts in northern and eastern 
Bengal now claim to be the same with places named in the Mahabharata, 
but which probably have no right to the pretension. In a few cases, there 
are two or three claimants for the same ancient name. As it is, however, 
not my intention here to enter into a critical analysis, but simply to quote 
the substance of what has been said, in connexion with the Bajasuya, in the 
Mahabharata, by way of introduction to the rituals of the sacrifice as given in 
the Vedas, I need say nothing further on the subject. Those who are curious 
about the places named, and about the articles alleged to have been present- 
ed as tribute, which, to a certain extent, help the identification of those places, 
will find much interesting matter in the late Professor Lassen's learned essay 
on the Geography of the Mahabharata, in the Grottingen Oriental Journal, 
and in Professor Wilson's paper on the Sabha-parva in the Journal of the 
Royal Asiatic Society of London. 

On the return of the different expeditionary armies, a consultation was 
held as to the propriety of immediately commencing the ceremony, or def er- 
ingit to a future occasion. Krishna advised immediate action, and agreed to 
take upon himself the task of arranging everything for a successful issue. 
It was accordingly resolved that the ceremony should at once begin. Or- 
ders were thereupon issued to collect all the articles necessary for the rite ; 
invitations were sent out to all relatives, friends, allies and tributaries, the 
z z 



976 Bajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3 ? 

messengers being instructed to request the attendance of Vaisyas and " all 
respectable S'tidras" j Nakula was deputed to the old king Dhritarashtra, the 
head of the family, to invite him and other Kaurava chiefs to grace the 
assembly by their presence ; and ample provision was made for the accom- 
modation and entertainment of the expected guests. The Brahmans were 
expected to come in from all parts of the country, and every one was to be 
received with due honour, and to be rewarded with rich presents. The 
invitations to the Vaisyas and the S'tidras^ the agricultural and the 
servile classes, at a religious ceremony, and the use of the epithet many a 
"respectable" or "venerable" as a predicate for individuals of the class 
originally formed of helots, are worthy of special note. " This is", says 
Professor Wilson, " one of the numerous indications which the Mahabharata 
offers of a state of public feeling and possibly of civil institutions which 
seems to have preceded even the laws of Manu."* 

The most important business in connexion with the sacrifice was the 
appointment of duly qualified priests, and the most renowned sages of the 
time were solicited to take parts in the grand ceremonial. Krishna-dvai- 
payana Vyasa, the natural father of both the Kurus and the Pandavas, who 
was renowned for his thorough knowledge of the Vedas which he had 
arranged and classified, himself took the part of Brahma or high priest. 
Susama of the Dhananjaya clan was appointed the chief of Sama 
singers. Yajnavalkya, the great lawgiver, was installed as Adhvaryu or the 
chief of the Yajur Vedic priests. Paila, son of Kasu, and Dhaumya, the 
family priest of Yudhishthira, undertook the duty of pouring out the 
oblations on the sacred fire (hota) ; while a host of their pupils and others 
were employed to act as assistants and assessors to watch the proceedings 
and correct mistakes (sadasyd) . 

" In due course and at the proper time, Yudhishthira was initiated into 
the ceremony by the assembled priests, and thus initiated and attended by 
his brothers and surrounded by thousands of Brahmans, relatives, friends, 
officers of State, and princes from different countries, he, resplendent as the 
incarnation of Dharma, entered the Sacrificial Hall. Learned Brahmans, 
versed in the Vedas and the Vedahgas, flocked from all parts of the country. 
Architects had, under the king's orders, erected suitable abodes for them, 
and those abodes had beautiful awnings on the top, and were replete with 
furniture and articles of food and drink fit for all seasons of the year. 
Eeceiving the welcome of the king, the Brahmans dwelt therein, and passed 

*^ Journal, El. As. Soc. VII. 138. In Mr. Wheeler's version the epithets sarvdn 
mdnydn " all respectable" are placed against both the Vaisyas and the S'tidras, but 
the construction of the sentence requires that they should apply to the S'tidras only, 
showing that the three twice-born classes were all welcome, whereas of the unregenerate 
S'tidras, the " respectable" alone were admissible. 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


their time in entertaining conversation, in witnessing charming dances, and 
in listening to sweet music. The hum of Brahmans, full to satiety, 'fond 
of stories, and jubilant with delight, resounded every where. " Give away, 
and eat away" were the words which burst forth from every side. The' 
virtuous king provided for each of his guests thousands of cows, bedding, 
gold, and damsels. Thus did the ceremony progress of the unrivalled 
and virtuous sovereign of the earth, the great Pandava, who was like 
unto Indra, the lord of the immortals."* The provision of damsels for 
the service of Brahman guests, reveals a curious feature in the manners, 
customs, and morality of the time under notice. 

The list of crowned heads which assembled at the ceremony is a long 
one, but as it includes mostly the names of those who were subjugated by 
the brothers of Yudhishthira, and of the friends and relatives of the host, 
it is not necessary to reproduce it here. The leading chiefs of the Kaurava 
and the Yadava tribes were the most prominent among the guests. " To 
the guests were assigned dwellings replete with refreshments of every kind, 
and having by them charming lakes, and ranges of ornamental plants. 
The son of Dharma welcomed them in due form. After the reception, the 
princes repaired to the several houses assigned for their accommodation. 
Those houses were lofty as the peaks of the Kailasa mountain, most 
charming in appearance, and provided with excellent furniture. They were 
surrounded by well-built high walls of a white colour. The windows 
were protected by golden lattices, and decorated with a profusion of jewel- 
lery. The stairs were easy of ascent ; the rooms were furnished with 
commodious seats and clothing and garlands ; and the whole was redolent 
with the perfume of the finest agallochum. The houses were white as 
the goose, bright as the moon, and looked picturesque even from a distance 
oi four miles. They were free from obstructions, provided with doors of 
uniform height, but of various quality, and inlaid with numerous metal 
ornaments, even as the peak of the Himalaya. The princes were refreshed 
by the very sight of the mansions, "f 

With a view to prevent disorder, and to enforce discipline and the 
due despatch of business, Yudhishthira so arranged that each department 
of the ceremony should be placed under one of his principal relatives, or of 
a friend. To see to the proper distribution of food was the task assigned 
to Duhsasana, brother of Duryodhana. To Asvathama, " a warrior Brah- 
man of saintly descent," was assigned the duty of attending to the recep- 
tion and entertainment of Brahmans, and to Sanjaya the same duty with 
reference to the regal and military guests. The venerable old chief Bhish- 
ma and the equally venerable chief Drona were solicited to act as superin- 

* Mahabharata, Book II, chapter 32. 

t Ibid., chapter 33. 



Bajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage 

[No. 3, 


tendent-generals, and to see that nothing went amiss. To Kripa, " another 
saintly personage", fell the duty of distributing presents of gold and 
jewels. Bahlika, Dhritarashtra, Somadatta, and Jayadratha, were reques- 
ted to act as masters of the ceremony ; Duryodhana was requested to see to 
the due receipt of the presents and tributes brought by the assembled 
guests ; and Krishna undertook to wash the feet of the Brahmans. 

Passing over some fulsome panegyric on the profusion of wealth 
brought by the tributaries, and the lavish way in which it was distributed 
among Brahmans and others, we come to the last day of the ceremony, 
when Yudhishthira sat amidst the assembled guests in imperial magni- 
ficence ready to receive the homage of all as the sovereign lord of India. 
The enthusiasm all round was overflowing, and the praises of the great 
chief resounded on every side. The priests had offered their last obla- 
tions on the sacred fire, and all eyes were turned towards " the observed of 
all observers", " the cynosure of every eye", to behold the crowning act of this 
majestic ceremony, the acknowledgement of allegiance to the noble chieftain. 
Bhishma, at this moment, rose from his seat, and, advancing to the foot of 
the throne, addressed the chief, saying, " It is your duty, O chief, first to 
show your respect to the assembled guests. Six are the persons, who 
receive, on such occasions, that mark of respect, the arghya ; and these are 
the tutor, the chief priest, the brother-in-law, the sprinkler of the holy 
water, the king, and the dearest friend. They have all assembled here, and 
abided with us for a year ; let an arghya be prepared for each of them, and 
it is for you to select whom you would honour most."* 

The offering proposed was not a part of the religious ceremony, but a 
mark of social distinction, and it consisted of flowers, sandal paste, a few 
grains of rice, and a few blades of Durva grass sprinkled with water. From 
what time this offering has been current in this country, it is impossible 
now accurately to determine ; but there is no doubt that it has been known 
from a very early period, for it is named in old ritualistic works as an 
offering meet for gods. Ordinarily this is preceded by another offering 
called Pddya, or water for washing the feet. To a guest coming from a 
distance nothing is more refreshing in a hot climate, like that of India, 
than a wash, and essences and flowers immediately after it, cannot but be 
grateful. And what were at first necessities soon assumed the character of 
formal ceremonial acts, and to this day the offerings are regularly made in 
the orthodox form to bridegrooms and priests. In a modified form the 
arghya appears under the name of mdlya-ehandana or " flower garlands and 
sandal paste", which are offered to all guests on quasi-religious ceremonial 
occasions, such as marriages, sraddhas, &c, social distinction being indicated 
by the order in which the offering is made, the noblest guest getting it 
* Mahabharata, Book IT, chapter 35. 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


first, and the rest successively according to their respective ranks. The 
law of precedence is strictly observed, and frequent disputes arise whenever 
there is a departure. Within the last fifty years there have been at least 
a dozen disputes in Calcutta alone about the claims of particular individuals 
to this honour. At other than religious or quasi-religious ceremonials, the 
sandal paste is replaced by otto-of-roses, and the garlands by bouquets. 
The Muhammadans in India adopted the custom from the Hindus, and at 
Darbars substituted prepared betel leaf (pan) for the nosegay. In this last 
form the Governors- Generals and Viceroys of Her Britannic Majesty have 
hitherto honoured their Indian guests. Yudhishthira, knowing well how 
ticklish people were on the subject, declined to decide the question as regards 
the king who should first be honoured, and sought the advice of his friends. 
Bhishma was of opinion that Krishna was the most renowned among 
the princes, and should first receive the mark of respect. Others also 
sided with him ; and, the natural bearing of Yudhishthira being in favour 
of his dearly-beloved and faithful cousin, the offering was presented to him. 
The act, however, proved a veritable apple of discord. S'isupala, king 
of Chedi, could not at all tolerate it, and denounced it as grossly 
partial and unjust. In a long and eloquent speech he showed that Krishna 
was not a king, as his father and elder brother were living, and there were 
several potentates present who were infinitely his superior, and that on 
an occasion like the Rajasiiya, the question of precedence was of vital 
importance, and should not be hastily disposed off. Addressing the Panda- 
vas and Bhishma, he said — 

