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JOURNAL
OF THE
— ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
VOL. Ly.
PART I. (HISTORY, ANTIQUITIES, &C.)
(Nos. I ro III.—1876: with seven plates.)
EDITED BY
) HE P HILOLOGICAL p ECRETARY.
,,
‘¢Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science
in different parts of Asza, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to
the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long
intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” SIR WM. JONES.
CALCUTTA:
PRINTED BY C. B. LEWIS, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS.
1876.
2 Fi oO ee 9 Se
ae :
aeternn eens ee SNPS ELeH MRL rreay
8 SD Oka
opera as red eoee
CONTENTS
OF
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Pazr J,
FOR 1876. .
No. I.
The Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulsi Das. A specimen transla-
tion.— By F. 8. Growsn, M. A., B.C.S.,
On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. aig We Grae R. cae
SP Oe Dee ee ee
Were the ies ‘hah in ancient times P—By H. BEvERIDGE,
B. C. Se ©0000 60 7O0e POR CEH COOH LOCOS COCCR SOC COC COTE FOO LEO CEH LOH COELHO COO Ee
On Human Sacrifices m Ancient India—By RAsENDRALALA
Mites Dy, ass. Oe eis eee
No. II.
Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley, a dependency of the
Maharaja of Kashmir.—By Carr. H. C. Marsu, 18th Bengal
Cavalry (with four plates),...
On the Ghalchah Languages (Wakhi ad Sarikol). ae R. B. Swaw,
Political Agent, late on special duty at Kashghar, ..,, ieee
No. III.
Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District in Bundelkhand, N. W. P.
No. IJ.—By Vincent A. Suirn, B. A., C. 8.0... ee eee
List of Rare Muhammadan Coins.—No. II. cae of the Kings of
Dihli, Malwah, Bengal, Kulbarga, and oe J. G.
DrtmeErRicxK, Dihli, (with two plates)...
The Bhars of Audh and Banaras. = By Pisses ies EGY, Commis.
plone’ OL dr ieare, Ad ae ss es
Page
71
76
119
139
279
291
297
Contents.
Page —
Translations from the Diwan of Zip-un-nish Brcam, poetically
styled ‘Maxuri’, daughter of the Emperor AvRAN GziB.—By
P. WHALLEY, B. C. oe Muradabéd, noe ae og
Sri Swami Hari Das of Brindaban. ae RB S. Gaowen M. A.,
= i. C.S., Guth one pie. vie... Hck oe Bakes ae nee Rec.
Reply to several passages in Mr. Blochmann’s “ Contributions to
the History and Geography of Bengal,” No. III.—By the
Translator of the Tabakat-1-Nasiri, Major H. G. Ravzrry,
BOUbay Army Ben VIO). catered x ca eciccas o oein wisn Vere
Morals of Kalidasa.—By Pranndtu Panprt, M. A.,
An Imperial Assemblage at Delhi three thousand years ago. —By
RAJENDRALALA Mirra, LL. Ue pee ie ee
OSS a Rie oe eee tester
PRL OI OI OL IS WLIO IAS eh, ONO NANA AL NAS NA NENA INS EA IT LAL ALL AL AL
Oe a a ee
S PRA emir aan Se a SESE aoe _ _ 7 — pane ree s ea e
3 Renan A te ech Aes 3 te 3 OE Mert it a at mas - ee eee eee ee : SER ee et ee Satie renee Sa gee SEL SE SALES PA SOO a OT Sk
= : ; ; - Sy a a a a eS a ae eS = . .
: - = € - SS pre ae Sie ee SSS cascaial 3 SSS = ———
Fe — <a ice "i — ren seis —< See Sees MEE RS le ES Rete ——
wee sai on a ee apes ao
LIST OF PLATES
IN
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Parr I,
FoR 1876.
\W Pl. I. (p. 185) View of Gaokuch.
Pl. II. (p. 119) View of Mazena Pass.
Pl III. (p. 186) View of the junction of the Karambar and Yassin
Rivers.
Pl. IV. (p. 119) Sketch Map of countries surrounding Gilgit.
. Plates V and VI. (p. 291) Unpublished Muhammadan coins.
\~ Pl. VII. (p. 812) Gateway of the Banke Bihari Lemple at Brinddban.
LOL BO OPV IOP OW OPIOID NOVI ead
+ 2 ee te er
= a
at
«
Fels ares Sagres HIE, LEE EPP OPE es CLS a dies te
eros ee
ERRATA
IN
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Parr I,
FoR 1876.
Page 141, 1. 19, and p. 152, 1. 18, for zud read zit
4
143, 1.
150, 1.
27, for Jape read y 970
6 from below, for with the read with the house, and for in the houses
read with the houses
157, 1.
159, 1.
8, for kshon-t read kshon-at
26, for yu read yu
160, 1. 2, from below, for doing read taking
185, note, for khan and san, read khau and sau
186, 1.
186, 1.
188, 1.
188, 1.
332, 1.
334. |.
349, 1.
381, 1.
390, 1.
390, 1.
396, 1.
396, 1.
4,in column “Indian, Modern’, after apricot insert chir, Gappi
4. from below, in column “ Ghalchah”, for kashir read khshir
6, for shanidan read shunidan
5 from below, for karbey read khar-be7
23, for Shiam read Shiam
5, from below, for &mSX% reaa &suanS%
14, for we read he
20, for assembled read had assembled
22, for Raterindm read Ratninam
29, for gymnasium read gynaeceum
25, for scymitar read scimitar
26, dele comma after and
a
St ee oD EO SE erented eee
“ —
ty Ae 4 et ye tor ——~—
JOURNAL
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
a ae
Part I.—-HISTORY, LITERATURE, &ec.
Nor 18 76"
PRPALSS CRESPO ALL
F See pak es a 2 MS
Lhe Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulsi Das. A Specimen translation.
—By F. 8. Growsz, M. A., B. ©. S.
The Sanskrit Ramayana of Valmiki has been published more than once,
_ with all the advantages of European editorial skill and the most luxurious
typography. It has also been translated both in verse and prose, and—in
part at least—into Latin as well as into Italian and English. The more
popular Hindi version of the same great national Epic can only be read in
lithograph or bazar print, and has never been translated in any form into
any language whatever. Yet it is no unworthy rival of its more fortunate
predecessor. There can of course be no comparison between the polished
phraseology of classical Sanskrit and the rough colloquial idiom of Tulsi
Das’s vernacular, while the antiquity of Valmiki’s poem further invests it
with an adventitious interest for the student of Indian history. But on the
other hand the Hindi poem is the best and most trustworthy guide to the
popular living faith of the Hindu race at the present day—a matter of
not less practical interest than-the creed of their remote ancestors—and its
language, which in the course of three centuries has contracted a tinge of
archaism, is a study of the greatest importance to the philologist, since it
serves to bridge an otherwise impassable chasm between the modern style and
the medieval. It is also less wordy and diffuse than the Sanskrit original,
and—probably in consequence of its modern date—is less disfigured by
wearisome interpolations and repetitions; while, if it never soars so high
as Valmiki in some of his best passages, 1t maintains a more equable level
of poetic diction and seldom sinks with him into such dreary depths of
A.
Be Set tr 8 Rs Oe | ee Ort bee oy,
2 FS. Growse—TZhe Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulsi Das. {No L,
unmitigated prose. It must also be noted that it is in no sense a transla.
tion of the earlier work: the general plan and the management of the in-
cidents are necessarily much the same, but there is a difference in the
touch in every detail ; and the two poems vary as widely as any two dramas
on the same mythological subject by two ditterent Greek tragedians. Even
the coincidence of name is an accident ; for Tulsi Das himself called his
poem “ The Rém-charit-manas”’, and the shorter name, corresponding in form
to the Iliad or Atneid, was only substituted by his admirers as a handier
designation for a popular favourite.
The passage, of which a translation is here submitted, forms the In.
troduction to the first book. It is at once of less obvious interest and also
of much greater difficulty than the narrative portions of the poem. It is
valuable, however, as a resumé of popular Hindu theology and metaphysics,
and it supplies some personal details of the author’s. lite. Thus we learn
from it that he studied at Soron, and commenced writing at Ayudhy4
on the festival of Réma’s birthday in the Sambat year 1631, corresponding
to 1575, A.D. We need not suppose that he remained long at Ayudhya,
for according to tradition the main body of the poem was composed at
Chitraktt. His vindication of himself against his critics is a curious
feature. They attacked him for lowering the dignity of his subject by cloth-
ing it in the vulgar vernacular. However just his defence may be, it did
not succeed in converting the opposite faction ; and the professional Sans-
krit Pandits, who are their modern representatives, still affect to despise his
work as an unworthy concession to the illiterate masses. With this small
and solitary exception the book is in every one’s hands, from the court to
the cottage, and is read or heard and appreciated alike by every class of the
Hindu community, whether high or low, rich or poor, young or old. ‘The
purity of its moral sentiments and the absolute avoidance of the slightest
approach to any pruriency of idea—which the author justly advances among
his distinctive merits—render it a singularly unexceptionable text-book for
native boys. For several years past I have persistently urged its adoption
upon the Education Department, and—thanks to Raja Siva Prasid—extracts
from it have now been introduced into our primary schools. It has always
been prescribed as the principal test in the Civil Examination for High Profici-
ency and a Degree of Honour ; and if is equally well adapted for both these
apparently incongruous purposes. Fora Hindu child generally grasps at
once the familiar idiom and finds no great difficulty i even the most crab-
bed passage; while on the other hand both the terminology and the
syntactic collocation of the words are in the highest degree perplexing to
the European student. The reason is, that an English official as a rule
knows only the language of the courts, and has never studied the vernacular
of the people: for which neglect he has hitherto had much excuse in the
is — Ss RG LORE Eis ae Sad Rn ESS, % mS ;
1876.] F. S. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulst Das. 8
absence both of a Dictionary and a Grammar. The former want is in
course of being supplied by Dr. Fallon ; and the latter by Mr. Kelloge of
the Allahabad Mission, who has nearly completed a work. that promises
from the pages I have seen, to be in a remarkable degree both lucid and
exhaustive.
It will, I think, be admitted that a poem of such manifold interest
should no longer be withheld from the English reader ; and the advantages
in the way of criticisms and suggestions which I hope to secure from its being
generally known that a translation is in progress will, I trust, bea sufficient
excuse for occupying so many pages with the following specimen. The notes
that I have added are more explanatory than would be required by the mem-
bers of a learned Society, but they may be found useful by the general public,
and I have therefore retained them in their place ; since I would have the
specimen represent as closely as possible the exact form which it is intended
the complete work should assume.
Boox I.—CnrripHoop.
Sanskrit Invocation.
I reverence the Goddess of Speech and the Divine Guide,* who are the
inventors of the alphabet ; of multiform expression ; of the poetic modes and
of metre. I reverence Bhavdni and Sankara, the incarnation of Faith and
Hope, without whom not even the just can see Gop the great Spirit. I re-
verence as the incarnation of Sankara the all wise Guru, through whom even
the crescent moon is everywhere honoured.t I reverence the king of Bardsf
and the Monkey-king, of pure intelligence, who ever lingered with delight in
the holy forest land of Rama and Sitd’s infinite perfection. I bow before
Sita, the beloved of Rama ; the queen of birth, of life and death; the de-
stroyer of sorrow; the cause of happiness. I reverence, under his name of
Rama, the Lord Hari; supreme over all causes ; to whose illusive power are
subject the whole universe and every supernatural being from Brahma
downwards ; by whose light truth is made manifest, as when what appeared
to be a snake turns out a rope ; and by whose feet as by a bark those who
* By Vani, the goddess of speech and Vindyaka, the guide, are certainly in-
tended the divinities ordinarily so designated, viz. Sarasvati and Ganesa. The trans-
lation, however, leaves it open; since some of the Hindu commentators conceive that
in this particular passage the reference is rather to Sité and Lakshman.
+ The crescent moon, being one of Sankara’s (i. e. Siva’s) constant symbols, ig
honoured on his account, though in itself imperfect; while the full moon is honout-
ed for its own sake. :
{ The king of bards is V4lmiki, the reputed author of the Sanskrit Ramayana.
The monkey king is of course Hanuman, and the two are brought together more on
account of the close similarity of name than for any other reason; Kaviswara and
Kapisvara differing only by a single letter.
4 E.8. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémayana of Tulsi Das. (No. 1,
will, may pass safely over the ocean of existence. In accord with all the
Puranas and different sacred texts and with what has been recorded in the
Ramayana (of Valmiki) and elsewhere, I Tulsi to gratify my own heart’s
desire have composed these lays of Raghunath in most choice and elegant
modern speech. )
Soratha 1.
O Ganes of the grand elephant head, the mention of whose name en-
sures success, be gracious to me, accumulation of wisdom, store-house of all
good qualities ! Thou too, by whose favour the dumb becomes eloquent
and the lame can climb the vastest mountain, be favourable to me, O thou
that consumest as a fire all the impurities of this iron age. Take up
thy abode also in my heart, O thou that slumberest on the milky ocean,
with body dark as the lotus and eyes bright as the water lily. O spouse
ot Uma, clear of hue as the jasmine or the moon, home of compassion, who
shewest pity to the humble, shew pity upon me, O destroyer of Kémadeva.
I reverence the lotus feet of my master, that ocean of benevolence, Hari
incarnate, whose words are like a flood of sunlight on the darkness of ig-
norance and intatuation.*
Chaupie.
I reverence the pollen-like dust of the lotus feet of my master, bright,
fragrant, sweet and delicious ; pure extract of the root of ambrosia, potent
to disperse all the attendant ills of life ; like the holy ashes on the divine
body of Sambhu, beautiful, auspicious, ecstatic. Applied to the forehead as
a tilak, 1b cleanses from defilement the fair mirror of the human mind and
enriches it with all the virtues of the Master. By recalling the lustre of
the nails of the reverend guru’s feet, a divine splendour illumines the
soul, dispersing the shades of error with its sun-like glory. How blessed he
who takes it to his heart! the mental vision brightens and expands, the
night of the world with its sin and pain fades away; the actions of Rama,f
like diamonds and rubies, whether obvious or obscure, all alike become clear,
in whichever direction the mine is explored.
Doha 1. |
By applying this collyrium as it were to the eyes, all good and holy
men see and understand his sportive career when on earth, on mountain or in
forest, and all the treasures of his orace.
* The persons addressed in this stanza are Ganes, Sarasvati, Narayan, and the
‘poet’s own spiritual instructor, or guru.
_ + The simple actions are compared to rubies, which may be picked up on the sur-
face of the ground; the mysterious actions to diamonds, which have to be dug out of
a mine.
1876.| fF. S. Growse—The Prologue to the Rdmdyana of Tulsi Das. 5
Chaupat.
The dust of the guru’s feet is a soft and charming ecollyrium, like
ambrosia for the eyes, to remove every defect of vision. With this having
purified the eyes of my understanding, T proceed to relate the actions of
Rama, the redeemer of the world. First I reverence the feet of the creat
Brahman saints, potent to remove the doubts engendered by error. In my
heart as with my voice I reverence the whole body of the Faithful, mines
of perfection ; whose good deeds resemble the fruit of the cotton-plant in
austerity, purity, and manifold uses, and in painful cleansing from impuri-
ties: reverence to them, whatever the age or clime in which their glory was
consummated. An assembly of the saints is all joy and felicity, like the creat
terath Prayag endowed with motion ; for faith in Réma is as the stream
of the Ganges ; contemplation on Brahma as the Sarasvati ; and ritual, deal-
ing with precepts and prohibitions for the purification of this iron age, as
the sun-god’s daughter the Jamun4. The united flood of the Tribeni
is represented by the legends of Hari and of Hara, filling all that hear with
delight : the sacred fig tree by faith firm in its own traditions ; and Praydg
itself by the assembly of the virtuous. Easy of access to all, on any day,
at any place, curing all the ills of pious devotees, is this unspeakable, spiri-
tual chief ¢erath, of manifest virtue and yielding immediate fruit.
Doha 2.
At this Prayag of holy men, whoever hears and understands and in spirit
devoutly bathes, receives even in this life all four rewards.*
Chaupat. |
In an instant behold the result of the immersion; the crow becomes a
parrot and the goose a swan. Let no one marvel at hearing this, for the in-
fluence of good company is no mystery. Valmiki, Ndrad and the jar-born
Agastyay have told its effect upon themselves. Whatever moves in the water
or on the earth or in the air; every creature in the world, whether animate
or inanimate, that has attaied to knowledge, or glory, or salvation, or power,
* The four rewards are kdma, artha, dharma, moksha ; that is, pleasure, wealth,
religious merit, and final salvation.
t+ Valmiki confessed to Réma that he had once been a hunter and had taken the
life of many innocent creatures, till he fell in with the seven Rishis, who converted
him and taught him to express his penitence by constantly repeating the word mara,
mara. As this is Rama read backwards, it acted as a spell and advanced him to the
highest degree of sanctity.
Similarly Narad confessed to Vyasa, the author of the Puranas, that he was by birth
only the son of a poor slave-girl, and had become a saint simply by eating the fragments
of food left by the holy men who frequented his master’s house.
Agastya also declared to Mahddeva that by birth he was the meanest of all crea-
tures, and had only attained to miraculous powers by the influence of good company.
<= ot
5 0 8 en! eet Gree
6 FS. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémdyana of Tulsi Das. [No 1,
or virtue, by any work, at any time or place, has triumphed through associa.
tion with the good ; neither the world nor the Veda knows of any other
expedient. Intercourse with the good is attainable only by the blessing of
Rama, and without it wisdom 1s impossible: it is the root of all 4 joy and
felicity, its flowers are good works and its fruit perfection. By it the wick.
ed are reformed, as by the touch of the philosopher’s stone a vile metal be.
comes gold. If by mischance a good man falls into evil company, like the —
jewel in a serpent’s head, he still retains his character. Brahma, Vishnu, Ma- ~
hadeva; the wisest of the poets; all have failed to describe the supremacy
of ibaa: for me to tell it is as 1b were for a costermonger to expatiate
on the eee of a set of jewels.
Doha 8-4:
I reverence the saints of equable temperament, who regard neither
friend nor foe ; like a gracious flower which sheds its fragrance alike on both
infolding hands.* Ye Saints, whose upright intention, whose catholic
charity and whose ready sympathy I acknowledge, hear my child-like prayer,
be gracious to me and inspire me with devotion to the feet of Réma.
Chaupar. |
Again, I would propitiate those saintly wretches} who without a cause
swerve right or left; with whom a neighbour’s loss is gain; who rejoice
in desolation and weep over prosperity ; who are as an eclipse to the full-moon
glory of Hari and Hara; who become as a giant with a thousand arms to
work another’s woe; who have a thousand eyes to detect a neighbour’s
faults, but, like flies on ghz, settle on his good points only to spoil them;
quick as fire, relentless as hell; rich in crime and sin as Kuver is in gold;
like an eclipse for the clouding of friendship, and as dead asleep as Kumbha-
karant to everything good ; if they can do any injury, as ready to sacrifice
themselves as hailstones, that melt after destroying a crop ; spiteful as the
great serpent, with a thousand tongues ; and like Prithuraj,§ with a thou-
sand ears, to tell and hear of others’ faults; like the thousand- eyed Indra,
too, ever delighting in much strong drink ane in a voice of thunder.
* ‘Though the right hand is the one by which it has been plucked, and the left that
in which it is held and preserved.
+ In the following lines the poet defends himself by anticipation against possible
Bea and roundly abuses the whole army of critics.
{ Ravan’s gigantic brother, Kumbha-karan, obtained as a boon from uli that
iene he had satisfied his voracious appetite, the slumber of repletion might be
of the longest and deepest, and that he might only wake to eat again.
§ It is not related that Prithuraj had really ten thousand ears, but only that he
prayed that he might be as quick to hear whatever redounded to the glory of God as
if his ears were so many.
A
—J
EE
7 eee,
, a
= -a—¥
1876.| F.8. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémdyana of Tulsi Dds. 7
Doha 5.
I know when they hear of philosophers, who regard friend and foe both
as Iriends, they are enraged ; but I clasp my hands and entreat them pite-
ously.
Chaupia. )
_ I have performed the réle of supplication, nor will they forget their
part. However carefully you may bring up a crow, it will still be a crow
and a thiet. I propitiate at once the feet of saints and sinners, who each
give pain, but with a difference: for the first kill by absence, while the
second torture by their presence : as opposite as a lotus and a leech, though
both alike are produced in water. Good and bad thus resemble nectar and
intoxicating drink, which were both begotten by the one great ocean :* each
by its own acts attains to pre-eminence ; the one in glory, the other in dis-
grace: compare with the good, ambrosia, or the moon, or the Ganges ; and
with the bad, poison, or fire, or the river Karmndsd4. Virtue and vice may
be known to all by their natural development.
Doha 6.
The good acquire goodness, and the vile vileness. Thus ambrosia has
its proper effect in immortality, and poison has its effect in death.
Chaupat.
Why enumerate the faults and defects of the bad and the virtues of
the good ; both are a boundless and unfathomable ocean. Hence occasion-
ally virtue is reckoned as vice, improperly and from want of discrimination.
For God has created both, but it is the Veda that has distinguished one from
the other. The heroic legends and the Puranas also, no less than the Vedas,
recognize every kind of good and evil as creatures of the creator, pain and
pleasure, sin and religious merit ; night and day; saint and sinner ; high
caste and low caste ; demons and gods; great and small; life-giving ambro-
sia and deadly poison ; the visible world and the invisible God ; life and the
* The churning of the ocean is one of the common-places of Hindu poetry, and the
allusions to itin the Réméyana are innumerable. With mount Mandara as a churning-
stick, the great serpent Vasuki as a rope, and Narayan himself in tortoise-form as the
pivot on which to work, the gods and demons combined to churn the milky ocean.
Thus were produced from its depth the moon; the sacred cow, Surabhi or K4ma-dhe-
nu; the goddess of wine, Waruni; the tree of Paradise, Parijéta, or Kalpa-taru ; the
heavenly nymphs, the Apsards; the goddess of beauty, Lakhsmi or Sri; and the
physician of the gods, Dhanvantari. The cup of nectar which the latter held in his hand
was seized and quaffed by the gods ; while the poison, which also was produced, was ei-
ther claimed by the snake gods, or swallowed by Mahadeva ; whence comes the blackness
of his throat, that gives him the name of Vil Kanth.
8 F.8. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémiyana of Tulsi Dds. (No. 1,
lord of life ; rich and poor ; the beggar and the king; Kasi and Magadha ;*
the Ganges and the Karmnasaé; the desert of Marwar and the rich plain
of Malw4; the Brahman and the butcher ; heaven and hell; sensual pas-
sion and asceticism ; the Vedas and the Tantras, and every variety of good
and evil.
Doha 7.
The creator has made the universe to consist of things animate and
inanimate, good and evil: a saint ike a swan takes the milk of goodness
and rejects the worthless water.f
Chawpit.
When the creator gives men this faculty of judgment, they abandon
error and become enamoured otf the truth ; but conquered by time, tempera-
ment, or fate, even the good, as a result of their humanity, may err from
virtue ; but Hari takes their body so to speak and corrects it, and removing
all sorrow and sin cleanses it and glorifies them. If the bad through inter-
course with the good do good, their inherent badness is not effaced. An
impostor of fair outward show may be honoured on account of his garb, but
in the end he 1s exposed and does not succeed ; like Kéla-nemi, or Ravan, or
Rahu.{ The good are honoured notwithstanding their mean appearance,
like the bear Jamavant or the monkey Hanumén. Bad company is loss and
good company 1s gain’; this is a truth recognized both by the world and the
Veda. In company with the wind the dust flies heavenwards ; if it joins
water, it becomes mud and sinks. According to the character of the house
in which a parrot or maina is trained, it learns either to repeat the name of
Rama or to give abuse. With the ignorant, soot is mere refuse; but it
may make good ink and be used even for copying a Purana; while water,
fire, and air combined become an earth-refreshing rain-cloud.
Dohé 8-11.
The planets, medicines, water, air, clothes, all are good or bad things
according as their accompaniments are good or bad; and people observe
this distinction. Both lunar fortnights are equal as regards darkness and
light ; but a difference in name has been wisely made, and as the moon
waxes or wanes the fortnight is held in high or low esteem. Knowing
* Magadha (Bihar) is taken ag the opposite to Kasi, in consequence of its being
the birth-place of Buddhism.
+ To the swan (rdj-hans) is ascribed the fabulous faculty of being able to separate
milk from water, after the two have been mixed together.
{ Kala-nemi by assuming the form of an ascetic imposed for a time upon Hanu-
man, a8 Ravan did upon Sité: and even Vishnu, at the churning of the ocean, was at
first deceived by Rahu, who appeared like one of the gods.
~
Po Oe ——
er. 72 : < neat nln "7 ~ - = :
RRS SiS in ce wr A cl Saat CER tt ah abana cacaieeattaimaantte a SE EE SSE SS ae
. = . — » . - ene ot . - SS tee a a ea ee ee i :
- a Sok ee A ee OS 4 ge
1876.| F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulsi Dds. 9
Ay that the whole universe, whether animate or inanimate, is pervaded by the
Hk spirit of Rama, I reverence with clasped hands the lotus feet of all, sods,
fy giants, men, serpents, birds, ghosts, departed ancestors, Gandharvas, Kinnaras,
demons of the night ; I pray ye all be gracious to me.
| Chaupai.
haley By four modes of birth* are produced 84 lakhs of species inhabiting
Pony, the air, the water and the earth. With clasped hands I perform an act of
adoration, recognizing the whole world as pervaded by the spirit of Sité and
Rama. In your compassion regard me as your servant, and dissembling no
longer be kind and affectionate. I have no confidence in the strength of
Lncnetertnretnentrsemat trent tester A AAs lath a“ nares ys inition ar netroots et —
tay my own wisdom, and therefore I supplicate you all. I would narrate the
ty sreat deeds of Raghupati ; but my ability is little and his acts unfathomable.
ery I am not conscious of any special qualification or capacity ; my intellect in
ea short 1s beggarly while my ambition is imperial ; and I am thirsting for nec-
hi tar, when not even skim milk is to be had. Good people all, pardon my pre-
el | sumption and listen to my childish babbling, as a father and mother delight
ath to hear the lisping prattle of their little one. Perverse and malignant fools
fara may laugh, who pick out faults in others wherewith to adorn themselves. Every
peat one is pleased with his own rhymes, whether they be pungent, or insipid ; but
iss those who praise another’s voice are good men, of whom there are few in the
ant world ; there are many enough like the rivers, which on getting a rain-fall |
tt swell out a flood of their own, but barely one like the senerous ocean, which |
tp bt swells on beholding the fulness of the moon. :
ist Doha 12.
i 4 My lot is low, my purpose high ; but I am confident of one thing, that
a the good will be gratified to hear me, though fools may laugh.
Chaupai.
The laughter of fools will be grateful to me: the crow calls the foil’s
4 te voice harsh. The goose ridicules the swan, and the frog the chdtak ; so the
ie low and vile abuse pure verse. As they have no taste for poetry nor love for
aps! Rama, I am glad that they should laugh. If my homely speech and poor
ys wit are fit subjects for laughter, let them laugh ; it is no fault of mine. If
Kut they have no understanding of true devotion to the Lord, the tale will
seem insipid enough: but to the true and orthodox worshippers of Hari and
asl Hara the story of Raghubar will be sweet as honey. The singer’s devotion
* The four ékaras, or modes of birth are named Pindaja or viviparous ; andaja
or Oviparous ; swedaja, born in sweat like lice; and udbhijja, produced by sprouting,
, like a tree. The 84 lakhs of species are divided as follows: 9 lakhs of aquatic crea-
tures, 27 lakhs of those attached to the earth, 11 lakhs of insects, 10 lakhs of birds, 23
lakhs of quadrupeds, and 4 lakhs of men. The literal meaning of dkara being a mine,
Ahani which has the same primary signification, 1s used for it in Chaupdi 44.
B
Si a ngs ee ee oe yee Bes
i0 F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémdyana of Tulsi Das. [No. 1,
to Rama will by itself be sufficient embellishment to make the good hear
and praise his melody. Though no poet, nor clever, nor accomplished ;
though unskilled in every art and science ; though all the elegant Aone
of letters and rhetoric, and the inten variations of metre, and the inf-
nite divisions of sentiment and style, and all the defects and excellencies of
verse and the gift to distinguish between them are unknown to me, I de-
clare and record it on a fair white sheet—
Doha 13.
That though my style has not a single charm of ifs own, 1t hasa charm
known throughout the world, which men of discernment will ponder as they
read—
Chaup ie.
The gracious name of Raghupati; all-purifying essence of the Purdnag.
and the Veda, abode of all that 1s auspicious, destroyer of all that is inaus.
picious, ever murmured in prayer by Uma and the great T'ripurari. The
most elegant composition of the most talented poet gives no pleasure, if
the name of Rama is not m it ; in the same way as a lovely woman adorned
with the richest jewels 1s an if unclothed. But the most worthless pro-
duction of the feeblest versifier, 1f adorned with the name of Rama, is heard
and repeated with reverence by the wise, like bees gathering honey : though
the poetry has not a single merit, the glory of Réma is manifested in it.
This is the confidence which has possessed my soul: is there anything
which good company fails to exalt? Thus smoke forgets its natural pun-
gency, and with incense yields a sweet scent. My language is that in vul-
gar use, but my subject is the highest, the story of Rama, enrapturing the
world.
Chhand 1.*
Though rapturous lays befit his praise, who cleansed a world accurst,
Yet Tulsi’s rivulet of song may slake a traveller’s thirst.
How pure and blest on Siva’s breast shew the vile stains of earth !
So my poor song flows bright and strong illumed by Réma’s worth.
Doha 14. 15.
From its connection with the glory of Rama, my verse will be most
grateful to every one; when you apply sandal to your forehead, do you
think of it as merely a production of wood ? Though a cow be black, its milk
is pure and wholesome and all men drink it ; and so, though my speech is
% A Chhand is generally a somewhat enthusiastic outburst, in which the oft-re-
peated rhyme is a little apt to run away with the sense. Whenever one occurs, I shall
indicate its special character by giving it a metrical version. Its first line always re-
peats some word that occurred in the last line of the preceding stanza.
et SFY ween: at Pe ieSese gat oe AS FS
1876.| F.8. Growse—The Prologue to the Rimayana of Tulsi Dés. 11
rough, it tells the glory of Sita and Rama, and will therefore be heard and
repeated with pleasure by sensible people.
Chaupat.
A diamond in a serpent’s head, a ruby on a mountain top, a pearl in
an elephant’s head are all without beauty; but in a king’s diadem or on a
lovely woman they are lustrous in the extreme. Similarly, as wise men
tell, poetry is born below, but inspired from above; for it is in answer to
pious prayer that the muse leaves her heavenly abode and speeds to earth ;
without immersion in the fountain of Réma’s deeds, all labour and trouble
count for nothing. A sensible poet understands this, and sings only of
Hari, the redeemer, and his virtues. To recount the doings of common
peopleis mere idle beating of the head, which the muse loaths. Genius is
as 1b were a shell in the sea of the soul, waiting for the October rain of
Inspiration ; if a gracious shower falls, each drop is a pearl of poetry :
Doha 16.
Then dexterously pierced and strung together on the thread of Rama’s
adventures, they form a beautiful chain to be worn on a good man’s
breast.
Chaupa.
Men born in ‘this grim iron age are outwardly swans, but inwardly as
black as crows ; walking in evil paths, abandoning the Veda, embodiments
of falsehood, vessels of impurity, hypocrites, professing devotion to Rama,
but slaves of gold, of passion and of lust. Among them I give the first
place to myself, a hypocrite alas! of the very first rank ; but were I to tell
all my vices, the list would so grow that it would have no end. I have
therefore said but very little, but a word is enough for the wise. Let none
of my hearers blame me for offering so many apologies ; whoever is trou-
bled in mind by them is more stupid and dull of wit than I am myself.
Though I am no poet and have no pretensions to cleverness, I sing as best
1 can the virtues of Rama. How unfathomable his actions, how shallow
my poor world-entangled intellect! Before the strong wind that could
uproot mount Meru, of what account is such a mere flock of cotton as I
am? When I think of R4ma’s infinite majesty, I tremble as I write.
Doha 17. |
For Sarasvati, Sesh-nag, Siva and Brahma, the Shastras, the Veda, the
Puranas, all are unceasingly singing his perfection, yet fail to declare it.
Chaupat.
All know the greatness of the Lord, yet none can refrain from repeat-
ing it. For this reason the Veda also has declared many different modes of
effectual worship. There is one Gop, passionless, formless, wncreated, the
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12 F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémayana of Tulsi Das. [No. 1,
universal soul, the supreme spirit, the all-pervading, whose shadow is the world;
who has become incarnate and done many things, only for the love that he
bears to his faithful people ; all-gracious and compassionate to the humble .
who in his mercy has refrained from anger even against the selfish and fro-
ward ; restorer of the past; protector of the poor ;* all sood, all-powerful,
the Lord Raghurdj. In this belief the wise sing the glory of Hari; and
their song thus becomes holy and meritorious. I, too, bowing my head to
Rama’s feet, am emboldened to sing his fame, following a path which hag
been made easy by the divine bards who have trodden it before me :
Doha 18.
As when a king has prepared a bridge over a broad stream, an ant,
insignificant as it is, is able to cross without difficulty.
Chaupar.
In this manner reassuring myself, I undertake to recount Réma’e
charming adventures, as they have been reverently told. by Vyasa and the
other great poets, whose lotus-feet I adore, praying, Fulfil ye my desire ;
both the Sanskrit poets of these latter days who have sung of Raghupati, and
also those of high intelligence who have written in Prdkrit and the vulgar
tongue. All who have been in time past, or who now are, or who hereafter
shall be, I bow to all in the utmost good faith and sincerity. Be propitious
and grant this boon that in assemblies of good men my song may be honoured !
If the good and wise will not honour it, the silly poet has had all his labour
in vain. The only fame, or poetry, or power, that is of any worth, is that which
hke Ganges water is good for all. The incongruity between Rdéma’s glory
and my rude speech makes me doubt ; but by your favour all will turn out
well; tor good sewing can be shown on coarse cloth no less than on silk.
Be kind enough to think of this, and my style will then match the excel-
lence of my theme.
Doha 19.
A clear style and an exalted theme are both eommendable ; and when
they are combined, an enemy even, forgetting his natural hostility, will
repeat the stram. But such a combination is not to be acquired without
genius, and genius I have none ; so again and again I beg of you to bear
with me while I sing the glory of Hari. The great poets are like the swans
sporting in the Manasa lake of Hari’s deeds ; look on me as a well-meaning
child and make allowances.+ |
* Ghartb-nawdz. This is the first Persian word that has occurred in the poem.
t+ In Hindi poetry it is considered a beauty if a phrase is so worded as to be capable
of two or more different interpretations. Thus the line rendered as above may be
literally translated: Hearing my childish supplication, seeing my good desire, be com-
passionate towards me—which is the meaning I have expressed. But it might with
POR SS Lr ES RR eae san en et GS BA ee Ce iat means Rateeegt 2 OE EERO cease ee
Se a eee ot Rie Be See eked eae
1876.] F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulst Das. 18
Sorathea 2.
I reverence the lotus-feet of the great sage who composed the Raémaya-
na, smooth strains on rough topics and faultless though a story of the
faulty.* I reverence the four Vedas, which are like a boat in which to
cross the ocean of existence, without ever dreaming of weariness, while
recounting Rama’s excellent glory. I reverence the dust on the feet of
Brahma, creator of this ocean-like world, from which have been produced
men, good and bad; as of old from the same source came at once ambrosia,
the moon, and the cow Kamadhenu, and also poison and intoxicating
hquor.
Doha 20.
Reverencing with clasped hands gods, Brahmans, philosophers and me
I pray: ‘ Be gracious to me and accomplish all my fair desire.’
Chaupat.
Again, I reverence the Sarasvati and the Ganges, both holy and beauti-_
ful streams, cleansing sin by a single draught or immersion, whose name
as soon as uttered or heard at once removes error. I adore as I would my
guru, or my natural parents, Siva and Parvati, protectors of the humble, daily
benefactors, servants and courtiers in attendance on Sité’s Lord, and in every
way Tulsi’s true friends; who in their benevolence and considering the
degeneracy of the times have themselves composed many spells in a barbarous
language, incoherent syllables and unintelligible mutterings, mysterious
revelations of the great Siva.t By his patronage I may make my story an
agreeable one, and by meditating on Siva and Parvati may relate Rama’s
adventures in a way that will give pleasure. It is only by his favour that
my verse can be beautified, as a dark night by the moon and stars. Who-
ever in a devout spirit, with intelligence and attention, hears or repeats this
lay of mine, he shall become full of true love for Rama, and cleansed from
worldly stains shall enjoy heavenly felicity.
equal correctness be rendered: Hearing my childish supplication, seeing their excellent
beauty, be compassionate towards me. It is sufficient to note this peculiarity once for
all; but there are an immense number of lines, in which, though the meaning which I
have adopted seems to me on the whole the one most appropriate to the context, it by
no means follows that other interpretations are not, from the grammarian’s point of
view, equally correct.
* A literal rendering would be—Rough, soft, beautiful, faultless, full of faults. But
there are two plays upon words; for sakhar, ordinarily ‘rough’ and therefore contrasted
with sakomal soft, is also intended to bear the meaning—‘ relating to the demon Khav’ ;
and similarly dishan sahit ‘full of faults’ can be forced into meaning ‘ with the demon
Diashan,
t+ The allusion is to the magic spells and mystical formularies of the Tantras, which
are for the most part mere strings of uncouth and utterly unmeaning words, They all
purport to have been revealed by Siva himself to Parvati.
/
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14 F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramdyana of Tulsi Dis. [No.1,
Doha 21.
Whether I am awake or dreaming, if Siva and Gauri grant me theiy
favour, then my words shall come true and this shall be the effect of my
song, though it be in the vulgar tongue.
Chaupat.
I reverence the holy city of Ayudhyd and the river Sarju cleansing
from all earthly impurity. I salute also the inhabitants of the city, for
whom the Lord had no little affection ; seeing that he ignored all the sin of
Sita’s calumniator and set men’s minds at rest.* I reverence Kausalya,
eastern heaven from which glory was diffused over the whole world; whence
Raghupati arose as a lovely moon, giving joy to the world, but bhghting
like a frost the lotus leaves of vice. To King Dasarath and all his queens,
incarnations of virtue and felicity, | make obeisance in word, deed, and heart,
saying Be gracious to me as to a son or a servant, O parents of Rdéma, that
acme of greatness, ye in whose creation the creator surpassed himself.
Soratha 8.
I reverence the king of Avadh, who had such true love for Rama’s feet,
that when parted trom his lord, his life snapped and parted too like a
straw. 3 | |
Chaupat.
I salute the king of Videha with all his court who had the greatest af.-
fection for Rama; though he concealed his devotion under royal state, yet
it broke out as soon as he saw him. Then next I throw myself at the feet
of Bharat, whose. constancy and devotion surpass description ; whose soul
like a bee thirsting for sweets was ever hovering round the lotus-feet of Ré-
ma. I reverence too the lotus-feet of Lachhman, cool, comely and source of
delight to their worshippers ; whose glory is as it were the standard for the
display of Rama’s pure emblazonment. Thou who, to remove the terrors of
the world, didst become incarnate in the form of the thousand-headed ser-
pent for the sake of the universe, be ever propitious to me, O son of Sumi-
tra, ocean of compassion, store-house of perfection. I bow also to Ripu-
sidan (¢. e. Satrughna) the generous hero, Bharat’s constant companion ;
and to the conqueror Hanuman, whose glory has been told by Rama
himself—_
* The calumniator was a dhobi, whose wife had gone away without asking his
permission to her father’s house and had stayed there three days. On her return her ©
husband refused to take her in, saying, Do you think I am a Réma who takes back his
Sita after she has been living for eleven months in another man’s house ? When this came
to Rama’s ears, he showed his respect for the delicacy of his subjects by dismissing Sita,
and instead of punishing the dhobi promoted him to honour,
1876.| EF. S. Growse—The Prologue of the Ramayana of Tulsi Das. 15
Soratha 4,
The son of the Wind, of profound intelligence, like a consuming fire in
the forest of vice, in whose heart Rama, equipped with bow and arrows, has
established his home.
Chawpat.
The monkey-lord, the king of bears and demons, Angad. and all the
monkey host, I throw myself at the benign feet of them all, for though
contemptible in appearance they yet found Réma. I worship all his faith-
ful servants—whether birds, beasts, gods, men, or demons—all his unselfish
adherents. 1 worship Sukadeva, Sanat-Kumdra, Narad, and the other sages
of excellent renown, putting my head to the ground and crying, ‘ My lords, be
eracious to your servant.’ I propitiate the lotus-feet of Janak’s daughter,
Janaki, mother of the world, best beloved of the fountain of mercy, by
whose grace J may attain to unclouded intelligence. Again in heart, in word
and deed, I worship the all-worthy feet of Raghunath, the glance of whose
lotus eyes like an arrow from the bow rejoices his votaries by destroying all
their misfortunes. |
Doha 22.
As a word and its meaning are inseparable, and as a wave cannot be
distinguished from the water of which it is composed, the difference being
only in the name; so with Rdma and Sité, the refuge of the distressed,
whom I adore. |
Chaupar.
Tadore the name of Rama as borne by Raghubar,* the source of all
light, whether of the fire, or the sun, or the moon ; substance of the triune god ;
vital breath of the Veda; the passionless; the incomparable ; the source of
all good; the great spell muttered by Mahadev and enjoined by him as
necessary to salvation even at Kasi. By contessing its power, Ganes ob-
tained the first place among the gods ;+ by its power, though he muttered it
backwards, the great poet Valmiki attamed to purity; by its repetition,
alter she had heard from Siva that it was equal to a thousand names,
* For there are two other Ramas, besides Rama-chandra ; viz. Parasu-réma and
Bala-rama.
+ According to the legend: the gods were disputing among themselvey as to which
of them should be accounted the first. To settle the matter, Brahma proposed that they
all should race round the world. They started accordingly, each on the animal which
he most delighted to ride ; and Ganes being mounted, as was his custom, on nothing
better than a rat, was of course soon left far behind. In his distress the sage Narad
appeared to him and suggested that he should write the word R4ma in the dust and
pace round that, for in it was virtually included all creation. This he did and returned
to Brahma who at once awarded him the prize..
: ‘ t i aie Ae ‘ SF aaiisneit decadence Sie ed Giailacedladinaien rectoanal I aA IEC Ee LN Et a A AB
arnnncineertenaneaiatihnitinbeabiiecmann SSIES COEUR Tet alain een eaeeieimahinaaniidapdtddbaareigiealneninat mauscaann cess aamaniasmsanenaeneaamremameemmenieemmmmnremdintadumssaauimdaniarsiorice ceca ia satecks Auemubemiandadienenmn acumen eae aie —— pa ‘ bres er ae eae Se elaine :
~ a we wt meee te , One tee “
16 F.S. Growse—The Prologue of the Rémdyana of Tulsi Dds. [No. 1,
BhawaAni was able to join her husband ;* while he, Mahadev, in his delight
on beholding her simple faith, assumed the woman, making that ornament
of her sex the ornament of his own body. Again, it was by the power of
this name that the poison swallowed by Mahddev was converted into
ambrosia. |
Doha 23.
Devotion to Rama, says Tulsi Das, is like the rich season of the rains;
but the two syllables of Rama’s name are best of all, like the months of SAwan
and Bhadon—
Chaupat.
Two sweet and gracious syllables, the eyes as it were of the soul, easy
to remember, satisfying every wish, a gain in this world, and felicity in the
next ; most delightful to utter, to hear, or to remember ; as dear to Tulsi ag
the mseparable Rama and Lachhman. My love is inflamed as I speak of
these mystic syllables, as intimately connected as the universal soul and the
soul of man ; twin brothers like Nara and Narayan, preservers of the world,
redeemers of the elect ; bright jewels in the ears of beautéous Faith ; pure
and beneficent as the sun and the moon; like sweetness and contentment,
the inseparable attributes of ambrosia ; like the tortoise and serpent, support-
ers of the world ; like the bee and the lotus of a pious soul ; and as sweet to
the tongue as Hari and Balardma were sweet to Jasoda.
| Doha 24.
Like a royal umbrella or jewelled diadem over all the other letters of
the alphabet shine the two consonants in RA4ma’s name.
Chawpar.
A name may be regarded as equivalent to what is named, the connec-
tion being such as subsists between a master and servant. Both name and
form are shadows of the Lord, who rightly understood is unspeakable and
uncreated. ‘They are sometimes wrongly distinguished as greater and less ;
but the wise will understand my explanation of the difference between them.
See now, the form is of less importance than the name ; for without the name
you cannot come to a knowledge of the form; if the very form be in your
hand, still without knowing the name, it is not recognized ; but meditate on
the name without seeing the form, and your soul is filled with devotion.
* One day when Siva had finished eating, he called to his wife Parvati to come and
take her food too before it got cold. She pleaded that she had not yet finished repeat-
ing, according to her daily wont, the thousand names of Vishnu ; whereupon her
husband instructed her that it would suffice if she said the mere name of ‘ Rama’ once,
for that had as much virtue as all the thousand. She at once believed him and com-
plied ; and the god was so pleased at her ready faith that in her honour he assumed the
Ardha-nari, or half-male, half-female form.
——E —a aot a 7s = Si
= ~ St See aS ale bye Ss ers x a Se Oe” Se ee eS ee a ee Se oe
As
1876.] F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramdyana of Tulsi Dés. 17
The mystery of name and form is unspeakable and cannot be told, but
delightful to those who have intuition of it ; the name acting as a witness
between the material and immaterial forms J the deity, and se a guide
and interpreter to both.
Doha 25.
Place the name of Rama as a jewelled lamp at the door of your lips
and there will be light, as you will, both inside and out.
Chaupds.
As his tongue repeats this name, the ascetic wakes to life, his thoughts
free from passion and all detached from the world; he enjoys the incom-
parable felicity of God, who is unspeakable, er without either
name or form. Those who would understand mysteries, by repeating this
name understand them; the religious, who repeat this name absorbed in
contemplation, become workers ef miracles,* and acquire the power of ren-
dering themselves invisible and the like; those who repeat it when burden-
ed with affliction are freed from their troubles and become happy. Thus
there are in the world four kinds of Rama-worshippers, all four good, holy
and beneficent ; but of these four sages who trust in the name they are the
most dear to the Lord who understand his mysteries. His name is great
in the four Vedas and in the four ages of the world, but in this fourth age
especially there is no other hope.
Doha 26. |
All free from sensual passions and absorbed in devout affection to
Rama, the soul disports itself like a fish in the ambrosial lake of his beloved
name.
Chauptit.
The Supreme may be regarded both as devoid of all qualities and also
as the quality of goodness; in either aspect it is unspeakable, unfathom-
able, without beginning and without parallel. To my mind the name is
greater than both forms, for by its own might it has brought both under its
sway. My friends must not take this as an exaggeration on my part, for I
say 1t confidently and with sincere devotion. ‘The knowledge of the supreme
is of two kinds, like fire which is either internal or visible; each is in itself
incomprehensible but is comprehended by means of the name; and there-
* The miraculous powers that can be acquired by perfect saints, or siddhds, are
reckoned as eight in number, and are called animd, mahimd, garimd, laghimd, prapti,
prakémya, isitwd, and vasittwd. ‘These words denote the faculty: 1st, of becoming
infinitely small ; 2nd, of becoming infinitely great; 8rd, of becoming infinitely heavy ;
4th, of becoming infinitely light; 5th, of obtaining whatever one wishes ; 6th, of doing
whatever one wishes ; 7th, of absolute supremacy ; 8th, of absolute subjugation.
C
EEDA EAE
ES Tae eee aaa es
eaten
Sven sit
ets
BN A ee EO NEA LION TET LED ARON LIES OY SHE SDNY
OLLIE IOP ILE IO OTE
SST TON EERE ta ETS!
SREB IRSA GOR
SA ONG tes
SNES TR AN
ea
-
ea
cf
. >" Se ote Qe emp ng # yn Oat egy — 4 0
ee ee hen =” ~~
18 F. 8. Growse—The Prologue to the Rdmayana of Tulsi Dés. [No. f,
fore I say that the name is greater than either Brahm or Rama. For the
one immortal, true, sentient, complete and blissful Brahm is all-pervading .
yet though such an unchangeable Lord is in our very soul, the whole crea.
tion is in slavery and wretchedness, till he is revealed in definite shape and
is energized by the name ; as a Jewel is not valued, till it is so called,
Doha 27,
Thus the virtue of the name is infinite and transcends the supreme ;
and in my judgment is greater than Rama himself.
Chaupat.
From the love that he bore to his followers, Rama took the form of a
man and by himself enduring misery secured their happiness. By inces-
santly and devoutly repeating his name, all the faithful may attain to felicity.
Rama himself redeemed only one woman, the ascetic’s wife ;* but his name
has corrected the errors of millions of sinners. To gratify the Rishi
Viswamitra, Rama wrought the destruction of Suketu’s daughter TAdak4
with her son Maricha and his army ; but as the sun puts an end to night,
so his name has scattered all crime and pain and despair. In his own per-
son Rama broke the bow of Siva, but his glorious name has broken the fear
of death ;{ the Lord himself restored to life only the forest of Dandaka,+ but
his name has sanctified countless generations ; the son of Raghu destroyed
many demons, but his name has destroyed all the evil of the world.
Deha 28.
Raghunath conferred immortality on all his own faithful servants
even down to the vulture Jatatyu;§ but his name, precious theme of the
Vedas, has delivered innumerable wretches.
Chaupat.
Rama, as all men know, extended his protection to Sugriva and Vi-
bhishana ; but his name has protected countless supplicants, shining forth,
* Ahalya, the wife of the Rishi Gautama, having been seduced by the god Indra,
was cursed by her indignant lord and doomed to remain alone and invisible in the for-
est for thousands of years till Rama should come and redeem her.
+ Here is a play wpon words which cannot be preserved in the translation; for in
the first half of the couplet the word dhava is to be taken as a name of Siva, while in the
second half it means life; or rather death; since according to Hindu ideas all conscious
life is merely a preparation for inevitable death.
+ Dandaka is the name of the pathless forest near the Godavari, where Sita was
stolen away by Ravan. |
§ The bird Jatéyu stopped the chariot in which Sita was being carried off by Ra- —
van and was mortally wounded by the giant, but he lived long enough to give Rama
tidings of his beloved. In return for his faithful services Rama and Lakshman them-
selves performed his funeral rites,
1876.] F. 8. Growse—The Prologue to the Rdmdyana of Tulsi Das, 19
gloriously in the world and the Veda. R&ma assembled a host of bears
and monkeys and had no little trouble to build his bridge ; his name can dry
up the ocean of life; meditate thereon, O ye faithful. Rdma killed in
battle Ravan and all his family and returned with Sit4* to his own city, a
king to Avadh his capital, while gods and saints hymned his praises; but
his servants, if only they affectionately meditate on his name, vanquish
with ease the whole army of error, and move, absorbed in interior ecstasy,
without even a dream of sorrow.
Doha 29.
The Name is greater than either Brahm or Réma, and is the best sift
of the best giver ; this Mahadev knew when he selected it from the hundred
eroresy ot verses in the Ramayana.
Chaupai. |
By the power of this name the blessed god of curst attire, even the
great Siva, acquired immortality; by the power of this name Sukadeva,
Sanat-kumara, and all saints, sages and ascetics have enjoyed heavenly
raptures ; Narad too acknowledged its power, himself as dear to Hara and
Hari as Hari is dear to the world ; by repeating this name Prahlad through
the Lord’s grace became the crown of the faithful.t Dhruva in his distress
repeated the name of Hari, and was rewarded by a fixed and incomparable
station in the heavens ;§ by meditating on this holy name Hanuman won
and kept the affection of Rama; by the power of Hari’s name Ajamil|| and
* Sugriva, the monkey chief, assisted Rama in his search for Sita by shewing him
the ornaments she had purposely dropped on the way; and Rdma rewarded him by
installing him as sovereign of Kishkindyd in the place of his brother Bali. Similarly,
Vibhishana was made king of Lank4 in the room of Ravan.
+ Of these hundred crores it is said that Siva distributed 33 crores té each of the
three worlds. The one crore that remained over he similarly divided into three sets of
33 lakhs each ; the odd lakh into three sets of 30 thousand each ; the odd thousand again
into three sets of three hundred each ; the odd hundred into three sets of thirty-three
each and finally the one remaining s/oka into three sets of ten letters each. The two
letters that remained over, being the two consonants in the name of Réma, he kept for
himself as containing the gist of the whole matter.
¢ Prahlad, the pious son of the impious Hiranya-Kasipu who was destroyed by
Vishnu in the Narsinh avatar, was made equal to Indra for life and finally united with
Vishnu.
§ Dhruva, the son of Utténapdda, being slighted by his step-mother, left his home
with the determination of winning himself a name in the world. By the advice of the
seven Rishis, he devoted himself to the service of Vishnu, and was finally exalted by the
god to the heavens, where he shines as the pole-star.
| According to the history given in the 6th Skandha of the Sri Bhdgavat, Ajdmil
was a Brahman of Kanauj, of most dissolute and abandoned life. By a happy chance
the youngest of the ten sons whom he had by a prostitute was named Nardyan; and
the father when at the point of death happened to summon him to his side. But the
sn” eatin oss, rae a al =
eth ogg thy
SMA Pe
FSMD er cat ohh 9m BIC
ee ae ne
ace tanta a rt a
EEA Ee Br eet es RA eae 4 ws
EAI AOR OE HPO RIN BU NC NTR
OT ae
PEEL MIF EE GLO GE MO LODE LILES SL ISLIP
Bete: a seer s eeeeminmeemeritnen alee aiid cee mantel
«Ay ee | at oh oe =
cle a tay nil
a = ¢
- = os pert eee +7. ea: ——
99 ¥F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulsi Dés. [No. f,
the elephant and the harlot all three obtained salvation : why farther extend
the list ? not even the mcarnate Rama could exhaust it.
Doha 80.
The name of Rama is as the tree of Paradise, the centre of all that ig
good in the world ; and whoever meditates upon it, becomes (says Tulsi
Das) transformed as 1t were were from a vile hemp stick into a sweet smell.
ing Tulsi plant.
Chaupat.
In all four ages of the world ; in all time, past, present, or future ; ix
the three spheres of earth, heaven and hell; any creature that repeats this
name becomes blessed. This is the verdict of the Veda, the Puranas and al]
the saints—that the love of Rama is the fruit of all virtue. Inthe first ave,
contemplation ; in the second age, sacrifice; in the Dvdpar age, temple
worship was the appointed propitiation ; but in this vile and impure iron
age, where the soul of man floats like a fish in an ocean of sin, in these fear:
ful times, the Name is the only tree of life, and by meditating on it all com-
motion is stilled. In these evil days neither good deeds, nor piety, nor
spiritual wisdom is of afty avail, but only the name of Rama: his name is as
it were the wisdom and the might of Hanwméan to expose and destroy the
Kalanemi-like* wiles of the wicked world.
god Narayan, thus casually invoked, himself came in answer to the call, and rescued
the guilty soul from the demons that were about to carry it off to hell,
The story of the elephant is given in the 8th Skandha of the same Puréna. An
alligator had seized him by the foot while bathing, and though he struggled des-
perately for 2000 years, he was unable to rid himself of his enemy, and at last was
deserted by all his wives and children. He then began to give himself up for lost ; but
reflecting on the pertinacity of the alligator he came to the conclusion that the creature
must be the embodiment of all the sins he had committed in previous existences and
that god alone could save him. He therefore addressed a fervent prayer to Néréyan,
who thus invoked by name came down from heaven and with his discus Sudarsan cut
off the alligator’s head and delivered the suppliant.
The 8th Chapter of the 11th Skandha gives the story of the penitent prostitute
Pingala.
* Kélanemi was the uncle of Ravan, who promised him half his kingdom if he
would kill Hanuman. Accordingly he assumed the garb of a devotee and retired to a
solitary hermitage on a mountain-top, where in course of time he was visited by Hanu-
man. The latter accepted the hospitality of the holy man, as he took him to be, but
before eating went to a pond close by to bathe. Here as soon as he put his foot in the
Water, 1t was seized by a crocodile, which, however, he soon killed, and out of its dead
body sprung a beautiful nymph, who had long been under a curse. She bade him be-
ware of Kalanemi, who was sitting deep in thought and already enjoying in anticipa-
tion the kingdom which he made sure he had secured. His dream was rudely broken
by Hanumén who seized him in hig strong arm, and hurled him headlong through the
air, till he fell at Révan’s feet in Lanké.
SRR Se. ar aS Eig eae eee 8 pare Ge See OPT oe on wee Se —s
1876.] F. 8. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémdyana of Tulsi Dds. FI
Dohé 81.
As Narsinh was manifested to destroy the enemy of heaven Haranya-
kasipu, and protect Prahlad, so is Réma’s name for the destruction of the
world and the protection of the pious.
Chaupas.
By repeating this name, whether in joy or in sadness, in action or in
repose, bliss is diffused all around. Meditating upon it and bowing my
head to Raghunath, I compose these lays in his honour ; he will correct all
my defects, whose mercy 1s mercy inexhaustible. Thou La my good Lord,
I thy poor servant ; bear this in mind and graciously protect me. By the
experience of the would and the revelation of the Veda, Rama is known as a
kind master, hearing prayer and acknowledging affection. Rich or poor, vil-
lager or citizen, learned or unlearned, pure or impure, good poet or bad poet,
all according to their ability extol him as their king ; and he, good, amiable
and gracious, lord of incomparable compassion, hears and accepts their hon-
est attempts, recognizing in their words both devotion and a measure of
ability. This is the way with earthly kings, and Rama is their crown ; he is
satisfied with simple piety though. in one who is duller and feebler =? intel-
lect even than I am.
Doha 32-33.
The merciful Rama will regard the love and zeal of his poor servant,
he who made a ship out of a rock and wise ministers out of monkeys and
bears ; although Iam a bye-word, and every one says Rama is exposed to
ridicule in that he, being such a lord, has such a servant as Tulsi Das.
Chaupat.
My presumption is indeed very sad, as villanous and disgusting as
hell ; but seeing me alarmed with these terrors of my own, Réma would not
dream of regarding them; but hearing and with his own eyes perceiving
my good faith, the Lord applauded my devout intention. Though my story
is spoilt by the telling, Rama is satisfied and accounts it good, since the
will is good. The Lord is not mindful of a chance fault, but on every occa-
sion he considers the heart. Thus the very crime, for which he, like a hunts-
man killed Bali, was in turn the sin of Sugriva and again of Vibhishan ;
but in their case Rdma did not dream of censure, but honoured them both
at the meeting with Bharat and commended them in open court.
Doha 34-86.
The lord under the tree and the monkey on the bough he accounted all
equal to himself: says Tulsi, there is no master so generous as Rama. O
Rama, thy goodness is good to all, and if so, then good to Tulsi also. Thus
* «lw 7 ol ret Gree. ss —_=
22 F. 8. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramdyana of Tulsi Dds. [No. 1,
declaring my merits and detects and again bowing my head to all, I proceed
to tell the glorious acts of Raghubar, by the sound of which all the sin of
the world is effaced.
Chaupat. ,
Now listen all in friendly wise while I relate the story as I have heard
it, as it was communicated by Yajnavalkya to the great sage Bharadwaja.
It was first of all composed by Siva and graciously revealed to Uma and
again declared to Kaka-bhusundi, known to be chief among the votaries of
Rama. From him Yajnavalkya received it, and he recited it to Bharad.
vaja. These listeners and reciters were of equal virtue and had an equal
insight into Hari’s sportive actions. Their intellect comprehended all time,
as it were a plum in the palm of the hand; other intelligent votaries of
Hari have also in different ways heard, understood and spoken.
Dohé 37-88.
I again heard the story from my own master at Stikarkhet, (7. e. So-
ron)* without understanding it, when I was quite a child and had no sense.
And how could such a dull creature, being both ignorant and eaten up with
worldly impurities, understand so mysterious a legend and a dialogue be- —
tween such sage interlocutors.
Chaupat.
But my master repeated it time after time, till at length I understood
as much as could be expected ; and I now put it down in the vulgar tongue,
as well as my understanding allows me; with my heart fixed on Hari’s
messenger (z. ¢. Hanuman), I speak with all the little sense, judgment and
ability that I possess. The story that I have to tell clears my own doubts
as it does every other error and delusion, and is a raft on which to cross the
ocean of existence. The story of Rama is a resting-place for the intellect ;
a universal delight ; a destroyer of worldly impurity ; an antidote to the
venom of passion ; a match to enkindle the fire of wisdom ; the cow of plen-—
ty of this iron age; flowers of ambrosia to make good men immortal; a
stream of nectar on the face of the earth; destroyer of death; a snake to
devour toad-like error; befriending the good by the destruction of hell, in
the same way as Parvati befriended the gods by destroying the army of
demons ; like Lakshmi rising from the sea in the assembly of the saints ;
immovable as the earth that supports all the weight of creation ; like the
- Jamuna, to put to shame the angel of death; like Kasi the saviour of all
living creatures; as dear to Réma as the pure Tulsi; as dear to Tulsi
a, Soron, the modern name, is a corruption of Stikara-gréma (Boar-town). The
place is still much frequented by pilgrims ; the principal concourse being on the festival
of the Varaha (or Boar) avatar. Stkara-grama = Star-g4nw = Stardnw = Soron.
- FO ee BO Rap ah then Rie ih Ge OE Ee ae Ee SeF iShares ut
1876.) F. S. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémdyana of Tulst Das. 23
Das as his own heart’s desire; as dear to Siva as the daughter of Mount
Mekal (¢. e. the Narmada) bestower of all perfection and prosperity ; like
Aditi gracious mother of all the gods ; the perfect outcome of love and devo-
tion to Raghubar.
Doha 89.
The story of Rama is as the river Manddékini and a good intention like
Mount Chitrakut, while sincere affection is as it were the forest whet Ra-
ma and Sitd love to abide.
Chaupiat.
The legend of Rama is like the delectable wishing-stone ; or as fair
jewels to adorn Wisdom, the saint’s bride ; His perfection is the joy of the
world, conferring a state of virtue, wealth and eternal salvation ;* is a saint-
ly instructor in wisdom, asceticism, and spiritual contemplation; like the
physician of the gods to heal the fearful diseases of life; the very parent of
devotion to Sita and Rama; the seed of all holy vows and practices ; the
destroyer of sin, of pain and of sorrow; our guardian in this world and the
next; the Prime Minister and the General of Kingly Counsel; a very
Agastyay to drink up the illimitable ocean of desire; a young lion in the
forest of life to attack the wild elephants of lust, anger and sensual impu-
rity ; as dear to Siva as the presence of a highly-honoured guest; as an
abundant shower to quench the fire of meanness; a potent spell against the
venom of the world; effacing from the forehead the deep brand of evil
destiny ; dispelling the darkness of error like the rays of the sun; like a
shower on a rice-field refreshing the aridity of prayer; like the tree of Pa-
radise, granting every desire; like Hari and Hara accessible and gracious
to all servants; like the stars in the clear autumn sky of the poet’s mind ;
like the richness of life enjoyed by Rama’s votaries ; like the perfect felicity
that is the reward of virtue; like the assembly of the faithful in benevo-
lence and composure; like a swan in the pure lake of the believer’s soul ;
like the abundant flood of Ganga’s purifying stream.
* The reading of all the copies I have seen is Dani mukti dhan dharm dhdm ke ;
and this accordingly I have translated. But didm might, with advantage, be corrected
to kdm, in which case the enumeration would be the ordinary four-fold one of the ends
of human existence viz. dharm, kdm, artha, moksha, ‘religion, pleasure, wealth and final
salvation.’ It is, however, possible that Tulsi may purposely have suppressed ‘dm, plea-
sure, as unworthy to be accounted a reAos ; though in many other passages he includes
it. Dhdm may also be translated the Supreme Being, in which sense it gives a name
to the sect of the Dhamis, or disciples of Prén Nath.
t+ As Agastya was one day worshipping by the sea-side, a wave came and washed
away some of his altar furniture; whereupon in three draughts he drank the whole
ocean dry.
“
iectectncnini emitter ete bit chi nen eet sorhinienseaeretieacieseen
aiamehal Ae - See 5
Pg yi ote anne
oo3 Bae
PSE SAREE A OF Ale taplT eva eee RO ALS
etal tion el beta Patan sh zs
’ abe
- ala hn at ahi ke ,
a Sa a a |e
‘@aeiee eeen —_ *
st ~
ne Bee ee a — os
¥ ae .
24, F. S. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulsi Dés. LNo. 1,
— Doha 40-41.
Rama’s perfect merit 1s like a strong fire to consume the dry wood of
schism and heresy, evil practices and worldly deceit, hypocrisy and infidelity,
His acts are like the rays of the full moon that give pleasure to all, but
are specially consoling to the souls of the pious like the lotus and the
chakor. |
Chaupaz.
All the questions that Bhawani asked, with Sankara’s replies thereto,
I now proceed to give in substance, with agreeable diversity of style. Noone
is to be astonished if he should happen not to have heard any particular
legend before ; for a wise man on hearing for the first time any marvellous
act will feel no surprise, reasoning thus with himself: I know well that
there is no limit in the world to the stories about Rama, for he has in vari-
ous forms become incarnate, and the verses of the Ramayana are some thou-
sand millions in number ; his glorious acts are of myriad diversity and have
been sung by sages in countless ways. So indulge no doubts, but listen
reverently and devoutly.
Doha 42.
Sr Neeser
i
SESS i mee eeecceeeuanarens aa a all:
a,
Rama is infinite, his perfections infinite, and his legends of immeasur-
able extent ; men of enlightened understanding will therefore wonder at
nothing they hear.
Chaupat.
Having in this manner put away all doubt, I place on my head the dust
from the lotus-feet of my master, and with folded hands making a general
obeisance, that no fault may attach to my telling of the story, and bowing
my head reverently before Siva, I proceed to sing of Raéma’s excellent glory.
In this Sambat year of 1631, I write with my head at Hari’s feet, on Tues-
day the 9th of the sweet month of Chait at the city of Avadh; on the day
when the Scriptures say Rama was born ; when the spirits of all holy places
there assemble, demons, serpents, birds, men, saints and gods, and there
otter homage to Raghunath, while the enlightened keep the great birth-day
festival and hymn Raéma’s high glory.
Doha 48.
Pious crowds bathe in the all-purifying stream of the Sarji, and mur-
mur Rama’s name, while his dark and beautiful form is imprinted on their
heart.
Chaupaz.
The Vedas and Puranas declare that sin is cleansed by the mere sight
or touch of this holy stream as well as by bathing in or drinking of it. Its
1876.] FP. 8. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémdyana of Tulst Das. 25
immeasurable grandeur is indescribable even by the pure intelligence of Sara-
svati. The city, exalting to Rama’s heaven,* beautiful, celebrated through
all worlds, is so all-puritying that countless as are the number of animate
species that result from the four modes of birth, yet every individual that
is freed from the body at Avadh is free for ever. Knowing it to be in every
way charming, a bestower of success and a mine of auspiciousness, I there
made a beginning of my sacred song, which will destroy in those who hear
it the mad phrenzy of lust: its mere name—lake of RAma’s acts—serves to
refresh the ear, while the soul, like an elephant escaping from a forest on
fire with lust, plunges into it and gains relief ; delight of the sages, as
composed by Sambhu, holy and beautiful; consuming the three ill condi-
tions of sin, sorrow and want; putting an end to the evil practices and im-
purities of the wicked world; first made by Mahadeva and buried in the
deep lake of his own soul till at an auspicious moment he declared it to
Uma; thus Siva looking into his own soul and rejoicing gave it the ex-
cellent name of Ram-charit-manas.f And this is the blessed legend that I
repeat ; hear it, good people, reverently and attentively. |
Doha 4A,
Now meditating upon Uma and him who has a bull emblazoned on his
standard (7. e. Mahadeva) I explain the connection, shewing how it is a lake
and in what manner it 1s formed and for what reason it has spread through
the world.= —
Chaupaa.
By the blessing of Sambhu a bright idea has come into the poet Tul-
si’s mind regarding the Raém-charit-ménas, which I will state as well as I
can, subject to the correction of those good people whose attention I invite.
The heart is as it were a deep place in a land of good thoughts, the Vedas
and Puranas are the sea, and saints are as clouds, which rain down praises of
Rama in sweet, grateful and auspicious showers; the sportive actions re-
lated of him are like the inherent purity and cleansing power of rain-
water, while devotion, which is beyond the power of words to describe, is its
Sweetness and coolness. When such a shower falls on the rice-fields of vir-
* The compound may also mean,—giving a home to Rama—and probably both
meanings are intended.
+ From this it will be seen that the name which Tulsi Das himself gave to his
poem was not ‘the Rémayana,’ but the R4m-charit-manas ; a name which may be inter-
preted to mean either the lake or the soul of Rima’s acts, In the stanza above trans-
lated, the word is first taken in the one sense, and then in the other; and as there is no
English word with the same double sionification, some obscurity is unavoidable.
t The words may also bear the following secondary meaning: I relate the whole
history, shewing how the great soul became incarnate and why it dwelt in the world.
D
26 F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulsi Dds. [No. I
tue, it gives new life to the faithful, and as its holy drops fall to the earth
they are collected in the channel supplied by the ears, and flowing into the
lake of the soul fill it and then settle down permanently cool, beautiful
and refreshing. : |
Doha 45.
This pure and holy lake has four beautiful ghiats, viz. the four charming
dialogues contrived by divine wisdom ;
Chaupat.
The seven Books are its beautiful fhghts of steps which the eyes of the
soul delight to look upon; the unqualified and unsullied sreatness of Ra.
ghupati may be described as its clear and deep expanse. The glory of
Rama and Sita as its ambrosial water; the similes as its pretty wavelets ;
the stanzas as its beautiful lotus-beds ; the elegance of expression as lovely
mother-of-pearl ; the chhands, sorathas and couplets as many-coloured lotus
flowers ; the incomparable sense, sentiment and language as the lotus-pollen,
filaments and fragrance ; the exalted action as beautiful swarms ot bees;
the sage moral reflections as swans; the rhythm, involutions and all poeti-
cal artifices as diverse graceful kinds of fish; the precepts regarding the
four ends of life, the wise sayings, the thoughtful judgments, the nine
styles of composition,* the prayers, penance, abstraction and asceticism, of
which examples are given, are all the beautiful living creatures in the lake ;
the eulogies on the faithful, the saints, and the holy name are like flocks of
water-birds ; the religious audience are like circling mango groves and their
faith like the Spring season ; the expositions of all the phases of devotion
and of tenderness and generosity are like the trees and cahopying creepers ;
self-denial and holy vows are as flowers, and wisdom as the fruit; the love
for Hari’s feet as the sound of the Vedas ; and all other stories and episodes
as the parrots and. cuckoos and many kinds of birds.
Doha 46.
Pleasant is the sporting of the birds in erove, garden, or parterre,
‘where good intention like a gardener bedews the eyes with the water of
aifection. |
Chaupat. |
Those who accurately recite these lays are like the diligent guardians of
the lake; the men and women who reverently hear them, these excellent
* The 9 poetical styles (or Indian Muses) are the Sringér-ras, or erotic; the
Hasya-ras, or comic; the Karuné-ras, or elegiac ; the Bir-ras, or heroic ; the Raudra-
ras, or tragic; the Bhayanak-ras, or melancholic; the Vibhatsa-ras, or satiric; the
Shant-ras, or didactic; and the Adbhut-ras, or sensational,
> +, terete
—
SUE CK Stel ttiaees, en ee ee SePI Ty Legit: ot Pte Qe Ee
1876.] F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémdyana of Tulsi Das. 27
people are like its owners. Sensual wretches are like the cranes and crows
that have no part in this pond nor ever come near it ; for here are no pru-
rient and seductive stories like the snails, frogs, and scum on the water, and
therefore the lustful crow and greedy crane, if they do come, are disappoint-
ed. ‘There is much difficulty in getting to this lake, and it is only by the
favour of Rama that any one reaches it. For there are difficulties of evil
society ; rocks of heresy ; wicked words like tigers, lions, and serpents; the
various intanglements of domestic affairs, like vast insurmountable moun-
tains ; sensual desires like a dense forest full of wild delusions ; and un-
sound reasoning like a raging flood.
Doha 47.
For those who have not the support of faith nor the company of the
saints, nor fervent love for Raghundth ; for them this lake is very hard of
ACCESS. | eo Sef
Chaupat.
Again, if any one laboriously makes his way to it, but becomes over-
powered by sleep and feverishness, a strange torpor and numbness settle on
his soul, and though he is on the spot the luckless wretch makes no ablu-
tion. Having neither bathed in the lake nor drunk of it, he goes away in
his pride, and when some one comes to enquire of him he abuses it. But
those who by the blessing of R4ma gaze upon it, and deterred by no diffi-
culties, reverently bathe, are relieved from the fierce flames of sin, sorrow and
pain, and being sincerely devoted to Réma will never abandon it. If, my
friend, you would bathe in this lake, be diligent to keep company with
the good. As for myself, having thus with the mind’s eye contemplat-
ed it, my poetical faculty has become clear and profound, my heart swells
with joy and rapture and overflows in a torrent of ecstatic devotion.
My song pours on like a river flooded with Rdma’s bright renown; like
the river Sarju, fountain of bliss, with religion and theology for its two fair
banks ; a holy stream rejoicing the pious soul (or born of the Manas lake)
Sweeping away all worldly impurities like the trees and roots on its bank.
Doha 48. |
The three kinds of hearers in the assembly are like the towns, villages
and hamlets on the river side, while the saints are like the incomparable
eity of Avadh, full of all that is auspicious.
— Chaupar.
The beautiful Sarju, as it were the glory of Rama, has united with the
Ganges of devotion, and the magnificent river Son, like the warlike power
of Rama and his brother, has joined them as a third. Between the two, the
Ganges stream of devotion shines clear in its wisdom and self-control, while
98 F.S. Growse—The Prologue to the Ramdyana of Tulsi Dés. [No. 1
the combined flood destroying the triple curse of humanity, is absorbed in
the mighty ocean of very Rama. The united stream of the Manas-born
Sarju and the Ganges purifies the pious listener, while the various tales and
episodes interspersed here and there are the groves and gardens on its Op-
posite banks; the description of the marriage and wedding procession of
Uma and Siva are like the innumerable fish in the water; the joy and clad.
ness that attended Rd4ma’s birth are like beautiful swarms of bees.
Doha 49.
The childish sports of the four brothers are like the stores of goodly
merchandise ; the virtuous king and queen and their court like the bees and
water-birds.
Chaupat.
The charming story of Sita’s marriage like the bright gleam of the
flashing river; the many ingenious questions like the boats on the stream ;
the appropriate and judicious answers like the boatmen ; again, the argumen-
tative discussions show like crowding travellers; the wrath of Bhrigunath
like the rushing torrent ; Rama’s soft speech like the well arranged ghits;
the marriage festivities of Rama and Lakshman like the grateful swell of the
tide ; the thrill of pleasure that spreads through the delighted audience like
the ecstatic feelings of the virtuous bathers ; the auspicious preparations for
marking Rama’s forehead with the ¢clak like the crowds assembled on holi-
days ; and like the river mud is Kaikeyi’s evil counsel, the cause of many
calamities.
Doha 50.
Like prayers and sacrifices effectual to remove every misfortune are
Bharat’s virtuous acts; while the corruptions of the world, and sinful men,
and slanderers are like the scum on the water and the cranes and crows.
Chaupat.
This river of glory is beautiful in each of the six seasons, bright and
holy exceedingly at all times. In winter there is the marriage of Siva
with the daughter of the showy mountains; in the dewy days the glad
-Yejoicings at the Lord’s birth ; the account of the preparations for Réma’s
wedding are for the delightful and auspicious spring ; Rama’s intolerable
banishment, the story of his rough journeyings and exposure to the sun and
wind are the hot-weather ; his encounters with fierce demons, by which he
gladdens the hosts of heaven, are like the rains that refresh the fields ; the
prosperity of his reign, his meekness and sreatness, are like the clear, bounti-
ful and loyely autumn* ; the recital of the virtues of Sita, that jewel of
* The six Hindu seasons, to which allusion is here made, are Hemant, winter;
Sisir, the early spring; Basant, the spring; Grishm, the hot weather; Varsha, the
rains; and Sarad, the autumn,
t..
-
1876.| EF. 8. Growse—The Prologue to the Rémdyana of Tulsi Dis. 29
faithful wives, 1s as the undefiled and excellent water; the amiability of
Bharat as its unvarying coolness.
Doha 51.
Their looks and words at meeting, their mutual love and laughter, ‘the
true fraternal aifection of the four brothers are as the water’s sweet odour.
Chaupar. |
My supplant address and self-depreciation and modesty correspond to
the singular lightness of good water, which is anything but a defect. This
marvellous lymph works its effect by the mere hearing, quenching the thirst
of desire and cleansing the soul of impurity; it resuscitates true love to
Rama and puts an end to all the sin and sorrow of the world, draining life
of its weariness, comforting with true comfort, destroying sin and pain and
poverty and error, dispelling lust and passion and phrenzy and infatuation,
and promoting pure intelligence and detachment from the world. Those
who reverently drink or bathe in this stream, from their soul is effaced all
sin and distress; those who do not cleanse their heart in it are wretches
whom the world has ruined, turning back, hapless creatures! like a panting
deer that has seen a river in a mirage.
Doha 52-54.
Thus have I declared to the best of my ability the virtues of this excel-
lent water, and having plunged my own soul in it, and ever remembering
Bhawani and Sankara I proceed with my delectable story. I will first repeat
in substance the original conversation, with the questions put by Bharadwé-
ja when he found the Muni Yajnavalkya ; and laying my soul at the lotus
feet of Raghupati and thus securing his patronage, I will sing the meeting
of the two great saints and their auspicious discourse.
Thus ends the Prologue and from here the real action of the poem com-
MeNCES.
ROO OPP LO BEBE BA BABA LBB LLOOS™ OT
7 eS Sewn abort ii ereg Oe pO ey 0 et ee
>
On Early Asiatie Kure Weapons.—By M aJOR-GENERAL
R. Mactagan, R. E.
The use of fire in some form or other in war, must have sugeested
itself to fighting people at a very early period in all countries, and has
probably been practised in all ages, both for attack and for defence. To 7
earry fire and sword into an enemy’s territory is the common representation of
active and desolating aggression. And from the simple and direct application |
of fire to the destruction of dwellings and other property, it was a natural step i
to devise ways of applying it trom a distance by means of burning matter |
attached to missiles. — |
In our day the term jire-arms is applied to weapons which, by means | i
of explosive matter, project heavy bodies to a distance, though no fire may i
be carried by the missile itself. Early fire weapons in all countries sent the F
fire with the missile, discharging 1t by the mechanical appliances in ordinary
use for throwing missiles of other kinds. |
| When the use of igneous projectiles of any kind came to be commonly , i
practised, endeavour was then made to devise means of projecting them i
with force that they might reach to a greater distance; and, at the same
time, of making them as tenacious as possible of the fire they carried, and as
violent as possible in their combustion. Success in the first of these objects
would, with the more ordinary inflammable materials, defeat the second,*
and a great advantage was gained by the use, for this purpose, of combusti-
bles of some more powerful kind.
The earliest kinds of fire-missiles appear to have been much the same
everywhere—arrows tipped with oiled flax, or wrapped with some soft mat-
ter soaked in oil, and discharged in the ordinary way from bows. Such was
the simple contrivance which, nearly five centuries before our era, the Per-
sians who had occupied Mars Hill, made use of to fire the palisades of the
defenders of the Acropolis.f And such, probably with little variation, were
the fire-arrows{ that were used in all countries for some hundreds of years.
After a time, the improvement was introduced of putting the fire in a small
perforated case, or hollow enlargement of the shaft, a little behind the
point, which was roughly barbed to make it hold hard in the object assailed
and keep the fire applied so long as it lasted. This was the malleolus, as
== —
* So with one of the early forms of fire-arrow,—Et si emissa lentius arcu invalido
(ictu enim rapidiore exstinguitur) haeserit usquam, tenaciter cremat, &c. Ammian.
Marcell., XXIII, 4, 15 and XXIII, 6, 37.
t Herod., VIII. 52.
} Alluded to generally in Eph. vi. 16 as BéAn wervpwuéva, and more or less specifi-
cally by various authors as ruppédpor diorol, tuphdpa Totevuara, Td mupoBdAa, Ke. |
ae = =
ee =S 7
—
a
=
S=—T- >
1876. | R. Maclagan—On Early Astatice Fire Weapons. 31
it was made in the fourth century ;* a missile which seems to have been
familiar for a long time under that hame,f and which was no doubt origi-
nally made hammer-headed in some Sense, and aiterwards had the fire case
put into this more effective shape. It is of this improved missile that Am-
mianus says it had to be projected with only moderate force, as otherwise
the fre was apt to go out in the course of its fheht. The fire-bearing
javelin (called falarica), which was thrown by hand or with greater force
by a tormentum or twisted cord apparatus, either had the ignited matter
wrapped round the point} or, like the malleolus, carried the fire in a metal
case or cage.§ And trom the war engines were also thrown vessels of com-
bustibles by themselves. ||
Kach of these kinds of burning missiles acquired inereased efficiency by
the employment of materials giving a more effective and persistent flame ; and
petroleum or naphtha, when obtainable, or other bituminous products, came
to be used in place of the vegetable oils.{] In countries in which these mineral
oils are found, in some form or other, the effective character of the fire used in
this way in war may be generally ascribed to the use of materials of this class.
Naphtha appears to have been the first and chief of the materials used for
producing the Greek Fire,** which was the most distinctive and destructive
of the war-missiles of the middle ages in the East. Other inflammable sub-
stances, combined with naphtha or petroleum in the Greek Fire composi-
tions, came next to be used in similar manner without the oil. And these
dry compounds, of various proportions, used at first only in this way,
reached their highest power and application when, in the form of gunpow-
der, the explosive material was employed not merely for the purpose of
* Amm. Marcell., XXIII, 4, 14.
) + —plena omnia malleolorum ad urbis incendia comparatorum (Cic., Pro Mil.,
XXIV).
{ As used by the defenders of Saguntum against Hannibal:—ad extremum unde
ferrum exstabat. Id sicut in pilo quadratum stuppa circumligabant liniebantque pice.
(Liv. XXT, 8.) And the flame, it is stated, instead of being extinguished, gained increased
force in its passage through the air.
§ Vegetius, De Re Militari, IV. XVIII.
| ayyea wuppdpa. Polyb., XXI, 5,1. <Arrian, Exp. Alex. I, 21, 22, 23; II, 19. Diod.
Ste, XX. 4, Tue., Hist. If. 21. Virg., Ain, X. 1380. 1. Maccad., VI, 51. Ockley,
flist. of the Saracens, 427).
_ 4 Bitumen, sulphur, picem liquidam, oleum quod incendiarium vocant ad exuren-
das hostium machinas, convenit praeparare. Vegetius, De Re Militari, IV, 8, and V, 14.
dyyeiw dé Oelov ra) aTPaATov €uTAnoamEVoL Kal papudkov dmep Mido wey vaplav Kadovow,
PEAAnves 38 Mydetas ZAaov. (Procopius, de Bell. Goth., quoted in Lalanne’s Recherches sur
le Feu Grégeois, p. 48).
** “Tt would seem that the principal ingredient of the Greek Fire was naphtha or
liquid bitumen.” Gibson, Chap. LI.
et tt eae
“+4. ~~ yet * --
39 R. Maclagan—On Harly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No. 1,
feeding the fire in the projectile, but as the agent for discharging it. This
last is the great step from medieval to modern artillery.
The advance from one kind of fire-missile and fire material to others
more effective has not, there 1s reason to believe, been made by immediate
invention or discovery. Local conditions have originated, and practical
experience has extended and modified, the use of various preparations
and contrivances for this purpose. M. Reinaud, in the work* issued
jointly by him and Colonel Favé in 1845, has brought together a,
number of extracts from Arabic works giving receipts for the prepar-
ation of war-fire of sorts, showing that the compositions which it has been
the custom to call Greek Hire were various, and that many of them con-
tained one or two or all of the ingredients of gunpowder, before the times
to which the invention of gunpowder is ordinarily ascribed. From these
early receipts for fire-works and fire-missiles, and from the various accounts
of Greek Fire and its effects, it would appear that modifications of these
compositions, introduced from time to time, led up to the preparation of
gunpowder ; which yet was not what we understand by gun-powder till it
came to be prepared in a form adapting it for use as the propelling agent
in guns, and to be so used.
From very simple and rude arr angements for using the aid of fire in
fighting, gradual progress in various ways had been generally made before
gunpowder times ; yet simple and rude arrangements continued to be used,
even after better devices were known, when these were not available, or
when the others were sufficient and suitable for the occasion. Sufficiently
primitive was the method adopted by Timur, of carrying fire into the ranks
of an enemy, when, in his battle before Dihli in A. D. 1899, he caused a
number of camels to be laden with dry grass and driven towards the oppos-
ing force with the grass set on fire, on sight of which the enemy’s elephants
fled.+ This was a resort to a very rude contrivance at a time when modes
of projecting fire to a distance were well known, and when fire was employed
* Historie de Il Artillerie, Ire partie. Du Feu Grégeois, &c., pp. 25 et seq.
Some notices of the early use, among the Arabs, of the ingredients of gunpowder, are
given in a “ History of the Art of War and Organisation of Armies in Europe” by Dr.
Hermann Meynert; a book I have not seen and only know of from a newspaper
notice. ’
+ This is one of the incidents of the Indian expedition related to Clavijo when he
was residing at the court of Timur at Samarqand. (Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Claviyo
to the Court of Timour, A. D. 1403-6, p. 158.) According to other accounts, they were
buffaloes that he used, tied together in pairs with burning bushes between them /(Jlau-
rice’s Modern History of Hindostan, II, 20). Somewhat similar, but with a different
purpose, was Hannibal’s device when in camp before Q. Fabius Maximus, B. C. 200.
Obducta nocte, sarmenta in cornibus juvencorum deligata incendit, ejusque generis mul-
titudinem magnam dispalatam immisit. (Corn. Nep. Hann. V.)
1876.) R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatie Fire Weapons. 33
of more effective kinds for creating the alarm that was desired. Such fire-
missiles were familar to Timur himself and his predecessors. At the siege
of Otrér by Chingiz Khan, A. D. 1219, the defenders made good use of
burning darts, to the injury of the besiegers’ engines. The following year,
in besieging the citadel of Bukhara after gaining the town, he threw in
pots of burning naphtha. He used Greek Fire in his attack on Khiva, the
same year, and it was used by and against him on other occasions.* Timur
eight years before his invasion of India, had made use of Greek Fire dis-
charged from his boats in his attack on a small town on the shores of the
Caspian.f In India he encountered fire missiles of other kinds at his attack
on Bhatnir, when “the besieged cast down in showers arrows and stones and
fireworks upon the heads of the assailants.’ Timur himself relates that
Sultan Mahmud, when he attacked him at Dihli, had elephants covered with
armour, most of them carrying howdas “in which were throwers of grenades
(rv’d-anddz), fireworks (dtash-baz), and rockets (takhsh-andaz).”§ Timur,
in his engagement with Bayazid I., before Angora, three years after the Dihli
battle, had a special body of men for throwing Greek Fire.|| What was
the nature of the various fireworks used by Sultan Mahmud at Dihbli, and
by the defenders of Bhatnir, is not indicated. In the regions where Greek
Fire was used by Chingiz and Timur, naphtha abounded or was.readily ob-
tainable, and it is, in some of the instances, named as the material used.
There does not seem to be reason to believe that Timur was acquainted with
gcunpowder, as General Cunningham has supposed.§] The use of Greek Fire,
or of missiles answering to the descriptions of the fire generally so designat-
ed, was practised chiefly in countries where naphtha, petroleum, or bitumen,
is produced, and more rarely elsewhere. It is stated that Edward I., when
besieging Stirling Castle in 1304, after calling for large supplies of baliste,
quarrells, bows, and arrows, from York, Lincoln, and London, “ gave orders
for the employment of a new and dreadful instrument of destruction, the
Greek Fire, with which he had probably become acquainted in the Hast.” **
There is nothing to show what the composition was, but it is most probable
that this, as well as the fireworks which Timur encountered at Dibli and at
Bhatnir, was composed of some of the dry materials used elsewhere combin-
ed with naphtha,—the ingredients of the future gunpowder.
* Petis de la Croix, ee of Genghiscan, pp. 166, &c., and 190, &c., from Mir-
khwand and others.
ft Lite of Timour Beg, prefixed to Markham’s translation of Clavijo.
t Malfizdt i Témiré, in Sir H. Elliot’s Historians of India, by Prof. Dowson,
TIT, 424.
§ The same, III, 439.
|| Langlés, Vie de Timour, p. 88, (quoting Sharafuddin).
| Essay on the Arian Order of Architecture, J. A. S. B., XVII, 1848, ii., 244,
** For this statement Tytler refers to the Liber Garderobae, or Wardrobe Book, of
Hidward I, p. 52 (Hist. of Scotland, I, 181).
13
“es Se eter. a —
34, R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No.1
From the account above referred to of the defence of Bhatnir, it would
appear that the fire was not projected to a distance, but thrown down from
above on the attacking party when they came near. The direct delivery of
hot matter on the heads of assailants, and of fire upon their engines, when
they approached close to the walls, isa means of offensive defence which
must have occurred to most people, and for which special arrangements were
often made in the construction of defensible places :—
Where upon tower and turret head
The seething pitch and molten lead
Reek’d like a witch’s cauldron red.*
The kind of defence is one which was by no means superseded by the
possession of means of projecting the fire or scalding matter to a distance .
but it was an arrangement of more prominent importance, and which receiy-
ed very special care and attention, in times when there was both more hand.
to-hand work in fighting, and closer operations in the attack and defence of
fortified positions. Sir Richard Maitland’s defence of his castle of Lander
in 1296 is commemorated in the ballad which tells us how he east down
combustibles upon the rooted machine called the sow (a British version of
testudo or musculus) when it was brought close up :—
3 They laid their sowies to the wall
Wi mony a heavy peal,
But he threw ower to them agen
Baith pitch and tar barrel.+
a plan which was followed also, not without much art and skilfully
prepared appliances, by the Flemish engineer, John Crab, in the defence of
Berwick when besieged by Hdward II. in 1819. Barbour relates how to
“throw Crabys cunsaill” they rigged up a crain “rynnand on quheills”,
that it might be readily brought to any part of the walls when required :
| And pyk, and ter, als haiff thai tane,
And lynt, and herds,t and brymstane,
And dry treyis that wele wald brin.
of which they made “gret fagalds” to be lifted over by the machine
and dropped, burning, on the assailants’ engines, which were at the same
time laid hold of with grappling hooks and chains to prevent their removal.
* Lay of the Last Minstrel,
Hi jaculis, illi certant defendere saxis,
Molirique ignem, nervoque aptare sagittas, (Zn. X, 130.)
t Auld Maitland, (Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border.)
It was an exact repetition of an old proceeding, “ Cupas teedd ac pice refertas in-
cendunt, easque de muro in musculum devolvunt.”’ (Cesar, de Bell. Civ., II. 11.) This
is what the defenders of Marseilles did, B. C. 49.
{ Refuse of flax,
Ff 2
— ee _ #2 4 a
1876.] R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 35
And giff the sow come to the wall,
Lo lat it brynand on her fall,
And with stark chenyeis hald it thar,
Quhill all were brynt up that thar war.*
For exposure to any such direct and plentiful application of fire at close
quarters some roof covering of a not very inflammable kind was needed. The
musculus which came under the fire of the Massilian tar-barrels,+ was pre-
pared for it, sheltered by tiled roofing covered with earth and hides. Pro-
tection, also, against fire missiles discharged from a distance needed, in order
to answer its purpose, to be adapted to the character of the burning matter
which it had to resist; and shelter which was sufficient against the more
innocent combustibles was not fitted to encounter burning naphtha or Greek
Fire. Against the more primitive fire-arrows, leathern mantlets served for
the protection of the soldiers and workmen, and for the defensive covering
of the towers and engines. At the attack on BAémidn by Chingiz Khan,
A. D. 1221, an order was given to kill as many horses and cows as would
provide hides to cover the besieging engines, by which it is said they were
eitectually protected. The fire thrown by the defenders did them no harm.
But at Khojand, two years before, when the besieged threw burning naph-
_ tha, additional shelter was used, made of sheets of felt covered with clay,
and moistened with vinegar.{ By many writers vinegar is mentioned as the
best or only means of quenching Greek Fire.§ Against the fire arrows and
* Barbour, The Bruce, Book XVII. |
t+ Uhucyd., II, 75. Arrian., Exp. Alex., IT, 18. When we are told of a stouter pro-
tection being insufficient against a phalarica,— |
Sed magnum stridens contorta phalarica venit
Fulminis acta modo; quam nec duo taurea terga
Nec duplici squamé lorica fidelis et auro
Sustinuit. (Virg. Ain. TX, 705.) |
we may infer that this had nothing to do with the kind of fire with which the
javelin was charged, but is meant to indicate, in poetical fashion, the force with which it
was launched by the hand of a hero. |
¢ Petis de la Croix, Hist. of Genghiscan, 307, 190. In the First Crusade an engine
is said to have been made to Godfrey’s order by
‘a cunning architect,
William, of all the Genoas lord and guide.”
‘whereof he clothed the sides
Against the balls of fire with raw bull’s hides.” |
Tasso, Jer. Del. (Fairfax’s translation), XVIII, 41, 43.