" In the presence of the assembled host of kings, Krishna is by no 
means entitled to this distinction. Through favour alone you have done 
him the honour, and it is unworthy of you. You are, however, young, and 
know nothing of what is becoming in such cases ; the duty in such cases is a 
delicate one, while Bhishma (whose advice you have accepted) is narrow- 
minded, and has long since lost his senses. Time-serving saints like you, 
Bhishma, are detestable in the assembly of good men. Under what sem- 
blance of reason have you presented the arghya to Krishna who is not a 
king ? and with what face has he, in an assembly like this, accepted the 
offering ? Should you think him to be senior by age, he cannot in the 
presence of his father Vasudeva deserve the honour. It is true Krishna has 
always been a well-wisher and follower of you, sons of Kuru, but it is 
unbecoming of you to give him the precedence in the presence of (your 
father-in-law) king Drupada. If you have done him honour under the 
impression of his being an Acharya or expounder of the S'astras, you have 
been equally wrong, for he cannot claim precedence where the venerable 
professor Drona is present. Equally have you done wrong if you say 
that you have selected him as a priest (Bitvig) of the highest distinc- 

S80 BajendraMla Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [JSTo. 8, 

tion, for he cannot earn that distinction in the presence of the hoary- 
headed Dvaipayana (Vyasa). How dare yon raise Krishna to a higher 
position than that of snch noble personages as the son of Santanu, the 
noble Bhishma who can command his own death, the valiant hero and highly 
learned Asvathama, the king of kings Duryodhana, the most learned pro- 
fessor of Bharata, Kripa, the learned professor of Kimpurusha Drama, 
king Bukmi, and S'alya, king of Madra ? Is it becoming that yon should 
set aside the favourite pupil of Jamadagni, one who has, by his own 
valour, conquered, in fair fight, the whole race of kings, that valiant hero 
Kama in favour of Krishna ? The son of Vasudeva is not a priest, nor a 
professor, nor a king, and you have selected him solely because you are 
partial to him. Besides, if you had made up your mind to honour Krishna, 
why have you insulted these kings by inviting them to such an assembly ? 
We did not pay tribute to the honorable son of Kunti from any fear, or 
flattery, or hopes of favour ; we thought him engaged in a noble act and worthy 
of the rank of a suzerain, and therefore yielded to him ; and he has failed to 
treat us with becoming respect. He has in this assembly offered the arghya 
to Krishna who is in no way deserving of it, and he could not have insulted 
us more seriously. The claim of the son of Dharma, to be the most 
virtuous, is false, for what virtuous person offers worship to one who is 
bereft of all merit ? Yudhishthira has behaved meanly, and resigned all 
pretention to a sense of justice and duty, by offering the highest honour to 
that wicked scion of the Vrishni race who nefariously assassinated the noble 
king Jarasandha. The sons of Kunti are, however, cowards, mean, and wan- 
dering beggars, and through their meanness they may offer you the honour ; 
but it was your duty, Krishna, to reflect upon the propriety of the act. 
How could you, knowing yourself to be unworthy, barefacedly accept the 
offering ? Even as a dog, having in private tasted a drop of butter, prides 
itself upon it ; so are you feeling elated by the honour you have got ; but 
know well that the offering is not an insult to the royal guests, but a 
ridicule cast on you. Even as the marriage of a eunuch, or the attempt 
of a blind man to enjoy the pleasures of colour, is absurd, so is the tribute 
of royalty paid to one who owns no kingdom. This act of to-day fully 
illustrates the nature of Bhishma and Yudhishthira's claim to good sense, 
and the character of Krishna."* Saying this, he rose from his seat, and 
was about to leave the assembly along with some of the guests; when 
Yudhishthira came forward and tried his best to pacify the irate chief. 
Bhishma, Bhima, and others also interposed; but to no avail. S'isupala, 
naturally of an ungovernable temper, spoke in the most violent terms. 
He inveighed particularly against Bhishma for his advice, and bitterly 
taunted Krishna for his many shortcomings. Words rose high, and the 
* Mahabharata, II, chapter 36. 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


tumult became general. The proud and martial spirit of many of the 
chiefs sided with the king of Chedi, and from words they rushed to arms, 
when Krishna, in a fit of passion, knocked off the head of S'isupala with 
his discus, and brought the tumult to an end. 

Mr. Wheeler is of opinion that this legend has been engrafted by the 
Brahmanical compilers on the story of the Pandavas for a sinister purpose. 
His arguments are,* 1st, Because " the legend is at variance with the mythic 
account of the pavilions from which the Eajas are said to have beheld the 
sacrifice." 2nd, Because " it is of a character suited to the unruly habits of 
the Yadavas, but inconsistent with the Kshatriyas of the Eoyal house of 
Bharata, who were scrupulous in the observance of order and law." 3rd, 
Because " no trace of the custom appears in the ancient ritual of the Eaja- 
siiya as preserved in the Aitareya Brahmana." 4th, Because "the Eajasuya 
was a ceremony expressive of the superiority of the Baja who performed the 
sacrifice", and he could not be expected to honour another. 5th, Because 
" the custom of offering the arghya as a token of respect or act of worship 
belonged to the Buddhist period, and was essentially a form of worship 
antagonistic to that of sacrifice." The first argument is founded on a 
mistake. The sacrifice lasted for a whole year, and it is distinctly mentioned 
that the guests assembled in the Sacrificial Hall to be present at the imperial 
baptism when the dispute occurred. The pavilions were so constructed that 
the princes could, from them, behold the sacrifice going on, but the princes 
were not there on the occasion in question. The second is a mere assump- 
tion. The legends of the Kshatriyas of the house of Bharata show them 
to have been as unruly as the Yadavas, with whom they were intimately ' 
connected by marital and other ties. Besides the very fact of the Kshatri- 
yas of the house of Bharata having been scrupulously observant of order 
and law, would, in a question of so much importance as precedence, suggest 
the idea of resenting affronts. The higher the civilization, the more trouble- 
some becomes the settlement of the table of precedence and court etiquette. 
To Englishmen familiar with the heart-burning which often results even from 
mistakes in leading persons to the private dinner table, it would not be diffi- 
cult to conceive how a slight of that description at a grand ceremonial would 
be calculated to irritate the proud spirit of ancient warriors, and it is well 
known that the Hindus have always been most punctilious in this respect. 
Further, if in 1870 of the Christian era, a Kshatriya chief, the Eana of 
Jodhpur, could so far carry his recusancy on a question of precedence, as to 
necessitate his expulsion from British territory within twenty-four hours, 
it would by no means be unreasonable to suppose that an ancestor of his 
could commit himself in a similar manner three thousand years ago. 
The third is due to an oversight ; for had the critic looked to the wording 
* History of India, I., p. 171. 


382 Rajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3, 

of the chapter on the Rajasiiya in the Aitariya Brahmana, he would 
have found that it does not profess to give the whole of the ritual, but 
only " the Shastras and Stotras required at the Soma day of the Rajasuya,"* 
and its evidence therefore is immaterial. The fourth has arisen from 
a misapprehension of the real nature of the rite. An emperor doing honour 
to his guests, does no more thereby lower himself in his majesty than 
does the father-in-law become inferior to a bridegroom who accepts the 
position of a son, by offering him an argliya. The fifth, like the second, 
is a mere assumption. There is not a tittle of evidence to show that the 
Buddhists originated the arghga by way of protest to the sacrifices of the 
Vedas, and there is nothing in the argliya decidedly and exclusively cha- 
racteristic of Buddhism. The Buddhists were not foreigners importing 
foreign customs and manners, but schismatics who, like the followers of 
Luther and Wicliffe, rejected all idolatrous, unmeaning, and superstitious 
rituals and observances, but retained all social rules and customs of their 
forefathers. Even Piyadasi, the greatest opponent of Hinduism, did not 
think it inconsistent with his principle to enjoin, in his rock edicts, due re- 
spect to Brahmans. A priori it is, therefore, to be supposed that the Bud- 
dhists did not reject so innocent a custom as that of offering flowers and 
incense to a guest. The Hindu-hating Muhammadans adopted it from the 
Hindus. Besides, the Buddhists do not in the present day offer argJigas, 
and, except in their Tantras, avowedly borrowed from the Hindus, there is 
no mention of the rite in their ancient books. 

To turn however to the Rajasiiya of the Pandavas. The tumult having 
subsided, the crowning act of the long protracted sacrifice was duly performed. 
The consecrated water was with all solemnity sprinkled on the newly-created 
emperor, allegiance was acknowledged by all the guests, and the ceremony 
was brought to a conclusion amidst the cheers and congratulations of one and 
all. The guests now dispersed, the chiefs with every mark of honour and 
consideration, each being accompanied by a brother of Yudhishthira to the 
confines of the Raj ; and the Brahmans loaded with the most costly gifts. 

Mr. Wheeler opines that " the so-called Rajas who really attended the 
Rajasuyawere,in all probability, a rude company of half -naked warriors, who 
feasted boisterously beneath the shade of trees. Their conversation was 
very likely confined to their domestic relations, such as the state of their 
health, of their families, the exploits of their sons, and the marriages of 
their daughters ; or to their domestic circumstances, such as herds of cattle, 
harvests of grain, and feats of arms against robbers and wild beasts. Their 
highest ideas were probably simple conceptions of the gods who sent heat 
and rain ; who gave long life, abundance of children, prolific cattle, and 
brimming harvests ; and who occasionally manifested their wrath in light- 
* Haug's Translation, p. 495. 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 

ning and thunder, in devasting tempests and destroying floods. Snch, in 
all probability, was the general character of the festive multitude who 'sat 
down upon the grass at the great feast, to eat and drink vigorously to the 
honour and glory of the new Raja."* As a fancy sketch of what a race of 
primitive savages may be expected to do at a feast this is perfect. From 
our knowledge of the Juangahs of Western Orissa, of the Santals of the 
Kharakpur Hills, and of the Kharwars of Bohtas, we can easily perceive the 
natural exactitude of the picture in every line. But those who have read 
the Mahabharata in the original, cannot but think that it is not author- 
ised by a single syllable to be met with in that work ; and as we have to 
deal with the account of the feast as given in it, and not what the 
materials were on which it is founded, the sketch seems somewhat 
out of place. If we are to resolve the tents (awnings) under which 
the Brahmans were lodged, the mansions provided for the royal guests, 
the assembly hall, the golden seats, the crystal fountains and mirrors, the pre- 
sents of rich stuffs, horses, golden trappings, and highly prized incenses, the 
stewards, croupiers, chamberlains, the court etiquette, heralds, and ambas- 
sadors, to a motley crowd of " half naked savages feasting under trees, seated 
on the grass," what is there to prevent our rejecting the whole as a myth ? — 
the baseless fabric of a poet's vision, unworthy of being reckoned as an historic 
description ? Mr. Wheeler attributes them to interpolations made by the 
Brahmanical priestcraft long after the original of the Mahabharata had been 
compiled. Now, the account of the Bajasuya given in that work appears 
under five heads, omitting the first on consultation which is of no interest. 
The heads are : 1st, the assassination of Jarasantha ; 2nd, the conquest of 
the four quarters ; 3rd, the sacrifice ; 4th, the off ering of the arghya ; and 5th, 
the destruction of S'isupala. Of these the first and the second are, according 
to the critic, " evidently a myth of the Brahmanical compilers who sought 
to promulgate the worship of Krishna." The third, he believes to be, " an 
extravagant exaggeration" of a feast celebrated by " half -naked savages unde r 
the shade of trees" ; and the last two, he suspects, are partly borrowed from 
the Buddhists, and partly from the traditions of the Yadavas, and engrafted 
on the original story of the Pandavas. Thus, out of the five chapters we 
have four entirely rejected, and an insignificant residuum of one accepted in 
a sense which the words of the text do not openly admit. The obvious in- 
ference under the circumstances should be that the work in its entirety is a 
forgery, and not that an original has been tampered with and corrupted. 
In that case, however, the whole fabric of the learned author's " Ancient 
India", founded on the Mahabharata, must fall to the ground. 