But this protection was not effectual. It could not withstand the Greek Fire
(XVIII, 84),
§ So in two Latin Chroniclers quoted by Lalanne in his Recherches sur le Feu Gré-
geots, p. 30 ;—* Inextinguibilem ab omni re preter acetum” (Ditmar).—“ Greecum
ignem qui nullo practer aceti liquore exstinguitur.” (Lwitprand.) A very old writer on
military affairs, Alneas Poliorceticus, (about 360, B.C.) says (ch. 34) that the fire
*; FE. aa
ATS TAO St eS pee Pr ae eck et Ret
36 R. Maclagan—On Hurly Asiatie Fire Weapons. [No. 1,
fire Pdo of the Tartars, the Chinese (A. D. 1273) constructed defensive
covering for their horses of rice straw ropes covered with clay.*
It is when Greek Fire comes to be employed that the mozse is specially
noticed ; which has given occasion to the surmise that it was in reality
gunpowder. A French writer who has made researches on the subject
(M. Lalanne), endeavours to show that it was nothing else than gunpowder,
used as such, and that the tubes from which it was sometimes discharged,
were cannon. But it may be observed that the noise mentioned in connec-
tion with Greek Fire was the noise accompanying the flight and combustion
or explosion of the burning missile itself, as it came among the people |
against whom it was launched. Noises of a kind that would be alarming
to those unused to this instrument of warfare, may accompany the combus.
tion of naphtha or petroleum, which appears generally to have been the
chief ingredient of this fire composition. And any noise would contribute
to the terror occasioned by encountering a hostile fire so formidable on other
accounts, and would be magnified by the apprehensions of those exposed to
it. And their accounts of it constantly exhibit the perturbation it caused,
They come not,—while his fierce beleaguerers pour
Engines of havoc in, unknown before
And horrible as new ; javelins that fly
Enwreath’d with smoky flames through the dark sky,
And red hot globes that, opening as they mount,
Discharge, as from a kindled naphtha fount,
Showers of consuming fire o’er all below.+
The most graphic accounts of the Greek Fire, “horrible as new,” and
of the wonder and alarm which it created, are given in the pleasant pages
thrown by the enemy is to be put out with vinegar. He goes on to mention (ch. 36)
a certain wip ioxupéy, which he says can by no means be extinguished ; and Ca-
saubon, in his comment, thinks from the terms used that though certain materials are
named (pitch, sulphur, &c.), something more is possibly intended, of the nature of
Greek Fire. (Isaaci Casauboni in Aneam Note, 587 5
* Reimaud and Favé, Feu Grégeois, p. 196. Yule’s Marco Polo, 2nd Hid., UH, 154.
+ Lalla Kookh. The Veiled Prophet. Moore’s note, along with other references,
notices Gibbon’s account of the Greek Fire—“ It was either launched in red-hot balls of
stone and iron, or darted in arrows or javelins twisted round with flax and tow which
had deeply imbibed the inflammable oil.” Fire missiles of the same eeneral character,
and formidable quite as much on account of their novelty to those against whom they
were used as on account of their real power or destructiveness, were in use long before
anything of the kind bore the name of Greek Fire. “ The Rhodians had engines on
board their ships, by means of which they threw fire upon those of the enemy. This
probably resembled the substance which in later times was called Grecian fire : to judge
of it from the manner in which the Greek historians speak of it, it was not thrown with
rockets, and was certainly something inextinguishable and not generally known.”
(Niebuhr’s Lectures on the History of Rome, by Schmidt, IT, 184.)
1876. | R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 37
of the Sire de Joinville’s History of St. Louis. “La maniére du feu erégois
estoit tele que il venoit bien devant aussi gros comme un tonnel de verjus,
et la queue du feu qui partoit de li, estoit bien aussi grant comme un grant
glaive. I] faisoit tele noise au venir, que il sembloit que ce feust la foudre du
ciel ; il sembloit un dragon qui volast par lair. Tant getoit grant clarte que
Von véoit parmi Post comme se il feust jour, pour la grant foison du feu
qui getoit la grant clarté.”* This was in Egypt, in 1249. It was dis-
charged from the engines called perriere (pierriere) upon the crusaders’
chas-chastiaus, or towers, and against their stockades. Again it is deserib-
ed as having been thrown by hand, in what we may suppose to have been
something like grenades. “ Au darrien il amenérent un vilain a pié, qui
leur geta troiz foiz feu grégois. L’une des foiz requeilli Guillaume de Boon
le pot de feu grégois 4 sa roelle ; car se il se feust pris 4 riens sur hi, il eust
esté ars.’’** And again attached to arrows, “ si grant foison de pylés
4 tout le feu grégois, que il semblort que les estoiles du ciel chéissent.’’t
Hallam, in noticing Joinville’s account of the Greek Fire, calls it “an
instrument of warfare almost as surprising and terrible as gunpowder.’’§
And in another place he refers to a frequently-quoted passage of an Arabic
work,|| written just about the time of Joinville’s first-mentioned experience
of Greek Fire, and which mentions, Hallam says, the use of gunpowder in
engines of war, “though they may seem to have been rather like our fre-
works than artillery.” Quoting from Casiri’s Latin translation, “ serpunt
susurrantque scorpiones circumligati ac pulvere nitrato incensi, unde explosi
fulgurant ac incendunt,” he says “one would be glad to know whether
pulvis nitratus is a fair translation.” If Mr. Hallam had had the advan-
tage of seeing the results of the researches of M.M. Reinaud and Favé, he
would (although the translation is shown to be open to objection) have
had no occasion to question the literal pulvis mtratus, without coming to
the conclusion, as he does, that “ there can on the whole be no doubt that
sunpowder ismeant.”4 The description which follows the passage quoted
above is not very different from other accounts of Greek Fire, which indicate
* TL? Historie de Saint Louis, Ch. XLII.
t Lbidem, Ch, XLIX.
t Lbidem, Ch. LXIII,
§ Middle Ages, I, i. p. 41 (ed. 1860).
|| In Casiri, Bibl. Arab. Hispan., t. 1, Pp. 7. (Reference in Hallam.)
{| Middle Ages, 1, 479. M. Reinaud notices that the word ddrid, used in the oris
einal of the passage referred to, is applied both to nitre and to gunpowder. He gives
the passage in the Arabic, and a corrected translation in French, and adds, “‘ On voit que
Casiri, qui traduisait ddroud par pulvere nitrato, et qui ne connaissait pas d’autre pro-
priété de la poudre que Vexplosion, en a introduit Pidée dans sa traduction. Voulant
donner un sens & ce passage, il était naturellement amené a4 y voir Pemploi que nous
faisons maintenant de la poudre.” (Reinaud and Fave, Feu Grég., 67.)
39 R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No. 1
some material like petroleum, persistent in burning, and readily laying hold
of, and setting fire to, objects with which it came in contact.
In a history of the early Muhammadan occupation of Egypt, called the
Maurid al-latafat, where mention is made of the use of naphtha for fiery
missiles, in A. H. 532 (A. D. 1138), the English translator says in his note,
“Utrum auctor noster per vocabulum Naptham significare velit composi-
tionem illam quam plurimi antiqui scriptores nomine lgms Greci comme-
morarunt, an nostrum Pulverem tormentorium, nescio.’”’* As the author
says the missiles were fed with naphtha ( bails ), there need be no doubt.
As elsewhere, other materials may have been added, but there is nothing to
indicate this. The translator, however, thinks the supposition that possibly
gunpowder was used, is supported both by the passage from Casiri referred
to by Hallam, and by another account of a still earlier date. “Kt quidem
apud Arabas vetustissimum pulveris nitrati usum esse liquet; refers Elma.
einus, Lib. J. Hist. Sar., ‘Hodem hoece anno (scil. A. H. 71, [A. D. 690)),
Hajaz arcta premens obsidione Meccam, manganis et mortariis, ope napthe
et ignis in Cabam jactis, illius tecta diruit, combussit et in cineram rede.
git.’”’ The names applied to the engines might raise some question, but the
naphtha is there. And in many other instances naphtha is distmetly men-
tioned, by oriental and other writers, as thus used in medieval fire missiles,
Lo which, in the West, people have been accustomed to give the name of
Greek Fire.+
But, on other grounds besides the mention of pulvis mitratus in some of
the Greek Fire compositions, it has been inferred that gcunpowder was known,
as a source of power for propulsion as well as a pyrotechnic composition,
and that cannon were used, in times long anterior to those of the really
known and certain application of gunpowder to the purposes of modern
artillery. In particular, the frequent use of tubes for the discharge of the
* Maured Allatafet, ed. J, D. Carlyle, A. M.
t+ Advenit etiam legatus Kaliphee juvenis illustris, secum vehens naphte duo onera,
multitudinemque naphtariorum artificum in ignibus jaculandis. (Bahd ud-din, transl. by
Schultens, quoted by Lalanne, Recherches sur le Feu Grégeois, p. 41, note.) Tasso (La
Gerus., Lib, XII, 17) makes the magician Ismeno prepare a composition for burning the
war engines of the enemy, of which composition a note by one of his editors, Signor
Pietro Fraticelli, says, “ Dal miscuglio di qui parla Ismeno, dover risultarne il cosi detto
Juoco greco, &c.” “ Questo fuoco,” he goes on to say, quoting the Military Dictionary of
Giuseppe Grassi, “e invenzione antichissima de’? Persiani, i quali adoperavono il natta
come principale ingrediente di egso.’” And he adds “TI Saraceni lo componevano in
quel tempo col nafta o petrolio, che si raccoglie nelle vicinanze di Bagdad.’ And the
poet, further on (XVIII, 47), when
| Ismen prepara
Copia di fochi inusitata e rara,
says that the asphalt of the Dead Sea was used in the composition.
1876. | R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 39
Greek Fire, and the fact of a report of some kind being often mentioned in
connection with it, have helped to give occasion to this belief.
Gibbon, in his account of the siege of Constantinople, A. D. 717, after
observing that the principal ingredient of Greek Fire seems to have been
naphtha or liquid bitumen, says that, when employed at sea, 1t was “ most
commonly blown through long tubes of copper, which were planted on the
prow of a galley, and fancitully shaped into the mouths of savage monsters,
that seemed to vomit a stream of liquid and consuming fire.”’* <A little
earlier than the occasion to which Gibbon’s account relates, a similar mode
of discharging naphtha fire on land appears to have been practised by the
Arab invaders of Sind (A. H. 938, A. D. 712). Their employment of naph-
tha in their battles with the Hindu inhabitants is noticed repeatedly m the
Chachnamah, in passages of which extracts are given in Vol. J, of Prof.
Dowson’s edition of Sir H. Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians of India.+
When the enemy’s elephants approached, Muhammad Kasim ordered his
naphtha-throwers to attack them. Burnes, quoting from another part of
the Chachnamah, not included in Sir H. Elliot’s extracts, or from another
version, says the Muhammadans, in the battle at Alor, when the elephants
were brought against them, had to assail them with combustibles. They
“filled their pipes, and returned with them to dart fire at the elephants.”
Burnes, in his foot-note, supposes pipes for smoking to be meant, and
remarks that it must have been bhang or hemp which they smoked in those
days, as tobacco was not known.{ But apparently the word should have
been ¢wbes. They were probably like what were called in the West yepooiduva,
or hand-tubes, employed for the same purpose,§ in which either naphtha
or special fire compositions might be used, and through which the fire was
discharged, or 7x which it was thrown. One of the meanings given by
Golius to the word nafat or naffat is “ imstrumentum zneum quod explodi-
tur naphthee seu pulveris pyrii ope, scz/. tormentum bellicum.’’|| He seems
to intimate that a name originally connected with naphtha may have con-
tinued to be used to designate the weapon, even after gunpowder or other
* “We got into a boat like a fire ship,” Ibn Battta says, in telling of a trip on a
canal in China. A. D. 1345 (Yule’s Cathay, II, 499.) He seems to allude to some par-
ticular kind or form of ship which used to be thus fitted with fire-throwing apparatus.
(The passage is one of those omitted in Lee’s abridgment translation of Ibn Batita.)
ge Pe 70-172, 174,
} Travels into Bokhara, I, 67.
§ Extracts from the Emperor Leo’s Zactica given by Lalanne (Few Grégeois, p. 21).
From Leo’s description it would appear that the tubes themselves, when filled with the
fire composition, were to be thrown in the face of the enemy.
tobe
| Lexicon Arabico-latinum, bLlas and bla, p. 2425.
a
. £% +o°AA...
a me et te A OT ete.
—s
A.D) R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. (No. 1
combustible had come to be used in it in place of naphtha.* Beckmann, jp
his “ History of Inventions and Discoveries,” quotes an account of the
Greek Fire at the capture of Thessalonica by the Saracens in A. J. 904,
which says that it was blown into the wooden works of the besieged ne
means of tubes.f A number of passages mentioning this use of tubes for
discharging Greek Fire, in the same century and after, are given by M.
Lalanne in his fecherches sur le Feu Grégeois.t And he surmises that
certain tubes which Chateaubriand mentions having seen in a collection of
old arms shown to him at Jerusalem, may have been specimens of the im.
plements used for Greek Fire. But the idea seems to be of much older date
than any of the middle age instances referred to.||
There is nothing to show or suggest that in any of the instances iy
which tubes were used for Greek Fire, the combustible matter they contained
was employed to furnish the motive force, or otherwise than as the materia]
for the fire to be thrown. It¢ is certain that this fire material was frequent-
ly or generally liquid, and that this liquid was naphtha or petroleum, Jt
appears also that other inflammable ingredients were sometimes added ; and
that frequently the dry materials, including one or more of the ingredients
_,.of gunpowder, were used alone.
oS ee reports or noises accompanying fire missiles, which have induced the
supposition that something of the nature of cannon was used, or shells
exploding by means of gunpowder, the most familiar illustration in India
is that given in the account by Firishtah of Mahmud’s battle with Anandpél
near Pashawar, in A. D. 1008, when the elephant on which the Hindu
prince rode was alarmed by the sudden noise and fled. The notice of this di,
passage in Firishtah gave occasion to the interesting Note by Sir Henry | hy
Elliot, in the original first volume of his “Index to the Muhammadan His- i
* As we continue to call a thing a chandelier when the lights it carries are no longer
candles ; and a volwme, when it has ceased to be a volumen, &c., &c. The very word tor-
iS mentum, which Golius here uses, is another illustration.
i t Hist. of Inv. and Dise., II, 249. The quotation is from Leo Allatius, cir. 1650.
{ In the times of the Emperor Leo, about A. D. 900; of Const. Porphyr., A. D.
950; Alexius, A. D. 1100, &., wept rod éypot mupds rod Sid Tov oipavev éxP epouevor,
&e., &¢., pp. 17,24, &c. Lalanne quotes also a Russian Chronicle of the tenth century,
which speaks of ‘une espéce de feu ailé’”” which was discharged “au moyen d’un cer-
tain tuyau,”’ p. 29.
a § Lalanne, p.59. “Je remarquai encore des tubes de fer de la longueur et de la
ae grosseur d'un canon de fusil, dont j’ignore usage.” Chat., Itinéraire, I, 313.
= || Casaubon, in his Notes on Alineas Poliorceticus, after noticing various ancient
es fire missiles, says “ Observo etiam, ad liquida injicienda, que Philo appellat iypd reAep-
; 2 pacueva, preelongis interdum usos fistulis, quas idem nominat éveripas.” This Philo
aoe wrote in the third century B. C,
oT
Thlbade cs 1 Dy RR OW un Ie fee ag gh IP NUL Une en tie by Ya akerons erik BC RSa Meni Chn Torn tg
key “ 4 ten! me Py Wey lte SEU Ee ee
rf
)
”
1876. | R. Maclagan—On Harly Asiatie Fire Weapons. AL
torians of India,” on the early use of gunpowder in India.* General Briggs
had observed, in his translation of Firishtah, that in some manuscripts the
words ¢ép (cannon) and tufang (musket) have been written, in place of the
naft (naphtha) and khadang (arrow) of other copies. A confirmation of the
reading top and tufang, Sir H. Elliot says, is siven by Wilken, who found
this in two copies he had consulted, in which the roar of the cannon also is
mentioned. “ He considers it not improbable that Greek Fire was used by
Mahmid. Dow boldly translates the word as guns.”’+ Sir H. Elliot ob-
serves, with reference to Firishtah’s account generally, that it does not ap-
pear on what authority he rests his statement, as the earlier historians who
notice this important engagement do not mention either naft or tép.t But
he adds that from the mention of the use of naphtha ten years later, in an
action near Multan, and from the circumstance of naphtha being found in
abundance in the country near the scene of the first engagement in question,
it is probable that if any combustibles were used on that occasion, they were
composed of naphtha. The fact that the fire missile alarmed the elephant,
would give no indication that 16 was of any remarkable or unusual kind.
And the noise (gada) is mentioned in those versions of Firishtah which speak
of naphtha and arrows, as well as in those which use the words ¢ép and
tufang.§ It seems to have proceeded from the missile itself, not from the
discharge of it. ‘There need not be difficulty im supposing that the noise
was of the nature of an explosion, if naphtha alone was used, or naphtha
with other combustibles, thrown in shells, cases, or tubes, as elsewhere.
* P. 340.
+ The ordinary form of the passage in Firishtah is—
(S93) SLES Kapha] yaa anes 5 hos coloe jf dot le 9 >! Joss] &S ons sf li
‘ : % ols S> ot
Dow’s version is—“ On a sudden the elephant upon which the prince of Lahore, who
commanded the Indians in chief, rode, took fright at the report of a gun, and turned
his face to flight,.”’ And he says in a foot-note, “According to our accounts there were
no guns at this time, but many eastern authors mention them, ascribing the invention
to one Lockman.”’ (Dow’s History of Hindostan, I, 46.) He gives no references to any
of these eastern authors. |
¢ It may be noticed, however, that the Kitab-- Yamini, one of the histories referred
to by Sir H. Elliot in this passage, speaks in another place (not relating to this engage-
ment) of the use of dtash-didah bdén, or fire-eyed rockets, which, an English translator
remarks, “may have encouraged the idea that artillery was known in Mahmid’s age.”
(Kitab-i- Yi, amint, translated by the Rev. J. Reynolds, page 279.)
§ Maurice, writing of this battle, says, “A species of fire weapon seems to have
been in use at that time in Asiatick battles; and the sudden explosion of one of those
instruments of destruction, close by the elephant on which the prince of Lahore, the
generalissimo of the army, rode, &., &c.’’ Which seems to be Dow repeated, with a
sheht variation, and evading his “‘ bold’ use of the word gun. (Modern History of
Hindostan, I, 253.) Dow’s translation was recent at the time Maurice’s book was written.
F
49 R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No. 1
Numerous modern petroleum explosions* have made us familiar with the
reports it is capable of producing. Such big demonstrations, of course, can
hardly be taken to illustrate what happens with a naphtha shell, but those
who have had an opportunity of seeing and hearing a Kerosine lamp explode
in their room can understand what it means. The naphtha vapour, like
other gases of the same class, when combined with atmospheric air, explodes
with a report which, even on a moderate scale, is sufficient, with fiery ac-
companiment, to alarm an elephant. Explosions are produced, as illustrated
by frequent experiences, when the gas, issuing from the ground, or aceumu-
lating over the petroleum in wells, is suddenly ignited.+ The use of tubes
for the discharge of fire missiles, and the accompanying report, might, taken
together, easily give occasion, in alter times, to the idea that guns and oun-
powder were used, though the combustible material was really naphtha or
Greek Fire. There is, however, not much to indicate that the noises men-
tioned were of the nature of what we call a report, and nothing to support |
the idea that in Mahmiid’s time, the beginning of the eleventh century, guns
and gunpowder were known. |
The use of hollow canes for giving a direction to darts and other mis-
siles is, no doubt, a practice of great antiquity, followed in the present day |
also by inhabitants of uncivilised islands, and others, and represented among
ourselves by our juvenile pea-shooters. In India, bamboos have been used .
* The dangerous nature of which called for the English Petroleum Act of 1862,
and the Ordonnance du Préfet de Police (relative 4 l'emploi des huiles de Pétrole) in
July, 1864. ’
+ Thus, for instance, at the great abode of naphtha on the Caspian :—“ Outside the |
temple at Baku is a well. I tasted the water, which is strongly impregnated with naph-
tha. <A pilgrim covered this well over with two or three nwmmuds for five minutes. He
then warned every one to go to a distance, and threw in a lighted straw; immediately
a large flame issued forth, the noise and appearance of which resembled the explosion of
atumbril.” (Captain the Hon. G. Keppel’s Journey from India to England, II, 221.)
The French missionary Imbert, quoted by Huc (Chinese Empire, Ch. VII), describes an
occurrence of the same kind at the mouth of one of the Chinese fire-wells. “As soon as
the fire touched the surface of the well, there arose a terrific explosion, and a shock as of
an earthquake; and at the same moment the whole surface of the court appeared in
flames.” ‘T believe’, he says, “that it is a gas or spirit of bitumen,’ ‘To pass to an
illustration on a very small scale, probably many people who have visited the fire tem-
ple of Jwala Mukhi in the Kangré District, of the Panjdb, will remember the smart pop
with which one ofthe tiny jets of gas issuing from the rock is re-lighted, when it has
been accidentally blown out (as they are sometimes by sparrows flying quickly past
them). It is the too well-known property of one of the most familiar of the hydro-
carbons, the grison or fire-damp, to explode with serious results. “Il brile tranquille-
ment avec une flamme jaunatre, tant qu’il n’est pas mélé avec l’air atmospherique ; mais
dans le cas contraire, il détone avec violence”. “ Quelquefois il se dégage seul, mais
souvent il est mélangé de pétrole plus ou moins épais et de bitume.”’ (Beudant, Minera-
logie, 232),
ad
= *
sa YV
=
ea
- = &.
1876. | R. Maclagan—On Harly Asiatic Fire Weapons. 43
for this purpose, in very early times, with fire-arrows.* And in connection
with the use of naphtha tubes in war, it is not uninteresting to notice the
employment of canes for naphtha and inflammable gas for economic pur-
poses. Humboldt, in his account of the Ho-tsing or fire-wells of China,
and of the rope-boring for water, salt, and combustible gas, which is prac-
tised “ from the south-west provinces of Yun-nan, Kuang-si, and Szu-tchuan
on the borders of Tibet to the northern province of Shan-si’’, says “the gas
burns with a reddish flame, and often diffuses a bituminous smell ; it is con-
veyed to a distance, sometimes through pipes of bamboo, sometimes in por-
table tubes, also of bamboo, to be used in salt works, in warming houses, or
in lighting streets.”’{ Also for cooking food, as mentioned in an old ac-
count by a Chinese writer,§ and for other purposes.|| Hue, describing
these fire wells, says “a little tube of bamboo closes the opening of the well,
and conducts the inflammable air to where it is required ; it is then kindled
with a taper, and burns continuously.”4 In an old review article in the
Atheneum mention is made of an account in the Lettres Edifiantes of oil
* Halhed’s Gentoo Laws. Introduction, p. 60. See also Moor’s Hindu Pantheon,
p. 299, and As. Researches, I, 264.
+ Asie Centrale, TI, 519-540. Cosmos (Sabine’s transl.), IV, 216.
t Here, perhaps, we have the original vdp@né of Prometheus,
The secret fount of fire
I sought, and found, and in a reed concealed it,
Whence arts have sprung to men, and life hath drawn
Rich store of comforts. (Prom. Vinct. 107. Prof. Blackie’s translation).
Sore ills to man devised the heavenly sire,
And hid the shining element of fire.
Prometheus then, benevolent of soul,
In hollow reed the spark recovering stole.
2% * “# &
The far seen splendour in a hollow reed
He stole of inexhaustible flame.
(Hesiod by Elton. Ancient Classics for English Readers, pp. 24-92).
§ “Tn all parts of this Province (Shan-si) are found fiery wells which very con-
veniently serve for the boiling of their victuals.’ (Description of China, by Dionysius
Kao, appended to Ysbrants Ides’ Travels, A. D. 1692, p. 125).
| ““On utilise ces feux naturels pour la cuisson de la chaux, des briques, &c.’’ Beu-
dant, Minéralogie, p. 288.
{ Chinese Empire, Chap. VII. The practice 1s mentioned also by Sir John Davis.
(The Chinese, p, 336). And at some of the American oil wells the same method is fol-
lowed at the present day. ‘Some of the pumping engines generate steam by the aid of
the combustible gas that is so commonly associated with the petroleum, it beimg only
necessary to conduct it by a pipe from the tanks in which the oil accumulates to the
furnace of the engine,” (Prof. H. Draper of New York. Quarterly Journal of Science,
London, 1865, IT, 49.)
_
—
” SS te ert Gree + ce oe ty tn
44
that rose from the earth, (at places in China) turned in hollow bamboog in
any direction, which burned with a clear flame.* The naphtha gas of Baky ;
is said to be carried about in bottles,’ as that of China is in bamboo tubes, |
It is not improbable that naphtha tubes for hostile purposes may have been |
)
R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No. 1
suggested by the use of bamboos for the oil and for the gas in the modes
above noticed. |
= Not alone on account of similarity of form, then, but with reference |
= | also, it may be supposed, to previous uses of tubes for Greek Fire, and of
2 bamboos for discharging fire arrows, and for earrying petroleum and gas, hag
= the name canna been carried forward and applied to modern artillery. The 4 :
connection of bomb and bombarda with bamboo, however, is not one which |
J
|
illustrates the derivation of the artillery terms from the name of the cane,
. BouBos, bombus, a hum or noise, is no doubt the origin of bomba and bom.
2 barda. And bamboo, (which is not a name it bears in its own countries) is
: supposed to be derived from the same origin (vid bomba), and to have been
applied to it by the Portuguese, with reference to the noisy explosion of the
air chambers of the cane when burning.{ ‘This is possible, though the ex- |
perience which occasioned the application of the name must be supposed to |
have been very exceptional.
For indication of the knowledge of fire-arms in India at a very early .
period, reference has frequently been made to certain passages in ancient |
books noticed by Halhed in his Code of Gentoo Laws. “It will no doubt,”
Halhed says,§ “strike the reader with wonder to find a prohibition of fire- |
arms in records of such unfathomable antiquity, and he will probably from |
hence renew the suspicion which has long been deemed absurd, that Alexan-
feo der the Great did absolutely meet with some weapons of that kind in India,
o as a passage in Quintus Curtius seems to ascertain. Gunpowder has been 7
a | known in China as well as in Hindostan, far beyond all periods of investiga- |
tion. The word fire-arms is literally in Sanscrit Agni-aster, a weapon of
fire ; they describe the first species of it to have been a kind of dart or arrow”
tipt with fire and discharged upon the enemy from a bamboo. Among
several extraordinary properties of this weapon one was that after it had
taken its flight, it divided into several separate darts or streams of flame,
i : each of which took effect, and which when once kindled could not be extin-
guished ; (on which Halhed says in a foot note—*“ It seems exactly to
co agree with the Feu Grégeois of the Crusades”) “ but this kind of Agni- |
a aster 1s now lost. Cannon in the Sanserit idiom is called Shét-Aghni, or yf
ee the weapon that kills a hundred men at once, from (shéte) a hundred, and
a (ghéneh) to kill.”
2 ; | * Aug. 16, 1862. The reference to the Lettres Edif, 18 not specific.
= + Beudant, p. 233,
{ Elhot, orig. ed., I, 345,
§ Preface, pp. 1, li,
!
1876. | R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. AS
The compilation which Halhed published under the above title, Oode of
Gentoo Laws, in 1781, was made from twenty Sanskrit works. It was com-
piled by eleven Brahmans whom he calls a set of the most experienced lawyers.
They were selected, under the orders of Warren Hastings, from all parts of
Bengal for the purpose. ‘The compilation, when complete, was translated
into Persian, under the supervision of one of these Brahmans, and from the
Persian was translated into English by Mr. Halhed. In the compilation
itself no indication is given of the particular book (out of the twenty men-
tioned collectively at the beginning) from which each passage is taken.
And in the translator’s Preface no references are given to the authorities for
his own comments ; but he speaks of “the number of enquiries necessary
for the elucidation of almost every sentence,’ which “ give him in some
measure a right to claim the conviction of the world upon many dubious
points, which have long eluded the nicest investigation.”* This is all we
get from him. ‘The passage relating to fire-arms is in the second section of
the preface to the Code, or “the qualities requisite for a magistrate’, and
it says “the magistrate shall not make war with any deceitful machine, or
with poisoned weapons, or with cannon and guns, or any other kind of fire-
arms.”’*+ This is clearly from the Institutes of Manu. And what Manu
says about it is this, “Let no man engaged in combat smite his foe with
sharp weapons concealed in wood, nor with arrows mischievously barbed,
nor with poisoned arrows, nor with darts blazing with fire.”{ This appears
to be the original passage which in the hands of the Bengal Pandits took
the form given by Halhed. And it can be assigned approximately to the
ninth century B.C. There is nothing here to indicate anything else than
primitive fire darts of the kind used in other countries. Mr. Talboys Whee-
ler, in a note relating to a description in the Mahabharata of a variety of
arms, says that, in the original, mention is made, among other weapons, of
“ arrows, producing fire’, and he says “The Brahmans in the present day
point to the fire-producing arrows as proofs that the ancient Hindus were
possessed of fire-arms.”’§ There are other ancient notices of war missiles or
engines which (with more reason than this specific mention of arrows)
have given occasion to this belief, but there is nothing to indicate what
they were. “From the frequent mention of the Agni-astra, or fire-arms”’,
Babu Rajendraldla Mitra has observed, “it 1s to be interred that the Hin-
dus had some instruments for hurling sbells or balls of burning matter
against their enemies; but no description of any such has yet been met
with.”’|| The Mahayantra, or great engine, and the Sataghni, or centicide,
* Introduction, p. xi,
a 2 Oxi,
{ Institutes of Manu, translated by Sir W. Jones, VIT, 90.
§ History of India, I, 88. |
\| Antiquities of Orissa, I, 121.
AG R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No.1
he refers to as being mentioned in the ancient books but not described,
Bohlen* alludes to the mention in the Puranas of a kind of cannon; but
he does not give the name, or any definite reference.
Colonel Tod says, ““ We have, in the Poems of Chand, Seance indis-
tinct notices of fire-arms, especially the “ nal-gola”, or tube- ball ; but whe.
ther discharged by percussion or the expansive force of gunpowder is dubi-
ous. The poet also repeatedly speaks of “the volcano of the field”, giving
to understand great guns; but these may be interpolations, though I would
not check a full investigation of so curious a subject by raising a doubt.’+ Ts
can scarcely be questioned now, however, that the doubt was justly raised.
The interpolation (if this is the right mode of explaining the passage) has
a sort of parallel in a picture, described by M. Lalanne, inserted in ‘Le
Livre de la Vie et Miracles de Monseigneur 8. Loys’, in which picture “ leg
sarrasins, d’un cdté, se défendent avec des especes de mousquets a méche, et,
de l’autre, le navire royal porte une rangée de canons.” f
Some kind of fire missile is believed by Prof. H. H. Witeou to be in-
tended in a passage in the Maha-natak or Hanwman-natak, to which he thus
refers in his outline of the play. “In the opening of the thirteenth Act,
Ravana levels a shaft at Lakshmana, given him by Brahma, and charged -
with the fate of one hero: it should seem to be something of the nature of
fire-arms, a shell or a rocket, as Manwman snatches it away, after it has
struck Lakshmana, before it does mischief. dvana reproaches Brahna®
and he sends areda to procure the dart again, and keep Hanuman out of
the way.Ӥ There is not much here to show the kind of missile, except
that it does not seem to have been anything lke a shell or rocket. The
play belongs to the tenth or eleventh century. Of the nature of “the
Agneya weapon, one of the celestial armoury, or the weapon of fire’, men-
tioned in another Hindu drama, the Uttara Rama Charitra, there is only
the indication given in the “ fiery blaze” attributed to it ; by which, as in
the other case, some kind of burning arrow is probably meant. ||
While there is no very distinct indication of the nature of the machines
or missiles thus referred to in ancient Hindu books, the idea of fire-carrying
arrows seems to have been familiar in India, as elsewhere, from early times ;
and the use of such fire-arrows, discharged from a bow or by other means,
is seen to range over along period. In the Ayodhya Mahdtmya, of which
a translation has lately been published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society
of Bengal, it is related that on a certain occasion the RAja Kusha, getting
* Das Alte Indien, I, 63, 64.
t Annals of Rajasthan, I, 310. Note.
{ Recherches sur le Feu Grégeois, 55.
§ Hindu Theatre, Vol. ITI, Appendix, 58.
| Id., Vol. IT, Uttar. Ram. Char. 92.
7 J. A.8. B., Part I. 1875, pp. 137, 188.
1876. | R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatie Fire Weapons. Ai7
enraged, “ put an arrow of fire on his bow, to dry up the water of the Sara-
Sn The notice in Manu appears to be the earliest. And nearly two
thousand years aiter his time, arrows of this kind were in use in Kashmir ;
towards the end of the century in the beginning of which Mahmid had
been launching naphtha balls against his opponents in the neighbouring
plains of the Panjab. This is M. Troyer’s translation of the passage in the
Raja Tarangint in which they are mentioned. “Quand il ne restait que
trois heures du jour, les ennemis, encore une fois ralliés, exaspérés par la
défaite, marcherent pour combattre Kandarpa. Alors il langa dans le conflit
des fléches de fer, lesquelles étaient ointes d’huile d’herbes, et mettaient en feu
les espaces qu’elles traversaient.”’+ This Kandarpa was the minister of two
kings of Kashmir, Utkarcha, who had a short reign in A. D. 1090, accord-
ing to M. Troyer’s chronology,? and Harcha, who came to the throne the
same year and reigned twelve years.
Besides the specific notices of arrows, and more indefinite references to
the undescribed weapons called by the names abovementioned, there are
other passages in the ancient Hindu books relating to the use of combusti-
bles in war. “In the Udyoga Parva ot the Mahabharata”, Rajendralala
Mitra writes, “ Yudhisthira is described as collecting large quantities of
rosin, tow, and other inflammable articles for his great fratricidal war ; but
nothing is there said of any engine with which they could be hurled against
his enemies.Ӥ Another part of the Mahabharata mentions the use of
igneous appliances in aid of defensive arrangements, and here also without
any indication of the way in which they were used. It 1s in connection
with the account of the Aswamedha or horse sacrifice. The horse had
entered the country of Manipura, and approached the city of Babhru-vaha-
mt. “On the outside of the city were a number of waggons bound together
with chains, and in them were placed fireworks and fire-weapons, and men
were always stationed there to keep guard.”’||
* This Méhdtmya is ascribed to Ikshvaku, son of Manu and king of Ayodhya,
(Muir's Sanscrit Teats, I, 115).
+ Troyer’s Radja Tarangini, Ch. XII, 983, 984.
Was any such simple application of inflammable matter to pointed weapons ever
practised in Britain? “Go, thou first of my bards, says Oscar, take the spear of I'in-
gal. Fix a flame on its point. Shake it to the winds of heaven.’ (Ossian, The war
of Caros.) Whether this fire at the gpear’s point (which must be meant for a signal in
this instance) may be meant to indicate also a familiarity with its application to other
uses, 1s doubtful. |
t Prof. H. H. Wilson assigns dates 28 years later. (Preface to Ratnavali, Hindu
Theatre, Vol. ITT.) |
§ Antiquities of Orissa, I, 121.
|| Lalboys Wheeler, History of India, I, 405.
48 R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons.
LNo. 1,
Mr. Fergusson has observed, with reference to slege scenes represented
in the sculptures of one of the Sanchi gateways (supposed to have been
erected about the beginning of the Christian era), that no engines of way
are shown, or indications of any attempt to set fire to the place. “Jp
these respects’, he says, “ the Hindus seem to have been very much behind
the stage we know from the Nineveh sculptures that the Assyrians reached
at a much earlier age.”* And Babu Rajendrala4la Mitra, who makes re.
ference, in the work before quoted, to the siege scenes in the SAnchi bas.
reliefs, and to the absence of any indication of engines for casting fire to a
distance, or for battering, adds that the martial processions and battle
scenes at Bhuvaneswara are also devoid of such representations.f These,
however, are only pieces of negative evidence, and do not, by themselves, °
so far. There are Huropean medizeval pictures of siege operations in which
no engines of war are represented, or indications of the use of fire, but only
such means of attack and defence as are shown in these Indian sculptures, +
It may be, and it seems probable, that the Hindus were behind Western
nations in the knowledge of the mechanical appliances for such purposes,
(as the Chinese were, so late as the thirteenth century of our era$) but
they did use fire, and the accounts in books give us what the sculptures omit,
Yet we may conclude that nothing more advanced in the way of fire
weapons was known in India im ancient times, than was in use in other
countries ;|| and that the application to these old Indian weapons, of terms
belonging to weapons of our own time, is an illustration of the inadvertent
(or at least in some way erroneous) transference of familiar ideas to times
and places to which they do not belong. Shakspeare brings in cannon in
the time of King John.
The prohibition i Manu 1s probably the earliest notice on record of
fire arrows, unless, as has been supposed, they are referred to in Psalm
* Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 141.
t Antiquities of Orissa, I. 121.
{ Wilkinson says, ‘‘ We may suppose”’ that the Ancient Keyptians used fire missiles
in sieges (I, 363), but there is nothing in the pictures or sculptures to countenance this
supposition, and he mentions nothing in support of it.
§ See Yule’s Marco Polo, 2nd Ed., II, 152. The accounts of the employment of the
Polos in the construction of the engines to aid Kublai in the siege of Siangyang are
confused ; but it appears at all events that Western engineers were employed, and from
some accounts, that they were specially sent for. Not that the Chinese and their enemies
were altogether unacquainted with war machines, but the people of the West were ahead
of them.
|| Nothing of much value is obtained from the statement.in the Dionysiaca of Nonnus
that the followers of Bacchus, in his invasion of India and battle with Deriades, fought
with brands and bolts of fire. (As. Res., XVII, 617.) The question whether the
materials for the Indian part of the poem were derived from an Indian source is dis-
cussed in the paper here referred to, by Prof. H. H. Wilson.
1876.] — R. Maclagan—On Harly Asiatic Fire Weapons. . 49
lxxvi. 3. “The arrows- of the bow’’ might be translated “the glowing
fires’, or “the glittering or flashing (arrows) of the bow’, “or rather perhaps”’,
says Parkhurst, “the Pedy rervpopéva, fiery or fire-bearing arrows, such
as it is certain were used in after times. So Montanus, yacula ignita.’’*
The Psalm belongs to the century before Manu, or a little more than ten
centuries B. C., if the Asaph with whose name it is connected was the con~
temporary of David. And to a time about three centuries later, the end
of the eighth century B. C., if he was Asaph, “the recorder” of King
Hezekiah’s time. But it seems most probable, notwithstanding Parkhurst’s
suggestion, that in this instance no reference to fire arrows is intended.
Though the literal rendering may be as above, it may be only a poetical
figure of anot uncommon kind.f A more probable reference to fire-bearing
* Parkhurst, Heb. Lex. s.v. 1, the meanings of which, as a noun he gives ag
“red hot coal”, “ glowing fire”, “flashes of lightning’. Gesenius translates it flame,
and refers to its use in Psalm Ixxviii, 48. The same word in Arabic, (ary rishg,
is interpreted by Golius, “Jactus rapidior vel vibramen teli. Certus jaculandi seu
petendi modus.” The LXX render the words referred to, in Ps. Ixxvi. 3, r& kpdryn Trav
toéwy, followed by the Vulgate, potentéas arcuwm. |
+ Thus in other Psalms we have, by a sort of reverse simile, arrows used for light-
ning (Ps. xvill. 14; cxliv. 6. Also Hab. ii. 11; Zech. ix. 14). In the Tartkh i Ya-
mint, “arrows ascending towards them like flaming sparks of fire.” (Dowson’s Elliot,
II, 34.) The idea of flame or lightning is attached to bright and quick-moving weapons
of various kinds. Thus in Nahum iii. 8. <A similar figure probably is intended in
Gen, iii. 24, so also Virgil’s | |
vaginaque eripit ensem
Fulmineum (Ain. IV. 580).
“The sword is in"your hands. Let Jessulmer be illumined by its blows upon the
foe.” (Tod’s Rajasthan, II, 251). The epithet blazing is mentioned by Rajendralala
Mitra as applied in a passage of the Rig Veda (IV, 93) to swords, lances, and other
weapons. (Antiquities of Orissa, I, 119.) Khwandmir, in a description of a battle,
speaks of the “flame-exciting spears.” (Habé us-siyar. Dowson’s Hiliot, IV, 172).
And ’Unsuri of Balkh, in one of his odes, ‘“ Hadst thou seen his spears gleaming like
tongues of flame through black smoke, &c.” (Elliot, LV, 616). And Homer IL. X, 153,
thus rendered by Chapman, in prosaic fashion telling us it was a reflection—
His spear fixed by him as he slept, the great end in the ground,
The point that bristled the dark earth cast a reflection round,
Like pallid lightnings thrown from Jove ‘
Pope, more happily,
Far flashed their brazen points
Like Jove’s own lightning. | |
“Tn that arrow the terrible god hurled forth the fire of wrath, &.” (Muahadeva’s
Equipment for Battle, Muir’s Sanscrit Teats, IV, 225.) ‘This too is probably figurative
fire, though it is added that he discharged it against the castle of the Asuras, and the
Asuras were burnt up, p. 226.
Krishna and Arjun are sent by Mahadeva to a lake where he had deposited his bow
and arrows. They see two serpents, one vomiting flames. ‘The serpents change their
ferm and become bow and arrows, p. 186.
G
50 R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. No. 1,
arrows is in Psalm exx. 4. The word there used “coals of Juniper”
(more properly broom) seems to refer to actual burning matter.
Between the ancient Hindu writings whigh mention fire-arrows in early
days in India, and the Mubammadan historians who tell of naphtha-throw-
ing, in the time of the first Arab invasions of Sind, we get some indications,
from a different source, of the use for similar purposes of the petroleum of
the north-west districts of the Panj4b, about fourteen hundred years before
it was used in Mahmiid’s battles in that quarter. The oil mentioned by
Ctesias as used in the attack of cities, which was launched against the gates
in earthen vessels, and set fire to everything around, with a flame which
could not be extinguished by any ordinary means, is obviously petroleum,
though his story is that 11 was obtained from a large animal found in the
Indus. And the animal described, though called a worm (cxwdAy6é), is as
obviously (in spite of errors and exaggerations with regard to it as well ag
to the oil) a crocodile.* It was seven cubits in length, and had a skin two
fingers thick, and remarkable teeth. It used to come up on the land at
night, seize any animals it could find, and drag them into the water to
satisfy its hunger.f Philostratus repeats the story, noticing also, as Ctesias
does, that the oil was prepared only for the king.t He transfers the animal
to the Hyphasis ; but from the nature of the materials for his work some
inaccuracies may be expected. The story is essentially the same and is
probably taken from Ctesias._ It is not difficult to see in these accounts a
confusion of separate facts. The petroleum obtained in the districts on
both sides of the Indus below Atak is for the most part gathered from the
surface of water. Ctesias refers in another passage to the oil which floats
on certain lakes or ponds in India, and springs discharging oil.§ Again,
the highly inflammable mineral oils and other products of the same class
have been very generally believed to be of animal origin.|| In discussing
* That it should be called a worm, is perhaps not very surprising. Long after
that time, people did not know exactly what kind of animal it ought to be reckoned.
Thomas Herbert, (A. D. 1638) writing of the “hatefull crocodyle’ of Sumatra, calls
it ‘this detested beast, fish, or serpent, by seamen improperly cald Alligator.’ (Some
Yeares Travels, p. 328.)
t Ctesre Ind. Historie Excerpte, Gronovius, p. 664.
t Vit. Apollon. Tyan. IIT, 1. The petroleum collected from a spring in the south
of Persia, we are told by Dr. Fryer, who travelled in that country in 1674, used to be
carefully guarded, and taken for the king’s use only. (Mine Years’ Travels. J. Hrye,
M. D. Cant., p. 318.) The story of its discovery, on one of king Faridin’s hunting
parties, and of its being reserved for the king’s use, is given in Honigberger’s Thurty-
Jive years in the Hast, 8. v. Asphaltum Persicum, p. 238. Alsoin the Makhzan + Adwiyah
by Muhammad Husain of Dihli, A. H, 11890.
§ Ctes. by Gronov., 666.
| Modern researchés on the nature of some of the great deposits of petroleum in
the United States and Canada, and elsewhere, have led to the conclusion that they are
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1876. ] R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 51
the apparent description by Ctesias of the crocodile, and with reference to
the question whether oil zs obtained from that animal, Sir Henry Elliot,
in the note before referred to, mentions the result of an investigation on
the subject in which Prof. H. H. Wilson took part. But there is no
mistake about Crocodile oil. Not only, as Sir H. Elliot observed, is it
mentioned in native works on Materia Medica, but at the present day it is
one of the recognised commercial products of this country, and will be
found duly recorded No. 8282 in Dr. Forbes Watson’s comprehensive list,
prepared in connection with the scheme for an Industrial Survey of India.
Ir we accept the crocodile, the story takes a tolerably compact form and
admits of easy and plausible explanation. Here was an inflammable oil, of
remarkable properties, believed to be of animal origin, and obtained from
the surface of waters on both sides of the Indus. Here was a big water
animal, of trightsome appearance and character, residing in the Indus, and
from which oil was obtained. It is a very natural supposition that Ctesias,
having some version of these facts before him, put this and that together,
and like Mr. Pickwick’s friend who wrote on Chinese Metaphysics, “com-
bined his information.’’*
in great part the product of animal decomposition. (Prof. Archer, in Art Journal of
August, 1864. Prof. Draper of New York, in Quarterly Journal ef Science, (London)
Vol. IT, 1865, p. 49. Prof. Ansted, Qu. Journal of Science, II. 755). The substances of
this class which, according to popular belief, are most directly of animal origin, are
ambergris, and the dark bitumen known as mumidt, highly esteemed in India and
Persia ag a medicine. With regard to ambergris, believed to be a kind of petroleum
issuing from rocks and hardened in the sea, modern opinion is coming round to the
belief that whether or not it comes into the sea in this way, and is then swallowed by
the monsters of the deep, it is actually obtained from the whale. (Bennett’s Whaling
Voyage round the Globe, quoted m Yule’s Marco Polo, II, 400. The animal is the Physater
macrocephalus, according to Linneus (Gmelin, XIV, 495). See also Sindbad’s Fifth
Voyage, Lane’s Thousand and One Nights, L1, 66, and note, p. 108. Le Gentil, Voyages
dans les Mers de UV Inde, TI, 84. D’ Herbelot, Bibl. Or., s. v. Ghiavambar. .Al-Mas td,
Meadows of Gold, ch. XVI. Renandot’s Ancient Accounts of India and China by two
Muhammadan Travellers, p. 94. The precious mumiat is understood a little more
exactly. But at the present day it is popularly beheved to be obtained from land
animals (sotto voce human) by a process exactly similar to that described by Ctesias for
extracting from the big beast of the waters the inflammable oil used in sieges in India.
(See Vigne’s Ghuzni, p. 61,—“ the asphaltum so well known in India by the name of
neero’s fat’’.) Two years ago there was much alarm among the native servants and
others at some of our hill stations in the Panjab, occasioned by a rumour that a demon
who practised the horrible manufacture was prowling about nightly, seizing unwary
and unprotected people, to furnish material for the preparation of the first-class
mumiat.
* It is only by a poetical coincidence, and not with any reference to the combusti-
ble product supposed to be obtained from it, that the crocodile itself is described in the
book of Job as breathing fire. “ Out of his mouth go burning lamps [or blazing torches,
RG i. Maclagan—On arly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [ No. 1,
The account given by Philostratus of the defence of forts in India by
thunderings and lightnings which the defenders had power to discharge on
their assailants,* refers, no doubt,—if any real thmg is referred to,—to
some description of petroleum missile or Greek Fire. But it is most likely
only a reference to the mythical celestial weapons and command over the
elements.t Whenever petroleum or naphtha was obtained, its use for hos.
tile purposes has been appreciated, and the forms of its application have
been various. One of the devices of Iskandar Zul-Karnain, in preparing
for encounters with the Hindus, as related by Mir Khwand? was to make a
number of hollow images in the form of soldiers, filled with dry wood and
naphtha, to be set fire to in the midst of the battle. The great junks of
the Chinese in the middle ages carried arms and naphtha to defend them.
selves against the pirates of India.§ The material used for fire-missiles in
China in the beginning of the tenth century was known by the name of the
“ oil of the cruel fire.”’}} A recent investigator on the subject of Chinese
oils states that the petroleum of Shansi, Lechuen, and Formosa, is said to
have been formerly employed by the Chinese in Greek Fire compositions.
For use in fire-rafts for destroying other vessels and wooden structures,
petroleum is of course very suitable, and has been frequently so used.** And
thrown upon ships from a distance, or directly apphed in other ways, it well
serves the same purpose.tf Bituminous fire shells are noticed by ‘Tasso as
used in the First Crusade (A. D. 1099).t£ In a descriptive Catalogue of
as in a translation published in the Calcutta Christian Intelligencer,’ Feb. 1862] and
sparks of fire leap out. Out of his nostrils goeth smoke, as out of a seething pot or
ealdron, His breath kindleth coals, and a flame gocth out of his mouth.” Ch, xl.
19-21. |
* Vit. Apolion. Tyan. £1, ¥4.
+ See Uttara Réma Charitra (in Wilson’s Hindu Theatre), pp. 14, 92, 96, &c.
* Rauzat-ue-cafa, Shea’s translation, p. 400.
§ Reinaud, Mémoires sur 0 Inde, p. 800.
| Grose’s Military Antiquities, II, 309.
{ Dr. F. Porter Smith, on the oils of Chinese Pharmacy and Commerce. Journal of the
Pharm. Soc. 1874. (The reference is taken from a newspaper review.)
** Lalanne, Feu Grégeois, p. 45, &c., &e.
tf “ At Dely there is a fountain of oil which is said to be unextinguishable when
once it is set on fire; and with which the king of Achen burnt two Portuguese Galleons
near Malacca about 8 or 10 years ago.” UM. Beaulew's Voyage to the East Indies, A. D.
1619 (in Harris’s Collection, p. 250). The irresistible rapidity with which timber touch-
ed with petroleum is consumed by fire 1s illustrated in the recent destruction of the
Goliath trainmg ship,
ti Jer. Del. XII, 42 (Fairfax’s version)
Two balls he gave them, made of hollow brass,
Wherein enclosed, fire, pitch, and brimstone was.
misses the bitwm of the original.
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i876. | R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. 53
Arabic Military books,* mention is made of a peculiar mode of carrying
fire into a fight, on the face of shields furnished with large hollow bosses
which were filled with naphtha and had matches apphed at one or more little
apertures. ‘The device seems rather stupid and impractical, but these
shields are said to have been used in the battle before Mecca, at the attack
on that place by Hajjaj-bin- Yusuf, before referred to, in A. H. 73 (A. D.
692.) - Another td#m of combination of offensive with defensive arms has
been devised in more modern times, which is not much better. The Yar-
kandis, as we learn from Sir D. Forsyth’s account of his embassy, have
“large circular shields gaudily painted with dragons and other hideous mon-
sters on one side, and concealing, on the other, a gun-barrel set in a socket
of wood, and serving also as a handle whereby to carry the shield.’’+
It has been a quéstion whether the scorpions, often mentioned as offen-
sive missiles, are to be taken in their literal meaning, or as representing
some kind of actively inflammable preparation, called by this name on ac-
count of the sharp style of its attack and painful nature of its effects ; just
as some of the engines used in war bear the names of familiar animals with
reference either to their form and appearance or to their mode of applica-
tion.f One of these engines was called a scorpion.§ This question has
been discussed by Sir Henry Elliot in the volume before referred to,|| in
connection with the account in the Zitkh-i-Alfi of the capture of the city
of Nasibin, in the time of the Khalifah ’Omar, in the seventh year after the
death of Muhammad, when large black scorpions are said to have been made
use of in the attack. In support of the supposition that “a combustible
composition formed of some bituminous substances’”’ may have been meant,
he observes that the ancient Indian weapon or rocket called satagni, the
hundred-slayer, also signifies a scorpion. And the fireworks mentioned in
the book translated by Casiri, which gives occasion to Hallam’s query about
the pulvis nitratus, are described as being “in the form of scorpions”. But
though the name has been applied to fireworks and fire missiles as well as
to a mechanical engine of war, yet seeing the distinct mention of these
animals in many instances, (and of other offensive animal missiles thrown
into besieged places) there need be no difficulty in accepting the literal
interpretation. If the situation of the city of Nisibis (with reference to
the capture of which place with the aid of scorpions the matter has been
* Fihrist al-kutub fi ’ilm tl-harb, p. 64-
t+ Report of a Mission to Yarkand, in 1878, p. 18.
t Testudo, Musculus, Aries, Onager, Scorpio, Chat, Sow, &c., and, ironically, the
Bride aris), as tender an instrument, in its way, a8 the maiden in our own country.
§ Said to have been invented by the Cretans. Pin. N. H., VII, 57.
|| Bibl. Index to the Moh. Hist. of India, Calcutta, 1849, 146, 163. Dowson’s Edi-
tion, V, 152, 550.
ie =
- mans “ ° 7 Sat oh opert Rep. + ee ose 4r ir at
54: R. Maclagan—On Harly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No. 1, s
discussed) in a country supplying bituminous material, which actually wag | p
used for fire missiles in that neighbourhood, favours the former idea, at the | (
same time it is a place noted for real scorpions, in modern as well as ancient
days.* Ty
Among the preparations for the great war on the plain of Kurukshetra, 3}
it is related that Duryodhana, having fortified his trench with towers, sup- 4
lied the defenders of the towers with “ pots full of sik @
pie 2 p Wakes and scorpions,
and pans of burning sand and boiling oil.”*+ And there are numerous jp.
stances since that time of the similar use of the living animals.t The Em. y
peror Leo gives instructions, in his Zactica, for this employment in war of _ ‘
serpents and scorpions.§ Larger creatures, dead and living, less directly :
hurtful but unpleasant, have often been thrown into ngage places for the
annoyance of the defenders. Human beings have occasionally been project- !
ed in this way from the military machines ;|| and it is related that on a cer. i
tain occasion an unlucky engineer was accidentally hurled into a fortress by i
one of his own great engines. 4] i
The introduction of improved devices for war missiles, and particularly \3
of gunpowder artillery, was, from various causes, slower in some countries Tf
than in others. Some nations from their position and opportunities, or by fl
* Rev. J. P. Fletcher, Notes from Nineveh, I, 164. ‘The work published under the i
name of Ibn Haukal also mentions both serpents and scorpions in the neighbourhood of f
Nisibis ; (Ouseley’s Geography of Ibn Haukal, 56) and, it may be observed, also mentions
another place noted both for naphtha springs and for a species of scorpion more destruc-
tive than serpents (p. 77).
+ History of India. J. Talboys Wheeler, I, 275. a
+ Imperavit quam plurimas venenatas serpentes vivas colligi, easque in vasa fictilia l
conjici. * * Pergamenae naves quum adversarios premerent acrius, repente in eas R
vasa fictilia, de quibus supra mentionem fecimus, conjici coepta sunt. (Corn. Nep. Han- |
nibal, X. XI.) Frontinus notices this incident among his devices of war, but seems to
make a mistaken reference to the occasion. ‘‘ Hannibal regi Antiocho monstravit ut
in hostium classem vascula jacularentur viperis plena, quarum metu &c.” (Frontin
Stratagemata IV, 10). Other instances in the Hast. ‘‘ And Khalaf cast at them pots
full of serpents and scorpions from slinging machines.” (Kitdb-i-Yamtnt, Memoir of
Sabaktagin. Reynold’s Transi., 54), “Vit preeterea habebant et ignem Grascum abund- » i
anter in phialis et ducentos serpentes perniciosissimos.” (Itinerarium Regis Richarm,
XI, 42, quoted by Lalanne, p. 44. I
§ Lalanne, Feu Grégeois, p. 27.
| Yale's Marco Polo, II, 124. Ibn Battta relates an occurrence of this kind at
Dihli in 13825. (Travels of Ibn Batuta, by Lee, 145.) i
4 A modern artist has improved upon this by a voluntary performance of the same
kind, according to a story which has appeared in recent English newspapers (Dee.
1875). The story is that a Parisian acrobat gets himself flung up to the high trapeze
by being shot from a mortar; and that, on a late occasion, an overcharge of powder, or
some other small error in the adjustments, sent him a little further than he intended,
and landed him in the front row of the spectators.
1876. | K. Maclagan—Qn Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 55
reason of their aims and requirements, have been more receptive than others
of such improvements in military matters. And some, pursuing careers of
conquest or of enterprise, have been the chief means of communicating the
knowledge of these improvements and inventions, which they themselves
had acquired and brought into use. The Arabs early used the resources of
the countries in their possession for the preparation of fire compositions for
use In war, and, among others, (as we have seen) of gunpowder applied to
fireworks ; but their knowledge of the application of gunpowder to artillery
there is every reason to believe was derived from Kurope. ‘Their active and
extensive inroads into other countries, Hast and West, were long anterior to
the days of gunpowder artillery.* The Spaniards, Prescott says, deriving
the knowledge of artillery from the Arabs, had become familiar with it be-
fore the other nations of Christendom.¢ This is perhaps not well establish-
ed. But the Spaniards and Portuguese, whether or not the knowledge was
thus received and thus familiar, were the means of conveying it to eastern
and other countries with which they traded and fought, or in which they
settled ; and sometimes they found themselves forestalled. If some people
were specially apt in adopting the new weapon, i other countries there
were hindrances of different kinds in the way of its introduction or general
use. Sometimes of course the reason for artillery not being used was that
if was not wanted. ‘Then the cannon in early days were very cumbrous and
very troublesome. The first field-pieces were so clumsy and so difficult to
manage, that (as Prescott mentions) Machiavelli, in his Arte della Guerra,
recommends dispensing with artillery. Hume believes the French had
cannon at the time Creci was fought, but left them behind as an encum-
brance. It is not surprising, then, that some Asiatic nations, and others,
were slow, as we find, in bringing gunpowder artillery into use. Few of
those who had the means, failed, it may well be believed, to adopt this new
instrument of war from under-rating its power and importance.
* “What an exalted idea must we not form of the energy and rapidity of such
conquests when we find the arms of Islam at once on the Ganges and the Ebro, and two
regal dynasties simultaneously cut off, that of Roderic, the last of the Goths, of Anda-
loos, and Dahir Despati in the valley of the Indus.” (A.H. 99., A.D. 718). Zod’s An-
nals of Rajasthan, I, 248.
Tt ferdinand and Isabella, I, 277.
{ And more probably from the feeling that they were happier days when it was
not known: as good George Herbert sings,— |
Deerat adhuc vitiis nostris dignissima mundo
Machina, quam nullum satis execrabitur evum.
% + % %
Exoritur tubus, atque instar Cyclopis Homeri
Luscum prodigium, medioque foramine gaudens!
% * # *
a eas, ce? est Vee -f
BG ee Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. No. 1
1 3
The number of guns that could be brought into use was for a long time
very méderate, and they therefore did not at once supersede the previous
contrivances. The English were among the first, after the properties of
sunpowder had become known, to employ big guns. I¢ was in the early
part of the fourteenth century that this mode of applying gunpowder was
first practised in Europe; and from that time it slowly advanced.* The
Ballistarius, once an important official in our English fortresses, made way,
perhaps more rapidly in Britain than elsewhere, but not all at once, for the
Master Gunner. In the Hast, the Naft-anddéz, or naphtha-thrower, was the
co-adjutor of the Manjanike who worked the engines; and these have in
due course been succeeded by the familiar Gol-andéz of the Indian native
armies.
Guns were brought into the field by the English at Creci in 1346. Tt
is said by Tytler and others that Froissart makes no mention of the ouns
Accedit pyrius pulvis—&c., &c.
% * % #
Dicite vos, Furiae, qua gaudet origine monstrum ?
Inventa Belhiea.
Milton, with the same feeling, ascribes the invention of both cannon and powder to
infernal agency. Par. Lost, B. VI.
* Chaucer, in a poem written probably about the end of the third quarter of the
fourteenth century,—the transition. period of artillery in Britain,—borrows illustrations
from both the old and the new descriptions of military engines. It is in a didactic pas-
sage in “ The House of Kame’, i which he discourses on the nature of sound.
Soun is nought but air y-broken
And every speeche that is spoken,
Whe’r loud or privy, foule or fair,
In his substance ne is but air.
After this, in noticing various descriptions of sound, he says,
And the noise which that I heard,
For all the world right so it fered,
As doth the routing of the stone
| That fro the engine is letten gone.
And again,
Throughout every region
Y-went this foule trompes soun,
As swift as pellet out of gonne
When fire is in the powder ronne.*
¢ Itis by a fine oriental figure of speech, and with no reference, now, to pyrotech=
nic functions of any kind, that another familiar Indian official, of humble rank, is styled
a Barg-anddz, or ‘darter of lightning’.
* One of the early kinds of cannon “ was fired by applying a metal bar made red
hot in. the furnace to the powder contained in the chamber.” Véodlet le Due, Mi. Arch,
of Mid. Ages, 172, |
1876. | R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatie Fire Weapons. 57
at Creci. But a recent reviewer has indicated two manuscripts of Froissart
im which they are distinctly mentioned ag used by the English on that
occasion. And he gives some quotations.* Proissart had spoken of guns
employed at an earlier date,—at the siege of Stirling by the Scots in 1841.
Tytler (fist. of Scotland, Vol. IT, p. 60) says this is not corroborated by
contemporary historians. But at a still earlier date they had been used
in Britain, if, as is generally understood, guns are meant by the war-crakes
(crakys of weir), mentioned by Barbour as having been first seen by the
Scots in their skirmishes with Edward III’s forces in Northumberland in
1327.7
But long after those days, in Britain and other countries where gun-
powder and its modern application were well known, the employment of
cannon had not made great progress. In India they were used by Babar,
as largely, 1t would seem, as the means and skill available would permit ;
and he was not much behind other countries in this respect. In 1528, when
he had the aid of artillery in forcing the passage of the Ganges near
- Kanauj, he says, “For several days, while the bridge was constructing,
Ustad ’Ali Kuli played his gun remarkably well. The first day he discharged
it eight times; the second day sixteen times; and for three or four days
he continued firing at the same rate.”t This was just fifteen years after
Flodden, when artillery practice was at much the same stage in Britain,
Their marshall’d lines stretched east and west,
And fronted north and south,
And distant salutation pass’d
‘From the loud cannon mouth ;
Not in the close successive rattle
* “Ta Englés—descliquierént aucuns kanons qu'il avoient en le bataille pour esba-
hir les Genevois.”
“ Les Englés avoient entre eulx deulx des bonbardicaulx, et. en firent deulx ou trois
descliquier sur ces Genevois.” And from another chronicle (St. Denis) the reviewer
quotes, “ Lesquels Anglois giettérent trois canons: dont il advint que les Génevois
arbalestiers qui estoient au premier front tournérent les dos et laissiérent & traire; si ne
scet ’en sé ce fu par traison, mais Dieu le scet.”’ Saturday Review, July 24th, 1875. Re-
view of Hdward ITI. by Rev. W. Warburton, M. A. The reviewer makes these notes
with reference to an observation of the author that Villani is the only historian who
mentions the employment of cannon at Creci.
+ Tytler, Hist. of Scotland, IV, 160. Note. Sir Walter Scott also gives a note in
the Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border on this mention of guns by Barbour. Some early
notices of powder and cannon are referred to by a writer in Notes and Queries, May 1éth,
1869. The earliest date mentioned is cir. 1826. |
{ Memoirs of Baber, tr. by Leyden and Erskine, p. 319 ; Erskine, Hist. of India under
the first two sovereigns of the House of Taimur, Baber, ond Humayun, I. 486. Dowson's
Lilliot, IV, 279.
al
O_O
wT Sie! of-en oF Gi eered . one. os ——_
On
CO.
R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. (No. 7
That breathes the voice of modern battle,
But slow, and far between. *
It was not till after many improvements and much further experience,
during a long course of years, that things came to be done after this other
manner.
The walls grew weak; and fast and hot
Against them pour’d the ceaseless shot,
With unabating fury sent
From battery to battlement ;
And thunder-lke the pealing din
Rose from each heated culverin. +
Babar gives a name to the gun which his engineer and master- -gunner,
"Ali Kuli, managed in the way above mentioned :—(“the eun which he
fired was that called Deg Ghazt, the victorious gun’”—) from which it is
seen that he had others, besides one which was put hors de combat at an
early period in the engagement (“ Another gun, longer than this, had
been planted, but it burst at the first fire’). But it isnot likely that the
many other carriages (‘araba), mentioned in other accounts of his war equip-
ment,{ mean guns, but rather, (as supposed by M. Pavet de Courteille, the
latest translation of Babar’s Memoirs, and by Prof. Dowson) carts of some
kind, used for transport of ordnance stores and for other purposes in con- -
nection with the guns. Leyden (or Erskine) translates the word as gums,
even when mentioning so large a number as seven hundred. This is out of
the question. It appears indeed from other notices of Babar’s artillery that
on some occasions, a single piece was all he had, though at other times he
had several.§ “About noon-day prayers, a person came from Ustad with
notice that the bullet was ready to be discharged, and that he waited for
instructions. I sent orders to dis
charge it, and to have another loaded
before I came up.”’|| <A deal of work fies often been done with a single
gun. But the possession of the new weapon did not confer a very formid-
able superiority when this was the whole of the artillery.4|
* Marmion, VI, 23. |
In the early days of artillery in Europe “it Was usual for a field-piece not to be
discharged more than twice in the course of an action.” Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella,
I, 87.
t Byron, Srege of Corinth.
{ Dowson’s Hiliot, Tuzak-i-~Bdbart, IV, 268, and Note.
§ James’s ordnance, at Flodden, as given by Pitscottie, consisted of “ seven can-
nons that he had forth of the Castle of Edinburgh, which were called the Seven Sisters,
casten by Robert Borthwick, the master-gunner, with other small artillery, bullet, pow-
der, and all manner of order, as the master-gunner could devise.” Marmion, Note 3 D.
|| Zuzak-i-Babart, Dowson, IV, 286.
“1 Reminding one of Hood’s account of the arrangements for quelling an election
riot, as supposed to be described in the letter of a country cousin at the scene of action.
y!
1876.) RR. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatie Fire Weapons. 59
India seems to have freely adopted the new instrument of war, while
Persia was slow to use it, even after experience of its powers, and even
alter beginning to make use of it, did not take to it very kindly. The brass
ordnance which contented the Indian commanders in Babar’s time, and after,
was doubtless of a somewhat rough construction, as we read of Sher Sh4h
Sur, in 1543, issuing an order to his people to “ bring all the brass in camp
and make mortars (degha) of it’, to bombard the fort of Réisin ; and they
brought their “ pots, dishes, and pans,” and made them into mortars.* This
shows at all events a ready appreciation of the value of artillery. Something
more pretentious than these extempore mortars, and more cumbersome, were
the guns which, very soon after this, (in 1551) we hear of Islim Shah
(Sultan Salim) taking with him from Dihli to Léhor, after Mirz4 Ké4m-
ran’s flight Irom the court of Humayun, to take refuge with him. Starting
in haste he could not get a sufficient number of oxen in the villages near
2? obn
7
far advanced. One
, says of the Soldanus
Dibli, and “each gun was pulled by 2000 men on foot.
4.
At this time, and for long after, Persia was not so
of the Jesuit missionaries, writing from Ormus in 1549
Babylonicus, the ruler of the territories adjoining, “qui modo Catheamas
appellatur”’, (that is Shah Tahmasp) “ Hic bona ex parte Persis imperat, et
in Regibus potentissimis jure optimo censetur. Hius robur omne ac vis
coplarum equitatu constat, et peritissimis sagittariis. Nullis bombardis nee
aliis huius generis tormentis utuntur. Szpe cum Turcis, et quidem felici .
Marte belligerant.”{ They were not unacquainted with guns, and had
sutfered from the Turkish artillery in the time of this king’s predecessor,
Isma’il Safi. And Herbert relates that when the Turks under Sulaiman in-
vaded Persia, this same “ Tamas, aifrighted with their great ordnance, hyres
5000 Portugalls from Ormus and Indya, who brought 20 cannon along with
them, and by whose helps the Turks were vanquished.Ӥ The Turks were
early noted for their attention to gunpowder artillery, and the armament of
their forts seems to have been on a par with that which they brought into
the field against the Persians and others. At the time when Father Gaspar
wrote the above account of the defect of artillery in Persia, a French tra-
veller and naturalist, M. Bellon, says of the fortifications of Sestos, which
he saw in 1548, “ Validis tormentis bellicis egregie muniti sunt, que explo-
dantur (si necesse sit) in eas naves que sine licentia effugere, vel in Helles-
S
One passage runs somewhat in this fashion. “3 P. M. Riot increases. ‘The military
has been called out. He is at present standing opposite our door !”
* Tadrtkh-i-Sher Shaht. Dowson’s Elliot, IV, 401.
+ Tdrtkh-t-Détdt. Dowson’s Elliot, IV, 499. See also notices of artillery at this
period in the Térikh-i-Rashidt, V, 131, and Tdrthh-i-Alfi, V, 172.
+ Epistole Indice, p. 38 (Ep. M. Gaspari Belge).
§ Tho. Herbert. Some Yeares Travels, p. 289.
60 R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. (No. 4
: ae
pontum vi perrumpere vellent.”* It was from the Portuguese that Persia f )
had to obtain the assistance of guns. And twenty years before this, the |
Spaniards were using artillery in Mexico, and cast guns there for them. ?
selves. t |
When, in the next century, Ormus was taken from the Portuguese by |
the Persians under Shah ’Abbas the Great, with English assistance (1627), : |
the armament of the defenders was something considerable, according to |
Herbert’s account of it. “The brass Ordnance in the Castle and Rampires W
were divided ; some say they were three hundred, others as many more:
Howbeit, our men say there were only fifty-three great brasse peeces mounted, '
foure brasse cannon, six brasse demicannon, sixteen cannon pedroes of brasse,
and one of iron, 9 culverin of brasse, two demiculverin of brasse, three of iron,
ten brasse bases, seven brasse bastels, some basilisks of 22 foot long, and
nintie two brasse peeces unmounted; which I the rather name, in that the mi,
Portugalls bragge they had small defence, and few Ordnance.”{ At y
this time guns, both large and small, were in use in Abyssinia, having been
introduced by the Turks and Arabs in occupation of various parts of the
east coast of Africa.§ On the west coast of India also, at the same time,
some skill in the use of artillery had been acquired by people not otherwise oo
highly advanced. “ Afallabar’’, says Herbert, “is subdevided into many )
Toparchyes, all obeying the Samoreen, a naked Negro, but as proud as Luci-
fer.” “ By long warres, they are growne expert and orderly: yea know |
how to play with Cannons, have as great store of Harquebuzes, and are as i
well acquainted with the force of powder, as we or any other nation.”|| A ti
special ordnance department was instituted in India in Humayin’s time
(when, as we have seen, artillery had come to play an important part),4 pre-
paring the way for the more complete arrangements under Akbar, who paid
much attention to this part of his war equipment, and who was, himself, ac-
cording to Abul Fazl, an improver and inventor of matters connected with
this department.**
Persia continued to be backward in its artillery. In 1635, when Her-
bert was in that country, Shah Safi, grandson of ’Abbds the Great, being
king, the traveller writes, “Ina common muster the Persian king can
easily advance (as appeares by roll and pension) three hundred thousand
* Belloni Observationes, 186.
t+ Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, II, 266. |
+ Herbert's Travels, p. 118. |
§ Letiera Annua di Ethiopia, Gasparo Paés, 1624.
| Herbert, 300, 802. This disregard of clothing, by even the king, was in the pre-
ceding century (1443) remarked upon by ’Abd-ur-Razz4k, author of the Matla’ us-sa’dain,
and afterwards by other European travellers, Dowson’s Elliot, IV, 101, and Note. —
I Humdyin-némah. Dowson’s Elliot V, 123. Tdrtkh-i-Rashtdi V, 133.
** Blochmann’s Ain-i-Akbart, Ain 36, I, p. 112.
2
1876. |] R. Maclagan—On Harly Asiatic Fire Weapons. QI
a
horse, and seventy thousand good musquetoons.” “ Their harquebuz is
longer than ours, but thinner and not so good for service. They can use
that very well, but detest the trouble of the Cannon, and such field peeces
as require carriage.”* When Kaempfer was in Persia more than fitty years
atter (in 1692), they seem to have got no further. “ Arma illis sunt lancea,
sclopeta, arcus, et acinaces; tormentorum et mortariorum nullus illis in
campo usus est.”7 India was much ahead, as we learn from Bemier’s ac-
count of Aurangzib’s artillery thirty years before this time. t
Aiter seeing the kind of progress that was being made in India and
Persia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, one may be surprised to
read, in the papers on the History of the Burma race, compiled by Sir A.
. Phayre from native sources, published in the J. A. S. B., that in the begin-
ning of the fitteenth century, more than a hundred years before Babar ap-
peared with his guns on the bank of the Ganges, the king of Pegu, advancing
up the Irawadi against king Meng Khoung, did not dare to land and attack
Prome, “as 1b was defended with cannons and muskets.”§ The editor of
the Journal has observed that this mention of guns and muskets in Burma
in 1404 is rather remarkable. It is, if they were what we understand by
cannons and muskets. But it suggests a question. This was a region
abounding in petroleum. Is it not possible that these fire-arms may be
explained in the same way as Mahmtid’s ¢dp and tufang ? (above, page 41).
It is true that a traveller who was in India about that time (Nicolo Conti)
says “the natives of central India” (by which he seems to mean a part he
had not visited) “make use of balistae and those machines which we call
* P. 232. ‘The cbjection to field guns is one that can be readily understood, from
the similar experience of other countries, above referred to. Of a different kind wasthe
dislike which a traveller in the previous century says the people of North Africa had to
the smaller fire-arms, ‘* All the Arabians that live towards the west, where the king-
doms of Fez and Morocco lie, do commonly carry spears about twenty-five hands long.
They use no Musquets or Pistols, neither do they love ’em.” (Description of Africa.
Hrom John Leo and Marmol. Harris’s Collection, I, 311.) 'Tod says the same of the Raj-
puts of the same and later times. Writing of A. D. 1535 he says, “The use of artil-
lery was now becoming general, and the Moslems soon perceived the necessity of foot
for their protection ; but prejudice operated longer upon the Rajpoot, who still curses
“those vile guns’ which render of comparatively little value the lance of many a gal-
lant soldier.” (Rajasthan I, 310.) Sce a parallel to this idea cited by Colonel Yule,
Marco Polo, II, 127.
+ Amenitates Exotice, 75.
t+ Cinquante ou soixante petites piéces de campagne, toutes de bronze; soixante et
dix piéces de canon, la plupart de fonte, sans compter deux a trois cens chameaux legers
qui portaient chacun une petite piéce de campagne de la grosseur d’un bon double mous-
quet. Bermer, Voyages I, 296.
§ J. AS. B., Vol. XXXVITA, Part I, 1869, p. 40.
eee
le a
G2 | R. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. | [No. 1
NO. 4,
bombardas, also other warlike implements adapted for besieging cities 2%
but this does not appear to receive support from the Indian histoniagg
Tavernier refers to a tradition of the early knowledge of powder and nee
in Pegu, believed to have been obtained from AsAm. Writing of the
attack at Asim by the “Grand Capitaine irgimola (Mir J umlah) under
the orders of Aurangzib,-n 1652, (to which, the traveller Observes, little
resistance was expected, the country having enjoyed peace for five or six
centuries, and the people having no experience of war), he says, “On tient que
e’est ce meme peuple qui a trouvé anciennement l’invention de la poudre et
du canon, laquelle a passe d’ Asem au Pegu et du Pegu Aa la Chine, ce qui
est cause que d’ordinaire on Vattribue aux Chinois.”+ We have seen that,
in China, the petroleum of some of its western provinces is said to have
been used in old time for a kind of Greek Fire.t Asdm also, it may be
observed, is a petroleum country. Perhaps this may confirm, in some mea-
sure, the above suggested explanation of the guns and muskets in Burma,
Colonel Symes, in his account of the Embassy to Ava in 1795, considers that
the Burmese learned the application of gunpowder from Europeans, though
the substance may have been known before. “ The musket,” he says, “ was
first introduced into the Pegue and Ava countries by the Portuguese.’”’§
Now-a-days Ava receives English muskets.|| In the Note on the intercourse
of the Burmese countries with Western nations, in Chapter vill of Colonel
Yule’s Narrative of the Mission to the Court of Ava in 1855, Portuguese
muskets in Burma are noticed in the early part of the 16th century. There
is no mention of artillery till 1658, when the guns on the ramparts of Ava,
directed against the Chinese invaders, were said to have been served by a
party of native Christians, under a foreigner who is, with some probability,
supposed to have been an Englishman.§ But the brief notices, in the
chapter referred to, of the narratives of old travellers, were not made with
a view to any special enquiry on this subject.
To the Chinese has been attributed, m amore or less indefinite way, a
very early knowledge of gunpowder artillery. Gleig, in his “ Sketch of the
Miltary History of Great Britain”, says that “ Robert Norton, the author
of a treatise called The Gunner, which was publishedin 1664, * * *
quotes Uffano, an Italian traveller in the Hast, as proving that not only
gunpowder but cannon were used so early as the year 83 of our era by the
* India in the 15th Century by R. H. Major. (Hakluyt Soc.) Travels of Nicolo
Conti, p. 31. | |
+ Voyages de J. B. Tavernier, II, 427.
{ D. F. Porter Smith, on the Oils of Chinese Pharmacy (quoted above).
§ Lmbassy to the Kingdom of Ava in 1795, LZ, 60.
|| Yule’s Mission to the Court of Ava in 1855, p. 75.
{1 Jd., p. 215. |
1876. | Rt. Maclagan—On Karly Asiatic Fire Weapons. -
Chinese, and that the alarm created by them: was one great cause of the
defeat at that time of a Tartar invasion.”* Pew other writers, however, go
so far back. ‘The nature of the proof of this early use of cannon is not
mentioned. Gibbon says that in China, in the thirteenth century, “in
the attack and defence of places the engines of antiquity and the Greek
Fire were alternately employed, and the use of gunpowder in cannons and
bombs appears as a familiar practice.” But the absence of all mention
by Marco Polo of any such practice, while, in his account of the slege of
Siang Yang in 1268 by Kublai, he records the manufacture and employ-
ment of mangonels and trebuchets, a short experience of which induced the
Chinese garrison to surrender,{ may throw some doubt on the Chinese know-
ledge of cannon at that time.
The exclusive and self-isolating practice of China through many Ages,
and the absence of authentic information regarding its early history, occa-
sion possible errors in two opposite directions,—perhaps crediting the people
of that country in early times with a state of advancement in arts and
knowledge which they had not attained, perhaps again wrongly imagining
them to have continued in primitive backwardness down to recent times.
“There must have been a series of ages’, Sir Henry Maine has observed,
with reference to matters of a different kind, “ during which this progress
of China was very steadily maintained; and doubtless our assumption of
the absolute immobility of the Chinese and other societies is in part the.
expression of our ignorance.”’§ This is very true; but, on the other hand,
this same ignorance sometimes expresses itself in errors of an opposite kind.
Omne ignotum has, in all ages, been apt to suggest something uncommon
or wonderful ; and of this kind seems to have been the idea that the Chinese
were acquainted, before European nations, with gunpowder and cannon.
MM. Reinaud and Favé, who have gone into the matter pretty fully in the
work before quoted, thus conclude their statement of the result of the
investigation, which leaves little ground for the Chinese claim to stand upon,
“ Ainsi tombe Vopinion exagérée que s’étaient faite plusieurs savants sur
Vart des artifices de guerre chez les Chinois.’’||
Inthe Note by Sir Henry Elliot on the Early use of Gunpowder in
India{{ he quotes the opinion expressed by General Cunningham in his Essay
on the Arian Order of Architecture (J. 4d. S. B., Vol. XVII, Sept. 1848,
p. 244) with reference to the condition or the ruins of some of the old
* Shetch of Mil. Hist. of Great Britain, p. 100.
+ Decline and Fall, Ch. LXIV.
t Yule’s Marco Polo, 2nd ed., II, 152.
§ Lectures on the Early History of Institutions, p. 227.
|| Feu Grégeois, p. 201.
{ Original Vol, I. Note H, p. 340.
G4, BR. Maclagan—On Harly Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No. 1
Hindu buildings in Kashmir, particularly those of the temples at Avantipura
that no agency but that of gunpowder could have reduced them to ie
state of entire destruction and confusion in which the materials of the
structures are now found. And this destruction, if it was, as is supposed, the
work of Sikandar, designated But-shikan, who was reigning at the time of
Timur’s invasion of India, occurred about the beginning of the fifteenth
century. (Otherwise, ceunpowder being used, General Cnnningham supposes
Aurangzib may have been the destroyer.) But other agencies appear sut-
ficient to account for the condition of these buildings. During the interval,—
a little more than quarter of a century,—since General Cunningham expressed
this opinion, the fingers of Time, and moderate movements of the earth, have
been making openings in some of the other old Hindu buildings in Kash-
mir; and from their appearance it may be believed that these same agencies,
together with undermining work applied for wilful destruction, could do
what has been done. The little temple of Payach, so complete at the time
of General Cunningham’s visit on the occasion referred to, has now not only
lost the pinnacle he deseribes,—which is a small matter,—but has its roof-
stone, which is a single block, further dislodged than at that time, some ot
the other stones out of their places, and gaps as wide as two inches in the
masonry of the basement, through which can be seen the interior filling of
small boulders. At the splendid temple of Martand, the two side buildings
which General Cunningham described are now seriously out of the per-
pendicular, and parts of the lower courses of masonry of the north-east
angle of the main building have fallen out, painfully suggesting the pro-
bability that, unless measures are taken to re-support 1b (which it is hoped
is now to be done) that corner of the building may ere long come down,
and, with it, great part of the walls. If some such work of destruction
were done purposely, perhaps suggested by,—partial injury of this kind
- from natural causes, the ruin might be as complete as that of the buildings
at Avantipura. ‘The whole of that country has long been noted for the fre-
quency of earthquakes.* Inthe present century they have occasionally
been severe. The earthquakes of June and July, 1828, which were repeated
almost daily for weeks together, caused much destruction of house property
in Srinagar, and large masses of rock are said to have been detached trom
the hill sides and thrown down. Gunpowder does not seem necessary to
account for the ruin of these Kashmir temples.
While there appears to be no good evidence in support of the idea that
* “Je croirois,’ says Bernier, speaking of the legends regarding the opening of
the Baramula pass by which the Jhelam issues from the placid level of the valley;
* Je croirois plutot que quelque grand tromblement de terre, comme ces heux y sont
assez sujets, auroit fait ouvrir, &c. &c.” (Voyages, IT, 269.) Abul Fazl notices the fre-
quency of carthquakes in Kashmir. (Gladwin’s Ayeen Akbary, L, 153).
le tO Ee ee ORE See ——
1876. | R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. 65
Asia had a knowledge of gunpowder, and used fire-arms, before Europe,
there are plain indications that the knowledge of the most improved
weapons of war, both before and since the introduction of gunpowder, and
the skill to make and to use them, came from Europe to India and other
Asiatic countries.
It has been seen above how Kublai Khan employed Western engineers
to construct and direct the machines he used in the siege of Siang-yang
in 1268. The engines used by Sultan Jaldl-ud-din in his attack of the
fort of Rantanbhor, A. D. 1290, are called maghribthd, or Western (en-
gines).* In the history of part of the reign of ’Alé-ud-din Khilji, from
1296 to 1810 (A. H. 695 to 710), called Wirtkh-i- Aldé, the author, to
illustrate the great strength of the fort of Arangal, says, “if a ball from a
western catapult were to strike against it, 1t would rebound like a nut.’’+
Again, on one face of the fort, it is said the “ western engines” succeeded
in making several breaches.t The account of the same transaction given
by Zid-ud-din uses this same term maghribi for the manjaniks used on both
sides.§ |
This indefinite term Western, as applied to the mechanical war engines
of those days, is narrowed to Miringiha as the designation of gunpowder
artillery in Babar’s time. This is the term used in this account of the
battle of Panipat, April, 1526.|| Colonel Tod, in his account of the attack
by Bahddur, Sultan of Gujarat, on the fort of Chitor, defended by Rana
Bikramajit, A. D. 1535, (S. 1591) says, “This was the most powerful
effort hitherto made by the Sultans of Central India, and European artiller-
ists are recorded in these annals as brought to the subjugation of Cheetore.
The engineer is styled ‘ Labri Khan, of Prengan’, and to his skill Bahadur
was indebted for the successful storm which ensued.”’4 It would appear
that the employment of Europeans in a similar capacity at a much earlier
period with the mechanical war engines is what is meant, in certain old
narratives referred to by the same author, though their employment is not
distinctly mentioned. He quotes from the “Sooraj Prakas’” an account
of the preparations of the king of Kanauj for opposing an invasion
from beyond the Indus, in the 12th century, when “the king of Gor and
Irak crossed the Attok’. in which it is said that the invading army had
?
* Tdrtkh-t-Flriz-Shéh, of Zid-ud-din Barnt, Dowson’s Eltvot, LI, 146.
+ Tartkh-i-’ Aldt. Dowson, I11, 80.
t ld., TIT, 82.
§ Tirtkh-i-Firke-Shdhi (Zid-ud-din). Id. IL, 202.
| Erskine and Leyden’s Memoirs of Baber, 306. Tuzak-i-Babart, Dowson, IV, 200.
Zod’s Annals of Rajasthan, L, 310.
I
et ee SSP,
ee
= tn oop et Grrr, © ign ae a e - — ee
66 BR. Maclagan—On Harly Asiatic Fire Weapons. LNo. 1,
the aid of “the skilful Frank, learned in all the arts.”* In a footnote Tod
adds, “It is singular that Chand likewise mentions the Frank as being in
the army of Shabudin in the conquest of his sovereign Pirthiraj.”
The note in Erskine and Leyden’s translation of Babar’s Memoirs, on
the passage above referred to, about artillery at the battle of PAnipat, Says
of the term ‘ Feringtha’, “the word is now used in the Dekkan for -
swivel.’”+ Iam informed by Mr. Shaw, lately our representative in Y4r-
kand, that in a book which he obtained during his residence in Turkistan,
relating to events in Yarkand in the beginning of last century, guns are
designated Miringt milttk. (Milttk is the word given for musket, in the
Vocabulary appended to Sir D. Forsyth’s Report of the Mission to Y4r-
kand in 1873.¢ It is perhaps used in a more general way also for fire-arms,
like our gum.) The same term, Mringr Miltik, Mr. Shaw mentions, is now
applied to Rifles. It may be interred that it was for a similar reason that
in the other instances above referred to, in earlier times, corresponding
terms were used with reference to the engines and engineers, and then to
the first gunpowder artillery used in India.
Alike in Asia and in Europe the earlier weapons of war continued, of
necessity, to be used long after the introduction of gunpowder artillery, and
along with it. The guns, few in number, were at first merely a small but
startling addition to the ordinary implements of battle. At Panipat, when
Babar’s Firingi field-pieces were causing a new sensation, the smaller fire-
arms were not yet in use, and throughout the account of the fight he relates
how his troops poured in discharges of arrows on the enemy. When the
Zamorin’s subjects had become familiar with powder and modern fire-arms,
as noticed above, still “in all fights”, as Herbert goes on to say, “they
also use bow and arrow, darts and targets, granads and variety of fire-
works.Ӥ So of course did English bows, long after Creci, play the chief
part in fights in which cannons also were brought into play. ||
In Europe the fire missiles of the earlier days were both used along
with modern guns and discharged by means of them. And the Greek Fire,
having its composition and effects modified by gunpowder led the way to
the later balles ardentes or pots de feu, and shells. Fire arrows even were
among the kinds of missiles thrown from the early small-bore guns.4
* Tod’s Rajasthan, ITI, 8.
t P. 306. Also Dowson’s Elliot, IV, 256.
t P, 548.
§ Some Yeares Travels, ». 302.
|| Mr. Grant Duff, in his Notes of his recent journey in India, mentions that an
officer who accompanied him on his visit to the fort of Léhor (Jan. 1st, 1875) intorm-
ed him he had had an arrow shot at him during the siege of Multén in 1848. (Con- i
temp. Rev., July 1875.) i !
I Nap. Lowis Bonaparte. Etudes sur le passé et Vavenir de V_Artillerie, p. 43. |
~ TO a te ee et a Be mn I See ee eee eee ae Pe ee Ee — =
1876.) R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Pire Weapons. 67
Froissart mentions Greek Fire used with modern artillery by the English at
the siege of the castle of Romorantin in 1356. “Si ordonnérent & ‘epee
canons avant et a traire carreaux et feu erégeois dedans la basse cour.’
“Adone fut le feu apporté avant, et trait par bombardes et par canons en
la basse cour.”’* In their contests with the Moors in Granada, in 1485,
the Spaniards threw from their engines large globular masses composed of
certain inflammable ingredients mixed with gunpowder, which, “scattering
~ long trains of light”, caused much dismay.+ The earlier cannon, M. Viol-
let le Duc says, in his work on the Military Architecture of the Middle
Ages, “appear to have been often used, not only for hurling round stones
as bombs, like the engines which worked by counterpoise, but likewise for
throwing small barrels containing an inflammable and detonating composition
such as the Greek Fire described by Joinville, and known to the Arabs from
the twelith century.”’{ This application of Greek Fire, or some of these
other compositions, is the device which the experienced campaigner, Ritt-
master Dugald Dalgetty, brought to the notice of Sir Duncan Campbell of
Ardenvohr—* Still however the Captain insisted, notwithstanding the
triumphant air with which Sir Duncan pointed out his defences, that a
sconce should be erected on Drumsnab, the round eminence to the east of
the castle, in respect the house might be annoyed from thence by burning
bullets full of fire, shot out of cannon, according to the curious invention
of Stephen Bathian, king of Poland, whereby that Prince utterly ruined the
great Muscovite city of Moscow. ‘This invention, Captain Dalgetty owned,
he had not yet witnessed, but observed that it would give him particular
delectation to witness the same put to the proof against Ardenvohr, or any
other castle of similar strength ; observing that so curious an experiment
could not but afford the greatest delight to all admirers of the military
art.Ӥ The event which the Captain referred to belongs to the latter halt
of the sixteenth century. In 1582, this Stephen Bathian or Bathony, king
of Poland, made peace with Russia under Ivan II.
We are generally accustomed, now-a-days, to look upon the practical
application of any kind of Greek Fire to hostile or incendiary purposes as
a thing of the past and only of historical interest. But the extraordinary
abundance of the petroleum with which the world is now supplied has fur-
* Froissart, I, 2, 26, quoted by Reinaud and Favé, 223 ; and Lalanne, Feu Greégeois, 61.
+ Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella, I, 277. The Catalogue of Arabic Military Works
before referred to speaks of the use of cotton dipped in oil, with daqg-al-harrdagqat,
which may mean fire-powder ; the burning power of fire arrows being strengthened
by the addition of some gunpowder composition of the earlier kind used for fire-works.
Hihrist §c., p. 64.
t Translation by M. Macdermott, p. 170.
§ Legend of Montrose, Chap. X.
3 R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No. 1,
nished the means, as well as suggested the idea, of its use for this purpose,
With all the resources of modern skill and apphances, Greek Fire was
brought into use at the siege of Charleston in 1863,—not without some
expressions of public disapproval.* The secret manufacture of Greek Fire
in Dublin, for Fenian use, in 1867 received a check by the arrest of the
artist. It is not forgotten how burning petroleum was brought into use,
in a not very edifying manner, by the communists in Paris in 1870 ; and
since that time by more than one party in Spain.
The occasional revivals of disused weapons and practices of war make
but little mark on the line of continuous progress in the art of preparing
war fire material. It is likely that the advances from one kind of fire wea-
pon and fire composition to another have all been gradual, and that to no
definite time or single individual can be attributed the invention or dis.
covery of either Greek Fire or gunpowder. The usual account of Greek
Eire, which imphes that it was one distinct and specific composition, is that
if was invented by Callinicus, an architect of Heliopolis (Ba’lbek), who
deserted from the service of the Caliph to that of the Emperor Constantine
Pogonatus (the bearded) in the latter half of the seventh century, that its
composition was a secret, and the art was preserved at Constantinople, that
the secret atterwards passed in some way to the Muhammadans, that the
use of the Greek, or, as it may now be called, says Gibbon, the Saracen fire
was continued to the time of the invention or discovery of gunpowder, and
that the secret has since been lost. Grose adds another supposition, that
ib was the invention of Arabian chymists, and the researches made since his
time show this to be at least equally likely. | |
Lhe various preparations for which receipts are given in the Arabic
books quoted by MM. Reinaud and Favé have probably all been recog. .
nised as forms of the fire compositions which, under whatever name at the
time, caused much terror to those against whom they were used, and were after-
wards known by the common name of Greek Fire ; though the fire so called
which was most alarming and destructive was liquid, that is, apparently,
* A feeling which had been strongly expressed in a less advanced age. MM.
Reinaud and Favé quote from a manuscript treatise on the Art of War by Christian of
Pisa, in the reien of Charles VT » of France (beginning of the fifteenth century), “‘ Mais
comme telles choses & faire ne enselgner pour les maulx qui s’en pourroient ensuivre
soient deffendues et excommeniées, n’est bon d’en mettre en livres ne plus plainement
en réciter, pour ce qu’a crestien n’ appartient user de telles inhumanités qui meesmement
sont contre tout droit de guerre.’ On which the modern authors observe—‘‘ Remar-
quons que lauteur ne parle pas du feu grec comme d’une chose inconnue, mais oomme
d’un moyen de guerre déloyal.’? Feu Grégeois, p. 220.
t Gibbon, A. D. 668—675.
Beckmann’s Hist. of Inventions and Discoveries, IV, 84.
Grose’s Military Antiquities, II, 309.
aes > = = =.
> OO ee ge a ee ot Ba rm FIN Cee = ae Dec ereeery-s rs
1876. ] R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Fyre Weapons. 69
was prepared with petroleum. It was not one single mixture compounded
aiter the prescription of Callinicus. Nor does there appear to have been
any secret in the matter, nor does the art appear to have been at any time
lost.* Only all people had not command of the most essential materials of
the composition, and in particular, of the petroleum or naphtha, which is
trequently named as the chief or only combustible thus used.
“With still less certainty can the invention or discovery of gunpowder
be assigned to any particular time or person. When it is claimed for Roger
Bacon or Berthold Schwartz, it comes to little more than this, that they
were attentive students of the chemistry of their time and acquainted with
compositions of the nature of sunpowder, and that they recorded what they
knew and had seen. It was, however, apparently without knowing or not-
ing the capabilities of gunpowder for application to military purposes. t
From the various combinations of the ingredients for use in fire-works, the
advance was great which resulted in the application of the compound to
explosive and projectile purposes, and its preparation in a form suitable for
those uses. The discovery of its expansive power would, it might be sup-
* See Renaud and Favé, Chap. VIIT, p. 219, &e.
+ A question arises whether a mistake is not made in the use of the term Greek
Fire; not merely the question suggested by its uncertain history, whether or not it was
in any sense of Greek origin, but whether the word “Greek” ig the right representa-
tion of the term from which it is taken. Is the term “ Greek Fire” or any exact equi-
valent, used before the time of the Crusade Chronicles in which it appears in the form
teu Grégeois ? And are the names since used, Ignis Grecus, Greek tive, &e., taken
from this? Then what is Grégeois ? The word is almost, if not entirely, limited to thig
particular application of it. The Dictionary of the French Academy says “ Grégeois.
Il n’est usité que dans cette locution, few grégeois, espéce d’artifice dont on se servait
anciennement a la guerre,” &c. It is not used as a synonym of Gec. Can it be con-
nected with any other word ? The old French verb gregier is thus interpreted in the
Complément of the French Academy’s Dictionary. “ Gregier, v. a. et n. (V. lang.), Gré-
ver, Accabler, Faire tort.” And gréver is from gravis; (gréve = grief). (Diez, Hty-
mological Dictionary of the Romance Languages, by I. C. Donkin.) A derivation of gré-
geois frem grégier does not appear impossible or fanciful. May it not have been a
descriptive epithet of the fire, grievous or cerrible 2? Just as in China the material is
said to have been known in the tenth century by the name of “oil of the cruel fire.”
(Grose, IT, 309). The suggestion is perhaps not worth much. But the title of the fire
to the name Greek does not appear clear.
+ Not that this would have been set aside as being of no concern to men of their
profession. Sir Walter Scott’s picture of an energetic monk, technically familiar with
the construction and working of the mechanical war engines of his time, while profes-
sing that they did not come within the range of his studies, (The Betrothed, Chap.
VIII) is probably not a mere personal portrait. Inmates of monasteries, as well as
other ecclesiastics, of the Middle Ages, while they were the conservators of learning, and
the cultivators of the ornamental arts, did not neglect to keep an eye on the arts that
pertained to war.
70 R. Maclagan—On Early Asiatic Fire Weapons. [No. 1,
posed, be readily followed by the invention of cannon. Yet though this
property of gunpowder was known to Roger Bacon, no form of instrument
for applying it to the purpose of propelling missiles of any kind seems to
have been known till long after. And the invention of cannon does not
appear to be assignable now, any more than that of gunpowder, to any par-
ticular individual.”
The compositions above referred to, for which the Arabs had receipts
in times preceding the knowledge of gunpowder artillery in Europe, appear
distinctly to have been applied as combustibles—in fire-works and fiery
missiles. They were forms of fire-powder, not gunpowder. And they may
have been the first to make them. Colonel Favé, in his Htudes sur le passé
et Vavenir de V Artillerte, goes further, however, and says “ Les Arabes
paraissent avoir été les premiers a lancer les projectiles par la force explosive
de la poudre 4 canon.”+ It may be so, but there does not appear to be
good evidence of it. They led the way to gunpowder, through Greek Fire
and fire-works, and made it, but did not apparently find out, before
HKuropean nations, its most important form and application.
It has been noticed that the use of modern artillery made very un-
equal progress in different countries. The use of gunpowder, like that of
Greek Fire, was, in its early days, largely dependent on the facilities for pro-
curing the materials and manufacturing the powder, or on the facilities for
obtaining the powder ready-made from other countries. With communica-
tions imperfect and tedious, supplies of gunpowder would be uncertain.
An Hastern traveller in the beginning of the seventeenth century says that
at that time a place in the neighbourhood of Achin “ supplies in a manner
all the Indies with sulphur to make powder of.’ This was rather a wide
general statement. In Scotland, a few years after the time of which this
traveller writes, it 1s recorded, under date July 19th, 1626, that “ amongst
the preparations for war at this time, the Privy Council, reflecting on the
inconveniences of being wholly dependent on foreign countries for gunpow-
der, empowered Sir James Baillie of Lochend, Knight, to see if he could
induce some Englishmen to come and settle in Scotland for the manufac-
ture of that article.’
* History says nothing in support of the pretensions of Butler’s claimant “Mag-
nano, great in martial fame’’,
Of warlike engines he was author,
_ Devised for quick dispatch of slaughter.
The cannon, blunderbus, and saker,
He was th’ inventor of, and maker.
Hudibras, Part I, Canto 2.
+ Quoted in Quarterly Review, July 1868. Art. IV. “ Gunpowder.”
¢ IM. Beauliews Voyage to the East Indies, A. D. 1619. Harris's Collection, LI, 250.
Dt aE ee ee ot ee = ee a I ee, eS eee eee eee
1876.] H. Beveridge—Were the Sundarbans inhabited in ancient tumes ? TL
The arts pertaining to weapons and munitions of war spread now over
by y a wide field. In the line on which they were started by the introduction of
i ‘ gunpowder they have made great advances in the hands of different nations
r . of Kurope. With no essential change, of the kind which took place when
Sy gunpowder artillery came: into use, the minute improvements in execution,
. | and careful attention to accuracy, in modern times, and particularly in the
‘ _ present century, have made changes nearly as important. Great as the
Ry, difference between the old and the new war engines, in the days when they
ay - worked together, as great probably are the differences of another kind be-
lip, | tween Babar’s firing? field-pieces at Pdnipat and the Armstrongs of the
i 86=Sté‘itstséprresientt: ‘day j.
lay | A
* Were the Sundarbans inhabited in ancient times ’—By H. BrverineGe,
mi 1 oe
ing}
nil | This is a question which has excited a great deal of attention. The
Bengali mind as being prone to the marvellous and to the exaltation of the.
« past at the expense of the present, has answered the question in the affirma-
Mf tive and maintained the view that there were formerly large cities in the
' Sundarbans. Some Bengalis also have suggested that the present desolate
) condition of the Sundarbans is due to subsidence of the last, and that this
4 may have been contemporaneous with the formation of the submarine hol-
- low known as the “Swatch of no ground”. It seems to me, however, to be
mi) very doubtiul indeed that the Sundarbans were ever largely peopled, and.
wi still more so that their inhabitants lived in cities or were otherwise civiliz-
= ed. As regards the eastern half of the Sundarbans, namely, that which lies
nt in the districts of Bakirgan] and Nodkhali and includes Sondip and the
7 other islands in the estuary of the Megna, it seems to me that the fact of
ps so much salt having been manufactured there in old times militates against
be the view of extensive cultivation ; for the salt could not have been made
as without a great expenditure of fuel, which of course implies the existence
J of large tracts of jungle. Du Jarric speaks of Sondip as being able to
J supply the whole of Bengal with salt, and it seems evident that in old times
salt was reckoned as the most valuable production of this part of the coun-
trv. How inimical this must have been to a widespread cultivation of the
neighbouring tracts may be judged of from the fact that in modern times
the salt manufacture by Government was a great obstacle to the clearing
and colonization of the churs and islands, as the Government officers insis-
ted on the jungles being maintained for salt-manufacture. The zamindars
also of Dakhin Shahbdzpur obtained, as I have elsewhere stated, a large
reduction of their land revenue on account of part of their lands being
taken up for the use of the salt works.
72 H. Beveridge—Were the Sundarbans inhabited in aneient tumes ? [No.1
ie
Sondip itself was, it is true, cultivated in Cesar Frederick’s time
(1569), but so it is now, and there is no reason to suppose that its civilization
was greater then than it is at present. It may have, but then it certainly
had, some thirty or forty years later, one or two Forts, which were marks
of insecurity rather than of prosperity, and which do not exist now, simply
because the Aracanese and the Portuguese pirates are no longer formidable.
Ralph Fitch visited Bacola in 1586, and describes the country as being very
great and fruitful. He does not, however, expressly say that Bacola was a
city, and it is possible that the people lived then as now in detached houses,
and did not lodge together in any great town or mart. But even if we take
the words “the houses be very fair and high builded, the streets large” (a
most unlikely thing in any oriental city) to mean that there was a city of
Bacola and give full credence to Fitch’s statements, the next clause of the de-
scription, vtz., “the people naked, except a little cloth about their waist”
does not suggest the existence of much civilization or refinement.
Moreover, there is nothing to show that Bacola was in what are now
known as the Sundarbans. It probably was the same as Kochté, which,
according to tradition, was the old seat of the Chandradip Raj4s. But
Kochua is at this day one of the most fertile and best cultivated
parts of Bakirganj, and is the only place in the south of the district
which contains a large Hindu population. No doubt there has been
a great amount of diluviation near Kochté, and the river between the main-
land and Dakhin Shahbazpur has become much wider than it was in old times.
In this way the old city of Bakla and much of its territory may have dis.
appeared, and to this extent there probably has been a decay of civilization,
but this is a different thing from the supposition that the tract now existing
as forest was formerly inhabited by a civilized people. It seems to me also
that Fitch cannot have been a very observant traveller, as otherwise he
would have noticed the terrible storm which overwhelmed Bakla only a
year or two before his visit, and that therefore we should not press his
statement too tar. Possibly all physical traces of the storm had disappeared,
but surely people must still have been telling of it, and Fitch must have
heard of it if he stayed at Bakla any time or had any intercourse with the
inhabitants. |
Another thing which indisposes me to believe in the early coloniza-
tion of the eastern part of the Sundarbans is the terrible hardships
which the crew of the “Ter Schelling” suffered on this coast in 1661. The
“Ter Schelling” was a Dutch vessel which sailed from Batavia for Ongueli
(Hajl1) in Bengala on 3rd September, 1661, and was wrecked off the coast
of Bengal in the first half of the following month. The narrative of the
voyage and shipwreck, and of the subsequent adventures of the passengers
and crew was written by one of them. The author was, I believe, a
DO Ete eo ee a Ch rm EY | ae Le ip eine oe ene DN a rey + Eee Pek ee Fe ee? ee eee eee
1876.] H. Beveridge—Were the Sundarbans inhabited in ancient times? 73
Dutchman, and his account was first published at Amsterdam and after.
wards at London in 1682 under the title of ‘Relation of an unfortunate
voyage to the kingdom of Bengala’. The passengers and crew seem to have
_ landed on an island near Sondip, and their sufferings from hunger were
most terrible. They were compelled te live on most disgusting objects
such as a putrid buffalo, a dead tortoise, “leganes’”’, serpents, snails, and
the leaves of trees, and to drink salt water. They saw very few in-
habitants, and these whom they did come. across seemed to be almost
as poor and miserable as themselves and to have been driven out from
more civilized regions. They were several times on the eve of resorting
to cannibalism, but eventually they got to Sondip, where they were kindly
treated and sent on to Bulwa (Bhalud4). The prince of Bulwa was
also kind to them, and sent them on to Decke (Dhaka), where they were
impressed and made to serve in the war under Mir Jumlah against Asdm.
Unfortunately the author does not clearly indicate the site of the shipwreck,
but it was evidently somewhere on the sea coast of the Sundarbans. The
people whom he met, or at least some of them, appear to have been Muham-
madans, for they used the expression ‘ salaam’.
In Professor Blochmann’s Contributions to the Geography of Bengal,
No. I. (J. A. S. B., 1878, Pt. I., p. 227), reference is made to Van den
Broucke’s map in Valentyn’s work as showing the place where the “ Ter
Schelling” was wrecked.
I may also notice here that the copper-plate inscription found at [dil-
pur in Bakirganj, and described in the Asiatic Society’s Journal for
1888, seems to imply that the inhabitants of that part of the coun-
try belonged to a degraded tribe called the Chandabhandas—a fact
which is not favourable to the supposition of an early civilization of
_ the Sundarbans.*
By far the most interesting account of the Sundarbans is contained in
the letters of the Jesuit priests who visited Bakla and Jessore in 1599 and
1600. ‘Their letters were published by Nicolas Pimenta and have been
translated into Latin and French. I was indebted for my introduction to
them to my friend Dr. Wise, who told me that they were quoted in Purchas’s
Pilgrimage. Extracts from the letters and the subsequent history of the
mission are also given by Pierre Du Jarric in his ‘ Histoire des choses plus
mémorables advenues aux Indes Orientales’, Bordeaux, 1608-14.
It appears that Pimenta, who was a Jesuit visitor and stationed at
Goa, sent two priests, Fernandez and Josa, to Bengal in 1598. They left
Cochin on 8rd May, 1598, and arrived in eighteen days at the Little Port
(Porto Pequino). From thence they went up the river to Gullo or Goli,
* Vide, however, Mr. Westmacott’s remarks on this name, J. A. 8. B., 1875, Pt. L
p. 6.
Beveridge— Were the Sundarbans inhabited in ancient times 7 (N.
where they arrived eight days after leaving the ‘ Little Port’. While at
Gullo, they were invited by the Raja of a place, called Chandecan (in
Italian Ciandecan), to pay him a visit, and accordingly Fernandez sent J osa
there, and he was favourably received by the king. One year after
these two priests had left Cochin, Pimenta sent two other priests, namely,
Melchin de Fonseca and Andrew Bowes, to Bengal, and they arrived at
Chittagong or at Dianga some time in 1599. On 22nd December, 1599,
Fernandez wrote from Sripur, giving an account to Pimenta of the suc-
cess of the mission, and on the 20th J anuary, 1600, Fonseca wrote from
Chandecan, giving an account of a journey which he had made from Dianga,
to Chandecan by way of Bakla. Fonseca’s letter is most interesting. He
describes how he came to Bacola, and how well the king received him, and
how he gave him letters patent, authorising him to establish churches, &c.,
throughout his dominions. He says that the king of Bakla was not above
eight years of age, but that he had a discretion surpassing his years. The |
king “ after compliments asked me where I was bound for, and I replied that
I was going to the king of Ciandecan, who is to be the Sather-in-law of your
Highness. These last words seem to me to be very important, for the king
of Ciandecan was, as I shall afterwards show, no other than the famous >
Pratapaditya of Jessore, and therefore this boy-king of Bakla must have
been Ramehandra Rai, who we know married Pratapaditya’s daughter.
Fonseca then proceeds to describe the route from Bakla to Chandecan and
I shall give this in the original Italian.
Il viaggio di Bacolé sin a Ciandecan 6 il pin fresco, delitioso ch’io
mai vedessi, per 1 varii fiumi con alberi alle rive ch’ irrigano il paese, e per |
vedersi da una parte correre numerose schiave di cervi, per V’altra pascere |
moltitudine di vacche; lascio le campagne spatiose di viso, e li molti can- |
neti di canne mele, gli sciami d’api per gli alberi, e le simi andar saltando
da uno albero all’ altro e altri particolarita di grande ricreatione a viandanti.
Non mancono pero Tigri e Crocodili che si pascono di carne humana, per
trascuragine, e peri peccoti d’ aleuni. Sono ancora per quelle selve Rinoceroti
ma io non ne ho visto veruno.”
Now though the good father evidently had an eye for natural scenery
and was delighted with the woods and rivers, it is evident that what he ad-
mired so much must have appeared to many to be “ horrid jungle”, and was
very like what the Sundarbans now are. In fact, a great part of this de-
scription of the route from Bakla to Ciandecan is still applicable to the
journey from Barisal to Kaliganj, near which PratApaditya’s capital was
situated. The chief difference is, that the progress of civilization has driven
away the herds of deer and the monkeys from the ordinary routes, though
they are still to be found in the woods, and the deer have given their name
to one of the largest of the Sundarban rivers (the Haringhaté). The
— ee Yo,
= -Ge a ss a ee OO I | ert es ek eRe oe ee ss Ardohain: on dne 2-0 - owe 0g>.0~
PO ane ae pe Ee ~ : ~~ as
F
a ee ee, |
1876.| H. Beveridge—Were the Sundarbans inhabited im ancient times? 75
faithfulness of Fonseca’s description seems indicated by his modestly admit.
ting that he had never seen a rhinoceros, while stating (quite truly) that
there were such animals in the forest. Had he come upon any town on his
route, 16 is reasonable to suppose that he would have mentioned it. Fonseca
arrived at Ciandecan on the 20th November, and then he found Fernandez’s
companion Dominic de Josa, who must either have been left there by Fer-
nandez in 1598, or had returned some time afterwards. The king received
Fonseca with great kindness—so much so, that he says he does not think a
Christian prince could have behaved better. A church was built at Ciande-
can, and this was the first ever erected in Bengal and was as such dedicated
to Jesus Christ. Chittagong was the second, and then came the church at
Bandel, which was erected by a Portuguese named Villalobos.
The fair prospects of the mission as described by Fernandez and Fon-
seca were soon overclouded. Fernandez died in November 1602 in prison
at Chittagong, after he had been shamefully il-used and deprived of
the sight of an eye; the king of Ciandecan proved a traitor, and killed
Carvalho the Portuguese Commander, and drove out the Jesuit priests.
Leaving these matters, however, for the present, let us first answer the ques-
tion, Where was Ciandecan ? IJ reply that it is identical with PratApaditya’s
capital of Dhumghat, and that it was situated in the 24-Parganahs and
near the modern Kaliganj. My reasons for this view are first that
Chandecan or Ciandecan is evidently the same as Chand Kh4éan, and we
know trom the history of Raja Pratapaditya by Ram Ram Bosu (modernised
by Harish Tarkalankar) that this was the old name of the property in the
Sundarbans, which Pratapaditya’s father Vikramaditya got from king Daud.
Chand Khan, we are told, had died without heirs, and so VikramAditya got
the property. And there is nothing in this contradictory to the fact that
Jessore formerly belonged to Khanja ’Ali [Khan Jah4n]; for Khanja ’Ali
died in 1459, or about 120 years before Vikramaditya came to Jessore,
so that the latter must have succeeded to some descendant of Khanja ’Alj,
and he may very well have borne the name of Chand Khan. When the
Jesuit priests visited Ciandecan, Pratdpaditya cannot have been very lone
on the throne, and therefore the old name of the locality (Chand Khan)
may still have clung to it.
But besides this, Du Jarric tells us that after Fernandez had been kill-
ed at Chittagong in 1602, the Jesuit priests went to Sondip, but they soon
left it and went with Carvalho the Portuguese Commander to Ciandecan.
The king of Ciandecan promised to befriend them, but in fact he was
determined to kill Carvalho, and thereby make friends with the king of
Arakan, who was then very powerful, and had already taken possession of
the kingdom of Bakla. The king therefore sent for Carvalho to “ Jasor ”,
and there had him murdered. The news reached Ciandecan, says Du Jarric,
76 Rajendraldla Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
at midnight, and this perhaps may give us some idea of the distance of the
two places. ;
I do not think that I need add anything to these remarks except that
I had omitted to mention that Fernandez visited Ciandecan in October, 1599,
and got letters patent fromthe kmg. Asan additional precaution, Fernandez
obtained permission from the king to have these letters also signed by the
king’s son, who was then a boy of twelve years of age. The boy may have
been Udayaditya, and so he must have been only three or four years older
than Ramchandra Rai of Bakla.
I must not omit to point out that the fact that Vikramaditya chose
Jessore as a safe retreat as the strongest possible evidence of the jJungly
nature of the surrounding country. I¢ is true it had been cultivated in the
previous century by Khanja ’Ali, but the experiment had proved a failure,
and the land had in the time of his successor (?) Chand Khan relapsed into
jungle.
To sum up, it seems to me that the Sundarbans have never been in a
more flourishing condition than they are in at present. I believe that large
parts of Bakirgan] and Jessore were at one time cultivated, that they re-
lapsed into jungle, and that they have soon been cleared again, and I have
also no doubt that the courts of the kings of Bakla and of Ciandecan im-
parted some degree of splendour to the surrounding country. But I do not
believe that the gloomy Sundarbans on the surface of Jessore and Bakir-
ganj were ever well peopled or the sites of cities.
QPEL LOO OOF VION ONIN
On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India.— By RATENDRALALA Mitra, LL. D.
Nothing can be more abhorrent to modern civilization than the idea of
slaughtering human victims for the propitiation of the great Father of the
universe ; yet, looking to the character of the different systems of religion
which governed the conscience of man in primitive times, it would by no
means be unreasonable to assume d priorz that such an idea should have been
pretty common, if not universal.
The tendency to assign human attributes to the Divinity was a marked
peculiarity in almost all systems of religion that then got into currency.
The ideal of God was derived from the concrete man. The attributes were
doubtless magnified manifold, but their character remained the same—they
dittered only in degree, but not in kind. A being of unlimited power, of
profound erudition, of great subtlety, was what the untutored finite mind of
man could conceive in its aspirations to grasp the infinite ; and as those aspi-
|
|
:
:
|
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 77
rations were inspired by a dread of some, to it, unknown force which brings
on misfortune, the human susceptibilities of being vexed at disobedience and
appeased by flattery and peace-offering, were early attributed to him. In fact
a cruel, fierce, vindictive being, whose grace could be purchased by coaxing
and presents, was one of the earliest conceptions of the Godhead among
primitive races. With the advancement of civilization this conception was
materially and greatly purified and improved, but the idea of winning the
good-will of an offended, or indifferently disposed, being of great power
could not be shaken off, and the coaxing and the presents had, therefore, to be
retained under some shape or other. All mantras, charms, and prayers—all
offerings, oblations and sacrifices—in fact, the whole history of religion, may
be looked upon as the gradual development of this cardinal idea. And
inasmuch as the efficacy of an offering, in the case of man, is dependant upon
its nearness of relation and preciousness to the offerer, and in primitive times
the prime of the flock was the most valued article of possession, sacrifices of
animals naturally obtained the highest place in the cultus of ancient wor-
shippers. The owner of the flock was, of course, the nearest and most pre-
cious to himself, and his children, the next after him, and accordingly they
would be deemed the most appropriate to be offered as sacrifices ; though,
generally speaking, the main object of worship, in early times, eiae been
the temporal good of the worshipper, it was by no means convenient for
him to offer himself as a sacrifice for it. Children, particularly when there
happened to be several in a family, could be more readily spared, and. they
would accordingly be more frequently given up for the purpose.
Again, working out, with reference to the Divinity, the human practice
of professing submission by putting oneself into privations and degradation
in the presence of the person whose good-will has to be secured, penance and
mortification early formed a part of religion, and indeed have been co-exten-
sive with religion itself; and the conclusion was soon arrived at, that if the
mortification of the flesh was gratifying to the Divinity, its entire dedica-
tion to Him would be much more so. But self-love here intervened, and
suggested the idea of substitutes or vitarious sacrifice, which has exercised
so potent an influence in the evolution of the religious cultus everywhere.
Further, rejoicings after success in warfare formed a most important
element in the annals of primitive society, and as such successes were uni-
versally acknowledged to be due to divine interference, the idea of offering
to the intervener the fruits thereof was but natural, and the offering of pri-
soners-of-war as sacrifices was the obvious conclusion arrived at. The
extreme difficulty of keeping in security and feeding large bodies of prison-
ers-ol-war has often suggested the necessity of summarily disposing of them
by slaughter,—even Napoleon L., it is said, once felt compelled to resort to the
odious method of poisoning some of his sick comrades whom he could
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78 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
not carry away 1n his march from Jaffa,*—and in ancient times, with no secure
prisons and defective commissariat arrangements, when the victors themselves
had to depend upon chance for their own rations, it must have been but too
frequently felt ; and two massacres under such compulsion would suffice to
give them a religious character, and render them sacred.
The capital punishment of criminals at stated times would also assume
a similar character in a short period. Vindictiveness has, likewise, had a share
as much in suggesting human sacrifices as in bringing anthropophagism into
vogue. |
Moreover, it being admitted that a fierce, sanguinary divinity, who help.
ed his worshippers in achieving success in warfare, would deheht in receiving
sanguinary offerings, vows and promises to make them on the result of a
projected, or impending, battle proving favourable, or on the attainment of
some coveted object, would naturally follow ; and the ‘simple-minded people
who made such vows and promises would not fail to keep them with puncti-
hous care.
| Moreover, the practice, so common in pre-historic and proto-historic
times (and not altogether a thing of the past in the present day), of showing
respect or aifection to chiefs and seniors at their funerals by slaughtering,
and sometimes, but rarely, burying alive some of their wives, concubines, and
slaves, as also their horses and dogs, to accompany them, and to minister to
their comfort in another world, was, by its frequent repetition on so solemn
an occasion as a tuneral, just what would give a religious character to
such slaughter, and convert it into a holy sacrifice.
Yet again, the art of the magician, which in primitive times included
that of the sorcerer and the soothsayer, had to resort to the most outland-
ish, uncouth, and extraordinary means to retain its hold on the minds of
ignorant, credulous, and superstitious people, and what could be more mys-
terious and awe-inspiring than communion with the dead and the
slaughter or human beings under the most harrowing circumstances? and
that such slaughter under the peculiar state of ancient society would be as-
sociated with religion was but natural*
Lastly, a vitiated desire for human flesh as an article of choice food
was, it would seem, pretty prevalent in rude primitive barbarous times, but
as this desire could not be satisfied except at uncertain times when strangers
or prisoners were available, the indulgence in it necessarily partook of the
character of a feast, and that again soon passed into a religious observance.
* Dr. Desgentiles, in his Histoire Medicale de ?_Armée ad’ Orient, denies this charge,
but Napoleon himself says, “I was obliged to leave behind all who could not follow us.
There were fifty men sick of the plague who could not move with the army, and who
must be left to the ferocious Djezzar. I caused opium to be administered to them to
release them from their suffering.” (Jomini, I, p. 231.) The charge was at the time
generally believed.
wy = ee ee — ——— = —— : = = yl a3 se =. S23 Lis : - ne
ehew-—<we © 2 <2 3 a ~< ee RS ee Bt ee ae, ee ee eee aa etal a eee one Oe Se > ww SSO 28 wee
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 79
Thus anthropopathy resulting in devotion, penance, rejoicings,
vows and a desire to avert evil, or secure a coveted object by divine
intervention, vindictiveness, expediency, respect for the dead, necromancv and
depraved appetite, would all tend to human sacrifices ; and that they did so,
1s abundantly evident trom the history of human civilization in ancient times.
To quote, however, a few instances by way of proofs, though many of them
must be familiar to most of my readers.
The Phoenicians frequently offered human victims to their sanguinary gods
Ba’al and Moloch to appease their thirst for blood. The Carthaginians did
the same to the same divinities. The Druids, both in Great Britain and
Scandinavia, likewise, satisfied the spirit of their gods by human sacrifices, often
burning large numbers of men in wicker baskets. The Scythians testified their
devotion by immolating hundreds at atime. In the Thargalia of the Athenians,
aman and a woman were annually sacrificed to expiate the sins of the nation.
Homer mentions that twelve Trojan captives were killed at the funeral of
“a Patroclus,* and Menelaus was seized by the Egyptians for sacrificing young
“— children with the Greek notion of appeasing the winds.¢ As an act of vin-
n dictive devotion, Augustus immolated three hundred citizens of Perusia before.
a his deified uncle Divus Julius. The cruel practice of the Cyclops feasting on
their prisoners-of-war is well known. According to Euripides, “the most
agreeable repast to the Cyclops was the flesh of strangers,’ t and Homer
describes that six of the comrades of Ulysses were devoured by Scylla in the
cavern of the Cyclops.§ One passage on the subject gives a vivid picture of
. the cruel practice, and I quote Pope’s version of it entire.
: ‘‘ He answered with his deed ; his bloody hand
; Snatched two unhappy of my martial band,
And dashed like dogs against the rocky floor.
a he pavement swims with brains and mingled gore.
| Lorn limb from limb, he spreads the horrid feast,
And fierce devours it like a mountain beast.
4 He sucks the marrow, and the blood he drains ;
| Nor entrails, flesh, nor solid bone remains.
We see the death, from which we cannot move,
: | And humbled groan beneath the hand of Jove.” Od. L. I., ¥.- 282,
~ Doubtless there is much poetical embellishment in this extract, but di-
; vested of it it shows that the Cyclops indulged in human sacrifice. The
cavern evidently was, like many others on the shores of the Mediterranean
Nea, temples where the horrid rite of anthropothusia was regularly observed, —
gle See. G Been
¢ Herodot., IT. 119.
{ Euripides, Cyclops, V. 126.
§ Bryant’s Ancient Mythology, II., pp. 16 ff,
gr RL a a a a
80 Rayjendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. | No. 1,
and shipwrecked mariners were the persons who aitorded the readiest vic-
tims. |
The Lamize and the Lestrygons were equally cruel ‘in their religious
observances. Adverting to the former, Bryant says, “The Lamize were not
only to be found in Italy, and Sicily, but Greece, Pontus, and Libya. And
however widely they may have been separated, they are still represented in
the same unfavourable light. Euripides says that their very name was
detestable. Philostratus speaks of their bestial appetite, and unnatural
gluttony. And Aristotle alludes to practices still more shocking; ag
if they tore open the bodies big with child, that they might set at
the infant to devour it. I speak, says he, of people, who have brutal
appetites.*
These descriptions are perhaps carried to a great excess; yet the
history was founded on truth: and shews plainly what fearful impres-
sions were left upon the minds of men from the barbarity of the first
ages.
“One of the principal places in Italy, where the Lamiz seated them-
selves, was about Formiz; of which Horace takes notice in his Ode to
A&lius Lamia.
Ath, vetusto nobilis ab Lamo, &c.
Auctore ab illo ducis originem,
Qui Formiarum meenia dicitur
Princeps, et innantem Maric
Littoribus tenuisse Lirim.
“The chief temple of the Formians was upon the sea-coast at Caiete.
It is said to have had its name from a woman who died here: and whom
some make the nurse of Aneas, others of Ascanius, others still of Creusa.f
The truth is this: it stood near a cavern, sacred to the god Ait, called Ate, —
Atis, and Attis; and it was hence called Caleta, and Caiatta. Strabo says,
that it was denominated from a cave, though he did not know the precise
etymology.{ There were also in the rock some wonderful subterranes, which
branched out into various apartments. Here the ancient Lamii, the priests
of Ham, resided :§ whence Silius Italicus, when he speaks of the place, styles
it Regnata Lamo Caicta.|| They undoubtedly sacrificed children here, and
probably the same custom was common among the Lamii, as prevailed
* Aristol. Ethics, L. 7., ¢. 6, p. 118.
Tt Virgil, aia, 1, 7. V. 1.
+ Strabo, L, Do, Pp. 307.
§ Ibid., p. 356.
| Silius, L. 8.
1876.) Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 81
among the Lacedemonians, who used to whip their children round the altar
of Diana Orthia. Thus much we are assured by Fulgentius, and others,
that the usual term among the ancient Latines for the whipping of children
was Caiatio. Apud Antiquos Caiatio dicebatur puerilis ceedes.’’*
It is generally believed that the Syrens were no other then priestesses
of anthropothusiac temples on the coast of Campania, and they derived their
infamous notoriety, most probably, from the part they took in the immola-
tion of shipwrecked mariners ; “ for Campania at one time was as dreaded as
Rhegium and Sicily, for the dangers which awaited those who navigated
their coasts.” ‘The priestesses were invariably selected with special reference
to their personal charms, and the most important part in the service of their
temples was singing of hymns in which the Syrens were so far perfect, that
they were formerly believed to have been the daughters of Terpsichore ac-
cording to some, and of Melpomene or Calliope according to others. After
quoting the account of the Syrens given by Homer (Od. M. v. 39 et seq.),
Bryant says “The story at bottom relates to the people abovementioned,
who with their music used to entice strangers into the purlieus of their
temples, and then put them to death. Nor was it music only, with which
persons were induced to follow them. The female part of their choirs were
(sic) maintained for a twofold purpose, both on account of their voices and
their beauty. ‘They were accordingly very liberal of their favours, and by
these means enticed seafaring persons, who paid dearly for their entertain-
ment.”+ ‘That Scylla, who destroyed some of the followers of Ulysses and of
whom mention has already been made, was a priestess of this class, is now
generally admitted. According to Tzetzes, “she was originally a handsome
wench, but being too free with seafaring people, she made herself a beast.’?
“"Hy 0€ mporov SKvAAa yivy eimperys. Loceddve dé cvvotcoa ameOnpuoby.””
The story of Saturn devouring his own children—a failing which has also been
attributed to Ops, and, according to a passage of Huhemerus transmitted by
Ennis, said to have been common among “ the rest of mankind’’—Saturnum
et Opem, caeterosque tum homines humanam carnem solitos esitare—is very
justly supposed by Bryant to be due to the practice of immolation of
children in the temples of that divinity “in a ceremony styled dpuoddyia,
at which time they eat the flesh quite crude with the blood. In Crete, at
the Dionusiaca they used to tear the flesh with their teeth from the animal,
when alive. This they did in commemoration of Dionusus. Festos funeris
dies statuunt, et annuum sacrum trieterica consecratione componunt, omnia
per ordinem facientes, quae puer moriens aut fecit, aut passus est. Vivum
lamiant dentibus taurum, crudeles epulas annuis commemorationibus exci-
tantes. Apollonius Rhodius, speaking of persons like to Bacchanalians,
* De Virgiliané continentia, p. 762. Bryant’s Ancient Myth. IL., pp. 15 ff.
t+ Bryant’s Ancient Mythology, II, p. 20.
K
82 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [ No. I,
represents them (@vacw adpoBopos ixedar) as savage as the ‘Thyades, who
delighted in bloody banquets. Upon this the Scholiast observes, that the
Menades, and Bacchex, used to devour the raw limbs of animals, which they
had cut or torn asunder. In the island of Chios it was a religious
custom to tear a man’s limb by way of sacrifice to Dionusus. The
same obtained in Tenedos. It is Porphyry who gives the account. He
was a staunch Pagan, and his evidence on that account is of consequence.
He quotes for the rites of Tenedos Huelpis the Carystian. From all
which we may learn one sad truth, that there is scarce any thing so
impious and unnatural, as not at times to have prevailed.”* It igs said,
Orpheus first put a stop to this disgustingly cruel custom ; but, according
to some, he only stopped the practice of eating raw flesh, but did not
succeed in altogether suppressing the rite.
Referring to the inhabitants of Cyprus, Herodotus says: “The people
of this place worship the virgin goddess Artemis ; at whose shrine they
sacrifice all persons who have the misfortune to be shipwrecked upon their
coast: and all the Grecians that they can lay hold of, when they are at any
time thither driven. All these they, without any ceremony, brain witha
club. Though others say that they shove them off headlong from a preci-
pice, for their temple is founded upon a cliff.’+ This Artemis was the
counterpart of the Indian Kali, to whom human sacrifices were offered until
very recently, as will be shown further on. Even the casting of the victim
headlong from the top of a cliff was not unknown in India, for we are in-
formed by Dr. Hendley in his interesting account of the Maiwdr Bhils (ante
ALIV, p. 350) that “at installations at Jodhpur, buffaloes and goats are to
this day sacrificed in front of the four-armed Devi, and thrown down the
rock face of the fort. So again, at the very ancient temple of Devi on the
Chitor Hill.” “ These are,” he adds, “relics of aboriginal worship ;” but of
this there is no proof. “ A goat is still offered daily at the shrine of Ambé-
devi, at Amber the ancient capital of Dhundar, or Jaiptr, as a substitute
for the human victim formerly stated to have been sacrificed at the same
place.” The story of the Devi who wanted and got seven consecutive royal
victims from a chieftain of Chitor, so spiritedly narrated by Colonel Tod,
must be fresh in the mind of the reader. |
The Assyrians, like the people on the shores of the Mediterranean, free-
ly indulged in human sacrifices, and imagined that such sacrifices were the
most acceptable offerings they could make to their gods.
According to Diodorus “red-haired men were formerly sacrificed by
the Hgyptian kings at the altar of Osiris.t” And Plutarch quotes a
* Bryant's Ancient Mythology, II, pp. 12 ff
t+ L. 1, C. 103. :
{+ Diodor., I. 88,
1876.] Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 88
passage from Manetho to show that “ formerly in the city of Idithya,
they were wont to burn even men alive, giving them the name of
Typhons, and winnowing their ashes through a sieve to scatter and disperse
them in the air; which human sacrifices were performed in public, at a
stated season of the year during 873.”* Herodotus denied the correctness
of these statements; and Sir Gardner Wilkinson argues that “it is di-
rectly contrary to the usages of the Egyptians, and totally inconsistent
with the feeling of a civilized people ;” but religious observances and social
customs are such irreconcilable riddles that @ priori arguments founded on
them appear to me to be simply unfit for the elucidation of truth. Few would
question the civilization of the Romans—so much higher than that of the
Egyptians—or admitting it deny the fact that they devoted their prisoners-of-
war to carnage for the entertamment of the people of their metropolis ;
not to advert to their practice of sacrificing human victims until so recent-
_ ly as the first century before the Christian era, when (A. U. C. 657) during
the consulship of Cneius Cornelius Lentulus and P. Licinius Crassus a decree
was promulgated by the senate prohibiting human sacrifices.f The horrors
of the Inquisition during the middle ages may also be referred to, to show
how the immolation of large numbers of men may be consistent with a
high state of civilization and a humane religion. Certain it is that the
principles on which human sacrifices got mto currency were fully recog-
nised by the Egyptians; thus they held that “ sacrifices ought not to be
of things in themselves agreeable to the gods, but, on the contrary, of crea-
tures into which the souls of the wicked have passed” (Plutarch, des Is.
s. 81); they offered the entrails of the dead to certain inferior gods or
genii; and their kings, after every victory, repaired to the temple of their
chief divinity, “performed sacrifice, offered suitable thanksgivings’’, and
lastly “ dedicated the spoil of the conquered enemy, and expressed their gra-
titude for the privilege of laying before the feet of the god, the giver of
victory, those prisoners they had brought to the vestibule of the divine
abode.”’t It may be that the actual sacrifice of men took place at a very
early period, and it was subsequently replaced by emblematic offering; but
there is no reason to doubt that at one time or other the rite of anthropo-
thusia did obtain currency among them. Wilkinson, with all his anxiety to
defend the credit of the Egyptians, is constrained to admit this.§
The ancient Jews were in many respects better than their neighbours,
but the idea of human sacrifice seems not to have been unknown to them.
When Abraham was commanded to offer up his son, he did not even evince
* Athen., IV, p. 172.
¢ Pliny, XXX, c. 3.
+ Wilkinson’s Ancient Egyptians HL, p. 286.
§ Ibid., II. p. 343.
84 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. é.
any repugnance or surprise, and the vow of Jephtha, which was literally
carried out by the sacrifice of his daughter, affords a positive proof on the
subject. The offering of children to Moloch, which the Jews evidently
borrowed from their neighbours, is also remarkable as bearing strongly on
the question at issue. ©
Of all the different races of America, the Aztecs were the most ClVi-
J lized. Their social institutions, their palaces, their elective form of govern-
Z Q ment, were such as to claim for them a very high position as a nation, and
a yet their addiction to human sacrifice was such as would disgrace the lowest
savages. At their coronations, “the new monarch”, says Prescott, “was
installed in his regal dignity with much parade of religious ceremony ; but
not until, by a victorious campaign, he had obtained a sufficient number of
2 captives to grace his triumphal entry into the capital, and to furnish
fe victims for the dark and bloody rites which stained the Aztec supersti-
2 ; | tion.’’* The number immolated at such times was prodigious ; nor was
a the coronation the only time when this horrid rite was celebrated. Adop-
ted in the beginning of the fourteenth century, 1t was not very frequent
at first ; “it became’, according to the historian, “more frequent with the
wider extent of their empire till at length, almost every festival was closed
with this cruel abomination.”*+ ‘The total was variously estimated at from
twenty thousand to fitty thousand in ordinary years, and rising, on creat
occasions, such as a coronation or the dedication of an important temple, as that
of Huitzilpotchli in 14.86, to a hundred thousand. The heads of the victims
were preserved in Golgothas, in one of which the companions of Cortes
counted one hundred and thirty-six thousand skulls. The details varied
according to circumstances, and the nature of the divinity to whose honour
the rite was celebrated, but they were generally of the most disgusting
and cruel kind possible ; attended by preliminary tortures, which Prescott
justly compares with the fantastic creations of the Florentine poet as
pictured in the twenty-first canto of his ‘Inferno’. Neither sex nor age
oifered an immunity to the unfortunate captive from his-cruel doom, and in
seasons of draught, infants were particularly sought as the meetest offering
to the rain-god Tluloc. The object in this case was exactly the same for
which the Khonds of western Orissa sacrificed their Meriah to the Earth
Goddess, Tari Pennu, and the manner in which they treated the Meriah
corresponds in many respects with that of the Aztecs. The following
extract gives the details of an ordinary sacrifice of the Aztecs:
“One of their most important festivals was that in honour of the god
Tezcatlepoca, whose rank was inferior only to that of the Supreme Being.
He was called ‘the soul of the world’, and supposed to have been its Crea-
* Conquest of Mexico, I, p. 22.
7 Ibid., p. 67,
_
a
7
1876.] Rajendraldla Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 85
tor. He was depicted as a handsome man, endowed with perpetual youth.
A year before the intended sacrifice, a captive, distinguished for his personal
beauty, and without a blemish on his body, was selected to represent this
deity. Certain tutors took charge of him, and instructed him how to
perform his new part with becoming grace and dignity. He was arrayed
in a splendid dress, regaled with incense, and with a profusion of sweet-
scented flowers, of which the ancient Mexicans were as fond as their de-
scendants at the present day. When he went abroad, he was attended by
a train of the royal pages, and, as he halted in the streets to play some
favourite melody, the crowd prostrated themselves before him, and did him
homage as the representative of their good deity. In this way he led an
easy, luxurious life, till within a month of his sacrifice. Four beautiful
girls, bearing the names of the principal goddesses, were then selected to
share the honours of his bed; and with them he continued to live in idle
dalliance, feasted at the banquets of the principal nobles, who paid him all
the honours of a divinity.
“ At length the fatal day of sacrifice arrived. The term of his short-
lived glories was at an end. He was stripped of his gaudy apparel, and bade
adieu to the fair partners of his revelries. One of the royal barges trans-
ported him across the lake to a temple which rose on its margin, about a
league from the city. Hither the inhabitants of the capital flocked, to wit-
ness the consummation of the ceremony. As the sad procession wound up
the sides of the pyramid, the unhappy victim threw away his gay chaplets
of flowers, and broke in pieces the musical instruments with which he had
solaced the hours of captivity. On the summit he was received by six
priests, whose long and matted locks, flowed disorderly over their sable robes,
covered with hieroglyphic scrolls of mystic import. They led him to the
sacrificial stone, a huge block of jasper, with its upper surface somewhat con-
vex. On this the prisoner was stretched. Five priests secured his head and
his limbs: while the sixth, clad in a scarlet mantle, emblematic of his bloody
office, dexterously- opened the breast of the wretched victim with a sharp
razor of ifztli, a voleanic substance hard as flint,—and, inserting his hand
in the wound, tore out the palpitating heart. The minister of death, first
holding this up towards the sun, an object of worship throughout Anahae,
cast it at the feet of the deity to whom the temple was devoted, while the
multitudes below prostrated themselves in humble adoration. The tragic
story of this prisoner was expounded by the priests as the type of human
destiny, which, brilliant in its commencement, too often closes in sorrow
and disaster.’’*
Nor did the Aztecs rest satisfied with this offering to their gods. “The
most loathsome part of the story, the manner in which the body of the
* Conquest of Mexico, I, pp. 68ff.
ihe eih dt ehh re a
rr + Se wee
os
86 Rajendralala Mitra—On Fluman Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
sacrificed captive was disposed of, remains to be told. It was delivered to
the warrior who had taken him in battle, and by him, after being dressed,
was served up in an entertainment to his friends. This was not the coarse
repast of famished cannibals, but a banquet teeming with delicious viands,
prepared with art, and attended by both sexes, who, as we shall see jest
after, conducted themselves with all the decorum of civilized life. Surely,
never were refinement and the extreme of barbarism brought so closely in
contact with each other.”* Well may the historian exclaim, “ Strange
that in every country the most fiendish passions of the human heart have
been kindled in the name of religion.”
The neighbours of the Aztecs, the Toltecs and the Tezcaucans, as also
the Incas, indulged in the loathsome and revolting rite, and often waged war
with each other, simply for the sake of obtaining captives for their gods. It
is even said that such wars were sometimes amicably arranged solely for the
sake of captives for sacrifice.f
In South America, the Peruvians were strongly addicted to human sacri-
fices, and the Araucanians, though they are said to have been “ sensible to the
dictates of compassion”’, and a mild, sensible race averse to cruelty, were never-
theless sometimes given to the same practice. ‘They celebrated a rite called
Pruloucon, or “the Dance of the Dead’, at which a prisoner-of-war was
“ sacrificed to the manes of the soldiers killed in the war.” After subject-
ing the unfortunate victim to various kinds of ignominy, such as making him
ride a horse deprived of his ears and tail, symbolically burying the good deeds
of his national chiefs, and the like, “the Toqui, or one of his bravest com-
panions to whom he relinquishes the honour of the execution, dashes out the’
brains of the prisoner with a club. The heart is immediately taken out
by two attendants and presented palpitating to the general, who sucks a
little of the blood, and passes it to his officers, who repeat in succession the
same ceremony, in the mean time he fumigates with tobacco-smoke from
his pipe the four cardinal points of the circle. The soldiers strip the flesh
from the bones, and make of them flutes ; then cutting off the head, carry
it round upon a pike amidst the acclamations of the multitude, while, stamp-
ing in measured pace, they thunder out their dreadful war-song, accompanied
by the mournful sound of these horrid instruments.’’t
Of cannibalism pure and simple, such as that of some of the Pacific Island-
ers ; of the people of Equatorial Africa, some of whom, the Murirumbites
for instance, like human flesh raw, and others, like the Wadoe of the
Coast, prefer to eat it roasted;§ of the “Mongols, who, according to
* Conquest of Mexico, p. 71.
+ Ibid, p. 74. Vide passim Heaviside’s American Antiquities.
¢ Abbe Don J. Ignatius Molina’s History of Chili, IT, p. 79.
; Burton’s Lake Regions of Central Africa, II, p. 114; also Du Chaillu’s Explora-
tions in Equatorial Africa.
—
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 87
Sir John Maundeville, regarded human ears “sowced in vynegre as a de-
lectable dish” ; of the Dyaks of Borneo who delight in “ head-hunts”’ ; of some
South Hastern Chinese and Japanese of the middle ages, who drank the blood
and eat the flesh of their captives, esteeming it the most savoury food in the
world; of the Tartars, Turks, Mongols, Tibetans, Javanese, Sumatras and
Andamanese* I need say nothing. The facts are well known ; and however
repulsive it may be to our common humanity to be told of the fact, it can-
not be denied, that men under certain circumstances of society, do take
to human flesh as an article of food.
That the practice of immolating wives, concubines, and slaves, at first
originating from a mistaken sense of the future world and the require-
ments of the manes, did lead to associating such slaughter with religion can
scarcely be doubted. Dr. Thurnem has put together a large number of
instances of this practice, and the curious in such matters will find incon-
trovertible proofs on the subject in the thirty-seventh, the thirty-eighth, and
the forty-second volumes of the Archzologia. The cruel rite of Sati must
have originated from this cause, though the love and constancy of Hindu
women soon gave it a high character for devotion as a voluntary sacrifice.
The immolation of twelve Trojan youths, along with two dogs and four
horses, on the funeral pyre of Patroclus} belongs to this class; and Tertul-
han says—“Olim quoniam animas defunctorum humano sanguine propitiari
creditum est, captivos vel mali status servos mercati in exsequiis immolabant.
Postea placuit impietatem voluptati adumbrare. Ita mortem homicidiis
consolabantur.” {—It is supposed by some that the broken bones found
in the Long Barrows of Great Britain are mostly of persons buried
alive along with the individuals to whose honour the barrows were raised.
Ibe opinion, however, has, I believe, not been generally accepted by anti-
quarians.
* Col. Yule has collected a large number of facts illustrative of this subject, and
I must refer the reader to hig note. Marco Polo, 2nd Ed., I. pp. 302 ff.; II. pp. 245,
265, 275, 292. Adverting to Christiandom, he says “The story of King Richard’s
banquet in presence of Saladin’s ambassadors on the head of a Saracen curried (for so it.
surely was),—
‘ Soden full hastily
With powder and with spysory,
And with saffron of good colour’
fable as it is, is told with a zest that makes one shudder; but the tale in the Chanson
ad’ Antioche, of how the licentious bands of ragamutiins, who hung on the army of the
First Crusade, and were known as the Jufurs, ate the ‘Turks whom they killed at the
siege, looks very like an abominable truth, corroborated as it is by the prose chronicle
of worse deeds at the ensuing siege of Thorra.” Loc. cit.
Tt UL. XXTIT, 239.
Hi Tertullian, De Spectaculis, XII.
(2 san ieitenk eis ce, et te 6 oon tas . ——
eS eh eretnninn an : “> cig i
—
ine iu NRE ag
88 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
The human sacrifices in the temples on the eastern shore of the Mediter.
ranean, to which reference has already been made, were often connected with
soothsaying, the priests foretelling the future from the appearance of the
entrails of the victim, and elsewhere the connexion of human sacrifice with
necromancy, magic, sorcery, and other dark arts can be easily pointed out.
Some alchemists slaughtered infants to help them in their attempt at dis-
covering the elixir of life ; but I doubt if it led to any religious sacrifice.
The only two instances Iam aware of of periodical jail delivery of prisoners
sentenced to capital punishment leading to a religious festival, are the horrid
rite which keeps the Ashantis in a whirl of excitement for a whole week
every year, and that of the Yucatans ;* but they are quite enough to show
that the conclusion I wish to draw from them, is perfectly legitimate. |
| The Persians were, perhaps, the only nation of ancient times who did
not indulge in human sacrifice. As constituting the agricultural section of
the great Aryan race, they contented themselves by offering the fruits of the
field for the gratification of their divinity. And the Hindus, as more inti-
mately connected with them than with the other branches of the Aryan race,
we may suppose, did not differ much from the Persians ; but it is also certain
that religious differences, depending principally upon the leaning of the Hin-
dus in favour of animal sacrifice, made them break off from their brethren,
and depart from their primitive home, and what is true of the Persians
need not, therefore, necessarily be so of the Hindus. Besides there 1s nothing
to show that they were incapable of doing what their contemporaries,
the Assyrians, Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans did in the way of religious
rite, and what appears from the instances quoted above to have been a
failing or predeliction common to almost all mankind. They were cer-
tainly highly civilized for the time in which they flourished, and the spirit
of their institutions was so benign and pacific, that it may strike us as
inconsistent to associate with it the disgusting rite of human sacrifice.
Arguing upon these premises, Colebrooke and Wilson have come to the con-
clusion “that human sacrifices were not authorised by the Veda itself, but
were either then abrogated and an emblematic ceremony substituted in their
place, or they were introduced in later times by the authors of such works as
the Kalika Purdna.”+ As a Hindu writing on the actions of my ancestors—
remote though they are,—it would have been a source of great satisfaction to-
me if I could adopt this conclusion as true; but I regret I cannot do so
consistently with my allegiance to the cause of history. Doubtless the
institutions of the Vedic Hindus were of a benign and humane character, and
that they did not tolerate brutality to the extent that other ancient nations
indulged in, I can well believe ; but it must be added also that benign and
* Fancourt’s History of Yucatan, p. 126.
t Journal, R. As. Soc., XIII, p. 107,
1876.] Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 89
humane as was the spirit of the ancient Hindu religion, 16 was not at all op-
posed to animal sacrifice ; on the contrary, most of the principal rites requir-
ed the immolation of large numbers of various kinds of beasts and birds.
One of the rites enjeined required the performer to walk deliberately into
the depth of the ocean, and drown himself to death. This was called Ma-
haprasthana, and is forbidden in the present age. Another, an expiatory one,
required the sinner to burn himself to death, on a blazing pyre—the Tush-
dnala, This has not yet been forbidden ; and it is what Calanus performed
in the presence of Alexander the Great. The gentlest of beings, the simple-
minded women of Bengal, were for a long time in the habit of consigning
their first-born babes to the sacred river Ganges at Sagar Island, and this
was preceded by a religious ceremony, though it was not authorised by any
ot the ancient rituals. For centuries men have courted death under the
wheels of Jagannatha’s car, under the delusion of that being the most merito-
rious act of devotion which they could perform, and with the fond assurance
that they would thereby secure for themselves the highest reward in a future
lite. And if the spirit of Hindu religion has tolerated, countenanced, or pro-
moted such acts, it would not be by any means unreasonable or inconsistent
to suppose that it should have, in primitive times, recognised the slaughter
ot human beings as calculated to appease, gratify, and secure the grace of,
the gods. |
But to turn from presumptive evidence to the facts recorded in the
Vedas. The earliest reference to human sacrifice occurs, according to the
Hindus, in that most ancient record of the Aryan race, the Safihité of the Rig
Veda, to which obviously Colebrooke and Wilson refer by the use of the word
Veda in the singular number. The first book of that work includes seven
hymns* supposed to have been recited by one Sunahsgepha when he was bound
to a stake, preparatory to being immolated. He prays earnestly that he may
be allowed “to behold again his father and mother”; that “ Varuna, un-
disdaintul, may bestow a thought upon him”; that “he may not take away
his existence” ; that “he may not make the petitioner an object of death” :
that he “ may loose the petitioner from the upper bonds, and untie the centre,
and the lower, so that he may live.” One verse says “ S’unahgepha, seized
and bound tothe three-footed tree (the sacrificial post), has invoked the
son of Aditi; may the regal Varuna, wise and irresistible, liberate him ;
may he let loose his bonds.” (p. 63.) These quotations afford a strong
presumptive evidence that Sunahgepha was intended for a sacrifice ; though
there be no positive mention of the fact in the Safhité, and the hymns
contain many prayers for wealth, cattle, and other blessings, which any person
may ask without being in the position of a victim at a cruel sacrifice.
* Wilson’s Rig Veda, 1, pp. 59 f.
90 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
The Aitareya Brahmana of the Rig Veda gives the details of the story
which connects these hymns with a human sacrifice. The story has been
quoted at length by Wilson, in his paper “ On the sacrifice of Human Beings
as an Hlement of the Ancient Religion of India’’* and by Max Miiller,
in his “ Ancient Sanskrit Literature” (pp. 408 ff.) ; who has also printed
the text, and pointed out the variations of the sankhayana Stitra version
of it (¢b¢d, p. 578) ; it likewise occurs in its place in Haug’s translation of
the Aitareya Bradhmana (pp. 460 ff.), I need not, therefore, reproduce it here,
Suffice it to say that according to it, one Harishchandra had made a vow to
immolate his first-born to Varuna, if that divinity would bless him with
children : a child was born named Rohita, and Varuna claimed it ; but the
father evaded fulfilling his promise, until Rohita, grown up to man’s estate
ran away from home, when Varuna afflicted the father with dropsy ; at last
Rohita purchased one Sunahsgepha from Ajigarta for a hundred head
of cattle, had him tied to a stake, and was about to have him immo.
lated in redemption of his father’s vow to Varuna, when the victim, at the
suggestion of Visvamitra, recited the hymns, and was thereby released.
The story is, with some slight variations in minor details, reproduced in
the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, and the Bhdgavata Purdna. The Aitareya
Brahmana gives seriatim the initials of the several hymns as they were
supposed to have been recited, and as they occur in the Safhitd4, but the
other works refer to them generally, without any specific quotation.
It is unquestionable that the works in which the story 1s given, are of
ages long subsequent to the date of the Safhitd, and their evidence cannot
be accepted as conclusive. Arguing upon this datum and the absence of all
mention of a human sacrifice in the Safthité, Rosen, Wilson and others are
of opinion that the hymns cannot be associated with a human sacrifice. Wil-
son explains that the “upper, middle, and lower bonds” referred to in the
hymns, and which Indian commentators accept to mean the thongs with
which the head, the waist, and the legs of the victim were tied to the sacri-
ficial post, have been used metaphorically to imply the bondage of sin; but
he admits that the reference to the “three-footed tree,” the sacrificial post,
“1s consistent with the popular legend.”f He says nothing about the
seizure, referred to in the verse above quoted, but that too affords a strong
argument in tavour of the interpretation adopted by the author of the
Aitareya Brahmana. We have also to bear in mind that, whatever their age, the
Brahmanas are the oldest exposition we possess, of the origin, scope and pur-
| port of the hymns of the Safihitds, dating as they do, according to European
Z : : orientalists, from five to ten centuries before the Christian era, and to reject
ie their interpretation in favour of conclusions drawn by persons of this century,
ie | would be to reject proof in favour of conjecture; and that conjecture
a * Journal, R. As. Soc. XIII, pp. 96 ff. + Rig Veda, I, p, 63.
_. _
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1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 91
founded in many instances upon very contracted and narrow views of modern
canons of criticism, of laws of unity and propriety, of consistency and habits
and modes of thinking, which are not always applicable to those records.
| It may be noted also that the conclusion drawn by the learned orienta-
lists from the above facts is, that the sacrifice of human beings did not form
an element of the ancient #eligion of India, and this is not warranted by the
premises. Doubtless the details of a sacrifice are not given in the Sanhita,
but, taking the Sanhita to be, as it unquestionably is, only a collection of
hymns divested of all connecting links, we have no right to expect them
there. It would be as reasonable to expect all the details of a story in a
hymn improvised by the hero of it, to meet a particular contingency, as to
expect the whole plot of a novel from a single speech in it. The absence of
reference to any rite, custom, or observance, in a book of hymns, however
sacred that book may be, is no proof of that rite, custom, or observance
having never existed among those who held the said hymns to be sacred.
To accept it as such, is to attach an importance to negative evidence to
which it has no claim, and in the case under notice there is enough, as shown
above, to warrant an opposite conclusion.
Besides, “the ancient religion of India’’, referred to by the learned
Professors Wilson and Rosen, can mean either the religion of the
aborigines, or that of the Indo-Aryans, and as in the case of the former
no reference would be required to the Vedas, it is to be presumed that the
early religion of the Indo-Aryans is referred to; and if so, we cannot
look to the Sanhita apart from the Brahmanas. What we call ancient
Hinduism is founded on the Brahmanas, and cannot possibly be dis-
sociated from it. We can easily conceive that the religion of the Aryans
before they had finally settled in India ditfered from it in many respects,
and we can found conjectures about it on certain slender facts to be gleaned
from the Safthita of the Rig Veda and the Zendavesta ; but we cannot, without
| misleading, call that religion, whatever it was, “the religion of ancient
India.” The Brdéhmanas may have, for aught we know to the contrary,
changed the ancient rites, and introduced new ones ; andit is unquestionable
that many of their legends and anecdotes were got up merely by way of
illustrations, and have no claim to be believed as true, (the professors of the
Mimajisé school stigmatize them often as arthavada or eulogistic) but we
cannot discard them, and replace their testimony by conjecture.
At any rate the story of Sunahgepha must be accepted as a positive
proof in favour of the theory that at the time of the Aitareya Brahmana, the
Hindus did tolerate human sacrifice. ‘To assume that the sacrifice referred
to m it was a symbolical one in which there was no intention whatever
to make a sanguinary offering, would be totally to destroy the raison d’étre
of the legend, to divest it of all its sensational elements, and to make it
92 Rajendraléla Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
quite flat, stale, and unprofitable. The great object of the legend, whether
it be intrinsically true or false, was to extol the merits of the hymns in res.
cuing a victim from a sacrificial stake; but if the stake be divested of its
horrors, that object would be entirely defeated. Then, if Harischandra
did not intend actually to give up his son to Varuna, the promise to “ sacri-
fice his son when born” would be unmeaning, and the frequent evasions he
resorted to, by saying, “an animal is fit for being sacrificed when it is more
than ten days old” ; “ it isnot fit for sacrifice until it has teeth” ; “it is not fit
until the milk teeth are shed”’ ; “itis not fit until the permanent teeth are all
come out’’; “a man of the warrior caste is fit for being sacrificed only after
having received his full armour’, were quite uncalled for, and cratuitous
attempts at cheating a dread divinity whom he adored, and to whom he was
bound by a solemn vow; for he could have at any time easily subjected
the son to the ceremony of being tied to a stake, and after repeating a
few mantras over him let him off, perfectly sound in wind and limb. The
running away of the son from his father would also be unmeaning ;
the purchase of a substitute stupid; the payment of a fee of a hundred
head of cattle to undertake the butcher’s work quite supererogatory ; and
the sharpening of the knife by Ajigarta a vain preliminary. The Brdh-
maha makes Sunahéepha express much disgust at the sight of Ajigarta,
his father, sharpening a knife to slaughter him. “ What is not found even
in the hand of a Stdra’’, it makes him say, “ one has seen in thy hand, the
knife to kill thy son” ; but it has not a word in depreciation of the rite itself,
It is saidin the Brahmana that S'unahgepha, after his rescue, was so dis-
gusted with his father that he forsook him, and became the adopted son of
Visvamitra, who named him Devardt or Diodotus, “the gvod-given’’, and
became the head of one of the several branches of the descendants of
Visvamitra. Sunahsepha was a grown-up man at the time, and was perfect-
ly familiar with the Sastras, for he is described to have, immediately after,
officiated at the ceremony, and to have introduced some innovations in the |
ritual ; if the whole rite were purely symbolical, he had no business to be
offended with his father, a learned Brdhman of high caste, and become the
adopted son of a Kshatriya.
The writer of this note claims to be a descendant of this Devarat, and,
in common witha large number of men in different parts of India, at every
solemn ceremony, is required by the Sdstras and the custom of his ancestors
to describe himself as belonging to the tribe (gotra) of Visvamitra, and of
the family (pravara) of Devarat ; he is not prepared, therefore, to say that
Sunahsepha is purely a mythical personage; and seeing that, until the
beginning of this century, the practice of offering the first-born to the river
Ganges was common, and the story simply says that Sunahgepha was
offered to the water-god Varuna as a substitute for the first-born Rohita,
>
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 93
he can perceive nothing in it inconsistent or unworthy of belief. The
rescue, of course, is due to the intervention of VisvAmitra, as supposed by
Wilson, and not to the efficacy of the hymns, but that was not intended to
form the most salient point of the story.
Exception has been taken to the theory of the sacrifice having been
originally intended to be real on the ground of a story in the Aitareya
Brabmana which narrates that “the gods once killed a man for their sacrifice,
but that part in him which was fit for being made an offering, went out and
entered a horse” ; then the horse being killed, it went to an ox; and the ox
being killed, it went to a sheep ; and the sheep being killed, it went to a goat ;
and the goat being killed, 1t went to the earth; and the gods, guarding the
earth, seized the rice, the produce thereof, which, made into cakes, formed
the best offering, and all the animals from which the sacrificial part had gone,
became unfit for being sacrificed, and no one should eat them.* This story,
* I quote the entire passage from Haug’s translation to enable the reader to judge
for himself :
‘The gods killed a man for their sacrifice. But that part in him which was fit for
being made an offering, went out and entered a horse. Thence the horse became an
animal fit for being sacrificed. 'The gods then dismissed that man after that part which
was only fit for being offered had gone from him, whereupon he became deformed.
‘The gods killed the horse ; but the part fit for being sacrificed (the medha) went out
of it, and entered an ox; thence the ox became an animal fit for being sacrificed. The
gods then dismissed. (this horse) after the sacrificial part had gone from it, whereupon
it turned to a white deer.
“The gods killed the ox; but the part fit for being sacrificed went out of the ox,
and entered a sheep; thence the sheep became fit for beg sacrificed. The gods then
dismissed the ox, which turned to a gayal (Bos gaevus/).
“The gods killed the sheep ; but the part fit for being sacrificed went out of the sheep,
and entered a goat ; thence the goat became fit for being sacrificed. The gods dismissed
the sheep, which turned to a camel.
“The sacrificial part (the medha) remained for the longest time (longer than in the
other animals) in the goat; thence is the goat among all these animals pre-eminently
fit for being’ sacrificed.
“The gods killed the goat; but the part fit for being sacrificed went out of it, and
entered the earth. Thence the earth is fit for beimg offered. The gods then dismissed
the goat, which turned to a Sarabha.
‘All those animals from which the sacrificial part had gone, are unfit for being
sacrificed ; thence one should not eat (their flesh).
‘“ After the sacrificial part had entered the earth, the gods surrounded it (so that no
escape was possible) ; it then turned to rice. When they (therefore) divide the Puro-
dasa into parts, after they have killed the animal, then they do it, wishing “ might not
animal sacrifice be performed with the sacrificial part (which is contained in the rice of
the Purodasa) ! might our sacrificial part be provided with the whole sacrificial essence !”
Lhe sacrificial animal of him who has such a knowledge becomes then provided with the
sacrificial part, with the whole sacrificial essence. ‘The Purodasa (offered at the animal
Sacrifice) is the animal which is killed. ‘The chaff and straw of the rice of which it con-
94, Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
however, proves too much. If it is to be accepted as an evidence against
the existence of human sacrifice in the time of the Aitareya Brahmana, it
must be allowed to tell equally against all animal sacrifices; but curiously
enough, immediately after the story, the Brdhmana supplies the necessary
mantras for offering the omentum (Vapd) of a slaughtered animal ; and, in five
hundred different places, it furnishes directions for selecting, offering, slaugh-
tering, and dividing among the officiating priests, goats, sheep; oxen and
other animals. In short, all the principal rites of the Bréhmana period re-
quired animal sacrifices, and 1b would be absurd to believe on the streneth of
the story in question that in the time of the Aitareya Brdhmana there was
no horse sacrifice, no cow sacrifice, no goat sacrifice, and everywhere rice
cakes were substituted for sanguinary offerings. It would be equally
absurd for the Puranas to prohibit the Purusha-medha and the horse sacrifice
in the Kaliyuga, if they had been already prohibited in the Vedas. The
fact, however, is, the story 1s simply eulogistic (arthavdda) and not at all
intended to be prohibitive. In the Brdhmanas every rite, when being
| enjoined, is the best of rites, asin the Puranas every sacred pool is the holiest
of the holy, and every god the greatest among gods ; and as the object of
the story was to praise the rice cake, it at once made it supersede all other
kinds of otfering. The Mimansakas invariably adopt this style of explana-
tion to reconcile all contradictory passages in the Vedas, and it is, I think,
the only reasonable one that can be adopted in such cases. Jaimini dis-
tinetly lays down that “ nothing is binding in the Vedas, which is not posi-
tively enjomed as a duty” (Chodandlakshano’rtho dharmah), and devotes
a whole chapter (Book I, Chap. 2,) to what are mere arthavdda or eulogistic,
including all Vedic legends under that head.
Colebrooke’s opinion on the subject was founded upon a passage in the
Satapatha Brahmana of the White Yajur Veda, in which the human victims
ata Purushamedha are reeommended to be let off after certain mantras
had been repeated over them; but that passage cannot be accepted as a
proof in the case under notice. The word Purusha-medha, it is true, literally
means “a human sacrifice’; but it is not a common term descriptive of
every rite in which a human victim is offered to the gods, for there were
sists are the hairs of the animal, its husks the skin, its smallest particles the blood, all
the fine particles to which the (cleaned) rice is ground (for making, by kneading it with
water, a ball) represent the flesh (of the animal), and whatever other substantial part is
in the rice, are the bones (of the animal). He who offers the PurodAga, offers the sacri-
ficial substance of all animals (for the latter is contained in the rice of the Purodaééa).
Thence they say: the performance of the Purodaga offering is to be attended to.
“ Now he recites the Yajya for the Vap4 (which is about to be offered) Yuvam etani
divi, 7. ¢, Ye, O Agni and Soma, have placed, by your joint labours, those lights on
the sky! Ye Agni and Soma, have liberated the rivers which had been taken (by demons),
from imprecation and defilement.”’ Haug’s Translation, pp. 90 ff.
a
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 95
several such; but a technical one, implying a specific ceremony to be per-
formed in the spring season, according to certain fixed and well defined
rules, which, according to the Purdnas was altogether prohibited in the
present iron age, and has no relation whatever to the sacrifice of children in
redemption of vows. Whether the latter wag ever prohibited or not, I
cannot state positively ; but that the sacrifice of Sunahsepha to the water-
god Varuna was the type on which the offering of infants to the water-
goddess Ganga at the confluence of the river of that name with the sea, the
emblem of the water-god Varuna, I have no reason to doubt; and the
latter was duly and pretty extensively observed for centuries, until finally
put down by the British Government at the beginning of this century..
It should be added here that the offering did not invariably or even generally
lead to a murder, for a priest or bystander generally took up the child from
the water, and brought him up as a foster son, very much in the same
way as Visvamitra did in the case of Sunahégepha.
The Purusha-medha was celebrated for the attainment of supremacy
over all created bemgs. Its performance was limited to Brdhmans and
_Kshatriyas. It could be commenced only on the tenth of the waxing moon in
the month of Chaitra, and altogether it required forty days for its perform-
ance, though only five out of the forty days were specially called the days
of the Purusha-medha, whence it got the name of Panchdha. Wleven
sacrificial posts were required for it, and to each of them was tied an
animal fit for Agni and Soma, (a barren cow) the human victims being
placed between the posts.
The earliest indication of this rite occurs in the Vajasaneyi Sanhitdé of
the White Yajur Veda. 'The passage in it bearing on the subject is supposed
to describe the different kinds of human victims appropriate for particular
gods and goddesses. The section, in which it occurs, opens with three verses
which, the commentator says, were intended to serve as mantras for oifering's
of human victims. Then follows a series of one hundred and seventy-nine
names of gods in the dative case, each followed by the name of one or more
persons in the objective case ; thus “to Brahma a Brahmana, to Kshatra a
Kshatriya,”’ &c. The copula is nowhere given, and it is quite optional
with the reader to supply whatever verb he chooses. The whole.of these
names has been reproduced in the Taittiriya Brahmana of the Black Yajur
Veda, with only a few slight variations, and in some cases having the verb
dlabhate after them. This verb is formed of the root labh “to kill” with
the prefix ¢, and commentators have generally accepted the term to mean
slaughter, though in some cases it means consecration before slaughter. The
century of Bréhmanas of the White Yajur Veda also accepts the passage to
be deseriptive of human victims, and under the circumstance we may un-
hesitatingly take it in that sense, though the arguments by which the hymns
~
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_ 4 te at -
—_.- at nk. P
aes arert DEP og Oe OB te 2 - — ae ——— ee
96 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [ No. 1,
of the Rig Veda have been attemped to be divorced from their commentary
in the Aitareya Brabmana may be fairly brought to bear upon it.
As the passage in the Taittiriya is a curious one, though long, I shall
quote it entire, pointing out within brackets in the foot notes the differen.
ces observable in the Vajasaneyi Sanhité. It runs thus:
1. “Toa (divinity of the) Brahman (caste), a Brdhmana should be
sacrificed (dlabhate) ; 2. To a (divinity of the) Kshatriya (caste), a Kgha.
triya; 8. To the Maruts, a Vaisya ; 4. To Tapas (the divinity presiding over
penances), a Stidra ; 5. To Tamas (the presiding divinity of darkness) a thief ;
6. To Naraka (the divinity ot hells), a Virana (one who blows out sacrificial
fires) ; 7. To PApaman (the divinity of sins), a hermaphrodite (or a eunuch) ;
8. To Akraya (the divinity of commerce), an Ayogu (one who acts against
the ordinances of the Sastra) ; 9. To Kama (the divinity of love), a courtezan
10. To Atikrushta (a detested divinity), a Magadha (the son of a Vaisya |
by a Kshatriya woman)” ;
11. To Gita (the divinity of music), a Stita or musician (the son of a
Kshatriya by a Brahmana woman) ; 12. To Nritta (the divinity of dancing),
one who lends his wite to another (a cuckold)+; 18. To Dharma (the
divinity of duty), one who frequents assemblies and preaches morality ; 14.
To Narma (the divinity of humour), a wit; 15. To Narishté (a dependent
goddess), a coward; 16. T’o Hasa (the divinity of laughter), a person of
an ambling gait; 17. To Ananda (the divinity of delight), a favourite of
women; 18. To Pramada (the divinity of joy), the son of an unmarried
woman ; 19. ‘To Medha (the goddess of intelligence), a coach-builder ; 20. To
Dhairya (the divinity of patience), a carpenter (carver) ;¢
21. To Srama (the divinity of labour), the son of a potter ; 22. To Maya
(the divinity who delights in art), a blacksmith ; 23. To Ripa (the divinity
of beauty), a jeweller ; 24. To the divinity of prosperity, an agriculturist
(sower of seeds, vapa) ; 25. To Saravyi (the divinity of arrows), an arrow-
maker ; 26. ‘To Heti (the goddess of arms), a bow-maker; 27. To Karma
(the divinity of art-work), a bowstring-maker ; 28. To Dishta, a maker of
aoe ~ ® ToS a ~ ° ~
* FU TWUAMad | Waa UHAy Aes aq, aya we] ana
amet | arcara ated | gaat ald) Ssrmaaraia | arara Waa | afa-
MATT ATS | &
t The Vajasaneyi Safihité assions the Sita to Nritta, and the cuckold to Gita.
+t atara ad surg Law | (aura aa atata wat] Bay Vargqet |
CON.
aaa ti | afters dae | warg arfca | Brae ata | sae FACTS |
~ = ® tte IN °
Hare TaHt | Bary wat Ie |
1876.] Rajendralala Mitra—On Haman Sacrifices in Ancient India. 97
ropes; 29, to Mrityu, (the divinity of death) a hunter; 80, to Antaka, (the
divinity of murder) a person delighting in hunting with dogs ;*
31, ‘To Sandha, (the divinity of assignation) a person given to adultery ;
32, to Geha, (the divinity of homesteads) ene who lives in concubinage ;
33, to Nirriti, (the goddess of misfortune) one who has married before his elder
brother; 34, to Arti, (the goddess of pain) one who wishes to marry before
his sider brother ; 35, to Aradhi, (the diy inity who causes obstruction to en-
terprise) one who bac married a widow ; 36, to Pavitra, (the divinity of purity)
a physician ; 37, to Prajfidna, (the as of time) an astronomer; 38, to
Niskriti, (the goddess of success) the wife of a goldsmith ; 39, to ia. (the
divinity of strength) a girl who is forcibly taken and kept as a concubine for
food and raiment, but no pay; 40, to Varna, (the divinity of colours) one
who works for the sake of another, not for himself ;+
41, To the gods of rivers, a fisherman, (Paunjishta) ; 42, to the regents
of lonely places, a Naishdda; 48, to the god who claims to be the noblest
of males, an excessively vain man ; 44, to the gods of heroes, an insane man;
45, to the Gandharvas and their wives, one who has not been duly purified
by the initiatory rites (a Vratya) ; 46, to the regents of snakes, and snake-
charmers, one unfit for the initiatory rites; 47, to the guardian gods, a
gambler; 48, to Iryata, (the goddess of food) one who abstains from gamb-
ling ; 49, to the Pisachas, a basket-maker; 50, to the YaAtudhdnas, (a race
of demons) a gardener, or one who puts up a thorny hedge ;f
51, To those gods who frustrate undertakings, a hunchback ; 52, to
Pramada, (the divinity of excessive joy) a dwarf; 53, to those goddesses
who are the guardians of gates, a diseased person; 54, to the presiding
divinity of dreams, a blind man; 55, to the divinity of sin, a deaf man;
56, to the divinity of sense, one who wins her husband’s affection through
charms or filters; 57, to the divinity of profuse talk, a bore; 58, to the
goddess whois little conversant with the Vedas, a sceptic; 59, to her who
is conversant with them, one who is proficient in questioning; 60, to her
* garg Rear) [ava ara J | arara arent) wearey afwanrt |
Wa ae | ACITAT TIART | Sa want (VTA) | HAT arart) feara
THRU | waa way | gaa Arad li 2 u
+ Gay BIT | wereraate | farsa atta | [farsa ufcfafaera |
aay aictataarel | [ain qfcfam | arc tefevate | ufaara faust p
siaial aWARH | farqel GRATTT : FaTaTRT | TUraT Tae I ei
faethe: Uifae “gratarear Fare | qauaTaa saz | casey: sar
paste ci: Tea | weanaw wstaw | “saa: [sae } feat | xaparar
gtadd | four facwart [facaattt | | BIqarnw: aware Ext
ATT J uw
N
98 Rajendraldla Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No.1
who presides over the purport of the Sdstras, one who is able to meet
arguments ; *
61, To the divinity of thieves, one proficient in thieving ; ; 62, to one
who prides in killing heroes, a tattler; 63, to one who presides on gains, a
charioteer ; 64, to the divinity who Pd aint royal treasuries, a treasurer or
revenue-collector ; 65, to the mighty, a servant; 66, to the majestic, an
officer, or an assistant ; 67, to the dear one, a Se speaker ; 68, to the un-
injurious, a cavalier ; 69, to the intelligent, or him who is proficient in a
knowledge of religious rites, a washer-woman ; 70, to the most loving, a
female dyer ;f
71, To the refulgent, a collector of fuel; 72, to the highly refulgent,
a fire-man, or lighter of fires ; 73, to him who duecike on the top of heaven, one
who officiates at a ee 74, to the regent of the region of the sun, a
polisher of metal pots; 75, to him who prides himself on being of the region
of the Devas, one who causes enmity ; 76, to him who resides in the region of
the mortals, one who foments quarrels among those who are in peace ; 77, to
those who belong to all regions, a peacemaker; 78, to him who presides
over deaths by penance, one who meddles in quarrels ; 79, to him who prides
himself on being of heaven (svarga), one who collects the dues of a king
from his subjects ; 80, to the most aged of heaven, a table- servant ;{
Sl, To the wavy-mover, an elephant-keeper, or mdhut; 82, to the
swilt, a groom ; 83, to the robust, a cowherd ; 84, to the vigorous, a goat-
herd ; 85, to the energetic, a shepherd; 86, to the divinity of food, a
ploughman ; 87, to that of water, a distiller, or vintner; 88, to that of
welfare, a householder ; 89, to that of prosperity, an owner of wealth ; 90,
to him who is the immediate cause of all things, the servant of a charioteer,
or an assistant charioteer ;§
* emlew: Het | ae aaa | 4a: Bra | @arara | Bwana afaty
sAry LAT | Taare | arfeara sfaat | wafwara afusfs-
a HATES Sa aartt Ve
+ we Greed | Scere feud 1 fafaty aux | Srazera VFUATe |
(erat ]) Fararrgy | Wat yfcm@ne 1. tyara foayafed i! afcan aa-
ae | — bibs vee l GaTaTa TaTaat 9 1
t wre ZTONSTE | JUTaT BITS | ATH SSAA TAT | awe TaaqTy
weaine | SIeTHTY ufmart | ATA STAT gafcart | qewl Baw VI-
Sart | WaT sersraarare | ear Bary was | afsera Arata
ufcaart Na
§ aa aT eet | sarerad | ysl ates | amassed | dararfa-
We | Ue atant | aterera quant) aR wed) Fas fawd | qaaT-
AATIMT ll €
1876.] Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 99
91, To the mentally wrathful, a blacksmith, or one who works at a
forge; 92, to the manifestly angry, one who leads a convict to execution ;
93, to him who presides over griefs, a groom who runs before a chariot ; 94,
to the two who preside over gains above and below one’s expectation (Uthula
and Vikula), a cripple who cannot move even with the help of a crutch ;
95, to him who presides over expected profits, one who harnesses a ee
to a chariot ; 96, to him who protects gains, one who unharnesses a horse ;
97, to the portly-bodied, the son of one who is addicted to her toilet ; 98, to
him who presides over politeness, one who puts collyrium on his eyes ; 99, to
the divinity of sin, a maker of leather sheaths for swords; 100, to Yama,
(the destroyer of life) a barren woman ;*
- 101, To Yami, a mother of twins; 102, to the goddesses who preside
over the mantras of the Atharva Veda, a woman who had aborted ; 1038, to
the divinity of the first year of Jupiter’s cycle, a woman who is confined long
alter due time ; 104, to that of the second year of ditto, one who has not
conceived for the second time ; 105, to that of the third year of ditto, one who
is able to bring on delivery before due time ; 106, to that of the fourth year
of ditto, one who can delay delivery ; 107, $e that of the fifth year of ditto,
one who becomes lean without delivery, 108, to one who produces a
misleading impression of the world, a woman who appears old in her
youth ; 109, to the divinity of forests,.a forest-ranger or keeper; 110, to
the divinity of a side forest, one who protects forests from fires ;+
Ill, To the divinities of lakes, a fisherman who catches fish both in
water and also from the bank ; 112, to those of ponds one who catches fish
with hooks ; 113, to those of bays, (or streamless waters near woods,) one who
earns his livelihood with a net; 114, tothose female divinities who preside
over waters amidst prairies, one who earns his livelihood with fishing-hooks ;
115, to the divinity of the further bank, a Kaivarta, (or one who hunts fish
from the banks) ; 116, to that of the near bank, a Margara, (or one who catches
fish with his hands only) ; 117, to the divinities of fords, one who catches fish
by putting up stakes in water ; 118, tothose who preside over other than
fords, one who earns his iecliecs by catching fish with nets; 119, to those
who preside over sounding waters, one who catches fish by poisoning them
* waqaqsseny | MITY frat | Wars Wat | SHRarIQa [SeRa-
Taq: | fatea | Sara aratt | aay faatact | aye ATTA | ata
ATS tare fawal RIHAT CT | QATAR Il Xe Il
+ qa yee | Gaswaarat |) daaqura vanfeat ) geaaerarfasi-
atl TeTaactrarqagey | ZQqcural atact | [zzrawacraratakc | Zaqu-
atamga] | aqua fase | dager waat | aaa aag | HyaCUa
STAT QQ ty
100 Rajendraléla Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. I
, b
with poisoned leaves placed on the water; 120, to those of caverns in
mountains, a Kirdta (or hunter) ; 121, to those of peaks of mountains,
Yambhaka ; 122, to those of mountains, a Kimpurusha ;*
128, To the divinity of echoes, a news-dealer ; 124, to that of sounds,
an incoherent speaker; 125, to that of fading sounds, one who speaks
much; 126, to that of unending sound, a dumb person ; 127, to that of loud
sound, a player on the Vina; 128, to that of musical sounds, a player on
the flute; 129, to that of all kinds of sounds, a trumpeter ; 130, to that of
sounds other than sweet, a blower of conch-shells ; 131, to those who
preside over the seasons, one whose profession is to collect fragments of
skins ; 182, to those of statesmanship, (or of time, place and opportunities,
for peace negotiations,) a preparer of musical instruments with leather sf
183, To the goddess presiding over abhorrence, a (man of the) Paul-
kasa (caste) ; 184, to the goddess of affluence, one who is always careful
or wakeful; 135, to that of indigence, a careless or sleepy person :; 136, to
that of scales (or weighing instruments,) a purchaser ; 187, to the god pre-
siding over the radiance of jewels, a goldsmith; 188, to the Visvedevas, a
leper; 189, to the divinity of diseases other than leprosy, a naturally lean
person ; 140, to the goddess of motion, a scandal-monger ; 141, to that of
prosperity, one who is not impudent ; 142, to the god of decay, one who
splits wood; (7)f ——
143, To the divinity of mirth, a loose woman should be sacrificed :
144, to that of song, a player on the Vind and a songster; 145, to that of
aquatic animals, a Sabulya (one whose body is brindled, or has two colours, a
piebald woman) ; 146, to that of congratulatory words, a woman of pertect
form; 147, to that of dancing, one who plays on flutes, one who leads the
octave in a chorus, and one who beats time with his hands; 148, to that of
manifest delight, one who invites people to a dance, or one who makes a
sound to- indicate the cessation of a dance; 149, to that of internal de-
a
* that Bat) Swed et) weeaha ae [Seaman as]
VITA STH |] agea: Wes | ware Haw) sara wart,
[aIRTy Hae | Wratery Han] ) ate sre) faust Bars | q@awT
gua | Te facta | UT SAH | Tera: FaRTeH 1 AR I
t sfrsearar eqd) ary we Gay asaifed | sare aa |
aed Uae | ATM Gway) yaa Seated | Bacay WET |
WUT HTTTAAS | WITT | Ve |
t dare tera | Wa] STALE | BA ayaa) qera arfese |
aura fecuaia | fsa saw: fanaa, wae giva [aifaa] |
we ANP TA Be BMA | TLATA FTA Ul Re I
1876.| Rajendral4la Mitra—On Haman Sacrifices in Ancient India. 101
light, one-who plays on the ¢alava (a musical instrument, probably the
archetype of the modern f¢ab/é), or one who produces music from his
ty mouth ;*
hy, 150, To the divinity of gambling with the dice, a proficient gambler ;
“i 151, to that of the Krita age, a keeper of a gambling hall ; 152, to that of the
I Treta age, a marker or reckoner at a gambling table ; 153, to that of the
hy Dvapara age, one who is a spectator ata gambling ; 154, to that of the Kali
be i age, one who does not leave a gambling hall even after the play has stopped ;
a 155, to that of difficult enterprises, a teacher of gymnastics on the top of a
= bamboo ; 156, to that of roads, a Brahmachari; 157, to the Pigdchas, one
b, who commits robberies on public highways and then hides himself in a
uy mountain ; 158, to the goddess of thirst, one who skins cattle; 159, to
a that of sin, a cattle-poisoner ; 160, to that of hunger, a cow-butcher ; 161,
Dy to the goddesses of hunger and thirst, one who lives by begging beef from
iM a butcher ;+
162, To the divinity of land, a cripple who moves about on a crutch:
a 163, to that of fire, a Chandala ; 164, to that of the sky, one whose profession
a is to dance on the top of a bamboo; 165, to that of the celestial region,
Li a bald person ; 166, to the presiding divinity of the sun, a green-eyed per-
wt
son; 167, to the presiding divinity of the moon, one who twinkles his eyes
too frequently ; 168, to the presiding divinity of the stars, one affected
with white leprous blotches; 169, to that of day, analbino with tawny
i eyes ; 170, to that of night, a black person with tawny eyes ;t
dai. 171, To the goddess of speech, a fat person; 172, to Vayu, the five
Be vital airs: prana, apana, vyana, uddna and samana, of that person; 173, to
6 Surya should be immolated his eyes; 174, to Chandramaé his mind; 17 5, to
mf the regents of the quarters, his ears ; 176, his life, to Prajépati.§
o
* surg ywamarea | aturae awa ates! wee weet) vary
| = wade | DTH THU wfwsyma Va | HernraqHMAA | Mare
di TAF AY ;
+ gausta faaza) ware vafaaat [aarafeaqen]) Sara
: aifeqqexnt [afad] | gata afeat | [sfrafest]) aaq GUTRTUE |
5 SHAS VATA | eae weparicw | fas: Raat | faarary drs
f fase arad | aa iifaanica | [Stat] ava ae | at at feed tara
“d Tawar wifasd i ye |
t yal disafawarena | Ta IKSTE! TAF reTaa | safcara
é avnafiaa | fea wafaa ear wade! aaHe fafat, aqdey: fae
‘ 341 Us We forqal cfaa ae feral Vol
§ are yquwrewa | eau BATS at are aTaa | EAlTy
VAG | HaWRas | femweye As | ANTITS FAIA | Ue |
7¢e- a -_ =
:
i
pata ead Rie) A te ee
(ieee a =
4 A a
a v
102 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
177, Now to ugly divinities should be immolated very short, very
tall, very lean, very fat, very white, very dark, very smooth, very hairy,
few-toothed, numerously-toothed, frequently-twinkling-eyed, and very olar-
ing-eyed, persons ; 178, to the goddess for unattainable objects of hope,
a woman who has passed the age for conception; 179, (and) to the goddess
of hope for attainable objects, a virgin,’’*
In explanation of the purport of this long passage in the Taittiriya
Brahmana, Apastamba says: “The Purushamedha is pentadiurnal; a Bréh-
mana or a Rajanya (Kshatriya) should celebrate it. He thereby acquires
strength and vigour; he enjoys all fruition. (The number of) days
should be as in the Panchasaradiya rite, and as a sequel to the Agnishtoma
rite, eleven animals, meet for the Agnisomiya, should be tethered to eleven
sacrificial posts, and, three oblations to Savitri having been offered with
the mantra Deva savitastat savitur visvani deva savita Se., on the middle
day they should be sacrificed (or consecrated updkrita). Having sacrificed
twice eleven men, reciting the mantra Brahmané Bréhmandn dlabheta, (the
priest) places the sacrificed (or consecrated, wpdkrita) victims between the
sacrificial posts. The Brahma (priest), then placing himself on the south
side, recites the hymn to the great male Narayana beginning with the verse
suhasra Sirsa purusha, Je. and, then turning a burning brand round the
victims, consigns them to the north; (the other priests), then offering an
oblation with clarified butter to the presiding divinity, place them (there).’’+
Sayana Acharya, after quoting this opinion of Apastamba, and ex-
plaining the different terms used in the Brdhmana to indicate the different
gods and goddesses and the persons deemed meet for them, adds, “the human-
formed animals beginning with Brdhmana and ending with Virgin, are im-
molated (alabdhavyah) along with the sacrificial animals on the middle day
of the five days of this Purushamedha, which is a kind of Somayaga.”’f
* starseay qaqa | wfasautaete’: wfranaaVawa | afa-
Neatiaueg | yfaaauafaarana | yfatatcafeenta) afafatacata-
afara | sre orfaa) gatara garxta tl ve i
t WATS BTS | TETS TRNAS ATMA Tera at asta | Bist ata
arta, wayeaya: | wrewy qaesarewratiatan | wawreetqacer-
atqeat amet equfsaea afaqtaatfa eaafaafea fae: afadisar
AYASS T amarante | SUA MAT TTA Teas. TBO ABPUATag
Tas BWI aArd aT Waa AaTT | <fawasaera AEM
eeanta ger <fa veda arcadia gorsrquvefa | wifyearaetetaet
EAMAT CAAT isdisa qacareniara Sarasa |
+ ATAU: HAAN: TAT wagfatreqn quashed YHH TITS
VMIAARG waists gaatqquiy: sahara |
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 103
Neither Apastambha nor Séyana has a word to say about the hu-
man victims being symbolical. The word used by Apastamba is Upakrita,
which may mean consecration before a sacrifice or slaughter ; and ac-
cording to Jaimini, the highest authority on sacrifices, and his commentator
Savara Svami, the sacrificial operations “of consecration, of bringing the
animal to the place of sacrifice, fettering it, tying it to the post,
slaughtering, and cutting the carcass open for the distribution of the flesh
among the priests, are all implied when sacrifice is meant,” and the latter adds
that “all the different acts should be understood when sacrifices are or-
dained, except when special instructions are given.”’* Now no special excep-
tion has been made in the text about the human victims, and consequently
the only conclusion to be arrived at is—that, the Taittiriyas did not look
upon the rite as symbolical, though in the case of sacrifices under Nos. 172
to 176, the actual slaughtering of the airs, &c., would be rather awkward.
It must be added, however, that Apastamba is very brief and obscure in
his remarks, and 1t would be hazardous to draw a positive conclusion from
the insufficient data supplied by him, particularly asthe Satapatha Brahmana
is positive on the subject of the human victims being let off after conse-
eration; though the fact of that Brahmana being much later than the
Taittiriya Brahmana, may justity the assumption that the practice of the
Kanva school can be no guide to the followers of the Taittiriyaka.
The Satapatha refers to the Purushamedha in several places; and
the following is the full description of the rite given in it:
1. “Verily the great male, NArdyana, willed: ‘I shall abide over all
living beings; verily I shall become all this (creation).’ He perceived this
penta-diurnal sacrificial rite Purushamedha. He collected it. With it he per-
formed a sacrifice. Performing a sacrifice with it, he abided over all living
beings, and became all this (creation). He abides over all living beings
and becomes all this, who performs a Purushamedha, as also he who knows all
this.+
2. “Of that rite there are twenty-three initiations (dikshd), twelve
benefactions (wpasada), and five lustrations (suty¢), making altogether forty
* SUatUa VoayTa yaeraa, at frase wequaa fants
THAT I+ +++aatye wa war way: | Ta waa wfafa: ara |
afe sacuy fantr a waa | Miménsé Darsana p. 2558
7 FRAT TS ATcTaUSHTAAT | afataza saarfe WaTyVHIS wq Ut-
tafa | a ed oad TeUTs FART AT TASC AAA Pa grates aaarty
warate saanagfafirata ata warate aa wate 4 ud fagra. qeqaeey
aaa a aaqed FSV
104 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
members (gdtra). The forty comprising the initiations, benefactions, &e.,
constitute the forty-syllabled virdt, (a form of metre) which assumes the
form of Virdt (the first male produced by Prajapati, and the father of man-
kind). Thus it 1s said ; ‘ Virat, the first or superior male, was produced.’*
This isthe same Virat. From this Virdt is produced the male for sacrifice.
| 8. “Thereof these. ‘There are four Dagats, and since there are four
Dasgats, they are the means for the attainment of the (different) regions and
quarters (of the universe). This region (the earth) is the first to be attain.
ed by a Dagat ; the upper region the second ; the sky the third ; the quar-
ters the fourth. Thus verily the institutor of the sacrifice attains this region
through the first Dasat, the region of ether through the second, the celestial]
region through the third, and the quarters through the fourth. Thus the
Purushamedha is the means of attaining and subjugating all this—all these
regions and all the quarters. { |
4. “For the initiation of this ceremony eleven animals meet for Agni
and Soma, (should be procured). For them there should be eleven sacrificial]
posts (Yupa). leven syllables are comprised in the Trishtup metre ; the
Trishtup is the thunderbolt,—it is vigour. With the thunderbolt and
vigour of the Trishtup the institutor of the sacrifice destroys all the sin
before him.§
5. “Tn the rite of lustration there should be eleven victims. Eleven
syllables are comprised in the Trishtup metre ; the Trishtup is the thunderbolt,
—it is vigour. With the thunderbolt and vigour of the Trishtup the
institutor of the sacrifice (Yajamana) destroys the sin before him. ||
6. “ Because the victims (in this sacrifice) are eleven-fold, therefore
verily is all this (creation) elevenfold. Prajdpatiis eleven-fold ; all this is
* A quotation from the Purushasgukta as given in the Vajasaneyi Safhita.