If nineteen-twentieths of an account are to be rejected, and the remain- 
ing twentieth is to be so transmogrified as to be utterly unlike the original, 
* History of India, I, p. 167. 
2 A 



384 Rajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemllage [No. g, 

it would be quite misleading to put it forth as a picture of that original. 
Even if it be true, it would be like the skeleton of Hercules put forth 
as Hercules in flesh and blood, or an uncarved stone of the Parthenon 
put forth to represent the character of that renowned work of art. 
Doubtless, the Pandavas were a primitive people, and twelve hundred years 
before the Christian era, it would be unreasonable to look, among them, 
for the refinements of the nineteenth century ; but the question before us 
is as to what the state of civilization was which they had attained, and to 
reject the only available evidence in the case, the Mahabharata, on the a 
priori assumption that, inasmuch as they must have been the counterparts o£ 
the Juangahs of our day, they could not have been so civilized as to command 
houses and tents, or the comforts and conveniences of furniture and clothing, 
is, to say the least, an unphilosophical mode of argument. To create one's 
own major, in order to deduce therefrom a foregone conclusion, is not the most 
logical method for the unravelling of the tangled maze of historical truth. 
The question, besides, suggests itself, if the Pandavas were really naked 
savages, what had they to do with the rite of the Rajasuya ? It is impossible 
to conceive that their circumstances remaining as they are the Juangahs 
or the Andamanese could think of such a politico-religious rite, and in the 
case of persons of their condition three thousand years ago, such an idea would 
be totally unwarrantable. We have the authority of the Aitareya Brahmana 
of the Rig Yeda, and theSahhitas and the Brahmanas of the Black and the 
White Yajur Vedas, whose antiquity and authenticity are unimpeached, to 
show that the rite under notice was well known to the Aryans from a 
very remote period of antiquity, and the description given in those works 
of the rite and its requirements, indicates that the social and political con- 
dition of their authors was considerably more advanced than those of men 
who have no higher conception of a solemn religious rite than entering into 
a drinking bout, seated on the grass under the shade of trees. The Pan- 
davas, if such a family ever lived, must have lived either before the date of 
the Vedas, or after it. In the former case, they could not have performed 
the ceremony, for the ceremony had not been then designed. If the latter, 
they must have known the Vedic ordinances, and been in a condition to 
follow them. And in either case the theory of naked savages feasting 
under the shade of trees to celebrate the rite in question must be given up 
as untenable. The story of the Pandavas may, for aught we know to the 
contrary, be all a myth, even as that of the Iliad founded, as supposed by 
some, on an allegory of the Dawn chased by the rising sun ; but as in the 
latter case the Iliad must be accepted as a history of the inner life of 
men and manners in the earliest days of the Greeks, so must the Mahabharata 
be accepted as a record of the life of the Aryans in India a few centuries 
before the time when the Iliad was composed ; and in the account of the 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


Bajasiiya we cannot help accepting a picture of what at least was the ideal 
of such a rite in those days. 

The Mahabharata does not give any sample of the conversations of the 
assembled guests at the Eajasuya. The Brahmans are said to have discoursed 
about the particular forms in which certain ceremonies had to be performed, 
but the ipsissima verba of their discourses are not given. The speeches of 
S'isupala, denouncing the claim of Krishna to the arghya, are fluent and fiery, 
though not quite so elevated in tone as some of the Homeric speeches are ; 
but such as they are, we cannot gather from them any idea of the common 
topics of private conversation of the guests. It is probable, however, that 
Mr. Wheeler is perfectly right in his guess about them. Warriors in olden 
times were rarely noted for their literary acquirements or polish, and some 
roughness was inseparable from them even in Europe two hundred years ago ; 
and the private conversation of such men could not take a very lofty tone. 
It is extremely doubtful if at Versailles during the coronation of Emperor 
William, the guests among themselves discussed on transcendental philo- 
sophy. Certain it is that even in our own day a little less of sensational 
talk and private scandal at tea parties and private gatherings would be a 
positive gain to society. Anyhow under no circumstance can the staple of 
private conversation among particular groups of men help us to any exact 
idea of the social and intellectual condition of a whole race or tribe. 

As to the ideas of the Pandavas regarding the Divinity, some of the 
mantras quoted below will, we think, be found to be much more reliable 
guides, than any guesses based on a priori arguments. 

The rituals of the Eajasuya do not appear in the Mahabharata even 
in a brief summary. It did not fall within the scope of that work— an 
avowedly epic poem— to dwell upon so dry and recondite a subject ; nor is 
there, as already stated, any single treatise or guide-book extant in which the 
whole of the details may be found arranged consecutively. The Sahhita of the 
Eig Veda, which supplies some of the principal mantras of the rite, has no- 
where used the word Eajasuya. The Sama is equally silent, and so is the Athar- 
va. One of the Brahmanas of the Eig Veda, the Aitareya, however, devotes 
an entire book to the rites of the last day of the sacrifice on which the king 
is made to sit on a throne, consecrated with holy water, driven in a chariot, 
and offered a goblet each of the Soma beer and arrack ; and also specifies a 
few of the hymns which are to be recited in connexion with some of the 
different ceremonials and offerings which make them up. The only subject 
which it describes at any length is the ahhisheka, or the pouring of consecrated 
water on the king and its attendant rites. The Sahhita of the Madhyandmi 
Sakha of the White Yajush treats of the subject at a greater length, and 
supplies most of the mantras required ; but the mantras occur dispersed 
under different heads. The Taittiriya Sahhita of the Black Yajush and its 




886 Bajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3. 

corresponding Brahmana, however, make ample amends for the shortcomings 
of the others. They treat of the rite in nearly its entirety from the begin- 
ning to the end, and supply by direct citations or references all the mantras 
required to be muttered while making the various offerings to the fire, and 
those which should precede, or follow, the offerings, as also those which are 
required for bathing, drinking, mounting a car, and other formalities and 
ceremonies which have to be gone through. They are silent, however, as to 
the particular stages of the rite when the Eig mantras are to be repeated, 
and the Sama hymns to be chanted, and these we know from other sources 
are inseparable from the rites prescribed by the Tajur Veda. The details, too, 
as given are insufferably tedious and puerile in some respects, and vexatiously 
obscure and unintelligible in others. Instructions are also wanting as to how 
often the rites are to be repeated, and how the time over which they spread 
is to be filled up. 

It appears that the Bajasuya, as a religious sacrifice, was not a distinct 
and independent ceremony, but a collection of several separate rites celebrated 
consecutively, according to a given order, and spreading over a period of 
twelve months. It required the services of several priests, and unlimited 
supplies of butter, rice, sacrificial animals, Soma wine, and other articles ap^ 
propriate for a Yajna, as also frequent and heavy presents of gold and kine 
to the priests and Brahmanas. 

The time allotted to the preliminary rites was divided into three equal 
periods, each of which bore a separate name, and during each a particular 
round of ceremonies had to be gone through. From the number of months 
included in each of the three periods its most appropriate name would be a 
Chaturmasya, or a ' quadrimensial rite' ; but the name, it seems, did not 
originate merely from the fact of there being four months in each period, 
but from the circumstance of the time being devoted to the performance of a 
sacrificial rite of that name prescribed in the Vedas. It commenced usually 
when the 14th and the 15th of the waxing moon of the month of Phalguna, 
(February — March) came into conjunction « but in the event of an accident 
on that day the new moon of the month of Chaitra (March — April) was 
deemed the next best, and offerings were made, at morning, noon and 
evening, regularly every day for four lunar months ; the Darsa and the 
Purnamasa rites being celebrated alternately on the successive new and 
full moons, and the Prayuja rite on every full moon. The Chaturmasya 
was ordained for both Brahmans and Kshatriyas, and was held in great 
veneration. When the Buddhist set aside the old Vedic rites, they could 
not altogether reject the Chaturmasya, so they retained the name, but 
changed its character. Instead of in March, they commenced the rite at 
about the end of June, or early in July ; and in lieu of offerings to the fire, 
they took to systematic and formal reading of their scriptures. The rains 


at Delhi three thousand years ag.o. 


rendered travelling and itinerary mendicancy inconvenient, and shelter under 
the roof of a hermitage, or monastery, was an absolute necessity ; and the 
period of this confinement was, therefore, the best adapted for reading and 
particular forms of penance. From the circumstance of the ceremony being 
observed in the rainy weather, it had the alternative name of Wassd or " the 
autumnal rite." When Hinduism revived, the Chaturmasya could not be 
conveniently sent back to the season when it was originally celebrated, so in 
the modern calender it begins on the 11th of the waning moon in S'ravana 
(July), and terminates on the 11th of the waxing moon in Kartika, (Octo- 
ber — November) ; though the ceremony is not finally closed until the full 
moon following. Women and hermits are the principal observers of this 
ceremony in the present day, and it is made up of a series of fasts and 
penances : some abstaining from the evening meal, or rice altogether ; some 
taking their food served on the bare ground ; some giving up the use of 
bedsteads ; others eschewing the use of betel leaf, condiments and rich food 
of all kinds. Abstinence from flesh meat and fish, from fine clothing, and 
from indulgence in singing, dancing, and music are obligatory on all. In 
some of its features the new rite bears a close resemblance to the Lent o£ 
the Christian Church, and, curiously enough, its old prototype, the Vedic 
rite, commenced at about the same time. 