+ ay asifantactar qrewiqee: Ga gar 8 wy yarftuere: wet
aaa fate afgusaaivaagd aa facissraa facrsirs
Bly Ges TAT a ar faueae CIa US BH Tee TATA WR
f aT ats tat: | Waet awat wafer ageargqaar ewar waaast aa
wrarraral feat Gada era waver <wargsawfed feataer fed cate
fenqqur daday yauia cada Ga WHT euatraaicad feataar fea
eataar fawaqayarasts Se wa graft aq siat feuwq we qRrHy:
TAU SI qaRTa RET l= il |
§ wareurigiratan qwa wqaee | Aut ward amare BAT WATM-
qu Teaataraty esata aa saw aaa: tee Uae Il 2
| PaTeter garg qaeat wafer | waresrac faa aafaga aa
fazy aaqutag aw asara: OCR WAAATST | LI
es<es iN ileal ee ee Pe ee es ete we
1876.] Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 105
verily Prajapati; all this is the Purushamedha, which is the means for the
attainment and subjugation of all this.*
7. “That Purushamedha is verily penta-diurnal, and the greatest rite of
sacrifice. Fivefold is Yajfia; fivefold are victims or sacrificial animals ; five
are the seasons included in the year. Whatever is fivefold in woledint or
spiritual matter, the same may be obtained through this (rite).+
8. “Thereof the Agnishtoma is the first day; next the Ukthya; the
next Atiratra ; the next Ukthya; the next Agnishtoma: thus it is hedged
on either side with the Ukthya and the Agnishtoma. tf
J. “Yavamadhya are these five nights, (that is like a barley corn
stoutest in the middle and tapering on either side, meaning that the most im-
portant day is in the middle ; or, as the commentator has it, the penance of
gradually reducing the food and then again gradually increasing it, should be
observed, so that on the third night there should be the smallest allowance of
food). These regions are verily the Purushamedha ; these regions have light
on either side,—Agni on this (side), and the sun on the other (side). In the
same way it (the Purushamedha) has, on either side, the food of light and
the Ukthya. The soul is Atirdtra; and since the Atirdtra is hedged in on
both sides with the two Ukthyas, therefore is the soul nourished by food.
And since the thriving Atiratra, is placed in the middle day, therefore is it
Yavamadhya. He who engages in this rite has none to envy him, or to grow
inimical to him. He who knows this suffers not from envy or enmity.§
10. “Or that Purushamedha this region is the first day. Of this region
the spring season (is the chief). That which is above this region, the etherial
region, (antartksha,) is the second day; of that the summer is the season.
The etherial region is its third day. Of the etherial region the rainy and the
autumn are the seasons. That which isabove the etherial region, the sky, ©
(Diva,) is the fourth day ; of it the dewy is the season. The heaven is its
aa dare fier wafer | vara facet als xz qq aarafadare facet
weq fe sarafa: aa qeIa a: PAU TAU] | q ll
TF Fs UT Gente: TACs aaaquata | UIST aN Wg WE Weaa:
ah aay qa fuatieanaaral ASaq PHATATIA ll © |
{ waityara: saaaedata | waraaafacswaraagisarhysra: a ars
Uy sunt paiacdeseen: l=
§ qaay: gear wafa |) cas arar TRIae WIYAaAfasy ats Ta
wal Bly Wifeu ayaa yaya sattatag ey BNatataaxe Yeats
SRITAtac TAHA WACTA TIAA HA qfczeTsy Wey afeaisfrcrsisei a
HY TATA ya y q feuni mequyaaifa ae fara weg cares ca
qz le il
O
106 Rajendralala Mitra--On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No.1,
fitth day ; of that heaven the winter isthe season. This much is the celestia] _
account of the Purushamedha.*
11. “ Now for its spiritual relations. Initiation (Pratishthd) is its
first day. Initiation is the spring season. That which is above it and be.
low the middle is the second day ; of that the summer is the season. The
middle is the middle day. Or the middle day the rainy and the autumn are
the seasons. That which is above the middle day and. below the head or last
day is the fourth day ; thereof the dewy is the reason. That which is the
head is the fitth day; the season of this head is the winter. Thus verily
these regions, the year, and the soul constitute the Purushamedha. Al]
these regions, the whole year, the whole soul, the whole Purushamedha are
for the attainment and subjugation of every thing.t
(Section 2.) 1. Now, whence the name Purushamedha ? These re-
gions verily are Pur, and He, the Purusha, who sanctifies this (Pur) sleeps
(sete) inthis abode (Pwrt) and hence is he named Purusha (Puri and sete =
Purusha). To him belongs whatever food exists in these regions; that food
is (called) medha ; and since his food is medha, therefore is this Purusha-
medha. Now since in this (rite) purified males are sacrificed (alabhate,)
therefore verily is this a Purushamedha. t
2. ‘These (males) verily are sacrificed (alabhate) on the middle day.
The etherial region is the middle day ; the etherial region is verily the
abiding place of all living beings. These animals are verily food; the
middle day is the belly, and in that belly is that food deposited.§
“ TATaaT MM GIAAS: | WAY BWR san wsasaagd area
qiaaafiqine fgatqasece ota wqcafcadare AYRASCAMCAAG
CLINE aLt§ qeeantcaearaty feqvayquawazy aa zquitareg
qaaazarce fafa se qrcarySad ii yo I
tT Sara | sfasarea yaawe: sfasrs qe aaa equzE vfasrar
watt ws featavagye vw BME wAReAAE TATSE
eq StS wears vihasquasvesey Sam tq: UC LATE WeAAT:
Tatty fiat wegtafaa y Gan daacwat ¥ Gaya aA Vad ATS
SH Wat wae dagqu waar ay GUIaY: THB] PIBAITST |i |
STATU u(s. vu a |
WEA FReaeT ara | LAT Star Yass yer Bs aa Sei
git wa aware FUWGY Feu Aad cya Huagqeaaey WANA qaa-
Husa yefaar WUT GAITATA a TATRA GUIAy | Ql
i § at 9 watseqreua | aaicd 3 WHRRSCMCTT F Vaat HATA:
a | WTAAAAS BF ATs Ua WHAT Vet HMWATTSNT Tes Curia |e |
|
|
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 107
3. They are sacrificed by ten and ten. Ten syllables are comprised in
(each foot of) the Virat, (metre) ; the Virdt is complete food, for the at-
tainment of complete food.*
4, leven tens are sacrificed. Eleven syllables are comprised in the
‘Trishtup (metre) ; the Lrishtup is the thunderbolt,—it is vigour. With the
thunderbolt and vigour of the T'rishtup, the institutor of the sacrifice de-
stroys the sin within him (lit. in the middle) .+ |
| 5. “ Forty-eight (animals) are sacrificed at the middle post. Forty-
eight syllables are comprised in the J agati (metre) ; the animals belong te
the Jagati (metre) ; by the Jagati are animals bestowed on the Yajamana. f
6. “ Kleven eleven at the other (posts). Eleven syllables are comprised
in the Trishtup; the Trishtup is the thunderbolt,—it is vigour. With
the thunderbolt and vigour of the Trishtup should the institutor of the
sacrifice destroy the sin around him.§
7. “Hight best ones are sacrificed. Hight syllables are comprised in
the Gayatri (metre). The Gayatriis Brahma. That Brahma consummates
the well-being of all this. Therefore is Brahma saidto be the best of al]
this. |
8. “They (the sacrificial animals) belong to Prajdpati. Brahma is
Prajapati; Prajapati belongs to Brahma; therefore do they (the animals)
belong to Prajdpati.] |
9. “He (Prajapati, z. e. Brahma, here meaning the priest so named)
having sanctified the animals, offers, for the gratification of Savita, three
oblations with the S4vitri verses beginning with, Deva savitus tatsavitur, &e.
He (Savita), gratified thereby, produces these men, therefore are these men
sacrificed. **
* aaa em cureua | ZwaT faufgts aad aeeararqaie
FRST ll 2
f ware gua yrqua | warenracr fey safe star fauq aqy-
UIAS AAT PAAAT ATA: TaTAATSaT |i 8 A
F Hi werqeariewed wae qqs gawd | yarsaitaegqu saat saan:
Ta BITING GATaa Wy |
§ WHEMATARATS | VATS MITT fauq qwafaey atay feeq aqaugae
day aaaraisfira: waraagea | <I
|| SUts Baas | Barac aaat TaIAal az saaacey wand
RUT ABI AVY VIIA: ll 9
{a F asraen wats | aq 3 sorafaaran fe sarafaeara saraer
Waray NS
see a qmaafias | varfae: afastusaiseta fq afaaaafag-
qty faite 24 ufaafela afaart sturfa ata sta CaTT FRAT aaIfa aa
TAATA AA i & i
108 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Anctent India. ['No. 1,
10. “A Brahmana 1s sacrificed to Brahma.’* Brahma is verily
Braéhmana; Brahma thrives through Brdhmana. To the Kshatriya (divi-
nity) a (person of the) Rajanya (caste), (should be sacrificed). The Kgha-
triya is verily Rajanya. The Kshatra thrives through, a Kshatra. To the
Marutsa Vaisya (should be sacrificed). The Via isthe Maruts. The Vigag
thrive through the Visas. To Tapas (the presiding divinity of penanees), a
Siidra (should be sacrificed). ‘Tapas is verily Siidra. ‘Tapas thrives through
Tapases (works of penance). Hven as these gods. thrive through these
animals (victims), so do they, thriving, cause the institutor of the sacrifice
to thrive in all his wishes.+
11. “Offers oblation with butter. The butter is verily vigour.
Through that vigour, vigour is given to this (institutor of the sacrifice).
Offerings are given with butter, which is the gods’ most favourite glory ; and
since butter promotes their favourite glory, they, thriving, cause the insti-
tutor of the sacrifice to thrive in all his wishes. t
12. “The persons appointed. The Brahma, from the south, praises
the great male Narayana, with the sixteen Rig verses beginning with Sahas-
srasirsha &c. (the Purushasukta), for verily the whole of the Purushamedha
is sixteen membered for the attainment of everything, and for the
subjugation of everything; and he is praised with the words, “thus
thou art, thus thou art.” In this way he is worshipped for certain. Now.
as it is, this 1s said about it, the animals are consecrated by turning
a flaming brand round them, but left unslaughtered,” (asaijnaptah)§
| Katyayana explains that the Brahmanas &c., are let loose, like the Kapitijala
bird in the Asvamedha sacrilice.—Kapinjalddi-vadutsrijanti Bréhmanddin ; -
and his commentator adds, “after a flaming brand has been turned round
them :”’ paryagnikritanutsrijantityarthah. |
* A quotation from the Sanhitd.
tT Fae ATHUATENT | He FT ATHUT aaa aaa We wavatas ware
Trey Ts T Use qaata wa eau wade wag Sey HRs awa fa
aa atau waste age we ade wee Us aNTaT VAdaaaaat <aat
qarey wie: wasafa at wa geet THU Gear: HTS! Il Qo I
fare sreifa | dsit ars sal AsWarheis cures aeaag
eatai fri are gers HAUG at ural ewoafa as us Geer: Gast We:
ATH? NYY
§ fraary ves) wat afawa: yete arcratan fuerte a eaRteT
VAs HVAT: GReTigaaT wIgKTT eUAG ats x Sat As ene
SHUAT VHS THA Gaga qnaay ALIAATST BAT aeada-
RIS ALTA HHA THAT AYATT RAT WAR A
1876.] Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 109
13. “About this; speech (v¢hk) uttered this; “O male, grieve not if
you remain here ; a male will eat a male.’ Thus, those who had the flaming
brand turned round them, were let loose, oblations of butter were offered to the
several divinities ; and thereby were the divinities eratified ; and thus gra-
tified they conferred all blessings on the worshipper.’’* |'Three oblations are
oifered to each of the divinities, naming each, and followed by the word
svaha |.
14. “ He offers oblations with butter. Butter is vigour ; by that vi-
gour verily vigour abides in this (worshipper, Yajamdana).+
15. “(This rite) is established (for the worshipper, Yajamana) by the
eleven (animals). Hleven-syllabled is the Trishtup. The Lrishtup is the
thunderbolt,—it is vigour. Through the thunderbolt and vigour of the
Trishtup, the Yajamana destroys the sin within him.t
16. “Abiding in the ceremony of Udayaniyé.” (Vide Aévaldyana
Sutra IV, 3. Katyayana VII, 1,16.) “Eleven barren cows, such as are
meet for Mitra, Varuna the Visvedevas, and Brihaspati should be sacrificed
(dlabhate) for the attainment of these deities, and since those for
Brihaspati are the last, Brihaspati is the same with Brahma, and therefore
the Yajamana ultimately abides in Brahma.Ӥ [Katydyana explains that
three cows are to be slaughtered to Mitra and Varuna, three to the
Visvedevas, and five to Brihaspati].
17. “Now why are there eleven? Eleven-syllabled is the Trishtup.
The Trishtup is the thunderbolt,—it is vigour. By the thunderbolt and vigour
of the Trishtup, the Yajmdna destroys the sin within him. Threefold ig
the ceremony of Udavasdniya; “‘ (Aitareya Brdhmana 8, 8,)” it is a friend
of the Yajamana. ||
18. “Now for the fees (dakshina). (Wealth acquired) from [a
conquered] country, excluding land, and wealth taken from Brdhmanas,
but including men (slaves). (Wealth from) the eastern side (of the king-
* gy Va TRIAS | TRI AT afafsat afe aeariayts Gey Uy Fay-
aaQqatia ay wafyqartaienneaal Wsattaremawe Saar |tura
va star asa Wa: ATA: | LR I
to sreqa sreifa | wait ats BTR aneateaiar eutag Qe i
t tarefive: darcafa | waremracr faze, qategy ata fag qqu-
SaStay BHAA WAT: VTATAMTSA | VY I
§ veustgrt diwarat 1 warem FHT Wa seUd Garaquiaa-
SaaS UAT waTi Sqaaaa TAgreUaN Beart wala aq Fs euulage
AMausraa: sfafasta i ye i
| WWaearen wafa vareuracr fed safaeq ate | qaquaq-
Se Baa Mae: VTUTAATSA FeTAZAataataaaa GAL 1 YO |
Senger taatert
eas Bae ee ee eee Te R ¥ ,
a t we oe ay gates ga nn ee OR a a } be eRe a lth presen 4 a .
ere Lay , 4 he SU kes Fe I A aap i hein Seana We CS Eanes antares a Soe ETE TOS ST oan Se EE ee EE SEAN ACR PE SEO EET SEES RSE TE FU PAE ETO EPPS SUS REE SS SS Pe EE te ge We err YG ee ee eer ee IES him Neti me eb A he ag RRS et eet TT En
ad - * ‘ a] al * — ~~ Pt en —= ee a a ws ee ae a oP at On er ea eee Te an jon naw’ oe enn 4 i oy ce - os ‘ awn re ‘i
re i , : roy: : - - Dla Dadeet ar Eee eo ee ee ae : ir anon cy eS iran ve rane oh ner iis care bye : “ chinese ale f rer
‘ — ~~ — aes ti a ~ § ——— aie state hey Mcmertiuh. “chip * ss OS RS sa SA eet eT whet Rh Seber SaaS eS tae e CAL Sr ARSE PR EEN NET as Pe oat BF ieee mh SP ae yo Ce det o au er a eee ge ae el ee a iets os eet \
a ‘s 7 r ; — . url a oe a Paani n —_ At . - 3 ~ : : > Lad Fy lle Re Boek [ee ee be Sa oe a ee +
pane mr ne a)
> eh
© Saee.
=.
:
-
110 Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. No. 1,
dom), along with slaves (should be given) to the Hota (or reciter of Rig
mantras). (Wealth from) the southern side (with slaves) to the Brabmana,
(the director) ; (wealth trom) the western side (with slaves) to the Adhvaryu
(Yajur Vedic priest) ; (wealth from) the northern side (with slaves) to the
Udgata (or singer of the Sama hymns), and according to their dues to the
Hotrikas, (or junior priests).”*
[This verse is very elliptical and obscure, and translating without the
aid of a commentary, I am doubtful about its exact construction. The
ellipses have been supplied from the Stitras of KAtydyana.]
19. “Now if a Brahmana performs the ceremony he should give (all
his property) to the most learned. The Brdhmana includes everything ; the
knower of every thing 1s included in everything ; the Purushamedha includes
everything, (and it is) for the attainment and subjugation of everything.+
20. “ Now, keeping to himself only his own self, and his (household)
fire, and atter praising the sun with the Uttara Nardyana hymn, looking at
nothing, he should retire to a forest; thereby he separates himself from
mankind. If he should like to dwell in a village, he should produce a
fire by the rubbing of two sticks, and, praising Aditya with the Uttara
Narayana hymn, return home, and there continue to perform the rites he
was used to, and which he is able to perform. THe verily should not speak
with every body ; to him the Purushamedha is everything, and therefore he
should not speak to all (kinds of persons) ; to those only whom he knows,
who are learned, and who are dear to him he may speak ; but not to all.’’t
No one, I fancy, will deny that the sacrifice described above clearly
shows that it is a modification of a prior rite in which the human victims
wholly or in part were immolated. No other theory can satisfactorily
account for its peculiar character, and the way in which it justifies itself.
Probably the number originally sacrificed was few, and that when the
rite became emblematic, the number was increased in confirmation of some
liturgical theory, particularly as it did not involve any trouble or difficulty.
* gurat ataurat | ay ofa use TVAAA TATA FT fara Vet
grat fevatqefaut squ: gataerateatyaiqeea SSH BAA: ll Y= I
} BY afe aratr asa | waded cara va F arqu: wy qwaaed
Te TAT: GAA] TATE] | Ve I
TL garaagt aartrs | SUCATC SUA eT Y Tea AT AAT HT SCT AT
Hard aaa aqeafetr wafe yy ara faa@ecarcgl wartreyracacraae-
TTATAMG WEY ARTY a BARTLA Ca Aaya FT As UI 7
Taal WAM wy fe waTae Aaaas <a aT waetfa BW aa arava
FAY AMIS Ase fra: BARI GAGs TT RoW ATOWA exis. JI
GsisaTa: [Fe.] 1 |
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Anciem India. 111
But whether so or not, certain it is that at one time or other men were
immolated for the gratification of some divinity or other in this rite
or its prototype. The question then arises, was it the case before the date
of the Rik Sanhita, or after it ?
The interval between the date of the Satapatha Brahmana and the
Sanhita of the Rig Veda is estimated by the learned Professor Max Miiller
at about six and seven hundred years, and the question being, when was the
sacrifice real which became emblematic in the time of the Satapatha? it
would require more confidence in one’s power of conjecture than I can
‘ pretend to, to say that it must have been before the time of the Sanhita,
and not aiter it. National rites, customs, and ceremonies are, doubtless,
very tenacious of lite, butin primitivetimes, in the infancy and early
youth of society, the characteristics of social life changed much more rapidly
than in later times ; certain it is, that the social condition of the Indo-
Aryans and their rites and ceremonies underwent radical and most extensive
changes during the interval between the Rik Safhité and the Satapatha
Brahmana, and there is literally not an iota of evidence to show that the
rite of Purushamedha was left unaltered for the whole period. Seeing
that the Brahmana depends solely on the Safhité for scriptural authority,
and adapts the, to us, indistinct and vague generalities of the original, for
the developement of a new cultus, modifying and changing details to suit
its own views, the presumption becomes strong that the real sacrifice be-
longed to the Sanhita, and the Brahmana divested it of its hideousness and
cruelty, and made it emblematic, even as the Vaishnavas have, within the
last five or six hundred years, replaced the sacrifice of goats and buffaloes
to Chandika by that of pumpkins and sugarcane.
Nor is the Purushamedha the only sacrifice at which human sacrifices
were ordained. The As’vamedha, or horse sacrifice, required the immolation
of a human being just as much as the former, and hence it is that the horse
sacrifice was prohibited in the Kali Yuga along withit. The Taittiriya Brah-
mana of the Black Yajur Veda gives the following story on the subject :
“ Prajapati, having created all living beings, through aifection entered within
them. But afterwards he could not get out of them. He said, ‘ Whoever
will extricate me from this confinement will become wealthy.’ The Devas
performed an Agvamedha and thereby extricated him ; thus they became
wealthy. Whoever performs an Asvamedha attains profusion of wealth by
extricating Prajdpati.””*
* gorufa: sat SET FuTasfaaed | A Ya uetag ATA | BTS
ate segatean | Or Ga: ya aycfefa | aa WaadaG waUTA aaT se
qT WIT | Asyqawa yaa | ysrsfaas sacl ware |
eee oe ht a ah a r eres 2 PT SAE Fae the er YEN SLL GeeCeR TR USE LM TLE MUCH Se To ore De en = Le ON
. PT faigene pe sofia SGC Ds sate ie Nebo nein PNT ee eee Te a pe ta Aa a gu a a RI ea stn en gan nb ——— a BE . ” eae “
oar SPT se par NN at ah pany ten AAA a te tye emer TPP! ever eer ea Seapaak Ev et TR Uneaten Me Pe ee ee RT at MoE SS lied Se Me Mee ee eee Te nee e ne 7 \ z " ’
Src cS ase SI SE eee CEES LST ne ohseoars Sona oO SEP GRAAONN DO rare jane ree ae ae sierra senna , giana mh se soa ey Pa sage rere Pe kat ied ees ie
pte oe a , chan) CORT ERASE ERECT. Bat whe 2 ae _" fi Fa Be cs. Pe wnt T<ae ce | . ea [aes " ane . —EE
ete Sl ee — - : — > -- > we . . “= tlie
2” ry - " - id ww < _ Pa L#
a aes i . - and — >
Shanatees -.
eal *
Oar “es Usha
ee ete ee eee
Poet re a aage®
aih ‘e
oe &* >
oe.
PEN i a a
—" <<a
——
+
ES nen Oe
-
he ued tee Fag o¢
a. a
*
~The Beau
«4, ~
a
amok 4
eee
112 Rajendraléla Mitra—On Human Sacrifices.in Ancient Indja. [No. 1,
The object of this story 1s to point out the necessity of slaughtering
one hundred and eighty animals of different kinds at this sacrifice to
liberate Prajapati from his confinement, and the first victim ordained is a
man. “ He (the institutor of the sacrifice) immolates a man; (the form of)
a man is (like that of) Virat, the type of the animated creation. By the
immolation of the man is Virat immolated. Now Virat is food, and there-
fore through Virat food is obtained.’’*. The horse, the cow, the soat
and other animals are ordained to be immolated in almost the same words
everywhere using the verb adlabhate. The details of the Agvamedha would
require more space than what I can spare here, so I must reserve them
for a separate paper.
Apart from the Purushamedha and the Agvamedha, the Satapatha Br4h-
mana, in adverting to the offering of animal sacrifice generally, and enu-
meratinge separately the horse, the cow, the gsoat, &e., has a verse which is
remarkable for the manner in which a human victim is therein referred to.
It says “ Let a fire-ofterimg be made with the head of a man. The offering
is the rite itself (yajia) ; therefore does it make a man a part of the
sacrificial animals ; and hence it is that among animals manis included as a
sacrifice. Whoever offers an oblation with the head, to him the head STVes
vigour.” The commentator explains that by the term purusha sirga “man’s
head”, a man is understood, a part being, by a figure of speech, taken as
equivalent to the whole.
Passing trom the Brahmanas to the Itihdsas, we have ample evidence
to show that the rite of Purushamedha was not unknown to their authors.
The Institutes of Manu affords the same evidence, but it would seem that
when it came into currency, the rite was looked upon with horror, and so
it was prohibited as unfit to be performed in the present age.. The Puranas
followed the Institutes, and the prohibition included along with it the Agva-
medha, suicide by drowning one’s self in the sea, procreation of children on
an elder brother’s widow, and a variety of other reprehensible and odious
rites, ceremonies and customs,{ showing clearly that the rite originally was
not so innocent as the supposition of its being emblematic would make it ;
for had the offering been limited to the mere repetition of a few mantras
* qeuaTeNad | Susi a ges: | frusatarend ) wad F fare
QAAaTTs |
tT 3a yeantiafassrfa | sistas aw yey aug awa acta
TUITE FLA UI Wai aad | yeaaeluseifa | alata curfa |
t Beef in Ancient India, ante XLI, p. 194.
|
|
|
4
= ——
1876.] Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. itg
over a certain number of men, it would not have been so obnoxious to
Hindu feeling as to necessitate its suppression.
But while the Purdnas Suppressed the Purushamedha, they afford
abundant indications of another rite requiring the immolation of a human
victim having come into vogue. This was Narabah, or human sacrifice to
the goddess Chamunda, or Chandiké,—a dark, fierce, sanguinary divinity, who
is represented in the most awful forms, not unoften dressed in human
palms, garlanded with a string of human skulls, holding a skull by the hair
in one hand, and an uplifted sabre in the other, and having her person
stained with patches of human gore. European orientalists assign a very
modern date to the Purdnas, and also to the Tantras which describe the
eultus of this divinity; but poems and dramatic works dating from eight
to fitteen hundred years ago refer to her and her predilection for human
_ sacrifices, and lithic representations of her form of early medizeval ages are
still extant. It has also been proved by unquestionable evidence that most
of the leading Tantras of the Hindus were translated into Tibetan from
the seventh to the ninth century of the Christian era, and thereby the
worship of that goddess naturalised onthe other side of the Himalaya.*
it must follow that the Hindu Tantras existed for some time before the
7th century, and then the rite of Narabali was known and practised by the
people of this country. How long before that period the rite was known,
I shall not attempt to determine, for data for such a determination are not
available ; but the theory of interpolation apart, the goddess is mentioned in
the Ramayana as reigning in the nether regions; and her type, as I have already
stated, is to be found in Artymis, and even among Assyrian records, and
she cannot, therefore, reasonably to taken to be so modern as is generally
supposed. :
The Kalika Purana is in ecstacy on the merits of the disgusting rite.
It says, “By a human sacrifice attended by the forms laid down, Devi
remains gratified for a thousand years, and by a sacrifice of three men one
hundred thousand years. By human flesh the goddess Kamakhyéa’s consort
Bhairava, who assumes my shape, remains pleased for three thousand years.
Blood consecrated, immediately becomes ambrosia, and since the head and flesh
are gratifying, therefore should the head and flesh be offered at the wor-
ship of the goddess. The wise should also add the flesh free from hair, among
food offerings.”’+ The Purdna then enters into minute details about the ways
* Csoma de Kérési, in the Asiatic Researches, (XX, pp. 569 ff.) gives a long list of
Buddhist Tantras.
+ atu steal efa aed aicaacuea |
fataeda wiaifa ef wa fafwae: i
aICuaTy aaa faaverfu aac}
fq wnifa araraiacal AA RIGA |
B Ee
ee
nr
{ ‘ ~ pe ‘a pM MPoyt . a» toe De — . fn Pos z
fa s ‘ “ - last aes ate a eee Tee ae ee ee emerald fae z
“ : rs wee Senay as WD ice ead Reg ee he meen Cop Pow cranes Pie te LAecemaiiuieucabslpi thas feos <oR aol ie mt bse sg ns hha fi
: : ae ‘ ie gfe aiteat tag ES Bre A " phi oe EE SE Sone Ort AYO Ea SE RE ST z : ‘
ote SE eat ER Se SE a aS Foe ee ee Ree a ee eee ee ee PE eee Te ee eee feet ke ETT es SRT oe UTS TTA ete WIR RT SERIE Dee tae RRS Te CEA ene SF EY REE er ET PE RR TE ‘i re are weer oe : acres : se ecwtincan ti = .
: ar ae eee Sea oy er ee oe ian a a ait i Mah aS Ala oh Nisin a nikind swans ve vein vir npr es peer wait ear (+ ae dale oat Sigil cies aR a - of ? rte atrhistesir' Soe ee NS he ee Fie aed eae Saati ee ed . +
‘e~ ine bill ain tesla 4aamreatremeta lee a ee ei ail Mio baD Le SORTA Seed ; Va Nel alee et ee ERE ROSS eae SAY STAVE RT Toe tee z: CELE ie OR Wh tied aye TE Rah Perro ease ot oie hale ee td, er ae Fie, | 00 OO a et acai Ltd ee a
+, \ as 1 4 7 : ons ‘ > meng ek s Se Se me NE Cae fone ORES ie mete ee sacar! Peles Veoe nfs . ep
: - ~ - > « an amen Det, “mae , 4 are . t : £
+ : ~— . ee me - > a. 2 a = - = nnd +e a i a a " . ra
+ = . - - — te = i ee oe
er. asm
Gi EPS ER enn ia te
=a!
114 Rajendraléla Mitra—On AHuman Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. f,
in which, the times when, and the places where, the rite should be celebrated ;
but as the whole of the chapter in which the details occur, has been already | .
published,* I shall confine myself here toa short extract from another
chapter to give an idea of the ceremony connected with the Durga Paja.
After describing the ritual of the Durga Puja, that Purana conti-
nues—“ Next should be performed such sacrifice as is eratifying to the Devi.
The elephant-headed (Ganesa) should be gratified with sweetmeats; Hari
with clarified butter, (Habis, the word may be rendered into rice, fruits,
&c.) ; the all-destroymg Hara, with the threefold entertainment, (of dan-
cing, singing and music) ; but the worshipper should always gratify Chandi-
ka with animal sacrifice. Birds, tortoises, crocodiles, hogs, goats, butfa-
loes, guanos, poreupines, and the nine kinds of deer, yaks, black antelopes,
erows, lions, fishes, the blood of one’s own body, and camels are the sacrificial
animals. In the absence of these sometimes horses and elephants. Goats,
sarabha, (a young elephant, or a fabulous animal with eight legs,) and
human beings in the order in which they are named, are respectively
ealled Bali, (sacrifice) Mahabah, (the great sacrifice,) and Atibali (highest
sacrifice). Having placed the victim before the goddess, the worshipper
should adore her by offering flowers, sandal paste, and bark, frequently repeat-
ing the mantra appropriate for sacrifice. Then, facing the north and placing
the victim so as to face the Hast, he should look backward and repeat this man-
tra: “OQ man, through my good fortune thou hast appeared as a victim ;
therefore I salute thee ; thou multiform, and of theform of a victim. ‘Thou, by
gratitying Chandika destroyeth all evil incidents tothe giver. Thou, a victim,
who appeareth as a sacrifice meet for the Vaishnavi, havest my salutations.
Victims were created by the self-born himself for sacrificial rites; I shall slaugh-
ter thee to-day, and slaughter at a sacrifice is mo murder.’—Then meditating
on that human-rormed victim a flower should be thrown on the top of its
head with the mantra ‘Om, Aif, Hrifi, Srif’. Then, thinking of one’s own
wishes, and referring to the goddess, water should be sprinkled on the victim.
Thereatter, the sword should be consecrated with the mantra, ‘O sword, thou
art the tongue of Chandikdé, and bestower of the region of the gods, Om,
Aih, Hrin, Srifi. Black, and holding the trident, (thou art) like the
last dreadful night of creation ; born fierce, of bloody eyes and mouth, wear-
aarye Wiha alge siya Vet |
weaangity aay wafaafas aa: i
aad aya cae ae: Nio| wifes |
weg frematata faastes fagau
fa aifeatgce sfefawarg aqufeaaeare: |
* Blacquire, Asiatic Researches, vol. V. ppe 371 ff.
——
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Hinman Sacrifices in Ancient India. 115 :
) ing a blood-red garland, and equally sanguinary unguents (on thy person), :
wy, arrayed in blood-red garment, and holding a noose, master of a family, a
K drinking blood, and munching heaps of flesh, thou art Asz, (that which eats ,
ity | away the head of its victim); thou art Vigasana, (the drier up of its a
bly . victim) ; thou art Ahadga, (that which tears up) ; thou art Likshnadhara 4
‘ (keen-edged) ; thou art Durdsada, (the giver of difficultly attainable if
n objects) ; thou art S'régarbha (the womb of prosperity) ; thou art Vijaya J
my (victory) ; thou art Dharmapdla, (protector of the faith) ; salutations q
| be to thee. ‘The sword’ having been thus consecrated, should be q
) taken up while repeating the mantra ‘AN uU®% puat,’ and the excellent a
ne victim slaughtered with it. Thereafter, carefully sprinkling on the a
= | blood of the victim, water, rock-salt, honey, aromatics, and flowers, it i"
a should be placed before the goddess, and the skull also with a lamp q
| burning over it should be placed before her with the mantra, ‘Om, Ain, 3
Ay Hrin, Sri, Kausiki, thou art gratified with the blood.’ Thus having com- 3
ae pleted the sacrifice, the worshipper attains rich reward.”’* i:
wy | ?
a A ¥ ‘ eos ~ & a
se | * stararaary | ofqaret aa: Tea FASTA WATTS | | :
“ ~ Ae ae a
ld FIRITIMS Claw ameeare | 4
I alae 2 =\ eS rN es . a
Lad atataay faa: WRC aTIGST | a
vad afcat sfeerta qwsa erara: FET | i
™ UAC: AQIS ACSI ASIANA | i
seh! ~ ~ |
val | aires athwat Mraeer aafaar wars It 2.
ent GAC? HUICY 4H GelAaTaal | ‘3
ae HM: PATA PFA TAA AAT: | i
Ody | ~ A x A
oF Vag ZT ayy aeitqeqawraat | i
Te = ss | e
gh RUM AUAA ACYA YATAATA I _
10 S @
A afeaeratacfasae: afcativan | a
ie 2s ?
1" wide ates GaGa Ss | f !
st = Sag eatp AC 6 if
« ( WHI VIA Sat afaaGwaSuT: | i
Ls a» ~ ~ fy
\, ~ ° LN ae
ye snUtiRa yar afe Taaanay It :
: —_ mf
a fache aa: varied aaqetcaa | i
: ave afeaqu wa warsateaa: | He
quaita aa: waatau afaefau i ie
= : = Ve
| gfiwatsifraraa erquafeartae | a
a\ ~ e wN = 3
| quatseey Fe Gu AAS a Il
| YA Gay: CI @yas GIA |
ri BART WAIT TATE BH FAS Il
|
|
|
|
ea SS LES ALND ON
116 Rajendralala Mitra—On Hwnan Sacrifices in Ancient India. [No. 1,
It is not necessary for me to swell the bulk of this paper, already
more swollen than what I at first intended to make it, by collecting notes
of all the places where, and the occasions when, the rite of Narabali was
performed, in order to show how widespread was the practice during the
middle ages and modern times. Ward has given several instances of its
occurrence in Bengal in his elaborate dissertation on the Hindus. The fact
is well known that for a long time the rite was common all over Hindustan
and persons are not wanting who suspect that there are still nooks and corners
in India where human victims are occasionally slaughtered for the gratifi-
cation of the Devi. In old families which belong to the sect of the Vamé4-
charis and whose ancestors formerly offered human victims at the Durga and
the Kali ptjas, a practice still obtains of sacrificing an effigy, in lieu of a living
man. ‘The effigy, a foot long, 1s made of dried milk (khéra), and sacrificed
according to the formula laid down in the Kalika Purana, the only addition
being a few mantras designed typically to vivify the image. A friend of
mine, Babu Hemchunder Ker, Deputy Magistrate of Twenty-four Pergunnahs
and author of an excellent work on the culture of Jute in Bengal, informs me
eet st it <fa aau a afe acefqd |
foutuar aia qu afe aE a ca I
wat eat vata arayiey Sara: |
atatry ofa ward ACIS GUST |
CUA @ BCH’ TCSTAIGTAT: |
et st x agfa aau et syaaA |
au tratagiug aqufraqetyy
Vy CHEAT CHANTS I
CAT HATHCSS Wee Hela |
Taqarry eat ware MaTeler |
gtatanan: eyelet: Stas: |
stir fasraga wage AUST T |
wifsel aa as at S wigia aaa: |
zeta fad ay gaaE sfaune |
WaT setat efat Are: STITT AS: |
wa fadayury faa waa I
et et tt aifmaltfa efecrarfyarla F |
wie fatindza facg woelra
ed SUT aie WW [we WAT fa UTI I
Kahikaé Purana, Chapter 06.
1876.| Rajendralala Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India. 117
that in the eastern districts of Bengal this sacrifice is frequently performed,
but the image, instead of being slaughtered by a single individual, is cut up
simultaneously by all the Ssrown-up members of the family, either with
separate knives, or with a single knife jointly held by all. Thisis known by
the name of Satrubal: or “ sacrifice of an enemy.” The sacrifice, both in the
case of Nara- and the Satru-bali, is performed secretly, generally at midnight.
The Satrubalc, however, is a distinct rite, apart from the Narabali of the
Kalika Purana, and authority for it occurs in the Vrihanvila Tantra, in which
if is said, after performing certain other rites therein described, “a king
should sacrifice his enemy (in an effigy) made with dried milk (khéra).
He should slaughter it himself, looking at it with a fiery glance, striking deep,
and dividing it into two with a single stroke. This should be done after in-
fusing lite into it by the rite of Prdna-pritishthd, and repeating the name
of the person to be destroyed. O consort of Mahesga, he doubtless destroys
thereby his enemies.’’*
The offering of one’s own blood to the goddess, to which reference has
been made above in the extract from the K4lik4 Purana, is a medizval
and modern rite. It is made by women, and there is scarcely a
respectable house in all Bengal, the mistress of which has not, at
one time or other, shed her blood, under the notion of satisfying the
goddess by the operation. Whenever her husband or a son is dan-
gerously ull, a vow is made that on the recovery of the patient, the
goddess would be regaled with human blood, and on the first Durgd Puja
following, or at the temple at Kalighat, or at some other sacred fane, the lady —
performs certain ceremonies, and then bares her breast in the presence of the
goddess, and with a nail-cutter (narwna) draws a few drops of blood from
between her busts, and offers them to the divinity. The last time I saw
the ceremony was six years ago, when my late revered parent, tottering
with age, made the offering for my recovery trom a dangerous and long-
protracted attack of pleurisy. Whatever may be thought of it by persons
brought up under a creed different from that of the Indo-Aryans, I cannot
recall to memory the fact without feeling the deepest emotion for the
boundless affection which prompted it. —
Or human sacrifices among the non-Aryan tribes of India, it is not
my intention to make any mention here, so I bring this paper to a
* am waafe ten ear wite fated |
ay fala HINZE GeICHAART F I
Alda qugeta aa val HSAle |
Tustast Hal F MIATA ASAT |
WIG AVUits waa FT THF Il
a sas ch senchab ideal lpniaessetesescnknSy ese eM santa nlp ce enshrined Rie) he dm baetas Cia endligbmoere Bieter aia eka anil
ESI) BUELL RAE LY Oe eee SPE NOT OFS eS POE 7 Oath EE PU Cat aed de aT ORI NON ga BRR PBT pT ee ct ey Me ne Ne '
Coes Aa bee Mt Sd Oh) eee ee ee at ah tae aN — <4 - r Jameel i vler ae. - _ Te Cle aS ae es y are o jo i
ary 4 ll n ~ r .. «2 ~ on . ~ =
Ear Sasi ike EatAege St arer
edi ae Zk
Fe |
s
a |
Ae
Ae
1
”
he |
a
ia
{a
ian
Sia
Us
ie
ee
PANT Deas
teh ae Ot wth
ve PY a ier beer Mane Vel et emerent ed See ee Meee eee este ce aoa Tal fot hehe eee
rates Bah ass Se ee ee Br eta aera eRe ree 9 eet : hel Nr Pras
ns estininits et (ROS ai om ROE Ge ae [TRAN
- >
i. ™
ial ie ty i pe
a
he Re Oe + 64 pate. ie al =.
bret we te oh =—ts
PS er err
? ts 1B > SA agin
OO awe op ee te +e
———one
118 Rajendraldla Mitra—On Human Sacrifices in Ancient India.
close by adding the following summary of the conclusions which may be
fairly drawn from the facts cited above:
1st. That, looking to the history of human civilization and the rituals
of the Hindus, there is nothing to justify the belief that in ancient times
the Hindus were incapable of sacrificing human beings to their gods.
Ind. That the Sunahsepha hymns of the Rik Safihité most probably
refer to a human sacrifice.
8rd. That the Aitareya Brahmana refers to an actual and not a typical
human sacrifice.
Ath. That the Purushamedha originally required the actual sacrifice
of men.
5th. That the Satapatha Brahmana sanctions human sacrifice in some
cases, but makes the Purushamedha emblematic.
6th. That the Taittiriya Brahmana enjoins the sacrifice of a man at
the Horse sacrifice. |
7th. That the Puranas recognise human sacrifices to Chandiké, but
prohibit the Purushamedha rite. | |
8th. That the Tantras enjoin human sacrifices to Chandiké, and
require that when human victims are not available, an effigy of a human
being should be sacrificed to her.
—
: | ys
nthe ¥y-
ana i ae i
Amine priestess rus Pisa AS Oro ie ee TEU 36 Leora aoc
—_——-~ t — . - ——s
: , iemina \lalied > ite os a i
SSVd VNAYZVW JO MALTA :
— 0 ey — —
SYP UT DATLG UITOUY ©
Ue
erie
ne ee Te pone ? , : as ; | =
Nears et, ;, j * re ‘ . 5 ater . : ae ; as iba at pt at; i 2 s ae
SS . rina SSA
AS
ree
Bnd
Bite
FY
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ae
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ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
Part I.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.
If
No. I1.—1876.
SO APA OALPRLALPALIAITOSD
PBPAI © OOP
Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley, a dependancy of the Maharaja of
Kashnir—By Capt. H. C. Marsu, 18th Bengal Cavalry.
(With three plates and a map.)
4
Starting in the summer of 1875 from Srinagar, the chief town of
Kashmir, my route lay through the pretty valley of the Pohar river and
over the watershed dividing the drainage of the Jhelum and the Kishn-
ganea. I crossed over the latter river by a slack twig-rope bridge and con-
tinued up the Kheyl ndla, a small tributary coming from the highlands
under the immense mass of the Nanga Parbat mountain on the borders of
Chilas.* TI arrived at the Mir Malik district of the Astor country by an
hitherto almost unknown pass, called by the Astories ‘Sheothur’ or Bone-
eutting, about 15,000 feet high, at that time covered with snow; and
marching through the Astor valley (a brief description of which I gave in
the ‘Pioneer’ of January 1876), I found myself at the desolate village of
Bunji on the arid banks of the Indus river on the 16th July.
The wars between the former rulers of Gilgit, especially those of Gora-
man against the Dogras, as the Kashmir troops are generally called, have
devastated a once flourishing district, for such 1t was, in the times of Ahmad
Shah, the former ruler of Skardu. | |
The present aspect of the Bunji plainisa desert. There are a few fields
and trees round the fort itself, the whole country slopes from the high snow-
* A sketch of the Mazena Pass leading into Chilas is given. It was hitherto almost
unknown, and is situated at the head of the Roupel Nala, one of the glaciers of the Nang
Parbat. 'The Pass is only open in September and October, and is little used.
Q
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120 ~=6w H. C. Marsh—Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. (No. Z.
clad peaks at the end of the Astor Valley towards the Indus, and is covered
with stones and boulders, gravel and sand, cut up by many dry watercourses,
presenting the most forbidding aspect of a country brought to ruin by con-
tending factions, not only Dogra and Gilgit, but Astor and Chilas, also Chilas
and Dogra, all at various times, within the last twenty-five years, choosing
this unfortunate place as a battle-ground. The traveller leaving Kashmir and
journeying through these narrow, poor valleys cannot understand why such
unproductive conquests should have been undertaken by the Kashmir Gov-
ernment. Even for the greed of dominion, little or no advantage has
accrued to the conquerors. In short, the Dogras, in their ideas of conquest,
committed a great blunder mm annexing either Astor or Gilgit, as both have
been a burden on the State ever since their acquisition, Astor having to be
supplied with grain for the troops required to hold it, and Gilgit only just
supporting the small garrison located there. Even if the taking of Astor
is advanced on the plea of strategy, so as to gain a good natural and political
frontier on the Indus, what can be urged for crossing that frontier into
a tar off and useless country like Gilgit, of small resources and difficult
to hold. |
The former inhabitants of Bunji were Shins mixed up with Bhiittiahs
from Skardu, but latterly, before its final destruction about 1852, most
of the people were Shins from the opposite and populous valley of Sye.
The Fort was rebuilt by the Dogras in that year, but the fertilizing
canal which used to bring water from the adjacent ndla was not repaired,
so that the present village consists of less than a dozen houses of Kashmiri
thieves, transported to the place, and a company of sepoys in the fort.
The tew fields are eaten up by grasshoppers that annually appear about
harvest time, and the villagers have a constant struggle for life. The sol-
diers are fed on Kashmir grain.* The summer heat here is great, the ther-
mometer Fah. marking from 69 to 95 in the shade and over 104 in the sun.
The ferry over the Indus is about two miles from the Fort. The latter
is situated at least 500 feet above the river. There are only three boats, such
as are used in Kashmir for ferry purposes, each capable of holding some 30
people. The river runs about three miles an hour and is from 500 to 600
feet broad. The road lay through old uncultivated fields, and descend-
ing by a winding path down two terraces to the banks of the river, we
waited till the Kashmiri boatmen arrived to convey us over. On the bare bank
a garden has recently been planted. The natives are very superstitious, and
only after many invocations to God for protection on the unstable element,
did they allow myself, pony and coolies to embark, a sepoy accompanying
me. The two boatmen were not powerful enough by themselves, so we
* Tor a description of this grain supply see the ‘ Pioneer’ of 17th December, 1875,
for my account of Ponies in ‘ Kashmir’.
1876.}| | H.C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gulgit Valley. 121
all had to take to the paddles and* urge the unwieldy craft to the opposite
or right bank, which is higher than the left, and crowned by an old fort. The
scenery of the river is desolate but erand; the surrounding hills, some
20,000 feet high, are bare of vegetation, steep, and in winter peaked with show,
which, however, seldom falls in the valley itself.
Shortly after leaving the river and entering into the Sye valley, which
is watered by a stream falling into the river just below the ferry, we came
to the first village of a few houses called Dumrote, surrounded by green
fields and fruit trees, a pleasant contrast to the desolation on the Bunji
side. )
After marching up the Sye river three or four miles, we arrived at the
junction of two streams, and crossing the Sye, by wading one half and the
other half by a bridge, we made a short halt at the village of Sungrot, a
large, well populated place, to change our coolies, the Astor ones having
come tour marches with us, as none were procurable ex route.* The Vizier,
-Bagdur Shah, a Shin, lives here, and is the chief man in the valley ; he came
to pay his respects, and helped me to get men to carry my traps. The Sye
valley from this point contracts, and the path leads along the right bank of
the Sye river close to the water. At times the river floods the road. This
wild and desolate scene continues for four miles, with high steep hills on
each side, when again the valley opens out to nearly its former size, about
a mile broad, at the village of Chakerkot. |
Here all was smiling plenty and peaceful repose, green fields of wheat,
barley and other grains, such as Trombu and China, together with fig,
walnut, grape, and mulberry trees, on all sides. ‘he clouds which had been
threatening, here broke over us with a crash of thunder, the rain deluging us
in a moment, and glad were we to find shelter in the small enclosed masjid
of the village. The mosques of these countries are enclosed and have deep
verandas round them, if in populous places ; if not, they are simply a square
room with a small door and a hole in the root to let out the smoke of the
fire, which generally burns all day long. |
I was soon surrounded by the simple villagers, but unfortunately not
understanding their language, Shina, could keep up but a broken conversation
in Persian with the Mullé, who only knew a few words.
After the storm was over, we came out and found the court in front full
of people, mostly children, who had come to see the Firingi, or Farang.
Again changing coolies, we continued our march through the pleasant fields
and under the shade of fruit trees. The path ascends the valley, passing
* The method of forced labour in these countries is unavoidable with the present
airangements, causing great discontent and even desertion into other countries. All
might be obviated by a good road to facilitate pony trafic.
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122 H.C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. —[No. 2,
many small hamlets and solitary farms with pretty scenery, till the village
of Jugrote is reached five miles from Sungrote. Here my tent was pitched,
close to thé well-kept mosque. |
The lower and inhabited part of the Sye valley, only twelve miles in
length, owing to 1ts fertility, is the envy of the surrounding countries. The
inhabitants are all Sunni Muhammadans of the Shin clan, and this small com-
munity never having been able to hold its own against its more powerful neigh-
bours, Gilgit and Chilas, has passed from hand to hand according to the
varying fortunes of either tribe, but still has escaped the fate of Buniji,
owing, no doubt in part, to the people being more industrious and helping one
another, and in part to the great fertility of the soil and plentiful supply of
water. The people are an independent set and must be gently used, as they
brook little tyranny at the hands of the Kashmiri ; for if taxed too heavily,
they pack up their goods and chattles and making a flying march with their
families and cattle, go over into the Yaghy or Free country of Gor and
Dareyl, which are situated at the back or west of their valley.
There is another road to Gilgit higher up the Indus and along the Gilgit
river, from its junction upwards, not used for some years past, a part of
the road having been carried away into the latter river by an earthquake.
Continuing my route, the road to Gilgit leads straight up the Sye valley
to Jugrote, and the Pass of Niladar between the two countries overhangs the
village. The south side of the Niladar pass is easy, but has no water on it;
the lower ascent is gradual, overa stony hill side, but the upper part is steep
and rocky, all of a red colour. A well defined path leads all the way up the
Pass, which I traversed on foot. The summit, reached in about two hours,
disappoints one as to the view. The Sye valley and Indus below look
pretty, Bunji a dark speck of green ona red field. A short distance still
_turther up, the Barbuni* valley can be seen, but of Gilgit, little more than
a contusion of rocky bare peaks, the river being hidden in its deep bed.
The descent is very long, but at first gradual, and if we divide it into
four parts, would be described as the 1st and 2nd parts an easy slope over
a bare waterless gravelly plateau. A large herd of urial, or wild sheep,
enlivened the scene ; they kept too far off to give me a shot, galloping away
out of sight over fearful ground. In the 8rd part, the descent becomes
more rough and steep, the river below, with a part of its valley, comes into
view, as the path leads more to the north-east and parallel to the Gilgit
river, the lower part is the most trying, still steeper and rougher, till
at last we scrambled down into the river bed by a nearly precipitous elitt,
and rushed to drink of its muddy waters, now swollen by melting snows.
Lhe path then leads up the steep bank again, crossing many wearisome
¥ The local name of the Sye River, which rises on the south slopes of Pehot Moun-
tain, on the boundaries of Dareyl and Gilgit.
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1876. | H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valiey. 123
ravines, till, fairly tired out, the traveller (riding not being easy on such a
rough road) at length arrives at the high slope on which Minnor, the first
large village in the valley, is situated.
I reached this place at 2 Pp. ., having been on the move from dawn,
the distance is about 12 miles.
The Justero, or Headman, brought me a ‘dollie’ of fruit, which was
most acceptable to a weary man. The village contains about 30 houses and is
prosperous; the inhabitants are Shins asin Astor, and mostly understand the
Hindustani spoken in the Panjab, owing to their intercourse with the Dogra
troops, which have occupied the country continuously since 1860. I re-
mained at Minnor two days. It was most enjoyable under the shade of the
walnut trees in the village green, but in the middle of the day in the sun, the
heat was great. The peculiarity of this village was, that it kept no poultry,
because, as the old Justero told me, in former days, they had had a great
faction fight among themselves, owing to the fowls of one of the villagers
having got into the garden of another, and eaten some of the fruit in it:
after the fight was over and their hot blood had cooled down, the old men
made all swear that they would never keep any more fowls in the village.
But though I could not obtain fowls, I had plenty of food brought me as
presents in return for my medicines. |
I always travel with a supply of common drugs, and invite patients to
come to me for treatment, which obtains for me free intercourse with all
classes of the people, men, women, and children. There are no medical men
in those parts, and the poverty of the masses prevents them from obtaining
medicines for themselves, besides their ignorance 1s great on all such matters.
They require very strong drugs to affect them, croton oil being a favourite.
The quacks of the country generally use poisons, such as arsenic, in small
doses, as purgatives.
Next day we started early, so as to arrive in Gilgit before the great
heat. We soon got clear of the range of the village fields and the shade of
trees, back into the heat and glare; ther. 103" at noon in shade. A fine view
of the Gilgit valley was before us, the river below, the bare rocky hills on
each side with the snowy peaks of Hara-mush, 24,000 It. ; Dubani, 20,000 ft. ;
and Rakiposhi, 25,000 ft. high, in the distance to the north-east.
The valley is three miles broad at its greatest width, but opposite Min-
nor only a mile. The villages are situated where sufficient water can be
obtained for irrigation purposes. The supplying streams have thrown up a
sloping plateau with the débris brought down trom the hills. On these high
slopes the villages are built, surrounded by trees, and easily seen at a distance,
owing to the whole country being a light red colour without vegetation.
The path is good and fit for ponies. We passed through the small village
of Sakewan, watered by a stream which, like that of Minnor, nearly dries up in
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124 H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip tothe Gilgit Valley. [No. 2,
August; then on again over desert till the Sonéup stream is reached, which
flows from the peak behind the hills to the west, called Kumeregah, a day’s
march off. Half the water is wasted, as is usual in these countries, owing
to carelessness and indifference: no tanks or dams are made to retain water
for the dry season; water-wheels are also unknown. We forded the stream,
sweet to drink, but icy cold, and rested in the village of Jutial just beyond,
from whence is seen, far below, the plain of Gilgit, with its Fort by the river
side. Here we had a great feast of grapes, rich clusters hanging within
reach of the road side. Throughout the country grapes are not picked by
the people before they are fully ripe. A day is fixed for the vintage, when
they are cut by the men and carried home by the women with great rejoi-
cing ; most honestly 1s this custom carried out, they do not object to a stran-
ger eating, but will not touch them themselves, they also impose a fine of a
kid on any one found trespassing. The old Justero of Minnor’s little son
was brought to me for treatment, and on asking him if he had eaten any-
thing that morning, alter a great deal of pressing and persuasion, he acknow-
ledged he had eaten some grapes!!! A roar of laughter was raised at this
answer by the bystanders, as the old man would have to pay a kid for the
boy’s fault. | |
I had a deal of trouble and delay, caused by the frequent changing of
coolies, as they will only go from village to village. No amount of pay
could induce them to go beyond the next village; for they hate carrying
loads, and do not care for the few pice they can thus gain.
The plain immediately surrounding the Fort, the centre around which
the many villages are dotted, is about four miles long and two miles broad,
bordered by the river to the north, Jutial to the south and east, and the
heights of Natur to the west. It is about 200 feet above the river, and is
plentitully watered by a canal, taken out four miles up the river; on its
right bank it is well cultivated and peopled.
On passing the first few houses of the village, the coolies asked me
where I should like to camp, so I chose a nice dry spot under a walnut tree
about 400 yards from the garden, in which lie the remains of poor Hayward,
who was murdered in Yassin in 1870. - I did not go near the Fort, because
of its disagreeable proximity to the Dogra sepoys, a dirty lot. The great
object in choosing a camping ground, is to escape from the musquitoes which
infest all damp places in the valley.
Close to me were encamped two other travellers, who were having a
national dance performed by some Gilgitis. It was an animated scene, we
sat in the inner circle, and were surrounded by.a large crowd of Dogras and
villagers, all attracted by the sound of the fifes and drums, to which the
dancers kept time. Some of the dances were ‘ Pas-de-seul’, others again were
danced in a circle by a number of young men, the pace and gestures of each
1876. | H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 125
increasing as they warmed to their work, all keeping pretty good time with
awecleader on the dance: ~ Amongst those. assembled on: this occasion were
the Kardar, or Governor, of Gilgit, an old Sikh, Bhai Ganga Singh, the
General commanding the Kulla fauj, or Militia, Man Singh, and Colonels
Tey Singh or Teju, and Hushidr4, commanding the two Regiments quar-
tered here, also the Vizier of Gilgit, Ghul4m Haidar, and some of the peo-
ple from Yassin, who were accompanying the Envoy sent to the Governor
of Gilgit. The same evening we heard of the death of the wretch Mir
Wali, the murderer of Hayward, he having been shot ten days previous to
our arrival. The following statement was the account we heard :
Hayward was killed by order of Amén-i-Mulk, ruler of Chitral, by
Mir Wali, the Raja of Yassin, his son-in-law, who was assisted by Rah-
mat, his prime minister or Vizier, and Muhammad Rafi’ Nabi Beg, foster-
brother to the Mir. Nabi Beg’s mother having, from the death of his own
mother, brought up Mir Wali from the cradle. The unhappy traveller was
murdered just outside the village of Darkot, a march beyond Yassin towards
the Pamir Steepe. When Mir Wali obtained Hayward’s loot or property,
he fled to Badakshan with it, and asked the assistance of the Durdnis of
Kabul, to recover his country from Phailwan, his younger brother, who had
been given the throne of Yassin on his flight to Badakhshan. Mir Wali stated
he fled, because he fancied Aman-i-Mulk wished to get him into trouble with
the Kashmir authorities. |
About two months ago (May 1875), Mir Wali, still with the Durdnis,
finding that Aman-i-Mulk retained a bad feeling against him (for not giv-
ing him a part of the spoil) and would not return him his country of Yas-
sin, sent his wife, Am4én-i-Mulk’s daughter, and her little son five years
old, to him, to Chitral, saying, “ If you will not make friends with me, at
least do something for your own daughter and her son, let him have Yassin ;
it not, I will get Durdni help and bring a force against you.”
Aman-i-Mulk, Raja of Tatial, as that part of Chitral round the Fort
is called, being uneasy at these threats, determined to throw himself into the
hands of the Durdnis, with whom he had been lately far from friendly, be-
cause they had been trying to take some small forts from him,* so he sent
Phailwan to Takhtpul near Balkh, to the Durani Governor of Turkistdn,
with a message, saying “J will salam to you, give you my daughter in mar-
riage and all my wealth, if you will turn Mir Wali out of Badakhshdn.” The
Duranis had on Mir Wali’s first flying to them demanded of Amén-i-Mulk
his restitution to Yassin, but now on Aman-1-Mulk’s overtures, turned
against Mir Wali and ordered him out of their territories. Mir Wali had, since
* These forts are situated on the south slopes of the Hindu-Kush, on the confines
of the Bashgali or KAfir country, which shows that Kabul is trying to extend her rule
beyond Badakhshén into Chitral by the Dorah Pass from Zebak.
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126 H.C. Marsh—Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [No 2,
his murder of Hayward, been staying at a small place called Gurgial, close to
Kilah Punj, a few days journey to the north of Chitra] across a range of
the Hindu-Kush, called Yarkun.
Phailwan, as soon as his embassy proved successful, returned to Yassin,
and about fifteen days ago (4th July, 1875), Mir Wall, having been turned out
of Gurgial, was coming over the Yarkun into Mustach, when he was way-
laid in a narrow spot, quite close to that place, by two sons of Hayat Nu,
_ Phailwan’s Vizier, with 50 or GO men. Mir Wali had 40 Chitral and Yag-
sin men in his pay, who had shared his fortunes, also his foster-brother
Nabi Beg, who had assisted to murder Hayward, and was his factotum ;
as soon as the Mir saw the ambuscade into which he had fallen, he drew
Hayward’s revolver and shot at one of his enemies, the ball striking his head
and glancing off the turban. Mir Wali was then killed by two bullets, to.
gether with three of his men, the rest were captured—of the Yassin party
Hayat Nur’s youngest son was killed together with several men. Nabi
Beg is amongst the prisoners. |
This is the account accepted generally by the people themselves of this
altair. ‘The next day, my two friends left for Astor.
I found great difficulty in getting my shoes and chuplis, or sandals,
mended ; they do not cure leather by tanning, in all the countries of Yagistan,
but simply rub it together till it becomes like wash leather. Of course all
leather articles waste away like paper in wet weather, and the people depend
on harness or sword belts from Kashmir or Badakhshan, from whence they
also obtain their matechlocks.
Lhe people are very ignorant, and less warlike than their neighbours,
which accounts for their having been conquered. When the Dogyras first
came into Gilgit in 1847, they found all the now cultivated land, a jungle of
wild fruit trees, with a few huts, in which the inhabitants lived in wet or
cold weather. This jungle they first cleared, and only in the last eight years
have the people been taught to cultivate the land as they ought.
I went to see the Fort, built of earth many years ago by Gurtam Khan,
a Tormer ruler of Gilgit. It has changed hands many times, and has often
been demolished and rebuilt. Goraman rebuilt it of stone and mud, lime be-
ing unknown to these people. Within the last fifteen years, the Dogras
have entirely rebuilt it on a new site close to the old Fort, which lies a heap
of stones. It is now built of beams of wood, stones and clay in layers, the
wooden frames helping to bind all firmly together. There are double walls;
the inner court is used as a store-room for provisioning the garrison. Its
armament consists of 1 smal] six-pounder brass gun, 6 “ sher-bachas”’, or 1 fb
wall piece swivels, and six large “ jazails’’, or two ounce matchlocks.
he garrison is made up of about 500 men, mostly militia. They drill
daily after a fashion, and, for the country, are a sufficiently powerful force
1876.) | H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 127
in ordinary times, to hold the place. The fort is on the banks of the river,
100 feet above it, and depends on the river for water, a covered way
leading down to it. The other day an earthquake shook down one of its
bastions, which was being repaired during my stay. The highest bastion
commands the river on both banks and the whole plain. A few of our shells
would soon demolish the whole affair.
The ditterence of level of this river in the hot and the cold weather is
Tully 20 feet. It contains few if any fish, and the sand is not washed for
gold as is the stream coming from Hunza and Nagyr, which contains quan-
tities of the precious metal. The snows melting in July and August on the
Pamir and highlands of Yassin, raise it to its highest level; in winter it
can be waded across at most parts, up to the junction of the Nagyr
stream, at the village of Dyor, a short way below the fort, from which point
till 1 joins the Indus it is too deep. No boats are used on the river, nor are
ratts brought down its floods. Only one bridge of twig ropes crosses at
Gilgit, the opposite or left bank not being as well inhabited as its right.
There are many who speak Persian among the Gilgitis; some Yassinis
are met with, as a Vakil and ten men are detained here and changed from
time to time. These are guarantees for good behaviour, which shows that
Kashmir exercises a certain amount of influence out of its own immediate
boundaries, as the Raéj4s of Hunza and Nagyr also send Vakils, but no
Kashmiri is allowed to live in either Yassin or Kunjut, as Hunza and
Nagyr are called, although they are separate and independent states.
I have daily large presents of fruit brought to me by my poor patients,
grapes of three sorts, white, yellow, and red; apples of two sorts; water-
melons large and sweet, long in shape, also cucumbers and figs, the fruits now
in season. In the evenings, I have large audiences, visitors coming from
far and near, to talk. I do not think the people are such bigoted Muham-
madans, as in our North-West frontier, and a Medical Missionary who
understood the dialects spoken, would have a fair chance of being listened
to patiently. These people are very ignorant, though a few learn the Kor4n
by heart, both men and women.
Manufactures are very rude, a coarse cotton cloth, about fifteen inches
broad, and quite plain, also a stuff of wool. Wooden platters, bowls, and spoons,
very bad soft knife blades, no guns or swords, or leather articles. Boots, or
Pabus, made like moccasins, are of raw hide, and are used only in dry weather,
and a description of long stockings made by women of coloured wool like a
bag without a heel; some of the patterns are pretty and effective. All well-
to-do persons wear these, but like most articles they are made for home use
only, few being obtainable in the market. The head dress of the people is
hot a turban, but a broad topped cap made like a bag, its edge being rolled
up, So as to form a thick brim, which can be pulled down over the ears and
neck in cold weather, |
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128 H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [No. 2.
The name Boté, as the people call themselves, is not to be confounded
with the Bhutias or Tibetans. The name is derived from the cap, so that
all who wear this headdress, be they Shi’ah, Sunni, Astort, Gilgiti, or Chi-
lasi, Shin, or Yeshkun, are Boté, although the difference of language is
great between all these countries, especially the latter. Of the two castes, if
one might so call them, the Shin is the highest, and forms a comparatively
small, but influential body throughout Astor, Gilgit, Guaris, and parts of
Chilas; they are careful to intermarry only among themselves, but of late
years, the Yeshkun, or mixed breed, is unavoidably increasing, owing to the
pressure put on by the Kashmiris, who all like to intermarry with Shin
families if possible. The Shins are a fine class, and look upon themselves as
the eréme de la créme. In Gilgit there are about 100 families of pure de-
scent, they are looked up to as upright honest people, whose word and faith
may be depended upon, in fact most of the heads of the villages are
Shins.
The Kardér, Ganga Singh, had on the departure of my friends for
Astor, gone to Sher Kil’a, to place on the gaddi, or throne, the son
of the late ’I's4 Bahadur, chief of that place, who had died a month before
our arrival, and now came to see me in state with a large following.
He is a little old man, very polite, was formerly the Darbdr Munshi
to the Resident at Srinagar. He has lately been made Governor, and is well
acquainted with our ways. I told him of my desire to proceed to Gaokuch,
the furthest point on the Kashmir frontier. He of course made every ex-
cuse, as roads were bad, nothing to be seen, great heat, no food, &., &c.,
but seeing I was determined on going, he gave in with a good grace, and made
all the arrangements necessary for my comfort and satety.
I visited Colonel Teja Singh, some relative to the Maharaja of Kash-
mir, a broken-down old man, and the Sunadis, or General, MAn Singh, who
were both hard at work, the former, in drilling the troops, the latter, making
improvements in and about the fort. The troops were expecting their usual
two-year relief, and longing for the return to Kashmir and Jammi. They
have rather hard times of it in this outpost, getting few or no luxuries,
as all articles imported are very expensive, and money scarce.
The coinage is copper, and has to be brought from Srinagar, which
increases its value much. The usual rate for pice at the capital is ten to
the anna, but here only four go to the anna, which makes all small articles in
the bazar very expensive, for instance, tobacco, sugar, and salt, all of which
have to be imported.*
In my evening strolls amongst the villages, I came across some an-
cient mounds and slabs of sandstone and granite, the remains of the palace
of a former Raj4 by name Shirbudut, regarding whom are many popular
* It would be a gain to travellers to take coppers with them.
*
1876. ] H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 129.
legends, one is—Azro Shamsher, a demigod who appeared on mount Koh,
opposite Minnor, heard how much the people were oppressed by Shirbudut,
and came to the palace to try and rid them of the tyrant. The palace had
no gates, but the Raja had a flying horse which used to leap the walls,
and alight always on one spot. Sherbudut had a daughter, whom he used to
bring out on his horse for a walk at times. Azro while devising some scheme,
was one day walking round the Castle walls, when the Radjd and his
daughter ‘ Urzu’ suddenly appeared on the horse and alit at their usual
place. He hid himself and saw the Raja go into the mountains to shoot,
Urzu being left behind to amuse herself under some shady trees. He went
up and made himselr known to her, and to make a long story short, they
fell in love, and after many difficulties Azro killed the R4jé, married the
beautiful Urzu, and became Raja of Gilgit. They had a daughter by
name Jaushini, who married one of the ancestors of Ahmad Khan, chief
of Skardu, by name Mirzé. Jaushini ruled in Gilgit in her own right, and
was as much beloved by the people as Shirbudut had been hated. One day,
the Queen and her consort were sitting under the shade of their fruit
trees watching their maids treading the wine-vat, when a crow alighted
near them and began cawing. She being annoyed asked him to shoot it, but
Mirza from some superstition refused to do so, and the Queen, taking up
his gun to fire, shot it dead with a bullet. He was greatly surprised
at her good shot, and taking into consideration other wonderful feats
he had noticed in reference to his wife, concluded she must be like her
father Azro, more than mortal. He separated himself from her, fearing
her violent temper and returned to Skardu. The Queen remained in
Gilgit, and after reigning eighty years, one day disappeared. The son of
her daughter who had married Habi Khan, a Nagyr chief, succeeded
ith her, and from that son was descended Gurtham Khan, Rajé of Gilgit, who
of! is still remembered by “the oldest inhabitant.” The old Polo ground
ial near the Masjid now lately taken into use again by the Gilgitis, is said to
yP have been laid out and used by Shirbudut.
gh | The village of Nafir, situated in the slope of the hills which bound
is the valley to the west, and considerably above the Fort, has a curious Bud-
dhist figure carved on a rock at the side of a nala, which is said to be very
ancient. From this village a good view is obtained of the Gilgit Valley, the
temperature also is lower, and having some fine old Chinars, is a pleasant
place to pass the day.
I used to be surrounded by patients, whose number increased daily.
They came from all parts, Yassin, Hunza, Nagyr, Dareyl, Tangyr, and Panyal,
all surrounding states, even the sepoys and officers from the Fort and traders.
from Koli and Palas on the Indus came to me for medicine. Every disease
flesh is heir to, here finds its representative.
. 7 ew a ot eter + ee Oe re et —
~~
*
130 H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilget Valley. [No. 2,
Amongst others the vakil from Yassin, an old Sayyid, blind of one eye,
came to have the other doctored, and after I had applied a remedy, he
stood up, and with upraised hands gave me a blessing from the Koran in
Arabic, to which, when he had finished, the whole assembly said Amen,—an
impressive scene. |
The old Colonel from the Fort came for some magical elixir, to rein-
vigorate a system broken down with debauchery—also two merchants from
Koli, who were here collecting their debts (which are paid only in gold
dust). These were fine large men, but nearly disabled by rheumatism.
Goat-herds from Dareyl also came to ask for drugs. |
Having now been encamped for a week and the heat daily increasing,
I determined to push on as fast as possible, so striking my tent at dawn
of the 26th July with only seven coolies and a pony I started. The first part
of the way led along a raised road with a canal on the left, and after passing
out of the villages, we reached the river, and went along its right bank to
the village of Basse, where they grow rice, down to anéla which 1s
bridged ; then the road leads up over a steep spur to the house of ’Azmat
Shah and his family, the rightful heir to Yassin, now a pensioner of the
Dogras. He was absent in Srinagar urging his claims, so I did not see
him, only his son. There is a nice Polo ground through which the path
leads, and a mile beyond, the upper. Gilgit Valley begins to close in. The
dry steep cliffs radiate great heat, and all is desolation, as far as the
hamlet of Hunzil four miles. This spot has been uncultivated for many
years past, and we saw the first crop of wheat stacked. There are no trees
here, only a few fields and two huts. A high conical mound marks the
ruins of a former monument of some sort of which nothing is known.
A. short 3800 yards beyond is a rock with water near, which affords shade
up to noon, the path then ascends a very bad spur called “Katate” and
along the steep banks of the river. Just at the worst spot where the path
way 1s so narrow, that two ponies can hardly pass, I met young Félad,
‘Isa Bahddur’s little son going to Gilgit to be educated. My pony nearly
kicked him down into the river, the plucky behaviour of the two men leading
the animals (it being too steep to ride) only prevented an unpleasant acci-
dent. Then descending to the river bank along a short level, we arrived
at the root of a granite spur up which the path leads, with no shade, only glare
and heat.
From the top of the spur, Hunzil is to be seen below, bearing 340°, then
scrambling down again to the river, which is here very rapid and narrow, we
had a long sandy stretch along the water. This part is called ‘ Yaspur Kun.’
The river widens again soon, and reaching some tamarisk trees we rested in
the shade at 2 Pp. M., thermometer in shade 105° Fah. The river here has a few
islands in its bed covered with long grass and bushes. The path usually runs
aie : . Or Te PL> Cr gen ol
SW oe - » . eat ae 2h So ee out on. — a 4 — — = = - = - » ~~ X
4 OS DIS Dee 2S Eye ee eee hp Se OO nine 5 eae a ot INS eer wv oon : = ‘ : ES . ° —— ~~ = es
1876.] H.C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 131
along its right bank when the water is low, but owing to its sudden and great
rise we had to make a lone detour over a high hill up which three paths lead,
the upper for ponies and the lower for footmen, but being in the jungle with
no one to ask the road we had great trouble. The pony had to be led
along the upper road, too steep to ride. I wished to go the shortest cut,
but the coolies being behind TI had no one to show me the way, so I wan-
dered out ot the right direction and had great difficulty in finding the road.
At 5 Pp. m., I reached the top, five miles from Hunzil, and saw Panyal below
me due west, the descent was very bad. By sunset I reached the first
village, three miles from top of the mountain, called Sherote, the last mile
only being a good road.
How refreshing it was to enter this oasis! Its rippling streams, shady
groves and clustering fruit made us forget the fatigues of the day. The
tent was pitched under the Chinars, where the villagers used to assemble
in the cool of the evening.
One of the streams fed a covered tank, used to keep the drinking
water cool, and here came the maidens not only to fill their pitchers, but to
have a sly peep at the strangers. The village consists of twenty houses, en-
closed by a stone wall, which has acted as a fort in past rebellious times. This
is called the boundary of Gilgit and the beginning of the country of Panyal.
In reality Gilgit ends at Hunzil, but they say a former Raja gave this
and its sister village on the other side of the river, as a dowry with his
daughter to a Raja of Gilgit. The boundary is only political as these
Sherotis have the same manners and customs as all the others villagers of
Panyal.
Panyal is the long upper valley of the same river I had been following.
The people are all Shi’ahs, instead of Sunnis as in Gugit. Their language
is almost the same, but with less Panjabi, and more Yassini and Persian.
Throughout this valley the people keep silkworms, and reel silk. Lhey also
make wine ; of course this to an orthodox Sunni is a great sin, so they are
called Rafizi, Moghli, and other terms equivalent to KAéfir. The inhabitants
are much more free and easy than in Gilgit ; the women do not hide themselves
or their faces, they are all dark brown, but not black. Some few of Yassin
and Chitral mixture are fairer than the rest, but the ereat heat of the sum-
mer keeps the colour quite brown. My cook quite beat by the march, did |
not give me my dinner till late, and as I lit my lamp, the young fry col-
lected round me, and I shared my roast fowl with two boys who seemed very
much to enjoy a change of food, and were the envy of all the others.
I'wo sepoys live here to collect toll, and tithes of all the produce in
kind, money being a very scarce commodity. These men are to be found thus
in pairs in all the villages of this country, they feed on the fat of the land,
pay for nothing, and consequently are well hated. They assisted me to get
ee .
.
fPIC RIZE
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YO ees Riad Sat As We 7 Ke
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132 H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [No. 2,
my coolies, so that I was able to start early, after giving out a few doses of
‘medicine, the fact of being able to obtain medicine gratis has gone before
me, it is the first thing I am asked for, and I have obtained the name
of the Hakim Sahib. I wish I were better able to support the title, it was
little I could do, my stock being very small. The narrow path between the
high walls and hedges of the gardens took some time in traversing, but when
clear of the village, I saw that the valley here is only about three-quarters of a
mile wide, very barren looking, shut in with high bare hills. The path leads
down to the ndla which runs from the Hills to the south, past the small Fort
of Shipyot. This has six bastions, and was built by the Dogras about twelve
years ago on the occasion of the attack of Malik Aman and his brother Mir
Wali from Yassin, ’I's4 Bahadur defeated them by help from Gilgit.
The river runs close under the Fort. We now enter into the territories
of Panyal proper under ’I'sa Bahadur, the chief of Sher Kil’a, or rather under
his son, as ’I's4 died lately. Atter crossing a long sandy flat, at least twenty
feet above the ordinary level of the river, which has been known in high floods
to cover it and do great damage to the surrounding countries, we ascended
gently up to the village and Fort of Golapur, about five miles from Sherote.
The village nestles under its cool green trees, and is famous for its BTApeS,
About twenty houses are scattered over the slope.
I pitched in a garden of apple trees laden with fruit. The next garden,
enclosed by a wall, belongs to Raja Langar Khan, he was absent in Kashmir,
having gone as a hostage for two years, leaving his family here. His little
son, five years old, came to make his salams and brought a basket of fruit.
A faqir and his son, both very intelligent, came to have a chat. They only
speak Persian and Yassini, and being Badakhshis, they were quite fair, with
delicate features, they made their livelihood by doctoring and selling charms,
and were quite glad to see a real Hakim as they thought. Their general
remedies are opium, arsenic, sulphur, and mercury, which are used equally for
all diseases. I gave them some quinine, which they had not seen before, also a
very potent medicine in the shape of Worcester Sauce!!, a tea spoonful of
which nearly choking them, gave them a great idea of the efficacy of my drugs.
_ Leaving Golapur next day, we came shortly in sight of Sher Kil’a, a
large fort and village surrounded by gardens and fields, on the opposite side
_ or lett bank of the river, situated on a long slope from the high hills which
AD et BO ep eee ae he Bh pe OS Ee ee FE
back it.
Our road led over tolerably level ground, and along a cliff above the river
about 50 feet high, path very narrow, rocks of conglomerate and sandstone.
The Fort has 13 towers and is the largest in Gilgit. The communication to
this right bank is by a rope bridge of the usual shaky structure. Animals
crossing have to be swum across, which is only possible when the river is low. -
When we arrived opposite the Fort, I was met by the young and newly
a ial
_——s ——r — —— ——-=
1876.| H.C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 133
made Raja Akbar Khan, son of ’fs4 Bahddur, and his following. He isa
heavy-featured lad of eighteen, and speaks little but his mother-tongue. After
a short chat with his people and the Guard of Honor, supplied him from
Gilgit, Gn reality to overawe the rather turbulent population) I continued
my march. The path then descends to the level of the river along a narrow
ledge, the site of many a fight, opposite which is the village of Hammuchul on
the left bank. The spur of Gaishéli with its steep climb brought us to the
upland slope of Dalnath, with its bright sparkling stream allowed to run
to waste, the village having been depopulated in one of the late wars and
never been re-inhabited.
This fact of depopulation is the curse of this small but fertile valley.
Situated between two powerful neighbours, Gilgit and Yassin, the unfortunate
people have suttered from both sides, have been taken off en masse, either to
populate Yassin or sold into slavery, a few finding refuge in the neighbour-
ing states of Dareyl and Tangyr. After our midday meal under the shade of ©
the willows which border the Dalnath stream, we wended our weary way
over a bad rocky spur down again to the river, then up again over a hill side
opposite to the ndla which brings water from the high hills above, to
the village of Japoké on the left bank; then continuing we reached Gitch,
a small village, 8 miles from Golapur; then again by a level path over a
stony uncultivated flat above the river, from which we began to ascend a
narrow ledge of limestone rocks, with a very difficult bad road, hardly
passable for ponies, but easily defended.
A second road leads up over the tops of the hills from Shere, so as to
avoid this narrow ledge, and is the usual road taken by an hostile foree from
Yassin. At the highest poimt of this narrow ledge and high up over the
river which rushes past its perpendicular base, is a flat stone under which a
lookout is kept towards Yassin, to give warning to Sher Kil’a, in case of
trouble, which in Goraman’s days was common enough. Opposite this place,
on the left bank, is a small village of Dajipoker with its few corn fields.
The path improves as the ledge of rocks becomes broader, and finally leads to
Singul, a large village with extensive gardens and fields with a small fort
for its defence. This was our halting-place, and while the camp was being
pitched, I took a stroll into the fort. Conceive a space of 150 feet square,
surrounded by 25 to 80 feet walls, without any space left as a court, but
quite crowded by small irregular huts, some parts in two to three stories, com-
municating one with another by dark passages and notched logs of wood to
ascend to the roofs ; then imagine this crowded with men, women, and children,
all their rags, cooking pots, agricultural implements, guns, dogs, and fowls,
and a faint idea of the conditions under which they live can be obtained.
The force of circumstances obliged them to crowd into forts in former days,
but as Dogra rule has been paramount for at least twelve years, habit has still
ihn be hy edt agen ig pr ae pnet ays hog bs wl Wea
Pot dd ih ys Z Naas & arene F 5 ey eae
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134 H.C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [No 2,
the mastery, and sooner than live out, each on his own land, they still sleep at
night inside their forts, collecting the cattle close under the walls in enclo-
sures outside. |
The stream which supplies this village flows down from the range of
mountains that divide Dareyl from Gilgit, and along this ndla come the
wild inhabitants of those hills to seek a description of salt-earth for them-
selves and their goats, on vast flocks of which they principally subsist, agTi-
eulture being at the lowest ebb owing to the insecurity of life and property.
This village of Singul, where I stayed a week on my return from Gaokuch,
waiting for an answer to a letter I had sent to the Kardar for permission to
explore the nala to the confines of Dareyl, (but to which he would not consent
saying it was too dangerous) presents nothing to attract the traveller ex-
cept its simplicity. J used to roam about the fields and gardens, which are
well cultivated, producing maize, wheat, barley, beans, carrots, turnips, pump-
kins, gourds used for carrying water, radishes, cucumbers, and garden stuff,
as salads, spinach, capsicum, mint, fennel, pepper, one or two plants which
yield dye, &c., &e.
The fruits in season were pomegranates, grapes of three sorts, figs, apples,
mulberries, peaches, apricots, and walnuts, from the kernels of which they
make oil, melons and a few cherries. All these fruits ripen towards the end
of summer, so I used to feast daily on the best while chatting to the
villagers at work, a quietly inclined people if let alone. No doubt with
proper security for property, and no marauding sepoys allowed, the
whole of Panyal would produce silk and grain more than enough to pay its
expenses.
Iron is not found in the valley of Gilgit, coming mostly from Ladak
and Kashmir, consequently there are few workmen. The utensils they use
are mostly of a coarse soft green semi-transparent stone, called Baloshbut, or
pot stone ; these stand fire and are universally used throughout the surround-
ing countries. Bullet moulds are also cut out of the same material.
They do not consume much meat, being too poor, but live principally on
coarse mixed flour, cakes, ghi and milk. Wine in large quantities is made, every
large garden having its wine vats. The manufacture is of the simplest descrip-
tion. A trough four feet long by two broad and three feet deep, is constructed
ot large flat stones cemented with clay ; at one side, near the bottom, is a hole,
closed with a wooden plug covered with cloth. The grapes plucked in bunches a
by the women and children are carried in large baskets, of which the side next :
the back is flat; the grapes are thrown into the vat as they come from
the garden, when heaped up a boy gets in and with naked feet treads it all
into a mash; the plug is removed, and the juice flows off into a large hole
in the ground unmediately under. Here it remains covered up for a month
or two, till fermentation js over, or till the owner has no further patience.
=I gS ST a Bee oe
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12
1876.| | H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gulqit Valley. 135
The hour fixed for the opening is a joyous one, young and old, men and
women, assemble to take a little, and amidst a tumult of joyful acclamations
and song, they bear away the precious liquid, and store it in their rooms in
the fort. Having no pottery, being unacquainted with its manutacture,
most of the liquid is drunk as soon as possible, and a little kept in skin bags —
and wooden bowls. The women never get drunk, the men often.
I was greatly troubled by sandflies at this place, which are worse in shady
damp places, but in a dry spot they only appear at sunrise and sunset.
On marching from Singul, we first crossed the nala, at the mouth of
which it is situated, by a rope bridge. Large quantities of fish were observed
lying quietly at the bottom, no one troubling them by net or line.* A guard
remains here on the lookout for armed Dareyl robbers, who come down the
nala on marauding expeditions. :
A dam of stones turns off the stream from washing away the fort.
The road leads along the flat and high bank on which there is no cultivation,
being covered with boulders detached by earthquakes from the granite rocks
above ; these are of no rare occurrence, I saw a case of a large fall of rocks
and earth close to the Fort at Gilgit during a slight shock we had. A
couple of miles brought us to the village of Gulmutti, opposite which is the
large Fort and village of Bubbur.f The influence of the Raja of Gaokuch
commences here, as they give tithes to him as well as to Sher Kil’a. Chane-
ing coolies at the fort of Gulmutti, where they brought me a large present
of grapes and melons, we continued along close to the river opposite the
small cultivation of Barjur, a hamlet of Bubbur; the road thence ascends a
high spur, called Singdas, which shuts in the river, to a small gorge through
which it rushes with great violence.
As I was toiling up on foot, the path very steep and bad, the sun very
powertul, I was met by the Raj4 of Gaokuch with his ‘rikAb’, or following.
Mutually rushing into each other’s embrace, and anxiously enquiring
alter one another’s health and welfare, we continued: our course, dipping
down to the river again, where under the shade of a few tamarisk bushes, he
made me eat a fine melon and smoke the Calmet of Peace. ’Afiat Khdn is a
thick set, dark, middle-sized man of common-place appearance, about forty
years of age. He was mounted on a good young pony 13-2 hands high,
of his own breeding, carrying him well over the bad slippery rocks ; finally
' we ascended the side of the plateau on which Gaokuch stands. The fort
and village are situated about two miles further on ; no vegetation on this
plain till we reached the village. The whole valley is about 14 miles broad,
but as we have been gradually ascending the whole way from Gilgit,
* Otters also abound. The people catch fish by small conical baskets fixed into the
end of a dam across the stream. |
t A small colony of Sayyids make it of some importance.
S
Cet hayes eel
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136 H. GC. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [No a
the surrounding hills, quite bare, are not so high as lower down. The
Sinedas spur divides Panyal from Gaokuch. As we approached the Fort,
the distant snow-covered hills of Yassin and Pamir came into view. On
coming up to the fort, the Dogra sepoys who guard the district, formed up
and presented arms to us, a motley group armed with flint-lock smooth bore
muskets. My encamping ground, on this 29th July, was a level of green
sward, fringed with willow trees, a delightful contrast to the bare rocks and
glare of the last Tew days’ journey. Here I was at the end of civilization,
and truly glad to have arrived at the object of my desires. The Gaokuch
plateau is bounded to the north by high rocky hillocks which descend pre-
eipitously to the river. The Fort is built on a large rock, the sketch wag
taken from the. top of one of those overlooking the river, on the top of
which I disturbed a flock of urial, or wild sheep.
The whole valley is about two miles broad, of which the plateau takes
up 14 mile, the river and some uncultivated strips on the opposite bank, the
rest. This is the ‘ultima Thule’ of India, or rather of the influence of British. a
Rule. Just beyond Gaokuch, and divided from it by a deep ravine, commence
the fields of the extreme frontier village of Aish, and beyond, about four
miles, comes the frontier of Yassin. From both sides of the border a strict
oa watch is kept on the opposite party, no one being allowed to pass without a
= messenger from either Chief accompanying him. I went with the Raja to
the furthest point possible, and there we found two lads of sixteen, keeping
a sharp lookout, their matchlocks resting against the rocks close by, and if
we had attempted to go further, the Yassins, though we could not see them,
would have been sure to have taken a shot at us. | |
Below us was an expanse of river bed about half a mile broad, without a
living creature, or fish or fowl being visible. Opposite was the valley of
_Karambar winding away into the distance, little known or used, and down
it was rushing a broad stream of dirty water direct from the snowy heights
of the Pamir. It forms its junction with the stream from Yassin at this
point, meeting at about right angles. The two streams create a great
commotion, when, as now, the snows are melting, filling the whole bed with
a shallow flood.* | |
On returning to Aish and its fields of golden grain and shady groves,
JY found under a clump of fine trees a repast laid out in true native style:
a basket of hot chapdtis baked like “ndn”, another with a large bowl
of fresh curds in which was a wooden spoon. Spreading blankets we all sat
down, and had our share of bread with a slice of raw cucumber and salt
handed to each of us, the curds were placed in the middle of the party, and
* At the head of the Karambar is a lake formed by a glacier, which dams up the
valley ; when the lake gets too full and heavy, the dam breaks, causing the fearful rush
of water which makes the Indus flood.
a ah. aan y ~. -
See rte Tainted
Wg OS oe OO a eile en ee ep a OE es © oe Ft el oe ang ae eee ee
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Journal, As: Soc
: Bengal,
for 1876. Pt.1
Presa
Fae
VIEW OF THE JUNCTION OF THE KARAMBAR AND YASSIN RIVERS.
(From a pamtng by Capt. Larminie and o drawing by Capt. Marsh.)
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1876. | H.C. Marsh— Description of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. 137
as each required so he took a spoonful; in this way we soon finished the
first course—atter which came some beautiful ripe melons, long in shape
with smooth green skins, some with green, others with yellow, flesh ; they were
eut up in long slices and distributed. The third and final course was a large
pannier of apricots, for which fruit the place is famed. I got up after all
was over, teeling I should require no more food for a week; then I distri-
buted some tobacco, and took, myself, forty whiffs. The whole proceeding
was most picturesque, the place, the men, &ec., &c. I shall long remember the
scene and our conversation, which was mostly on the history of the place and
its people. I remained at Gaokuch four days, strolling about and enjoying
the delightful climate. The elevation is about 6,800 feet. The sun at noon
is powerful, but more endurable than at Simla or Murree. The water which
irrigates the plateau descends from a spring high up a valley to the south,
at the head of which valley is the range of mountains which divides Yassin,
Tangyr, and Gaokuch. The supply sometimes fails in dry seasons, there
being no glaciers on the south side to feed the stream.
The people dress like their neighbours in coloured paijamas, white cot-
ton kurtas worked over the front with a patchwork of coloured cloth; the
caps are either the Yassin kulahs, or else the bag cap used by all the
Gilgitis or Botés. Just below on the river’s edge is_a small patch of soil,
from which they extract salt by boiling the earth in water.
Tobacco, salt, and iron, are the three articles of which these countries
are most in want. If an iron mine were to be discovered, as no doubt it
will be some day, the status of the whole people would be raised thereby,
and a great impetus be given to the industries of a naturally hard-
working people.
Fagirs and pirs, or saints, both beg and rob the people. I saw a case of
a fine strong fagir with five murids, chelas or disciples, who used to go about
sometimes mounted, at other times on foot, and beg all they could, and occa-
sionally, if they found an opportunity, would take by force food, clothing,
ponies, goats, fowls, &c., giving in exchange ¢a’wiz, or charms, against illness,
the evil eye, ill-luck, and love charms.
One peculiarity in the dress of these people 1s the use of the brooch. It
is made of different sizes and shapes, but generally a ring with a needle attached
to one side. Ivory, mother-o’-pearl, brass, and silver, are used in their construc-
tion. Both sexes wear them, the women to fasten their chogas together, the
men to hang on their charms. It is curious to see these charms sewn up in
little bags, dangling from whatever part of the body they are supposed to affect,
head, shoulders, arms, &c. Although saltpetre is universally found, they do
not understand how to purify it. Sulphur 1s found in Nagyr and Hunza, and is
sold in round cakes by weight. Gunpowder 1s made by all who have guns,
in their own houses, by their own hands, no regular manufacturer makes it
* 21D eet ee oe we et Oe 6 Ot beer oe, —_
138 H. C. Marsh—Deseription of a trip to the Gilgit Valley. [No. 2,
exclusively. It is of a very weak description, about four times our English
charges being put into the gun, vz., 10 drams of theirs to 23 of mine. The
proportions used are as followed: Nitre, 5 parts; sulphur 3 part ; charcoal
1 part = 6% parts.
During summer all the ponies and cattle are sent up to the grazing
grounds in the Hills, but in winter, which is long and severe, all animals are
housed, fodder being collected during the autumn for their use, erass and
the leaves of most trees. |
Donkeys have lately been introduced in Gilgit and Panyal. The Dogra
Force, which attacked and massacred the people of Yassin in 1868, brought
down several with them. ‘They are small, quite black, without the usual
stripe down the back and shoulders, but have a white nose ; they are used in
the gardens for carrying loads of earth, manure, or in harvesting crops, but
are not ridden. |
All the cloth, iron, drugs, &c., which find their way into the Gilgit valley
are brought up by the Koli and Palas men from the unknown banks of the
Indus, which river runs through Yagistan, or Independent territory, from
Rawal Pindi in the Panjab #274 Koli through Chilas. The loads are of 60
Ibs. each, carried throughout by men, who are paid 30 Kashmir chilkis, of 8
annas each, for the trip up to Gilgit. Liaittle or no merchandise reaches these
parts through Kashmir, owing to the excessive taxation and bad roads.
I returned to Srinagar by the main road through Gurais and the
Kumri Pir Pass, having had very little sport, though the country is full
of it, owing to the season being too late for shooting.
I can recommend Gilgit as a field for sportsmen, especially if they
take no Kashmiri shikaris, as the latter spoil the whole country and are
quite unnecessary, the Gilgitis being keen shikdris themselves.
PN IO LO LOO LON LOC OP OOD al aN ell fA gf gg ef Oar
— enw tre ———
_ a) - 3 ere - a - —_—e
Len, Ean Cee Le Oe ee ee ee oe pe = Bh ee © ee Fe ae <2wes = = =
a eee Ae tiie 2) ie: amen
>
139
On the Ghalehah Languages (Wakhé and Sarikoli).— By R. B. Suaw,
Political Agent, late on special duty at Kashghar.
The dialects of which a brief sketch is here given, are spoken in valleys
which descend to the east and west respectively from the Pamir plateau.
They are members of a group of kindred dialects which prevail about the
head waters of the Oxus; the Sarikoli bemg the only one of them whose
home is on the east of Pamir, on one of the affluents of the Yarkand river.
The inhabitants of Kolab, Macha, Kardtigin, Darwdz; Roshan, Shighnan,
Wakhan, Badakhshan, Zeibak or Sanglich, Minjén, &c., (see maps) are all
classed by their Turki neighbours under the general designation of GHat-
CHAH ; they are mostly Shi’ah Musalmans, and speak either Persian or other
kindred dialects. “Such evidence as we have, confirmed by the general
report of the nations round, ascribes (to them) a Tajik (7. e., an Iranian)
origin.”* Now the Tajiks form the’ substratum of population all over
Western Turkistan, where, as well as in Persia, the Iranians are intermixed
with and dominated over by Turkish tribes. To us, the Tajiks represent
the earliest inhabitants of the regions occupied by them, for the Turanians
now settled there are of later introduction ; and no recognisable trace of any
pre-Aryan population is to be found there.