The sacrifice opened with the cooking of eight pots of frumenty for a 
divinity named Anumiti, who, according to some, is the presiding spirit of the 
interval between the 14th and the 15th lunation, but, in the opinion of others, 
that of fertile land. The frumenty being duly consecrated and offered, a 
fee of one milch cow was to be given to the priest. The object of this offer- 
ing was to pacify the earth and make her agreeable and favourably disposed to 
the sacrifice. Then followed an offering of one potful of frumenty to Nirriti, 
the personation of barren land, or the evil genius which causes mischief and 
interruptions to the progress of the rite. The fee (Dakshind) for this 
offering was a piece of black cloth with a black fringe ; and this offering 
had to be made while standing at the doorway, so as to protect the^ sacri- 
ficial hall from her encroachment. Offerings next followed to A'ditya, 
Yishnu, Agni, Indra, Soma, and Sarasvati,to each a specific number of platters 
of the frumenty, and an appropriate fee for the priest who consecrated those 
offerings on the fire. The fee varied from a bit of gold to a calf, a bull, 
or one or two milch cows. The full-moon rite, Purnamasa, was then 
performed with offerings of Soma beer and animal sacrifice as ordained 
under that head in the Vedas. 

After this preliminary homa, the rites proper of the first Chatur- 
masya, which bore the specific name of Vaisvadeva Parva, began. These 
included a daily round of offerings, morning, noon, and evening, the arti- 
cles offered being mostly clarified butter and frumenty cooked with grains 

' -"-•— 




388 Bajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3, 

of various kinds, .not excepting several species of wild grass, the seeds of 
which, though now no longer thought of as edible, seem to have been prized 
not only as articles fit for presentation to the gods but as nutritious food. 
The mantras of course differed for every separate offering, and the 
ritual was very scrupulously fixed for the morning, noon, and evening 
observances ; but for the successive days there was little or no change, except 
on the successive new and full moons when the Darsa and the Purnamasa 
were celebrated with the usual offerings of Soma beer, and the priests and 
their congregations regaled themselves with the intoxicating beverage. One 
of the mantras from the Black Yajur Brahmana contains a curious reference 
to an iron instrument put inside the mouth for governing and guiding horses. 
This completely refutes the accuracy of the statement made by Arrian that 
the Indians at the time of Alexander's invasion knew not the use of the 
bit or snaffle, and tied a piece of raw bullock's hide round the lower part of 
the horse's jaw.* The name for the bit or snaffle in the olden days was 
ddMna.f Subsequently the word hhalina was substituted. 

The second period of four months bore the name of Varuna-praghdsa 
JParva. It commenced in the month of Asadha (June — July), or S'ravana 
(July — August), according as the first period commenced in Phalguna or 
Chaitra. The articles of offering during this period included, besides the 
frumenty, grains, clarified butter, &c, an occasional allowance of mutton. 
The arrangement of the altars was slightly changed, and the mantras used 
were mostly different, but the gods invoked were the same, and the alter- 
nate celebration of the Darsa and the Purnamasa rites, as also of the 
Prayuja, was regularly continued. 

The third period opened with the performance of a group of rites 
called the Sdhamedha Parva, which took up two days, the first devoted to 
three nomas, and the second to nine homas, and three offerings to the manes — 
MaMpitri yajna. The homas of the second day were designed for the Maruts. 
It is said that " Indra having destroyed Yritra, ran away', thinking that he 
had done wrong. (Meeting the Maruts in the way) he asked, ' Who can 
ascertain this (whether I have killed Yritra or not) ?' The Maruts replied, 
' We shall give you the blessing, and ascertain the fact ; do you give us 
the first oblation.' They then played about (on the corpse of Yritra 
and were satisfied that it was lifeless). Hence the play of players, and 
therefore are the oblations first given to the Maruts for success in war- 
fare." The details of the offering to the manes were very much like 
what is well known in connexion with the ordinary sraddhas, but the man- 
tras were different, and the rite was looked upon with special veneration. 
* Vide Mitra's Antiquities of Orissa, I. p. 128. 

t ^PRJJTO ^T T 5 ?^ ^ft %*WSTT I W: trf^^ ^TCT*f I ^ft ^Ift <T%- 
^KfaW^T 3*1 ^f^T %^f3"jpsT ^m\^ I Black Yajur Saiiliita, II. p. 27. 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


It was followed, on a subsequent day, by another feast for the manes, and it 
was called Tryambaka JPuroddsa. In this the spirit of each ancestor had a 
separate platter of cake or ball of barley steeped in ghi, and an extra one was 
designed for those who would ascend the region bf the Manes (Pitris) at a 
future time. The balls of course, as usual in sraddhas, were consecrated, but 
not put on the ground. They were thrown upwards and received back on the 
palm of the hand. The divinity invoked afterwards was Eudra, who is 
described as a cruel god, with three eyes — tri ' three,' and ambaha c eyes/ 
whence the name of the rite. Amba is referred to as the wife of the god. 
The object of the rite seems to have been the prevention of the destruction 
of crops by vermin, through the pacification of their lord, who is described 
as the " master of rats."^ To the modern Indian reader, this passage will 
appear remarkable, as it is universally known in the present day, as it was 
in those of the Puranas, that the rat was the favourite of Ganesa, the son 
of Eudra, and not of Eudra himself. There is, however, no contradiction, 
as the vehicle of the son may well be a favourite of the father. As during 
the two preceding periods, so in this, the Darsa, the Purnamasa and the 
Prayuja rites were celebrated with a lavish consumption of Soma beer, 
but in the absence of a manual I cannot ascertain if the Homas and the 
S'raddhas were repeated every fortnight : (apparently they were,) and how 
the other days of the period were occupied. The Sastras and Sama hymns 
of this period are also unknown to me. 

On the completion of the three quadrimensial rites extending over a 
period of one year, four separate rites were enjoined for the first day of 
the new year. The first of these was called Sunasirya, and it included 
offerings of twelve platters of frumenty to Indra and Agni • one platterful 
of the same to the Visvedevas, twelve platters of cakes to Indra as a com- 
bination of Bund ' wind,' and Sir a 'the sun,' milk to Vayu, and one platter- 
ful to Siirya. The fee to the priest for the rite was twelve heads of kine. 

The next was called Indra turya or " Indra the fourth," the other three 
associates being Agni, Eudra, and Varuna. It included offerings of eight 
plattersful of frumenty to Agni, a platterful of the same mad^ of a kind of 
wild paddy, called Gdvidhuha, to Eudra, curdled milk to Indra, and fru- 
menty made of barley to Varuna. The fee for this rite was a cow fit to 
carry loads. 

The third rite, called Panchedhmtya, was performed at night, when five 
loads of different kinds of wood were offered to the fire along with clarified 
butter. The object of this rite was to prevent Eakshasas from causing 
interruptions. The last rite was called Apdmdrga Soma, because it was 
accomplished by offering, at early dawn, a handful of meal made of the seeds 
of a wild weed named Apamarga, (Acheranthes aspra) on a burning fagot. 


Commentary % ^ ?i W% fsjsj: m$: I 


890 Rajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3, 

The story in connexion with this rite says ; " once on a time Indra, having 
destroyed Yritra and other Asuras, failed to find out the Asura Namuchi. 
At last he seized him, and the two wrestled together ; Indra was overpower- 
ed, and on the point of being killed ; when the Asura told him, ' Let us enter 
into an agreement for peace, and I shall let you alone ; promise only that you 
will not attempt to kill me with a dry or a fluid substance, nor during day 
nor at night.' (The agreement was accordingly ratified, but Indra was not 
satisfied.) He collected some foam, which was neither dry nor moist, and 
at dawn, when the sun had not risen, which was neither day nor night in 
this region, struck the head of the Asura with that foam. The Asura 
complained that he (Indra) was a murderer of his friend. From the head 
(of the Asura) was produced the herb Apamarga. Performing a homa with 
that herb, he (Indra) destroyed the Rakshasas."* 

For the day following six rites were enjoined, including offerings to 
some of the minor deities who protect infants from their conception to the 
time when they learn to speak. The articles offered call for no remark. 
The fee in four cases was one or more cows of particular colour or quality, 
gold in one, and a horse in the last. 

The rites aforesaid were all performed in the king's own sacrificial 
hall, where the necessary altars were prepared for the purpose. But after 
the last-named rite, some offerings had to be made on successive days in the 
houses of his subjects, and they were collectively called Baterindm Havi or 
" the rite of the wealthy." The first offering was made to Vrishaspati in the 
house of the High Priest Brahma ; the second to Indra, in the house of a 
Kshatriya ; the third to Aditya, in the house of the anointed Queen • the 
fourth to Nirriti, in that of the queen who is not a favourite ; the fifth to 
Agni, in that of the Commander-in-Chief ; the sixth to Varuna, in that of 
the charioteer ; the seventh to the Maruts, in that of a public prostitute ; 
the eighth to Savita, in that of the chamberlain or warder of the gymna- 
sium ; the ninth to the Asvins, in that of the treasurer ; the tenth to 
Pushan, in that of the ryot who shares the produce with the king ; the 
eleventh to I^udra, in that of a gambler. Each of these offerings had its 
appropriate fee. On the completion of these, two other rites, respectively 
called Dikshaniya and Devasuva, had to be performed in the king's own 
sacrificial hall. They occupied one day, and completed the preliminary rites 
necessary for the most important act of the sacrifice— the Imperial bathing 
or Abhishekha. 

The account of the AbMslielca given in the White Yajur Brahmana is 
nearly as full as that which occurs in the Black Yajur, but the Brahmana 
of the latter which elaborates it is, at every step, interrupted by innumerable 
little stories of no interest. 

* Taittirya Sanhita, Vol. II. p. 95. 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


The religious rites performed on the last day of the great sacrifice were 
twofold— one appertaining to the celebration of an ephemeral (oiMUJca) 
Soma sacrifice with its morning, noon and evening libations, its animal sacri- 
fices, its numerous Shastras and Stotras, and its chorus of Sama hymns, and 
the other relating to the bathing and its attendant acts of mounting a car, 
symbolically conquering the whole earth, receiving the homage of the priests, 
and quaffing a goblet of Soma beer and another of arrack, together with 
the rites appertaining thereto. 