The Tajiks of the plains speak their own form of Persian, differing
merely in pronunciation and in a few peculiarities from the language of
Yran. The Badakhshis are said to have only adopted that language within
the last few centuries, having formerly spoken a dialect of their own, probably
a mere patois of Persian whose peculiarities gradually gave way before a freer
intercourse with their neighbouring kindred.
There remain the more secluded tribes of the higher valleys, south and
east of Badakhshan, also of Aryan race and of the Persic branch. A glance
at their vocabularies will prove this: but in order to show that these dialects
are not mere offshoots or corruptions of modern Persian (notwithstanding the
numbers of Persian words which they have adopted), I have collected a list
of words which seem to have a closer connection with the early eastern form
of Persian, Zend, and even with other Aryan tongues.
* Wood’s Oxus, ed. 1872. Col. Yule’s Essay, p. xxii.
t Thus the Zend maidhydéna can never have passed through the Persian form miydn,
to make the Ghalchah word madhdén (middle). Nor the Zend syllable raésha have had
its two vowels a ¢ blended into one in the Persian word résh on its way to the Ghalchah
form reghish (beard). The Gh. mai is derived from Zend maésha in a different ve
from the Persian mesh (sheep), not through it. See Comparative List of Words.
—e
Lal
5
“2
~—
*
*
’ y
>. Se
4 & s
: =e
i Cai
a! Ce
. ae
fa
oS ie
|
a4
* ae
= ie
i
a bat
> oe
~3 » #2
fe wa ~
a )
ve Ae
He
Te )
joel Ca
et
es
“ot
het 1S
"| ea
'. on
pe
SPS le
eS
ea
of fet
oo
in!
ion OF
+)
or
ee
oo
ie a
Mit ;
1
veh
30
Poh
+
“ i ee Sw tet oh ret Gita ..c1es 00 —
md . eee Se
140 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. | No. 2,
History tells us nothing of their arrival in their present seats, nor
whence they came. Their own traditions, as far as we know, are equally
silent ; but perhaps their language may afford some indications. With this
view it is necessary to consider their geographical position. If a line be
drawn transversely across the paper from the upper left hand corner towards
Ghalchahs
Indians
the lower right hand corner, this will represent a portion of the Himalaya.
Pamir water-parting. If then on the left of this we draw a horizontal line
falling on the former at an angle, we shall have a rough representation of
the Hindu-Kush water-parting in its relation to the other. The tribes
which we are considering live in the acute angle north of the Hindi-
Kush spur; while in the obtuse angle which forms its supplement dwells
another group of tribes called the Dards. Beyond the Pamir mountains
live the Turkis of Kashgharia.
With the latter of course the Ghalchahs have no connection of speech.
And, if they were simply the foremost tribes of an eastward migration of
the Persic race we should expect their language to have no closer radical
connection with that of their other neighbours, the Dards, than that of their
supposed parents the Persians or Tajiks has. There might have been an in-
terchange of words during the centuries that they have dwelt in one another’s
neighbourhood ; but grammatical connection can only exist where there is
previous linguistic affinity and (roughly) in proportion to its closeness.
It, moreover, the Dards were similarly an offshoot from the Hindu
race (sent up into the mountains after the settlement of the latter in India),
then as we know that the tongues of Persians and Hindus have diverged
from a common original, each successive offshoot from either would probably
get further and further apart in point of language. As Persian and Hindi
tee ait a al = A ae =
: Fis a inne <2 oO ay ee ee Re ot Se eS Ses ee ae oe ; -
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghaleha), Languages. 141
are sisters, Ghalchah and Dardu would then be cousins, and we should expect
to find this more distant relationship typified in their speech.
It is therefore interesting to compare the Ghalchah with the Dard
dialects. Isolated words may creep into a language at any time, especially
_ when new ideas or inventions reach a rude people from a more civilized one.
It will be seen, however, from a list which I have collected, that the words
which resemble one another in Ghalchah and Dardu convey the most simple and
fundamental ideas. But it is to a comparison of grammatical forms that
we must look for a measurement of the degree of affinity that exists
between them.
First, with regard to the declension of the Noun. Here the Ghal-
chah dialects are almost bare of inflection, the cases being chiefly marked by
separable pre-positions and post-positions. But the one termination of an
oblique case which is not so separable (in the Wakhi dialect), occurs also
as a Dardu inflection. In the Wakhi Instrumentative and Ablative cases,
the termination an is used in addition to the appropriate preposition ; as in
Latin (e. g. cwm viro). There is also a Genitive absolute with the same
termination, which may possibly be a relic of its general use for the Genitive
case, e. &., 2u7-an, mine, Mir-an, “ the king’s.”’
Now, taking Dr. Leitner’s work as the most complete account we have
of the Dardu dialects, we find in the Arniya form (or that spoken in the
valleys adjoining Wakhan on the south of the Hindi-Kush water-parting),
the same termination an used for all the oblique cases of the Plural. I¢ is
not used in the Singular, but still it is distinct from the proper termination
ot the Plural, as will be seen below. |
GHatcHan (Wakhi). ENGLISH.
Darpvu (Arniya).
Nom. 8S. mir a king Nom. 8. mztér.
Nom. Pl. mérisht kings Nom. Pl. mitérann.
Gen. ,, mirav (AN) — of kings Gen. ,, miterdman.
Dat. ,, mirav-ar to kings Dat. ,, miteranan-teé.
Ace : 53 mirav 3 kin os Ace. MIiteranaNn.
Instr. ,, da mtravan with or by kings Instr. ,, mteranan-somega.
Abl. ,, sa miravan from kings Abl. ,, meteranan-sar.
Tt will be seen that the Dardu noun has preserved the termination an
in other oblique cases where it has been lost or has never existed in Wakhi ;
on the other hand the Wakhi has got it in the Singular as well as in the
Plural. The fact of the Plural affix in Arniya being also an (as av is in
Wakhi) need make no confusion; but for clearness’ sake I also give the
plural of a Pronoun where this possible ambiguity does not exist.
aes Heda
pict ict hs ye aN abit? eae
TK: ie alle
tithing -
Vee viii: wae fone 4) hid ~ —
Sica a ee
kA a tak beets hoe Ste eee
one aernemenmnnanenetee . —e sy tat ary paises “(ue f
‘Geel Bit i= e hiat ah isbaceele bhdd Wel
faite:
hich ae tL
Fv? “yt. y “~
nant
his
i
eure artist aeane ,
ita thea , etre
hs =e wid esi) :
yt 4) ie 69
Ee gp teres
i rf He
we ane
distin
¥ Bi o 4) ae DNS a
3 > Sad “e ay ny "ae Sages eae cm
Tt et et ker eee Fhe Oe berney + 0
oO awe ee ae st ee Be =
142 RB. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. | No. 2,
Guatcuan (Wakhi). Enarisn. Darpu (Arniya).
Nom. Pl. yaesht they hanrt
Gen. ,, yav (AN) of them hamitan
Dat. ,,. yav-ar to them hamitan-te
Instr. ,, da yavaNn by them hamitaN-nase
Abl. ,, s@ ya@vaN from them hanutaN-sar
Where the ¢ would seem to be merely euphonic to save the meeting
of two vowels. |
Thus in both languages the termination an has become a merely formal
one for some or all of the oblique cases, but requiring to be re-inforced by
prepositions or postpositions. It was probably once significative, and may
have been the mark of some primitive case which did duty for all the ~
various objective relations of nouns, until a want was felt for greater preci-
sion which was attained by superposing special affixes and prefixes.*
Passing on from this general oblique inflection to the particular cases,
we find that the Genitive in the Ghalchah dialect under notice is formed
merely by the apposition of the noun (in its oblique form if any) to ano-
other noun. In some of the Dardu dialects the same seems to be the rule,
though others have a special genitive form :
ARNTYA. ENGLISH. ARNIYA. EWGLISH,
Nom. sorwm - gold mater a king.
Obl. sormo : to sold mitaru Je to a king
-sar trom -Sar from
Gen. sormo of gold mitaru of a king.
ARNIYA. ENGLISH. KHAJUNA.
Nom. miterann kings thamed.
-te to ee
Obl. mteranan < -somega with ¢ kings(alsoAce.) thamd < -kath
-Sar from -tzum
Gen. miteranann of kings thamo
Nom. host a hand
Obl. hosto (Acc. and Abl.) a hand
from a hand
Gen. hosto of a hand
KATASHA. ENGLISH. KALASHA. ENGLISH.
Nom. sha a king motsh a man
Obl. shdas (Dat. to (or from) a | motshes(Dat.and to (or from) a
and Abl.) king Abi.) man
Gen. shdas of a king motshes of a man.
So also with the Pronouns.
* Prof. M. Muller shows that several genitives and datives were originally locatives
i 2 ane
1876. | KR. B. Shaw—On the Ghaleja), Languages. 148
ARNTYA.
Nom. awwd I tu thou hé he oe
=e 6 -L@ to -te to
Obl. ma 2 -nase b : Lat
se by ¢me| ta4 -nase by thee -nase by him
-sar from) > -Sar trom eo -sar from
Gen. ma ot me ta of thee hato ot him
In all these, it will be seen, the Genitive is merely the oblique form
stripped of the special affixes or prefixes of other cases. It is the same in
the Ghalchah dialects ; compare the following pronouns of Sarikoli which
possess separate oblique forms:
SARIKOLE.
Nom. wag I tto ~=--S—s‘ thou yu he
-ar to -ar to -ar _— to
Obl. mu < -its by > me tu + -its by -thee | wi<-its by + him
Ye. Je. Je. fe. ye. fe.
Gen. mu of me | bit of thee | we of him
But the rule holds good throughout, even when, as in the case of sub.
stantives, the (singular) oblique cases have no form distinct from the
nominative.
The Dative in the Ghalchah dialects is formed by the post-position ar
or ar, This also occurs in one of the Dardu dialects, the Khajuna.
Compare :
GHaLcHAH (Wakhi and Sarikoli). Darpv (Khajuna). Ene@ign.
Nom. Sing. mér he thim eld a king
Date 3 Mer AR tham-ER to a king
Nom. Pl. mirav 9 p40 thamod gl5 kings
Dat. 4, mirav-AR 59}0 thimo-’R* yeold to kings
So also the Khajuna Pronouns:
wmm thou wn he
Nom. gyé I
umAR to thee mmnER to him
Dat. gyAR to me
wwe they
UWwERR to them
Nom. mz we
Dat. mamaRto us |
The Accusative in the Dard dialects has no appropriate termination or
affix, but consists of the bare noun either in its nominative or its oblique
in Greek, Latin, French, &c., and quotes in a foot note the statement that ‘the
Algonquins have but one case, which may be called.locative.’ Lectures in the Science
of Language, vol. I, pp. 250. Ed. 1866.
* In Dr. Leitner’s work this stands as thandr, but the » is probably a misprint
for m.
T
a St ol op ot Greeny ee ew ty,
144 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
form. So also in Ghalehah (Wakhi) for this case the noun is often used
without any special mark, though occasionally the syllable a is either pre-
fixed or affixed. ) .
The Ablative and Instrumental cases have been already mentioned. The
inflectional termination is the same for both groups. The only post-positions
or pre-positions in these cases that can be compared are: katti in Sarikoli,
and kath in Khajuna, meaning wth, and perhaps sa (or ¢sa) in Wakhi with
the Khajuna tzwm, meaning from.
We now come to the VERB. The two forms of the Infinitive (oki
and ono) in the Shina (Dard) dialects, appear to correspond with the two
forms in Wakhi (ak and an or im), which, however, have lost the final
vowel.
INFINITIVES.
ENGLISH. DaRvv. GHALCHAH.
Gilgiti. ~ Astori. Wakhi.
OOO se tiacens a re mirt-ONO mara-IN
to say or tell ....., ray-OKI ae khan-&K
to cook ....... as a | paj-ONO poch-AN
» $0500 apg se tOKI ee KhAK
The Kalasha form of Dardu also has an Infinitive resembling that of
the Wakhi in ah, e. g. on-tk “to bring’’, dek “to give”, jagd-ik “to see”,
kar-ik “to do’, mond-ek “to say, &ce.
The Infinitive in Dardu seems to be declined as a verbal noun, as in
the Ghalchah dialects, e. g. toki djo “trom doing”’.
The whole of the inflectional part of the Ghalchah Verb-conjugation
is effected by means of two sets of personal terminations, of which one set is
used for the Future Present, and the other for the Past Tenses. The former
set may be thus compared with the terminations of the same Tense in the
Dardu (Shina) : |
ENGLISH. DaRvDv. GHALCHAH.
Shina. Wakhi. Sarikoli.
I go or will go... mu boy-um waz rach-AM wae so-'M
thou &e. ......... tu boy-E tw rach-t — tdo sé
he &. ............ Jo Boye or boyey yto rach-d yi sau-d
WO WC. tn even, OG boy-ON or b0N sak rach-aNn mish so-’N |
Nee tote tz0 boy-ET saisht rach-1m tamash sé-ID | h
1 eee as je boy-rs or boy-EN yaisht rach-aNn wodh so-IN ti
This remarkable sunilarity between the personal terminations of the \
Future-Present Tense in the two groups of dialects, does not extend to the i
OE ED AOE et ee CLE ee OS ae FI = ab ea eeene ee
= Trea = &
1876. ] Ki. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 145
other set of terminations (those of the Past Tenses) which are very peculiar
in Wakhi and Sarikoli.
Thus, to sum up, we have discovered similarities between the two sroups
of dialects, as regards the noun declension ; 1st in the mode of expressing the
Genitive (by simple apposition), 2nd the Dative (by the affix ar, er), 3rd
the Accusative (a negative resemblance), 4th the Instrumental and Ablative
(by means of a termination an in addition to the appropriate pre- or post-
positions, which themselves are in two instances alike). The Nominative
can afford no evidence either way. Only in the remaining prepositions and
post-positions used with the cases can no resemblance be traced, as well as in
the special terminations which give a plural sense. Thus by far the greater
part of the noun declension in Ghalchah has parallels amongst the Dardu
dialects.
Again in the conjugation of the verb, we have seen that 5 out of the &
personal terminations of the Future Present Tense are similar in Dardu
(Shina) and in Ghalchah ; while the Wakhi Infinitive meets with a pretty
close parallel in Kalasha (Dardu), and both its forms seems to be the
same as those of the Shina (Dard) dialect, merely dropping the final vowel
of these. |
The resemblances therefore cover pretty nearly half the inflections of
the Wakhi verb; and the differences occur in the remaining set of personal
terminations (used for the Past Tenses), as also in the Participles.
The resemblances in the vocabulary represent the most simple and
organic ideas (see Comparative Table).
This radical similarity between the Ghalchah and the Dardu groups of
languages, so far as it goes would seem to show that the present local con-
nection of these two groups cannot be the result of movements starting
from opposite quarters and meeting accidentally in the present homes of the
tribes in question. If Ghalchahs and Dards were offshoots detached respect -
ively from the Persie and Indic races at a period when the languages of those
two races had already assumed their present distinct types, they could
scarcely, in their isolated valleys, severed from one another by showy ranges,
have worked back their dialects in the direction of primitive unity. This
would have been reversing the natural course of events,
We must therefore suppose that the ancestors of the Ghalchahs and
Dards at one time lived together and spoke much the same language,
although their dialects have since diverged ; and although that divergence is
precisely of such a nature as to bring one group into the Persic class and the
other into the Indic, notwithstanding a strong mutual resemblance. The
water-parting of the Hindt-Kush range which divides Ghalchahs from Dards,
also forms the speech-parting between the Persic and Indic tongues; and the
long valleys on the south of that range contain a trail of Aryans pointing
t+ 4
i
wo
» aerate ae enseeeee ne nnurhsem many
LFS ERIE VLE E ‘eStats Ug
a ry .
DEMS ERIN REET EE i eet Ee
Pear) Sethe <a oe hee Bese ple ars an Sed)
apogee ss Gee oeees BC ee a
Se ens AiG ERE SE RE ai tt Pte tenes aes ; +c00y
i ent eet Sat is it 5 ee Bat A ides ce Tosi fh i “ er 6eas ~— tts
— - . a " = _ Ue "9 As
SSSA, OT I AA ede et) ep ee > AS Pe 3+ ee
~ » oh aie. Bd , =. \ | a }
J oP ‘ f as mF
eh S WU, DE aka
+4 WA epg ust oe ne
Se ee si hed See
kasi teed ae Leo
Sie Nasa mt
Mera Gy
+ a et Orempeg 6
» <a —— Rat ee et eee
146 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
as plainly towards India, as those on the north do towards that oreater
Persia which comprises all Persian-speaking races from the Jaxartes to the
mountains of Kurdistan. |
But further, as the discovery, in undisturbed soil, of a skeleton with
all its parts lying together in their proper relative positions, proves to the
geologist that the body of which it is the remains must have been deposited
there at, or soon after, death, and consequently that the habitat of the
living animal must have been near; similarly the present position of the
Dard and Ghalchah tribes on either flank of the speech-parting Range
of Hindti-Kush,—bound together by dialectic ties, and yet attached also in
the same way to the neighbouring nations, the Persic limb lying towards the
Persian side, the Indic limb towards the Indian side,—would seem to shew
that the early home of their unity cannot have been far off. Had they
divided asunder in some distant land, what probability was there of their
coming together again in one locality, and of their finally taking up relative
positions precisely corresponding with their respective linguistic affinities ?
The connection of the Ghalchah hill-tribes with the Badakhshis and of
these again with the 'Tajiks or Iranian population of Central Asia, is so plain
that it is recognised by all the natives of those regions. On the other hand
the Dards, whose languages are classed as decidedly Indian or Sanskritic by
Dr. Leitner, extend from the axis of the Hindi-Kush Range down to and
across the Indus. In the valleys of Guraiz and Tilél they overlap or inter-
mingle with the Kashmiri race, from which again an unbroken chain of dia-
lects has been traced out by Mr. Drew* through the outer Himalaya valleys,
connecting by a gradual passage the Kashmiri with the Hindi spoken in the
plains of India.
It is not alone in the extreme eastern section of the Hindu-Kush that
a speech-parting of the kind described above exists. . If, as is probable,
the Siahposh Kafirs are merely unconverted Dards, they are matched on
the north by the Ghalchah inhabitants of the valleys of Minjan, Sanglich,
&c., and the linguistic water-parting coincides with the geographical one,
at least as far west as the Khawdk Pass above Kabul.
Thus in the same way that, phelologically, the Indian and Persian
tongues have been traced back through ancient writings into such mutually
resembling forms of speech as to imply original unity; so, geographically,
we can at the present day follow up from either end a chain of Indic and
Persic tribes until we find the last links of each fixed close together on the
flanks of the Hindti-Kush Range, and connected with one another by linguis-
tic ties.
Whether this distribution is of so early a date as to indicate the line
of the original migrations of the Aryans on their way to India I leave to
* See his “Jummu and Kashmir’, p. 467,
SS _ =
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 147
abler heads to determine ; but it seems probable that the separation of the
Dards from the Ghalchahs took place at a time when there still existed a
spoken tongue neither distinctly Indian nor distinctly Persian but contain-
ing the germs of both. If the Dardu immigration from the north had
been a late one, (say at the time of the Yuéchi or of the Musalmdn inva-
sions) at a time when the language spoken in the plains of Bactria had
become almost as strongly differentiated from that of India as at the
present day,—it is not easy to see how the speech of the Dards could
have taken its development on Indian lines, as it has done; and viee versd.
The tact of the tongues under notice still retaining so much mutual
resemblance, together with a local connection, would imply that they were
descended directly from one and the same mother ; while the fact of their
belonging to the opposite families shows that we must not seek their
common parentage either in the Indian or in the Persian tongue, but in
an early Indo-Iranian mother dialect, which alone would be capable of
giving birth to two such children from the same womb. To put the
matter in other words, it would seem that the Ghalchah and Dard nations
must have lived each a life of its own, distinct from that of any other
branches of the Aryan race and changing less fast than they, ever since
they emerged trom the oneness of the Indo-Iranian stem. They are true
sisters, and yet they belong to rival families. Hence they must be of that
generation in which the split occurred. In any lower generation they
would either not be sisters, or, if they were, they would belong to the same
branch of the family. No Spanish Bourbon has been brother to a French
Bourbon since the generation in which the distinction first arose.
Again, if the Dards were admitted to have come down across the Hindt-
Kush in those early days, but the Kashmiri and outer Himdlayan popula-
tions were supposed to be a reflex wave of migration sent up by the Indo-
Aryans after their arrival and settlement in India, what a gap we ought to
have between the dialects of the Dards and those of these later comers into
their neighbourhood, a gap representing the whole progress in language made
between the time when the Indo-Aryans were still a mere Central Asian tribe
with incipient peculiarities of speech, and that when, their great migration
accomplished, they were in possession of their Sanskrit form of language.
A gap certainly does appear to exist, but Iam not able to judge whether
it isa sufficiently broad one, or whether later inquiries may not fill it up as
the gap between Kashmiri and Panjabi has been filled by Mr. Drew’s re-
Searches.
Max Miller tells us: “ Before the ancestors of the Indians and Per-
sians started for the South, and the leaders of the Greek, Roman, Celtic, Teu-
tonic, and Slavonic colonies marched towards the shores of Europe, there
was a small clan of Aryans settled probably on the highest elevation of
t~ ea R
aga
Ane ke
Chic =
ee be
ogemepace trad RYE TIN
PSM EN ihe eRe
Sr age the rs
Db Ln Thad
ARTE SIRI.
PGi eh
pista? arch to
Ver ok
ADEA
kh 1s te
2
<) Se 2
| “Za
= ope
a act
~ tgs
5 o
+i
/ '
tee Aa
Te oe
ae
=a
r of
7 «
-
:
etre
eae BES
ailedts
~
iii
att, “te of weet eeemng + oor
DF ad _— —
148 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchaj, Languages. [No. 2,
Central Asia [the Western slopes of the Belortagh (Pamir), near the
sources of Oxus and Jaxartes.| After this clan broke up, the ancestors of
the Indians and Zoroastrians must have remained for some time together
in their migrations or new settlements.” [Max Miiller’s Lectures on the
Science of Language, Vol. I, pp. 288. Ed. 1866. |
Perhaps to this we may hereafter be able to add something like the
following :
After a long settlement in and about fertile Badakhsh4n (during which
slight differences of speech sprung up between south and north), the fur.
ther disruption took place. ‘The southern section of the Indo-Iranian clan
poured over the Hindu-Kush water-shed by successive waves into the long
valleys of the Kunér, Panjkorah and Gilgit rivers (perhaps also of others
further west) which lead down towards the Indus. Arrived in the broad
plains of the Panjab, where the conditions were favourable to expansion,
they increased in numbers and civilization, developing out of the dialect
which they had brought with them the rich structure of Sanskrit. The
northern section of the clan, left behind in Badakhshén and increasing in
their turn, expanded westward and northward, and also closed up behind
their departing brethren into the valleys on their own side of the Hindi-
Kush, pushing the hindmost of the Indo-Aryans across into. the heads of
_ the valleys on the south. In the plains of Bactria and of Ir4n the dialectic
ditferences which had perhaps begun to exist before the departure of their
southern kinsmen, developed into Zend and early Persian; while those
fragments of either branch which were left high and dry in the valleys on
both sides of the Hindi-Kush, isolated from the main bodies of the Persians
and Indians respectively, were less affected by the linguistic tendencies of
their more civilized and numerous brethren ; their speech changed in a less
rapid ratio, and moreover they had been the latest to divide asunder ; and
thus their dialects retain to the present day a much closer mutual resem-
blance than do the languages of the two great nations whose ancestors
once dwelt with theirs. As the forefathers of the Indian and Persian races
remained longest together of all the Indo-European tribes, and their lan-
guages show consequently the closest mutual affinities of all the great
divisions of the Aryan family ; so also among the minor tribes of those two
sister races, the Ghalchahs and Dards appear to have remained together
longer than the rest of their kindred, and their dialects consequently show
greater coincidences than any other two which can be picked from both
sides of the border between Indian and Persian speech. |
Do EO eee phe eh ye = See ae
4 1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 149
\F
‘hy |
"hy, The Sounds
JT | And their Representations.
: The dialects of Sarikol and Wakhdén are not found in a written form.
| They exist only as spoken by the people. For all literary purposes Persian
is used by those who have sufficient education to know how to read and
write.
Many of the sounds in the spoken dialects of Sarikol and Wakhdn are
different from any that can be expressed by the ordinary Arabic letters.
To employ these in representing Sarikoli and Wakhi words, it would be
necessary to adopt a considerable number of conventional signs. As this
may be just as accurately done with Roman characters, I shall confine my-
self to the latter mm the following pages, instead of forming an adapted
oriental alphabet for this purpose.
The accented @ will be used for the Central Asian broad sound resem-
bling that of aw in the word pawn.
The @ (with a grave accent) will represent the Italian sound as in fara.
The unaccented a, for the short oriental sound as in ‘ America’, ‘ woman,’
‘ oriental,’ ‘ ordinary,’ &c.
The vowel e, for its sqund in the English word then.
The same accented, é, will rhyme with the English word may.
Unaccented 7 as in ham.
Accented 7 or 4 as in machine.
Unaccented 0, as in the German word Gotz.
Accented 6 or 6, as in English go.
Dotted 6, as in Bitaaé schon.
Unaccented w, as in German hund.
Accented @ or w%, as in English rumour.
Dotted w#, as in German, mithe.
Diphthong ai as in mitraille ; ei as réverlle ; aw and ao pretty nearly
as in German fraw and English now.
The ordinary consonants need not be separately mentioned. The fol-
| F) lowing forms however require description :
af . The compound ¢h represents the hard sound of the English ¢% in the
oi, word thing.
yy The compound dh represents its soft sound in the word the.
The accented zg represents the French sound of the consonant in
Je, or the z in the English word azure.
Sh is to be pronounced as in English (same as French ch in chose, ‘or
German sch in schon).
Ch as in English (represented in French by #eh, and in German by
tsch).
150 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah, Languages. [No. 2,
J as in English (French d7).
W as in English, but always distinctly pronounced and not coalescing
with the preceding vowel.
The rough German ch (as in machen) will be represented by khh. The
softer German sound as in 2ch (more usual in Wakhi and Sarikoli) will
be represented by Ah. It is, however, a little harsher than in ich. There
is another sound intermediate between these and an sh ; the tongue being
placed considerably further back than in the latter and the sibilation conse.
quently coming from the back of the palate instead of from the front.
This will be represented by the combination sch.
Gh is the oriental ghain ¢. In some words of Wakhi it is softencd
down to the intonation ot the gy in the German word tage.
Sketch of Wakhi’ Grammar.
THE SUBSTANTIVE.
There is no distinction of Gender. The Plural is formed by affixing
the syllable zsht for the Nominative and the syllable av tor the oblique
cases. |
‘The relations of substantives are expressed either by position, or by
means of significant Prepositions or Postpositions attached to the Singular
or Plural form. The Ablative and Instrumentative take, besides these, a
termination resembling the case-terminations in the classical languages.
The Singular has two forms ; that of the Ablative and Instrumentative,
and that of the other cases. ‘I'he Plural has three: that of the N ominative,
that of the ordinary oblique cases, and that formed by the addition of the
Ablative termination to the latter.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
The house [Nom.]............ khitn ROUSOR Aa vce, ied: vided khitnisht
_ the house’s [Gen.] ............ khiin Grmousesst hula khiinav
to the house [Dat.] ......... khiin-ar .to houses .............0008. khiinav-ar
the house | Ace.].....0...0.0065. khiin OUR est Pans ee khinav
or khiin-a
at ov in the house [Loce.]...da-khién at or in houses......... da-khiinav
ondtihe- house. 6 6 sideucee. sak-Lhiin Ori OUSCS <3 te ele sak-Lhiinav
by or with the [Instr.]...da-Lhdnan by or in the houses ...da-khinavan
from the house [Abl.] ...tsa-khdnan from houses ............ tsa-khiinavan
The Noun in the Genitive is merely placed before the governing noun
without any sign; e. g., khiin bdr “the door of the house (the house-door)”’.
The signs of the Dative and Accusative (ar and a) are sometimes pre-
fixed instead of following ; as ar-bdedr “to the market.”
1876. ]
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Wakhi). 151
The ADJECTIVE is not inflected. Jt precedes the Substantive.
An adjective can be formed from a substantive by the addition of the
termination wg or ding. Ex. rwdr-ting “ belonging to a day”, “ daily’’.
THE Pronoun.
The Personal and Substantival Pronouns are declined as follows :-—
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
Ist.
NOM. 40UB see. =! sik, sakisht ......... we
On 20 2ut my, of me OPO en our, of us
Pe 578? oes to me BOM OF 22... fo us
Ace. maz, amaz ...me SUM, SOR-0 ei: : ries. U8
Loc. —maz......... (at, In) me as eee (at, 1n) us
— maz-an ...(from, with) me —sak-an........... ....(from, with)us
Abl. ) |
2nd.
Nom. fees. Aho sdisht ....... is Fase
Gren. 0) assis thy, if thee. #00 .......6.... .....your, of you
Dat. _ tar...............b0 thee SUU-OF ...., daa YOU
Acc. #00, a-ta0 ..... .thee SOV, SAVE... se... you
ioe. —4ab 6s. (at,in) thee —sav ....... +sies(at, In) you
Instr. —itao-an.........(from, with)
Abl. thee —S0V-ON ......., ....@rom, with) you
ord.
NOM. 900. 2... .....he or that VON they
ee 900. es of him eee asa Or bho
Dat. yao-ar, yaor, yar to him yavoar, yaisht-ar ....,. to them
ACC. 00, 0-yao......... him 0 Saree Cee ee them
a. sees Sa. ... (at, in) him |
KS2000" = on him YUU ooo eeee. ee i eer
Abl. sdénan...* ......... from him Y@N,—YbU-OM .......6000.(from) them
—ya'n
REFLECTIVE PRONOUN.
(Singular and Plural.)
ome, (igi = = fies
tee Bee, tae ee
ee Pag oe ee ee,
Ace. khat ie las
Be ee aha 2 =e
e* SN =
he himself, she herself, &c.
of himself, &c.; his, her or its own
to himself, &e.
himself, &c.
(at, in) himself, &e.
(from, with) himself, &e.
-* Here the preposition is incorporated with the pronoun (sikao for sth-yao, sdnan
for sa ydo-an).
U
ie
prus §
pase D.
ait
«tian? F
}
af
ihe
ae
io
—
1
= eneeaint
hihssiest%
sheregore’
Spe ge ene re
peated aunt coh Lk
ihn Mon Gite ore Sy
4]
aermen
Sirens cae
Ye tee &
Ae
wi \ vu by Ny 4 aoe : e Pee es erry nr . .
ATs TAN Ark, “ RASS SE ee: TOC ‘ 4 ne el hee , ee ae yet t .
te XN REN AN KS ‘ ANY eee eA uN NORA AIRE AR et se a) \. \ r' i sehr LU .
AS ENING ES She SLU RR BAER BM ROR Ti NN CRT NEL USN, Se SO Ue DIM aL Av Wek eae, AM. OO ra
SRD ASE MA WAASEY APIO Be BT eee ee aK Re RO AVESA DEM ah canter CMP OTM cron ten ket hei EE ng Ree :
CERES, CeUNa ER e TUM eae tent aE Yi Hab oe: PRCT AAR ENS Hori yy
152 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages. (Wakhi). | No. 2,
ADJECTIVAL PRONOUNS.
(Singular and Plural.)
Nom. yem...............this or his UO ae en te ..... that
Gel Yeu oe ees of this or his yd@....... ee cee of that
aram,* dram
Dat. {or tram or tothisorhis dra or yd ar ...to that
| yem —— ar
ReCs YoU wa 0s S- this or his YE eee ee i ulin
a dam* or tam...... at, in, &e.;
Ae £ PWS tiie da Fo caewedi coe at, in &e. that
of Loe. ;
a. SOKOM™ «oe ccs. Cie OMG Ge © SUNOS oo ee on, on account
of count of, &c., this or his of &c. that
.. Instr. tsaman™ or saman trom this ftsanan or sanan......... from that
Abl. or sam am...trom his (¢sa-yan)
Empyatic : ha-yem “this very”, ha-ya “that very”.
Other pronouns, such as chiz “what” P hot “ who’ ? tswm “some’’, imdn
“one-another”’, &c., are declined, when necessary, as substantives.
[Genitive absolute: zai-an @’ charkh = a wheel of mine; yao-an 7?
mana = a talking bird of his. ] |
| There is moreover a set of personal terminations to the Past, Perfect,
q and Plupertect tenses of Verbs, which are capable of being separated from
the Verb to which they belong. Thus they may perhaps be looked upon
as Pronouns (see Sarikoli, p. 159).
They are :
Singular. Plural.
Ist pers. am or im. Ist pers. an or in. |
2nd ,, at or 2. 2nd ,, av or wv.
ord ,, (caret) ord ,, av or ww.
THE VERB.
Every Verb appears, in its various tenses, under four forms, which re-
quire to be known, in each case, before it can be conjugated. These are:
G.) The Iyrrytrive form, from which are obtained a Verbal noun, S|
the Imperfect Indicative, and two derivative verbal substantives and ad-
jectives. | i 4
Gi.) The Present form, from which are obtained the Present Future : :
Tenses of the Indicative and Conditional, and the Imperative.
Gu.) The Pasr form, from which is obtained the Past tense. | |
(iv.) The Perrecr form, (Perfect Participle) from which are ob- :
tained the Perfect Tenses and the Pluperfect; also a derivative verbal
Adjective and Substantive.
* Contracted from ar-yem, da-yem, sak-yem, tsa-yem-an respectively.
'
OE ee Bh a ee Sa Fe a res
1876.| KR. B. Shaw—On the Ghaichah Languages. (Wakhi). 1538
The following is a description of these formations :
G@) ¢. The Infinitive (which appears under two forms: ék (or g) and
: am or mm or un) may be considered a verbal substantive, which takes
several of the Prepositions and Postpositions as well as the Abla-
i | tive termination an. Ex. tsa marain-an — than (from) dying.
b. The Impertect Indicative is formed from the Dative case of the Infi-
nitive (considered as a verbal-substantive) by the addition of the
pronominal terminations (see above), and of fw, the 8rd person
Past Tense of the Verb “to be.”
tar |
Ex. From chilg-ak “to desire” ; Imperfect, chilgak-ar am tu (lit. to
* the desiring I was) “I was desiring.’
a From latsar-an “to put’; Imperfect, latsaran-ar am tu “I was
r putting.” |
¢. A derivative substantive (used also adjectively) in hiizg. Ex. nasiin-
kuzg “sleepy”, “sleeper.” It has a future or continuative sense.
t d. Another derivative m asok, implying fitness or likeness. Wx. kindik-
asok “laughable.” |
ye) Gi.) @ The Present tense (which hasalso a Future application) merely
adds certain personal terminations to its own proper form. The
Dy personal terminations (which are different from the separable ones
tlh mentioned under the head of Pronouns) are as follows :
bia | Bieler ta 6.2 oe. an Pigral< ish = Sy2 2. an.
' Sn ope) 2nd = ae at.
| | Ol 0 ee d. RUSS ee ee
| | These have a great resemblance, especially in the Plural, to those of the
e same tense in the Shina dialect of Dardu, which are:
| peneuilar. eto -4...2 3 as wr. Pe = 6b 2 a On.
L Jit) eee SS é. psi) see ee ae ev.
a ey. | S10 een ee ce um or en. |
Ex. Present form: vin; Pres. Tense: vtn-am “TI see” or “am about to
abt see”’, &e.
gi Pres. form: chalg ; Pres. Tense: chalg-am “ I desire” or “am about to
Hy | desire’, &c. |
| Sometimes the syllable ap is prefixed or affixed to the Present Tense,
| when it is used with a Future application. Ex. vinan-ap or ap
H vinam “T shall see.’’
6. The Present Conditional is formed from the Present Indicative by
. affixing 6 to each of the persons. However, the 1st person singular
rf) seems often to be used in its Indicative form, and the 2nd person
di singular loses its terminational vowel. See Conjugation.*
|
* It refers to all times not earlier than the present moment, and so includes all the
. tr 7 zs - an as ‘ a ie 3 MSNA
RUAN eth
—. : sari wy
Fre ea Cras
TAS
i "
154 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Wakhi). [No. 9, %
ce. 'The Imperative is taken from the Present Tense of the Indicative, |
merely dropping the terminational vowel in the 2nd person singular,
but retaining the termination in the 2nd person plural. The |
singular imperatiye is therefore simply the Root-form of the
aie { A Pd eae : a Woot ~ ‘ Py ? . .
tore as y en Li tteettbate ; ean vt as KUL »"
eR LAA . “EAN: Ty A ae) wo te AM, Ay 4
A SAS AEN WY y \ Wy SOS RIN AA OLA Wie SONG ee AS Te Leh Was ATTN PEE
a eK VE a Na Can TREC Ue Wee tno AS an we sirq ent
Present.
(iii.) The Past tense istormed by adding the separable terminations or
pronouns to its own proper form:
Ex. Past form: chald; Past tense: chald-am “TI desired.”
The 3rd person singular, having no special pronoun-ending, takes the
termination e2, as do also the other persons when their pronominal
terminations are separated from them or prefixed.
E. g. chald-ei “he desired ;
am chald-ei “T desired.” |
(iv.) a The Perfect Tense similarly adds the separable terminations or
pronouns to its own proper form.
Hx. Pertect form: chelgetk ; Perf. Tense: chilgetk-am “I have de-
sired,” &e.
Pert. form: lakartk; Perf. Tense: lakartk-am “TI have put,” &e.
6, The Pluperfect is obtained from the Perfect Part. by rejecting the
last letter of that form, excepting when it ends with g, and adding
the syllable ¢¢w (or ¢ciiv) together with the separable terminations :
Kx. Pertect form: chilgetk; Pluperfect Tense: chilget-tiw am “TI had
desired.”
Perf. form: ksheng; Plup. Tense: ksheng-tiw am “TJ had heard.”
N.B.—This affix is perhaps for the Past tense of the auxiliary “to be”
(which see). Thus chilget-tiw am for chilgetk-tii am = ‘I was
having desired” = I had desired.”’]
e. ‘The Perfect Conditional is formed from the Perfect Participle by
adding the several persons of the Present Conditional of the Verb
“to be.” |
Ux. chilgeth hiimiam “if T had desired”, lit. “if Tam having-desired.”’*
The Pluperfect Indicative is sometimes used instead of this Tense.
Rrra We Ws . WA x XS t Se a (ae
SR Le RO La Mee heh Se A A MANAG AO NEUE AGO HEI SANE
oe SOCEAAAN OS. ESS ake MN SAE AA NS SNES
AURA ar ea haa cI atN CEN E A Ratmeaut aeMTT NOY fat hirer \ekbrieae mae tet tr sek tn
Bese
&
ame Ss
ie
co ee
Ba |:
i: ee
Fe! 1
<-> Bae
= tee
eos S28
o> iia
Pte ts
a0 ae
—<
.
- ‘gt 4
o—
=
ed <
the syllables sa and ki are sometimes prefixed, in order to give a sub- jl
junctive or conditional sense. | i
d. <A Verbal adjective is also obtained from the Perfect Participle by | 1
the addition of wng, ung, oY eng. )
ix. chilgetk-iing “which has desired” or “igs desired” or “has been de- ee
sired.” i
ots ‘i
Hinglish expressions: “if I were to desire,” “if I should desire,” “if I were desiring,” — «| iy
“if I shall desire,” “ if J desired,” &c, La
* This refers to all times earlier than the present moment, and thus includes the th
English expressions; “if ] have desired, “if I had been desiring,” &c. 4
Ph’
OO he ee A el a Bb AE SN Es Sar BIT ee Re ne og aie See ee ee
: = : > : ———— =
1876.] R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah, Languages. (Wakhi).
| When there are separate forms of the Verb for the Active and Passive
Voices, there is not this ambiguity of application about the
Verbal adjective.
K. g. schkotk-wng “ which has broken’ (trans.)
schkong-ung “which is broken.”
This form is also frequently used as a substantive.
Ex. rasang-ung “a cut or notch’, from rasudh-an “to cut.”
CONJUGATION OF THE VERB “to DESIRE.”
‘I. Infinitive form: chilg-adk; II. Present form: chdlg; III. Past
form: chald; IV. Perfect form: chilgeth.
Verbal Substantive, Nom. Gen. and Acc. chilgak “the desiring or “ to
desire.”’
Dative: chilgak-ar “to the desiring’ or “for to
desire.”
Ablative : sa-chilgakan “trom desiring” or “than
desiring,” &e.
Derivative Substantives and Adjectives :
Future Present : chilgak-kuzg “who desires” or “ will desire.”
‘Passive (of fitness): chilgak-asok “who is to be desired,” “de-
sirable.” |
Perfect Participial: chilgetk-ting “which has desired” or “has
been desired”’ or “ is desired.”’
IMPERATIVE.
chalg “ desire (thou)” ; chalg-it “ desire (ye).”
INDICATIVE MOOD.
| PRESENT FUTURE.
Singular. Plural.
T, chalg-AM -......... I desire 1. chalg-aN ...... we desire
2. chalg-1 (or chalg) thou desirest 2. chalg-IT ...... ye desire
d. chalg-D ........ .... he desires B. chalg-AN ...... they desire
Past. IMPERFECT.
1. chald-am...... I desired 1. chilgakar-am tw I was desiring
Se engid-AT =, : thou desiredst 2. chilgakar-at-tu thou wast desiring
ms evaid-ci- =... he desired 3. chilgakar-tu ... he was desiring
1. chdld-an ...... we desired 1. chilgakar-aNn tu we were desiring
oe CREIG-AV oS, ye desired 2. chilgakar-av tu ye were desiring
a Seoid2Ay they desired 3. chilgakar-ayv tu they were desiring
obi ch ‘bases Sao ee
pa vr - As is cae
~ t+ ee on ot Ot em. |. ? hn eo im—ary ° =
oO awe eee ae ee My et Bee
156 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Wakhi). No. 2,
PERFECT. PLUPERFECT.
i. chilgetk-am... I have desired 1. chilgettiw-am I had desired
2. chilgeth-at .., thou hast desired 2. chilgettiw-at. thou hadst desired
3. chilgetk ...... he has desired 3. chilgettiw ... he had desired
1. chilgetk-an ... we have desired I. chalgettiw-aN we had desired
2. chilgetk-av ... ye have desired 2. chilgettiw-av ye had desired
3. chilgetk-av ... they have desired 8. chilgettiw-av they had desired
N.B.— Although the above are the regular forms, yet the personal
terminations of all Tenses referring to a Past time are separable from the
verbal stem and may be placed in any previous part of the sentence, as has
been said. ‘This is the more common usage. When they are thus placed
separately, the verb takes the form of the 8rd person singular of the tense
required. Thus instead of saying “wuz sa-tao-an chald-AM”’ (‘I desired
from thee’) it is more usual to say “wuz am sa-tao-an chaldéi” or “wug
sa-tao-an AM chaldet.” So “tu khéch aw sa-maz-an chilgettiw” or “ tu
khoch sa-maz-an at chilgettiw” or “tu ax khéch sa-maz-an sitpatiae
instead of “tu khoch sa-maz-an chilgettiw-ar”’ (‘thou hadst desired bread
from me’). This cannot be considered an impersonal verb with an instru-
mental case as in Hindistani transitive past tenses, because we have here
also a pronoun of the same person in the Nominative.
THE CONDITIONAL MOOD.
PRESENT.
Singular.
D CRGLOGRY A ho EK: Gf) I desire
2! OWGIGO® ngs. ain vats vne Gf) thou desirest
B.. ChAL(G)A-6 0... .6600.. Gf) he desires
Plural.
I Cn gan-6 GALT... Gf) we desire
LC Ce Gf) ye desire
3. Chalgan-6 .......0400. Gf) they desire
PERFECT.
Singular.
1. chalgeth-hiimiam ... (if) I had desired |
2. chilgetk-himiii...... Gf) thou hadst desired
3. chilgetk-hiimiit...... Gf) he had desired
Plural.
1. chilgeth-hiimiiin ... (if) we had desired
2. chilgetk-hiimiiit ... (if) ye had desired
3. chilgetk-hiimiiin .., (if) they had desired
OS Ee Se FIL ta a
~p
-—-—--——_ —— a o —
1876.| KR. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Wakhi). 157
The Verbs which have their Infinitives in g or in an or 2m or their
Pertects in y are conjugated in a precisely similar manner, regard being had
to their typical forms (those of the Infinitive, Present, Past, and Perfect,
which are given in the Vocabulary under each).
Kx. (1.) Ashu-im“to hear’; kshiiin-ar am tu “I was hearing” ; kshii-
in-kuzg “a hearer”, &c.
G1.) Pres. Ashiit-am “TI hear’ kshit “hear (thou)”’, &e.
Gu.) Past. kshon-am “JI heard”; kshén-i “thou heardst” &c.
(iv.) Pert. Asheng “heard” ; ksheng am “T have heard”; kshengtiw
am “J had heard”; ksheng hiimiam “if I had heard ; ksheng-ung
“who has heard” or “is heard.”
So also G) wing “to see”; wing-ar am tu “I was seeing” &c.
The Negative is formed by prefixing ma to the Imperative (or to other
tenses when used in an Optative sense), and na to all other tenses.
The Interrogative is formed by affixing ¢ to the verb. See Sarikoli.
The NUMERALS are as follows:
ESR) es ee ee ee one GNIS TO... occas. ree eleven.
but OW Oe... 6 dE Ree two 1S eee ee twenty
IGE. Sake Cee: ee three Se es Bs es thirty
tsa0Uur. 0... leer a ae a LOGE D0, 2 eae eee forty
ihe SO Sa oe five Woh ES a Senay fifty
shidh ..... ee ees altmish (Turki) ...:..... sixty
Be ee. seven | ie
| dasha a ree ee eee oe eight SOG Ae. as ee a hundred
Res Si ae oS aie POPU Secs “a thousang
Oe eer tic a ee
a half = chét or chote
One and a half = tv wu chit
NuMERAL ADJECTIVES.
Add the syllable ao to the ordinary numerals: e. g. tv-ao = first, bwe-ao
= second, &e.
158 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2,
Sketch of Sarikoli’ Grammar.
THE SUBSTANTIVE.
There is no distinction of GENDER. .
The Prvurat is formed by affixing the syllable av or 7v in the oblique
eases, and the Persian word Gs khél (a troop) for the nominative.
The relations of substantives are expressed as in English, either by posi-
tion or by means of Prepositions or Post-positions attached to the Singular
or Plural form of the noun.
The Nominative is marked out by position. The possessive relation
is expressed by simple apposition ; the name of the thing possessed being
placed last: e. g. chéd divir = the door of the house (house-door).
The Singular has but one form ; the Plural has two, that of the Nomi-
native and the Oblique form.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
the house (Nom.)......... chéd ched
the house’s (Gen.) ...... ched Nom. the houses.......,. or
ta ahd chéd-kheél
to the house (Dat.) ... or OBL. the houses’ (Gen.) ...chédiv
GROG«ER «. 82 6s to the houses (Dat.) chédiv-tr
A-chéd chéediv
the house (Acc.)_...... GRY Soo ees the houses (Acc.)... or
AR-chéd A-chediv
in or at the house (Loc.) pa-chéd __....... in the houses (Loc.) pa-chédiv
oe on the-house....jcc..cc GU-Chédi on cake on the houses ......chii-chédiv |
e towards the house......... PAR-chéd ......towards the houses par-chédiv y)
from the house (ADl.) ...az-chéd sss. trom the houses (Abl.) az-chédiv
with the house ............ chéd-KATTI .«.....wWith the houses ...chédiv-KATTI
before the house............ chéd-priit ...... before the houses... chédiv-priit
as far as, till, also by means .e».. a8 tar as the houses chédiv-119
Ol, -bhe house 5464s. chéd-1T$9 &e. . &e.
There is also a kind of Genitive absolute in an or yan:
Ex. padkhéh-an 4 radzin = a daughter of the King’s ; 7 wrod mu-yan =
a brother of mine.
Tot ADJECTIVE 4 |
is not declined ; it usually precedes the substantive. | §
An adjective can be formed from a substantive (or other word) by the Lf
addition of enj or way (after a consonant), or yerj (after a vowel), which |
answers to the Hindtstani “ wdld.” 2 |
Kix. Garma-yrns “belonging to a cave.” :
Dhes math-uns kardr “an agreement for ten days.”’
.
=26 a 5 Pe am, ke ee
1876.| RR. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikol1). 159
Added to the Pert. Participle of a Verb, this affix makes a Participial
Adjective which may take the place of a relative clause in English.
Ex. mu wan-m chéd “the house which T have seen.”
With a substantive it has a similar effect -
Ex. Chéd-enj adam-khel “ the people who are in the house”’ or “ of the
. house.”’
There is an Adjectival Future Participle in zchog.
Ex. pigan yet-ichoz adam “the man who is gomg to arrive to-morrow”
(lit. “ to-morrow about-to-arrive man”).
PRONOUNS.
The pronouns have mostly two forms, a Nominative and an Oblique
form, as in English. The prepositions and postpositions are applied to the
latter, as to Substantives, so that it is unnecessary to go through them in
detail here.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
lst PERSON.
Nom. wie. I WOR we
Obl. Vite me mash or mash-ev ...... us
2nD PERSON.
Nom. fa0......... thou LO ee ee eae ye
RLS gate oe thee éamash or tamash-ev... you
oRD PERSON.
Bis = Wf he, shé-O6 ab, er |. c.... s s they
Obl. UES es hin, herr Were. ee them
ADJECTIVAL PRONOUNS.
Oe VE that i: eames ns those
Obl. Ore ee: that wi—— ef ....... eee those
Nom. yam ......... this modh or dodh............ these
Obl. mz or di... this mef BOC aoe these
There is, as in Wakhi, a set of personal terminations to the Past Tenses
of verbs, which are capable of being separated trom the verb to which they
belong and put in other parts of the sentence. Thus they have a certain
claim to be mentioned among the pronouns. Perhaps we may look upon
them as having been originally affixed pronouns (atter the manner of the
agglutinative languages), which have become worn down to a certain extent,
losing vowels, and even disappearing and (in the case of the 2nd pers. Pl.)
giving place to a substitute ; but still retaining the recollection of their
origin sufficiently to be used separately. They are :
Xx
his : t F.
To Se Sap are aero
Ohek Socios eter
*
Ri
1S
i
i
ie 4
t. a
ee
‘oe
uy
e
PY
ie
,
t-
4
=a
4)
re
tae
i
\
i i Tabs
a
<<
he
e>
=
ae
ss;
2
=
C4
A
ve :
re
a
B »
A
ena
a2
pee
ee
mee
—s
A
vA
we
ss
5
4
se *.
Pa
ee
160 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikols). | No. 2,
SINGULAR. — PLURAL.
lst pers. am (corresponding to Turki am (corresponding to Turki merz.)
| man.) av (the original pronoun lost, and its
BM Sa OF ea tet) eG San.) _ place supplied by the simple
srd_,, — (also wanting in Turki, Plural affix of Nouns.)
as a verb.termination.) av (do. Conf. Turki lar in 8rd pers.
Pl. of verbs, which is simply a
plural affix, used.also with Noun.)
THE VERB.
Hach verb assumes, in its several parts, either three or four distinct
forms from which the various tenses are formed by certain rules.
The following forms are generally distinct, viz.
(i.) The Infinitive or Root form, from which are derived a verbal
Substantive and Adjective, an Imperative, and the Imperfect Indicative.
(.) The Present form, from which are derived the Present Tense
Indicative, and the Present Conditional.
Gu.) The Past form, from which are derived the Past Tense and the
Pertect Tense [unless when the latter has a separate form of its own (iv.) |.
The Loot may be considered a verbal Substantive of which the Nomi-
native Case and Accusative are formed by the addition of the syllable ao,
the Root itself being its oblique form to which can be affixed several post-
positions. Thus:
fioot. Affix.
@. Nominative and Accusative: zokht-ao “to take’ or “the taking.”
Oblique : zokht-ir “tothe taking” or “in order
to take.”’
zokht-its “whilst taking” “during
the taking.”
6. From the Root is also formed a Future Participle or Adjective by
the addition of the affix ichog :
Ex. zokht-ichoz “about to take.”
c. And an adjective of probability in asuk :
Ex. zokht-asuk “ likely to be taken”’ or “to take.”
d. From the Dative of the Root is derived the Imperfect Tense Indi-
cative Mood, as: zokht-ir am viid “I was doing” [see Max Miller,
Se. of Lang., Series IT. p49
oO ae a
dé.
1876.| RR. B. Shaw—On the Ghalcha) Languages. (Sarikoli). 161
af (u) a. The Present form is the basis of the Present Future Tense
ty (with frequent irregularities in the 3rd Person Singular however).
My) . The terminations of this Tense are: 1st Person Singular am, 2nd
Person Singular (none), 8rd Person ee d or ¢; Ist Person
, Plural an, 2nd Person Plural zd or i¢, 8rd Person Plural in
¥ ‘ | [These terminations resemble, still closer than in Wakhi, (owing to the
hi, difference between the Ist and 8rd person of the Plural) those of
the Present Future Tense of the Shina dialect of the Dardu Lan-
guage. H.g., I go or will go, &., in Shina, is Singular 1. béy-um,
2. boye, 3. béyey; Plural 1. ddy-on, 2. bdy-nT, 3. bdy-EN. See
Leitner’s Dardistan, Vol. L, p. 32. |*
b. The Present Indicative gives rise to a Present Conditional by
adding an 6 to all the persons.
Ex. zog-amo “if I should take” or “if I were to take.”
Gu) a. The Past form is the basis of the Past Tense, which is con-
jugated with the separable pronominal terminations given above at
the end of the section on “ Pronouns.”’
6. From it is formed (in many verbs) the Perfect Participle, by affix-
ae ' ing the letter 7.
i Hx. Past Form: zukht ; Perfect Participle : zwkht) “ ree
, Civ.) From the Perfect Participle (whether formed in this way or
al possessing an independent form) afe derived :
a. <A verbal Adjective, by the ams of en7 or yeny :
3 Ex. zgukhtj-enj “ having taken” or “ which has taken.”’
| 6b. The Perfect Tense, by the use of the separable pronominal termi-
nations mentioned above :
| ix. zukhtj-am “ I have taken.”’
| c. The Perfect Conditional, by adding the several ee of the
| Auxiliary Present Conditional vao-am, &e., “ I may be, &e.”
| Ex. zukhtj vao-am, “I may have taken.” (lit. “ I may be having-taken.”’)
| | d. From the Perfect Tense Indicative Mood, again, is formed the
mi Pluperfect Indicative, by affixing the syllable 7#, and using the
separable terminations as before
Ex. zukhtj-1t am “I had taken.”
* The German Present Indicative has also a curious resemblance to these :
Teh. -maene,. .... make. Wir machen .,..... we make.
A I" a) a
rr) Du machst..,... thoumakest. Ihr macht ...,.. ye make.
iW Er macht ,,,... he makes. Sie machen ,,.... they make,
|
cag |
toe
TALE 7, a“
4 i Rig , ties
* ys ae he ote
aes ae .
§
162 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Savikoli). [No. 2.
ah
CONJUGATION OF THE VERB “TO TAKE.”
(3 Forms.)
(i) Root form: ZOKHT; (11) Present form: zdz; (iii) Past form:
ZUKHT.
Verbal Substantive: Nominative and Accusative Case: zokht-ao “the
taking” or “ to take.”
Genitive Case,... zokht “ of the taking.”
Dative Case, ... zokht-ir “to take’ or “ in order to take”
or “to the taking.”
Abl.,..,...-........ a2 zokht “from the taking.”
Cee Meher zokht-1ts “during the taking” or
“whilst taking.”
Perfect derivative Adjective: zukhtj-enj “having taken” or “taking.”
Future ditto ditto ............ aaa “about to take’ or “the
Also Noun of the Agent taker.”
Verbal Adjective of probability zokht-asuk “likely to be taken” or “to
take.’’
IMPERATIVE. |
zoz = take thou. z6z-id = take ye.
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present Furure TENSE.
Singular.
E. WOp-OW. A... I take or will take.
Dis PURO nae i thou takest, &e.
Oo, BOZO? vescecess he takes, &e.
Plural.
Ll. BOLO. ii ee: we take, &e.
Be BODO og oy pois ye take, &e.
O- YOUR oa... they take, &c.
IMPERFECT TENSE.
Singular.
1. ZOKHTIR (am)* viid Iwas taking.
2. ZOKHTIR (at) viid thou wast taking.
3. ZOKHTIR viid...... he was taking.
* The syllables between brackets are the separable pronoun-terminations.
M
1876.] RB. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). 163
) Plural.
ZOKHTIR (an) vid we were taking.
ZOKHTIR (av) viid ye were taking.
3. ZOKHTIR (av) viid they were taking.
Past TEnsz.
aca Si
Singular.
I eURnE(am) ...... I took.
2. ZUKHT (at) ...... thou tookest.
GS) URED oie ae he took.
Plural.
a Lo ZUEUT (an) —<....; we took.
r q Ae ROK. (OUP Aiea. ye took.
mf Oo. ZUKHT (av).....:... they took.
Z| PERFECT TENSE.
a Singular.
all | 1. “ZUEKHTS (am)......... I have taken.
| 2.2 ZUKATS (ab). thou hast taken.
a} Bf MURAD. he has taken.
. Plural.
A. URES (00) ee we have taken.
2. ZUKHTS (av) .......... ye have taken.
3. ZUKHTS (av) .......%. they have taken.
PLUPERFECT ‘TENSE.
Singular.
1. ZUKUHTS-2t (am) ...... I had taken.
2. ZUKHTI-2¢ (at) ..... . thou hadst taken.
>. ZUKATI-2b ...20:..2008 he had taken.
Plural
1. ZUKHTI-~<i (an) ...... we had taken.
2... ZUKUTI-¢ (avy as. ye had taken.
3. ZUKHTS-it (av) ...... they had taken.
CONDITIONAL AND SUBJUNCTIVE Moop.
Present Furure TENSE.
1“ YOTMG nae I may or should take.
De POR ae Oe thou mayest or shouldst take,
| ee &e.
PrerFrect TENSE.
1. ZUKHTI vao-am......... I may have taken.
| 2. YOR is 000 43. ,... thou mayest have taken.
| S. BUKHEI vid - 3. noes he may have taken.
| es Nia eee bee ery OTe &e.
| * See Auxiliary defective verb “ to be.”
164 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No 2,
The prefix fsa is often used with the Indicative Present tense to give |
it a Subjunctive or Conditional sense.
| In some Verbs the 38rd Person Singular of the Present Indicative js
irregular in its form :
HXAMPLES. |
Singular. Singular.
1. vor-am....... .. 1 bring. 1. didh-am ...... I enter.
9. vor ............ thou bringest. Bo WI an thou enterest.
S.. ViR-0 2.6... Ne penes. }. DEDH=G— he enters.
Plural. | Plural.
1. vor-On ....... .. we bring. 1. didh-an ...... we enter.
2 r0r-ih So ye bring. 2. didh-id ...... ye enter.
SB. VOM-UM kee they bring. 3. didh-in .,..,. they enter.
Singular. Singular.
1. 20n 0M. Ss T doll. Leena Sas I make.
Lea RON ne Sats thou killest. Fey GIF hea ae thou makest.
v7 ac ere he kills. eR ARE oS 7 he makes.
Plural. Plural.
de BURA: aa 43 we kill. Li KON-ON. occ we make.
2. gin-id ....... . ye kill. Me RAGE geen srt ye make.
DB. ZOM-IN 200. c0s. they kill. On KAM... ..0ies they make.
In the last example it will be observed that the 2nd and 3rd persons
Plural are also irregularly formed.
Some Verbs have a distinct Perfect form [not derived according to rule
from the Past Form].
CONJUGATION OF THE VERB “TO GO” OR “TO BECOME.”
[4 Forms. |
(1) Root Form: set; (11) Present Form: so; (iii) Past Form: sit ;
Gv) Perf. Form: sedhj (not si#/).
Verbal Substantive ; Nominative and Accusative Case [Infinitive]: set-
ao “the going or becoming,” “to go or become.”
Genitive Case, set “ of the going or becoming.’
Dative Case: set-ar “to'the going or becoming,” “in
order to go or become.”
Abl. Case: az set “from going, &e.”’
&e.... set-its “ during the going”’ or “ whilst going.”
Pertect Adjective derivative ......... sedhj-eny “ having gone or become.”
Future ditto eccceree 8€t-ichoz “about to go or become.”
os + 2
Adjective of probability ................ set-aswk “likely to go, &e.”
ey F 1876.] RK. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikol1). 165
INDICATIVE MOOD.
PRESENT FuTURE TENSE. Iuprrrecr TEnst.
: Singular. Singular.
2 1. so-’m............ I goorbecome,or 1. sefar [am|vud.. I was gomg or
A will 20 or become. becoming.
iy | SOS. gece thou goest, &e. 2. setar |at| vid... thou wert going
&e.
| B. SUU-O.essereeere he goes, &. 3. Setar viid......... he was going, &e.
me, Plural. Plural.
ce 1. sd-’n or so-yan we go, &e. 1. setar |an| viid we were going, &e.
) Dh 80000... ee ce Ve 0, Oe. 2. setar |av| viid ye were going, &c.
Pt B. SO-1M oo... .... they go, &e. 3. setar |av| vid they were going,
‘ &e.
ub Past TENSE. PERFECT TENSE.
na Singular. Singular.
1. sut [am] ...... Iwentorbecame. 1. sedhj |am| ... I have gone or
Ne | become.
she 2. siit [at]......... thou wentest, &e. 2. sedhj [at]...... thou hast gone,&e.
uh Be 8b a. .. he went, &e. 3. sedhj ........ .... be has gone, &e.
1 days Plural. Plural.
| PSHE ON | we went, &e. 1. sedhy [an])...... we have gone, &e.
rig 2. sit [av]....... .. ye went, Xe. 2. sedh7 |av|...... ye have gone, &c.
) 3. st fav] ........ they went, de. 3. sedhj |av|...... they have gone,&e.
my PLuPERFECT TENSE.
| Singular. Plural.
ra 1. sedhj-t¢ [am]... Thad gone orbe- 1. sedhj-tt¢ [an] ... we had gone, &e.
| come.
lf 2. sedhj-it [at]... thou hadst gone, 2. sedhj-it [av] ... ye had gone, &e.
me &e. |
“ . SeAi-7 2.5.5. he had gone, &c. 3. sedhj-ct [av] ... they had gone.
a yi
A CONDITIONAL AND SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
| PRESENT FururEe TENSE. PERFECT TENSE.
i$ i Singular. Singular.
iy? I. 0-’mé ..... .... Imayorshouldgo 1. sedij vao-am... I may have gone
vo or become. or become.
— .
ts oc opetGrmpeg « ost
Rew ee ee
166 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2,
2 SOO. thou mayest or 2. sedhj vao ...... thou mayest have
shouldst go, &e. gone, &e.
SOO he may, &c. 3. sedhj vid ...... he may have gone,
| &e.
Plural. Plural.
t502 nO es, .... we may, &e. 1. sedhj vao-an... we may have gone,
Ke.
DS SCM tas ye may, &e. 2. sedhj vao-id ... ye may have gone,
&e.
Die 8070100 Acacca hs. they may, &c. 3. sedhj vao-in... they may have
gone, &c.
CONJUGATION OF THE DEFECTIVE VERB “TO BE.”
(i) Root Form: vid; (i) Pres. Form: vao; (iii) Past Form: viid ;
Gv) Pert. Form: vedhy.
Nom. vtd-ao.
Obl. vid, (vid-ir, vid-its, &c.)
Perfect Participial Adjective ........... . vedhy -en).
Future do. (also Noun of the Agent)... vid-ichoz.
—_ : Verbal Substantive, ‘‘ the being or existing”: vid-z.
INDICATIVE MOOD.
PRESENT FUTURE TENSE.
, Singular.
1. vao-am™ (YOst-AM)F 0... ccc ee I may be, ov am.
Bt CBO. (PORRDY HOG oii wsou a nike thou mayest be, or art.
3. vi-d (yost)....... a Gutiernas € emay be ora
Plural.
1. vao-an [yost-an| ...... cs. ..... Wwe may be, or are.
2. vao-id | yost-av| ............... ye may be, or are.
3. vao-m | yost-av | ............... they may be, or are.
Past TENSE. PERFECT TENSE.
Singular. Singular.
1. viid |am)...... I was. 1. vedhj [am]... I have been.
hS
©
~
St
iopral
SS
Se
La ra |
cht
ay
o)
S
S
OD
a)
ct
ie)
. vedhy |at| ... thou hast been.
Oo. ©U0 2... ee he was. ie VOGID pe ees he has been.
* Generally has a conditional sense, but is placed here, because it is in form a Pre-
sent Indicative.
+ This alternative tense isin form the Past-tense of some other Verb, but used
for the Present Tense of this, |
wy
rif
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages. (Sarikoli). 167
Plural. Plural.
1. vid [an]...... we were. 1. vedhj [an| ... we have been.
2. vid [av]... ye were. 2. vedhj [av| ... ye have been.
3. viid [av] ...... they were. 3. vedhj [av] ... they have been.
PLUPERFECT TeEnsxz.
Singular. Plural.
1. vedhj-it [am] I bad been. 1. vedhj-r¢ [an].. we had been.
2. vedhj-it |at|.. thou hadst been. 2. vedhj-it [av|.. ye had been.
8. vedhj-it ...... he had been. 3. vedhj-tt [av |.. they had been.
CONDITIONAL AND SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
PRESENT FuTURE TENSE. PERFECT TENSE.
Singular. Plural.
1. VQ0-QMN0...... 04 I may or should be. 1. vedhj-vao-am.., I may have been.
&e. &e. &e. &e.
THE INTERROGATIVE
is formed by affixing @ to the verb, when there is no other interrogative
adverb or pronoun in the sentence.
H. g. tu kéhr-ydt-A = has thy anger come ?
‘but: TsEz-AR at yat why hast thou come P
NEGATIVE.
The ordinary negative consists of the syllable na prefixed to the verb.
But in the Imperative or Optative the syllable ma is used instead.
E. g. na kan-am, I make not.
ma kan, waake not [thou].
NUMERALS.
The Numerals are as follows :—
POOR Gr cs ee ein OMe PO eS0E-8 a oscx nk eleven.
Rau OF dh = Ao a RS two. DUD ia eis sed craxcaes AMUOULY.
OSES eae a three | Ub8t-Ob-4 oo. s,s sereeeee tWenty-one.
cd ck gs four 0 os ger sey ee
ee ea a five GU ie scien (i eia. LOTUY,
ee ee ee S1x en Bae ene
Be te ae seven altmesh |'Turki] ... sixty.
eee yeraie 3 Je eight C. * &C.
NS ne ee ee wes hine © the etoeddingi ay SOE Eu reds
Be eee eee ten WOROP oe. ovdan nosin ce. ob OUSAaNG.
A half = naim; a quarter = tsavur balak.
One and a half = iv-at-naim, Se.
NuMERAL ADJECTIVES
Add the syllable do to the ordinary Numerals.
EK. g. iv-ao first, dhau-do second, &c.
* The remaining multiples of ten up to ninety are borrowed from the Turki,
Y
FN6 08 th CARR eae SA IGAL BE 1 ELA A LEAD A
- sao ———— mounts Sete See
, * 4
- *
>a
.
i
ian
° Soe
Mee
SS
$
-)
' ae
f
a
i |
ae
+5
+. ia
>
<a» ee
<:
o ‘=
~
‘ho
a
<
Se
= fa
~ $5
et
ne
+ ig
i
>
rm
‘oe
<3 a
-
% 4
~~) 3 a
+
es 34 4 =A
1) Settee
Mah}
el
: i
> ae.
a aa
Fa a
FT| San
Epa 3 oe
| ee
peal = ae
baie |
¥
SES eye eee eres Wey Vey for
168 R, B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [N o. 2,
SUNDRY REMARKS.
1. The prefixes or prepositions, @ and ar (ir), are never separated
from their noun by any adjective or other word. Thus we have: |
tu ar-tsem, lit. “thy to eyes”, not ar-tu-tsem “to thine eyes.”
Generally the other prepositions also immediately precede the noun:
K. g. Khi tar-tsem “to his own eye” (lit. “ own to-eye”)
chinar pa-bon “at bottom of plane-tree” (lit. “ plane-tree’s at
bottom”’) ;
¢ pa-garmd “in a cave’ (lit. “ one in-cave’’)
but we also have:
pa mi kash “ at this side” (lit.)
It would seem that adjectives and adjectival pronouns are sometimes
allowed to be mterposed between the prepositions (other than @ and ar) and
the noun.
‘2. There seems to be a Dative absolute in 7:
Ex. sandik mu’r-t (mu-ar-i) “ (let the) box (be) for me or to me”
khurjin twr-t (tu-ar-2) “ (et the) bag (be) for thee or to
thee”’ |
or, as we should say, “the box to me, the bag to thee.”
With a verb, the Dative would be: a-sandik mur dhé
“ oive the box to me.” _
: 8. The separable verb-terminations or pronouns in both Wakhi and
y _ Sarikoli, are sometimes used instead of the verb substantive, after the man-
ner ot the Turki language (which, however, employs the ordinary pro-
nouns reduplicated).
Kx, (Sarikoli) laur am waz “TI (am) great.”
instead of waz laur yostam _ do.
Compare (Turki) man ulugh man do.
(Sarikoli) dziil ar tdéo “thou (art) small”
instead of —tdo dziil yostat do.
Compare (Turki) san kichik san = do.
The example of the Turki (although belonging to another family of
languages) shows, I think, that weneed not seek, in these separable termina-
tions, tor the relies of some defunct verb substantive. In the present
examples, as in children’s language, the verb substantive is simply omitted
altogether ; the apposition of the subject to the attribute being sufticient-
ly explicit. A child says: “J good,” “dog naughty.” The Turk and the
Ghalchah, in their own several] manners, do the same ; only, for emphasis,
they contrive to insert the pronoun twice (as in French “ je suis bon,
mol’),
iO? a oe a
_— >.
—— =e =S SS
SS
DE a
=
—— ———
=S
a ee
- ee ee
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 169
But it may be said: why should not these separable terminations be
considered a tense of the verb substantive ; attached to other verbs as an
auxiliary, and also used independently as connecting the subject with its attri-
bute P But | think the following answer might be made. Any tense of
the verb substantive must have consisted originally of two elements; the
constant verb element, and the variable personal or pronominal element.
In the present case, the former element (if it ever existed) must have been
rubbed off, for nothing remains but single syllables varying with the per-
sons; in other words we have come back to the simple pronominal element,
corrupted 1t may be by the companion which it has now shaken off. In
either case, the separable terminations which we are considering are Pro-
nouns, whether they have gone though the process of being attached to an
auxiliary verb substantive (now vanished), or not.*
3. Relative clauses, which are rare in the simple Ghalchah dialects,
are expressed usually by means of the verbal adjectives in wag (W.) and
enj (S.), and in kuzg (W.) and tchog (S.)
Ex.
Wakhi Chini schkot-ung khalg “the person who breaks or
Sarikoli a-chin varakhtj-enj adam has broken, the eup.”
Wakht Chint schkodhn-kuzg khalg \) “the person who will break
Sarikoli a-chin varakht-ichoz adam or 1s in the habit of break-
ing, the cup.”
In this they resemble the Turanian languages.
4. Causatives or Transitives are generally formed in zv or wv (Wakhi),
and dnd and dn (Sarikoli).
Ex. Wakhi: nadhefs-an = to be dented
nadhefsiiv-an = to dent.
Sarikoli: d¢zeid-ao = to touch
bizeiddnd-ao = to cause to touch.
bizis-am = I touch
bizisdn-am = I cause to touch.
5. In compounds formed of two verbs, both of them generally vary
together, taking the terminations of the same person, instead of one of
them taking a Participial form, as in Persian, Urdu, &c.
Ex. vrasidham-diirzam = 1 cut I take
(I cut out)
instead of
dézg-rasidham = having taken I cut
or
rasang-dirzgam = having cut I take.
* Compare the Persian terminations of the Perfect tense (am, 7,° &c.), which are
ro 7 : = had APRs y
also used to replace the verb substantive (See Forbes Persian Gram. § 48). They
- 2x, Tr.
“oo om et Swe. * ~*~ Oy tn
170 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghaichah Langwages. (Wakhi). (No. 2,
TALES FROM FORBES’S PERSIAN GRAMMAR PUT INTO
WAKHY.
1. Y khale sa Aflatun-an porstei ki ghafch sAl da kishtj
one person from Plato (abl.) asked that many years in ship
tu darya satar at gokhtei da darya chiz ’ajaib at
wert sea, voyage (thou)* madest m sea what wonder (thou)
windei. Khattei ’ajab hém (ha-yem) tu ki sa darya-an
sawest? Hesaid wonder this was that from sea (abl.)
yikah-in saht am gottel.
(to) shore (abl.) safe (I) arrived.
2. IT diwana da Vv bai darwaza ragdel chiz
a beggar to arich man’s door went one thing
chaldei. Sa-khtn dost-an jawab wazdei ki kond da khin nast
asked for. From house inside (abl.) answer came that woman in house isnot.
Diwana khattei: chot khoch am chilgattiw, kénd am na-chilgattiw
Beggar said : piece bread (I) had asked for, woman (Ef) had notasked for
ki azi jawab am gottei.
that such answer (I) have got.
3. I’ hakim har wakt da kabristan rachanar-tu khti réimal da khi
a doctor whenever to graveyard ousedtogo his scarf to hig
sar da khi rii zwainar-tu; khalgisht pdérstei ki: ydo sabab chiz ké ?
head to his face used to wrap; people (pl.) asked that: its reason what?
khatte1: yem kabristan khalgiv-an khajal watsam yao jinib ki sa zii
he said: this graveyard people from ashamed Iam because that. from
daru-an mard ki.
my medicine they have died.
4. DP rwary’ mir khw potr mashan da shikar ragdei. Hawa shindr
one day a king own son, with to hunting went. Air hot
wittel. Mir da khi potr-an khii bét-a da i’ shtik-kh4k-kiize tan
became. King with his son his cloak to one jest-maker’s back
lakartei. Mir khandei khattei: Eh shtik-khak-kiizg da tao V khur_ vir
put. King smiled said: Oh jester to thee one donkey’s load
ap-kumut. Khattei: Balki bi’ khur vii.
there is. He said: Yea two donkeys’ load.
\». LP put-dam-ar khattei : chaloi ki ti dam _ rast
one crook-back to (they) said: desirest thou that thy back straight
wast ya digar khalgav dam ti dam rang put-dam
Should become or other people’s back thy back like crook-backed
wast? Khattei: chélgam ki digar khalgav dam put-dim wast
should become? He said: I desire that other people’s back crooked should become
seem to be mere contractions of the fuller form astam, asti, &c., which is also sometimes Me
used as a termination (or auxiliary verb) to the Perfect Tense (See Forbes, § 48. ¢). bis
But as the whole of the constant element (ast) of this latter form has disappeared in
the contracted form am, t, &c., it is evident that nothing can be left in the form am, 4, i"
&c., but relics of the pronouns. by
* ‘The English of the separable pronouns is put in brackets, by
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages. (Wakhi). 171
Se Z ee e ® aq <> < % «
latsar,* yao jib ki da-ya chazm-an yaisht a-maz vVinan waz yav
, because that with those eyes they (acc.)me see I them
sa VinamMm.
may see.
Gee ke ee ue sa sha’ir-an rizdei, jallad
one day a king from (with) poet (abl.) become angry, executioner
ramattei: ki da ZU. | prut shai. Jallad khangar wuzuman-ar
ordered that in my presence kill (him). Executioner sword to fetch
tagdei. Sha’ir hazir khalgav-ar khattei: ta khangar -wiiziiman-its
went. Poet present people to said: till sword fetching whilst
a-maz chipat diid ki mir khush wast latsar. Mir kandei, ydo
me slap strike (ye) that king happy may-become. King smiled his
sunah shokhhstei.
fault § passed over.
7. I khalg lup = martaba gottei. I dost mubarak gsokhn-
a person great dignity obtained, A friend congratulation in order-to
ar wazdel. Ya khalg porstei: tu kti, chiz-ar at wazdei? Ydo
do came, That person asked: thou who what for (thou) hast come? His
dost - sharminda vittei. Khatte1: A-maz na dish’-4? ti kadimi dost
friend ashamed became. He said: me not knowest? thy old friend
wuz; niuwn-ar da ti prit am wazdei; kshon-am ki kur
ee in order to weep into thy presence (I) came Theard that blind
at vitke1.+
(thou) hast become.
8. I khalg darwésh dastar dézdei rannei darwésh da-kabristan ragdei
a person beggar’s turban took fled beggar at grave-yard went
neinel. Khalgisht yar khattei: ki ya dhai ti dastar da bagh-
sat. People tohim said: that that man thy turban in garden
gana ytttei, da kabristan chiz-ar at nieng chiz
direction took away in grave-yard whatfor (thou) hast sat down what
sokh. Khattei: Yao ba akhir ha-dram ap -vizit.
dost (thou). Hesaid: He at the end to this very (place) will come.
Ha-yem jinib dram nieng-am.
Therefore here I have sat down.
9. I naksh-khak-kizg. da i shahr ragdei dra tabibi pursam
a picture-maker to a town went there doctoring beginning
gokhtei. Tsum rwar-an sibas i khalg sam diar-an da
made. Some days (abl.) after a person from his country (abl.) at that
* Latsar is the root or Imperative form of the verb datsar-an “to put.” Combined
with another verb it seems merely an intensitive, if not altogether superfluous. It will
be observed that the Optative 3rd person 1s rendered by the simple Imperative.
+ According to the form given in the grammar this ought to be merely vith (see
8rd pergon singular of the Perfect Tense). But 1 let it stand as above as taken down
by me. It may be a mistake, through a false analogy on the part of the illiterate man
from whom I took down the phrase; or it may indicate that the rule is not a hard and
fast one, |
RAO RICTECAE eA BO use ‘ Fs a j oe a eae srr
pe errand PF saya ‘. ) a promt arg ons ms ee
Saas iene ere Tee Ss cain Rasp peat ep PER pp ese faa eh aap ned pepe oene Pine LF re egTe
aes Bi ts: x Te oe a) Fy, v7 Cts ral er ate Mi his epee
ag B- « inhi AA ty he as FA zip? en Ada LAN RGAE: PLLA ALE OE
Lid SVE oe a FE BOIS BENE ES PE OANEANE HIND AAAL BONE ALAA LOE ao reer
at rm ret Ae hd it kalilo Ep SLA had it La Ll il RE lathe a
var os ART w+ » he weehe tt ih hes ros ‘oot , bp tee! oA mY 4 :
we hee At Mie + OY ta < r. Pe = —
4
AST S UB AH as td ire Lad
tei va a eed eet iene on eee |
bene mb a Pout aey a ¢° = irr
Z ay ae eae:
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(172 -R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Wakhi). — [No. 2,
shahr ghattei. Yao vindei porstei: Haniv chiz yerk goP* khattel: tabjbi
town arrived. Him saw asked: Now what work doest? said: doctoring
gom.* Porstei chiz-ar? Khattei, YAo q REA a agar dam yerk
Ido. Heasked whatfor? Hesaid, (for) that reason that if in this work
gunah gokham, shet yao pur-dést dikht.
fault Imake, earth it oninside (strikes) presses.
10. Mir Iskandar Zt-’]-karnain 1 rwar sa i fakir-an
King Alexander §Lord-of-two horns one day from a beggar
shékhbhstei. Khattei: Eh fakir, Sa, maz-an 1 chiz chale.
passed. by. Hesaid: Oh beggar, from me (abl.) something ask.
Khattei: Mags tashwish randan, ramai ki ma-randan. Mir
He said: flies trouble give, command that (they) should not give. King
khattei: sa maz-an i chiz chale ki da ziti hukm hiimiit. Fakir
said: from me (abl.) something ask that in my power maybe. Beggar
khatte1: agar mags da ti ikhtydr na hiimiit, sa tao-an _—chiz
said : if flies in thy power not may be from _ thee (abl.) what
chalgam ?
shall I ask P
11. I rwarikhalg khat-ar khattei ki har chiz da wundr da
one day a person self to said that whatever in earth in
asman hiimiit, kokht sa zu jinib = hiimiit; + a-mdz Khuda ghafch
heaven maybe all from (for) my sake may be (is); me God very
lup afrida gokhtel. Ya waktimags dam mis neinei. Khattej-
great created made. That time a fly on his nose alighted. It said:
iat > 2 Suzt takaburi 2a sazd. Yao jinib=— -ki
tothee such superciliousness —_is-not-becoming. (For) that reason that
har chiz da wundr da asman hiimiit, Khuda ti jinib afrida gokhtei ;
whatever in earth in heaven maybe, God (for) thy sake created made ;
balki a-tao sa Zu SAiib-an., Na dish’ 4 ki sa téo-an
but thee from (for) my sake (abl.) Perceivest-thou-not that than thee (abl.)
luptar am wuz.
greater (I) I,
12. Ikhale i bai sifat gokhtei. Hech chiz na _ gottei.
a& person a merchant’s praise made. nothing not received.
Yao sibds-an ghaibat gokhtei ; bai yaor hech chiz na _ khattei.
That after Slander made; merchant tohim any thing not said.
Bu rwar-an_ sibis yd khalg dam darwdza ragdei neinel. Bai
Two days (abl.) after that person athis gate went sat. Merchant
Khattei: Eh khalg! _ sifat at gokhte1, wuz hech chiz am na
said : Oh such-an-one! praise (thou) madest, I any thing (I) not
rattel1; ghaibat at sokhtei hech chiz am na khattei: haniv
gave; slander (thou) madest any thing (I) not said: now
dram. chiz-ar at nieng r Khattei: Haniv chalgam
in this (place) What for (thou) hast satdown? Hesaid: Now I desire
ki agar morid ti baid khanam.
that if thou mayest die thy lament I will sing.
* Go and gom short for gokh and gokham.
7
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1876. ] R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchaj, Languages. (Wakhi). 173
| Waxkut Tarn.*
I kampir tu. Yao-an i napus tu. I rwar yao napus khattei ki: Mir
dhagd mar khastaga katt. Kampir khattel ki: Yéo Mir himiit, sak fakir
hiimitin, yao khii dhagd randa. Yao napus khattei ki: Tu rach, hudda piir
maz. Kampir ragdei, khattei ki: I yupk-war chalgam. Mir khattei ki:
Tamshin lich diid. Chiz gi yit. Mir naukar-av tamshin ltich dikhtei. Pa .
khun ragdéi. Waz yao naptis stattei. Wd4z Mir khun ragdé. “ I yupk-war
chalgam,” khattei1. Mir khtii Wazir-ar khattei ki: Yem wows , tsl-rang
gon? Wazir khatter ki “kalinga tki katan. Yan pushit ap.”” “ Khhub,
kaling katit.”” Hazar kala, hazdr shutur, hazAr chat, hazdér yambu, hazar
lamkhab bot, hazar atlas bot, hazdr adras bot, haz4r arghumak yash, hazar
ghulam, hazar chori, kartei. Kampir khaffah vittei rag del.
Yao naptis porstei “Ha mitim, tsi-rang”. Kampir khattei: Yem rang,
yem rang, yem rang.” Napus khattei: “Ma’kul vinetk hiimiit, hudda
pur maz.” Yao napiis angiishtar kartei khattei ki: ‘“ Attim maliha dram
kokht paida wast latsar.” Ba dam-i-Suleimin Paighambar kartei; kékht
paida vittei, Mir priit khalg ramattei: “ Anjim am hazir eokhteli.
Mir khii anjam gokht latsar.” Mir hairan vittei waragnei. Khii Wazir-
an porstel ki: “'T'si rang gén?” Wazir khattei ki, “ Niv randan, hech
Mir tsa khii wa’dah-an na piishetk” Mir khattei: Anjam wiiziimit” Khale
ragdel, kaling wozomdei. Mir hairdn vittei. Da Mir kila na wistei. Toi-
av gokhtei yuttei.
Kampir naptis dai chil biabén sa ishn-an kila’ kartei. Mir dhagd
yuttei. J’ rwar tu, ki shikar nieshtei, ki kampir wazdei. Pérstei ki, Kam-
pir! chiz-ar at wazdei. Kampir khattei ki, Da Mir damad khun racham.
Mir damad da khii sibas kartei wozomdei. Mir dhagd khattei, A-yem
chizar at wozomdei, kampir khii pa-khtin ap na latsaran. Mir d4mad khat-
tel ki: Sam dhast-an chiz wizit. Mir dhagd khattei: Ti dil hiimiit.
P rwar damad shikar nieshtei. Kampir khattei, Ti dhai tar yurung na
tuwetk. Khii shafsh dez ino (?) nézd, da khti dhai priit ma-niiiz. “ Chiz-
ar na nitiz” khand-6, “Tu mar yurung-a na-tuwetk; tu mar yurungé,
angushtar mar rand,’ khan. Yao dhai wazde1, tam priit na nieshtei.
Khattei ki “chizar at zii priit na-nieshtei.”” Dhagd khattei. “Tu mar
yurung na-tiiwetk.” Khattei “tsi-rang yurungam nist.” Dhagd khattei
ki: Tao mar yurung hiimiii angiishtar mar rand. Yao dhai yaor rattei.
Waz shikar nieshtei, kampir khattei ki: Darya lab rachan. Da-daryé
lab ragdei. Kampir khattei: Ziii-an 1 charkh tei, sak ha-yao vidhawan. |
Mir dhagd vidhettei kampir katti ; ; ras tav-gokhtei, pa asman nieshtei ;
chap tav-gokhtei da-i shahr washtei. Ya shahr Mir kampir-ar i lak tillah
rattel. Kampir tillah dézdei tagdei.
* This seems to be merely a badly remembered story of the common Oriental be De.
But it will serve as an illustration of the Wakhi mode of speech.
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174 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Wakhi). | No. 2,
Yao naptis wazdei, ki yao kond nist. Ghafch khaffa vittei. l’maina
yao-an tu. Sa maina-an porstei: Tar-kum ragdei? Maina khattei ki-
Da-kampir-an katti tagde1. Naptis khattei ki: ‘Tsa-rang gén. Maina
khattei ki: “Wuz shahr ba-shahr gir-am shkur-am ; got-am-0 angushtar
mar rand-ap.” Yao khattei: Khhub, rach, tu waz amaz ma-bun. Maina
khattei, Wuz na bun-am.
Maina ragdei, shkurdei; sum sal shkurdei, gottei. Mir dhaed ang tish-
tar maina-’r rattel. Maina yuttei kampir napiis-ar rattei. Yao ba-dam-i-
Suleiman Paighambar karte. Yao kénd paida vittei, da khtt murad mak.
sud gottel.
TRANSLATION OF THE FOREGOING Waxut Tate.
There was an old woman. She had a grandson. One day her grandson
said: “Ask the King’s daughter (in marriage) for me, (lit. arrange a
betrothal).” ‘The old woman said: “He is a king, we are beggars; will.
he give his daughter (to you) ?” The grandson said: “Go thou ; the re-
sponsibility 1s on me.” The old woman went (and) said: “I desire a
drawer of water’”’.* The king said: “ Kick (her out). What dirt is she eat-
ing?’ The king’s servant kicked (her out). She went home. Again her
grandson sent (her), again she went to the king’s house. “TI desire a
drawer of water’, she said. The king said to his Wazir: “Shall we kill
her, (or) what shall we do?” ‘The Wazir said: “Let us appoint a large
(full) marriage settlement. From that she will turn back (7. e. she will be
unable to comply with it).” The king said: “ Good, appoint a marriage
settlement.” He appointed a thousand rams, a thousand camels, a thousand
cows, a thousand ‘ yambus,’+ a thousand brocade garments, a thousand satin
garments, a thousand silk garments, a thousand thorough-bred horses, a
thousand slaves, a thousand female slaves. The old woman became angry,
(and) went away. | |
Her grandson asked : “ Well, grandmother, how (go matters) r’”? The
old woman said: “Thus and thus.” The grandson replied: “It is agreed.
{ am answerable.” Her grandson drew on a ring and said: “ Let so much
goods be all produced on this spot.” With the breath of the Prophet Solo-
mon he drew it on. Every thing was produced. He sent people into the
presence or the king (saying), “I have made ready my arrangements, let the
king prepare his own.” The king remained in astonishment. He asked
his Wazir: “What shall we do?” The Wazir said: “We will now give
(the princess). No king has turned back from his promise.” The king
said, “Take his preparations.”” The people went and brought the marriage
gift (of the bridegroom). The king was astounded. It could not be
* Wakhi mode of asking for a wife.
+ A Chinese silver piece in the shape of a shoe, worth about £17 and current in
Eastern Turkistgn.
ss
alt
Fens
hl
py
1876.) © R. B. Shaw—On the Chalchah Languages. (Wakhi). 175
contained in the king’s castle. They made the marriage and took away (the
bride). |
The old woman’s grandson made a fortress of iron in a desert, (and)
took the king’s daughter (there). One day it so happened that he went
out hunting. The old woman came. He asked, ‘“‘Old woman! where-
fore hast thou come ?”? The old woman said, “I am going to the house of
the king’s son-in-law.”
The king’s son-in-law put (her) behind him (on his horse) and brought
her (home). The king’s daughter said: “ Why hast thou brought her ?
We will not put the old woman in our house.” The king’s son-
in-law said: “ From her hand what will come (what harm will she do) ?”
The king’s daughter said : “ It will be thy heart (?)”
One day the son-in-law went out to hunt. The old woman said: “Thy
husband does not love thee, undo thy hair and sit weeping, do not go forth
into thy husband’s presence. If he says ‘ Why dost thou not come forth ?”
say, ‘Thou dost not love me; if thou lovest me give me (thy) ring.’ ”
‘Her husband came, she went not forth into his presence. He said:
“ Wherefore camest thou not into my presence ?” The girl said: “Thou dost
not love me.” He said: “ How do I not love (thee) ?” The girl said: “ If
thou lovest me, give me (thy) ring.’ Her husband gave (it) to her.
Again he went out to hunt. The old woman said, “Let us go to the
river bank.” They went to the river bank. The old woman said: “I have
a (spinning) wheel (to me there is a wheel), let us ride on it.” The king’s
daughter rode with the old woman. She turned (the wheel) to-the right, it
ascended to the sky ; she turned it to the left, it descended in a certain city.
The king of that city gave the old woman a lak of tillas. The old
woman took the tillas and went away. |
Her grandson came (home) ; his wite is not (there). He became very
troubled. He had a talking-bird, from it he enquired: “Whither has she
gone?” The bird answered: “She has gone with the old woman.’’ The
grandson said: “How shall we do?” The bird said: “I will go round
city by city and will search ; if I find her, she will give me the ring.”” He
said: “ All right, vo. Do not again (?) me. The bird said ::I will
hot —— (?) .
The bird went and searched; for several years it searched (and at
last) found (them). The king’s daughter gave the ring to the bird. The
bird took it away and gave it to the old woman’s grandson. He with the
breath of the Prophet: Solomon. drew it on. His wite appeared, and he at- |
tained to his desire. ?
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176 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Satikoli). [No. él
TALES FROM FORBES’S GRAMMAR PUT INTO SARIKOLY,
1. I khalg az Aflatun porst ki: Hitch gal ar-kima at
a person from Plato asked that: Many years to ship (thou)
vud, daryé safar at chaug; ar darya tséz tamadsh4 at wand ?
wast sea voyage (thou) madest to sea what strange things (thou) sawest?
Levd ko: ’Ajab yt vid az dary4 pa mi kash am faribt
Replhed that strange this was from sea to this shore (f) arrived.
2. I gadai bai pa darwaza stit 4 ehizi talibt.
a beggar rich man’s to door went a thing (something) desired
Ched az dartm jawab yat ko khanzdh pa chéd niest. Gadai levd
House from inside answer came that lady at home isnot. Beggar said
ko: J kond khpik am _ talibtjit a-khanzoh am na talibtjit
that: a piece of bread (I) had desired (acc.) lady (I) not had desired
ko dos jawab am _ viig.
that such answer (I) obtained.
a I habib har-wakt pa kabristan set-ar vid, kht
a (certain) doctor whenever to grave-yard was-going Own
ehadir kh’ ar-kal kh’ ar-pets parwid-ar-viid. Mardum pérst ko:
scarf own to head own to face used-to-wrap. Men asked that;
Mi = sabab tséez? Levd ko: Az mi kabristan-enj murdha kha-
Of this reason what? He said that from this erave-yard. (adj.) corpses asham-
jal som, wi ivon choi mu av dawidav_ khiigj maugy.
ed Iam (I go) because whoever my (they) medicines have caten have died.
4. IT math i padkhah shahzdda katti ghiéu nakhtiig ; Khér jirm
one day a king: prince with hunting went out air hot
sut. Padkhah at shahzida khiit ’v lél maskharah chti sevd
became. King and _ prince own (they) cloaks _ jester’s on back
lachaug. Padkhah shiind levd: Eh maskharah! tt indér i shér wez
placed. King smiled said: Oh jester thee on an ass’s_ load
yost. Maskharah levd ko: Badki dh& shér wez.