The proper time for the ceremony was the new moon after the full moon 
of Phalguna, i. e., at about the end of March. The fluids required for the 
bathing were of seventeen kinds according to the Madhyandiniya school of 
the White Yajush, and " sixteen or seventeen" according to the Taittiriya- 
kas. The former, however, gives a list of 18 kinds # ; thus— 1st, the water 

* The discrepancy is explained by taking the Sarasvati water to "be the principal 
ingredient, and the others the regular ritual articles. For the Abhisheka of Vaishnavite 
idols of wood, stone or metal, recommended "by later rituals, the articles required are 
considerably more numerous, but they do not include all those which the Vedas give 
above. Thus, they enumerate, 1st, clarified butter ; 2nd, curds ; 3rd, milk ; 4th, cow- 
dung ; 5th, cow's urine ; 6th, ashes of bull's dung ; 7th, honey ; 8th, sugar ; 9th, Ganges 
water or any pure water ; 10th, water of a river which has a masculine name ; 11th, 
water of a river which has a feminine name ; 12th, ocean water ; 13th, water from a 
waterfall; 14th, water from clouds; 15th, water from a sacred pool; 16th, water in 
which some fruits have been steeped; 17th, water in which five kinds of astringent 
leaves have been steeped ; 18th, hot water ; 19th, water dripping from a vessel having 
a thousand holes in its bottom ; 20th, water from a jar having some mango leaves in it ; 
21st, water from eight pitchers ; 22nd, water in which kusa grass has been steeped ; 
23rd, water from a jar used in sprinkling holy water (sdnWkumbha) ; 24th, sandal- wood 
water ; 25th, water scented with fragrant flowers ; 26th, water scented with fried grains ; 
27th, water scented with Jatamansi and other aromatics ; 28th, water scented with 
certain drugs collectively called Mahaushadhi ; 29th, water in which five kinds of 
precious stones have been dipped ; 30th, earth from the bed of the Ganges ; 31st, earth 
dug out by the tusk of an elephant; 32nd, earth from a mountain; 33rd, earth from 
the hoof of a horse ; 34th, earth from around the root of a lotus ; 35th, earth from a 
mound made by white-ants ; 36th, sand from the bed of a river ; 37th, earth from the 
point where two rivers meet; 38th, earth from a boar's lair; 39th, earth from the 
opposite banks of a river; 40th, cake of pressed sesamum seed ; 41st, leaves of the 
asvattha ; 42nd, mango leaves ; 43rd, leaves of the Mimosa arjuna ; 44th, leaves of a 
particular variety of asvattha ; 45th, flowers of the Champaka ; 46th, blossoms of the 
mango; 47 th, flowers of the Sami ; 48th, Kunda flowers; 49 th, lotus flower; 50th, 
oleander flowers ; 51st, Nagakesara flowers ; 52nd, Tulsi leaves powdered ; 53rd, Bel 
leaves powdered; 54th, leaves of the kunda; 55th, Barley meal; 56th, meal of the 
Nivara grain (a wild paddy); 57th, Powdered sesamum seed, 58th, powder of Sati 
leaves, 59th, turmeric powder, 60th, meal of the Syamaka grain, 61st, powdered ginger, 
62nd, powder of Priyangu seeds ; 63rd, rice meal ; 64th, powder of Bel leaves ; 65th, 
powder of the leaves of the Amblic myrobalan ; 66th, meal of the kangni seed. The 
usual practice is to place a mirror before the idol, then to fill a small pitcher with pure 
2 B 



Bajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage 

[No. 3, 

of the Sarasvati river, (Sarasvati) ; 2nd, water from a pool or river while 
in a state of agitation from the fall of something into it, (Kallola) ; 3rd, 
water disturbed by the passage of an army over a ford (Vrisasend) ; 4th, 
water taken during an ebb tide, (Arthetd) ; 5th, water taken during a 
flood tide (Ojashvati) ; 6th, water from the point of junction of two 
streams produced by a sandbank in a river (Parivdhini) ; 7th, sea- water 
(Apdmpati) ; 8th, water from a whirlpool (AjodngarbJid) ; 9th, water 
from a pool in a river where there is no current, (Surgatvah) ; 10th, 
rain water which falls during sunshine, (Surgavarchchas) ; 11th, tank 
water (Mdndd) ; 12th, well-water, (Vraj alcshitd) ; 13th, dew-drops col- 
lected from the tops of grass blades, (Vdsd) ; 14th, honey (SavisTithd) / 
15th, liquor amnion, (S'aJcvari) ; 16th, milk (Janabhrit) ; 17th, clarified 
butter, (Visvabhrit) ; 18th, water heated by exposure to the sun, (Svardt.) 
These waters were collected at proper seasons and opportunities, and 
kept in reserve in pitchers near the northern altar. On the day of the 
ceremony eighteen small vessels made of the wood of the Ficus glomerata 
(Udumbara) or of the Ca lamas rotang (vetasa) were provided, and the 
Adhvaryu, proceeding to the first pitcher, drew some water from it into 
one of the vessels while repeating the mantra, " O honeyed water 
whom the Devas collected, thou mighty one, thou begotten of kings, 
thou enlivener ; with thee Mitra and Varuna were consecrated, and 
Indra was freed from his enemies ; I take thee." He next drew 
some water from the second pitcher, with the mantra " O water, thou art 
naturally a giver of kingdoms, grant a kingdom to my Yajamana so and 
so (naming the king)", and then poured into the vessel butter taken four 
times in a ladle, a mantra being repeated to consecrate the operation of 
pouring. In this way all the eighteen vessels being filled and consecrated 
in due form, their contents were all poured into a large bucket made of 
the same wood, while repeating the verse, " O honeyed and divine ones, 
mix with each other for the promotion of the strength and royal vigour of 
our Yajamana." The mixture was then removed to the altar opposite the 
place of Mitravaruna. The bucket being thus placed, six offerings were made 
to the six divinities, Agni, Soma, Savita, Sarasvati, Pusha, and Vrihas- 
pati. Two slips of Kusa grass were next taken up, a bit of gold was tied to 
each, and the slips thus prepared were then dipped into the bucket, and a 
little water was taken out with them, and sprinkled on the king while 

water, drop in it a small quantity of one of the articles in the order above named, and 
lastly to pour the mixture on the reflected image, through a rosehead called sata- 
jhara, similar to the gold vessel with a hundred perforations described above. This 
symbolical bathing is found expedient to prevent the paint, and polish of the idols 
being soiled and tarnished. In the case of unbaked idols the necessity for it is im- 
perative, and the bathing is more simple, summary and expeditious* 

. V 

1876.] at Delhi three thousand years ago. 393 

repeating the mantra, " I sprinkle this by order of Savita, with a faultless 
thread of grass (pavitra)— with the light of the sun. You are, waters, 
unassailable, the friends of speech, born of heat, the giver of Soma, and the 
sanctified by mantra, do ye grant a kingdom (to our Yajamana.)" 

Four buckets were next brought out, one made of Palasa wood, (Butea 
frondosa) one of Udumbara (Ficus glomerata), one of Yata (Ficus indica), 
and one of Asvattha (Ficus reliyiosa), and the collected waters in the 
bucket were divided into four parts, and poured into them. 

The king was then made to put on his bathing dress, consisting of an 
inner garment for the loins (tdrpya) made of linen or cotton cloth 
steeped in clarified butter, a red blanket for the body (Fandya), an outer 
wrapper tied round the neck like a barber's sheet (adhivdsa), and a turban 
(ushnisa). A bow was then brought forth, duly strung, and then handed to 
the king, along with three kinds of arrows, for all which appropriate 
mantras are provided. 

The Adhvaryu then, taking the right hand of the king, repeated the two 
following mantras : (1st) May Savita appoint you as the sovereign of the 
people. May Agni, the adored of householders, appoint you the ruler of all 
householders. May Soma, the sovereign of the vegetable kingdom, grant you 
supremacy over vegetables. May Yrihaspati, the developer of speech, bestow 
on you power over speech. May Indra, the eldest, make you the eldest over all. 
May Rudra, the lord of animals, make you supreme over all animals. May 
truthful Mitra make you the protector of truth. May Yaruna, the defender 
of virtuous actions, grant you lordship over virtue." (2nd). "0 well- 
worshipped gods, Do you free so and so (naming the king), the son of so 
and so (naming the father and mother of the king), from all enemies, and 
enable him to be worthy of the highest duties of Kshatriyas, of the eldest, 
of the lord of vehicles, and of supremacy. Through your blessings he has 
become the king of such a nation (naming it). O ye persons of that nation, 
from this day, he is your king. Of us Brahmans, Soma is the king." The 
concluding line of the last mantra is worthy of note, as it exempts the 
Brahmans from the sovereignty of the anointed king. 

A few offerings to the fire next followed, and the king was then made 
emblematically to conquer the four quarters of the earth and the sky. 
Making him advance successively -towards the east, north, south, and west, 
the Adhvaryu said, " Yajamana, conquer the earth. May the metre Gayatri, 
the Rathantara Sama hymn, the Stoma named Trivit, the spring season and 
the Brahman caste protect you on this side." " Yajamana, conquer the 
south. May the metre Trishtup, the Brihat Sama hymn, the fifteen-fold 
Stoma, the summer season and the Kshatriya caste protect you there." 
"Yajamana, conquer the west. May the metre Jagati, the Yairupa Sama 
hymns, the seventeen-f old Stoma, the rainy season and the Yaisya caste protect 




Bajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage 

[No. 3, 

you there." " Yajamana, conquer the north. May the metre Anushtup, the 
Vairaja Sama hymns, the twenty-one-fold Stoma, the Autumn season, and the 
fruits of the earth protect you there." The king was then made to look 
upwards, and while he did so, the Adhvaryu recited a mantra saying, 
" Yajamana, conquer the upper regions. May the metre Pankti, the Sakvara 
and the Eaivata Sama hymns, the three-fold-nine and the thirty-three-fold 
Stomas, the dewy and the cold seasons, Yigour and Dravina wealth protect 
you there." 