18, Jester said that: Yes two ass’s loads. |
o. Khale i duk-ar av levd ko: Talab-a ko tt
People a crook-back to (they) said that: Desirest thou that thy
dom khez tsa-s4od, yu judu khalg dom -tit rang cherd tsa-
back straight Should-become, or other people’s backs thy like crooked should
siod P — Levd “ko <= TalAbeams ko judu khale dom duk _ tsa-
becomie? Hesaid that: JI desire that other people’s backs crooked should
saod, W1-lvon wi tsem katti a-mu weinin, waz a-wit
become, because (so that) those eyes with (acc.) me they see, I (acc.) then
tsa welnam.
may see.
1876.| RK. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). Liz
6. I math i padkhahi ar sha’ir ar _ stit. Jallad-ir ramod
one day a king a to poet angry became. Executioner to ordered
ko: mu prut zan. Jallad a-medhj veg-ir titid. Sha’ir
that: (in) my presence slay. Executioner (ace.) sword to-fetch went. Part
hazirav-ir levd ko: a mu chupatak dhoid, ko padkhah khush
present people-to said that: (acc.) me slaps strike ye, that king happy
sdod. Padkhah shiind; u az gundh narzéd.
may be. King smiled; and from fault passed over.
7. I khalg laur martabah viiz. I dest wir priit a-
a person great dignity obtained. A friend to him before (acc.)
wil wand-ir suit. Wi dest pérst ko: Chéi taoP tséz-ar
him inorder to see went. His friend asked that: who (art) thou? what for
at yatP Yu dest kharmindah sitt. Levd ko: A-mu na
(thou) camest? That friend ashamed became. He said that: (acc.) Me no
padzan-4. Tii-yan kadim-inj dest am waz. Matam ivon am tu
knowest ? Of-thine old (adj.) friend (I) I. Condolence for (1) these
prut yat, khedhjit-am taéo at kaur _sedhj.
before came, [had heard thou (thou) blind hast become.
8. I khalg i darwésh dasttir zukht ratstist. Darwésh ar-kabristan
a person a beggar’s turban took fied. Beggar to grave-yard
sut nalust. Mardum wi-’r levd ko: “Yi Adam ti dasttir tar
went satdown. Men himto said that: “Thatman thy turban towards
bagh-gunah yud, tséz ivon at ar-kabristan naliisti,
garden direction tookaway, what for (thou) to grave-yard hast sat down,
tsez kan dud?” Levd ko: “Yimas akhir dud yAdhd; wi
what doest here?’ Hesaid that: “He also atlast here will come; that
a
ivon am dud nalust}.
for (I) here have sat down.
SARIKOLY TALES.
. L
1. I nék i badh viid. 2. Wodh dhau av safar titid. 3. Chan-
din math av pond titid. 4. Wikech marzun sitt. 5. Nek levd badh-ir:
I ghov khpik mu’r dha. - 6. Badh levd ko: T4o kh’ tsem kaur kan, tom waz
tir dhim. 7. Nek khti tsem chafand, aziim av titid. 8. GChand{n math-
on] pond av titid. Waz wi kech marzun stit. 9. Nék levd ko: I ghov kkhpik
mur dha. 10. Badh levd ko: I sari tsem mas chafan, tom ti’r dham.
11. Virttsem kaur stit. Badh titid, nek réid. 12. I math cht: biur naltst.
Khum (sham) siit. I ktid yat. 13. Kiid az dhum wadhord. Kitid a-wi kutal-
kha ytd. I pa garma duwust at khab'stit. 14. B’ad az wakt i khithp
i yurkh i rapts i void yat. Yitirkh az rapts porst ko: Téo at ko-jui viid
178 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikolt). [No. 2,
15. Rapts levd ko: Waz am nur padkhah ar-khar (shahr) vid, 16,
Yiirkh levd ko; Tséz khabar yost P Rapts levd ko: PAdkhah khii Wazir-av
katti dar ghazab sedhj. Padkhah-an i radzin kaur sedhj. PAdkhah khit
wazir-av-ir levd ko: Tamash tabib varéit vorit. 17. Khithp levd ko: Eh
ahmAk at Padkhah ! tt mul ar-dartin i khéin réidz yost. A-wi réidz tsa vird,
reidz ar- pagh tsa zOzd, wi tsem tazo saod. 18. Ytirkh levd ko: Eh pears |
at! garma prut i savz chinar yost. Chinar pa bitin i kaul yost. Har rang
kaur tsa vid, az chinar wadhord, 1 dhtist ar kaul dhid, az kaul zdzd tar ddieks
roft, az chinar zozd, khtt tar tsem roft, wi tsem tdzo saod.
19. A-di gap garma-yenj kaur khiid; pigan aztim ind&ud ndkhtiie.
90. Siit chindr pa biin. Az chinar eit. khui a-dhiist dhéd ar-kaul, rift
tar chinar ; rift khtitartsem. W41 tsem t4z6 siit. 21. Aziim ind4ud tid.
Padkhah ar-khar sit, ko Padkhah a-wazir-av jam’ chaugj. 22. Az wazir-
av porst ko: “ Niir tamash-ir dhés math-onj karar viid. Niir a-tamdsh Petes
am.’ 23. Nék levd ko: Eh! PAdkhah ‘Alam, mef a-gunah 1 math- -On]
talib-am. PaAdkhah levd ko: Ma’akul. 24. Nék levd ko: mu’r hukm saud.
6 Padkhah radzin a-tsem tazd kan-am. 25. PaAdkh4h leyd ko: mu
radzin a-tsem t4z0 kan-6 a-wi tiir dh4m. 26. Nék levd ko: Tii ar-m4] j
khoin réidz yost. Mur vor. 27. A-wi réidz vaug kékht. Wi a-talkh4
gukht. Padkhah radzin chii-tsem viist. Wi tsem t4zé siit. 28. Pigan-
adh Padkhah-ar khabar stitt radzin tsem taézé stit. Padkhah khush-wakt
stit. Levd ko: kiw kait vorid. 29. Padkhah khez av yat. Levd ko:
khu radzin tur tsa dham khush-wakt soy-4. 80. Nék levd ko: Eh!
Padkhah! tao pid waz pots. Khti a-radzin nek-ir dhad. 81. PAdkhdh levd
ko: Kh! pots, nakhti chi takht. Nék nakhtiig chii takht. |
32. Chandin math az-zabd badh yat. “ As-sal4m aleikum.’’ Nék levd
ko: “ Aleikum as-salam. Tséz talab tii-yan yost.’? 88. Badh levd ko:
“Eh! Padkhah. Ghazina-i-ghaib az tt talab-am.” Levd ko: “ Charj saud,
So, falan jai i garma yost. Garma pa dariin durr khurjin yost; 14] sandik
yost ; a-wi mur 20z vor ; 14’1 sandik mur-i, durr khurjin tiir-i.” 34. Khair
az-Uum rawan sut tid. Sit garma pa dariin. Khég-ir Ash, pamég-ir 14],
az1chiz be-ajat. 385. Badh levd ko: Eh Khuda! waz am dhéw sedhj-
a, a-mi padkhah-’r yussam-4. Khii-bath khor-am aldsam. 86. Khair;
khab sut. Yurkh, void, khithp, rapts y4t. Ghaul wodhd ko: Az dariin
sherta nakhtiig. 387. Khithp levd ko: Eh! yiirkh,ishdm kan. Yiirkh
a-sham zukht ; a-divir hat chaug. Khalg naliisj. 38. Yiirkh khuj dhaug ;
imvr taklif data: ; khithp déid. Wi kech kond chaug. Badh maug.
ia&
1. 4 churik-an hardi péts viid. I math churik wasiyat chaug ee
Albatta, albatta, kéno khadorj yost, pa khadhorj i-tsemi baba yost, wi khez
ma so, yu adam khird. Levd, maug. 2. Péts khél levd ko: Mash sén.
a
es
1876.] R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikolt). 179
Dziil pots levd ko: nasém. Laur pots levd ko: s6m. 3. Aziim suit, levd
ko: As-salim aleikum, wa aleikum as-saldm. Sehat-at-4. Levd shiikri, 4,
Levd ko: Eh pots, ko jui so. Levd ko, mu’-At4-an | pron. m’dtd’n] ghazina
vud par-wiam yat. 5. Baba levd ko: Eh pots! be wakt at yithj. Niir
aud khab-ar risan. YU ghadha khab-ar réid. 6. BAbA levd ko: Tao mu’r
farzand so, waz khu radzin tir dhdm. 7. Levd ko; Tséz kizmat tiir kan-
am. Baba levd ko: I shér yost, wi surun patao. Mu-yani khislat yost.
Tu kahr yadhd-6 waz ti a tsem kau-am. Mou’r kahr yadhd-6, tao mu a tsem
kau. Ghadha levd ko: Ma’akial. |
8. Pigan indaud ;1 ketman wi’r dhad. “ 8d, sher surun patao.” Ghadh4
stit, ko divir hat na sut a-divir az garg chaug deid. 9. I math chii-biur
tizd, ad4 na sit. YAt, a-ketman pataod. 10. Churik levd ko: Ti kahr
yat-a. Ghadha levd ko: Mu kahr nei, ko tao at amu zed. 11. Churik
indaud, wi tsem kaud. 12. Dhau-ado pots uz yét. Churik levd ko: Eh pots
tsez-ar at yat ? Ghadha levd ko: Kh&b i vréd mu-yan (y)ithjit. A-wi am
khkaig-ir yat. 18. Churik levd ko: khuj ma dhor. Tit 4ta-an fulan ji
ghazina yost. Titi vréd par witittid. 14. Tao mu’r khez nith. I shér mu-
yan yost ; tao wi surun patao. Waz kht radzin ttr dhim. 15. Ghadh4
pigan-athnakhtug. Sher a-surun pataod. 16. Churik levd ko: Pigan
az jangal zez vor. Sher-ar levd ko: Chit ttt g-dhakhtd tao alas.
17. Ghadha a-shér det tttid. Az jangal zez chit shér dhakht. Shér alttid
indaid-ir na chimbd. 18. Ghadha a-chog tizd. Wi ghaul khehakht. 19.
Sher aztm a-zez zukht ratstist, yat pa divir. 20. Churik porst ko: Eh Sher!
tao at tsa’r yat. Sher levd ko: Eh kaur ! tao mu ghaul na wain-4. Ghadha
mu ghaul khchakht. 21. Churik levd ko: Ah bala! sheér ghaul at tsa’r
khehakht. Ghadha levd ko: Ah pid! tu kahr yat-4. 21. Churik levd:
Mu kahr yat. Ghadha zibet, wi tsem kaud. Churik maug.
IIt.
1. I bai vid. Bai-an hardi pots vid, dha’r gal dha ’azar mao vid. 2.
I math levd ko: 6 pots, az mal khabar zéz. Laur pots, tuid, a-mal jama’
chaug, ar-gal dhad. Khab pa divirkhuvd. 38. Barabari khaib viid ko dha
vurjin yat, a-mal az gal det. Wi laur pots padkhah a-radzin wadhord. 4.
Radzin levd ko: a-mu ma wadhor, m4l mu-yan. Laur pots levd ko: mu-
yan. 5. Radzin levd ko: tao amuz6z. Waz a-mal na dem. Laur pots levd
ko: Waz a-tu z6z-am ; waz som kh’ até khez. 6. Aziim stit khti 4ta khez.
Ata levd ko ; Bala ! tséz hayal at sttt. 7. Levd Padkhah radzin a-mal mu’r na
dhad. Ata levd: Tsdz-ir na dhad. 8. Padkhdh radzin levd ko; Bai a-mu
kh’ pots-ir dhid-6, waz a-mal dham. 9. At& porst ko: PAdkh4h radzin yis-
a. Laur podts levd ko, na yiis-am. 10. Az madhdn-sedhj pdts porst:
Padkhah radzin yts-4. Wi levd. Na yusam. 11. Az dziil pots porst ;
Levd ko yiisam. Pid levd ko: te sén. 12. Stt Padkhah khez. PaAdkhah
khu radzin dhad.
, - 8 tere ? 22 22 ——
PO aE oe ae ee ~
180 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2
y]
13. Mardum mubarak-bad-ir yét: “Ha PAdkhah! mubarak vid, mu-
barak vid. Khub Padkhah at vedhj. Makhorj darakht tit-yan na vedhj.”’
14. Levd ko: A-mi choi vareid. Mardum levd ko: A-mi ttt dAam4d va.
réid. 15. Wi daméad khaita sit, levd ko: Rozagdr i nek khez sém. Levd,
sd. 16. Aziim sttt. Levd ko: Eh Rozagar i nek! Padkh4h mu’r levd ko-
Makhorj darakht varé. Wazazku varéam. 17. Wi ghin levd: Gham
ma kan. Neéw past khi’r shira taz. Néw past kht vurj-ir shira taz.
AY-VUr] SUWAL- 80... c060e5 0.01. vur] a-tt dary& pa-lab yist, khit vurj-ar
chil kamchi dha, vurj ar-darya (?) ghiit dhid...... |
LireraL TRANSLATION OF THE ABOVE.
I.
1. (There) were (two men,) one good (and) one bad. 2. They
went a journey. 8. (They) went several days’ road. 4. Their stomachs
became hungry. 5. ‘The good (one) said to the bad: Give me a piece of
bread. 6. The bad one said: Thou, make (thine) own eye blind, then
I will give thee (some bread). 7. The good (one) pierced (his) own eye.
Thence. they went (on). 8. Several days’ road they went. Again their
stomachs became hungry. 9. The good (one) said: Give mea plece of
bread. 10. The bad (one) said: Pierce also the eye (of the) one side
(which remains), then I will give thee (some bread). 11. Both (his)
eyes (thus) became blind. The bad (one) went (on), the good (one) re-
mained. 12. He sat one day on (till) evening. (It) became evening, A
dog came. 13. He laid hold by the dog’s tail [lit. dog’s from tail].
The dog leading (him) took him away. Brought him into a cave and went
(to) sleep. |
14. After a time, a wolf, a bear, a fox, a night-mare (!) came. The
bear asked the fox: Thou, where wert thou? 15. The fox said: I was
to-day to (at) the king’s town. 16. The bear said: What news is
(there) ? The fox said: The king has become angry with his Wazirs. A
daughter of the king’s has become blind. The king said to his Wazirs:
Find a doctor (and) bring (him). 17. The wolf said: Ah! thou (art)
atoolish king. Amongst thy flocks [lit. thy flocks’ to inside] (there) is a
blue goat. If he brings that goat, (and) takes the goat’s skin, her eyes
will become (renewed). 18. The bear said: Ah! thou fool, before the
cave (there) is a green plane-tree. At the foot of the plane-tree (there)
is a pool. What kind go-every (of) blind person (there) may be, (if) he
lays hold of the plane-tree, puts [strikes] one hand into the pool, takes
(water) from the pool, smears Gt) on to the plane-tree, takes from the
plane-tree, (and) smears Gt) on to (his) own eyes, his eyes will become
renewed.
L376.) Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoliy. tS8i
19. The blind man who was in the cave [lit. the in-the-cave (adj.)
blind man] heard this speech ; next day he rose up thence (and) went out.
20. He went to the foot of the plane-tree. He laid hold of the plane-tree,
struck his hand into the pool, smeared (water) on to the plane-tree, smeared
[to] his own eyes. His eyes became renewed. 21. He rose up thence
(and) went (away). He went to the kine’s city ; when [that] the king had
[has] assembled (his) wazirs. 22. He interrogated his wazirs (saying) :
To-day, your ten days’ agreement is up [t. to you ten-days’ (adj.) agree-
ment was]. To-day I slay you. 23. The good (hero of the tale) said: Oh
king of the world! I beg (off the punishment of) their fault for one day.
The king said: All right. 24. The good one said: If the order be
(given) to me, I will cure (renew) the eyes of the king’s daughter. 25.
The king said : If thou curest my daughter’s eyes, I will give her to thee.
26. ‘The good one said: Amongst thy flocks (there) isa blue goat. Bring
Gt) to me. 27. He brought that goat (and) flayed Git). He took its
gall (and) bound (it) on to the eyes of the king’s daughter. Her eyes
became renewed. 28. Next morning news went to the king (that) (his)
daughter’s eyes were cured. The king rejoiced. He said: Call (them and)
bring (them). They came before the king. He said: If I give thee my
daughter wilt thou be glad. 80. The good one said: Oh king! thou (art
my) father, I (am thy) son. He gave his daughter to the good one. 81.
The king said: Oh son! mount on the throne. The good one mounted on
the throne.
82. After some days the bad one came. (He said) Peace be with you.
The good one replied: And with you be peace. What is thy desire | lit.
what desire of thine is (there)]. 88. The bad one said: Oh king! I desire
a hidden treasure from thee. He replied: (It) is good. Go, in sucha
place (there) is a cave. Inside the cave (there) is a sack of pearls, (there)
is a box of rubies. Take (and) bring them [it] to me. The box of rubies
(shall be) for me, the sack of pearls for thee. 84. Well, thence he started
(and) went. He went into the cave. (There was) food to eat, clothes to
put on, no lack of any thing [lit. from one thing not lack]. 85. The bad
one said: Oh God! have I become mad? Shall I take this to the king?
By myself I will eat, I will lie down. 86. Well, (it) became night. The
bear, the night-mare, the wolf, the fox, came. (They) gave ear (and
heard) that a sound came from within. 37. The wolf said: Oh bear! show
[make] a light. The bear took (a) candle (and) opened the door. (A)
person was sitting (there) [lit. person has sat down]. 88. The bear felt
fear; each invited the other (to enter) [lit. one to this one gave trouble* ].
* The expression, taklif kardan, “to give trouble,’ “to trouble,” is a common
oriental one for “inviting in’, answering to the French “ donnez-vous la peine d’en-
trer.’’
; Lapp
if ihe oe
fei) Prey
LOL AEA AT
tol
Ps ape
ihe We be fae
tile as al Xcel taal cade
ns
Lf bse es
4
h
S
ae
‘3
4
Sw
sea
+. ‘4
in
3
sia
|
_—.
=e
=
“
Pr
+§
+e
182 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. (Sarikoli). [No. 2,
The wolf entered. He tore [made] his stomach (to) pieces. The bad one
died. .
IL. | 1!
1. A (certain) man had three sons [lit. of one man (there) were three
sons]. One day the man gave (them) a dying warning, (saying): Truly, »
truly ; (there) is an old mill; in the mill (there) is a one-eyed old man; 45
go not before him; he eats men. He said (and) died. 2. The sons said : ;
We will go. The younger [little] son said: Igo not. The elder son
said: I go. 8. Thence he went (and) said: The peace be with you. ,
(The old man replied) And with you be the peace. Art thou in (good)
health ? (The son) replied: Thanks. 4. (The old man) said: Oh (my)
son! whither goest thou? He replied: There was a treasure of my
father’s. ‘To (seek) it Icome. 5. The old man said: Oh son! thou |
hast come untimely. To-day we will remain here for the night. That |
boy remained for the night. 6. The old man said: (Do) thou become H
a son to me; I will give thee my daughter. 7. He said: What service |
shall I do thee? ‘The old man replied: (There) is an ass, throw away
its dung. (There) is a custom of mine. If thine anger comes (if thou
becomest angry), I will dig out thine eyes. If my anger comes, (do) thou
dig out my eyes. ‘The boy said: All right. |
8. Next day he rose (and) gave him a hoe (saying): Go, cast away
the ass’s dung. The boy went (and found) that the door (would) not
open. He took [made] the door off its hinge (and) entered. 9. (For)
a (whole) day till evening he removed (the dung). (The work) was not
completed. He came (in, and) threw down the hoe. 10. The man said:
Has thy anger come? The boy replied: Am I not angry [lit. my anger
not?| that thou (hast) killed me (with hard work). 11. The man th
arose (and) dug out his eyes. 12. The second son again, came. ‘The | t
man said: Oh son! what for (hast) thou come? The boy replied: (Last) oy
night a brother of mine had come (here). JI came in order to seek him. Thi
13. The man said: Feel not afraid; (there) is a treasury of thy father’s :
—y
a ao
——)
ol
ae —
aS => BSS Sa =
S- ES oe SO
—— ——
E
in such a place; thy brother (is) gone to it. 14. (Do) thou sit down lay
before me. (There) is an ass of mine. (Do) thou cast away its dung. I ly
will give thee my daughter. 15. Next day the boy went out. He cast Ny.
away the ass’s dung. 16. The man said: To-morrow bring fuel from the 4 vi,
forest. To the ass he said: If he loads (it) on thee, (do thou) lie down. uy
17. The boy drove the ass (and) went. He loaded fuel from the forest ti
on the ass. The ass lay down, and consented not to get up (again). 18. by
The boy drew (his) knife (and) cut off its ear. 19. The ass took the .
(load of) fuel thence, (and) ran away, (and) came to the door. 20. The 7 ,
man asked: Oh ass! what for (art) thou come. The ass replied: Eh!
i876.| RK. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchal, Languages. (Sarikoli). «188
(thou) blind man, seest thou not my ear? The boy (has) cut off my ear.
21. ‘The man said: Oh child! what foy (hast) thou cut off the ass’s ear ?
The boy replied: Oh father ! (has) thy anger come? 22. The man said:
“My anger (has) come.” The boy sprung up (and) dug out his eyes.
The man died. |
ITT.
1. (There) was a rich man. The rich man had three sons. In two
folds (there) were two thousand sheep. 2. One day he said: Go, son,
(and) take knowledge of the flocks. The eldest son went (and) gathered
together the flocks, and put (gave) them into the folds. At night he slept
at the door. 38. The night was over (?) when two horsemen came, (and)
drove the flocks from the fold. That eldest son seized (one of the riders
who turned out to be) the king’s daughter. 4. The girl said: Seize me not,
the flocks (are) mine. The eldest son replied: Mine. 5. The girl said:
(Do) thou take me (to wife) ; I will not drive (away) the flocks. The
eldest son said: I will take thee (to wite). I will go before my father.
6. He went thence (and came) before his father. The father said: Child!
What delay has occurred to thee? 7. He said: The king’s daughter
(would) not give me the flocks. The father said: What for did she not
give (them) P 8. The king’s daughter replied: If the rich man gives
me to his son (to wife), I will give up the flocks. 9. The father asked -
Wilt thou take the king’s daughter? The eldest son replied: I will not
take (her). 10. He asked the second son [lit. from middle-being son] :
Wilt thou take the king’s daughter (to wife) ? That (one) replied : I will
not take her. 11. He asked the youngest [little] son. He replied. 4
will take her.”? The father said - (—) We will go. 12. They went be-
fore the king. The king gave his daughter.
13. People came to (make their) congratulations. “Well, Kung ! may
(she) be happy, may (she) be happy! Thou hast been a good king.
(But) thou hast not possessed a coral tree | lit. a coral tree of thine has not
existed |.” 14. He said: Who shall find this? The men replied: Thy son-
in-law will find this. 15. His son-in-law became troubled. He said: I
will go before my wife [lit. my good allotment or portion].* (The king)
replied: Go. 16. Thence he went, and said: Oh wife! the king (has)
said to me, Find a coral tree. Whence shall I find Gty? 17. - Ais-wwaite
said: Grieve not. Draw on nine skins (as a) covering to thyself. Draw
on nine skins (as a) covering to thy horse. Mount the horse... . the
horse will take thee to the river bank ; strike thy horse forty (strokes of
the) whip, the horse will plunge into the river. .....
|The remainder of the MS. has become undecipherable. |
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|
199 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghaichah Languages.
VOCABULARY.
A. Wakht. Sarckoli.
to be able. . *karsar-an
karsar-am
karkogn-am
karkakhk
above, over (post position) tsa ——— wuch-an - 82 - ter, az ter
above, up (adv.) . Wel =. . ter
to abuse varend-ak . rand-ao
varand-am . Yran-am —
varatam . rand-am
varendetk . rand]
to accompany se... kamtu watsn IT. W. kamtii set-ao TS,
account, number . gee ee . asub A.
on account of 7 jmib . ; 1von
accoutrements. . asbab . oF. sen E:
acute (metaph.) . ee tgs ee pe ok. De ee
an adze . Wajak . wajak
ill advised, who will not
take counsel . nazakhht naghukht
to affect, to stain, to profit nadhevs-an . ; nadhevd-ao
to be atraid, to fear
atresh :
alter (p. p.). ;
nadhevs-am .
nadhevd-am .
nadhatk
washuk-an ,
washi-am
washt-am
wusheth eee
tsa-sar-an sy.
tsa an sibas .
tsa sibis — an
atterwards, behind (adv.) tsibas
again, moreover, also other waz.
age (years) : sal
aged, old.
khhiar
&
Pp.
P. sal
P. pir
nadhivs-am, nadhavs-t
nadhevd-am
nadhevdj
khuj dheigao
—— dhor-am
ae dhaug ~alih
——— dhaugyt
az kar
az zabo
zabod
AZ,
zabo
wuz
os)
P
s
* The four words in each dialect opposite each English verb, are the four forms
required to be known in order to conjugate the verb, viz. the Root or Infinitive Form,
the Present, the Past, and the Perfect. “Where there are two forms in the second place,
the latter of the two is the 3rd Person Singular.
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
Wakhi.
to agree, to consent . kamei-n
kami-am
| kimict :
kamat-am
kametk
agreement, concord, asht :
karawal dirz-an ‘T.
to aim : :
all 5 . kokht
to allow (see to put) latsar-an
alone = Oe
along (prep.) following a
road, river, &¢.,
also. : : ;
an ambush, a man placed
inambush = malish tserak-kuze
anambuscade . mialish ;
to le in ambush malish tserak
amongst
and .. | ; ed
anger, wrath . kar A. ghash
ding, riz-an
yiz-am.
rizd-arn
rizetk
ancient, former . . mis-ung
animal’s droppings . poshk
an animal’s lex. . long
a riding animal, a‘monture’ wulagh
toannoy. . khata khak
annoyed, troubled. . khafa
an answer, reply . . jawab
an ant . mir-prich
(king worm)
anantler schao
— Sartkoli.
-chimbd-ao
; chomb-am
chimbd-am
chimbd]
P. ukht
W. chokand-ao
chokan-am
chokand-am.
chokand}
fitk
. lacheig-ae
iw]
pas
mas
sord-ichoz
. sord, malikh
. gord-20
sur-am
surd-am
surd]
darun.
at
. kar (kabr) A.
to be, or become angry. ghash gokh-an, dar kar ar set-ao, dar kar dhad-
aod
prod-en]
bukan
. lang
. wulugh
khafa cheigao
. khata
, juwub
chumeli
Khao
nr 4% aa
inti hil Ge eee og
CO ESL PL GFE
- he A ho Ad
a =
ee ee ed — ¢ ——e .
ay fe ot Akl ats ig
4 ; fs? £ Sos
Cv~mr re ten — “
: ‘ r 4a tt
BWAVLO Gs os ah
4 te) .
Pep titics —~s g. bidbntadt
hh bilder Vins aa. ae ehbul
only pL A ee AS ad
* é
—-
Ai
194 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghaichah Languages. [No. 2,
| Wakhi. Sartkolt.
an anvil . sandal . sandal T.
any one . hech kii . . PP. W. hech choi PS
to appear. ~ sudhti-n. . . nhamaid-ao be
sudhiy-am . nhamay-am
sadhoid-am . . namaid-am
sudhuyetk . . namaidy
appearance . : . taney . . rang
an apple I man
apricot : , ehiwan ; . nosh
arid, dry . wesk . oo
to arise : . giZ-D = . indeid-ao
oiz-am. : . iIndiz-am
sozd-am ; : . indaud-am
SOLS, : . indaudy
anarmtul . ae . mmaghaul
anarmpit . ee - bijel 2 E.
arms, weapons. 2 as0aD. P. yeragh fe
an army . lushkar P. lakhkar - ie
to arouse, to cause to stand giziv-n : - IndeizAnd-ao
up Py IeUy Hi Joy . Indauzan-am
sizovd-am . . Indauzand-am
sizuveth . indauzand]
to arrange, to appoint (to
throw) . : . katak |
to arrange in a line . katarlatsaran . A. katar lacheigao A.
to arrest. . pichrakhh-n . pachrakbht-ao )
pachrakhh-am . pachrekhh-am ;
pachrakhht-am . pachrakhht-am |
pachrakhhetk . pachrakbhty :
also. . : . putrum-n . . padromd-ao |
putrum-am . padromb-am
patramd-am . padrombd-am
putrumetk . padrombdy |
to arrive, to reach . *gat-ak : . farebt-ao -
| gat-am ; . tarobs-am. i
gatt-am . faribt-am
gatetk . . faribty
an arrow. eee pudh © :
articulation, a jomt . band . ; a. pane P.
* The g in italic represents the softer sound of the ghain mentioned above (see
Sounds), resembling the German g in tage, |
2é vets Sf ALD
Fehr FS i ari doy
4 ©
some =, — Spe beef ° ~ Car? = -—+- —_
" Tretgtas i. -
iA Ras SSIS bh te
.
¥
? 1876.] R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Lanquages. 195 ‘
: Wakhi. Sarikolt. |
af an artizan '. : . ustadh . P. ustddh P. a
ashes, cinders -= pate =. . thier ‘3
; to ask, also to have juris- | : z
diction over. . pors-an : . porst-a0 .
Je’ pors-aM 1... > . - porsam 2
porst-am si, ; . porst-am a
porsetk ; . porsty | 4
an ass : ; .. khur ; . sher (from khar P.) 3
A ajack-ass. ; - hangi khhur. . T. P. hangi shér Top:
a female ass . : . macha khhur . markab shér A. P.
a young ass = . kuat — oes . té khar P.
a wild ass (Equus hemionus),
found on Pamir . + kulan—; a . kulan 7
an assemblage . . ma’reka A. ma’reka A.
to assemble together, to
be assembled . ghort watsn . wikht] setao
assistance . . kumok T. kumak YF,
to attain, to touch . parva-in . bezeid-ao
parve-am : . bizis-am
parvet-am . . bizeid-am
parvetk . bizedhj
; to cause to attain, to hit parvev-an . . bizeidand-ao
with a missile . . parvev-am . ; . bizeisan-am
| parvédvd-am . .° bizewand-am
7 parvevetk . . bizeisan]
anaugury,anomen . mutr . . tal A.
a maternal aunt --*voch* . . vits
autumn : . tirma 2 RP. -pidz -
to awake, to wake up . agah watsn . P. W. agah setao PS.
an awl : fo. “isnt : . tsarz
an axe, a hatchet oon : ; . baldah LE
B.
to babble, also to talk in brém-n . wardhid-ao
one’s sleep . » brameam —; ; . wardhau-am
- bramd-am . . wardhiid-am
[ brametk . «. « wardhiidj
the back or rear of any-
thing 2 > Sapa, : = Zabo
: the back (of a man or
animal) . -“ part: dam: =. . chomy, dom
: back, backwards (adv.) tar-sibas : . tar-zabo
196 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah, Languages. [No. 2,
L
Wakhi. — Sarikol.
on one’s back . .. Sak part .. : . chu chomj
| (on back)
backwards, a reculons . tsibas pudh. . . zabuj padh
badness : . shaki . P . fll
bad, also old -shak, —. : . zit, badh to
bad tasting . . track .. -? P. trach.
abag . . khalta ; . khalté £;
baggage, aload . _ = Vu =| . WeZ
a baggage horse . Ree ree : . P. yabu P.
a baking-pan See , . sad
a (playing) ball . = hip : . patth
the bank (of ariver) . lab P. kor. . lav P. yay T’.
bare, naked . .. shilakh =: . chalendak
bark (of trees) . shung pist . . kabzak T.
wood skin
to bark . wak-n : . wakt-ao
wak-am . wak-am
wakt-am . wakt-am
waketk . wakty
barley, corn, cattle-feed. yiirk . . ¢chiishy |
abat . . shaparak . P. shaparak P.
bay (colour) bua . turiigh ge
to bay together (as dogs), variii-n : . varaud-ao :
to howl . : . variiy-am . . -varau-am )
varold-am . . varud-am By
| Varuyepe =... . varaudy |
to be . : Stee eee . vid-do
Iam, &c., . tei-(am, at, &e.,) . . yost-am |
Iwas, &., . . tu (am, &e.,) : . vud-am |
having been . ttiwetk ; ; . vedhj |
I may be —- Diam ——. . vao-(am, &¢.,) |
thou mayest be . himii . (see Granmar.) |
he may be ; . himi-t |
we may be . hutmi-an
ees.
ye may be . himi-it
they may be . . hutmi-an | )
to tell one’s beads . shiraw-an . . hashrud-ao |
shiraw-am . . hashraw-am |
shirand-am . ; . nashrud-am |
shirawetk = nashrudhj |
fen Se chk fee gi &
;
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 197
Wakhi.
the main beam ot a root was
a bear (brown)
to bear (a child) .
the Great Bear .
a beard
beardless
to beat, to pound .
because ~
to become
it becomes (suits) [im-
pers. |
a bed
a bee, or a wasp
a beetle
before ‘ (¢ime)
before (place)
a beggar, a petitioner
beginning
behind, after (adv.)
behind (p.p.)
the being or existing
a bell
below ;
beloved or loveable
to bellow
belly, stomach
to bend
naghordum .
“yaz-n .
yaz-am
yazd-am
yazetk
alt bradaran (the Seven
Brothers). - P. W.
reghish
kasa ; ; P
chuk-n
echuk-am
echukt-am
chuketk
yao jinib, yem jinib
wats’n .
wats-am
( was-t
vitt-am
vitk
saz-d
pip
dhos
singurt
dar wakht . Poe
tar mis (nose),
— tar mis
— prut
chilgak-ktizg
pursam
tsibas
tsa
hiimitin
zul
purdast, sa
ba tserak-chok
sak-waghn watsn’.
wan], dur
khham ding. P. W.
sibas-an
past-an
Sarikolt.
wus
yurkh
Zad-ao
zey-am
zad-am
zadhy
att kunan P. §.
bun
. kesa eZ
chakt-ao
ehak-am
chakt-am
chaktj
W1 1von, mi ivon
set-ao
so-m
, saud.
sut-am
sedhy
babér
jisk
dar wakht P. ee
tar prod or prut
prod
talibt-ichéz
Zao
az zabo
vidi
gul
— pa bun,
ba cheig-asuk
chii waghd_ setao
kech
cheng dhadao
kham dhadao
az baber
=
‘
-4
i=
M » |
|
=
3
He
5 oe
> &
a
>=
¥
a
=) ae
ia
~.\) oe
“San
a a
y=
; i.
=
-
:
3 Se
bo |
“
198 B. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
to besiege, to enclose.
to bestow, to grant
betrothal ,
between ;
beyond (p.p.)
beyond (adv.) —.
the bile ;
to ienid =. . os
a binding or edging.
a birch tree
birch bark
a bird Vie hse
abisewt . ;
a bit (horse’s) .
to bite or sting .
to bite ; ; ;
bitter ,
the black on the bottom
ot a kettle ;
black
a blacksmith
a blanket, a body cover-
ing
a horse blanket .
a cold blast . : :
to bleat
blessing (subst.) .
blind .
blood
to blow
blue
blunt
to blush
a boat
to boil
Wakhi.
kabal ding
nung ding .
kh’ astaga,
miyana
tsa an dhir
ya sar . ;
talkhah :
vand-ak '
vand-am
vast-am :
vandetk
ziek ;
Turz ;
EUEZ. pist <- .
parinda
putak
Jaojl i
nosh ding’
dindik ding
talkhh
rizm. :
schu
aln-gar
kampal
jl ats
A
SUZ ° 0
wagh-an ..
kut ’
kur.
wukhan ;
put tserak
SaVvZ
muk ;
sokr watsn.
kishti ;
yaksh-n
yaksh-am
[No. 2,
Sarikoli.
. kabal dhadao
P. num dhadao A. S.
QZ, dhar
tar wi sar
P. trach
. vist-ao
. vind-am
» vust-am
. viusty
. zeak bbe
. kaying a
. kaying past
P. kush T.
takich
. jaojao
W. nekh dhadao PP. S.
. Gdhandan dhadao
. tsekh
. rizm |
Pe. far gz
. ain-gar
P. bawéin
PB. jal lt
. sauz (lit. ‘a flame,’
from the burning
effect of cold)
. waghd-ao
P. Rut ig
Y. -kKaur
. wakhhin
. put cheigao
P. khoin, savz ¥:
méak
. rusht set-ao
P. kamah ch
wirevd-ao
, warav-am
| | 1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 199
Wakht, Sarvkoli.
Ay yaksht-am > . wWirevd-am
_ _yakshetk ; . Wirevdy -
t a bone ‘ - ,yarek: ; : . ustkhan LE
j ~ boot (given in addition ~ |
to an article exchang- | Se
ed) . «= Dalamac . ustag ees
rough boots of untan- | |
ned leather _.. . . Shushk ; . pekhh
the bosom . ; bap == ; . tej
both . -- har kitch= <: . virt
bottom ee bun =p.
a bow (to shoot with). kamanak P. tsan
tir dast ie
a wooden bowl . . kubun . tothch
a DOX : . .sunduk . _ Sandiek P.
a boy = : : | 5 ae gadha
bran ; os Sonos; ; . sabast P
abranch . . sholkhh 7. 6SNOKHE Pe
to brand. : . dagh katak . P. W. dugh dhadao P. S.
the brain. : . maghz P. moghz e
brass = : . khhalah P. khholah P
brave, courageous . batir . A. Datiir (bahadur) A
bread : . .khoch ; . khpik
a thin cake of bread ._fitir . chapati T.
breadth, width - er cee Pp
to break (intr.) . Swart =: : - Wwakt-ao
wak-am ee . Wak-am
wakt-am si : . Wwakt-am
waketk - wakty
to break [intr.], to be-
come broken . . scehkodh-an watsn . . varakhtj setao
also sechkodh-an
schktr-am
schkond-am
schkong
to break (tr.) .. schkodh-an . . varakht-ao
schkond-am . . Varelg-am
schkott-am . . varadkht-am
schkotk . varakhtj
to break in (a horse, &e.) borgi ding ; . burgi dhad-ao
CC
900 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
| Wakhi. Sarikolé.
to break (of a rope, &c.,) - | |
Va | <= s . - rasudh-n . . zdakht-ao
rasedh-am 3 . .zdeig-am -
rasen-am. , . zdakht-am
| raseng . dah;
to break (a rope ofr | |
thread) [tr.] . . Yrasedhiiv-n .- . gdardhand-ao
rasedhav-am : &e.
rasedhovd-am
rasedhtvetk
the breast, the chest . puz . poz
breath . dam . dam Py
a piece of brick. . shdolg ., . khaleg
abridge . PeeRKOTG. . et, ; . .yéid
a bridle . yikhan : . .vidhan
to bring . : . wuzum-an . -° . »Velg'-a0
pes vor-am.
wuzum-am . ’ { ed
wazamd-am . . .vaug-am
wuzumetk . . vaugy
to bring or take in, to
cause to enter, to in-
troduce . . -echirmtv-n . ; . .duwast-ao
to bring to mind, to* re- |
collect. . tar yad wiiztim-n . . tar yod veig-ao
broad, expanded . . -kshadh : » ~P.. kkbudhi Pp.
to bring up, to nurture. dego-an (sh)
deg-am
degd-am.
degatk
broken : . schkoéng
which is or has been
broken . scehkongung . : . varakhtj sedhy
which or who hasbroken schkotgung . . varakhtj-enj
broken ground. . wuch past -. W. P. karsi bilik
(high low) . » . [low high}
a brother. . vrut, lal (f) . . vrod
related as brothers . vriit-in ‘ . vrador
brow, forehead . . tuk
to brush against, to im-
pinge . shtrakh-n . . turft-ao
shtrakh-am . : . turt-am
a
1876. ] R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 201
Wakht. Sartkolt.
shtrakht-am . . turft-am:,
shtrakhetk . . turity
a buck-goat . ghurgau tugh biich
a buckle . alka alka | P.
a bull; chat druksh . chat khie]
shurgao W1erZ
a bullet wutch . poth
a bullock, an ox druksh khiej
a bundle baghchah bukhehah AM
to burn (tr.), to sth fire ‘3 thitiv-n . . thawand-ao
thitiv-am thawan-am.
thawovd-am . thawand-am
thitivetk thawand]
to burn (intr.), to be eens thau-ak thid-ao
thau-am thau-am
thett-am. thiid-am
thetk thedhj
to burst [intr.], to be | |
burst . w“ubedh-n parist-ao | PP,
ziibedh-am parath-am
zubon-am. . partist-am
zubong . partist]
to burst [ tr. | . zubtittiv-n parind-ao
zubiit-am parin-am.
ziibott-am . _ parind-am.
zubutk parindy
to bury khhak khak . ba khhak cheig-ao P.
a thorn bush, a eats. chirir . khar P.
a bush-harrow, a rake namurze namuzg.
business, work yark cher
to butt. ding [to fei. takht-ao
tardh-am
takht-am. -
takht}
butter . rughn . raun P.
a butterfly pilpilak kopali AY
a button titigma, kawa tigma, T.
to buy . khharid tserak khharid cheigao
-moshon its
by, by means of, with
202 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
Wakht.
S538
a thin cake of bread
acalf .
to call, to summon, to
make proclamation .
a camel [two-humped] .
a young camel
a {camel’s| hump.
camp, quarters, alse a
household
a canal, water-course .
a candle | made by wind-
ing cotton cloth round
a central core of fat
surrounding a stick] .
afurecap.
to take care of
a carrier of merchandize
for hire, ;
earrion . ; :
acat , ,
cattle . ; ;
horned cattle
a cave . ;
a chain ;
to change [in appear-
ance | | tr. |
to be changed
a charge [of cavalry].
cheap . ,
the cheek , ;
cheese
chesnut [colour] .
to chew the cud
a chicken [young]
a child, an infant
child-bearing labour
achimney .
a ©
fitir
wushk ,
kiw tser-ak .
tsar-am
- tsart-am
tsaretk
ushtiir .
ushtiir zaman
kap
kdsls :
charm, wadh
sham
tumagh
nigah tserak
lara-kash
cundas
pish
mal (= property).
chat
bai
zanzir .
yan rang khak
yan rang watsn
sak-gofsn
arzan.
lunj
panir
jeiran
3
8
o
6
g
@
a
Be
ie
ramot yit-11 (see ‘ to eat’)
kilich
zah, zaman
zicha
ritsn
mort
@
[No. 2,
Sarikel¢.
chapati ‘:
- wishk
> kiw cheigao
khttr Py
tailak
kiep
kesh, kushum ie
wach, istang F.
sham
tumagh
nigah cheigao P. S.
kira-kash es
tarp L.
pish
mul P.
chat
bu, garma
ZaNZeir se
yan rang cheigao
yan rang setao
ehti-zokht
arzan Py
nur]
paner bag
jéiran ae
wakhkier khheig-ao
chuja a
bachéh P., bala T.
zicha s+
rezn rE.
meri ee
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
203
Wakht. Sarikole.
to chirp, to twitter . chir-an 2 TT. chird-ao
chir-am . chir-am
chird-am_ _, . chird-am
chiretk : chird]
to choose out, to select yawer-n . yarur cheig-ao T. 8.
yawer-am |
yawerd-am
-yaweretk
tochop _—. . Yasidh-n- . . khehakht-ao
rasedh-am . khcheig-am
rasen-am . khehakht-am
raseng . khehakhtj
a chopping-board . ddsh shung désh khiing
achough . , . swats . ghogh
cinders, ashes . parg , - thier
a circuit, a circumference pslab . san dawand
(edge circle)
circular . put , . pet
aclaw,atalon . . chang P. changal
clay, mud _ . khhet - eho
fneclay . . - saghaz T. saghaz
a cliff .« KOs : P. telj
an overhanging cliff or a
vertical precipice .> baud. . chapak
a cloak, clothes . oF Ot = lel
to close one’s eyes, mouth,
&e. . bars-an ' . baghmid-ao
bars-am. . baghmez-am
barst-am . baghmtg-am
barsetk . baghmugy
cotton cloth . ehikman . T. galem
coarse cotton cloth eb . tsaul
bleached coarse cotton
loth <=, . kinei , . lel
toclothe (another person) pametsiv-an . pamedzand-ao
a cloud, a fog _ yr = vara
cognizance, perception darak Pp. darak
cold (adj.)- . ieee PP. ish
a cold : . kokh 73S
U
TA
yo
ti
4
=
ff
=
>
rs
;
“ ed
. -
;
‘ae
a
i
4
i
j
i
j
“ir
Pa 2 : . - 4 :
‘ 5 yy ey a . =e «=< >
AE ASE TAG aan
=e bbe + De adi 4s
]
~
oe
‘
204 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. — ['No. 2,
Wakhi. Sarckolt.
to become cold . . . wasér-n - He . patsig-ao
waser-am_ ' . patsi-am
wasert-am ., . patsig-am
waseretk . . patstig]
a cold blast . per SUZ, : » SaUZ
coldness, cold (subst.) . stirl . , . ishi
acollar[ofagarment]. gharagh , . zerey
to collect, to bring toge- gurt-an ; . wikht-ao
ther . wifes ., gurt-am » wikh-am
gortt-am : » wikht-am
guirtetk : . wikhtj
colour, dye . wane, fogee. Yane E
light-coloured [of eyes]. . chakir . ; . . chakar
a colt . ., tal ; dovee. ta | de
a comb. . . haposan . - wakher]
to come =: . wazé-in RASS . yet-ao
Wazl-am . . : :
ree
wazd-am . yat-am
Wane x, ; . , thy
to cause to come [aliv- wiiztim-n ., . . vayand-ao.
ing creature] . . Wuzlim-am . . , vayan-am
wazamd-am . . vayand-am
wuzumetk . . vayandj
to come out, to go out . . niuz-n. ~ 3- «god. , nakhhicwo
to command, to order . raméi-n ; ; . Yramad-ao
rami-am ; . ( rami-am
rimi-t . rama-id
ramatt-am . . Yamod-am
| rametk . Yramodhj
a companion on the road am-rah = feeds. aim-rah P.
to compensate , . .tawan rand-ak PP. W. _ tilan dhadao
complete, entire . Ss ett. . putin | T.
to compound, to mix . shind-ak-_. » _khirkt-ao_
shangd-am. egapi . khirkh-am
shandid-am . . khirkKt-am
| shondetk . . kherkhtj
concord, agreement . Aght . ; = “ie. cht #,
to consent [agree] . kaméi-n . chimd-ao
to construct, to make . giz khak . . PP. suz cheigao P.
contrariness, disobedi-
Se : - mastrakhhi . . kaishi E.
a a > ee ote > Joep ot -_—a oe Se ie ————— See
b>
4
%
bia
44
cba
=
=i
48
he F
—
™ z
=
= is oe
ay
; 73s
f P|
ele |
‘=
a oe
ae
> 4
pe
ie | |
tc oS oe
ey
==
‘ - J
>> aa
a
Sao
a
—,
' : 1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 905
Wakhi. Sarikolé.
contravening, contrary . mastrakhh . . kaish
Be Career: - ksa khanak . A. W. gap cheig-ao P.S.
to cook, also to ripen . podch-an . pizd-ao aI
poch-am iy, | peee ce 3
posht-am ; . pekhht-am =
| | pochetk ' . pekbhty
to cause to cook . » -patstiv-n -. . -pekhht ramad-ao, &e.
patsiiv-ama 4. = 4 (to command, q. v.)
patsovd-am . ;
patstivetk. E
cooked rations . . sheilan =. . 9. sheilaén= >< = 62s
a cooking pot, a caul-
dron ; GIS os . y--f. -deg 2%
Cool, : : BONES = , osallaa B.
to cool [intr.| . . wasern . -patsig-ao
| waser-am- . +. , ‘patsor-am
‘Wwasert-am . . patsug-am
waseretk . . patsugy
to cool [tr. |. ; . -Wasitiiv-n: . ' . patserand-ao
‘wasiruv-am . . »patseran-am
wasirovd-am . -patserand-am
wasiriivetk . . patserand]
copper . MG 6 s P. mis iz
coral. . -Satk. . ; . makhhor]
Indian-corn [not grown |
in W. and §8.]| . . konak . pie Sed. skonak fie
reaped corn, heaped up :
ready for threshing . .chiramn - . : . » shtiriim
a corner [of any square | =
space]. . -paleh . : ; . biulung a
| a corpse, adead man . mardhah~ . . P. murdhah Ee
acough . ; skokhbh .-=, , - wekhh
to cough up phlegm . akhh khak . ‘ . akhh cheigao 5
a counsel, advice. . salah . . A. > salah A. z
to count. . -asdb tserak . -.A.W.. asiibcheigao A. S. S
countenance : ~ pets>— . pe . -Pril . P. Z
a@counterpane . . kampal . khavung ce
: kirpa . , *T. > Inaripe T. eh
a country, “patrie’ . diar ; poe... ditz Pp: z
courageous, brave . Ss - batter <3 5 A. _hatur. A |
.
. & , -
.
™ | . hay
ee ee ee ey ae
maine Cente pe bn th
oe —.oe. o 4 a tno
“Gk :
206
to cover, to close .
to cover the head (by
tying a cloth round
it ; said of a woman).
a COW
e ®@
a cradle *
a crane
cream ; :
to create . : ;
to creep, to crawl
a crook-back
crooked : ; 4
a crop
to cross (a Pass), to go
over or round, to dance
a crow ; ; :
to crumble . ; ;
to ery (as animals or
children) . ‘ ;
a cuckoo
cultivable . j
to cultivate
cultivated , :
cultivation .,
acup . ‘
curds , :
a curse
a custom, institution
acut,anotch ,
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchap Languages.
Wakhe.
Sin ;
gaw-am, git .
gott-am.
sotk
sar zwain, i
chat chi.
gaura (gahwara P.)
turnai z
marik :
Afrid khak ., P. W.
gaza ding . :
put-dam :
kard ;
ktshtah ecb.
giv-an . :
gix-am .
gird-am ; :
givetk . : ;
kargha ,
tril-n ; ; ;
tril-am j soe
frild-am ; 7
Triletk ;
nala tserak
(none in Wakhan) ;
kurn-asuk .
kir-n .
kir-am ; :
kosht-am
koshk . 5
koshk-éng . 5;
kurn.
pu, chin. ;
pal
andiwat ;
kaidah ao.
rasang-ung
@ 6 @ 6
| No. 2,
Sarikoli.
bawid-ao
bawel-am
bawid-am
bawedhj
sarmala dhéd-ao
chat zau
prakht
turnai
mareb
dfrid cheigao P. §.
gaza dhadao
duk
cherd
chermi
cherd-ao
ehirs-am
cherd-am
gherdy
kargha T.
wartakht-ao
wartareig-am
wartakht-am
wartakhtj
chiras cheig-ao
kakktik E.
-ehard-asuk
chard-ao
char-am
chard-am —
chard]
chermi
chard
chinak, chini
poi
zaugh
yusun be
khchakhtj-en}
1876. | R. B. Shaw=-@x the Ghalehah Language. | 207
Wakhi. | Sarikolt.
khehakht-ao
khcheig-am
to cut, to cut off . rasudh-n
> i eA GSH i ie firey } ith a i <orered id
fii Mid cara boteebanebeeiubat? ALD PEPPER a AFT vo Cor ct ekhaen nasal
bib becta- bas hesnestgohaenanch thor etna heen dnutdie gibols Seceteee meta bitetel
Baa Aye p RUE Ry Yn EBD PU Pap BS ST SY? Fe ead
cape
culerec gi 2 i héhalcitcate
4
yasan-am khehakhtj 2
| rasang 2
to eut, to whittle . ttsh-an . tukht-ao is
tiish-am ; : . tikh-am
— tosht-am tiukht-am
tiishetk fy tikhty
. . rastidhn dirzn (to cut to khehakht-zokhtao
take)
rasudham-dtirzam,
(I cut I take) &c.,
to cut out
khcheig-am zoz-am, &c.
to cut with an axe trash ding . P. W. chapdrd-ao
| chapor-am
chapord-am_ >
chapordj
to cut into strips khash-Ak tizd-ao
khash-am taz-am
khasht-am tizd-am
khashetk tizdy.
The Tartar year Cycle named after 12 animals is sak
Cypress (cupressus toru-
Josa) (called pencil cedar) yarz
D.
daily, of a day
to dance attendance, to
pay one’s court
dangling
darkness, dark
a daughter
a daughter-in-law
dawn
to dawn
aday —
day-time
deat
dealings (Cit. give ae
take) |
DD
rwar-ung
shinjual khak
ravindak
tarik
dhagd
. stakh
rukhhn
rukhhn wats-n
rwar
rwar
kar
diirzn radha-n
imbars
mathon]
valvakh cheigao
ravindak :
tarik P.
. vradzen
zanal
yaul
yaul dhad-ao
math
mathan
ehun
dhad zokht
208 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. — [No. 2,
Wakhi. —— Sartkolt.
dearness, scarcity . kimati . kimati A.
death . marg ea be . marg Ase
a débicle of soil, rock, &e.
broughtinto the stream . }
by a flood of rain, &c. shot. ; . kara kokum
a deception, a deceit . tarmk,durogh . P.. tarziv, fand B.
a decree, an edict . ukm - fe¢euA. ukm A.
a deer, a general term for
all horned wild animals te BI ehiie]
deficiency ' . dzaki ; at +. Azul
delay ' i ae tS hayal A.
delicate, tender . gsenat salty naztik A.
a demon : . liw . dhéw P.
to dent, to compress
forcibly. , . nadhefsiiv-n - nadhamband-ao, &e.
nadhefstiv-am
nadhetsovd-am
nadhefstivetk |
dented (of a kettle, &e.) nadhafk-ting ; - nadhevdj-enj
to be dented, to be com-
pressed . ‘ . nadhefs-an ; . nadhevd-ao
nadhefs-am ' . hadhivs-am
nadhavd-am ; . nadhevd-am
nadhatk : - nadhevdj
to deny - munkir watsn - munkir setao A. S,
to depart, to start . Yawan watsn P. W. rawin setao PP. §,
deprived of, without . bi ay . be .
to descend . ‘ - kham-ak> ; - khavd-ao
kham-am , . khavs-am
khamd-am ; . khavd-am
khametk . khavdj
a desert : : - dasht P., chil . TT. dokhtP.chaul T.
a desire : : . talab ; . talab A.
todesire . . chilg-adk . talibt-ao
chalg-am ’ . talab-am
chald-am ; . talibt-am
chilgetk - talibtj
a “devil,” a whirlwind liwdamsi . . dhéw balamiit
dew, also a white frost gchak . ; ; » khok
difficult, troublesome . kilah . ‘ : + 4alah
with difficulty, hardly . azar ghilah . P.W. aztrghilih P.S§.
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Lanquages.
Wakhi. Sartkolt.
to die . mara-in marg-ao |
mari-am, mirit mir-am, merd
mortt-am maug-am
mortk maug]
to dig, to excavate parkol-n kaud-ao
parkol-am : kau-am
parkold-am kaud-am
parkoletk kaud]
to digest ’azam. khak . ’azam cheigao _—s—~P
to dip (tr.) . :
to dip oneself, to plunge
direction
in what direction ?
dirty
a dish
disobedience, contrari-_
ness ‘ ;
to disperse, to scatter
[ intr. |
disposition, temper
to distribute [as alms]
a divarication of a stream
to divide into small pieces
to do , . :
docile, tame, tractable,
quiet
a dog
a wild dog
the dog days .
a child’s doll
which has been done
a door
a door socket :
double-faced, deceitful
doubt
shot ding . P. W.
shot yit-n (lit. to eat a
dipping) . P. W.
tush T., gana
tar kum gana?
chirkin sete de,
Yi 4
kubtin .
mastrakh
takhhirm watsn
mijaz (for mizaj) A.
bakhsh tserak P. W.
taran .
zest khak
khak, or gokh-n
gokh-am, gom
gokht-am
khotk
shov
shach .
hike ==
tamus . : @ cA,
kitkan
khotk-ung . :
bar 3 ; aie =
cory.
falftis : , -P,
ouman : yoo L,
svhut dhad-ao P. S.
shut kheig-ao P. S.
tush Ls
tar ka guna P
oshazd
kheidh
tothch
kaishi T.
takhhirm setao
mijuz a
bokhsh cheigao
taram aoe
rezah cheig-an P.S.
cheig-ao
kan-am, kakht
chaug-am.
chaug]
shuv
kud
kau]
tumus A.
jinjik :,
chaug}-en]
divir
gareh
kaibur
suman P,
209
ris freee" fi “ far
ra0 ee yf re ani intial re Min do aol
shdore ‘ade biectd ‘ee i ba y
UAW AD Las ee Ue cd i _
~;
*-
=
=
-_—%
ae
rs
910 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakhi. Sartkolz.
4 dove ; = ; pakhtok : : ; pakhtak 1.
down ; . kilapai 5 . nughustir
downwards . . kilapai-mars . PP. nughustir-das
to drag ; . kashun tserdk . kakhela cheigao P.
to draw (a sword, &¢.,
4 a - i , - :
LEO AS Se SONS Oe DARA ARS TAS nM pe AN A edie Ws ve SARS & DTOLASS A
‘ i t yak bor ean ey ari } l 4 Uy 4 Ny Ley ih 1 i
out of a receptacle) . king . nalfond-ao
kin-am . nalfon-am
kott-am . nalfond-am
E ; ktinetk 5 . nalfondj
- to draw a line, to score chirgh-khash-an_ . . ¢chighir-tizd-ao
- khash-am. — taz-am
j : khasht-am . —— tizd-am—
{ : khashetk tizdj
a to draw out, to extract _ ae ee tizd-ao
; taz-am
g tizd-am
tizd}
a dream ; pe hate . khidhm
to dream. . Inatvine . : . khtidhm wandao
| to dress (one self) . pamets-an . . <pameig-ao
{ pamets-am . { pamez-am
| pamest . Cpamiz-d
pamagn-am . . pamaug-am
pamakhk. . . pamaugy
to dress (other people) pametsiv-an pamedzand-ao, &e.
pametsiv-am
pametstiv-d
pametsovd-am
pametstivetk
dried, dessicated . . wesk vitk-iing . . nakhtj-enj
to drink paste . brokht-ao
pév-am, pit . . bradz-am
pitt-am ; : . brukht-am
pitk . . brukhtj] —
}
it
$
;
» se tes
bie. re
* | 4
4b mak
ears SEE
a. drink made by mixing
water with whey . daghov . dughov
to drip nee -eehgkan .—. 2222. khiktao
chak-am . khdk-am
chakt-am . . kbikt-am
chakatk . khikty
1876. | R.-B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 211
Wakhi. Sarikolt.
to drive in [a nail], to | |
hammer chuk-n . . chakt-ao
chakk-am
chakt-am
chakt] |
to drive hai tserak, zatran khak. zatran cheigao ; also
to be drowsy, to nod
a drug, medicine .
dry
dry .
to dry (tr.) .
dung
during, as far as, as long
as, till
dust .
dust, earth
dye, colour
E.
an eagle
an ear .
earless . :
early in the morning
earnings, gain
an earring
earth, ground
to dry (intr.), to become
khhal khhofs-an ,
khhal khhofs-am .
khhal khofst-am .
khhal khhéfsetk
daru, dawa
wesk
wesk watsn .
wesk khak
sigin
batkan
gard
shet
rang
bispur .
gehish .
chinak
naghdin, naghdina
gotak . :
gishniz -
ghish-porg. -
otishwar
wiindr .
dét-ao
dé-am.
det-am
det]
khhal khhifst-ao
khhal khhifs-am
khhal khhifst-am
khbhal khhtfstj
dari, dawa P.
makht]
. Zakht-ao
ziegh-am
miakht-am
miakhty
ziauland-ao
miaulan-am
ziauland-am
miauland)
gharsh, surun
— its, ta — its
khhorm
sit |
rang RP.
.. khtstvd
shaul
. bé ghaul
pigan 2.
. vig or vigao
gakhnéz
gehaul safs
sichwir
zems
‘b>
“68
af
it
|
a
Ss
S35
he
<i
ce
“=
i
3
. =
Sam
e
i=
; _—
-«
~~ oF
ita
AG
ss
—-
‘_-
Or et ot ere. -_
212 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakhr. Sarikold.
earth, dust . abel. ee . oBit
alump of hard earth . kilakhak Evag., hale = i=
East, sunrise. . yir tserakhh : . khbhér tserakhh
easy. . san <P> Seen P,
to eat . wee: oe Wateais = . khheig-ao
yaw-am, yit . - khhor-am, khhir-d
yitt-am » khhtig-am
Vik. : : - khhigy
echo . é . tungir ae . tungiir
an edge : Se : pee 1a) i
| yaka seeaL. . -yaled Ai
an edging or binding . ziék . ; sued. zeak A,
white efflorescence [of | |
saltpetre P| . e, Tene; 3 ; Riliia. Yavar
covered with efflorescence rezgin . . ravarin
an egg . falenz . » kakka
eight . os emer wokht
eighty . ; . saksan . ; Reowl’.-,. Sagan: -- D.
the elbow. . boret . ise ve VOTH
an elm (said to grow in
Sarikol, not in
Wakhan) . oc c2ar. . sed , (aye
emaciated, lean . ; RROD |, . khut |
anember . . zagire. . chugh Pee 2
empty . » Olk, piich _. . TT. alk, puchak nL
to empty out . tosh-an or tosh tserak . tts-ao or tis cheigao
tosh-am &e. . tis-am &e.
tosht-am iy. -. tist-am (?)
to enclose, to besiege
to encounter, to meet ,
to endure, to last .
to endure, or suffer __,
enduring ©,
to entangle .
toshetk é i :
kabal ding . 2
dichar ding . .
poi ding '
poiding. . ;
poi-nég ;
pargoshov-n '
pargdshov-am
pargdshovd-am
pargoshévetk
tist] |
kabal dhadao
dichér dhad-ao
poi cheigao
poi dhég-ao
— dhor-am
— dhaug-am
— dhaugj
poi-nuk
baradzein. cheigao
d |)
|
a"
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
Wakhz. Sartkolz.
entangled . pargdshetk . baradzein
to be entangled . . - pargdsh-n baradzein setao
pargosh-am
. pargosht-am
_ pargoshetk
to enter ‘ ‘ ». chiram-n. ; déid-ao
cherm-am, cheram-d didh-am, dedhd
chern-am. deid-am
chereng . dedhj
to cause to enter, to chirmiiv-n duwist-ao
bring or take in, tol in- chermtiv-am. duwadh-am
troduce chermovd-am duwust-am
| chermiivetk duwust]
the entrail .. shingor raud Ee
an entreaty, a humble
petitioning shinjual . valvakh
entire, complete drust P. putun al
an entrenchment . dar-band pik. chap ab
to entrust . tawil tserak . A. W. tawilcheigao A. S.
an envoy iulchi seul’, ipa AB
equal, same, [one weak lyrang . Wool... 1 rane Ss. P
equivalent . » chok wae Dai
an error, a sin khhatée1 A. khhatagi ode
to estimate [ weight, &c. 7 chok-khak chok cheig-ao
even, equal [in height]. barabar bardbar PE
evening « VpurZ biurn, khum i
[ sham |
of the evening . purz-ting biurn-en]
the evil eye . ktirdi . kurdi cock
a ewe stréi mal stir maul
to excavate, to tie parkol-n kaud-ao
- parkol-am kau-am
-parkold-am . kaud-am
parkoletk kaudj
in excess, excessive boshi . bakhi (? for baki Ae)
to exchange Alish khak T. alish cheigao ake
excitable, fiery chepsan jabuk —
excrement ol
to exert one’s self, ‘3
make an effort .
to be exhausted, or pros-
trated
zor tserak
sest watsn
zur cheigao ~=—- &P. S.
sust setao
218
hed et 7 Ghar i Ltd Hot ne ele Pll Len ee
bid de ttogsabng ons p10 ble hoo EES ae
phar y arpatinrty hope daw diy Mined Cpe 9g che bho k eg
i ' ECTS Sorby Vn Rey pu eure 8s bin TIRT home
ele R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakhi. — Sarikolz.
to exhibit, to show, to .
cause to see ° . Vistiv-n , ‘ » visand-a0
Vistiv-am sy, . vVisin-am
visovd-am , . visand-am
vistivetk . . visandj
to expel, to bring out .. mkhing : , Zzwast-ao
nikhind-am , ; . zwadh-am
nikhit-am . . zwast-am
nikhitk 2. wast
to express, to squeeze.
out . ; 5 .. Wazem-n_—_,, ; . sherzd-ao
wazem-am_, ; . sherz-am
wazemd-am . : . shirzd-am
wazemetk ., . shirzdj
to extinguish, to cause
to go out, to put out,
[ fire | . nitty-n - wazawand-ao, &e.
: nitiv-am
nolovd-am
nitivetk
an eye ae . chézm .. P., teem
the eye-brow . varao.. . varao
an eye-lash . : . skord . ; .. yeild
F. |
the face Ge tie 5 . P.. pets
to face [towards] . « ruikhak =... 2, W. rii-cheisao <P. 8,
tofall . . waz-n . : . wokhtao
waz-am , . wukh-am
washt-am . . wokht-am
washk i es 5, WORD
family [in the larger
sense| .. ; . kbhésh kaum P. A. khékh kaum PP. A.
famous . nhungi . : oy katt a
i ; Each eee ; r P. dhar ee
far-sighted . . chdzgm-in . « P, tsem-in |
as far as, as long as, till,
during . batkan e—=; . —Its, ti—its
farness adl Miggos ; . dhari
fast [ot a horse], light :
[in weight | » rank . ; . rvindz
fast, well-paced . . weyauin ; ; . weyauin
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 215
Wakhi. : Sarikolt,
afast . : . richagh _? PP. -uchan P,
to fasten a horse’s head = : |
up short kaiza khak . . kaiza cheig-ao
fat, thick, stout
fat, grease :
refuse of fat left after
baj, farbi P.
rocun ,
boiling . jaghzak
a fat sheep . pos
father . 7 tab
father-in-law = aes |
fatigue, tiredness .
a fault, a mistake
a favourite or pet child
to fear, to be afraid
baghi tat
warekhot
khhatag:
nazyan
washuk-an
. washi-am
wish-it
washt-am
wushetk .
fear, fright . .. washuk
fearful washuk-kuze
a feast t61 :
to feel, to experience
| mentally |
a feeding tube [for ba-
bies | ; ;
a felt
a female
a thorn fence
to ferment, to rise [as
dough], to foam [as
water in a torrent |
fever and ague
a stubble field
fiery, excitable
fifty
a fight .
E E
upehi .
iin
strél
ehit
podhmosh-an
pédhmésh-am
pdédhmésht-am
podhméshetk
andav .
naghaz
chepsan
pinjah .
shash, jang P.
divéz, farbé P.
raun P.
Jjaghzak eT
pes
pid, ata T.
khhasur _ P.
boghi ata
warezdagi
khhata
nuzyun
khuj dheigao
ro
dhor-am
. dhaug-am
dhaugy
khiy
khuj dheig-ichoz
té1 ear
dheig-ao |
dhor-am
dhaug-am
dhaug]
ruvy]
jéin
stir
ehit T.
baleid-ao
balis-am
baleid-am
baledhj
bazgak -
naghaz
jabuk
pinjubh P.
chash, jang P.
ie ' # ove os / im -- jaite é ‘ 40 tA oy ome orn
Conk an EN AE CA IVETE OF ae —
" * bow sen Ameen bo id ates ” - ar -
HE PEED loware Bu tin iar ae ot
fate . rr Gane r he reg
NS ENS ala ys A
sit
AB :
w oN § Ads
oh: ‘ : : \ +
- ee
_ =
Be:
A
_ =
2
)
a
Z
’ Be
a -<>
7
-
- &
££
a
WANA WNBA mae SOS. RRND SO ee Ce ee | ae .\-
VO Vie Ve Esti Viawiar PAY uhly : wy tae wea aR Yuya ; \
a Doel
tofily .
to fill into receptacles
from a store of any-
thing . ‘ ;
to filter, to strain ,
to find, to receive, to
obtain , ‘ :
fine powder, also soft .
a fine . :
a finger ;
the little finger .
the 8rd, 2nd and Ist
fingers. ees
a finger-nail, a claw
to finish, to come to an
end . ;
to finish (tr.)
fire,
afire-place, ahearth
first (adj.) .
first (adv.) ,
a fish :
a fish-hook
the fist
five , :
a flame j F ;
216 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchaj,
Wakhi.
to fight together fof ani-
mals | . mak-an :
mak-am ; 2
makt-am =,
maketk . , ;
Hie, : . Chatsah : :
tkikhak, ,
khonz-n ;
khonz-am_,,
khogn-am ,
khokhg :
schachttv-n ,
schachttv-am
schachovd-am :
schachtivetk :
vot-ak . :
sot-am : E
eott-am ; :
gotetk . - ;
pain ~ :
tawéni . ; :
yangl . :
ziklai yangl . ;
malung yang] sa,
dgor . ;
ada watsn .
ada khak or tserak
rakhhnig . :
dildong
1w-A0 , .
prut
mar, : ;
changak :
most, , :
paz —, :
rauj ss ‘ ,
Languages.
Sarikoli.
z2hod-a0
z@hau-am
zehod-am_
zehodhj
chafsuh
-. pur.cheigao
pakhchtig-ao
pakhchor-am
pakhchitg-am
pakhehtigy
kardazd-ao
kardaz-am
kardazd-am
kardazdj
V1g-a0
varé-am |
vug-am
vig]
padhm
tawanl P.
ingakht P.
zilak ingakht
madhaén ingakht
nashaur
ada. set-ao
ada cheigao
yuts
katsur
iw-20
mul -.
changak 2
Wan =: P=,
pinz
sauz
| No. 2,
|
oh
1876.1
to flame up
a flank, a side
flake
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
flax, linseed (none grown)
to flay, to kall
flint and steel
a flock ;
flocks and herds
&
®
8
¢
to flood (spoken of the
water), to be spread out
to cause to flood to
spread out (tr.)
a flood . ‘
flour . :
to flow :
a flower
a flower pot |
i ae ;
tofly . :
8
(@ 4 @
Wakhi.
- pidhing
pidhing-am
pidbn-am
pidhnetk
shunj . 2 .
anwar .- .
pal ss
OAGTUN Se
-spardhen}. .
. rédh-n .
rodh-am -.
yron-am :« .
rong; . +
chikhmak ghar —
-bakhsh.
kala :
_werkhhar-an
~werkhhar-am
werkhhart-am
werkhharetk
werkhhtv-n .
~werkbhttv-am
werkhhovd-am
werkhhttvetk
sil : :
yum] . :
tuk-n (to go)
spragh :
spragh-dan «
maks . 2
rawez-n ‘
rawez-am .«
rdwezd-am .
rawazetk =.
rr
——w
Sartkolt.
. khaun
anwtr
pakhj
zag bir
kokht-ao
kegh-am
kokht-am
kokhty
btrgah
ratsist-ao
-yatsedh-am
ratsust-am.
ratsust]
tsikhbmak zer
tup
kala, mul
walid-ao
walis-am
waltid-am
waluid]
waléisand-ao
&e.
seil
YOSZ
tid-ao (to go).
on
stil-dan
chingin
rawikht-ao
. rawaz-am
rawukht-am
rawutkhtj
— 5 = magieen - " a. ee ed eee awa tee<y tate t+ we ~ ee tee.
217
x aN yt
ose * ;
ai
ic SEE di
i -
: iS: ea
iN) bei foes GS ,
i (0 ah
Tithe
tS oe
= iis (ee
id ha ea)
é -; eee
: > lew
Tiree =<
bier ’
uit Ne
‘ice Sn
tt Sp
a) Ee Oe
i if Wee
‘ 7h
Uh Easy fa
ie cacy
: Pe See
+ oe ot)
+ aS iz) a
23 tien
Ct i oan
Spaces
ie
4 ‘ee
in ioe)
( Bites on
i: PS? Sr
Bieter a 1
Sfilgarg sy: =
ie : -?
any a
te s
aes: .
5 "] 77 +
fai + “7
foie >
Teta pen
Ci Sian
her bos
nS
thie) a
++ aetna
0s
ia ea
+ Sie
if
ia
biun te Jk!
‘\ oe ae Arye At eee
EEDA: tat ston
918 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakhi. Sarikoli.
to cause to fly . . rawaztiv-n_ . ; . Yawazdnd-ao, &e.
rauzav-am
rawazovd-am
rauzuvetk
foam. » khhuf » khbhef
4 a fog, a mist : . bis vost Ys — DUS ie
a fog, a cloud . mur ; . varm
a fold (of cloth, &e.) . ta ; , oe P,
: a sheep-fold = ee gal
| to fold (sheep) . . taneé-in . duwiast-ao (¢o cause to
ie tané-am . duwadham | enter)
2 tanet-am si, . duwust-am
a tanetk . duwust]
to follow, to pursue . zatran khak . . zatran cheig-ao
q a fool a7 = eu » abmak A.
| a foot, a leg ' . ptidh se 2p . pedh
: afootman,amanonfoot piddhdh . . . piAdah oe:
: a foot-track ; pod =, » pedh
qs a ford ; . tirt . paug
Ae to ford, to wade . turt ding . paug dhadao
Ee the forearm. . yurm . . cherdst
the forehead . atk . ak i
former, ancient . mis-ung, tar-mis-ung . prod-en] |
formerly . mis (= nose) . . prod 4
a fort ’ . kalha A. kala A. 4
fortieth , . chil-ao : P. chal-ao t 4
forty > chil ; Po chal P. | mt
a foster brother or sister zarz ' . ZOYZ, lm
afoster child. . zarz zaman . zorz balah eres fen
four . tsabtir . tsavor bik
fourth ; . tsabitrao . _ tsavorao te
afowl,acock . _-Kork . tikhi fe ; Ve
atowl-house. . yost . chelyd | "
a tox = * sMaknelitr =. 2 5 . rapts
to free, to release . khhalas khak . . ,khhalis cheigao P. ‘,
to freeze é . yikh vadhak . P. W.. shtu vistao | Nh
| | yikh tserak . sory setao | bh)
fresh, new ; . tazah P. tuzah | My
a friend | dost bese cs Pp. Ny
to become friends, to be |
reconciled ., . asht watsn - P. W. ukht setao PS:
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 219
tofrighten .
to frighten, cause to shy
a tringe ;
a frog
frost :
from, than
frozen, (of earth, &e.) .
frozen, (of liquids)
fruit =
a fruit stone
to fry
also
fuel :
to be full .
full moon
a fur cap
a fur robe
an irrigation furrow.
on the further side
G.
galled (horse, &c.)
to gallop (intr.)
to gallop (tr.), to cause
to gallop
Wakht.
washittv-n es
washittv-am
Wwashiovd-am .
washitivetk — :
witritiv-n ‘
witritiv-am
wotriovd-am
witritivetk
pulk
mukt ;
ay aZ :
tsa or sa (with the
oblique case in -an) .
Wik =,
Wills, ;
miwa 5
kuttk
varesh-n :
varesh-am
varesht-am
vareshetk :
giz ai ‘
tki watsn :
pur ztimak ‘ :
tumagh a :
karast ‘
chinak
tra (¢ar-ya) pur :
ya sar
kupt :
ofs-an ;
gofsiv-n ;
ootsiv-am
sdéfsovd-am
gdtsivetk :
oo ae 6 ee ew ~~ e+ + a etre nee Se ees
Sartkols.
khawand-ao
khawan-am
khawand-am
khawand]
intreisand-ao, &c.
pulk
kharbe]
ayuZz ae
2 P.
sorjin
shtu sedhj
méwa
P
rukehi y.
_ virzd-20
virz-am
virzd-am
virzd]
stipt-ao
stob-am
stipt-am
stipty
ZOZ
pur setao
pur mas
tumagh
warbtin
chenak
tar wi pur
tar wl sar
eS
nukhtj
zokt-ao
dawand-ao
dawan-am
dawand-am.
dawandj
ee oo rem &
oe eee.
Sasa
road : —
' \ —e ' :
y boy Ara » ems Veh ame -
NaN 2 | 4) : ry, Velaly 4 4 “ un) ra
1
(A
se etrheeras seamen eraeenerebeet ar earns
yt err ane Unueear te Gc Cet obo
if Fey Lis ey dik roms eee mens * RETF
\
Bsn lee
bia
“a
“, - -
ee he 4h
* hae ge
ae
Me
\
et heed
990 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
to gather (one by one)
a gelding ‘
a gimlet or centre bit .
a girdle “a
a girth .
to give . re
sleanings :
to glitter, to glisten
glue . ;
to go |move to], aso to |
become | setao | ,
to go, to walk (ndef:) .
to cause to go away, to
remove ;
to go or come out or up
to go out [of fire]
Wakhe.
chup-an ;
_chtp-am
-chovd-am -
-ehotk |
_akhbhta, , ;
barmah . 5
mitin, taband W.
tarang . ;
radha-n
,rand-am :
Rotitn): “on. 2
sar-chétk (lit.
gathered) ..
jellas tserak
sharish,
rach-an.
, rach-am, rash=t:.
-ragd-am
rakhk .
tuk-an
chau-am, chit .
taghd-am
takhk . ;
chawtiy-n*
chawtty-am ,
.chawovd-am .
-chawtivetk
niuz-an.
niuz-am :
. niesht-am
nieshk .
radtret "2 -
niti-am, niyl-t .
neit-am.
nietk 5: :
_ratt-am or dhett-am .
head-
e
Sartkoli.
tsevd-ao
tsev-am
tsevd-am
tsevd]
akhhta
a.
barmah P,
miund, taband 8. P.
turong r P
®
~dhad-ao
—dha-m,, dhi-d
~dhad-am,
. dhadj
kAl-tsevdj (do.)
pollas cheig-ao
serekh | P.
set-ao .
sd-m, saud
sut-am
sedhy
tid-ao
tedz-am, tiz-d
tuid-am
tuidy
tedzand-ao
tedzan.am
. tedzand-am.
_ tedzandy
nakhtig-ao
-nakhti-am
nakhttg-am
nakhtug}
wazid-ao
wazéw-am, wazau-d.
wazud-am.
wazudh]
* Apparently the Causative of a verb chau-an, of which only the Present Tense
remains. ‘This is used as the Present Tense of the verb tuh-an, (see above) which seems
to have lost its own.
| No. 2,
auilee
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages. 221
| Wakhi. Sartkolt.
to cause to go out (fire), . | |
to extinguish 7; ; . wWwazawand-ao
-nitv-am &e.
noiovd-am
| _nittvetk
to go round, to dance, to 3
£0 over : ..gir-an.. a . -gherd-ao
gir-am. . : ghirs-am
— gird-am . - gherd-am
giretk. . . » gherdj
agoat . -» tugh, buch : . » Vaz, reidz
goat’s down [pashm or. | |
~ shawl-wool] . .. margilam - . tibit- T.
goat’s hair ; , vadhirs 2 .. dhors . |
goats and sheep .. jandar . : P. rezapai (? scattered
eet PE.)
a goitre : . zaghar . : . - pukbhak Tt.
gold, ; <> tie oS : . > He
good , .- bar ; - char]
goods . 4 . mul [mal] P;
goose. .< ONnZ : >< fhaz Pp.
a gorge, a ravine . jirav, dhor . darah, dhér iPS
gossiping - bi-zanakhh : . bi-zangan
(without lower jaw) . - (without lower jaw)
grain with the husk on. . drengal _+ char L.
agrandfather , Sl : . bab
a grandmother . ;- InuM 4. ‘ » mam
a grandson . . napus .. ; - nhabtus
a granddaughter 5 00. 45 : » do.
erass . »- wush 4. ie - wukh
lucerne grass.
dhub grass .
a grasshopper .
to grasp, to press
wujerk (has a yellow
flower asin Tibet) .
ehésha . ,
milakhh ; :
tranj-an .
tranj-am ; ;
tranjd-am . .
trakhhk j ‘
oe -
bed& (with flowers
yellow, white and
blue, as inYarkand)T,
ehésha
malakhh 1a
waghrakht-ao
waghréig-am
waghrakht-am
waghrakhtj
a 7
pufoye Aes Lo
Ft acer FT
0-2 Ps eras
trate ta STEIFF 4 hee eaari ne vn “a tp bL y es dp Need vw
Se DA Sable cle cri alanine
f fae
LIE
sy
The
“S
—_
=)
|
—™‘~
is |
rae
8 aed
Nee
a
ep
a
se -
+z
ae
i
> ae
a
“ek
=
i=
itsar
ey
ings
: ;
Lae
<=
49%
, + :
‘ * o\
Ra eh ctl ED artistas le
. n@ Gr hs Rew = oh hare
’
yey
‘aye
maAAT. Te
os AAW
~~ aoe
4
oY
A
7
- ~
,
*
“
q ~
aA
ot
"4
,
4
“A
a4
4
ng 1
4, =
- £
S =
Ee
> —
mA
f
a:
:<
a
a
Be
Ws
4
ff z
aA
e 4 _
= =
- &
=
-—
ik
OS
vp
bee
eee
na
a
te
al S.
A
229 RB. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
to grasp, to seize :
grease, fat
great, big .
green .
grey (colour of a horse)
to grieve '
to grin ;
to grind
grizzled ;
a grub (that eats cloth)
to grudge
to guard
a guide, ; ’
to guide, to precede.
a gun
the gut ;
a gutter :
H.
hair (of the head)
hair (on the body)
halt
a halter ;
to hammer ;
a hand i
a handtul ;
a double handful
a handkerchief ;
the handle (of any tool)
handsome, good-looking
to hang from a peg &c.
(ntr. )
Wakhi.
wadhtir-n- ;
wudhtr-am :
wodhord-am .,
wudhuretk
rogtin P.
lup
SaVvZ —_.,
sharkhhtin ; :
sham tserak A. W.
jok khak
charkht khhash-an :
yekh ;
Sol) ee
jabudi khak (lit. to do
the Jew) :
tkbheiri tserak
nigah khak meee Ww.
sar tserak-kuze
sar khak
miltek
kttan .
sarjen ay :
shatsh ,
rip : .
choti, nimah
sdr-band : P.
chuk-an ; :
chuk-am
chukt-am
chuketk ;
dhast ;
mich
mich :
rimal P.
wadh ;
khhush-rti ¥.
ZIYOV-N :
zZirov-am. :
zirogn-am
zirokhk ; ;
Sarikoli.
wadhord-ao
wadhor-am
wadhord-am
wadhord}
raun. ae
laur
SAVZ
T
Pp
karaboéz
sham cheigao A. 8.
jiek cheigao
chorkh tizd-ao
chal Li
kuwah ZT
jahtdi cheig-ao
aboi cheigao ? P.S.
nigah cheigao P. 8S.
sar-ktin iat
sar cheigao
miltek a.
kutan a
taben
khad
reb
nimabh P;
kal-band Pp,
chakt-ao
chakk-am
echakt-am
chakty
dhust
mut ite
iIngrov
reimal E.
wiedh —
khhtish rt P.
ingakhht-ao
ingakhhs-am
ingakhht-am
ingakbht]
[No. 2,
1876.]
happy, well
to be happy
hard
hardly, with difficulty
a hare
haste, hurry
to hasten, to hurry
a hatchet, an axe
I have, thou hast, &e.
a kind of hawk (karchi-
ghah, T.) shain shoin i
the head sar : : P. kal PR. a
the back of the head . . tor tur | 7
a headman (of a village, | |
&e.) . arbab : . arbob A.
a heap (of grain) - sor ; sor
to heap up sor khak sor cheigao
+o hear kshttin . khtid-ao
kshtti-am khan-am.
kshon-am. khtid-am
kshong . khiedhy
heart : es zard.
heart (metaph.), mind. dil dil P.
a hearth, a fire-place dildong . katstr 2
the heel | posht, pashnah . P. naburg, pukhnah P.
height, tallness kad A. kad A.
height-sickness [from |
rarefaction of air] sudhgh sudhgh
a hem parsits . parasits oy
to hem . namil-n dhafs dhadao a
namil-am &e. aa
namild-am |
namiletk
hemp fibre [none grown] chiga . T. chiga F 4
a hen stréi kérk, makian makian é
a herdsman shtipun P. ghibin P. f a
here! [interj.]| . inké yama =o
here (adv.) dram, ha-dram . aud a
a hero, alsoa man “vir” mard . ; P. churik a
high wuch bilik, biland P. 2
a hillock ok a béak le
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages. ea
Wakhi.
sihat : A.
khtsh wakhht watsn
tung
azar ehilah
sul ;
iztrab A.
iztrab khak =. A. W.
tipar P.
zu—tei, ti— tei, Ke.
(my — ts) (thy — is).
ee
:
Vidas fda tras ey Ha
TERT Tt a heck Fg ap tee LN APIA “
Pe ty lp Ton myer geet enet
Sartkolt.
tin] ts
khiish wakhht setao
teng
aztir ghiléh P.S.
khttm
jati oP;
jati cheigao = iP. SB.
baldah EL:
mu—yost, tti—yost, &e.
(my—is) (thy—is)
a
=
cos
t=
>be Soa
|
a ~~
J
ae
seer
|
tee
hae
‘ +4
eo
SS
* oe
|
’ =a
; Be
ee
‘
i
r} 5
i
os
- 494
‘ - vis w
WEN" at are
tah ae ATS ye et
- we
* a =
= we dedn disineiiahiniee dt N's 4%
~a
8 te ante, =
994, R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalcha} Languages.
*“Wakhi. Sarikoli.
hindmost ’ . sibas-ting ' “abd-yen]
hinge [wooden pins, re-
volving in a hole] SOr] . gareh
the hip bone. . shunj sar (lit. side-head) khaun kal
on the hither side of
(p.p.) , ; —— yem sar ; m1 sar
on the hither side (adv.) tram (tar-yem) ptr . tar mi pur
a hobble [for a horse’s
legs] . ‘ . kishon . TT. kashan Ey
H ge 2. » kitmon L. ketman ie
to hoe, to dig up chappard-ao
chappar-am
chappard-am
chappardj
‘ahog . . khige ., . khaug 2p:
a hole, an aperture hoa Je sear * »GAYZ P,
hollow . - kuwok.. . kawuk ele
the hollow of the hand. pun
a hoof [of a horse] a <.|) aee ?; PF, Sum, 1
acloven hoof ., shilch , . » khalzak
to hop (to fly) . » Yawez-n . rawikht-ao
rawez-am ’ . Tawaz-am
rawezd-am . rawtkhht-am
rawazetk . rawtikhtj
a horn , , shao . khao
hornless ssi, kal ; kal
a horse . : yash . VUTy |
to put on horseback sowar khak . P. W.. suwir cheigao P. S,
horse-clothing prigin . : . parwein
a horseman, a rider vurjin
a horse shoe, nal ee A.
hospitality ' memandari memani le
Hob =. ' shindr . ; . zirm esi
to become hot , . tov witsn . tuv setao
a house [built with flat
roots, a hole in the
centre of the ceiling
for smoke, and raised
dais round the walls, khhun . ‘ P. chéd
a household, also quar.
bers, a camp , kosh 1’. keshtm, kushum_ T.
[No. 2,
\
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 225
| Wakhi. Sarikolz.
a household slave khana zad ; _. khana-zad
how, also what like? . tsa-kum-an . - a Ke P. S.
how? . : tsa rang W. PP. tsa rang 8. P,
how many, how much tsum .. . . tsund ie
to howl, to bay together | varti-n . . varaudeao
(asdogs) = —. - varuy-am : . . varau-am
-varoid-am .. . varud-am.
varttyetk . varaudy
a (camel’s) hump . kap 5 == kiep
hump-backed =. CW . cheng . |
a hundred , sad sad Pp;
hungry ; . marz : -marzainj, marzun
to be or become hungry marz watsn . marzan] set-ao
hunting, sport . shkar . P. . giew
a husband .. Shawar : Fo chur ee
a hut . ktich garma,
I.
{ (pron.) | . wuz,alsoam [see Gram.| waz,alsoam|seeGram. |
an ibex . yuksh : . yakh, also rtsht ghte],
“ved deer”
female, ditto . vazik tugh . ghtte] vaz
(deer goat). _. (deer goat)
ice : . yikh P.- shtu
idea yg. , yad (recollection) PP. yod P.
idle, lazy : . kalgi tserak-kuzg vanao kun SL.
oe Zi . bimar | ; P. bemur P,
ill-advised, who will not | |
take counsel . ,nazakhht . naghukht
illness . . bimari P. bemari rE
fo impinge, to . brush
against ; . shtrakh-n . turft-ao
_ shtrakh-am ; . turf-am
shtrakht-am . turft-am
shtrakhetk turt}
in ; : pa ; . pa ; dartin.
incomplete ; . chela T. chela r.
Indian-corn (not srown |
in W. and §.) . konak T. konak T
an infant, a child gab = . bachah P.
SP ee ee et — .
ee ie + ee
~ eens ale «© ¢
: deter Plenne fife
PLP RAI fer ROT I
ede
7
4
id
pagar Tab pts rf was nit nay te sais anes ee iis
soles GG lA llereg th 1h pedi gt bathe By Ride Deady be bat Mermerhdoh ieee hiked hoor ab aey fi
Mero wt, Bye if) ret r] oh! fend i nites ind Plage Ae EBT BS
=
wee.
Oar (ee
226 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakhi. Sarikolz.
in order to : ale. ar
inside . pa dost . pa dartin, pa—dartin
to intend, to resolve . kasd khak . A. W. kasd cheigao A. S.
interest, usury . jazanah : . jazanah A. T.
the interior . . dost dartin P.
intermixedly . mer . aralash as
(interrogative affix) . ab 624 : a
to introduce, to bring or
take in, to cause to
enter ~ . chirmtty-n ' . duwast-ao
chermtiv-am . duwadh-am
chermovd-am . duwtst-am
chermtivetk . duwtsty
iron . ishn . spin
cast iron oluy un, ; chuytin T.
an island in the midst of |
a stream . jingalak ; P. aralchah T.
to isolate ; . wir khak . . iw’) cheigao
to itch ; . gorosh tserakk . dbjokbht-ao
dhjokhh-am
dhjekhht-am
dhjekbhtj _
J.
a jackdaw ‘ . taghanak ; . tar taghanak
jade-stone ; . kash-ghar W. kash-tashi L
a jar, a large cup pil . chenak
the lower jaw zanakhh . . zangan
to be jealous. . arish khak . arish cheig-ao
jealousy ; . arish . arish
to jog . ; . dakttv-n . wakucht-ao
dakttv-am. ; . wakoch-am
dakovd-am wakucht-am
daktivetk . wakuchtj
to join, to unite. . katti khak . katti cheig-ao
a joint, a soldering . kafshir . kafkheir PS
a joint, articulation . band . ; band a
ajoke,ajest . shtik
to jostle _~ sukh-n-. . bezeid-ao
sukh-am ; . bazis-am
sokht-am ; . bazeid-am
-sukhetk ; . bazedhj
_ ao
s t
thi tien eree
13 Ea pet 7 24
OE I ie ; ee do
; . 4 toh , he este.
SRA LILLIA FO — bai
cof goataa Riad 2d Bile
ETS Cee Scant
‘yt 1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 227 a
Wakht. Sarikol. 4
Kashghar . Késhkhhar _ Koshkhhar a
to keep, to hold [toseize| wadhtir-an _-wadhord-ao a
the kernel of a fruit | a
stone . serk ’ . rukchi méghz Y. P. =
akey . eke — =, . Achghu a E
Sela, = SOR . gherv a
a kidney . welk . . arwits B
to kill, to slay . . sha-in . . zed-ao :
shay-am, shi-t . . zan-am, zind
shitt-am . zed-am
| | shitk . . 2tidhy
a Kirghiz tent . . khhirgah P. khhergoh Pg.
to kiss . . ba tserak . ba cheigao
akite [bird] . ea .. tenroh*
the knee bE = ors ; 7 ewes
to kneel © . . sak brin mudhn . chti zun nalist-ao
char zun nalist-ao
a knife . = . koz , . _chog
a knot . ; . zerakh . . zerekh
to knot a . zerakh ———— ding (éo
strike Se.) . . zerekh — dhad-ao
diam. =. -dha-m
——— dikht-am dhad-am
——— dietk . : dhady
to know ‘ . dish-an. . wazand-ao, &e.
dish-am
disht-am.
dishetk
Li.
child-bearing labour . zicha . . zicha
a ladder . wakhhar | . shatta ay
alady . khhanzah ; . khbhanzoh
alake,apool . ;= kel . ae a T.
alamb . . wurk . . barka
* Probably for chargh P., which has in Wakhi become contracted, by the loss of
the final guttural, to tsdr. In the Yarkandi name sa for a kite, we probably have the
same Persian word in a form contracted to a still further extent by the loss of the final
» (which the Yarkand{s are apt to omit in many of their words), and by the alteration
of the Persian ch which becomes ts in the Ghalchah dialects and simple s in Yarkand.
The series of corruptions (chargh, tsargh, tsar, sa) is so natural as to suggest the idea
that the Y4rkandi{s obtained this Persian word through their Ghalchah neighbours.
7
vit
- ax Ss “ n“
EAL AAMEL, Ss ARN A ERE UAY yA
’ : " -° - : ’
a ee a Ne AD a2 \
~~ - - ee
~ - 5 ret reg * hem OB mrnpy 9 «
—
928 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakhi. Sartkoli.
lamb-skin wurk pist . zer bast
lame. = . lang lang P.
lamentation. . wagh wach
a lamp . . chiragh . tsirao P.
large, big : . ‘lop . -laur
alark [bird] . . «turghai. T. turghai div
last year . pard ? P. parwus
of last year ° ° pard-tng : : parwus-en]
lasting, strong . . purdasht i P. painug P;
late [adv. ] . dhosh . déir Ee
late, recent “ . yand-ting . Ingom-en]
lately. ; . yand . Ingom
to laugh . kand-ak shind-ao
kand-am . shand-am
kandi-am : shind-am
kandetk shindy »
laughable kandak-asok . shind-asuk
lazy, slow ; gahal A. kashane T.
lead [metal] surb P. kurgashim T.
to lead . kutal cheig-ao
a leat [of a tree] palch pork (darg P.)
lean, emaciated . khat . khut
to lean against . » putriiz-n . padrazd-ao
putriiz-am . padraz-am
patraz-am _padrazd-am
putruzetk padrazdj
to learn . yekhk watsn . . ikhhman setao.
leather (not tanned but
rubbed soft) . . gardagi P. parkhao
leave, permission, reply,
answer : . jJuwab ; . juwub -.
lett [hand] 3 = Chap . chap PS
left-handed chapaki : . chapaki
chap dhast es |
leg, foot . pudh . pedh
(an animal’s) lénge . . lang P.
the leg below the knee . mashin lang . mishin lange
paichah paichah sae &
a white leopard, an ounce pos, babr A... pis
less (adv.) . dzak-tar : ‘dzul-dir
to let go, (to put down) latsar-an
a lever » khhirs, . F . aram aps
.
1876.] — Ki. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 229
— Wakhz. Sarikols.
to lick . likh-n . dhikt-ao
likh-am . dhok-am
hkht-am dhikt-am
hikhetk . . dhiktj
a lid or cover of a sauce-
pan gash-gin . naghak
a lie, an untruth GuL6oh =. P. fand ae
to lie in ambush malish tserak , . sord-ao
sur-am
surd-am
- surd]
to lie down, to lie . , Nast-n, , . alid-ao
ndsi-am, nisi-t . . alas-am, alist
nast-am : . altid-am
nasetk . ; alitid)
to cause to lie down, to
lay down . nusitiv-n . aleizind-ao, &e. -
: niisitiv-am =
nosiovd-am
nusiuvetk
to lift, to raise . . wuchtserak . . ter cheigao
light Gn weight), also
fast (of a horse) , Fath kee, vs « +¥indz
light-coloured (of eyes). . chakir.. . ¢hakar
light, radianee . 4. NOM . von
to lighten, (ightning) . barkhhding . . barkhh dhadao
lightning . barkbh. : . barkhh A.
like that, so, . . hazi,nik-hazi . nikdas
: like . rang. : rang P.
a line, a seore - ehirgh 7 ‘ . ehighir
to line, to cover a gar-
ment, &e. with stuff .
to draw a line, to score .
linseed, flax (none grown)
alip .
Sd ©
to listen, to give ear
?
tash khshak . T. W.
chirgh khash-an
khash-am ..
khasht-am .
os khashetk .
zaghir .
lafch, lav °
gehish kat-ak .
kata
kart-am .
katetk .
Sn ee nnn nen . aa
tash tizd-ao T.S.
chighir tizd-ao
taz-am
tizd-am
tizd]
zaghir s OP
pauz
ghaul wedhd-ao
wedh-am
———— wedhd-am
——— wedhd}j
ptt PERILS,
rtp pet Py porte —_
i J - fy
ei eenprcar gnats
1 bs Pe A OF a 2s
ey LES ‘ giffus
wt prin a 7 Ne r. =; at Ee
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t
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dale ibe aa aM Ai aa a Aa ci
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;
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is
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6. 4)
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A Ahk draggin Sac
alist i
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Le we hh
‘ abate OO LS
BS Sak Nave
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ee
* .
-
Ot np
230 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakht. Sarckolt.
little, small . dzaklai . . azul
a little, little (adv.) - Zak =... . dzul
a very little morsel . timik safk oe ee i
the liver — + oe HES ss P. thid
A load = . vur : : . WeZ
to load . , . vir khak . dhakht-ao
dherz-am
dhakht-am
dhakht]
locality, a place. , al ; ; yal P.
to lodge, to put up (intr. ),
to pass the night = ey Panalak «-. . reid-ao
to cause to lodge, to give
a night’s lodging, to
put up (tr.) . . shub’rdiivn oo. . khab-ar reizand-ao
reizan-ant
reizand-am
« reizand]
a log of wood . . ktmdah ; . ktndah P.
lone. . VOYZ |
as long as, as far as, till,
during ; batkan . — its, ta its
longing, desire . , .awas... ; . awas |
to look, to look after . didig-n. . chttkht-ao
didig-am =: . chas-am y
didigd-am . chitkt-am |
didigetk , . chitkhtj ‘a
to look after, to watch . nigah tserdk . P. W. nigah cheig-ao P. 8.
loose, wide . farakh . P. run
to loose . wittshe-in
wush-am
washin-am
witshetk |
to lose . . nus-an . . bindst-ao
nus-am . . binas-am
nast-am . binadst-am
nusetk . binasty
to be lost, to disappear. nash-ak 34 . beid-ao
: bis-am.
nash-am ; ees
nasht-am. : . beid-am
nashetk oe . bedhj
Se OS SO Ot “be? a +" O=9 = tour =: ~—-— Li — “- oo i ee ae”
” ) 1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghaichah Languages. 231
| Wakh. Sarikol.
to lose the way . . Yapats-an F . nalkhhid-ao
: rapits-am > | |
a ; * nalkhhau-am
rapagn-am . nalkhhttd-am
/ ) rapakhk : . nalkhhudhy
- to cause to lose the way, | |
to mislead _.. . Yapetstiv-an nalkhawaAnd-ao
rapetsuv-am &e.
rapetsovd-am
mi rapetstvetk
a louse . : . -shishs— te ee Spal
love. . yurung (?)
to love, (to kiss) . ba tserdk . ba cheigao —
lucerne grass. . wuyerk . = . ._ beda te
4 lukewarm Darin = : P. shilet
lungs . : . shush . : Psu
a mace . i OMe = . . gure P.
: to macerate, to powder. .dhukhn . yug-ao
:) dhttkh-am i . yan-am
dhokht-am - vViue-am,
dhtiketk : . yugy
a cotton-eleaning ma-
chine ; . ¢chigharik T. . chigharik i.
mad, a madman ; a : , . dhew
madder (swbst.) . urudan. . araden
a magple . karjopeh . kargopeh
amaid,avirgin . . . pur-chodh : P. _ gats
maimed = SHAE ie . shal
to make, to do . . khak, gokh-an . . cheigao
: ‘ kan-am.
gokh-am, go-m . kakh-t (8rd sing.)
, gokh-t . : ' Cka-it (2 pl.)
gokht-am ; . chaug-am
‘. khetk . = . chaugy oF
to make, to construct . saz khak . P.W. saz cheigao P.S.
tomake equal Gn height) rur-an . ee,
rur-am . ; - Yror-amM
rord-am , . rord-am
ruretk . . rordy
male, . ghosch . , mer
GG
a + a ee 7 Bee — . —* > .
ean enteee — —vemitenees ate «
939 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghaichah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakhi. Sartkolt,
a mallet _kutum-. ig . - petgal, kutum —
aman “vir,” also ahero dhai_. . ehurik |
a man of Yarkand . Yarkandi : . khari (vz. shahri, a
townsman)
amanger . zardakhur P. akhtr PE.
the mane (of a horse) . yal : : . 2 yal Tt.
a mantilla (woman’s) . chil .. . khadhbun
many, much . . o @hateh-, . htich
how many? howmuch? tsum_ . . tsund aE,
amarch,a migration . kuch . P. kach ee
amare . . madhach -= VOrZ
a married man, a master
of a household . ketkhhudah . P. ketkhhudtih FP.
marrow. . serk . muze
a marsh (see mud) . khbhotin . ghatin
massive, thick . . bay a . diveéz
a master . sayib : A. sahib A.
to masticate, to munch. . mak-an . = . -zehad-ao
mak-am . zghau-am
makt-am . zghod-am
maketk . . zghodhj
matter, pus . Ark. : P. ghond
mean, sordid . . badh-tap (? bad tabi’at P.) ghazd
a measure of capacity . pimana. P. paimana RP.
to measure . chok khak or tserak . — chdk cheig-ao
meat . es . gusht : P. . gitkht Bi
medicine, a drug oo P-. dari P.
to meet, to encounter . dichdr ding ; . dichar dhad-ao
, to melt (intr.) . .. ab watsn .. ub setao “We
: | memory, recollection .. yAd Po ytd P.
3 | a merchant, a rich man. bai T. bai ae
- mercitul-hearted - kbhatir bin. P. khhatir bin P
a a merlin (hawk) . turungtai I. turung tai 1.
: midday meal sig dyed). chasht. . P. tsukht
the midst, the middle. malung . madhan
middle (adj.), intermedi- | uae
ate - malung-ting . - madhan-enj, madhan
-sedhy
milk ZAYZ . khevd
thick milk (shortly after
calving) rp. pikn . ratheh
|
1876.]
to milk . :
Wakhi.
. dhits-n
dhits-am.
dhogn-am
dhokhk
to give milk freely (of a
cow or goat to which
the youngoneis shown) ravir khak
ath. . khadhore
a funnel-shaped feeder
of a mill ae
to mimic . put mui-n
—— mtui-am
—— moid-am
muietk
to mince, to cut up . chup-n
chup-am
chavd-am.
chetk
mind, heart. ., puziv, dil &.
amine . _, Kan
mirage (shadow ?) . saya
& miser . . kumus
to mislead, to cause to
lose the way . Yapetsuv-n
to mix, to compound
month
rapetsuv-am
rapetsovd-am.
rapetstivetk
shind-ak
shand-am
shandid-am
shondetk
Ae
Mu.
€
-—-— = «2 «= a - - eer >
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. | 233
Sarikolt.
dhaud-ao
dhauz-am
dhaud-am.
dhaud]
raver cheigao
khadhor]
skaun.
pardhid-ao
pardhau-am
pardhud-am
pardhedhj
khevdao
kheib-am.
khevd-am
khevd]
dil
ktin
suya P
bakhhil
bg bg
nalkhawand-ao
Se.
khhirkht-ao
khhirkh-am
khhirkht-am.
khhirkht}
A
Mas:
Money.—There is no coinage ; that of neighbouring countries is sometimes
found, but barter is the usual mode of transacting business,
coarse pieces of Yarkand cloth being the standard of value
(in dealing with the Kirghiz, erain is the standard). Grain and
cattle are cheaper in Wakhan than in Sarikol, or rather Yarkand
cloth is dearer in the former place.
moon .
more ,
moreover, again
.; jumak
. yab
, waz
P.. wutz P.
i | a vs e
Oe —_- ws =e _ “
= +t = 2 ot enem ey © he AP -=
934 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah, Languages. [No. 2,
| | Wakht. Sartkolt.
early in the morning .. naghdin : . pigan, pigan-ath P.
the morning meal - plzvan ; . pakhik
the Morning Star . karwan kiish - P. yaulan zak
(caravan killer) - (dawn star ?)
a mosquito . pth . pasha P.
a moth parwand si P. parwana P,
E a moth (that eats cloth) wich oe: eh
4 g mother -- nan _- and. iy
; t mother-in-law . . khash . khhekhh
iE a mound, hillock . bok . béak
1: a mountain . koh i. . ti]
; a mountain stream . jirav yupk - P. W. darah khats Pp. §
E to mount, to. go up or |
a. out . . nawtz-an . nakhtid-ao
a mouse : . purk . purge
moustache . shapar . biritt i
a mouth . ghash = Shoy
to move, to shift (intr.) tdch-n - kuzghal set-ao —‘'T.
toch-am
tocht-am
tochetk ;
to move, to shift (tr.) . tachtiv-n ; - kuzghamish cheigao T.
tachtiv-am
tachovd-am
tachiivetk
much (fullamount) . tki : -- pur P:
somuch, that much . a-tum . dund
thus much, or many . ma-tum , . mund
mud, clay . khhot . ghat
music se .* SAZ P. saz Pp.
to make music . saz khak . BP. W. saz cheig-ao_ iP. S.
a musical instrument . doria . TP nagehma, P.
musk. + taushle-s P. mukhk tr.
a mussuk (goat skin) . dhotsk ; . amban
asmalldo. (kid skin) . pitvar oe , eeebish
mustard ; . kichi Y. kichi pe
zarghun* ; . zarghun
N.
naked, bare . shilakh, chand . .- chalendak
* Perhaps this ig the origin of the Yarkandi word zdghun (by the clision of the +
common in that dialect—rather than vice versa).
ee
Se ae gt Ee Oe ee ee etre “> - a 68 es oe @ 1 ty —- a Ses
1876. | KB. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 935
Wakht. Sarikols.
name . - hung P. nam P.
a napkin, a handkerchief rimal P. réimal P.
narrow, tight. . tang P. tong P.
narrower, tighter . » tane-tar P. tong-dér P.
the navel ~ or P. vanuj
near (adv. ) : = Sthilaias. nizd P.
near, by (p.p.) . da ———— schikh = khez
necessaries Jazimi—. : lAzimi leg
necessary, needful lazim = jazi i
dar kar P. -dar kur -.
the neck . gardhan P. gardhan P:
a needle sits .. Sits
a packing needle jual-duz . . jual-duz E.
aneighbour.. . ’am-saya P. keshni T.
a nephew : khihan
a nest. yoth. | LOZ
to net (to lay a net) tor rast _khak tur rust cheigao’
to net (stitch) [see to
plait]. parwut-n parwittao
parwut-am parwat-am
parwatt-am parwitt-am
parwutetk parwift]
new, fresh . schogd, tazah P. . nuj, tuzah P.
news . . khabar P.. khabar P.
to give news . khabar katak khabar wedh-ao
kat-am weidh-am
——— kart-am wedhd-am
——_—— katetk . — = wednd
night . faa . naghd ee khab (shab) ve
a night-spectre that eats __
people, a night-mare. vaghd void
Hine —- >: , ~» nao = . new
ninetieth : . toksanao T. toksanao fe
ninety ; . toksan T. toksan ES
mnth: —. j nawao : newao
no nel : nal
@ noise, a cry . awagh PP. awuy FP.
seda, A. sherta P.
noon, . madhtr madhor (? madhan
rwar )
a nose . .- mis | naz
a - oS on :- _
—_ ore —- cee ree — = reer, - °
236 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalcha), Languages. [No. 2,
Wakht. Sarikols.
a nose bag . tiitrah P. tifrah
not. - na, ma with Imperative. na, ma (Iinp.)
there is not, is not . hast - nist | 2.
now, at this very time . niv, ha-niv : ee
O.
an oath . kasam . . kasam As
to obtain, to arrive at . got-an . . vig-ao
got-am : . varé-am
sott-am . vug-am
votetk F - VUugy
odd, not even . . tak : 2k T.
odour, smell, scent ull . bao
to offer, to present . , tir-an.&e. . rord-ao, &e.
a high official . . sardar P. sardar P.
old . ‘kbbiyar pdiide ..-keno (kohnah).dad%
-an old man . baba pirak : P. abushka T.
an old woman . ,, Kampir. ; aP. kanepir Pe
on . sak — an, — tsusk, ptir chit —, — indér
one ee hi ea Et
one-another - Iman (? for i-yem-an
“one with this one’) i-mi’r (one to this one)
one by one -, Ighance han fis) . igén igan R.
wild onions. . karilghan , . karilghan
open = + FROt ‘ . hat
to open . hot tserak : . hat cheigao
opposite .. ruparu ; . rubaru P, a
; oppressed, humble . vardhakhk ; . vizedhj |
a order, (goodness) » bafi : . charji | |
7 a to order, to command . raméi-n : - ramad-ao
iE rami-am ‘ . ( rami-am
ff , : —
romott-am , . ramdd-am
| rametk . ramodhy]
orderly (good) . . bat . char]
a personal ornament . sdtk ; 2] tas
the os coccygis . dzogdzogh . dzugzugh
an. otter . kama Y. kama Me
an ounce, a white leo-
pard : . pos : ‘ . pis
outcry, proclamation . wagh °
outside (adj.) . vVich-ung ‘ . vach-enj
outside of (prep.)
outside (adv.) .
to overflow ;
to overtake
to overthrow, throw
down, (a wall &.,) .
the Ovis Poh. :
female.
an owl |
an Ox 7
P;
pace
well paced, fast
a paddle : :
a padlock ;
a pail (wooden)
to feel pain, also to be
angry
-@ pair
a paling =
a panier :
a parasol
to parch or roast grain
parched grain ground
into meal. Hind.,
* sattu’’
parti-coloured
a partner
@
Wakht.
tsa vich
tar vich
norosh ding
gat-ak
gat-am
gati-am
gatetk
but-an
btit-am
bott-am
butetk
vroksh
marg
ktm
druksh
wéyau
tuk
wéyawin
pél
schik
talao
r1z-an
riz-am.
rizd-am
rizetk
jait
chit
P var
chatr
varesh-n
varesh-am
varesht-am
vareshetk
post
dhard
ambaz-kar
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
Sartkol«.
tar vach
QZ,
tar vach
ter dhad-ao
trebt-ao
frobs-am
fribt-am.
fribtj
imbat-ao
imbat-am
imbatt-am
—imbaty
rus
ktm
khe]
weyau.
tid
wéeyawin
féi
kul P.
tala |
dhizd-ao
dhiz-am
dhizd-am
dhizdj
jurt P.
kushum
chatr L:
virzd-a0
virz-am
virzd-am
virzd]
pakht ay
chiel
urtak-chi ot
SE PSS es ee ee ae a
237
AEN 6 is SSE UTR Pade 8 OSS
yh ary beets ? ear iv Meat
eek yee bi a
ul
Ae
xs
Serres t
Ns Attia
Lb.) nat? Db ee kh Bae |
ws - | A
Srey ¥
a
ee
*: By
on WOR EEA UE
PE TR A edat vee ne eee NES ESL Any a
re ia
*=*
to vet erwepey oe -
938 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2
Wakhd. Sarikolz.
By partridge ( Caccabis -
pallidus. Hume.) . ehkor .. Zaredz
a pass (over mountains) wiyin P. -Weyawun P
to pass through, over,
or by; to ford, to
traverse, to pass by
a fault, to let pass
(one’s rights) shokhhs-n . nharjéd-ao
-~shokhhs-am
narjes-am.
narjas-t
shokhhst-am . harjed-am
shokhhsetk . narjudhj
shokhhstiv-n , ;
shokhhstiv-am
shokhhsovd-am
narzamband-ao
Q A
narzamban-am
narzamband-am.
to cause to pass by
shékhhsovetk -harzamband]
a passer-by shokhhsn-ktize narjed-ich6z
a pasture (see grass) wushin —wukhin
a patch Gn a garment) pshin . . psaun
a path, aroad . . .vadhak . . pand
patient pol-nag . por-nuk Pe
shov shuv T.
pay, wages. . . mazd muzd = Ee
peas . shakh . makh
to peck > Wem ino . nttsk dhadao
a peg, a nail mekhh . makhh Er
perception, cognizance . . darak darak ee
to perforate serv khak . darz cheigao
a& person khhalg A. kbhalg — roe
perspiration khil, arak A. khaidh :
to perspire
a snow pheasant (Tetrao-
arak tserak
. khaidh vasid-ao
gallus tibetamus) khorz .. tsatsa
a plece, a portion _ chut . kond, ghor
in pieces (adv. ) .. chut echut kond kond
to pierce, to split (tr.) . chafand-ao
chafan-am
chatand-am
: chafand]
a pig _ khiig P. khaug ae
a pigeon kibit P.. chabaud
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 239
: Wakhié. Sartkole.
to pile up, to make up
a fire yadh-n . rakhid-ao
yadh-am . rakhi-am
yadht-am : . rakhid-am
yadhetk . rakhedhy
a pillow balesh balakh
khaval
to pinch . ehtich-an _, tsirambd-ao
chttch-am tsiramb-am
chocht-am. . . tsirambd-am
chitchetk . tsirambdj
pink : . al jy is
a pit gilets kars
a pitcher - hs let
a pitch-fork bun . skaun
a place, locality yal eee i
a place covered with
stones, like a moraine ghor . kurum T
a watering place . yupk jai . W. PP. khokh-tuy
a plague . ghumar (? for ghubar
“vapour A.) . kasal
a plain Gin an angle of
a river) toka ; . tokai | T.
to plait, to weave wuf-n Wwilt-ao
wut-am wat-am
Wola == . witt-am
wutetk wilt]
to plaster
a platform or raised
ground
to please
to be pleased with
a plough es
a plunderer
a plundering raid ;
to plunge, to dip oneself
a pocket
a poem, poetry
a point ;
to poke : ;
H H
lawak khak
e
LAZ
khhush khak . P. W.
laik khak As IW.
spundr
karakehi : T.
oharat E.
ghot yit-n es tae 2S
yijib eee
makaém-i-bait . A.
mis (nose)
farnets ding
&e.
lawak cheigao
nokhh
khhush cheigao P. 8.
yerar cheig-ao (? T.) S.
=
a
A
e]
“a
sh *
saps barnett
spur d
alamtin E:
bulan T. a
ghiitt khig-ao P. S. eS
yenjiek T. z
mai hee A u
naul a
ket dhadao a
ee
‘9 4%
ei
SC.
+? he Owe =p = «
240
a police official
a pool
poor, indigent
a poplar
posteriors :
potash
to pound (into even
to pound, to beat
to pour
to powder, to macerate .
power, strength
powerful, strong
small-pox
to praise
precipitous
pregnant (of women)
» , with young (of
‘icdinnin) |
prepared, ready
presence
a present, a keep-sake
to present, to offer,
extend)
to press, to grasp
Wakhi.
mir-shab
na-murad
tirak
toghrak
tamshin
shakor
palm khak
chik-n
ehtiik-am
ehtikt-am
ehiketk
kat-ak
kat-am
—kart-am
katetk
dhukh-n
dhtkh-am
dhokht-am
dhtiketk
ktich
ktchin
spragh ae
sto-an or sitao-an.
sto-am or sitao-am
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
Pp.
P. A.
stod-am ov sitaod-am
stowetk or sitaotk
parian
dijan
varen]
shal
prut, shikh
samghot
rur-an
rur-am
rort-am
ruretk ri
tranj-an
tranj-am
tranjd-am
trakhhk
| No. 2,
Sartkoli.
kurbashi eae
Kaul T
na-murad PLA
tirak di
toghrak T
shakhhor QP.
padhm cheig-ao
ehakt-ao
chak-am
chakt-am
chakty
wiedhd-ao
SC.
yug-ao
yan-am
yiig-am_
yug}
kuch Tr.
ktichin ‘Tr.
gul (flower) P
staud-ao
stau-am
staud-am.
staud}
pariend
garim pti
varinz
shai E.
prod, prut, khez
samghut e P,
rord-ao
ror-am
rord-am
rord]
waghrakht-ao
waghréig-am
waghrakht-am
waghrakhtj
1876.)
to press down .
price
to prick, to hab
to prick its ears (of a
horse)
print (chintz)
a proclamation
to profit, to affect, to
stain
& prop, a support
to prop
propitious Faicoht hand)
to be prostrated, to be
exhausted _
to prove, to try
a proverb, a tale
provisions, supplies
to pucker up, to become
puckered
to pull, to draw (in
several senses), v7z. to
drag, to draw lines,
also to pull tobacco,
2. e. to smoke, also to
transport
the pulse ‘
a Peppy
to purge
to pursue, to follow
pus, matter
Wakhr.
~-vardhenz-n
vardhenz-am
vardhegn-am
vardhakhk
wagh
khhala ding
ktrr khak
chit
Ssuran
nadhevs-an
nadhevs-am
nadhevd-am
nadhatk
takia
takia diin (din )
rast
sest watsn
Azmud tserak
zindag
Za
ehort watsn
khash-ak
khash-am
khasht-am
khashetk
yerr
skon
wan] ding
zgatran khak
ehirk
P. W.
See
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Lanquages. 241.
Sarvkolt.
vizid-ao
vizin-am, vizan-d
vizid-am
vizedh]
khhall4 dhadao P. 8.
ktirr cheigao
chit (? English)
- ulam A.
nadhevd-ao
nadhivs-am
nadhavs-t
nadhevd-am
-nddhevdj
Pp
baleik
baleik dhadae
khheiz
sust setao -
Azmtid cheigao =—i~P..
saug
ZAU
wikhj setao
tizd-ao
taz-am
tizd-am.
tizd]
eos
chukhh
dartn det-ao
zatran cheig-ae
Sek She :
ehond
7
a
7)
‘
w
:
|
4
‘|
| 2
’
d
“
:
, ise
4
a :
4 ; Past
P|
’ Eee
Bea
4 =
tis
a -S
a
«dee
‘2 ;
’
242 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Langaages.
Wakhi.
to put, to place _. latsér-n
latser-am
lakart-am
: lakartk . ;
to put by besa
diiv-am .
diovd-am .
—— (diivetk ,
to put on (clothes), to
Sartkolé.
. lachéig-ao
. lak-am
- lachaug-am
. lachaugy
bakh dhaiand-ao
: dhaian-am
. —— dhaidnd-am
—— dhaiandj
dress (oneself) . pamets-an pameig-ao
} pamets-am ) paméz-am
pamest ; pamiz-d
pamagn-am . pamaug-am
pamakhk . pamaugy
to put on horseback sowar khak P. W. suwtir cheigao P. S.
to put in pieces, to di-
vide small ;
to put up (intr.), to lodge,
to pass the night
to cause to put up, to give
a night’s lodging
zest khak
shub’r halak
shub’r diivn
to putin the proper place, sak jai latsarn
to set in order, latsar-am.
lakart-amo
lakartk
pitk watsn ;
to putrify, to rot
Q.
a quagmire .
aqual . ©. wolch ee
to quake een a
aquarrel,atumult , gehash .
rezah cheig-ao
. khab-ar réid-ao
. kh&b-ar réiz4nd-ao
réizan-am
pe A
reizand-am
pe A 6
réizand]
chii jai lacheig-ao
lak-am
lachaug-am.
lachaugy
. pid-ao
pay-am
pud-am
pedhj
chat
ehat-in
badanah a,
malikkas cheig-do
. ghash
[No. 2,
— ee ee eee eC; OR or es ee oe Sp a a - -—-— =o > @ tee = .
fist PUI i ote
REO peel Saee aia ytl ip ,
ree PAL EE a Toe -“ rane i.
RSA LS Y ALi «9 ds 7 ~
rag ao ar
\
)
| 1876. | _ &R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages. 24.3 a
“ae
Wakhé. Sarikoli. 3
to quarrel . ghash katak . ghash wedhdao
a quarrelsome person . ghash katadk-kiize . ghash-kun
quarters, camp, also a
household . , Osh, T. kushttm T.
to quench one’s thirst . takhhi shkttdh-n . tiiri vardakht-ao
By -shkon-am varal-am
shkond-am varakht-am
one varakht]
to quench another’s
thirst, to giveto drink takhhi shkadhtiv-n
—— shkadhtiv-am
ee shkadhovd-am
. turi varakhtand-ao
varezan-am
varezand-am
———~ shkadhttvetk . -—— varezindj
quickly . . jald : PP. jald Ee.
{ more quickly . . jald-tar. meso P. . qald-déer le
quicksilver . sim-av . P. sim-uv P
to quiet, to appease . shov khak 2, . shuv cheicao
to become quiet . shov watsn i . shuv setao
to quilt ; . sirekh khhashak . siregh tizd-ao
| R.
m radiance, light . oun 2 5 Voi
arag , aelok . . tsaul
, Peak: = 3 WUE 2S . wareélj
aram . . ghdsch mai .. . nier maul
| Wat ===. . wiern
bO Pam: Inia . ladh-an . tambd-ao
ludh-am ; . tamb-am
I}
lotht-am . tambd-am
| ludhetk . tambdyj
a rat ov mouse . pik pare
rations . | : . -Sheilan. . T. sheilan a
a raven. : . shond . . khhérn
a ravine, a gorge Se . dher
qivav . darah Pp.
&YAazor . : a tiégh —. 2. - paki TT.
to reach, to attain . parvain . bizeid-ao
I to read, to Say, to repeat join : . . khoid-ao
ready of speech . ushyar . P. chechan Tr.
to reap . = aruen= = = - $510d-40
draw-am, drit . . tséy-am
drett-am . tsid-am
dretk . . tsedhj
-_—
oa —_ a guetens ae ee ee eee —— vate ee — — womens oo. ~ or
S
244: R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Lanquages. [No. 2,
Wakht. Sarckolt.
the rear, the back part. tsibas . . . zaboh t
to receive, to find, to ; : | |
obtain . Sovak . vig-ao
, sot-am . . . varé-am
a: sott-am : . viig-am
f gotetk . : ee]
a: to recognise. .. pazdan . . padzand-ao
E pazdan-am . padzan-am
ee pazdand-am_ si . padzand-am
BL pazdanetk . padzand]
| to recollect, to bring to
f mind . tar yad wuztim-n . tar yud veig-ao
# recollection, memory . yad_. : P. yud ee
. to be reconciled, to be-
come friends, . asht watsn . P. W... ukht setao P. §.
to recover (from illness) séhat watsn . A. W. séhat setao A.S.
red er 0) ane . rusht
areed . . kamish . T. kamush- A
refuse . grepk 7 — poke A.
regretiul . pusheiman _ oP. pukhemze P.
reins = eon he ee ere
related in the Ist degree
(brothers german) . vrttin . : . vrador
a relation sesh * P. kbheikh - P.
to release, to free . .khhalas khak .. . khbhalus cheigao P.
ae to remain over . . bosh ding 5; . _bakh dhad-ao
: Lt to remain . warech-n ov wara-in . réid-ao
a3 warich-am. { eae
EEE ras-t
i [ waregn-am . reid-am
a warekhg . ,redhy
avemainder . . Kar ; ied kee Le
a remedy ‘ Sc ie ee P. . chara P.
to remove, to cause to
SO away . ¢chawtiv-n . . tadzand-ao
chawtiv-am . tadzan-am
chawovd-am .. . tadzand-am
| chawtivetk . tadzandy
renowned ; Ome <5 . dangi pT.
arest-house . rabat . T. rabat ly.
1876.]
to retrovert, to force back
to return, to turn back .
a social re-union
to revolve, to rotate
to cause to revolve or
rotate
arib.. ;
Wakht.
tov tserak
pshé-in
pshin-am, or
pshett-am
pshetk
mailis .
gir-an
gir-am
gird-am
giretk
girlv-an
giriv-am
A
girovd-am
-girivetk
purs
rice in the husk (not grown
shal P. eruny 1.
in those valleys) .
a rich man, a merchant .
to ride .
riding animal, a “mon-
ture’’
aridge .
night (hand), hence sue-
cesstul, propitious,also
straight
tosetright .
rind (of fruit). .
aring ,
to ring, to resound
to rinse (cups or clothes)
bai
- vidhé-in
vidhaw-am
vidhett-am
vidhetk
wulagh
kir
rast
bat khak
shpak
pulangusht
jiringas khak
purt-n. .
puru-am
porod-am
puruetk
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. : IA5
Sartkolt.
tipt-ao
tab-am
tipt-am
tipt]
wazevd-ao
wazevs-am
wazevd-am
wazevd]
mailis
oeheérd-ao
ehirs-am
eherd-am
eherdj
sherand-ao
oehéran-am
oeherand-am
eherand]
pala
shal P.
bai by
suwur setao P.S.
walugh diy
kur €.
khheiz
rust cheigao
shupak
jiring cheig-ao
parod-ao
paro-am
parod-am.
parodhy
—
tt ee ee i tee
I46 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghaichah Languages.
to rip up a seam
aerrver =:
ariver beach (gravel
bed) .
a road, a path
to roast or parch grain,
to try
a fur robe
an outer robe
a rod =.
to roll Gntr.) .
to roll (tr.)
to roll up, to wind :
a roller.
a root-filament ;
rope.
to rot, to petite
rotten, putrid .
round .
to rub, to stroke
to rub to powder be-
tween the fingers
to rub up (paint, wie
in water .
Wakhr.
Y1Z-n
riz-am
rozd-am
rizetk
darya .
sangov .
vadhak .
varesh-n
varesh-am
varesht-am
vareshetk
karast .
chapan . iD.
shopk .
wul watsn : :
wul tserak
zZzwal-n : =.
zway-am .
zwett-am :
zwetk . ;
ehaltak eee
wadhn .
shivan . :
pitk watsn :
pitk =. ;
pet .
dhast ding (¢o strike the
hand)
vizam-n
vizam-am. :
vizamd-am
vizametk
shtindak
shand-am :
shanddi-am
shundetk
Sariko li.
raod-ao
raoz-am
raod-am.
raod]
darya
sangdv
pand
virzd-a0
virz-am.
virzd-am
virzd]
warban
chapan
kheéib
wul set-a0
wul cheig-ao
ZeYwid-a0o
zerwey-am
zerwid-am.
zerwedh]
shultak
yildiz
vukh
pid-ao
pay-am
pud-am
pedhy
pedhj
put
dhiist dhad-ao
* 4
vizamd-ao.
e 4
vizamb-am
e X\
vizamd-am
@ Xx @
vizamd]
shipt-ao
shab-am
shipt-am
shipt]
| No. 2,
Se 2 Fs af o> ge ee oe, Be ere we eee —— —_— > 2 > *hee ——S r _~ «>. < = o* - sf — * mm «a .* @& .
rs
parlor
FEF LOELOS:
IVT ASG ’ " Seine —
RAGA L Hue ee bi ea be ”
Vey Wie ad P
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 247 i
Wakhi. Sartkoli. — ‘a
aru: ; .: Palas =. P. palus cae, =
to ruin, to spoil. . weéirain tserdk . . wéirun cheigao P. 8. 1s
rumour, report . , s0gne 2% 4. done ae 7
| torun . . gOdfs-an. . zokht-ao a
it odfs-am . z0Z-amM =
; gdist-am . zokht-om
gdfsetk : . . zokhty.
a rush (kind of grass) . kirir . . shtidh
rust : . «Aa0Car . P. tot
S.
a coarse sack . taghar . : AT. ghaun
a saddle . podhn . bidhan
; a saddle-bag = khurjin
sake. a <7 on
saliva . 5 Se = Te bu = T.
Sab — -. biniak: . : P. namadhy a=
salt (adj.) = . nimakin . namadhyjin
this same, this very . ha-yem. ; . nik-yam
sand. . _ lerwarch . chush
to satiate . setk khak .. seir chéigae
satiated ; <-, Sebi =. . sélr =
to be satiated . - . setk watsn . seir setao
savoury, sweet . . kbhuze ; = khhég
asaw . — Barran . . harrah P.
to say . . khan-ak . levd-ao
khan-am . lev-am
khatt-am . levd-am
khanetk . levdy
to say (prayers), toread join. . khoid-ao
10y- am 3 . khty-am
joid-am seg = 4. khoidam
joyetk . khoidj
a scabbard,asheath . nadhiin . ghalut P.
ascar . : . tofch, turtuk T. . tifch, tartik T.
to scare away . . putriim-n . padromd-ao
piitriimb-am . padromb-am
potrombd-am . . padromd-am
putrimetk . padromd]
Se ee i ct in ee Rees mee owe ~ een ene ee
948 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. | No. 2,
| Wakhi. Sartkolz.
to score, to draw a line. chirgh khash-an . . chighir-tizd-ao
khash-am . —— taz-am
—— khasht-am . —— tizd-am
—— khashetk . . ——— tizdy
a scorpion ~ «hur . prich-ga5 . sher chérm
(donkey worm) . . (donkey worm)
to scratch . chingal diin (ding), also changul dhaédao, also
druip-n . . , chid-ao
driip-am . chau-am
dropt-am . chtid-am
driipetk : . ¢chudhy
a scratch, a score, a line chirgh . . chighir
to scream, to lament . wagh-wagh tserak .. wigh-wagh cheigao
the seat of honour (in a |
company) . . ¥az ; ; . nokh
to stand security . dastadar watsn. P. W. kafil setdo PS
to see, also to visit peewee, =. » Wand-20-
win-am . Wwein-am
wind-am . wand-am
winetk . ; . wand
a seed . .- baghm. . . toghm de,
to seek, to search . sbhktr-n . . khkéig-ao
shktir-am . khkar-am, khkir-d
shktrd-am . khkaug-am
shktretk . khkaugy
seemly, worthy of being
seen . Wwing-asok - wand-asuk
to seize, to grasp, to — : :
hold . . : . wadhiir-n . , . wadhord-ao
wudhtir-am : . Wwadhor-am
wodhord-am_ . . wadhord-am
wudhuretk . wadhord]
self : . (Nom.) khat . . khi
(Gen.) khi.
(Dat.) khat-ar . :
| (the rest) khat.
by one’s self khti bath
to sell . . plrting or ptrtin . para dhadao
purtind-am ; &e.
paratt-am ;
purutk . ;
1876.]
to select, to choose out.
to send (a person), to
order (to go)
separate :
a serpent, a snake
to set in order, to put
in the proper place
seven .
seventy
several . ;
to sew .
shade, shadow .
to shake ;
shame , :
toshampoo .
sharp .
a shaving (of wood)
to shear :
a shed, a “machdn”
e
Wakhe.
layak khak A. S., or
yawern . :
yawar-am
yaward-am ;
yawaretk
stuy-an or stiii-n
stiiy-am
statt-am.
statk .
raméin . .
jedhah P., bulak 'T.
fuks .
sak jai latsarn ~
latsar-am
lakart-am
—— lakartk
hub
yetmish
tsum .
drovn . ‘
drov-am :
dravd-am
draftk .
sayah .
tap-an . ;
tap-am .
tapt-am
tapetk . :
1Za ;
mand-ak ;
mand-am
manddi-am
mandetk
taghd . ;
pishtilich
varing . ;
varin-am
varitt-am '
varitk .
yost =.
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
ee 5 eS Oe Pe ae “p> oe Oa era a en ep
Sarikolt.
yartir cheigao T. 8. or
sarid-a0
sarau-am
sarud-am.
saredhy
bokht-ao
béz-am
bdokht-am
bokhtj
ramod-ao
judhoh P.
tatiisk
chii ja1 lacheig-ao
lak-am
lachaug-am.
—— lachaug]
uvd
yetmish d ig
tsund, chandin P.
intsivdao
intsav-am
intsivd-am
intsivdj
suyah P;
khajal ae
warmand-ao
ke.
téeid ge
tarashah P
pkhad-ao
pkhau-am
pkhud-am.
pkhudhj
kapa, alajuk be
249
=
aA
-
y
e
x
=
7 aaa
ete
ian
ame
a
Hea
al
1 a
aa
we
4
vn
ier
ae.
as
Dit
dea
a
baie
~
Pia
en
Seve
+
Pela
< *¥
oe
te
: a
+: Ee
ee:
abe |
a
LS
Ate oy
re +
BS 2 Ae
,_* 5 »
> de.
* Sit “he
in “Wek ys
SUA er bak ‘
“vied
r a Lee Vaya eons Gaby ay a as
sige wha yeh bh 4 van 1 >t vatell . : a rn Arby gan ae;
A. pe ae A . Opie e< iL hal . a : oie erent 5, 7s Mesa ardh DAN ately wath lesa bee rah-te ae ———
- ae ~~ L wae | Pa Lene oo STL eA ac i NE ede eh a ie ag ath Angie
a
~
250 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakh. Sarvkolt.
a sheep = Miah = . moaul, mao
sheep and goats (flocks) jandar rezapal P.
a full grown sheep . pus pies
a shepherd : shpun . ehubtin ie ee
a shelf : run run
a shift (woman’s) . parhan . barhan P.
to shift (intr.), to move
(oneseli) 42-292... -téch-n kuzghal set-ao T
toch-am
tocht-am
tochetk :
to shift, to move (tr.) tachtiv-n kuzghamish cheigao T.
tachtiv-am
tachovd-am
tachiivetk
a shirt yikta | = Vout
shore, bank . yika . kash
short. kot kiit
short-sighted malal mall
a shoulder . hak, tan sevd, dali 'T.
a shovel péi, bil P. féi, beil P.
to shovel — bung pataod-ao
bun-am patao-am
bond-am pataod-am
bunetk . pataod]
®
: 2 te . oo oh a8
. 2 x! : we es
ROC aE ‘ eehlei , et ; yee :
RULER MANN ek ee IG . A PSRRAANY
- » Uae SOT * arty ; PASO VELEN BAN cenun SEER TREE TERT Te meyieent ne
by Sele ea aad nes Y ey Ls & r mn ; A oe SR
a a oe hi
<i ie
r=)
to show, to exhibit (to
cause to see) . Vistiv-n . visand-ao
visuv-am visan-am
visovd-am 3 . visand-am
| visuvetk . visand]
shuttle ; . rashpuk | maki
to shy (as a horse) . .witrin intrist-ac
witrin-am intras-am.
1 witritht ' intrist
witritht-am . introst-am
witring introst]
to cause to shy, to frigh-
ten . witritiv-n intreisand-ao
| witriuv-am | &e.
wotriovd-am
witritivetk
Gs
awe
” _ - ~ _ — a « ~ = - » i ) Seed ee a” B®
” —— — —— ~~ > oe eet .
ee ene ee i SS OS CEG A SG ee eS et, Sk ae ee ee ~ « ; =
1876. ] R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 251
Wakht. Sarikoli.
a side, a flank . . shunj . khaun
on the further side, be- ya sar, tra (tar-ya) pir tar wi sar, tar wi pur
yond : W. P. B. P,
on the hither sid . tram (tar yem)_piir,
yem sar tar mi pur, mi sar
on what side ? . tar kum sar ~ bar ka sar
a sleve . algok TL. algak cy
farakh-biz ; . farak-beiz
to sigh . dam ding . dam dhad-ao
far sighted . ehdjm-in P. tsem-in
silence! be quiet ! shov! we . shuv!
silk ae . varshum (abrésham P.) varekhtim ibe
silken varshum-in P. varekhtim-in P.
torkah . turka
silver . nukra P. nukra ce
asin, an error . khatagi P. khatégi Lc
to sing chir-an - : . chird-ao
chir-am ; chir-am
chird-am . chird-am
chiretk : . chirdy
to sink . ghot yit-n | . cht bon dhadao
a sister khtti . yakbh
a sister-in-law . . khhtyun (husband’s sis- |
ter) . khhaytin
khasirz (wife’s sister)
to sit down, to alight . ntidh-n ; nalist-ao
nazd-am . nith-am, nath-d
nein-am . naltst-am
nieng ; . naltsty
to cause to sit down . niidhtiv-an . ndaledhand-ao
nudhtiv-am . nalendhan-am
nodhovd-am . naledhand-am
nudhtvetk . naledhandy
to sit down (of acamel) chuk ding . T. W. chok dhadao_ T.S.
to cause (a camel) to . chuk ditivn . chok dheyand-ao
sit down . dittv-am . dheyan-am
diovd-am dheyand-am
ditvetk . dheyandj
to sit kneeling . sak brin nitidhn . char zan nalist-ao
S1x . shadh : . khhel
A eheewinonaly
Aeokay
¢
« 2
-
- -
a]
: /
|
|
ee
3 ity
—
¢)
ow
os
4
beVeG jas
bi
Be
——
x 74
ues +" -A4
4 7 of/ Av NS nm
A 0 ee eee ny a
252
Wakhi.
a skin . pist
to skin : . ehodkh-an
chokh-am
chokht-am
chokhetk
a skin (used asabag) . dhotsk
a skirt . daman
a skull-cap . skidh
the sky . asman
to slander shar-n
shar-am
shard-am
sharetk
to cause to slander . shariv-n
shariv-am
sharovd-am
sharivetk
slanderous 5 shar andaz
slanting wise . _. shigard mars
a slap . chapat
a slate (used for flat
roofs and also for bak-
ing on)
to slaughter (an animal)
a slave (male)
——— (female) :
slavery, servitude ;
to slay, to kill .
a sledge hammer
sleep
to sleep :
sleepy, sluggish
a sleeve ;
sat
bismal khak
Bism-Lllah)
andag
indiguny
andag1
shitar-n
shai-am
shi-t
shitt-am
shitk
bazghan
yunuk
rukhtip-n
ruikhp-am, riikhiip-t .
rokhopt-am
-rukhpetk
nasun-kuzg
drost
-
, P.
P.
A.
OSAP,
; T.
(to do
3 )
9 a
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
Sarikoli.
past
kokht-ao
kéig-am
kakht-am
kakhty
amban
diman
khhaudh
asman
shord-ao
shor-am
shord-am
shord]
sharand-ao
sharan-am —
sharand-am
sharand]
shord-ichoz
chilpia
chapala
sad
basmal cheigao
indi]
indijans
indiji
zed-a0
zan-am
zind
zed-am.
zudhy
bazghan
khhtidhm
khovd-ao
khufs-am
khuvd-am.
khuvdj
aléid-ichoz
@_a
zul
Si . ———> = ee => conn eae cay we ft
ee hee ge eR ee arte > ey Oe » fee - >
H 1876.] “RB. B. Shaw—On the @halchah Languages. 253,
Wakhi. Sartkolt.
slender, thin, (of things) sanar . tanitik P.
a slice : bur]
green slime on the sur-
face of standing water ghdb = . l6sh T.
aslng — . schkupn . vizdoch
* to slip, to slide one . Zzn01d-a0
} liv-am . znis-am
livd-am .. 2noid-am
) livetk . gnoidj
to slit, to split . . pagh ding . pagh dhadao
a slit : . khashetk-iing . . tizj-enj
sloping . . _Khtibemars =~ 4 . padzé-das
slow, lazy . gahal : - kashang — 1
small, little . dzaklai . dziil
small pox . spragh (flower ) . gtl (flower ) ie:
marked with small-pox gilwar-gin . chttpar
a smarting (ofa wound) g6z6k : T. gazak T
to smear : . sukh-an ae . rift-ao
stukh-am . , ror-am
sokht-am , . rnift-am
sukhetk < ]
a smell (good or bad), a
perfume, an odour . vil - 6
to smell (ntr.) . vil niwtz-an . . bao nakhtigao
to smell (tr.) . . vul tserak + bao cheigao
smoke : . Chit P. dhtd p
smooth es . sudhe . sudhge |
to sneeze or snort . terkhh-an ; . terkhht-do
(of a horse or camel) ferkhh-am . ferkhh-am
ferkhht-am . ferkhht-am
ferkhhetk .. terkhbhtj
to sneeze ; . shtrof-an or porsh-an . piirkhtao
shtréf-am porsh-am ._ piirkh-am
shtréft-am porsht-am piirkht-am
shtrofetk pdrshetk . piirkhtj
asheeze —_, . shtréf : - purkh |
a snore » khurrak . I. khurrak fe
Snow ie = . zam 5 ; - zaman
a snow pheasant (? Tet- |
raogallus tibetanus). khorz . — . tsatsa
snowy ._ . zamin . . zamanin
254
so, ike that .
- so much :
soap
: a social re-union
F asod,aturt .
i Solt = :
soft, also fine powder .
a land-slip of soil, rock,
&c., brought into the
stream by a flood of
rain, &c.
a soldering, a joint made
by soldering . ;
the sole of the foot ..
some . :
something
ason . ;
a son-in-law.
soot. :
a soothsayer. ;
to sort (to select)
a a
\ ay - ey
SIE ee a Bs ANS
‘ \ 4 = -
sordid, mean .
SOLrOW .
a sound
to sound (tr.) (to cause
any instrument to
sound) ,
sour. :
to sow (seed) .
to sow (cultivate)
Wakht.
hazi, nik-hazi
bli =
sabtin .
mailis .
Chi...
shilat -.
palm.
shot.
kafshir .
pasht .
sum .
isiZ. <5,
potr
damad .
kat-dhit
mutr katak-kiizg
yawer-n
badh-tap
gham .
nawaz-an
nawaz-am
nawazd-am.
nawazetk
treshp .
zodh-n .
zodh-am
zodht-am
zodhetk.
kiir-n
ktr-am
kosht-am.
koshk .
@
c]
©
@
@
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
Sarikolé.
nik-das
dund
sAttin
mailis
ehim
shilét
padhm
kara kokum
kafkhéir
naburg
1 tseiz
pots
dumad
chedér
tal-chi
sarid-ao
chajd
sham
sherfa,
khhid-ao
khhei-am
khhéd-am
khhédhj
tikhb
yethtao
yedh-am
yetht-am
yethty
chord-ao
ehor-am
chord-am.
chord]
also
takhirm cheigao
| No. 2,
eee
*O
<f
av ~
EO A Sr te Ee co
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 255
Wakhd. Sarikolt.
a span . . -OVarG > ~ . wardhord
a spark. > garde, : . dbarm.
to give out sparks . rakhnig nawtiz-n . yuts nakhtigao
a sparrow . wingas. . wadhich
to speak , . khan-ak . levd-ao
khan-am . lev-am
khatt-am ; . levd-am
khanétk . ‘levd]
a speaker . khanak-ktze . . levd-ichoz
a speech, a word, talk . gap, ksa P. gap B-
ready of speech . ushyar. P. chechan a.
to spin. , . gup-n . . zevd-ao
zup-am . . zelb-am, zevd
zovd-am . zevd-am
zotk or ziupetk . zevdy
the spinal chord . *mok +) ; . mok
a spindle — testis, : . starkh
a, spinning wheel . , eharkh * . charkh P.
to spit . . tut tserak T. tu cheigao -
tuft tsaram &e.
to splash, to slop
to be splashed up
sound of splashing of
water ’
a split, a fissure ;
to spht Gntyr.) .
to spht (tr.), to pierce .
a spoon
& >
K K
tut (am) kart .
tuf (am) khotk
shilap-an
shilab-am :
shilapt-am :
shilapotk :
stras-n .
stras-am.
strast-am.
strasetk
yupk awagh ..
pagh .
kapch . :
kifehilaz
washlipt-ao
washlab-am
washlipt-am
washlipt]
zatrist-a0
zatras-am
zatrust-am
zatrusty
khats sherfa S. P.
pagh
chift-a0
chof-am
ehitt-am.
chifty
chafand-ao, &e.
chib
kamich
Poe Te — eee es rete ewe — eens -.ls aie.
oe ee oe ara : rong ae
Hare Gactineerelse par See Pt ht ee RPL RR TR Me Ieee
> hatin oa ae YF ys *"
= sueni Scanian nanan ag
SAA a een
er ranner
4" Se
» as Ye* |
ae) § Vek
. '
aoe nae 2 Ns
-
>
3
|
7
—
>
=z
—
=
bi
+
a
:
+h
a
wai
aA
‘
> 4
oa
sa
eH
on
*«
wee
1
> ‘
:
5
4
|
ney
Ry
>
= °
ie
——
— = 5
is)
-
pS
=e |
a
wet
+3
=
oN
a
_
=
“.
—<
«ta
=
=
=
~~
;
be
I56 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
| _ Wakhi. Sartkolt.
sport, hunting . - shkar . PP. ghéw
to spread see to throw
in, &¢. katak . wedhd-ao
katam . wedh-am
_kartam . . wedhd-am
katetk . - wedhdj
to spread, to extend, to —
flood. (tr.) werkhhtiv-n . waleisand-ac
werkhhtiv-am ., Ke.
werkhhoyd-am .
} werkhhiivetk
to be spread out, to flood
(of the water) werkhhar-an . walid-ao
werkhhar-am . walis-am
werkhhart-am . walttid-am
werkhharetk . . waluidj
a spring (of water) zkiik . kaug
spring (season) bahar . - P. wug
to spring up. ; zibéd-ao
ziban-ar.
zibéd-am
zibedhy
a springe , chun, ‘ . dhom]
to sprinkle, to strew . zedh-n . . gietht-ao >
zedh-am. . gieth-am
zedhd-am . gietht-am
zedhetk . giethty
aspy . jasus.. PP. jastis
to squat ; . tsok nidh-n —, . tsek nalistao
to squeeze out,to express wazem-n sherzd-ao
wazem-am ; sherz-am
wazemd-am . shirzd-am
wazemetk . shirzdj
to stab, to prick :
to stain, to affect, to
profit
@
a stake, a post .
khhala ding
nadhevs-an
nadhevs-am
nadhevd-am
nadhafk
khadda
P. W. kbhald dhAdao P. S.
. nadhevd-ao
nadhivs-am
es
nadhevd-am
. nadhevdj
LT. khadda
= SFO RR Oe em 8 Oe ee ee ao ne coo D> ees
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 957
| Wakhe. Sartkoli.
a stallion ACUTE =, ; T. eighir T.
to stand, to stay . warets-n warevd-ao
| warets-am . Wwarats-am
waretst-am . wuruvd-am
waretsetk warluvd] ;
a star . . Stat Ss . khtury
the evening star . sakr star (red star) . rusht khturj (red star)
the morning star . karwan kush (he cara- )
a starling
to start, to depart
to stay, to remain
to steal ; a
steam = ;
steel oe ;
steep F |
step (father, mother,&e. )
to stick together (intr.)
to stick into, to infix (as
a flower in the cap) .
a walking stick
to sting or bite
to stir (a fire) ,
van killer)
F,
schu wingas (black bird)
yaulan zak (dawn star)
tar wadhich (black
bird)
rawan watsn . P. W. rawansetao P.S.
hal-ak |. : . hast-ao.
hal-am . . nal-an
hald-am hast-am
haletk .. . hast]
also réid-ao, &.
ghudhi khak, adse . tsaft-ao
dhevu-in gene
dhuvi-am. tsat-t
dhovoid-am_ . tsaft-am
dhovietk . tsatty
tat P. tef P., bts Y.
kurch tT, ‘karena 5 e
khidh : padzé
baghi (? P. hostele) boghi (? P. hostile)
nadhefs-n ~ . nhadhevd-ao |
nadhefs-am nadhefs-am, nadhafst
nadhefst-am . . nadhevd-am
nadhetk . nadhevdj
zéeravuv-n . iIngaughand-ao
zeravuv-am = . Ingaughan-am
zeravovd-am . . ingaughand-am
zeravuvetk . ingaughandj
Asal A. asal Ae
nésh ding . -P. W. nekh dhadao PP. S.
chuk-an chakt-ao
chuk-am : chak-am
chukt-am. ehakt-am
chuketk chakt]
pare ae anh Esa pasty eter ase trea wel Bara Seo Si ter Pa WO 7 aes AP ARS an NR NEES BP se eee: ad but) opi eee The gs
or tg ecm panne SE Epa seh kD nae ae ie pam omg Pada eS ile dg eS ke mp renp ieee anon fe PCr nt oe
: Pa ee ee et ONAL Be RARE LE Ge NT LEE ARR OEE USEF LAAN SII TT
Pat) FS ORE ¢ DEMS be Efe le BAST DA es TT ed a ie Fe ID SE Phat hone a OEE oe ME
bstitds
rites
; LG Ss |
tet Be
t} bat ¢
rey
get he
3 Hy
tite 5
1
ett
t
at
g
fee
Ha?
ri
sa’
ahh
2
rue
— §
5
=e
Siles
[ 7
eq
=i
>=]
rs |
f=
2%
ie Sa
hoy =e
its a
~~ =
= ae
i i
ia
te ~
i
SS a
2
£8
= PERSE > —
aus
root UA EONS ie a dal
ens
i
ay
\
ah AL
a
a rain storm
258 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
a stirrup :
to stitch roughly
a coarse stitch °
stomach, belly . °
a stone, a rock . ;
a fruit-stone . :
to stop (intr.) .
bg
=
to stop (tr.)
a snow storm . :
stout, fat, thick
stoutness, thickness .
straight, nght . ;
to set straight .
straightness .
to strain, to filter ;
a strainer, a cullender .
strange, unknown '
strength, power
to stretch out, to extend
Crs
to strike °
Wakhi.
rekab
kok ding
kok
wan], dur
ohar
kutttk
warets-n
warets-am
Wwaretst-am
waretsetk.
waratstivn
waratstiv-an
waratsovd-am
waratstivetk
wur dama
(rain wind)
zam dama
(snow wind)
bay
bayi
Co]
@
8
e ;
@
°
rast P., shigard
rast khak
A ®
rasti
schachttv-am
schachtiv-am
schachovd-am
schachtivetk
@
@
®
schachtivn-ktize
biganah
ktich
rur-n
rur-am
rord-am
ruretk
ding or diin
di-am, di’m
dikh-t
dikht-am °
dietk
CU]
&
e
®
@
Sarckolt.
padh-bun (foot bottom)
kek dhadao
kek
kech
zer
rukchi
warevd-ao
warats-am
waruvd-am
waruvd]
warambandao
waramban-am
waramband-am
waramband]
barésha
chapghin
divéz
divezi
kheéi, tors
khé1j cheigao
kheiji
kardazd-ao
kardaz-am.
kardazd-am
kardazdj
choghz
béiganah
kuch
rord-a0
ror-am
rord-am
rord]
dhad-ao
dha-m
dhi-d
dhad-am
dhadhy
[No. 2,
2 eo Pes ee ee Eee se
1876. |
Wakht.
to cause to strike = Uiiyen
ditiv-am
diovd-am
ditivetk
to strike, to touch . parvéi-n
parvéy-am
parvet-am
parvetk
to cut into strips . khashak
khash-am
khasht-am
khashetk
to stroke, to rub . dhast ding
strong, powerful . ktchin
strong, lasting . purdasht
stubble field . naghaz
to stumble . shtrakh-n
shtrakh-am
shtrakht-am
shtrakhetk
a stumbler , » shtrakhn-ktze
stuttering ' . ging
such : <2 an
to suck (the breast) . shap-n
shap-am.
shapt-am.
shatk
sugar ; . nabat
summer | . tabistan
to summon, to call . kiw tserak
the Sun ; , yir
sunrise, Kast. . yir tserakbh
sunset, West. . yir wishan
supplies, provisions “ 2a
to support (to raise).
to surge (of water) .
to suspend to a peg or
hook, to hook (tr.) .
wuch tserak
shilap-an
shilab-am
shilapt-am
shilapotk
ZIrevuv-l
ES CT Be I es oe OS La eS ee Re er ee
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 259
Sarikolt.
dheyand-ao
dheyan-am
dheyand-am
dheyandj
bizéid-ao
bizis-am, bizast
bizeid-am.
bizedh]
tizd-ao
taz-am
tizd-am
tizd]
dhiist dhad-ao
kiichin Es
poimug P.
nachaz
turtt-ao
turf-am
turft-am.
turity: —
turft-ichoz
kakach T.
das
rivd-ao
rov-am.
rivd-am
rivd]
nubut Fr.
men]
kiw cheigao
khher
khher tserakbh
khheér nalist
ZaU
ter cheigao
washlipt-ao
washlab-am
washlipt-am
washlipt]
ingaughand-ao
=
ie
:
ros
+
“
-
i.
sf]
ti
=a
pat
4
if
“Fi
oe
Bs =F
pores |
zai
ean
Es |
a
35
0 oA}
wea
=a
~ ee
Pash
|
ade!
=
sah
|
‘A
2 on
geet
5,
7
a
Died
<4
ee
I60 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. No. 2,
Wakhé. Sartkoli.
(see “to hang from a
pes’, intr. zirevuv-am.
zirevovd-am —.,
zireviivetk &e.
suspended ; ravindak | ; A :
to swallow -nezghern . imbokht-ao
nez¢har-am ; . Imboz-am
nezghard-am . imnbokht-am
nez¢haretk . imbokhtj
a swallow kildirgach ; LT. kalargach fig
sweet. khhuze . . khhegh
to sweep vishitiiw-n . Zadig-ao
Vishiuw-am ss, . zador-am
vishiowd-am . zadig-am
vishiuwetk . Zadtigy
sweepings rapk .., . .btijein
to swell, to ferment podhmdésh-an . . baleid-ao
podhmosh-am . . baliss-am
podhmosht-am . . baléid-am
podhmoshetk . . baledhy
tO SW = es, keloch khash-ak . .keluch tizd-ao ~~ _-"F
——— khash-am Se.
khasht-am ;
—— khashetk
a swimmer shiindwar P. khintiwar i
a sword . ; khinear P. midhj
a straight sword shop k6z P. khub P.
zig
a tail (horse’s) . bechkam SO, . dhtim | P,
(sheep’s) . diimba . P. diimba | P.
to take . diirz-n . . zokht-ao
diirz-am ; Z20Z-am0
dozd-am. . gzukht-am
doze, . zukhty
totake away . yond-ak . yodd-ao
yond-am . . yus-am
yutt-am yud-am
yutk . yudh]
4 mR ee we HO Sere = a ~
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 261
| Wakhe. Sarvkolt.
to take care of, to look
alter . - Cie =, chikht-ao
didig-am — . chos-am
didigd-am . chtkht-am
didigetk : . . chtikhty
also ; also
nigah tserdk . P. W. nigah cheigao P. S
a tale, a story, a saying,
a PrOverD- = 4 . zindag : . saug
fo talk tse . ksi khanak . . . gap cheigao
gap khak or levd-ao
a talon, a claw . chang .. P. . changal e.
tame, tractable, docile . shov | shuv |
tame, not escaping (stay- :
ing) . waréfs-n kiize . warevd-ichoz
to tan (skins, wale sek
and goats’)
koz katak
kuz wedhd-ao
the Tartar year cycle, named after 12 animals, is a
a tassel .— =
to taste ; :
tea ;
a tea-pot
to teach
to tear, also to tear along
(of a living creature
moving very fast)
atear .
the temple (of the aaa
ten.
tender, delicate .
a tendon ;
tepid, lukewarm
than, from
that (pron. subst., fe.)
that (pron. adj.) ;
that far, to that extent .
that which is there,
the there
that (conj.)
that much, so much or
many
ry
pulk
maza khak
chal
| cha-josh
_yekhk khak
-chok ding
yashk ..
soya.
dhas= =,
senat .
cic =,
nar
tsa (with the
yao
ya
dra-batkan
hadra-yung
ki
a-tum .
@
chuk dhAdad —P.
?
pulk
maza cheigan Pp.
chai
—chau-giin ks
ikhhmand cheigao
S.
yukhk Ay
soya
dhes
nazuk
rag
shilet
QZ,
yu
rm fd
dund
sis Sty diosa Rl pang bee oh me auieonainepasaeyiemmrsmennten gore ar Wnchae sr SeseR eats 1 -* tase
ls oe ee ene aah Eos Tenney eae area seth ; ety i : ¥ : : :
Tere es =) boas Sy WS tap ot nr tee ees ee ¥ 3
ahh Tiny We 2 yee : ¢ rT r 1 ” z : by : { } - a nine phoned Ji 7 4 gy
MPN MITULT ESTE MeL a eT re Eun ih sitio ak duck iG arable Ab bo tat r pais atid ib ahaa
H : rel he . Lio ha bh ub ate ’ hens a. Sie, Wheat Ci same eins h Govier neal aot aie
l aad reer Sree a. bao \ gi Te 4 Weide nee v9 Ah) . ; . ai
" ~o A* Le - he * AS : . whe \y* = ey edie ih aoa Dae sad P .
(uly ae Ce ee aye eet, ee balm mn ee CE SET TL eR nee IS ont ; :
wer
Cox
nah Sash cease aah pe 8 “ +: paper a ene tebe
ap TR aig Er ae mpi seer tr te et ‘ ba rae rey noe S21
A AEA re: bea nen/enaree Gaintenesees ret OA ATDNS Tt Ah Sah ,
ba eh HATA - fat
wa bbe ncbstasbar dade’ 6)
Re ae aes eee
Ko Sea
~ yang
262 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
Wakhd.
then.
thence . :
there (adv.), thither .
there! (interj.)
they, those
thick, stout, fat, massive
thickness, stoutness .
a thief . ons,
thievery
the thigh '
) e
a thimble ;
thin, lean
thin, slender (of things)
to thirst, to become
thirsty
thirsty ;
this.
this much ;
this very '
a thorn fence .
a thorn . :
athorn bush .
thow —.
a thousand
a thread (of cotton) .
(of wool)
a thread of hemp or
hair, &c.
three ;
the throat
to throw, to throw away
to throw down, to over-
throw
dra, ha-dra
a-k1
yavisht, yaisht
bay
Wats =,
ghudh .
gehidhi .
malung yaich
lane ==.
pulangosht
leiab =
sanar .
tfakhh watsn
takhh .
as oe
ma-tum
ha-yem .
chit
zakh sy
ehirir .
tu
hazar
waseé
gutr
darch
tru
alktim.
biing
biin-am.
bond-am
bunetk
btt-an
biit-am
bott-am
butetk
Sartkole.
tom
az-umM
um
u-yu
wodh
divéz
divézi
ziedh
madhan khoj
bikhtun
timak
khharab
tanuk
vu
tur set-ao
tur
yam.
mund
ha-yam, nak-yam
chit gh
shudh |
khar Pp.
tao
hazar P.
padets
virgh
shauni
haroi
alkiim A.
pataod-ao
patao-am
pataod-am
pataody
imbat-ao
imbat-am
imbatt-am.
imbat]
ee ee ee ee a a eS eer Se SoS LO 28 ele
* 1876. ] R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages. 263
Wakha. Sartkole.
to throw in, to throw off,
to pour in or out, to
arrange, toappoint . katak . wedhd-ao
katt-am . wedh-am
P kart-am. . wedhd-am
t katetk ' . wedhdj
to throw over, to reverse. savan ding . skelak dhadao
the thumb ehosch yanegl . niér ingakht
(male finger) . (male finger)
thunder . tungtir : sada
to thunder : . tungirdmge . sada cheig-ao
thus : » hazi, azi , das, nak-das
thus much ~ ma-tum mund
Tibet (Ladak, &c.) . Tibet Tibat
a tick ' . kuwand . khhesak
a tickling . gilgdch gileich —
to tie in a knot . jirekh ding ; . jirekh dhadao
to tie head and tail to- .
gether . pai-’m-an kantar khak. pa i-mi vistao
tight, narrow . . tang P. tong 3g
to tighten S . shukh-khak . . ching cheig-ao T.
till when e . tsoghd-batkan . . chum-its
time (precise), epoch .- ala, mahal : A. ala, wakbt A.
time (so many times) . pitig ._pitig
tin ; . kala ‘ A. kaliah A.
tinder ’ . khhaf ’ P. kbhof ?
a tinkling ; . jiringds . jiringas
to tire (tr.) . warechtiv-n warezand-ao
warechiiv-am &e.
warechovd-am
warechtvetk
to be tired . warech-n . warezd-ao
warech-am. : . ( Wwarelz-am
1 waresh-t 1 warez-d
waneen-am ; - warezd-am
warekhk , warezd]
to (motion or intention |
towards) [definite] tar 2 ee
par ————,
to [indefinite] . ar, ar —— ar, ar
to-day . wudhg _ mur
L
> i) Seed” ore . :
at | Oe ote’ we - ees oe
Tain FS Segoe ey ae er ee Evatt any 9 Tyrie eter Koto ie Fp RLLT NS
BSED LOY MY OSES SRE PLE rie a oe ae ID Sinema RRS SoD ee SRL e ae a err Ie er ieee a al
Libiet gilli
bib L 2 A
ab ee FANEITS
"
w duhdssouhnesce reer
"4 YER j/
pie aysy
fount bi
fara ate
wiht
Bld fi
Pde
miner
= fen re
-
Ti
—
Re
ey
=
—
=e
==
a
tw
964, R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalcha), Languages.
Wakht. Sarikoli.
together . . kattt katti
to-morrow . varok pigah
tongue, language Zik Ziv
a tooth .. dundtik dhandan
on the top (adv.) sak tsusk : ee
on the op “ (p. p.) sik ——~ tsusk . pees
torture, also trouble kijn kain
to totter, to waver, to
vacillate : ,. Pach wakucht-ao
| sach-am wakoch-am
cacht-am wakucht-am
gachetk wakuchtj
to touch, to attain parvai-n bizeidao
parvey-am bizis-am, bizast
parvet-am. ; bizéid-am
parvetk bizedhj
touching, contiguous .. piwas, . pelwast Pe
towards ; gana tar ——————. guna
a town khar (shahr) FP.
atown-crier . . suran-chi a ulam-chi A. Ty
afoot track. podh pedh
to train (a hawk, &.) .. yekhk khak ikhhmand cheig-ao
to tread down , . nispar-an nakhpig-ao
naspar-am. nakhpor-am
naspart-am. nakhpug-am
nasporetk nakhpugy]
ii 1 also . pimal khak peimal cheigao
diss a tree darakht darakht P;
Ta to tremble tap-n jumbd-ao le
| tap-am jumb-am
‘} tapt-am yambd-am
tapetk jumbdj
to tremble, to shiver larza khak larza cheigao ie
trial, also tried azmaish Azmid P.
to trip up (intr.) shtrakhhan .— tuxtt-ao
shtrakhh-am . . turf-am
shtrakhht-am_. .. turft-am
shtrakhhetk — . turfty
shtrakhhov-n turtand-ao
to trip up (tr.)
. shtrakhhov-am . .. turfan-am
1876.1
a trot (pace of a horse)
to trot :
trouble
troublesome, difficult.
a wooden trough . ,
the trough of a water
mill & ;
trousers, drawers
wide outer trousers :
true ;
to trust ; ;
to speak truth
to try, to prove
to tuck up (sleeves &c.)
a tumult, a noise
a turban
a, CUP a S0de —.
the Turkis of Eastern
Turkistan .
a turn, succession
toturn (Ginalathe) .
to turn back (tr.) ‘
to turn back (intr.) .
to turn round .
Wakhr.
shtrakhhovd-am
shtrakhhovetk .
dzokn
dzokn
dzok-am.
dzokt-am
dzoketk
ron] :
kila
putkhaérm
niuw
tiimban
shawalak.
rast
ishanz tserak
rast khanak .
Azmud tserak .
gurt-an :
gurt-am :
gortt-am. :
. girtetk
suran ’
salla :
chim
nobat ,
ziru-1n. ‘
zirand-am ‘
zirest-am.
_ miresetk °
psht-n,
psht-am .
pshaud-am.
pshuetk ,
pshein
pshew-am
pshett-am
pshetk
gen = s
Sees gO hee eres te ee So a Ee a eS SE OS a ee Y = is
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah, Languages.
WoO
Sartkols.
turfand-am
turfandj-am
dzekt
dzekt-ao
dzek-am.
dzekt-am
dzekty
ameak E
kila, |
khhakh
nao ae
tamban fhe
shim T
rust od
piti set-ao fe
rust levd-ao P.
_ azmud cheigao P. 8.
padawid-as
padawéz-am
padawukht-am
padawiukht}
kichkiran PT
dasttr Ey
chim Ves
=P
Mughul
nubat
_kirist-ao
_ kiran-am
kiraénd-am.
kirand]
wazepand-ao
wazepan-am
wazepand-am
wazepand]
wazabt-ao or wazevd-ao
wazelb-am wazevs-am
wazabt-am wazevd-am
wazabt] wazevd]
sherd-ao
IND
Oo
or
ages pate oh >: ene wt hte >
A Gt enelne % SSS eee A San ef oe
pee pp SE bine
taee pie tpitbe pat Beceem
Haney aS LANE OR EEA OP
Gas
samme
Ie N
Rate!
Nant ce +> pay acies savers
Ws "
Nant wae
eat le BAA
rig
-,
Say
pe
io .
‘a
it
amet |
Bhs
:
al
|
: = |
|i a
oe =
as
;
tf. |
jaitsd r|
.! an
eds
ct) an
ho
{i
ii ae
is +) >be
i fag)
ne
erst
Fig =|
Site {
: 2 Aq
[7
1.
¥ - “
eariy =: ca
(ia
{a
‘oa
ore
aie
i ol
pers :
var)
i
“i
.
1"
=
a
4s 4
\ a
1: ea
1
{i oe
2 t+ on
5 a =
eee
oe
oe
ip Aa
eee
4 - «
| ie
1 ia
1 vies 44
eae >
aa?
' Sa
5 tte
ioe
a ane
| ;
- 4
H to
:¢ 4
y
wy
nn een
« wa N\ekde ed
! X NASR ee
F wed we - * aA bean
266 R. B, Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages.
a turner, a man who
uses a lathe .
twenty :
a twig :
to twist (tr.)
to twist, to wind, (as a
turban) ,
to twitter, to chirp
two
twofold, &., .
U.
ugly
uncle
under :
to understand .
understanding .
to unite, to join
unripe, uncooked
to untie, to undo
an untruth, a lie
up
upper ,
upon, on the top of
upright
e
°
upright, standing (of liy-
ing beings) .
to set upright ,
upwards
—-
various —
®
this very, this same
Wakht.
airuin-kize
A
wist ..
yakh
tovn or tov tserak
tov-am
tov (am) kart
tov (am) khotk
zZwal-n Ses
chir-an :
chir-am
chird-am
chiretk
bii
bu-pitig, &e.
shak, battilhat
bach ;
bon
kshiiin (¢o hear)
kshtuin .
katti khak
yung .
wushtin
wushtiy-am
washan-am
wushang
durogh
pa khidh :
wuch-ung ,
sak—tsusk
tsok . ;
waretsetk !
tsok ding
pa-khidh mars ._
rang rang
ha-yem
e
6
®
e
“Oo
ei
kirist-ichoz
putak |
Sarikolé.
wist
tuv cheig'ao
| « &e,
zarwid-a0
chird-ao
chir-am
chird-am
chird]
dhau
dha-pitig, &e.
dhéew khér
dudh
khid-ao (¢o hear)
khid
katti cheig-ao
khum | P.
hat cheigao
&e.
fand P.
padzé
tér-nén]
— chu tér, chit — tér
tsek
waruvd]
tsék dhadao
padzé-das
khil khil Pp.
nik-yam
. ee ee eee ee ee ee ron = Se ‘a> ye s
1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 267
| Wakhi. Sarvkolz.
a water vessel . , at | — . . liet |
vicious = » wakn-ktize . wakt-ichoz |
tasin-diin-ktze . tasin dhad-ichoz
; a village : . dar . didr P.
, a kind of violin » kumuz kumuz
a virgin, a maid . pur-chodh ; shits
to visit, also to see . wing : wand-ao
win-am. ; weln-am
wind-am wand-am
winetk _wandj
a vulture “ . tear tsargh ie
W.
to wade, to ford . turt ding paug dhAdao
wages, pay , , . mazd ; muzd P.
a waist-sash . . miun ' miund vee
armoan’s waist . .* madh ; médh
to walk, to go . . tuk-an ‘ tid-ao
to walk about . . shkir-an khkéig-ao
shkur-am khkar-am, khker-d
shkurd-am : khkaug-am
shkurgetk khkaugy
a wall . diwal deiwul P.
walnut = eae . tor ohauz
wards . . — mars das
awart . damdésch zosh
to wash . wuzd-uk zanad-ao 7
wiizdi-am : a
wiizdiii-d ; : eee SS a
wozdoid-am _ zantd-am a
wuzdietk : zantidhj _
a wasp . dhés hart == E o
to watch, to look after. nigahtserak . nigah cheig-ao P. S. a
to watch intently . didig-n chikht-ao 7
didig-am chas-am a
didigd-am chiikht-am 2
didigetk chitkht] 7
‘water ; .. yupk ‘ khats =
water-course,a canal . charm, wadh . wadh i:
a watering place (of a
cattle) .. yupk jai khékh-tuj =
AM
na dradinbei dL!
HEU
Spe aca
“ESSEC MEE SNES
ee eee
oa Ea
€ MA
.
~~
Se ee ene eet a, ee ee
268 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
Wakhi. | Narikolt.
a wave : . » shilapt . , washlipt
wax . mum . Ee 2. wa
to lose the way . - rapatsan . nhalkhhid-ao
rapits-am.
-repats-b ; ; . nalkhhan-am
rapagn-am . , nalkhhtid-am
. rapakhk . . nalkhhiidj
we ~s8ak = iach
weapons, arms . . asbab . P. yeragh T.
to wear out (intr.) . kohna watsn . . kéna sétao
to wear down (intr.) ..stdhah watsn . P. W. . khirdhah setao P. S.
weariness . dakat : . dakat A.
to weed, to pull out
weeds, &. . rut tserak ‘ . - rut cheig-ao
nazdtn khak . -khauj cheigao
to weep . -niuiw-n . - nitiwd-ao
niiw-am . naw-am
naud-am Pe . niuwd-am
- niuwetk . >» nluwdj
Weights and Measures. No weights or balances known. Flour, &c. is
sold by dry measure, containing what is called
a ‘charak’ T. in Sarikol (about 10 lbs.). In
Wakhan a ‘ por’ is used, being a wooden vessel
(hollowed out of a single log of wood, with a
bottom fixed to it) containing some 80 lbs. of
flour.
well, in good health .. tan-diiriist : P.. sok a.
well, happy . sibat : A. tin] T.
a well , tha = . kutdtigh T
well-paced, fast .- weyawin sot, weyawin
West, sunset . .. yir wishan : . kbheér tserakbh
wet, damp .. khhaich .- khhast
wetness, dampness » khhaichi ' .. khhasti
what P ee tselz.
what like? also how?. tsa-rang
at what time ?
P
EP.
A.
-:
. P. tsa-rang
A
— S.
.. tsa wakhht . W. A. tsa wakhht S.
what for P to what pur-
pose ?
in what direction ?
on what side P
wheat
.. tsiz-ar .. tsélz-ar
.. tar kum gina . .. tar ka guna
2 tar kom sar, . tar ka sar
. ghidim . zandam. P.
+ ~ - ——.. oetage SY Seecndere Oe >
= » . _ ertcat . 3 - ———— >) ure De Ss b Ot ge gum =. -
- ee — oo ot ae et LTTE IT OEP OE = , —
1876.]| | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 269
Wahki. Sarikoli.
Dy when . « tsoghd (? for tsa-wakt) _ chum
till when .. tsoghd-batkan . .. chum-its
whence P .: tsa-kum-an , . > az-k4 |
whenever .> har wakhht —., P. har wakhht P.
; where . © kum-jai WP. ka. S. P.
, where ? well ? .: kumai . kayi
to whet, to sharpen .~ pasdn ding .. pasin dhAdao
it which, who? . .°-kum . . chidam
- which has been done . khétk-ung . chaugj-enj
7 whilst ; —— its
Bs a whip . rYraship . kamchi ag
by a whirlwind<a devils> .. Hwdama SodhGae bales
to whisper ; .» mulaim kga khak . khish gap cheigao
to whistle .- shkhhélan khak . shkhhélin cheigao
a whistle, whistling .- shkhhélan . shkhhélin
white . rukhhn . spéid
a white frost, also dew .- shak . . khok
who P .- kui : . choi
| whoever .» har kuti, har kum P. W. har choi Pi 2s,
ya the whole, all . > kikht . tuk
| why? on account of : ,
i} Ly what ? .» tsiz jinib . W. P. tséiz-ivon |
a | why ? to what purpose P - tstz-ar . tseiz-ar, tsa’r
i! a widow : . biwa | P. . béwa zan Bees
hile width, breadth . .» bar : bar BP:
| a wite . koénd, yupk-war (water- -
iz drawer) . ghin, rozagar-i-nék
ff wild onions . karilghan .- karilehan :
1 | wild, untamed . * talig= ; . « lelmi :
a wild dog (hunting in 4
" packs, the size of a a
large sheep-dog, yel- .
low, with small stand- z
ing black ears, and : a
“ black nose, a thin .
; it straight tail), Turki 2
, Aju —— .« kik . kéuj a
a wild ass (Hguus He- s
: mionus), found in a
Pamir . kulan . kulan r a
SA t ere arty at
hn ph aad aba df
+ +o
. Wa MALS
~ Sas
———
—_— ° an ee ny Cee Sr 9 SP be eee ~ en es te wee — eens - a)» <4, -
270 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
a willow (tree) .
wind, air ;
to wind, to twist
the wind-pipe .
a wing
Wakha.
, + tik ;
.. dama |
.. Zwal-n, 5
zway-amM
zwett-am
zwetk
. kalitok
par
winnings (substantive)
at the game of sheep’s
knuckle bones
to winnow :
winter
to wipe
— wise, — wards
with, by, by means of . =
with, (together with) .
without, deprived of
a wolf |
a woman, a wite
a young woman
an old woman .
. alehi
. bung
biin-am
bond-am
bunetk
. zumistan
. vishitiw-an
vishitiw-am
vishidwd-am.
vishitiwetk
~ mars
an
moshon
moshon
. b—-—
. shapt
. k6ond, stréi
. purchodh
. kampuir
a woman connected with
another by being wite
of the same husband. baghi
a woman’s head kerchief
or mantilla
wood, a stick
chil
shung
a woodman, a_ fuel
fetcher
wool
a word, a speech
work, business
a worm, a grub.
. glz-vor
gor
ksa, gap
yark
. prich
| No. 2,
Sartkoli.
want]
kher, shamal 1.
- zarwid-ao
zarwey-am.
zarwid-am
zarwedhy
khporg
kanat
‘Le OF
Alehi © T.
davand-ao
davan-am
davand-am.
davand}
Zumistan
zadig-a0
zador-am
zadug-am.
zadigy
das
1ts |
i ee
be ———+
khithp
ehin, stir
-pehéin
kampir
béinzar
khhadhban
khung
ZeZ-VOr
wan
Sap
cher
cherm
1876.]
to worship, (to bow the
head) 5
a wound
to wrap, to wind ;
to wrestle (to seize one
another) ;
to wring .
to cause to wring :
the wrist
to write ;
to writhe, to twist one-
self .
x.
a yak (Bos grunniens) .
the city of Yarkand
aman of Yarkand
a year : :
a half year
last year
of last year...
a yearling bull calf
cow calf
to yearn : .
yellow
yesterday
a yoke ‘. :
you :
MM
Wakhi.
sar khamitv-n
zZakhm
zwaln
man wadhirn .
zumand-an
zumand-am
zumanddi-am
zumandetk
zumandtiv-n
zumandtuv-am
e
zumandovd-am .
zumandtuvetk
parsang
nevish-an
nevish-am
nevisht-am
nevishetk —
tov khak
tov-am
tovd-am
tovetk
dzugh
Yarkand
Yarkandi
sar-1-sal
sal
pard.
pard-tng
naband
raghum
@
@
indokhtj tserak
Zard
yez
sivar
savisht, saisht
@
ee + Serre GS -— eS ae ee ep eS
SS
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages.
Sarckole.
kal khamband-ao
zakhm
parwid-ao
miun pa-khat
wadhord-ao.
tipt-ao
tab-am, tip-t
tipt-am
tipty
taband-ao
taban-am, &c.
pardhiist
navisht-ao
navish-am.
navisht-am
navishty
tiptao
taib-am
tipt-am_
tipt]
staur
271
E.
khar (shahr = town) P.
khari
sar-1-sal
sal
parwus
parwus-en]
khajak
nauzad
giirm cheig-ao
zird
khiéb
yugh
tamash
. iets . ee eee ~~ —- = — + eee chee ~ owe eres ; » :
-o fa .
P.
Ee
P.
“
i —«
Ms =
=e
4 Pit
a5
Pt
ae
~¥4
Siae
oe ni
ee
ten
whieh tuti
ea
Re
dite
eat ee
é
*
2
x
os
oe
ANS a aah Weetact ane
279 R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages. [No. 2,
Wakhi. Sartkolé.
a young camel . . wushttir zaman . tailak
a young woman . purchodh . pehéin
pregnant, with young |
(of animals) - vareny — varinz
youth . Jawani : P. jawani | P.
COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.
Wakh’, Sarikoli’, Shighni, Sangli’chi, Minja/ni,
(Lhe three latter collected by Munsht Faiz Bakhsh.)
Einglish. Wakht. Sarikolt. Shighnin. —Sanglich. Minjgan.
A.
apple eee . man . mun . aminga
apricot . chiwan . ndsh . chert
arrow : . pudh . pas
ASS ei Shier -markab .khar . kara
awake . agah , agah . andez mS
B.
back . dam . dom . dam . kamik
bad sigs. hd Ba . ganda : 5;
barley . yiirk . chush] . joshach =. vurvuth . kasak |
bear - haghordum yiirkh . pursh* (? yursh) |
beard . reghish . bun . bin . yarzah
beat elt . dha ; . doh
belly cur . kech . kich . diyir
big . lup . laur . sark
bitter — . talkh . tsekh . saish
black » schii . tar . shoi . taravi
blood - Wukhan . wakhhin . . vain
bone . yaich . ustkhan . . astak . pasti
bosom —.. bap . tej . bash . chiji
brain -maghz .maghz . maghz 5;
bread -khoch . khpik ._ gardah . khesta . naghan
breast =. pz . poz : . yuz (? puz)t
bring -_ wuzum . vor . has . abar
brother . vriit . vrdod . brad . vurd
* Perhaps ie) 32 by mistake for ways (yursh), which in Sarikol{ would become
yurkh by the common change of sh into kh.
T Viz. 369 a mistake for jae °
= Sta se ae Ee ee ti Saree Re 90 ae a RS Se Re See a Be HE habtage nee Shay
‘ 1876. | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 273 h
English, Wakht. Sarikolt. Shighnén. Sanglich. Minjan.
C. |
canal . charm . wadh : _ chodar
cap . tumagh . tumagh . taki 2 . khola
cab . pish » pish . Pasi. 2 < —,
chain . zanzir . zanzeir . ginzir :
‘ey charcoal . : . zich
cheek . lun] . NUL] . pes . peshur |
chin : : _ Sees . alashah —. alakhshah
cloak . bot . lel . vanjin
cold . sur . ish . shitagh
come . waZl . yadh . (tara)it . es . as
couch . manyja
cow . ghii . zau . istaor . ghao . ghaoda
| staur (yak) |
crow .karghi . karghaé . khoro :
eurd . pal . pol : . neduk . niya
D.
daughter, . dhagd . ghats . ghats . odagh . loghda
(a maiden)
day . rwar . math . rusht
(dawn) .rukhn .
death . marg . marg at . murda
dog . shach . kad . kod . kéd . ghalb
door . bar . divir : . labra
down . kilapai . nughustr . . poyan . forsara
drmk --_. pov . braz . brez . khvar(? eat) khar
dust . shet . sit : . shat . gharai
E.
ear .ghish . ghaul . ghao . ghovar a
earth . wundr . zems . zamin a
eat . yau . khhor . khar . khvar : q ;
eight . hat Parokht —. . hat ashké =
eye . chozm . tsem . chhem . sam cham z
eye-brow . vardo . varado . patis . vurichh : _
eye-lash . skord . yéid . posich , patak a
father . tat . pid , dad . tat . tat a
y feet . piidh . pedh , pad Dud . palah e
| female (of a
animals). stréi stir . shisch . meyah q
ve eat Gem ata ected
wae 0 he hale Db
mse ~ ¥ ‘
ES PT ee ce eat agape es eet | PS sylale ete ee
974, R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages.
[No. 2,
English. Wakhi. Sarikoli. Shighndn. Sanglich. Minjan.
finger . yang] . ingakht . . Ingit . ankardia
fire , rakhnig . yuts . yats ; ieee yur
- ¢(shunai .
five . panz . pilnz : . panz . panch
flesh . gusht . gukht . goft . pidaf . ghosh
flock . bakhsh . tup . bachiun
four = -. yun] ~ Oe] =: yaya] oe
fly . maks ching — . pasha . mogha
forehead . ruk . rak . peshani
fore-arm . yurm . cherost . . kaki
four eteapur-—. tsavur. . safor . chafir
frog . mukt . khar-béj . sher-bich . :
fuel . ghiz . ZOZ . ZIZ . yur . ezma
G.
shee (but-
ter) . rughn . raun , regh . roghin
£0 . chau . SO . sah . shoh . al
goat or ;
sheep . tugh . *(na)dugh.
he goat . tugh : . katao . charva
she goat . . Vaz ; . VuZ . vorah
good . bat . char] . bashand . |
grandfa-
ther . pup . bab Bava 2 so =.
grass . wush . wukh . vakhsh . ésh :
ground . wundr . zems . zamt ‘
oun . miltek . miltek . san . miltak ,
gun pow-
der . daru . daru : dart
H.
hair . shafsh . khad . diks . ghunyaék . pogha
hand . dhast y-ouUsh- .. dast . last
head . sar . kal . kal . sar . (po)sarf
heart . piiziiv ~—..._ zArd . zaro(?zard) t uzdai . zil
hen + Makian-<, makian 4, chhash =... +
* The syllable ma ig probably not in reality a part of the word. Perhaps the
Munshi’s informant said “ my goat’, and the whole was entered as one word. |
t The syllable yo is perhaps a pronoun entered by mistake as a part of the word.
+ Query 4 yf) (aro), by mistake for g 1) (ard) 2
— - =: — > 2 ~ _ . " ee ee eee.
a ee EO ge ge eT ee we Sarre : en > DO Sl We Le oe oe SEP FE Oe eS D ™ ¢ oe se — = le io vr
qi 1876.] R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalchah Languages. 275 t
English. Wakhi. Sarikolt. Shighndn. Sanglich. Minjan. a
here, hither dram . aud . mala a
hold . wiidhtir . wadhor . ; . ghorya Cag
honey : . agman a3
horse Syosh —, ViUry . varch . vorak . yasap Es
house . khhun . chéd . chet . khan . kéi a
4 ;
mS
intestines . shingor . raud .durmin .
darin
iron . Iishn . spin . sapsan : :
K.
knee brn . Zan . Zan . Zong
knife . koz . chog » ched . kirh
th,
heht . von . von __.._ roshnagah .
lip . latch, . pauz . ghib (?) . law
lav
loin . malung yaich madhan khoj . Iida ‘
M.
male . ghésch . niér ; . narak
man . dhai . chirik . charak :
many . ghafch ._ hiich . lab ;
lup (great)
milk . Far7, OV == =e . khatab . khshir
moon . zumdak . mas . maesit - dulmik . yémgha
mother . nan . ana . Tan == . nan : 5
mouth .ghash . ghov . fotsah . yurab
N.
nail (finger) ae . narkhak .
neck . gardhdn . gardh4n . eS th Hee ae
needle _.. sits _. sits . Sa] /
i night .ndghd .khdb , forshuk . khashawa :
4a DENG > +. 13.0 . néw . nao . nao 3
J : , Rose . mis . naz , nids . fusik . foska 4s
i —— en eS ee xe ~
276
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah
Euglish Wakht. Sarikoli. Shighndn.
O.
pigeon.
pot
quilt
red
ribs :
river
robe
root
Ss.
saddle
salt
seven ;
sister
sit
S1X
shoulders .
sky
sleep
sleep (mp.)
small
snake
show
sole
son
stand up .
star
* The Munshi took down 3. This should perhaps have been
the Munshi spells this word likewise 92 ‘yao’, while it is
S00:
iv av ‘
. druksh . khez
kibit . chabaud . chaptd
kt . let
sirekh ~ .-sirech _. lef
wur . warel] :
purk . purge . pure
sokr . rusht . risht
purs . pala :
darya . darya
chapan chapan
podhn . bidh4n . bedan
. nimak . nimadhj
hub . tvd
. khi . yakhbh
nozd . nith . nis
shadh . khhél ;
fiak sevd . fiyak
. Asman . asman . asman
. yunuk . khhtidhm = shaftis
rukhp . khifs
dzaklai . dzil . ghada
. tuks . tattiisk
zai - zaman . zany
. pasht . naburg
. potr,zaman pots . pots
(child)
warets .warafs .
star . khtur] . Ishtirz
e
t Perhaps this should be é. ly (padrgh), instead of Oy: yargh.
there decidedly pronounced
Languages. [No. 2,
Senglich. Minjan.
. vak . yao (? iw)*
charva . koya
mal . tala
nok neoda
. yarght
. alikha
darya
shoi
kiskur :
- namolgha . namalgha
hott odh
ikhva . yakhva
. khoar . akhshi
syud a
asma : |
. mes . halva
. iz
vart varta
pudash
zamanak . pur
tas . ushka
usturak astarl
git) (in Wakhi
R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages.
1876. | 247
English. Wakht. Sarikolt. Shighndn. Sanglich. Minjan.
stomach . wanj, dur. kech . hazaryil
stone . ghar . Zer . zir . song . koika
sun . yir _hher =. khir . Almdn, . mera
urmuz
sweet . khhuzg . khhegh , khaish
sword . shop koz . khub shap-ched .
T.
teeth . dundtk . dhandan . land
ten . dhas . dhes . das . dah
turban . _salla . dastur . latai
thigh . lang . bikhtun . basttn
three . trii . haroi . tral . sharai
thread . zutr . vurgh . vudrash
throat .alkum . alkiim . ghar
tongue . zik aay . zeb . zolik
trousers . shawalak . shim . var . shoal
trouser-band 5 . valvash
two . bt . dhao . di . do
U.
up . wuch . ter - VYAZ . valgha
Vv.
vein . reg
W.
water . yupk . khats* . shads— , Vik . yaogha
water-mill khadhorg . khadhoyj . . khadari_ . khairgha
way . vadhak . pand . panda
went . ragd . sut . shet ;
Wheat . ghidim . zandam . zandum . ghandam . ghandam
where, whi- | | |
ther . kum-jai . ko-jt . ko-jui . ko
white .rukhn ., spdid _ispéd _.._ sipi
who . kti . choi ; . kad
woman . kond . ghin . zind, ghin . kéch T. . zinga
wood . shung —-. Khun . iskavat
x.
yellow . zard . gird . zirt. (? dy3) 2ird)
* It will be remembered that in Sarikoli 44 stands for sh. The word khadts (shdts)
therefore is very like the Shighni shads.
N. B.
less close resemblance to Persian.
—TI have not thought it necessary to mark the words which have a more or
TS ay
PEO BIN fa HEE Lys aioe” :
JE ne Me IP LEROY tl ll
of
150th
phe he
nah
Pookie Ee apse HIT A
hiya ff jib 1 iy!
ke
mm,
—
pa
=
ap ee ow a ES
eae
aes nh an ae ne eet | | te ae ae me wee — eens a!
*
2
“4
al
BSS
=
te a
= oa
= ~
Bete
3
=f
a s:
’
- 26
ENGLISH. INDIAN. | GHALCHAH. PERSIAN.
Ancient. Modern. Ancient. Modern.
pine-tree . pita . pit :
wool . urna eth . wan :
smell . baodha . bo . bao - baodha . .. ba
278 | R. B. Shaw—On the Ghalehah Languages.
ADDENDA.
The following words may be added to the ‘ Comparative Table, 7
shewing the connection of the Ghalchah Languages with neighbouring
Tongues’—
. ™ => ~ - —_. . e . sles) Seeonive ~ ght. >
ee ee on gO ee ee eS ee = h —<—_-> mo A aes Oe OE PO at. ae ia > oe sr > sgh 9 a
eeprom
pikes i fees Kier a
—
he
ieeest
Li Se
ert
==
~
=
=
+) Ena a
it ose
vr
—
bia See
1, =
a
edd aba y8ies
JOURNAL
as : OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
san pores
bid
it
—— |
he
iS
1 ae
2S
——-
=e
Part I.—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.
| ; No. III.—1876.