A stool, made of the wood of the Mimosa catechu (KJiadira) or of the 
Metis glomerata, having feet about seven inches high, had next to be pro- 
vided, and thereon was spread a tiger skin with the hairy side upwards 
and the head looking to the south, the mantra for the purpose saying, that 
even as the skin was the glory of the moon so should it confer glory 
on the king. On the skin was placed a S'atamdna, a bit of gold of the weight 
of a hundred measures,* or a coin of that name — probably the latter. 
Seated on this bathing stool facing the east, the king had a vessel of gold, 
weighing a S'atamdna and having nine or a hundred perforations in its bottom, 
placed on his head. A piece of copper was also placed under his left foot, and 
a piece of lead under his right foot. The vessel was intended to serve as a rose- 
head for the fluid for the bathing falling in a shower over the head of the king ; 
the copper as the emblem of the head of Namuchi, the chief of the Asuras 
or Demons, who were inimical to religious rites, and the lead that of tatlers 
and wicked people who had to be put down. The mantras intended to be 
recited when placing the three articles indicate their character. The king 
recited the mantras, and then kicked away the metals from under his feet. 
After this, he lifted his two hands upwards, repeating appropriate mantras, in 
one of which he promised to rise before the sun every day, and remained in 
that position. Thereupon, the Adhvaryu came forward and stood in front 
of him with the bucket made of Palasa wood in his hand. The High 
Priest or a relative of the king stood on the right side with the bucket of 
Udumbara wood, and a Kshatriya on the left with the bucket made of 
Nyagrodha wood, while a Yaisya stood behind with the bucket made of 
Asvattha wood, and each on his turn, in the order named, poured the contents 
of his bucket on the king's head. The mantra to be recited when about to 
pour the water runs thus : " May king Soma and Yaruna and the other 

* The Scholiast takes the S'atamdna to he equivalent to a hundred hrishnalas or ratis; 
which would be equal to 175 Troy grains ; hut the researches of the learned Mr. Thomas 
clearly prove that the mdna was nearly treble the weight of the rati, and that the S'ata- 
mana was equivalent to 320 ratis or 560 Troy grains, which made it equal to four of the 
well-known old coin Suvarna, which weighed 140 grains Troy— something like the Greek 
letradrachma, but about twice its weight, and of gold. Marsden's Numismata Orientalia, 
New Ed., p. 5. ■ 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


gods who are the defenders of religion protect thy speech ; may they protect 
thy vital airs ; may they protect thy eyes ; may they protect thy ears." 
The mantra for the Adhvaryu when pouring the water from his bucket, says, 
" Yajamana, I bathe thee with the glory of the moon ; may you be king 
of kings among kings ; may you prosper in every way ; may you overcome 
all your enemies. O ye well worshipped Devas, may you free so and so (here 
the name of the king) the son of so and so (here the names of his father and 
mother) from all his enemies, and enable him to discharge the highest duties 
of the Kshatriya, of the eldest, of the owner of the best vehicles, and of his 
own greatness. Through your blessings he has become the king of such a 
nation (name). Know ye of that nation, that he has this day become your 
king. Of us, Brahmanas, Soma is the king." Tor the Brahma the mantra 
is similar to the last, substituting only " the glory of Agni," for that of 
the moon, and omitting the names. The Yaisya appealed to the glory of 
God, and the Kshatriya the light of the sun. 

The baptism over, the Emperor descended from his seat, cast off his wet 
clothes, put on his regal dress including hogskin shoes, and then took three 
steps forward, symbolically to represent the subjugation of the three regions, 
repeating for each act a separate mantra. The three steps were the counter- 
parts of those by which Vishnu spanned the earth, the upper regions and 
heaven, or those of the sun at sunrise, midday and sunset. The Adhvaryu 
in the meantime offered an oblation to the fire, and the Agnidhra, collecting 
a portion of the water that had run over the Emperor's person, poured a 
portion of it on the fire in the name of Budra. 

A chariot was next brought into the sacrificial hall, and to it three 
horses were yoked, and two charioteers were made to take their places 
on its two sides. The White Yajush recommends four horses. The Em- 
peror, having taken his seat, ordered the charioteers to proceed, and they 
whipped the horses, and drove them on until the vehicle was brought in 
front of a herd of cattle, when the Emperor touched the foremost cow 
with the top of his bow, the operation being emblematic of a successful 
cattle-lifting raid. The vehicle was then turned and brought back to its 
place near the altar, when the Adhvaryu offered four oblations to the fire, 
in the names of Agni, Soma, Maruts and Indra, and the Emperor, while 
descending from his chariot, recited a mantra., saying, " Him who is the 
pure soul, (Hansa), Him, who is the pervader of the ether, Him, who 
presides as the Hota at the altar, Him who is the long -travelled guest, 
Him, who, born of water, reigns in every human form, Him who enlivens 
all animals, Him who controls the seasons, Him who sustains the mountains, 
Him, the all-pervading and the mighty one, I adore." Having descended 
from the car, he touched the two Satamdnas which had been previously 
attached to the two wheels of the vehicle. 

396 Rajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3, 

A proper throne with a leather cushion was next prepared, and the 
Emperor, having taken his seat thereon, received the homage of his guests. 
The first person to approach him was the Adhvaryu, who, touching his breast, 
said, " If you desire to govern an empire, judge impartially between the 
great and the small ; direct your entire attention to promote the prosperity 
of all ; and exert your utmost to prevent all misadventure." 

The Brahma or High Priest next appeared before him and the follow- 
ing conversation passed between them. 

The Emperor. " Brahman." 

Brahma. " Thou art all-glorious. Thy behests can never be overruled. 
Thou art the asylum of the people, and therefore (as great as) Savita." 

Emperor " Brahman." 

Brahma. " Thou art all-glorious. Thy might is infallible. Thou art 
the asylum of the poople, and therefore (as great as) Varuna." 

Emperor " Brahman." 

Brahma. " Thou art all- glorious and the owner of every kind of wealth. 
Thou art the preserver of the peace of the country, and therefore Indra." 

Emperor " Brahman." 

Brahma. " Thou art all-glorious, the adored of all to whom thou art 
kind, and the cause of weeping to the women of your enemies, and there- 
fore Rudra." 

Emperor " Brahman." 

Brahma. " Thou art all glorious, therefore like unto Brahma." 

The Purohit was next commanded to approach, and he handed the Em- 
peror a sacrificial knife. This knife was made of hard wood, and in 
shape like a scymitar. With the point of this instrument, the Emperor 
had to draw on the ground a dice-board, and, offer thereon four oblations 
with butter to Agni. This done, the Adhvaryu handed over to him five 
dice, shaped like couris, made of gold, and these he cast on the board, 
saying, "OYe dice which have been taken up after the offering of due 
oblations, do ye, mixing with the fierce rays of the sun, grant me supremacy 
among kings." If the dice when cast showed the full number on the upper 
surface, the augury was believed to be satisfactory. 

After this angury the allies, tributaries, vassals and other guests offered 
their congratulations and homage ; but as this was done without any 
mantra, no mention of it occurs in the ritual. 

Now followed a rite called Sansripa Havi, and it required eight plat- 
tersful of butter for Agni, frumenty for Sarasvati, and twelve plattersful of 
butter for Savita, the offering to each divinity being accompanied by an 
appropriate fee. 

Next came the rite called Dasapeya. Preparations for it were made 
previously, and they included the purchase and expression of the juice of 


at Delhi three thousand years ago. 


the Soma vine, and the brewing of the same into beer. Immediately after the 
performance of the last named rite, a series of offerings were made to the 
fire with this beer, and then a cnpfnl of it was offered to the Emperor, who 
quaffed it after repeating a mantra. He then presented largesses to all the 
officiating priests, including two golden mirrors to the Adhvaryu, a golden 
necklace and his own outer garment to the Udgata, golden bracelets to the 
Hota, a horse to the Prastota and the Pritiharta, twelve heads of pregnant 
young heifers to the Brahma, a barren cow to the Mitravaruna, a vigorous 
bull to the Brahmanachhansi, clothes to the Neshtri and Potri, a cart loaded 
with barley to the Achchhavaka, and a bullock to the Agnidhra. 

Next followed certain offerings of butter, curds and frumenty to Agni, 
Indra, Visvedevah, Mitra, Varuna, and Vrihaspati, and the sacrifice of a 
pregnant goat having well developed teats under the neck to A'ditya, and 
that of a pregnant heifer to the Maruts. 

The last rite in this long list of ceremonies and sacrifices was called 
Sautrdmani, or the offering of rice spirit. Preparations for it were made 
from three days previously, when young dried dates (hrala), small round 
plums (vadari), and myrobalans (haritaki) were brought, carefully cleaned, 
deprived of their stalks and calyces, and powdered, then three kinds of the 
fur — of the lion, the tiger and the wolf — were mixed with the powders, along 
with barley meal, yeast and tender blades of durba grass, and allowed to 
ferment in a large vessel of water. When the fermentation was complete, the 
liquor was strained and preserved for use. After the performance of the 
rite named in the last preceding para., a brown goat and a bull were sacri- 
ficed, and offerings were made with this liquor, as also with butter and fru- 
menty, and the ceremony was closed by the Emperor quaffing a gobletful of 
the exhilarating liquor. 

The rituals given in the Black and the White Yajush thus limit the 
Abhisheka to one sprinkling and one bathing ; but the Aitareya Brahmana of 
the Eig Veda recommends three kinds of bathing : 1st, called Abhisheka for 
kings; 2nd, PurndbhisheJca for superior kings, and 3rd, Mahdbhisheka for 
emperors. Its details are different, but from the mantras given, the second 
bathing appears to correspond to a great extent with the ritual above given. 
The object of the third is thus described : " The priest who, with this know- 
edge (about the Mahdbhesheha ceremony as described in a preceding part 
of the work) wishes that a Kshatriya should conquer in all the various 
ways of conquest, to subjugate all people, and that he should attain to 
leadership, precedence and supremacy over all kings, and attain everywhere and 
at all times to universal sovereignty, enjoyment (of pleasures), independence, 
distinguished distinction as a king, the fulfilment of the highest desires, 
the position of a king, of a great king, and supreme mastership, that he might 
cross (with his arms) the universe, and become the ruler of the whole earth 

Postsoeipt to page 371. 
The Iocak of the ancient Varanavrata appears to be Barnawah in the 
west of Jfoath Dufefct Sir E. C. Bayley, K. C. S. I., inform, me tha 

utfT /t ! T " J * 0ne ' md has a lar S e mo ™ d > « Official fort, as at 
old Delhi (Indraprastha), which local tradition alleges to be the remains of 
the burnt palace. The palace stands almost in a straight line between Hasti- 
napur and Sonpat, and not far from Baghpat, Sonpat, Panipat, and Indra. 

prastha itself. 


398 Kajendralala Mitra — An Imperial Assemblage at Delhi. 

during all his life, which may last for an infinitely long time, that he might 
be the sole king of the earth up to its shores bordering on the ocean ; such 
a priest should inaugurate the Kshatriya with Indra's great inauguration 
ceremony. ' ' * Such a blessing, however was not easily granted. Before grant - 
ing it, the priest was required to demand from the king the following in the 
form of an oath :" Whatever pious works thou mightest have done during the 
time which may elapse from the day of thy birth to the day of thy death, all 
these together with thy position, thy good deeds, thy life, thy children, I 
would wrest from thee shouldst thou do me any harm."f 

The utensils required for the ceremony were very much the same as 
noticed before, but the fluid for the bathing instead of including eighteen 
kinds of water and other substances, comprised only four kinds of fruit 
powdered, curds, honey, clarified butter and rain-water fallen during sun- 
shine, all mixed in a bucket of Udumbara wood. The mixture was too 
repulsive to be poured over the head, and so it was used only for sprinkling 
over the person of the king. The drinking of the Soma beer and spirituous 
liquor then followed, for the latter of which the following mantras are given : 
" Of what juice well-prepared beverage Indra drank with his associates, just 
the same, viz, king Soma, I drink here with my mind being devoted to him." 
" To thee who growest like a bullock (Indra) by drinking Soma, I send off 
(the Soma juice) which was squeezed to drink it ; may it satiate thee and 
make thee well drunk. "J 

The effect of the drinking is thus described by the author of the Brah- 
mana : " The drinking of spirituous liquor, or Soma, or the enjoyment 
of some other exquisite food, affects the body of the Kshatriya who is 
inaugurated by means of Indra's great inauguration ceremony, just as 
pleasantly and agreeably till it falls down, as the son feels such an excess 
of joy when embracing his father, or the wife when embracing her husband, 
as to lose all self-command. "§ 

It is no where stated whether the whole or only a part of the cere- 
monies above described was observed by Yudhishthira. Each school of 
Vedic priests having had their own separate system of ritual, it is to be 
presumed that Yudhishthira must have followed one of them, and conse- 
quently omitted some details. It is not known to which school his family 
priest Dhaumya belonged, but the school of the client must have been the 
same as that of the priest. 

* Haug's Translation, p. 519. f Loc. cit. t Ibid., p. 522. § Ibid., p. 523. 




ABHAN, Bajputs, 303 

Abhishekha, or rite of bathing the Empe- 
ror, 390 

Achm, supplies sulphur, 70 

ddhdna, or bit for horses, 388 

agni-aster, a Sanskrit fire-arm, 44, 45 

Ahirs, in Audh, 302 

Ahmad Shah Bahmani, coin of, 296 

Ahmad Shah, ruler of Skardu, 119 

Aibak, Kutb-uddin, 334 

Aish, a frontier village in Gilgit, 136 

Aitareya Brahmana, mentions human 
sacrifices, 118 

alcaras, modes of birth, 9n. 

Akbar, coin of, 292 

AllahaMd, the ancient Varanavrata, 371 

Alor, battle of, 39 

Amba, wife of Rudra, 389 

Americans, human sacrifices of, 84, 86 

Amethia, a clan in Audh, 302 

Anumiti, divinity of fertility, 387 

dpamdrga (Acherantes aspra), 389 

argJiya, 378 

Arniya, or Dardu, a dialect, 141 

Arrian, says that Indians were not ac- 
quainted with the use of the bit for 
horses, 388 

Artemis, the Indian Kali, 82 

artillery, introduction of, in Europe and 
Asia, 54, 55, 60 

Asiatic Fire weapons, 30 

Astor Valley, 119 

astvawiedha, or horse sacrifice, required a 
human sacrifice, 111 

Audh, Bhars of, 297 ; races of, 300 

Ayudhya, 2, 24 j coins found at, 297, 298 9 

Azro Shamsher, a mountain god, 129 

Aztecs, their human sacrifices, 85 

2 c 


>ABAR, artillery of, 57 
Babhru-vahana, a city of Manipura, 47 
Bacola (Bakla), 72 
Bahadur Shah, of Dihli, coin of, 294 ;— of 

Bengal, coin of, 295 
Bais, of Baiswara, 301 
Bakla (Bacola),' 72, 76 
Baku, on the Caspian, 42^. 
Bal and Dal, Bhar chiefs, 303 
ballistarius, 56 

baloshbut, or pot-stone, found in Gilgit, 134 
bamboo, used for conducting inflammable 

air, 43 ; etymology of — , 44 
B ami an, siege of, 35 
Banaras, Bhars of, 297 
Banaudha, 305 

Bandelgot, a clan in Audh, 302 
Banke Bihari Temple, at Brindaban> 312 
Barbuni valley, 122 
Barjur, in Gilgit, 135 
Barnawah, west of Mirath, 371, postscript* 
barter, in Wakhan, 233 
bdrud, or gunpowder, 37^. 
Bashgali, or Kafir country, 125 
Basors, or sweepers, in Hamfrpur, 280 
Bedar Bakht, of Dihli, 294 ; coin of, 293 
Bengal, Muhammadan coins of, 291 
Benett, W. 0. Mr., his views on the 

Audh Bhars, 306 
Beveridge, H., on ' "Were the Sundarbans 

inhabited in ancient times f, 71 
Bhakt-Mala, 312, 313 
Bhalesaltan, a clan in Audh, 302, 306 
bharddis, or Bhar-abadis, 305 
Bhars, 281, 297 ; parganahs and towns 

named after them, 303 ; the same as 

Ahirs, 303 
Bharudi Bais, 307 
Bharwara, 303 






Bhatnir, 33, 34 

Bhumiya, 305 

Bihari Ji Temple, at Brindiban, 312 

bitumen, 42». 

bombarda, etymology of, 44 

Bos grunniens, or yak, 271 

Bote, a general name for the people of 

Astor, Gilgit, &c, 128 
Brahmanism, its relation to Buddhism, 304, 

382, 386 
Brindaban, 312 
brooch, as worn in Grilgit, 137 
Bubbur, in Gilgit, 135 
Buddhism, its relation to Brahmanism, 

304, 382, 386 
Bundelas, 280 

Bundelkhand, popular songs of, 279 
Bunji, 120, 121 
Burma, petroleum of, 61 


ANNA, cane, whence i cannon', 44 

Carnegy, Mr. P., on the Bhars of Audh 
and Banaras, 297 

Caste songs, in Bundelkhand, 280 

Chachndmdhj quoted, 39 

Chakerkot, 121 

Chamargor, a clan in Audh, 302 

Chamunda, or Chandika, a divinity, 113 

Chand, the poet, mentions fire-arms, 46 

Chand Khan, of the Sundarban, 75 

Chandecan, in the Sundarban, identified, 
74, 75 " 

Chandradip Bajas, 72 

charms, or ta'wiz, as used in Gilgit, 137 

Chaturmasya, a sacrifice, 386 ; is the pro- 
totype of the Christian Lent, 387 

chhcmd, a kind of poem, 10^. 

Chilas, 120 

Chitral, 125 

Chinese, use naphtha for warming and 
lighting, 43 ; not the inventors of gun- 
powder, 63 

Chitraktit, 2 

clans, Hindu, in Audh, 302 

Coins of Dihli, Malwah, Bengal, Kulbarga, 
and Kashmir, 291; of Kadphisis and 
Kanerko, 297 

complexion, of Gilgitis, 131 

Constantinople, siege of, 39 

crocodiles, legends regarding them, 50 

Cujpressus torulosa, 207 


f AJTPOKEH, in Gilgit, 133 
Dal, a Bhar chief, 303 
Dalmau, 303 
Dandaka forest, 18^„ 
Dards, of the Hindu Kush, 140, 141 
Dasapeya, a rite, 396 
Dasyus, 299, 300 

Delmerick, Mr. J. G., Second List of Rare 
Muhammadan coins, 291 

dega, mortar, 59 

deg-i-ghdzi, one of Babar's guns, 58 

Devasuva a rite, 390 

Dhamis, a sect, 23^. 

Dharkar, a clan in Audh, 302 

Dhumghat, in the 24-Parganahs, 75 

dialects of Hindi, in Bundelkhand, 282 

Dihli, coins of, emperors of, 291 ; captured 
by the Muhammadans in 589H., 327 ; 
Imperial assemblage held at, three thou- 
sand years ago, 368 

Dikhaniya, a rite, 390 

Dinajpur, whether the ancient Virata, 

dogs, wild, 269 

Dogras, or Kashmir troops, 119, 120 

Doms, or sweeper, in Banaras, 280 

donkeys, in Gilgit, 138 

Dorah Pass, 125^. 

drunkenness, in Gilgit, 135 

Dubari Mount, in Gilgit, 123 

Dumars, or sweepers, in Hamirpur, 280 

Dumrot, near the upper Indus, 121 

Durga Puja, ritual of, 114, 117 


FFIGIES, substituted for living men 
in sacrifices, 116 
Egyptians, sacrifice human beings, 83 
elephants, frightened by Greek fire, 40 
elm tree, 212 
Eqiws hernionus, 195 
Eta, district of, 281 


EH gregois y or Greek fire, meaning of 

Fire weapons, early Asiatic, 30 
firingi, or artillery, 65, 66 
Firuz Shah (III), coin of, 291 
floods of the Indus, 136^. 


JTAOKUCH, i n Gilgit, 128 

gdvidhuka, or wild paddy, offered to Ru- 
dra, 389 

genealogies, of Hindu chiefs, how fabri- 
cated, 306 

Geography, of the Mahabharata, 375 

Ghalchah, a general term for the people 
about the headwaters of the Oxus, 
139;— languages, 139 

Gilgit Valley, trip to, by Capt. Marsh, 119 

Gitch, in Gilgit, 133 

gol-anddz, 56 

Golapur, Fort of, in Gilgit, 132 

grapes, of Gilgit, 124, 134 

Greek fire, 31 ; how quenched, 35 

Growse, F. S., specimen translation of 



Tulsi Das's Ramayana, 1 ; on Hari Das 

of Brindaban, 312 
Gulmutti, in Gilgit, 135 
sun-powder, 32, 37, 40 ; inventor of, 63, 
6 69 ; in Gilgit, 137 
suns, when first used, 56,57 
Gurgial, Chitral, 126 
Gurtam Khan, ruler of Gilgit, 126 

XlAMI'RPU'R District, popular songs 
of, 279 . 

hcmumdn-natak, a fire-missile, 46 

Haramush Mount, in Gilgit, 123 

Hari Das, of Brindaban, 312 

Hastinapura, 371, 372 

Hayward, Mr., murdered, 124 

Hindi, language, 2 ; — poetry, I2n. ; dia- 
lects in Bundelkhand, 282 

Hinduism, a missionary religion, 303 ; 
morality of, 352 

horse, whether used by Indians with or 
without a bit, 388 

U-tsing, or fire wells of China, 43 _ 

Human Sacrifices in Ancient India, 76 ; 
in other countries, 79, 80, 81 

Hmizil, in Gilgit, 130, 131 

Husain Shah, of Bengal, 295 

Hushang Shah Ghori, coin of, 295 


BKifflrM Shah Sur, coin of, 292 
igneous projectiles, 30 
Indra, kills Vritra, 388 
Indra-turya, a rite, 389 
Indraprastha, 371 
Indus, crocodiles in the, 50 


AHANGI'K, coins of, 292 
Jaitpur, in Hamirpur, 280 
Jalalpur, in Hamirpur, 281 
Japoke, in Gilgit, 133 
Jarasandha, of Magadha, 372 
Jessore, in 1599 A.D., 73, 75 
Jesuit missions in Bengal, 73 
Jews, human sacrifices of, 83 
Jugrote, in Gilgit, 122 
justero, or village headman, 123 
Jutial, in Gilgit, 124 
Jwala-Mukhi and Kangra, 42^. 


hanwar, or bahangi, pairs of baskets, 286^. 

Karambar valley, in Gilgit, 136 

Karamnasa, 7, 8 

Karar, near Jhansi, 280 

Kashmir, Muhammadan coins of, 291 

khalina, the same as ddJiana, q. v. 

Khangars, a caste in Hamirpur, 280 

Khanzada Bajputs, 304 

Khawak Pass, 146 

Khojand, siege of, 35 

Khusrau Shah, of Dihli, coin of, 291 

Kil' ah Punj, in Chitral, 126 

Kishkinda, in the Dakhin, 374 

Kochua, in Baqirganj, 72 

Kols, in Hamirpur, 281 

Krishna worship in Brindaban, 312 

Kulbarga, Muhammadan coins of, 291 

Kutb-uddin Aibak, 334 

JJABRf KHAN, a Portuguese engineer, 

Legends, of Gilgit, 129— regarding croco- 
diles, 50 

Lent, its Vedic prototype, 387 

Lodhis, a caste in Hamirpur ? 281,289. 

ALAND AR Shah, 285 
Kalidasa, his morality, 352 
Kalika Purana, mentions human sacrifices, 

113, 117 
Kanauj, 19^. ; the old Panchala, 371 
Kangra and Jwala-Mukhi, 42^, 
Kanpuria, a clan in Audh, 302 


..lACLAGAIsr, Major-General, E. E., 

on early Asiatic Fire-weapons, 30 
Magadha, 8 

maghribi, war engines, 65 
Mahabharata, the geography of the, 375 ; 

morality of 377 ; civilization described 

in— 384, 385 
Mahabhisheka, a rite, 369 
mahd-ndtak, a fire missile, 46 
mahdgantra, or war engine, 45 
Mahisamite (Mysore ?), 374 
Mahmud Shah, Khilji, coin of, 295 ;— Bah- 

mani, coin of, 296 
Makhfi, nom-de-plume of a daughter ol 

Aurangzib, 308 
malleolus, or fire-arrows, 30 
Malwah, Muhammadan coins of, 291 
mdlya-chandcma 378 
MandarHill, In. 

Manes, feast for the pacification of the, 389 
Maniparbat hill, in Ayudhya, 298 
Manipura, 47 _ . • „ , . 

Marsh, Capt. H. C, Description of a trip 

to the Gilgit Valley, 119 
Maruts, and Indra, 388 
Mathura, 372 

Maudha, in Hamirpur, 279, 281 
Mazena Pass, 119». 
Mecca, burnt by Hajjaj, 38, 53 
miltik, or musket, 66 
Minian, 272 
Minnor, in Gilgit, 123, 129 







1 1 1 

Mir Wall, the murderer of Hayward, 125 

missions, Jesuit, in Bengal, 73 

morality, of the Mahabharata, 375 ; of 

Kalidasa, 352 
Muhammad 'Alf Shah, of Kashmir, coin 

of, 296 
Mnhammad Bakhtyar Khilji, conqueror 

of Bengal, 331 
Muhammad-bin-Firuz Shah, coin of, 291 
Muhammad-hin-Tughluq, coin of, 291 
Muhammad- bin- Kasim, the conqueror of 

Sindh, thus called in all native histories, 

342, 343 
Muhammad Ytisuf Shah, of Kashmir, coin 

of, 296 
Muhammadans, adopt certain Hindu cus* 

toms, 379, 382 
Muhiyy-uhMillat, 293 
mumidL 51n. 


i ABHA JI', author of the Bhakt-Mala, 

naffdt, or fire-tube, 39 

Naft-andaz, 56 

Nafur, in Gilgit, 124 

Nagesar Nath Mahadeo, 299 

Namuchi Asura, killed by Indra, 390, 394 

Nanda Bardhan, Raja of Magadh, 298 

naphtha, used for- missiles, 31 

narabali y or human sacrifice, 113 

Mladar Pass, in Gilgit, 122 

Mrriti, a divinity, 387 


IL WELLS, in China and America, 
43, 43?*., 50 
ornaments, gold and silver, 283 
Otrar, siege of, 33 
otters, iu Gilgit, 135n. 

X ADYA, 378 

Panchala, or Kanauj, 371 

Pahchedhmiya, a rite, 389 

Pandu, meaning of the word, 370?l. 

Panipat, battle of (Babar), 65 

Panwari, in Hamirpur, 279, 281 

Panyal, in Gilgit, 131, 136 

passes, in the Himalayas, 119, 119^.. 122, 

125n., 146 
Payach, temple of, in Kashmir, 64 
Persian wheel, in Bundelkhand, 289n 9 
petroleum, 31 

Pimenta/a Jesuit traveller, 73 
Piyadasi, the opponent of Hinduism, 382 
polygamy, among ancient Hindus, 359 
popular songs, of Bundelkhand. 279 
pork, eaten by Rajputs and Rajbhars, 305 
3?ranNath ; founder of the Dhami sect, %%m. 

Prannath Pandit, on the Morals of Kali- 
dasa, 352 

Pratapaditya, Raja, 74 

precedence, among Indian princes, 379 

Pulwars, a clan in Audh, 302 

Puranas, recognise human sacrifices, 118 

purusJiawiedha, or human sacrifices, 102, 
103, 118 


lAJASU'YA, the great sacrifice of the 
Pandavas, 368, 382, 385 

Rajbhars, 305 

Rajendralala Mitra, on Human Sacrifices 
in Ancient India, 76 ; an Imperial assem- 
blage at Delhi, three thousand years 
ago, 368 

Rajputs, of Audh, 301 

Rakiposhi, in Gilgit, 123 

Ramas, the three, 15 

Ramayana of Tulsi Das, 1, of Valmiki, 1 

Mdm-charit-mdnas, title of the Hindi Ra- 
mayana, 2, 25m 

Rangpur, whether the ancient Virata, 372^ 

Rantanbhor, fort of, 65 

ras, the nine styles, 26^, 

Rath, in Hamirpur, 281 

Ratninam Havi, a rite, 390 

Raverty, H. G. Major, Reply to Contri- 
butions to Bengal History, No. Ill, 
325 ; his views on the Persian Izdfat 
and other points of Persian Grammar^ 
336, 341 

Rudra, and his wife Amba, 389 


SACRIFICES, human, in Ancient In- 
dia, 76 

Sahet-Mahet, a centre of Buddhism, 297 

Sakamedha Parva, 388 

Sakewan, in Gilgit, 123 

^diagram, 315 

Bait, of Bengal, 71 

Sanglich, dialect of, 272 

Sahhita, mentions human sacrifices, 89, 90 

Saiisripa Havi, rite, 396 

Sarikoli language, 139, 158 

sataghni, a fire-arm, 45 

Sautramani, a rite, 396 

scorpions, used as missiles, 53 

seasons, six. Hindu, 28^. 

Shah Jahan II, coin of, 293 

Shaw, Mr. R. B., on the Ghalchah lan- 
guages ("Wakhi and Sarikoli), 139 

Sheothur Pass, in Astor, 119 

Shere, in Gilgit, 133 

Sher KiF a, in Gilgit, 132 

Sherote, in Gilgit, 131, 132 

shet-aghni, a fire-arm, 44 

Shighnan, language of, 272 


Shins, a Himalayan tribe, 120, 121, 128 
Shirbadut, Kaja, 128 

Sindh, conquered by Muhammad, son of 
Kasim, 342, 343 

gingdas, a mountain in Gilgit, 135 

Singul, in Gilgit, 133, 134 

Sisupal, king of Chedi, 379 

Siyahposh Kafirs, 146 

Smith, Mr. Vincent A., popular songs in 
Bundelkhand, 279 

Sondip, 71, 72 

songs, popular, of Bundelkhand, 279 

Soron, birthplace of Tulsi Das, 2 ; ety- 
mology f, 22n. 

Sri SwamioHari Das, 312 

Sukhargra ma, or Sukharkhet^ i. e. Soron^ 
22, 22n. 

sulphur, from A chin, 70 

S'unahsepha, mentioned in the Sanhita as 
sacrificed, 89 

Sunasirya, a rite, 389 

Sundarbans, whether inhabited formerly, 

Sye River, 121 

Syrens, 81 



AJIK, or Iranian, 139, 140 
Tansen, Akbar's chief singer, 316 
Tantras, enjoin human sacrifices, 118 
Tatial, a part of Ohitral, 125 
ta'wtz, or charms, as used in Gilgit, 137 
c Ter Schelling/ wreck of, 72 
Tilokchand, founder of the Bais clan, 301, 

302, 306 
Timur, his mode of warfare, 32 
Tryambaka Purodasa, a feast for the 

manes, 389 
tubes, used for throwing Greek fire, 40 
Tulsi Das, 1 

AISHNAVAS, 312, 324^. 

Vaisvadeva Parva, 387 

Varanavrata (modern Allahabad), 371 ; or 
rather Barnawa, west of Mirath, 371, 

Varuna-praghasa Parva, 388 

Vedas, mention human sacrifices, 89 

Vernacular literature, despised by Pan- 
dits, 2 

vinegar, quenches Greek fire, 35 

vintage, in Gilgit, 124, 134 

Virata, whether the modera Eangpur 
and Dinajpur, Z72n. 

Vritra, killed by Indra, 388 


AKHl', language of Wakhan, 139 
Wassa, or autumnal rite, 387 
weights and measures, in Wakhan, 268 
Whalley, P., translations from the Diwan 

of Makhfi, 308 
Wheeler, Mr., his ideas on the Delhi as- 
semblage, 382 

I ADAVAS, hold Mathurd, 372 
Yagistan, or Independent (ydgi) country 

on the Upper Indus, 122, 126, 138 
Yak, or Bos grunniens, 271 
Yarkand, 233 

Yarkun, a range of the Hindukush, 126 
Yaspur Kun, in Gilgit, 130 
Yassin, 124, 125 

Yeshkun, a mixed race in Gilgit, 128 
Yudhishthira, 360 ; his Dihli assemblage, 














, ^% FEB . 65