EPA AS LPP ROP
RP PO as
Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District in Bundelkhand, N. W. P.
| No. 1J.—By Vincent A. Suivrn, B.A., CS.
In fulfilment of the promise which I made in my paper on the Songs
in honour of Hardaul, I now submit to the Society some further specimens
of the popular songs of Bundelkhand. Very little attention has hitherto
3 been paid to the variety of Hindi spoken in this province, and few or no
specimens of it have as yet been published; I hope therefore that the speci-
mens which [ am now placing on record, and which in general accurately re-
flect the popular speech, will not be without value to the lexicographer and
philologist, and that besides their philological value the songs will not
appear devoid of interest on other grounds.
= | The songs in common use among the people are almost infinite in
| number, and might be divided into various classes. The selection which I
have made for the present paper, consists entirely of Caste Songs, that is to
say, songs which describe, or specially refer to, the occupations and charac-
: teristics of the caste of the singer. Such songs are sung on various occa-
| sions, but are I am informed seldom sung except in presence of the members
of the caste to which the song refers, and to which the singer belongs.
Of the twelve songs now translated, eleven were collected during the
last rainy season at my request by Pandit Murli Dhar in his native town
Maudha and the neighbouring villages. The Lodhi’s Song, No. X, was
lately obtained by him from a Lodhi resident in Panwari, the south-western
parganah of this district. None of these songs appears to have been ever
before reduced to writing, and they have now been taken down exactly as
NN
At
=
SSE nee en ben eens Nee ey
irene \ Gea) cle eect iu We ak ee ELL Ria ease
slieath \raiedd =i) ‘ sinc We —rast +
ita iis
; AME rn ahha ps 8
&.24 ere i
a uA ta eee (9 ;
aera 8 a bial
= et AS ae LE
sh
33
per Pec pre ees ane
aay Ye RELL NK
AW Ae ah
meters Say Geert
ed Ran ‘Lm rs
ee |
~ See. a
~e
7
x
piSen one ke
avers tn
‘
Peart S
th fe 7
'
$3
ee
ae
STIS SEER ESAS SSE
rite: Pa een a aes i!
UPR CG
nbd sdsiteniiabeine tes
Ns
5
a Wb
seas Bh os hs he
JengTATe
ast = Se + «= gol
eee
e+ rer se ele ps oe ee a) a Se a oe ene se :
280 V. A. Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. FT. | No. 3,
‘pronounced ; I am satisfied that no corrections. nor amendments have been
introduced. Although the specimens which I have selected for publication
happen all to be songs of the inferior castes, it must not be supposed that
these Caste Songs are known only to the lower classes, for I possess Brah-
man, Rajpit, Baniya, and Kayath songs of the same kind.
My translations are all literal ; one song only, viz., that of the Khan-
gars, No. VIII, I have rendered into rhyme as an experiment, but in
general I am inclined to think that a prose translation is preferable: many
of these songs indeed are not capable of being rendered into English verse
with any approach to accuracy. |
The first three songs, namely the Goldsmith’s, Blacksmith’s, and Car-
penter’s are specimens of a numerous class, and consist of little more than
a rhyming catalogue of the goods made or the wares sold by the singer’s
caste fellows. My collection comprises similar compositions sung by the
Halwai (confectioner), Bharbhtinja (grain-toaster), Tamoli (pan-seller) and
other castes. I need hardly observe that in India generally each trade
forms a separate caste.
The Kahar’s song (No. IV) is a grumbling lament over the hardships
of the life of the carrier of burdens, which will be readily appreciated by all
_who have ever travelled in a padkzi.
The Barber’s and the Khangar’s songs (Nos. V and VITI, respectively)
are somewhat satirical, and note with amusing candour some of the less
creditable characteristics of those castes.
The Khangars,* now a low and despised race, and often acting as
menials of the zaminddrs of the higher castes, once played an important
part in the history of Bundelkhand, and held state at Kardr, 17 miles from
Jhansi, whence they were expelled by the Bundelas. They are still the —
zamindars of some villages in the Jhansi and Hamirpur districts, but in the
greater part of Hamirpur, they hold the office of village watchmen, and
enjoy the reputation of being as great thieves as any of those whom they
are set to watch.
In Parganah Jaitpur, the Basors or Sweepers replace the Khangéars as
the village watchmen, and everywhere they are employed as basket-makers
and musicians. They are spoken of indifferently as Basor, Basor, or Du-
mar, and sometimes the name Dom is used for this caste. T am not at
present able to say whether the sweepers of this district are identical or not
with the Doms of the Benares Province ; the latter people occupy a posi-
tion still more degraded than that of the ordinary sweeper, and are often
homeless vagrants. In his song (No. IX), the Basor claims for himself a
much better character than the Khangar can pretend to.
* For notes on the Khang ars see N. W. P. Gazetteer, Vol. I, pp. 19, 162, 2965, 351,
and Beames’ Elliott, Vol. I, App. p. 347,
m. | =
1876.] V. A. Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. If. 284
The Kol’s Song (No. VI) was obtained from a solitary old Kol
labourer who has been residing for some years past in Mauza’ Bakcha Chhani
in Parganah Maudha. The village traditions show that long ago the
Kols shared along with Gonds, Bhils, Bhars, and other aboriginal tribes —
much of the soil of the Hamirpur district, from among the permanent in-
habitants of which they have now entirely disappeared, though considerable
numbers of the tribe still exist in the hilly parts of the adjoining Banda
district. |
The Kol’s song appears to me to be one of the most interesting In my
collection, and the distinct expression which it gives to the feeling of de«
fiance and distrust with which the savage regards the civilized man, is very
remarkable. The language of the song is unusually Sanskritised, but its
general meaning would be intelligible to any rustic. Probably in spite of
his antipathy to “the men who abide in towns and villages’, the Kol
composer felt his dignity enhanced by a display of his command over the
fine words of the race which he despised.
The song of the Nats, (No. VII) who seem to be much the same in
this district as elsewhere, calls for no special explanation. Other wandering
tribes, specimens of whose songs I possess, are the Beriyas, Kapariyas or
Kapar-Mangtas, and the Khunkhuniyas or Ahir-Mangtas.
The *Lodhis’ Song (No. X) is a faithful picture of the mode of life
of the members of the Lodhi caste, a most important element in the popu-
lation of the Hamirpur district, especially in the Parganahs of Rath, Panwa-
ri, and Jaldélpur. The Lodhis or Lodhas ( = Sanskrit Lubdhaka) may
perhaps be the representatives of a non-Aryan tribe: so far as I have yet
ascertained, it appears that they entered the Hamirpur district from the
west, and settled in a few villages, from which they colonized numerous
others, gradually expelling by force of arms the Bhars and other earlier
inhabitants. A curious bronze plate inscription which I lately obtained,
records a victory of the Lodhis over the Bhars in 1404 Samvat = 1347
A.D. The Lodhis are excellent cultivators, and in this part of the country
are almost the only people who know how to utilize water for irrigation,
and to grow sugarcane successfully ; in all their labours they are actively
assisted by their women, but the description in the song must not be taken
as meaning that while the women work, the men are idle, for both sexes are
industrious. In Rath and part of Panwari, the zamindars of most of the
villages are Lodhis, but their women are not too proud or bashful to work
hard in the fields, and it is on this peculiarity that the song lays stress.
The popular songs of Northern India do not testify to such a profound
* According to the census of 1872 there are 58,034 Lodhis in Hamirpur district.
The caste is more numerous in E’t4 only, where there are 78,8738. See N. W. P. Gaz.,
Vol. I, pp. 162, 208, 331.
ee ee > — - — >» . = = —.-
a . a ee ee ; . r= * oe . . ~.
ES gee See i eee eae To see nenei_teteeow ere — peep perp. ~ate + *
Ts
a iy
= me os -
pena eriereese st errr enpmre cree eres feet ania
Palit HORA ie gh MAS IR BL i BE eSB aca PT RE SAA I ae EP ES
SAND aM Ce ee tem sduih iindeicheddniauehacee diese CF ibe 0a i
282 V. A. Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. I. [No. 3,
and widely diffused moral and religious sentiment as do those of the *Dra-
vidian peoples, but songs containing an allegory or a moral are numerous,
The Oilman’s Songs, Nos. XI and XII, are specimens of this elass : my eol-
lection includes similar songs of the Kewat (fisherman), Mali (gardener)
and Kori (Hindi weaver) castes, some of which, as does No. XI, profess
to be the composition of Kabir, and others claim to be the work of Tulsi
Das. There are I believe a good many disciples of Kabir in the district,
chiefly among the lower classes. The Oilman’s Songs are printed as recited
by a Teli of Maudha; the same songs when recited by a native of Hamir-
pur differed only by the substitution of ‘ bhargayo’ = ‘tired’, for girgayo
= ‘fallen’, in line 2 of No. XI, and in the transposition of the words
milaniyan and chikaniyan.
I still refrain from making any detailed examination of the verbal
forms in these songs, in the hope of being able to examine the Bundelkhand
dialect and sub-dialects at another time with the help of fuller materials.
It is necessary, however, to observe that the more characteristic forms
and words of Bundelkhandi must be sought for in the southern parganahs of
the British districts of Hamirpur, Banda, and Jhanst and in the adjoining
native states. The speech of the Lodhis, of which song No. X is a
specimen, has some peculiarities of its own. The forms of Hindi spoken in
Parganah Maudha in the east of the Hamirpur district, are intermediate
between the dialect of the Dodb and that of southern Bundelkhand, and the
songs now published are all (except No. X) specimens of this intermediate
variety of Hindi. {The Hardaul songs which formed the subject of my
last paper, were obtained from a Kéyath woman in Hamirpur ; and there
is not much difference in the forms used in the Parganahs of Hamirpur,
Sumerpur, and Maudha.
I. The Suna’r’s (Goldsmith’s) Song.
Baer A Wis |
GAC Var zie fears
SST HG SIC HT rat acel shy Bra BETS
@ GA AE Fae Ua sat wast arg frets
gitar ara Sitar sar wet erat fey mere
face qawat Fett es qe a” faa gard
* See Gover’s Folk Songs of Southern India passim.
Tt For some account of Kabir see Introduction to Dr. Fallon’s New Hindistin{
Dictionary, pp. VIII to X. |
{ In my last paper I overlooked a paragraph in Beames’ Elliott, Vol. I, p. 269,
which gives a brief notice of the Hardaul legend, differing in some respects from mine.
1876.] V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. II. 283
feat Vata SUIT BRC Be ales ge get Fere
KSRSAT AS WATST awe areinet fears
aac fefeet ag Ware ata wre Tat Faarers
aTasTa qeare aaTs a GB CH VST Warsz
at Gora atu sata aa 3 WE CYT AI BIT
HAT STS AIGTATC HART Yeare zazat qare
efa sist ataat aratyreare Srast Bere
PTqSat wag fara Sat faq wt Weare
AS VIC VIASt AVANT wy Fre nears
Gal ast ear wet Ba tata areal arg
FSI FST VR AAT HHA Sea aaa HAWS
aTa ay bit hel SWAT GSI ze Ca Gare
azat @ Fat Bl Bearat yfecasy wa ats sess
HCAHS YI Sit Tafcat Fat oa Cal HATS
The Sunar sits with his mat spread,
With all his *iron tools in his wallet, and in the earthen bowl fire
brightly kindled ;
Taking his blowpipe the Sunar begins to blow the fire, having fixed the
anvil in front.
Into the crucible he throws silver and gold and melts down both, |
Then takes them out, casts them into an iron trough, quenches them
in cold water ;
He uplitts his good hammer, and on the ingot fall many blows.
By dint of hammering and cutting are fashioned pretty ornaments,
the worker’s skill is shown ;
Rings} for second toe, rings for little toe, plain anklets, rings for big
toe, and hollow tinkling anklets are worked at steadily and heartily ;
Pagebst of great price are made, fitted with a thousand bells,
Paijands turned out very handsome, the sound of tinkle tinkle was
heard all along the road.
Seeing the§ twisted ankle-chain, the woman from behind the screen
opened the door-chain and staid gazing ;
The plain linked chain, and the zone with round links and double a
were graceful in her sight,
* Lwékhar = lokhar, 4. e. iron tools: wd is frequently substituted for medial o
and yd for medial e.
+ The enumeration of personal ornaments begins with those of the feet and so
upwards to those of the ears.
+ Paejebs and paijands are varieties of ankle ornaments.
§ In the original the same word ‘sdnkar’ expresses both kinds of chain.
en a a EE inne a a Sr een -oce Sete. Lahe “ete
pel Fe TS Fe)
UMMM Ne PTE eae OMe MT ERY TET) Mo ten Oinap Mae ELA EC a te Stee eae ido aay) alia tale”
Hg) Bae ie BBA gp nlm i PgR es TR
{it etter { Pee ET Lay sn b 4 rar Wiehe het PERM HOP) POS 4
a
284 V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. II. [No. 8,
Beholding the hamel* with bells, and seeing its square pendant, her
mind is delighted :
[ Alsof when beholding] gold necklet, necklace, five-stringed necklace,
coral and gold necklace, gwnj and goph, all weighty,
Seli, kanthd, plain ring, signet ring, thumb-ring, manufactured finger
Mirror ;
Ohird,t patd, pachhelawd, kakand, harraiydn, charming bangle,
Biju-band,§ bajulla, joshan, bahutd, tanr carefully made,
Nose-ring, heavy nose-ring, and pendant, by wearing which the charm
of [the wearer’s| face was increased :
Also karanphul|| and dhar, nostril-ornament, fillet, and patta adorned
with granules of precious metal.
5 eee
The Luha’r’s (Blacksmith’s) Song.
TST Rl WT |
GRA Blt Vere warct
~ EN x7 s ~ ~ LN
a waat os yaH ae Bat un fers ast
STS aI faery Ge aT age get gaa at arc
acu Uta} Vraar wae AAS TAT AGT Rect
Tawar ect agre BUTT Geral St eer Hegret
ACA HrVSNr Ble AiSt qcs Hlear Gra are}
BIT Gat cate asta fast gaat at se wrct
PAY 7] “
Val weal ae atKel aq fags wt Herc
The Luhar blows his forge fire,
Holding the bellows one man sits behind, in front another where the
anvil is fixed,
* Hamel a sort of necklace made of rupees generally, and furnished with a pen.
dant ; also known in other districts as hackal.
t+ The construction of the sentence here is rather obscure, but the word dekhi
seems to be carried on to the following lines. This line enumerates various kinds of
neck ornaments ; selé and kanthé are similar articles. |
t Churd, etc., these are all kinds of bracelets: the harraiydn 18 worn next to, and
the pachhelawé farthest from, the hand.
§ The ornaments enumerated in this line are worn on the arm above the elbow.
|| Karanphil and dhdr are kinds of earrings ; the yatta is worn in the upper part
of the ear,
_ . —
—- Bk ren ee re Ee a Re SP RD 8 SE Le i
paren Be ee ‘y
eehe pew i ; Pt
ti gl ‘ig,
ind
{Sin ESAL MRED Shah ieee
r rie ie ? 7 PG GORE ifs ak
1876.| V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. IT. 285
f
hott
Bgeadatie mepieapiadten orto a Be eter tN er te
i An i } F: it ef Hie r ne} preys
bbs nme | vs ra - ,—— be!
So (Gas fa ‘ Oe fr ae
The heated iron being placed on the anvil, on it fall the sledge-ham-
i mer blows ;
Khurpa,* khurpt, sickle, spindle, es plate, phaord, kudari, are
made,
Also tongs, knife, boiling pan, hammer, forceps, and razor and axe,
Drill, nail, chain, hasp, ox-goad, ploughshare, share of bdékhart plough
are constructed ;
Also the saw, well made and closely toothed, which severs the root of
the tamarind tree ;
Thentha,* jake plummet, iron-ladle, clasp-knife, iron-claw, battle-
axe and dagger.
@? we {
BEE hh
;
Pf
hiss
i
=e
nde
=
=
III.
The Barhai’s (Carpenter’s) Song.
AGKA Al UT |
ISS AS YMCA
ara aie aaa nia Ste WITAT STITT
ewat gat Etie aarer aay Gre fare
uret fac ware arar afte 2 wea Gyre
Sat Waa HACUSt fare at Ue GaICT
diet arat Uerasra feSret TESTTT
Hat BT raAt Gar AAT TTSATITT
Wifa 2 RAS RSA ASATATTASTL
The Barhai is a good worker in wood,
Sakhi,§ Shisham, and teak timber he splits and cleaves,
Well made door-step, lintel, door-posts and doors he makes,
Having prepared side-pieces, head and. foot pieces, and turned feet he
constructs a bed-stead,
Chairs, and thrones fit for Kalandar Shah, and block stools on|| which
you could stretch your legs,
* Khurpd, khurpt, phéord, kuddrt—the well known tools which supply the place
of the English hoe, spade, and pickaxe.
t+ The dékhar isan instrument peculiar to, or at least chiefly used in Bundel-
khand. It is employed to take the hard surface crust off fields, and to clear away
Bins weeds.
t Thenthé is an instrument with a flat blade and long handle, used in cooking, to
press ace cakes, etc., on the pan. SES is a perforated ladle.
§ Sakhi, a forest tree: shisham or sirsat = Dalbergia Sissoo (Rowburgh).
| This seems to be the meaning of the words panw pasard,
ee a ee Ee) a” Ts ale ote
Sy
Sa tas *.. 5 _ a a > .
- - ee ee Ts - ~ aX a. * + ; * ——
- euN . . . . - t- # us - -.
ANINEA GNM Se Shanon soestens ——- we 8
c : “ ’ \ w ‘“ ‘ _ \ Te oe ee " LNCS . ~~ *
i) . Naa Ae Eh ANNE SANG \\ \ 5 Nee Sy a: xh * eon ¥ he NS 4 .' 3 A Re oe \ LA BSS ON 1, ‘ AN eae a \\ ANY AS VARAE OY WA . .
vey Dy ldsh ko RNR SIAN \ TAN NG RN Na RY Soles A Saat PN ah ih diaen te MUN Omar RDAs RAN ass SE ELAR Re Ge One ina baa Cheah A Nevin we S\\a VAY
ral ire 2 Zaid, eit % aaa wy LANL, VRE Si AG Ween ek had ck ASS SER! t i Ara SA ANA RE NER s\ AN ANY
ia ark eran neh bs SINS Sa s4 Pi Moe bE Re ata pie My ena a SSSA RIS ET ale YES SRN OSNEWS DEAL ATER OAL AN
ays eae an ‘ \ rary
a2
7?
3
ie
Hi
286 V. A. Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. IT. [ No. 3,
Large stools, four-legged stools, ‘flying cots’* and swings he con-
structs, |
Curtained palkis, and ordinary pdlkis, poles and bahangist and round
well-pullies, |
Of all sorts he makes, also wooden bowls :—he knows how to hollow
timber.
IV.
The Kaha’r’s (Bearer’s) Song.
HEL AT sta |
aad Uiga FUT Herc
araT asl Weal Svaa ATA Zz ws aqrt arct
HER UF SIT ae asl wear ort ae act ao
Uq GUA @ ASA WTF BG Se at Sa are
Of all trades the worst is the Kahavr’s ; :
With carrying bahang?s, pitchers and pdlkis, his shoulders get broken
and his skull blackened : |
Whenever delay occurs in the stage, then straightway the slipper is
applied, and he must put up with abuse. - |
All men in a wedding procession get carriage, he himself has to carry
others.
The Na/‘i”’s oe Barber’s) Song.
ATEAT wT TT |
way ay ser faaret
wat fret aecat eer act wac First
wet gag Vat a det ara ae Sr stat
ertaca fcc teat aaa Tatet aed
Hse AC Ye ars Bat ae a ae
Wet swear SarHT Ger wrafay waaret
Of all men the barber is the greatest trickster,
With his whetstone, nail-parer, and razor, he gets ready his tool bundle ;
a tie =
at}
* The words wran khatoldé are explained to me as being used in a proverbial
sense to mean ‘very fine cots’, 7. ¢. as good as those which are described in fairy tales. .
+ Aanwar means the same ag bahangt, the well known pair of baskets slung
from a pole, so much used in India,
*
—1876.] V. A. Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. IT. 287
PUMPER A LIS
:
fii
HS AE LE PLEAS f
Gi W ait ae a \F #4 J
: He catches people by the top knots, and *clean shaves them—armpit,
' | moustache, and beard,
Mi | Leaving a round tonsure on the head, he points off the side locks,
By clean* shaving he fills his belly, neither field nor garden has he ;
: With his bundle} under his arm and his brass water- pot in his ct
he gets his living.
Pipe tors wotnglinaks
Hea nae
Pe ee
“ph
Ey gieeye
i et
1 See
ioe
fe SSig
io) Se
ee |
SS
Sere
a
VI. |
The Kol’s Song.
Atal AT Wa |
2us saaifaa at ctat
fac areca sate fea tral was a ate varate wtat
Sac cza aat Waa a faa at aes a achS satat
Su Var Tealea ar Gate arg wa |e Atal
qAS WA Su als waa sane Ba wa Ta stat
AAT HH STA Aaa se Ha wate a aa fre sitat
Behold the ways ot ie dwellers in the woods!
In hills and caves they dwell, never neither for night nor day build the
Kols a wall,
In men who abide in towns and villages never will they put trust,
The camp of travellers they always plunder, regarding not the law of
God nor man; °
| In dreams even, corn they never see, wood fruits they eat—so their
life passes.
Among the Kols the Chief is he whom all men united cannot subdue.
VII.
The Nat’s (Juggler’s) Song.
aST at Ute |
a3 me Te ary fearaa
AVMBAA FASSt STA qe HITT ATF St aT fearaa
aa TWA fata au yt tafe aya ata as aaa
i Sua HE Sie HE GRC aer fea ra Raat eraa
| The Nat plants a bamboo pole and shows off his Canney
y * Munra = ‘clean shaved’, with a double entendre.
i + Peti means the same.as chhurdnr? in line (2) of this song.
0 0
Tt ase aj a ae
: — -— —— OAL A LOGO TN Ni eS ities 3 ihe wate
— “»* ~~. — woe: bu- asp ¢ ty eB .
288 V. A. Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. IF. [No. 8,
Acrobatic and tumbling feats he performs himself upon the pole and
teaches to others,
As the kingfisher dances in the sky, so he while daneing sings many
songs :
Wherever he sees a good opportunity, there he halts and roofs himself
in.
VII.
The Khanga’r’s Song.
WAT A WT |
Sas Gata at Wqus
agi faa Giatr Ge mate ata Steat qaTS
sat ee Src aT ata aes ary aX wie Fue
witaer fares tra fea TAR araret feuiz
How smart the Khangar is who ean tell ?
He can groom a horse and play tumbler as well,
He can sing a song and perform on the drum,
And while watching the thief, himself steal some :
From lane to lane he prowls on his way, |
And is ever watchful night and day.
IX. Le
The Duma’r’s (Village Sweeper’s) Song.
SALT AT Its |
wae Blan sary TAT
afer carat art Sret der fara aca wa ae
Fat SH Ua qaaraeg trea aa w SCF VRS
CHA CTY AST Yt waa a ae fay ata Cts
oq aot Tas UY asTa SExt Gaaa yea VAIS
SITs a Fear faa sac are aca ay qa SUIS
Of all men the Basor is the best worker,
*Chhintd, tukna, dawrt, and ort baskets and fans he plaits willingly,
He sells for cash down and keeps in jolly good spirits,
Lambourines, drums, and kettle-drums he covers nicely with leather,
and he has no thoughts hidden ;
* Chhinta = a broad shallow basket; the word is used in line (3) of Song No. X.
Tukna = a smaller basket used for grain, etc. Daurt = the flat basket used for
irrigating and. other purposes, Oré = a very large basket.
NR Pee ee ee TE ee Se I SE Ee SE Re re
bias NTE :
aah re a ee
rp ew :
u “
erica ; seas
incl ee 4
a, am’
woth as
try
Lt i
eb daisy erg
et ay ae ag ih fA OGM ELIE GLP
} 1876.]| V. A. Smith—Popular Songs of the Hamtrpur District. No. II. 289
All instruments he plays with his own hands, those who hear his flute
by are much delighted.
| Night and day he clears away dirt for other people, and never shows
ay ~ all-temper.
; te senna rey aa ate A ey a
ith rhea a BE) Aly d eh lub ibe beled hobble hipyy
HR IGET TE BAE REE ROE BLT RARD A SVL
Cary
vane
SD RCA ed *
DA ede aig’) Sh ce
X.
The Lodhi”’s Song.
~ NY
qitaat A TW |
SIT HIT BTA wars
MMTIT STC HITHT Fel Biesy ZAC ela GATS
qTt wifga fat at ater St ib Tat faxes
GRIN a at esaTECT att sien aca frets
aAlzaa a ret Sl ial gant zt BY wars
ATT AS USS TE STH BC GTTSt H fewars
wist SIX afta Zar facet Ge” Faw Cay
Sua Saas 3a fran are wafers at ay VATs
The Lodhis’ house-folk* are their women,—
| [The Lodhi woman] putting men aside, girt with her waist-cloth,?
packinet dhdk leaves between her bangles,
| Puts her little girl to bed in a basket on her head, with a wrapper
4 above and a cloth spread underneath ;
_- Stubbing up briars and brambles, and scraping up grass, she does her
weeding ;
Kodo§ bread, and gram pottage, mahud paste, and mahud sweetmeats
she makes and eats ;
Attaching the vackel she works the Persian|| wheel and well, and
waters the sugarcane ;
from luga¢ ‘women’, and the words are so used in common speech.
+ Kusté = the waist-cloth, but little fuller than a man’s dhoti, worn by adult
€ women of the lower castes, and by young girls of the higher castes in Bundelkhand ; it
leaves most of the lee bare.
tz. e. to prevent the bangles from being troublesome and interfering with her
work. The form patdé seems to be used only for the sake of the rhyme.
§ Kodwan ig plural. Rwdtdé, not roté, is always used to mean bread made of
kodo or swan. The mahud (Bassia latifolia) is very abundant in the Hamirpur dis-
trict, and its flowers are much used for food.
| The Persian wheel (rahat) is in this district used only in the southern parganahs.
Baréhi or barhdé is the Bundelkhandi synonym for the ¢k/ or 4kh of other parts of the
country.
| * Log or lugwa (and in Maudha Jugawna) means here ‘males’ as distinguished
] _— I TE pees.
—
-“e-y = — ¥
~~ eee, ew twee. ve ceetipenes -.ly -
290 V. A. Smith— Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District. No. IT. | No. 3, |
Wearing on her leg heavy toothed* and stocking-anklets she need-
lessly bears a plaguily heavy load ; |
The Lodhis, small and great, Sir, one and all, eat the fruit of their
women’s toil.
| XI.
Teli”s (Oilman’s) song, No. 1
<< ™~
— atsar ar ama |
AD O)
fawat arat oc fatefaar
Wis Sens AKE FSH TAT freaar erat Fa Fears
aut fag 1S HTT Gat aa aa farsac war fawataay
gaa wes frag ary fata arar qau faafaat
HCA HAC FAT WE aygq tact McSHs va fear i Qi
The Teli’s wite was grinding the charge of oil seed
The upright beam broke, the mill cracked, her sleek bullock fell,
The oil cake spoiled, the residuum went bad, the oil spoiled and be-
came watery ;
From going round and round she fell, and with her fell her worthy
husband. |
Quoth Kabir, ‘ Hear, good brother, just so the whole world shall fall.’
@
XII. a7:
Teli”s (Oilman’s) Song, No. 2.
wa Re dfs wa CAIUS
~ ~NY = wy
ated waned oat fafcer fraarat at are
AQ = ~ = id
BY TTA AARICaAAT ATalS Tet AT AaarSt
~ Nn SG bd —r— ~A A Y
Weel ATaT WH Waa qas acfwsr We ws
TUT de We Hy aaa W tafe gas fees waaret’ | 2 1
All deceit abandon, worship Rém the Lord ; |
Otherwise, dropping into the oil mill of error, you will fall down as
does the charge of oil seed, ,
Just as the oilman’s bullock longs to go out [ but cannot],
Even so will you long, O husband mine, when entangled in vanity.
As oilf and water mingle in the world, just so should you mingle with
all men.
* The pewter and brass ornaments worn by the low caste women in Bundel-
khand are very heavy and rattle like fetters : the chulld fits the leg like a stocking.
T % & as oil lies on water without mingling, so should you be in the world, but
not of it,
ONINS NANA NISSAN NA SINE ID IP ASL OID
“ winpk yor pias mae Sycereae esc =e
syvicbypesdo ape eb Wear tT de ta ad
ES te t/i db AMT dee 4
ss MOLL fs (lO Nl
G. Fae a
AA GHe A
Vy)
BS
at
PaRUASSSLLSSOL SSS
= Sedgtield, Lith: | | Ismatwtl Khar, ey; “EZ
7 UNPUBLISHED MUHAMMADAN COINS. |
(Drthie.) E
es Soe Sets toes wenn > ngs eg he ee
ee - ae
}
UNPUBLISHED MUHAMMADAN COINS.
(Dthi¢, Bengal, Malwa, Ki utbargw, Kashme. )
- oN ah be ee eee eS eee oY ee
ee
FS tes Te FF are em
~~ , a
womep ale
{
basing Mic Ney Gnade ide + llo~ alli oe le whee! ct Sa
Sree <e*
eit dott
re, fe ak —
Hipp Lise]
LEE LPIA LY:
rafsey tee eres :
4 ite phew dope pyrene + tye
eee Vee. Sint hE A URES
f (e iig / fav Pad fi
\ ohh Mité
List of fare Muhammadan Coins.—No. IT. (Coins of the Kings of Dihii,
Malwah, Bengal, eres, and Kashmir.—By J. G. DELMERICK,
Dihli.
Hie f H i PE en a hy jf!
-
Maer eag th ees |
(With two plates.)
Dratr’.
Khusrau Sha‘h.
Plate V, No. 1. New ere Silver and copper. Weight, 51 grs.
A. H. 720.
BLo aye | La weld abo
| | Muhammad bin Tughluq Sha’h.
a Plate V, No. 2. Silver. Weight, 170 grs. A. H. 782.
| (gis st aa }
| Margim— Sylar 9 wh » wrptt Bie (lds Fes!
J Fi'ru’z Sha’h.
Plate V, No. 3. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 766. |
| eed Bs us? ) ped ujbbland| :
| crsbopadl prot erpeye} pol Chase L
KU} ode cost glee 33 yi reel! yl
cV EN pgitahn
.
| sista. old
p :
| KSS hg v0
Margin— sly tdoe 3 uyhoe 9 aw Siew eslds § yao? Jos wy?
Muhammad bin Fi’ru’z Sha’h.
Plate V, No. 4. Gold. Weight, 170 grs. A. H. 793.
ped we os! pc dt ybblendt
Lpsdegadt prc gles ja gle docs”?
SiS wold wold csitales
vai &iSI 400
292 J. G. Delmerick—List of rare Muhammadan Coins. —No. IT. [No. 8,
Ibra’hi’m Sha’h Su’r.
Plate V, No. 5. Copper. Weight, 292 ers. A. H. 962.
: mf
&Slo ’Uy ots war 7
Akbar Sha’h,
Plate V, No.6. Gold. Weight, 166 gers. Juhis 5.
Snel rot 5 attr? fy lowly rie} B | camel 95 wrtl Coa gf AST LS 0 yo
© stl class b 757 rd ;
Plate V, No.7. Gold. Weight, 164 ers. Julis 5. 7
de gle ye 8% ob 5 wbt | sa) BL St py G1 emt y 5
B/S J ye Q
Plate V, No. 8. Gold. Mihrabi. Weight, 167 ers. A. H. 981. |
wise | ast a
und
Jaha/ngi’. ) fh
Plate V, No.9. Gold. Weight, 200 gers. A. H. 1015. ube
BLS aby AST erst Slee CHO! yy Bl | slog po Kips (ity 9) bat) 15 Coy) |
f F887 9A Gye
In the Tuzuk-Jahangiri (Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s edition, page 5), Ja-
hangir states that the couplet on this coin was the composition of the
Amir-ul-Umara, or Muhammad Sharif.
Plate V, No. 10. Gold. Weight, 165 grs. A. H. 1018.
BL St crt pele oH yyi sR | sy gS god 8,57 ppd yy 9} Am
5 [ena
Plate VI, No. 11. Silver. Weight, 220 ers. A. H. 1017.
3924 he N<IPEN gla ely 399 9d Spt ala wis) oy ,aos
[ev ae | ‘es
Plate VI, No. 12. Silver. Weight, 219 ers. A. H. 1019. Ni
og
-
1876.| J. G. Delmerick—List of rare Muhammadan Coins.—No. II. 298
g37} 5 9%9 Pore
s)
Weight, 176 ers.
IHD I) ($9) 89ST 0 wasls
1-49
A. H. 10385.
AS} gl& gl® Slim jf
Plate VI, No. 13. Silver.
te
Plate VI, No. 14. Gold. Weight, 164 ers.
rt
A. H. 10285.
sLogl yast ae
rf fore
Sha’h Jaha’n IT.
Plate VI, No. 15. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 1173.
Emile Weta 20 ey le yr csjle gLayl oe gle oS 5 ylnao & Swe
olsT a x idea!
Aa} ddeo tt viy
He was the grandson of Kam Bakhsh, the youngest son of Aurangzib,
and was called Muhiyy-ul-Millat.* He was placed upon the throne by
Ghazi-ud-din ’Imad-ul-Mulk after the assassination of ’Alamgir Sdnf
on the 8th Rabi’-us-Sani, A. H. 1173. Muzaffari has it that he reigned
until the 9th Safar, A. H. 1174, when the Bhdo before quitting the
capital to engage with the Abdali, deposed him and appointed Prince
Jawan Bakht, the son of Shéh ’Alam, in his place. This statement
appears to be correct; for I also possess a silver coin of Shah Jahan IT.,
struck in A. H. 1174. Thus he reigned for a whole year and a month.
His ultimate fate is unknown.
Beda’r Bakht.
Plate VI, No. 16. Gold. Weight, 169 as
UT whaPls ers da! f se =) 0
A. H. 1202.
Epgilo des cpg do} Khao Was fox, Xl ae wee ope”
Irer
_ * Beale in his Miftéh-ut-Tawdrfkh, page 342, says his name was Muhiyy-us-
Sunnat. On the other hand, Sayyid Ahmad in his Asar-ug-Canadid, page 42, states
that he was the son of Muhiyy-us-Sunnat, the son of Kam Bakhsh. Sayyid Ahmad is
right. Vide also Proceedings, A. S. B., for July, 1876.
“ . —
- — en - see. " >
: a te A EA ei ies ST lt WB Nees — ee ete onde Pe - epee - ele
a eae = ;
os
Sindee
ae rat +
cihe Z na } a i
Chit ‘ag
~. in
ph ih :
PHF it EG.
pee a OPH
cies pears e pet pe ale
A dd lige pad - ype tr rresbittictet Me
sporap rss tiger pidaaine Sta
=
ie
Ane.
~
—_
-
be
rs
—
=
o~
i ie ae
994 J. G. Delmerick—Lzst of rare Muhammadan Coins.—No. IT. | No. 3,
I am aware of only two other specimens of the coins of Beddr Shdh,
but they are both rupees, and therefore I believe my coin is unique in gold.
One of the silver coins is in the collection of Mr. Mark Thornhill, late
B. C. S., and has been described in the list of that gentleman’s coins by
Nawab Muhammad ’Abd-ul ’Aziz Khan, a Pleader of the J udge’s Court at
Farrukhabad, in a publication of the Barelf Literary Society in 1867.
The other is, I believe, in the cabinet of the late Col. Guthrie. A. rub-
bing of it was sent by Col. F. W. Stubbs to the Asiatic Society of Bengal
and noticed in their proceedings for May 1871; and a promise was made
at the time that a drawing of it would be pabeated, but I understand that
as the coin itself was never sent to Calcutta, no drawing was ever made or
published.
In addition to Mr. Blochmann’s remarks regarding Beddr Bakht in the
Proceedings for May 1871, which are very interesting, I may add that
Bedar Shah nominally occupied the throne for only two and a half months.
He soon disgusted his patron Ghul4m Kadir Khan by his puerilities, such as
flying kites (patang-bazi) in the public streets, &., and after the flight,
capture, and execution of Ghulam Kadir Khan by the Marhatas, Bedar
Shah was for a short time kept in confinement in Salimgarh, but after-
wards suffered a cruel death. His body was thrown into a hole near the
Nao Mahall, a building which gps existed in the vicinity of the Dihli
gate of the Fort.
The Tarikh-i-Muzaffari contains a good narrative of the events which
resulted in the elevation of Beddr Shah. Mr. Seton-Karr’s Selections from
the Calcutta Gazettes for 1774 to 1788 are interspersed with several notices
of Bedar Shah and of the revolution at Dihli. See also Captain Francklin’s
“ Lite of Shah ’Alam”’, pages 181 to 195; but by far the best and most
comprehensive account of the transactions is to be found in “ Keene’s
Mughal Empire”, Book II, Chap. VI, pages 169 to 189.
Baha’dur Sha’h.
Plate VI, No. 17. Silver. Weight, 171 grs. A. H. 1257.
rye WAS gpdv0 ugha =) 9 yO Koa” Eytod f cle rb) yl
olf whatls idle yy sl oly
@ Kine gssté shal
{ray
The last of the Mughuls, who was sentenced to banishment for life for
complicity in the Mutiny of 1857. He died at Rangoon on 7th Nov. 1862,
His coins are rare. Lord Ellenborough stopped the issue of money in the
name of this Titular in the cold season of 1842-43. Before that on the
———— Se Se
1876.]| J. G. Delmerick—Lust of rare Muhammadan Ooins. No. IT. 295
occasion of certain “ Jashans” or festivals, such as the “ Nauroz’’ and the
anniversary of his coronation, &c., coins used to be specially struck in his
name and offered as a part of the customary nazar by the Resident on
behalf of the British Government. See also Kaye’s Sepoy War, Vol. II,
page 12 and Appendix. :
MAtwan.
Hu’/shang Sha’h Ghori’,
Plate VI, No. 18. Gold. Weight, 170 gers. No date.
ola’ gst ailbshenl
gl& Sidyo alam fac
wy lald uriol y Lot
Margin.—Cut away.
Mahmu’d Sha’h Khilji’.
Plate VI, No. 19. Gold. Weight, 169 grs. A. H. 870.
silty yoiKuo pct} labo
_yeols ep ey Cydied eo] g Lialt Us
(PA gute | _pavol elt Bboy gnc” dbo ot
cists aU ls
Margin —ébo led 9 uyittae Bao Slt gold Fpdse! Sul! yb0 Qo yod
BENGAL.
Baha’dur Sha’h.
Plate VI, No. 20. Gold. Weight, 165 grs. A.H. 728.
roel Bs) Eo 9 CaicnJ} eulac
Bight pol G43
Gy dean” aL,
For a single silver specimen, lost in the Mutiny and no longer in ex-
istence, see coin No. 186, page 215 of Thomas’ Chronicles of the Pathan
Kings of Delhi. |
Husain Sha’h.
Plate VI, No. 21. Gold. Weight, 162 grs. A.H. 905.
cghtencs| W5 yet] rw Cp? La} de Sole)
Toa ae ee a ET Ni os, nese wre nee < nents > aly to hy te
ge i ek Tie nk TNS PAG STRELA oe easy co RRMA MTT A eee Rl
pophe a bir and peter ea oe tees = erat emi oo ea ali ph mao
gy
4 at
ee Pinon: eet ere
Tie re
PP RP PLETE H
emg nt ete
Paper aon
bhi
SS gee
o
fi rf hi fi idk CRE
UE Pe OH
‘iil 43 The
‘i ee
raat eee
Po
Boe
as
a
-
"fa
me! ded
ean
, TA
1 + edt
Cae
Ge
a,
vat
a
;
}
- +
NCR Bry SP
nWASE
‘ ; Ny aS
SENG TAS ay URS
> * \, %
rAWASS
296 J. G. Delmerick—List of rare Muhammadan Ooins. No. II. [| No. 3,
Another gold coin, dated A. H. 907, has been figured and described by
Mr. Blochmann in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part 1,
No. 8, for 1874.
BAaHMANT. 5 Pi
Ahmad Sha’h.
Plate VI, No. 22. Gold. Weight, 166 grs. A. H. 853.
de abadt > pylon}
b
deal oy BLS Seal Jos} 9 Wands gola ‘
t
Mahmud. Sha’b. _
Plate VI, No. 28. Gold. Weight, 170 grs. No date. i
| cs jee sl il SS phat it
& | | * oe “ | in
coor cot pbs Mt sb awd i
: i
Margin.—Cub away. in
KasuMir. 1
Muhammad ’Ali’ Sha’h. a.
Plate VI, No. 24. Silver. Weight, 96 gers. A. H. 986. | hi
phen Ww yo glagh cole Mme”? eto pre i i
qA4 | 9A4
Margin. — ip 9 o's Od!
Muhammad Yusuf Sha/h.
Plate VI, No. 25. Silver. Weight, 94 gers. A. H. 987.
phot ye glo y ly eaShnrs 24 One” uptod _yavo
Mar gin.—9» 9 glia , W243
Firishtah says that ’Ali Shah was killed by a fall from his horse in
A. H. 986, and was succeeded by his son Yusuf. Vide also Xin Translation,
I, p. 478.
OP PAL OP
1876. | | 297
The Bhars of Audh and Banaras.— By Patrick CaRNEGY, Commissioner
of fat Barelt, Audh.
Who are the Bhars ?
This is a question that has very often been asked since the British
became possessed of the Province of Banaras, and more especially since they
annexed Audh. Probably no one has devoted more thought to the solution
of this question, or has had greater opportunities of considering it closely
than the writer, and he therefore proceeds to answer it by the light of his
own enquiries.
There is unquestionable evidence that Ayodhya, near Faizabad, was the
eapital of the solar race of Chhatris, many centuries before the Christian
era. That this race was Aryan and Sanskrit-speaking does not admit of
doubt. The writer is in possession of numerous Bactrian coins, bearing
Greek and Sanskrit inscriptions, of the Kadphisis and Kanerko groups,
portions of two large hoards of many hundreds each, which were discovered
in Ayodhya and near Sultanptr. Not a single coin was found in either of
these hoards of any subsequent mintage, which is proot positive that these
coins had remained hidden where they were eventually found in old metal
vessels, since they formed part of the currency of the day. ‘Time, the Ist
and 2nd centuries, B. C. We may from this with perfect confidence
assume that the Sanskrit-speaking races were dominant in Ayodhya and
Audh from before the days of Ramchandra and the Ramayan, down to
after the commencement of our Era.
Our path is next illuminated by another historical glimpse. In the 4th
and 6th centuries the Chinese pilgrims Fa-hian and Hiouen-Thsang visited
Hindtstdn, when Buddhism was still dominant throughout the land, with its
chief centre at Sahet-Mahet, on the Gonda-Bahraich border, the Rome or
Jerusalem of that creed. At Ayodhyé, at Banaras, at Kanauj, at Kashmir,
and at all the other chief centres of ancient fame, Buddhism was found to
be paramount ; at the same time, however, inimical as the two religions may
have been to each other, temples dedicated to Brahma were also found by
the pilgrims at all the places named.
To Numismatics we owe our next clue. Within the writer’s observation
four sets of debased sold or silver coins of the second Kanauj series, have been
found in the Faizdbad, Bahraich, and Partabgarh Districts, of which he has
various specimens, and amongst these not a single coin of a more modern
date was discovered. Moreover, in the Asiatic Society’s Journal for Janu-
ary 1841, page 98, we have copy of a land grant of Jayachandra found
near Haizabad, and sent by the Resident, Colonel Caulfield, to James
abe oo
(ie deen sees ete eda Sas © ee EIN
stat nape a LE [eae Pea Po
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SRE Oe ise an eer
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298 P. Carnegy—Zhe Bhars of Audh and Banéras. [No. 3,
Prinsep. Here then we have proof absolute that Kanauj was the territorial
capital of north-east Audh 6 to 900 years ago.
About that time, too, we arrive in the more immediate region of direct
history, with the Muhammadan advent and conquest, A. D. 1000—1200.
It is denied by no one that on the arrival of these invaders they found in
possession, and soon overthrew, the Tomars of Dihli, the Rathors of
Kanauj, and the Bhars, who were found to be in universal possession of the
soil of north-east Audh and Banaras. And it is with the last two of
these classes that we have any present concern.
Literature and science have brought us so far, and up to this point
speculation and theory have been alike avoided ; we must now fall back on
tradition, and see what that may bring forth. The late Maharaja Sir
Man Singh, K. C. S. I., himself a Brahman amongst Brahmans, was a
scholar and a savant as well as a politician and a soldier, and it was the
privilege of the writer to know him intimately and to receive much valuable
information from him connected with Audh and its peoples. The writer
has also had access to some of the most learned pandits of the day, includ-
ing Umadat of Ayodhyd, and Stiraj Ndrdin of Aldemau, a former pupil of
the Banaras College, and the information received from such sources ag
these, so far as it relates to the subject in hand, he now proposes to utilize
for the purposes of this paper.
Centuries of Brahmanism which the want of tact of its priesthood had
made intolerable to the secular members of the community, had given place
to centuries of Buddhism, during which sway was at different times held
over Ayodhya, by dynasties which had Gaya (Magadh) and Sahet-Mahet
(Siri-Bastu) as their respective capitals. But the ardour of perverts does
not last for ever, and so for yet another term of centuries, came a period
during which the people troubled themselves but little about religion and.
caste; the Hindu Pantheon was forgotten and forsaken, and but little
attention was paid to even the well known gods in whose hands alone
rested the powers of creation and destruction.
The writer has repeatedly been assured by Sir Man Singh, and Pan-
dit Umadat, that during the present century an inscription was discovered
in the mound known as the Maniparbat in Ayodhya, which attributed its
construction to Raéjé Nanda Bardhan of Magadh, who is generally accre-
dited with the suppression of Brahmanism there, and with the establishment
of the non-caste system which then became general. ‘This inscription was
seen and read by both of these gentlemen, and was sent into Lakhnau in
Nacir-ud-din Haidar’s time, but all attempts to trace it further have proved
abortive. After this third period, the period of atheism, gleams of Brah-
manical light again began to appear in Ayodhya many centuries ago, and
with this circumstance is traditionally associated the name of Vikramaditya
‘ ay?
r m4 pay pins ‘fa ‘ER
i=
7 Vater
et id
; MH 1876. | P. Carnegy— The Bhars of Audh and Banaras. 299 is
% of Ujjain. Its position on the Sarju, and the survival through many . =
ly : vicissitudes of the shrine of Nagesar N&th Mahddeo led to its identi- =
‘ij fication. But it was probably long alter this, and perhaps some ten centu- =
by swe ries ago, that the great Brahmanical revival, which had Ajmir for its centre, oe
4 commenced, and which in time reached eastwards even to Ayodhya. =
m It was, as we have been informed, when the power of the Gaya dynasty =
. waned, that Ayodhya became the apple of discord between the rulers of a
i Kanauj and Sahet-Mahet, and then it was that Chandardeo Rathor a
§ (regenerated Buddhist) and Siri Chandar (Buddhist and Ex-Strajbans 2
* } Chhatri) referred their pretensions thereto to the issue of the sword, when a .
ty a great battle was fought at the modern Satrik, which ended in the down- a
uk fall of the latter, (the former vanquisher of Sayyid Salar) and the overthrow a
Ri of his creed and capital. Time, the early half of the eleventh century. : a
wi Thus came it to pass that those whom the Chinese pugrims had found to ET
Be be Buddhists in Dibli, in Ajmir, and in Kanauj, in the 4th and 6th centuries a
ty of our era, were found by the Muhammadans six hundred years later, restored oe
My nominally at any rate to the Vedic faith of their fathers. The Buddhists 4 a
ul were believed to be disregarders of caste distinctions, but this was not | if
mi universal, and for a time at any rate the perverts from Brahmanism +o =
ti Buddhism maintained their caste distinctions ; because the Chinese pilgrims a
refer to Kusala, “ with its Kshatriya king of the Buddhist faith” ; another =
i king is mentioned as a Kshatriya “and a zealous Buddhist” ; and of a third a
i it is said that though a Brahman he patronizes the Buddhist religion. Lastly, © f
de? the pilgrims were “ particularly struck with the minute observances of a
ii caste’. It would thus appear that in the 4th and 6th centuries caste dis- =
. tinctions were not entirely disregarded by the perverts; they were indeed =
dl in some instances maintained till the Brahmanical revival ; for it is believed ae
; that the rulers of Dihli continued to call themselves Tomdrs and Rathors -
: | both before and after that event. =
yt But whether it was during the Buddhist supremacy or at a later time -
f when religion and its accessaries became greatly neglected, there can be no =
doubt that for a considerable period before the Muhammadan conquest the fo
j distinctions of caste had altogether disappeared, and the soil of north- a
é ‘ east Audh and Bandras had become possessed by a single god-neglecting, =
ee caste-disregarding race, whom it is the fashion amongst the natives of the a.
fy day, who are mostly their descendants, to treat with the utmost disdain. a
4 Here I answer the question put at the beginning of this paper, this aS
p god-neglecting caste-disregarding race were the Bhars ! ft
) There is nothing either astonishing or improbable in this, for we have 7
( the authority of the great lawgiver Manu that “all those tribes of men, a
} who sprang from the mouth, the arm, the thigh, and the foot of Brahma, a
) but who became outeastes by having neglected their duties, are called Dasyus, i =
( | =A
300 P. Carnegy—The Bhars of Audh and Banaras. —— -[No. 8,
or plunderers, whether they speak the language of Mlechchhas or that of
Aryas.”’ Ddsyw is a common word used in old Hindu writings to indicate
such outcastes as the Bhars, Bhils, Chiros, Gonds, and Kols, most of whom,
strange to say, still keep up a Raéjptt tribal nomenclature, and most of
whom are gradually becoming again uplifted and enlisted into the fraternity
of Rajptts. Family vicissitudes are thus treated by Manu :—* Should the
tribe springing from a Brahman by a Sudra mother, produce a succession of
children by the marriages of its women with other Brahmans, the low tribe
shall be raised to the highest in the seventh generation. As the son of a
Sudra may thus attain the rank of a Brahman, and as the son of a Brahman
may sink to a level with the Sudra, even so must it be with him who springs
from a Kshatriya ; even so with him who was born a Vaisya.”’
These quotations from the famous Code of Hindu Ethics surely make it
very clear that there was a general Brahmanical fall, when distinctions of
language even did not prevent the people from becoming a universal family
of Dasyus or outcastes, a family known in the area of which we treat as
Bhars ; and they also explain how in the general Brahmanical revival that
finally followed, these robbers and plunderers were admitted once more to
all the privileges and beatitudes of the twice-born.
Many years of the official life of the writer have been devoted to duties
which involved the examination of the genealogies of some of our oldest
and best native families, and the results of his enquiries have led him to the
following conclusions: (1) That not a single member of the landed gentry
or local priesthood can trace back to an ancestor who held an acre of land,
or who administered a spiritual function, within the area under enquiry
during the Bhar supremacy; (2) That scarcely any of them can trace
back to an ancestor who came into Audh atthe Muhammadan advent, when
the Bhars, who were then in universal possession of the land, were over-
thrown ; and (8) That the great mass of the landowners of to-day can trace
no further back than to an ancestor whose origin is easily discovered to be
both indigenous and spurious.
Referring to the first of these three classes, it amounts unquestionably
to this; that in what was once the very heart and soul of Hindustan, the
much vaunted birthplace of the solar race and of Hinduism, there was not
a single Hindu landowner left in it, and it had become overrun by pagans,
when the Muhammadans conquered it ; but no sooner had that event taken
place, than not a pagan was to be seen anywhere ; they had utterly dis-
appeared, and the country at once became peopled again with orthodox
Hindus, with their veds and their pandits, just as if they had never left it.
In regard to the second of these classes, the writer thinks it expedient
here to quote some remarks from a treatise by him on the ‘ Races of
Audh’ :—
4
~— fF
Tt se ie
1876. | P. Carnegy—TLhe Bhars of Audh and Banaras. 201
“T have found the opinion so generally entertained that there was a
Rajpat conquest and colonization of Audh, that it requires a distinct
answer. ‘The theory which I have broached and supported in this paper
(of the Bhars of old being the Hindus of to-day), is invariably met by the
argument that it opposes the declarations of a clear and general tradition.
It is argued that in spite of specious theories to the contrary, such a tradi-
tion cannot in its main features be false; that if to satisfy the pride or
envy of the more recent converts, an origin was invented for them, it would
have been more consistent with the gradual growth of the Brahmanical
creed, to assert a continuous adherence to it, than immigration by force of
arms : that if the Rajput clans retained the shameful tradition of illegiti-
mate alliances with low caste women, the fact affords strong grounds for
crediting the remainder of their traditionary history.
“To this argument there is but one reply. I have not discovered the
existence of any such central tradition of conquest by RAjpits from without,
as that on which the argument entirely rests. It is stated in some of the
books to which we commonly refer, but it is not the statement of the
Rajput clans of Audh. I can refer to the histories of many Rajpit clans.
We find accounts of their origin, some mythical, some confused, and some
not very honorable ; but none of them declare, as do many of the Muham-
madan legends, the arrival of an army of clansmen, and colonization by the
victors with their families and kin.
“The very fact of the singular connections to which so many of the
clans trace their descent, is opposed to the idea of a conquest by arms. An
orthodox Hindu, the conqueror of a low-born race, would not have founded
a Tamily by an-alliance which his religion sternly rebuked. He would, like
his Mubhammadan contemporaries, have summoned his wife and children to
the new country which hig prowess had won. The tradition of descent
from a pure Chhatri may point +o what is possibly true, that some pure
Chhatris did immigrate into Audh as Buddhism waned, of which the pro-
vince was the cradle and head quarters, and-there is evidence to shew that
Buddhism retreated from the west and south to the north through Audh.
That the western Chhatris were, therefore, earlier retwrners to the Brahman
creed than the inhabitants of north-east Audh, and sent representatives to
this province before the final decay of Buddhism and the Bhars, is not sur-
prising. It is finally noticeable that the Audh clans who claim an extra.
provincial origin, trace their descent to single Chhatris, and not to troops
of Rajpit invaders. Such are the Bais of Baiswdérd, who claim to descend
from Tilokchand, who came from the Central Provinces, and the Rajkumars,
from Barriar Singh, a Chauhén of Manipuri, through whom they claim
kindred with Prithiréj of Dihli. With these two exceptions none of the
clansmen of eastern Audh claim a western origin.”
—s
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302 P. Carnegy—The Bhars of Audh and Banéras. [No. 3,
In regard to the third class, it is always invidious to enter into details
of pedigrees, but a Tew amongst very many available instances may be given.
The Kanpurié is one of our most important clans ; so is the Bandelgot.
{n twenty generations according to the members, both these pedigrees are lost
in obscurity ; but what the world says is this, that they are the offspring of
mal-alliances between two Brahman brothers, and women of the Ahir and
Dharkar castes. The Amethia is not an unimportant clan. ‘Lhey call them-
selves Chamar-gor Rajputs, and their generations are not longer than the
others named. What the world says of this, is that a Chamar-gor is the
oifspring of a Chamér father and a Gor-Brahman woman. Moreover within
the memory of man, an Amethid Chief has, according to Sleeman, taken to
wite the grand-daughter of an ex-PAsi Chowkidar, and raised up orthodox
seed unto himselt. The Raotars are another numerous clan with but halt
the number of generations, and with precisely a similar parentage as the
Kanpurias (Brahman-Ahir). Their name is taken from Rawat, an Ahir
Chief. The Pulwars are influential and numerous, and of these it is said that
they are descended from a common ancestor, who had four wives, of whom
one only was of his own status, the others being a Bharin, an Abirin and
another low caste woman. Here we have a Hindu-Bhar origin freely
admitted. The Bhalesaltan clan, also, is comparatively modern, and of
equivocal Ahir origin. There are numerous families of Bais, too, who are
in no way related to the Tilokchandi Bais of Baiswara. The former are
modern and equivocal, the term Bais being, it may be mentioned, the most
ready gate by which enlistment into the fraternity of Rajpits could foxmer-
ly be achieved. The most proud and haughty of our clansmen have not
been slow to take to themselves wives from the mammon of unrighteous-
ness, in the shape of the daughters of those whom we Lave shewn above to
be of equivocal origin, and so in the result, their offspring, our contempora-
ries, are little better than their neighbours. Add to this the fact that
owing to daughters being as a general rule put to death as soon as they
were born, wives had almost invariably to be purchased, through those who
were as great adepts at cheating in respect of caste, as horse-dealers are
elsewhere, in passing off screws, and it will be admitted that it really does
not very much signify who the fathers of Audh were, for if its mothers
were not Ahirs and Bhars, there is no certainty that they were at all better
than if they had been members of those classes. Finally, all those land-
owning families who can only urge an indigenous origin, must, whether
they admit it or not, recognize the fact that they are descendants of Bhars,
for every acre of land was owned, and the country was throughout peopled,
by these alone, and by no others.
The next point to which we shall refer is language. Notwithstanding
the evidence we have that Audh was peopled by the solar race of Hindus
¥
j
4
1876.1 P. Carnegy—The Bhars of Audh and Banéras. 303
before our era, ib has been said that the Bhars who peopled and held the
soil and who are as modern as the Muhammadans, were aborigines. If so,
they must have hada language. But they had not. Documents of older
date have been found, but no Bhar writing was ever heard of ; and we have
it on the authority of an Ouseley, an honoured name in oriental lore, that
the Bhars were of Sanskrit-speaking origin, otherwise that they were
Aryans, otherwise that they were demoralized Hindus. The parganas of
Bhardoi, Bharosa, Bahraich, and Bharoli, and the town of Bhartipur (near
the Bhar capital, Kusbhawanpur alias Sultdnpir,) are all believed to derive
their names trom the Bhars ; in modern times they have assumed the pro-
nunciation of Badoi, Barrosa, Bardich, and (Rai) Bareli. Sleeman also
mentions a large district of nearly a thousand villages near Mahamdi, which
even in his day was known as Bharwdrd, now occupied by Ahban Rajputs.
On the point of relégcon we have no reason for supposing that the
Bhars were by any means devout, still they were no doubt superstitious,
and in some sort of way they reverenced and made sacrifices and offerings
to the powers of creation and destruction. In Baisward the universal belief
is, that the Bhars of the past are the Ahirs of our day. That of course
amounts to an admission that they were Hindus. I¢ also accounts for an
Ahir origin being given to so many of our RAjpiit clans, as already pointed
out. Si Henry Elliot, too, traced an affinity between Bhars and Ahirs.
Mr. Benett, in his history of the Rai Bareli clans, mentions that “the tomb
of the Bhar chieftains (Dal and Bal, slain by the Muhammadans,) is still at
Pakrauli, rather more than a mile from Dalmau, and is celebrated by a fair
in the autumn, at which great numbers of Ahirs collect, and offer milk to
the souls of the departed heroes.”” The writer has seen this shrine which
contains idols, supposed to be the headless bodies of the deceased chiefs who
were decapitated and turned into stone, but which are only hideous repre-
sentations of the goddess of destruction. These idols are worshipped not
only by Ahirs (whom, according to Sir George Campbell, other Hindus include
amongst the respectable classes, because they are in charge of the sacred
cow), but by all other Hindus as well, including even Brahmans. Had the
Bhar chiefs whom these idols are said to represent, been pagans, or other
than Hindus, it is scarcely to be supposed that their tomb would have
remained to this time the object of Brahmanical adoration.
Since the writer first addressed himself to the consideration of subjects
akin to the present, his views and opinions in regard to the working upwards
in the religio-social scale of the different sects of Hindus, have received
most unexpected and remarkable confirmation from the very able writings
of Mr. Alfred Lyall, B. C. S., on Hinduism as a missionary religion, &c.
He has already instanced cases of the movement upwards by marriage. He
can at this moment lay his hand on families of Brahmans who were made
® Q
cried atin citinn ate ai eat ni | a ee
Sh Maine
: jy t pif f Ke fi Clay
ee Se ee em? Biers
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an fiicknlene bend bypry taht opm sh pint
fF ip} Mpl me HD PEE Os if
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= “=
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204 P. Carnegy—The Bhars of Audh and-Bandras. | No. 8,
Brahmans to meet the momentary and temporal necessities of a man of
influence. So also he can name families who are now Rajptts (Gf not
Chhatris), because it had been their good fortune to render service as
menials to aman who had the power to reward it. These are comparatively
modern instances of the movement upwards. Moreover, the Mahants of the
far-famed Monkey-temple of Ayodhya, revered of all good Hindus, are
recruited from all classes of Hindus, even to the lowest, and having gone
through their discipleship, they receive reverence and homage from the
highest in the land. It can scarcely, therefore, with truth be contended that
Hinduism is not a missionary religion, or that social advancement is fettered
by caste prejudice.
It must always be kept in mind that the change from Brahmanism te
Buddhism did not involve an absolute change of religion, it was a universal
protest against priestly intolerance—just as Protestants rose against Roman
Catholics, or the Free Kirk of Scotland rebelled against State interference,
and in process of time, when the cause that brought the schism about, had
been forgotten, the heretics again quietly lapsed into the old faith, apparent-
ly as a matter of course, just as we hear it said that the tendency of the day
is for the Free Kirk to return to the Establishment. Had there been an
absolute change of religion, it might have been very different. At the same
time we have before our eyes an instance to show how difficult it is for
natives to change, and it strongly supports our position that throughout the
Buddhist and Atheist periods the traditions of caste were not altogether lost.
We know that 400 years ago the Muhammadan dynasty of Jaunptr made
converts to their faith in no measured degree, the practical result being
that nearly every one of our older Rajput clans has its Muhammadan or Khén-
zida branch; but such is the tenacity of consanguinity and custom, that
while on the one hand, the perverts retain all their old Hindu ordinances
and rituals, and are allowed to join in all the domestic ceremonials of the
Hindu portion of their clans, by the names of which, moreover, they still
continue to be known, the old Muhammadans on the other hand, who profess
to disregard caste, will not readily marry with the perverts, and hesitate not
to show them the cold shoulder on every possible occasion. Here we have
an absolute change of religion, notwithstanding which all caste forms and
distinctions have been scrupulously maintained for more than 400 years.
Does this not support the position that in the other instance, in which there
was first a mere modification and afterwards a temporary neglect, but no
absolute relinquishment of ereed, the old traditions were burnished up and
the old rituals and forms once more revived with the return of god-fearing,
caste-respecting days. To shew that the breach between a Brahman and a
Buddhist is not so very wide as we are taught to suppose, it may be men-
tioned that at this moment all the Jain-Buddhist temples at Ayodhyé are in
charge of a Gor Brahman !
are COP Carnegy—The Bhars of Audh and Bandras. 305
One of the things about the Bharg which create surprise, is that the
numerous old mounds on which we still find traces of their habitations, and
which are known throughout the country as Bharddts (or Bhar-dbadis),
are usually found strewed with burnt bricks and other débris, indicative of
a better class of residences than are adopted by the agricultural population
of these days. ‘The reasons for this, however, are not difficult to assign.
There is nothing more certain in political economy than that the land can
only in comfort support a certain number of lives ; and one of the difficulties
of the future, is what we are to do with our surplus population. Eastern
Audh is at this moment the most densely peopled tract in the world, and
day by day as population increases and the margin of culturable waste
becomes smaller, the means of the people, derived go largely from agriculture,
will become individually smaller. In the days of the Bhars, population was
sparse, and land plentitul, the people consequently were in better circum-
stances. Moreover, Audh was then covered with jungle. Even the eastern
or most advanced portion of it, was known as Banaudha, the “ Audh forest’’.
Wild animals inhabited the woods. It followed that people who were com-
paratively well off, should secure themselves from beasts of prey, by using
bricks and tiles in the construction of their houses, rather than the mud
and reeds which poverty and security have now made universal.
There are few things more misleading and untrustworthy than the
definitions which natives, however well educated, offer in explanation of the
names of tribes and localities ; and every effort to find a reasonable rendering
of the term Bhar has as yet failed. Tod mentions that in the times to
which this paper refers, the people of Rajptitdéné became amaloeamated
into a single great family conglomeration, and they were called Bhumiya.
This is a well known term indicative of connection with the soil, and
means neither more nor less than agriculturist. This was precisely the
position occupied by the Bhars in the territory peopled by them, and for all
_we know to the contrary, the name may have some similar meaning.
It is denied by no one that 500 years ago no one but the Bhars owned
a single acre of land in these parts, but not a single inch of land has been
owned by the Bhars since the Muhammadan conquest. In fact but few of
the tribe are now to be found, and these few follow such degrading occupa-
tions as keeping swine, in the most eastern portion of Audh. Whether
these are the same as the Bhar rulers of the past (whom Mr. Thomason
refers to as the Raj-Bhars of Rama’s time) or not, it is impossible to Say,
but they now worship the same gods as the Hindus, and by general admis-
sion they are Hindus. The Rajptits and the Rajbhars of old were not above
caring for the good things of this life—and whatever the former may do
how, they then eschewed neither pork nor strong drink. The Bhars of
to-day are as liberal in their views on these things as their ancestors were,
and the only oath they really respect is associated with wine.
= - _————— ef —s EG ee eg ee
ee
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— <P
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ee my e®
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306 P. Carnegy—Lhe Bhars of Audh and Banaras. [ No. 8,
Our able friend and fellow labourer in the field of Audh antiquarian
research, Mr. W. C. Benett, B. C.8., the author of the history of the Rai
Bareli clans, is one of those who believe in a Chhatri colonization and con-
quest from the West, and is disposed to treat our views on the Bhars, as set
forth in this paper, as somewhat heretical. But whereas that able enquirer
gives no evidence at all of any military colonization, he records many things
which support the views which he has not yet ceased to consider as errone-
ous. We quote some of these remarks here and reply to them. He says,
p21: <The story of his @. e., the Great Bais Rajd, Tilokchand’s)
creation of new castes, is too well attested and too much opposed to the
spirit of Hindu invention, to admit of doubt. More than one caste of
Brahmans are grateful to him for their cord and their privileges, while it is
indisputable that he largely increased the number of Kshatri clans. The
Ahir Bhale Sultans, the Kahar Mahrors and the Pargulis directly ascribe
their elevation to him; and numerous castes in the Faizabad and Gonda
districts, such as Gundharias, Naipurias, Barwars, and Chahus claim to have
been originally Bais, ............ There are besides numerous families of small
zamindars who call themselves Bharudhi Bais, and whose want.of any tradi-
tion of immigration and peculiar religion, distinguish them from the pure
Bais of the West.” This last instance amounts to the admission of a Bhar
descent, and in our estimation the difference in purity between the various
Bais branches is hard to distinguish ; some are no doubt older than others.
At page 25, Mr. Benett admits with us, that the Bais (other than the
Tilokchand branch) “ occupy nearly the lowest position among Audh Chhat-
ris’, and he adds, “It seems most probable that about 400 years ago,
members of the agricultural and military aristocracy of all castes assumed
the title of Bais, in much the same way as the leading families of Orissa
and parts of Central India are now claiming to be Chhatris.” It pleases
those who think with Mr. Benett to speak of the inhabitants of those days
as “the agricultural and military aristocracy of all castes’; to our mind,
however, we have demonstrated that those classes were then represented by
the caste-forgetting Bhars alone. It is not denied that these became Raj-
puts, though of “ the lowest position’. It is remarkable that the families
of Orissa and Central India to which Mr. Benett refers, have all along
retained a Chhatri tribal nomenclature, and now that they are again become
Chhatris, they resume the old family titles! This surely supports the
view of a general local religious downfall, followed by a gradual local refor-
mation and revival!
Mr. Benett thus finally disposes of the Bhars (p. 25): ‘“ The complete
extinction of this people has occasioned much surprise, but it is not dif-
ficult to understand. Both the Musalmans and the Hindus were conquering
nations, and the hand of each was turned against the old inhabitants whom
as ~~ —
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=A
1876. | P. Carnegy—The Bhars of Audh and Bandras. 307
they wished to dispossess. Against one enemy the Bhars might have stood,
and retained, even when defeated, a portion of their former rights, but im
the wars between the invaders, each victory, to whichever side it inclined,
was to them a new defeat and entailed another onslaught on their possessions.
As the balance swayed from side to side in the long and doubtful struggle
between the Rajputs and the eastern empire, they suffered with every
change of fortune, and were conquered not once but many times. It was
not one war of extermination, but the harassing attacks of two centuries,
often repeated, each time with new vigour, before which they fell. Their
customs, their position, and we may conjecture their language and nation-
ality, prevented anything like a perfect union with either of their enemies.
And yet there can be no doubt that while many were slain, and many fled
to the north and to the east, many still survive in their old territory under
modern names. ‘The statesmanship of Tilokchand elevated not a few of
their principal families to the rank of Chhatris, and the Tirgunait Brah-
mans, the Kharibind Kurmis, the Bharotia and Bhiettia Ahirs, and many
families of the Gujars are connected with their race by hardly doubtful
tradition. A careful enquiry into the private worship and peculiar customs
of the present castes of the district would probably still further disprove
the tale of their utter extinction, but it can hardly be a matter for surprise
that the more obvious evidences of their kingdom have been swept away.”
It will be observed that in this last quotationthe whole argument is
based on the Bhars being an older people than the Hindus, with a language
of their own. Now nothing is more certain than that the Bhar non-con-
formists were not in power, or so far as we know in existence in the 6th
century, when the Chinese pilgrims visited Audh, which was then peopled
by Buddhists and Brahmanists; but they were dominant when they were
conquered by the Muhammadans. So their day of power was obviously
confined to a period between the 7th and 12th centuries. The Sirajbans
Hindus under Rama, on the contrary, flourished centuries before the Chris-
tian era, and we are still in possession of writings to establish what their
language was. Then what becomes of the argument based on the Bhars
being older than the Hindus and having a language of which, however, not
a vestige written or oral is to be traced !
Mr. Benett fully admits that “many (Bhars) still survive under
modern names”, and that many were “ elevated’? by what he calls “ states-
Manship”’, into the ranks of the twice-born. In the circumstances it
appears that our views of a social and religious regeneration have been
completely confirmed by these quotations, and it is alike needless to look
further for proofs of an immigration or colonization from the west, or an
extermination or exodus to the north and east.
—.- a . —_— Se te 2 ae, en st a oe a ar
eee eee = 7
‘bee
ti
Teer ihe iF
tT Me de a
Py Le
308 P. Whalley—Translations from Makhft. [No. 3,
We began this paper with a reference to the teachings of science and
hterature, and we shall end 1¢ in the same way. books have told us of the
sovereignty of the Strajbans of old and the Rathors of more recent times,
The coins of Bactria and Kanauj have confirmed what these books have
said of these races of rulers, and land-grants of the last mentioned dynasty
have added to this confirmation. But neither book hor coin nor grant
throws even the faintest ray of light on a people who possessed the land at
a still more recent period ; and whose sway, over the territory inhabited by
them, was for many centuries universal. The historians who might perhaps
have been able to tell us the facts, are the Buddhists, or their successors the
Jains, who have locally disappeared : from the Brahmans we are not likely
to receive further information. Itis not, however, impossible that enquiries
carefully conducted at Mount Abi, at Parisnath, and at Katmandi, may yet
throw light upon a subject which is still involved in obscurity. The
Ayodhya of old has always been intimately connected with those localities.
Some half dozen of the Jain Hierarchs (tirthankaras), who afterwards died
at the first two mentioned of those places, were natives of Audh, and it
was from Abi that the Brahmanical revival gradually spread over the
country which eventually reached even to Audh. The historians of those
quarters may not have the same motives for secrecy that our Brahmans,
who alone can have the information here, possess, and to them only can we
therefore look satisfactorily to elucidate this mystery.
NN NNN NNN NN
Lranslations from the Diwdn of ZiB-UN-NIsk BEGAM, poetically styled
‘Maxurf, daughter of the Himperor AURANGZiB.— By P. Wuattey,
B.C.S., Murddabdd. |
No. I.
; ° , ° I(t
Lanands 3 j) dy cle &S haw We oils Ly
Lends tj] do cls} af 5 S92 Jo yd |
pls wsseolign 4 os as! 45] ay?
Naame oir J J ws! 3 lye as rho Khe je
oe wD ee ¢ , (
taser Fa5 Jl us ry ess Reo KID
latins or! &. shed Lolas | lamer N01 48
oybls (er ARO 3 ots 5 is” 3 Bp erveo
banter tan hd uJ! a £1,9 law] aS pe pigs
1876. |
P. Whalley—Translations from Makh fi.
Oj yr Unpila, Aled 5 fe j ow
Lewd pil ay cle Js Cpile Sitw yy
pS dye 4S oly ah ogi as | ace
Ltn dd on By) paw ge eet ‘I ir)
The Gate of Eestacy.
In the dusky alleys,
Where grief dreams and dallies,
Pause, O soul, nor seek the bowers of bliss !
Drink the wine of sorrow :
Whence shall lover borrow
Strong endurance better than from this ?
Moth, forbear thy yearning
For the lamp’s bright burning !
See, the moonlight, from yon heaven’s abyss
Sends her splendour welling
Through our roofless dwelling ;
See, O moth, there is no lamp like this !
In the tranced glamours
Of our mystic amours
Smile to smile and kiss replies to kiss.
In the love and laughter
~ OF the here or the hereafter
No enchantment shall be found like this.
Where my love reposes
'T wixt the wine and roses
Nothing, foolish heart, can chance amiss.
Rest thee here, for never
- Through the long forever
Shall we meet with happiness like this.
In the heart’s recesses,
Where the soul confesses,
Burns the flambeau of my love, my bliss:
Nor does breast of lover
In earth’s confines cover
Any purer brighter flame than this.
Makhfi, where temptation
Flaunts its invitation,
Pause not, question not, nor be remiss :
They who, onward slaving,
Follow their heart’s craving,
Ask not, need not any guide but this.
a - - . = _ =
ee at ee ~ 7 ee i 7+ - . - > -
sy Pee sce ere roe eee. es — a san Yue es we tebe t-e eam — oe eres ~ase * %
809
ar
VERSE
DT i garinnrarperye eerie eee uunerenen amy air Sy Se
Wiad Bas ge OE TSE PRT pia i ek Es TA ses ‘yy
if - . ‘ hee apd feay his TOS ae) i potas . . .
gue peeren'e :
i!
(ELE P
getey:
_—
Sats cae
Bes
=
—
soa
310 P. Whalley—Translations from Makh ft.
| No. IT.
(amen dtr Killa wd 5] me ppryd $dls
eer.) Kio lettre Sed Gols Khas
post col) a Joos? Fs] aan
Le Sloss yp seo ool col op o
NS ett yd ike lige Lake whet
wave Simo yudss tgs lil ead
Usoye J ust 5 O pte wlh=?] rss
ours Bilan) 53 cranes os] gis pele? J.
fe )
ao; hl Sy wt Kh lle jf
Lue K&S KA “i> dod gad Kinng
uns Shar head phe Gass il gfe
Lee naar &—j}y00 wats” ais Jy dy =
The Dervish’s Revel.
ee ee :
Wine we drink. Take not the cup but from the hand frenzied with wine. ,
Brothers all, gather ye close. Sympathy breeds fury divine.
Here beside table and door, tumbled about, strew we the floor.
Fill the glass, soberer host, drench us again drunk to the core.
-Gard’ner mine ! tease not the coy moon with thy prayers, dark tho’ the night,
Light enough,—as from a lamp, gleams from the eye drunkenly bright.
Here before lords of the brain, why and till when, foolishly vain,
Sett’st thou forth, crown of the feast, drunkard, thy soft ebriate strain ? a
Laughing thro’ tears sprinkle we aye salt on the soul bleeding and bare,
Salted cakes are for the strayed, wandering, and lost, wholesomest fare.
We amid wassail and wine chronicle truths, holy and sad :
Let us be,—wisely we seek friends among rakes, drunken and mad.
Note.—See Brown’s Derveshes, p. 224. “Their exercises consist, like those of
the Rufa’ees and other Orders, at first in seating themselves, and afterwards in rising
Oe
Be SE Oe Se ee
1876.] P. Whalley—Translations from Makhft. 311
upright; but in often changing the attitude, and in redoubling their agitation, even
until they become overcome with fatigue, when they fall upon the floor motionless and
without knowledge. ‘Then the Shekh aided by his vicars employs no other means to
draw them out of their state of unconsciousness than to rub their arms and legs and to
breathe into their ears the words /a tlaha til’ allah.” ;
No. III.
mules Sly pic ade) ye Coase x
euler p—Sboye Dy yj std
a? ; :
nee wes” dis ek 3), je as Je
+
i _
’
Lew hes alle Riga Keavoledd ONS) yo vhye
wy gils wrdles Jes way Ltnks Uses ae
Ce muphed SIR ot HS; oi De! sl
ae ¢o | oo
Coan bm eeticS ied ra x” atl ya road &S v0
(~*~
ed
4 RDO
| Ka phe es yD Jods) CP yn why p> Ls
The Mystic’s Choice.
Mine be pure love, love that pursues its hest
ys Through wild and desert ! mine the lone lament,
The heart of Majnin, and his weary guest,
in
And tears, and raiment rent !
Mine be the toil that overtasks the breath,
‘The groan of pain, the agony of strife,
The life that only lives to long for death,
wil And death more dear than life !
Mine be the wine of love, the deadly wine _
| That floods, like lava, all the seething brain,
e 2 Leaving the lips unslaked. Fell draught! be mine,
| My medicine and my bane.
Lo
: Mine be the shame, if others deem it shame,
at To love unloved, nor falter suffering wrong,
Until beneath the earth my frame and name
Be buried, and my song. | aa
RB BR
819 | [No. 3,
Sri Swami Hari Das of Brindiban.—By F. 8. Growsn, MW. A. B.C. S.
Among the more conspicuous modern temples at Brinddban is one
dedicated to Krishna under his title of Bihari Ji, or in more popular
phrase Banke Bihari. The Gosains, who with their wives and children
now number some 500 persons, form a distinct subdivision of the reformed
Vaishnavas, and are all the collateral descendants of the founder of the
sect, Swami Hari Das. The temple is not only their head-quarters, but
appears to be the only one in all India of which they have exclusive
possession. It has lately been rebuilt at a cost of Rs. 7 0,000 ; a sum
which has been raised in the course of 13 years by the contributions of
their clients from far and near. It is a large square red sand-stone block
of plain but exceedingly substantial character, with a very ettective central
gateway ot white stone. This has yet to be completed by the addition of
an upper storey ; but even as it stands, the delicacy of its surface carving,
and the extremely bold projection of its eaves render it a pleasing specimen
of the style of architecture now in vogue at BrindAban—one of the few
places in the civilized world where architecture is not a laboriously studied
reproduction of a dead past, but a still living art, which is constantly
developing by a process of spontaneous growth. The estate is divided: into
two shares or bats, according to the descent of the Gosains. Their founder
was himself a celibate ; but his brother Jagannath had three sons, Megh
Syam, Murari Dds, and Gopinath Das, of whom the third died childless,
the other two being the ancestors of the present generation. As is usual
in such cases, the two families are at war with one another, and have more
than once been obliged to invoke the assistance of the law to prevent a
serious breach of the peace. Beyond the saintliness of their ancestor, but
few of them have any claim to respect, either on account of their learning—
for the majority of them cannot even read—or for the correctness of their
morals. ‘There are however two exceptions to the general rule—one for
each bat—in the person of the Gosains Jagadis and Kishor Chand ; both of
whom are fairly well read, within the narrow limits of their own sectarian
literature, beyond which they have never dreamed of venturing.
ike all other Vaishnavas, they profess to regard the Bhagavad Gita
as the authoritative exposition of their distinctive creed; but in practice
their studies—if they study at all—are directed exclusively to much more
modern compositions couched in their own vernacular, the Braj Bhasha..
Of these the work held in highest repute by all the Brindaban sects is the
Bhakt-M4lé, or Legends of the Saints, written by Nabha Ji in the reign of
pate gag EE I A LOT LATE Ae TOE A EL LICL ALLS IEE ELLE GOEL TELIA LLL ELE IO ELL LOL LO SF LTP wa PS
Journ: Asiat:
ce ee ee ee PO NO A OTL TE LL TD Te FY Ee We ee a ee eS St aa > ;
—_ = ~ ee ee ees
Cape
=/
_
Journ: Asiat:Soc: Bengal. Pt. 1. for 1876. PL: VIL
(See RD ARINE DS
ay
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GATEWAY OF THE BANKE BIHAR! TEMPLE AT BRINDABAN,
( From: a Photograph.)
= = a: 4 a geen 4 a =
Te
oie
h
1876. | F.S. Growse—S7t Swamt Hari Das of Brinddban. 313
ety
- ioe
2 ae
ues
eg
Wart
Bm
eden
Pa ee
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pee
hae
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+45
’
.
Akbar or Jahangir. Its very first couplet is a compendium of the theory
upon which the whole Vaishnava reform was based : | |
Bhakt-bhakti-Bhagavant-guru, chaturandm, vapuek :
| which declares that there is a divinity in every true believer, whether
a learned or unlearned, and irrespective of all caste distinctions. Thus the reli-
gious teachers that 1t celebrates are represented not as rival disputants—which
their descendants have become—but as all animated by one faith, which varied
only in expression; and as all fellow workers in a common cause, vz. the
moral and spiritual elevation of their countrymen. Nor can it be denied that
the writings of the actual leaders of the movement are instinct with a uni-
- form spirit of asceticism and detachment from the world and a sincere piety,
which are very different from the ordinary outcome of Hinduism. But in
no case did this catholic simplicity last for more than a single generation.
The great teacher had no sooner passed away than his very first successor
i hedged round his little band of followers with new caste restrictions,
formulated a series of narrow dogmas out of what had been intended as
comprehensive exhortations to holiness and good works ; and substituted for
an interior devotion and mystical love—which were at least pure in intent,
though perhaps scarcely attainable in practice by ordinary humanity—an
extravagant system of outward worship with all the sensual accompaniments
of gross and material passion.
The Bhakt-mala, though an infallible oracle, is an exceedingly obscure
one, and requires a practised hierophant for its interpretation. It gives no
legend at length, but consists throughout of a series of the briefest allusions
to legends, which are supposed to be already well-known. Without some
such previous knowledge the poem is absolutely unintelligible. Its concise
notices have therefore been expanded into more complete lives by different
modern writers, both in Hindi and Sanskrit. One of these paraphrases is
entitled the Bhakt Sindhu, and the author, by name Lakshman, is said to
have taken great pains to verify his facts. But though his success may
satisty the Hindu mind, which is constitutionally tolerant of chronological
| inaccuracy, he falls very far below the requirements of European criticism.
The work is however useful, since it gives a number of floating tradi-
tions, which could otherwise be gathered only from oral communications:
with the Gosains of the different sects, who as a rule are very averse to
speak on such matters with outsiders. It will be seen in the sequel that no
dependence can be placed upon the details of the narrative, and that the
dates are all hopelessly wrong. In the original Bhakt-mala of Nabha Ji,
the stanza referring to Hari Das stands as follows :
Fg
Smite wore ac chan erg eicsra At I
BIqaAa aa ara fra gatserect i
: .
PQ ew = Se - — . . = ilicelaes —— — . : ; . <— + ?
lt @9seo-@unet tl! dle: we « ee ee ee ed eee NS ee <I Oe ee ee + ee rene Sone ne Be Toe > Pe ee oP mye ™
214, _ F.S. Growse—Srt Swamt Hari Das of Brinddban. | No. 3,
afaarma ce afta vel quar afwarct 1
Taner wast wiawiarat ae |
Bua Wat MATa Ht acme fafa wes |
agfa ait sé CS SUNT Br aa at |
SRC Gata HC tag Arq wicera at
which may be thus translated :
Tell we now of Hari Das, the pride of Asdhfr, who sealed the list of the saints ;
who, bound by a vow to the perpetual repetition of the two names of Kunj-bihari, was
ever beholding the sportive actions of the god, the lord of the Gopis’ delights; who
was a very Gandharv in melodious song and propitiated Syama and Syamé, presenting
them with the daintiest food in daily sacrifice and feeding the peacocks and monkeys
and fish; at whose door a king stood waiting in hope of an interview; Hari Das, the
pride of Asdhir, who sealed the list of the saints,
In most MSS. of the Bhakt-Ma4ld each stanza of the text, or mil, is
followed by the ¢¢ka of Priya Dds composed in the Sambat year 1769; the
word tka in this case being more appropriately translated by ‘ supplement’,
rather than ‘commentary’; as the later writer gives no explanation of the
original text, but adds entirely new matter of his own. The following is
his encomium on Hari Das:
STAT |
at etal efcara caufa ar aafa wR
tiaaaral era STs sy afa ures |
EN oS ~ oN ~
QA RTH Gat ara wia wa war are
= 1 . ~, S
STICa @ Gata ae Gat faq Bree ll
° oS ° , a” =~ ~
siifaa Guia aet w feast areqgiz
aigH UN ve qi" qSIea |
WUUgsia af we Utalefear
AA w aN
faa aa fae Se ara fate area i
which may be thus rendered :
Who can tell all the perfections of Sri Sw4mf{ Hari Das, who by ever muttering
in prayer the sacred name, came to be the very seal of devotion. Some one brought
him perfume that he valued very highly ; he took and threw it down on the bank ; the
other thought it wasted. Said the sage knowing his thoughts: Take and shew him
the god: he slightly raised the curtain ; all was drenched with perfume. The philoso-
pher’s stone he cast into the water, then gave instruction: many are the legends of the
kind.
Probably few will deny that at least in this particular passage the
disciple is more obscure than his master; and the obscurity, which is a
~
)
:
:
.
;
Se ee
nna
i an a ee a a
NEO Be Hog ae fig
1876. | F. S. Growse—Sri Swamt Hari Dds of Brindaban. | 315— i:
sufficiently prominent feature in the English translation, is far greater in es
the Hindi text, where no indication is given of a change of person and a .
single form answers indifferently for every tense of a verb and every case of =
. anoun. The Bhakt-Sindhu expands the two stanzas into a poem of 211 Se
couplets and supples a key to all the allusions in the following detailed a
narrative : =
a dhir, a Sanddh Brahman of Kol or Jalesar, had a son Givkn: |
dhir, who entertained a special devotion for Krishna under his form of | a
Giridh4ri—‘ the mountain-supporter’—and thus made frequent pilgrimages ose
to the holy hill of Gobardhan. On one such occasion he took to himself a | a
wife at Mathura, and she m due time bore him a son whom he named : :
As-dhir. The latter eventually married a daughter of Gangd-dhar, a 7
Brahman of Rajpur—a small village adjoining Brindaban—who on the 8th | a
of the dark fortnight of the month of Bhadon im the Sambat year 1441 =a
gave birth to Hari Das From his earliest childhood he gave indications Ee
of his future sanctity, and instead of joining in play with other children was
always engaged in prayer and religious meditation. In spite of his parents’ =
entreaties he made a vow of celibacy, and at the age of 25 retired toa
solitary hermitage by the Man Sarovar, a natural lake on the left bank of
the Jamuna, opposite Brindaban. He afterwards removed to the Nidh-ban 7
in that town, and there formally received his first disciple, Bithal-Bipul, who a
was his own maternal uncle. His fame soon spread far and wide, and among a
his many visitors was one day a Khattri from Delhi, by name Dayal Das, who -
had by accident discovered the philosopher’s stone, which transmuted into a
gold everything with which it was brought in contact. This he presented
as a great treasure to the Swami, who however tossed it away into the
Jamund ; but then seeing the giver’s vexation, he took him to the margin ~
of the stream, and bade him take up a handful of sand out of the water.
When he had done so, each single grain seemed to be a facsimile of the stone
that had been thrown away and when tested was found to possess precisely
the same virtue. Thusthe Khattri was made to understand that the saints a
stand in no need of earthly riches, but are complete in themselves; and he ~ =
forthwith joined the number of Hari Das’s disciples. 77
Some thieves however hearing that the sage had been presented with a
the philosopher’s stone, one day when he was bathing, took the opportunity -
of stealing his salagram, which they thought might be it. On discovering
it to be useless for their purpose, they threw it away under a bush, andas =
the saint in his search for it happened to pass by the spot, the stone itself S|
found voice to tell him where it lay. From that time forth he received aa
every morning by miraculous agency a gold mwhr, out of which he was to =
provide the temple-offerings (bhog) and to spend htt dest remained over
iH :
pe, in the purchase of grain wherewith to feed the fish in the Jamuna and the ea
i) =
iit peacocks and monkey ys on its banks. =
ka teat i a a ST ee a RAE A ARIE SA 2AM no seen im ee eae Satake en one De ee tee
~ ~- = ~ = — « = - — — Se - - = — - _ : —
Erde ne Gx eahy AN ORY age wert Ler eee: | . a -
i. 4 af x oF > °9 . 7 ‘ - + ‘ -
. wR x - cc AN QAR : eee 6 ee Pray ea ee mais alah Se Nae Rn - ‘on! hig. yy Ne, ae ty, Oe mak :
~ a _ h s = s; =a: 1 Sty! 4 Re meray ve ye zu wed : ai Gas ties Cal, yity RT Oy TH UN Rey hy Oe ey “ey _ - ‘
= , { t z t ‘
em Rte A HSS Oy Raf
316 F. 8. Growse—Sri Swimt Hari Dés of Brindaban. [No. 3,
One day a Kayath made him an offering of a bottle of atar worth
Rs. 1,000, and was greatly mortified to see the Sw4mi drop it carelessly on
the ground, so that the bottle was broken and the precious essence all
wasted. But on being taken to the temple he found that his sift had been
accepted by the god, for the whole building was fragrant with its perfume.
Again, a minstrel at the court of the Delhi Emperor had an incorrigi-
bly stupid son, who was thereupon expelled in disgrace. In his wanderings
he happened to come to Brindaban, and there threw himself down on the
road to sleep. In the early morning the Swami, going from the Nidh-ban
to bathe, stumbled over him, and after hearing his story gave him the
name of Tan-sen, and by the mere exercise of his will converted him at once
into a most accomplished musician. On his return to Delhi, the Emperor
was astonished at the brilliancy of his performance, and determined himself
to pay a visit to Brindaban and see the master under whom he had studied.
Accordingly, when he was next at Agra, he came over to Mathura, ‘and
rode out as far as Bhat-rond—half-way—whence he proceeded on foot to
the Nidh-ban. The saint received his old pupil very eraciously, but. took
no notice of his royal companion, though he knew perfectly well who he
was. At last, as the Emperor continued begging that he might be of some
service, he took him to the Bihari Ghét close by, which for the nonce
appeared as if each one of its steps was a single precious stone set in a
border of gold ; and there shewing him one step with a shght flaw in it,
asked him to replace it by another. This was a work beyond the capacity
even of the great Emperor ; who thereupon contented himself with making
a small endowment for the support of the sacred monkeys and peacocks
and then went his way after receiving a most wearisome amount of sood
advice.
No further incident is recorded in the life of Hari Das, the date of
whose death is given as Sambat 1587. He was succeeded ag Mahant by
his uncle Bithal-Bipul ; and he by Bihérin Dés. The latter was so absorbed
in enthusiasm that a Sérasvat Brdhman, of Panjabi extraction, by name
Jagannath, was brought over from Kol to administer the affairs of the
temple: and after his death the succession was continued through several
other names, which it seems unnecessary to transcribe. Thus far the
narrative of the Bhakt-Sindhu, which, it will be seen, aifords an explanation
of the obscure allusions in the Bhakt-MAld4 to the two presentations of the
atay and the philosopher’s stone, the daily feeding of the monkeys and
peacocks and the Emperor’s visit. In other matters, however, itis not at
all in accord with the traditions accepted by the Swami’s descendants ; for
_ they say that he was not a San4dh by caste, but a Sdrasvat ; that his family
came not trom Kol or Jalesar, but from Uchch near Multan, and that he
lived not four centuries ago, but at the most only three. It would seem
»)
——— ——
i"
qt
| 1876. | :
ni | F. S. Growse—Sri Swami Hari Das of Brinda | .
y that the author of the Bhakt-Sindh rindaban. B17 | =
| i : was: | i i=
: community, which occurred about ae the partisan of a schism in the Et
moulded his facts accordingly ; for th er as |
A from Kol is not named in , a c J agannath Rig te as =
‘ given hereafter. That he i genuine list of the Mahants, which wi oe =
: he is utterly at tauit-4 ; , which will be =
& 1537, is obvious ata . ault in his dates, sa a |
: oe slance ; for the Km ae mbat 1441— a
ii certainly Akbar, and he did not ascend th peror who visited Brindaban was
; on ey Professor Wilson in his Religi e throne till sambat 1612. It is =
a mentions Hari Dé eR i oy Sects of the Hi a
as, desc1 ibes h Stee indus, wh 2)
Chait es him as a discipl : ; ere he a
ty Tbe who was born in 1485 and di ce a and faithful companion ot 2
Rp Hari Das had imbibed the spirit of 2 ms 1527 A.D. But although L
R or nia ee aitanya’s teaching, I know of no a
te two ; had it been so, the fact beg any personal intercourse between th 7
4 Bhakt-Mala wou scarcely have e Poe 2
a 4 or some one of its modern escaped record in the an
"7 me a small pothi of 680 rn paraphrases. Moreover, I 4
Mahant ; patras, which gives a oe have by oe
th Te and their writings from the i complete list of all the 7
| which is sambat 1825. The list i ounder down to the date of the MS a
in Bipul, Bihérini Das, Nagari me as follows: Swami Hari Das, Bith 7 | 7
a Rasik Das and Lalit- Kishori th el Saras Das, Naval Das, Warhee Dé 4
Me 20 years for each ahead ; A, called Lalit-mohani Das. Atiiwtae 7
4 elderly man would be ewe ee di is rather a high average, since only Re a :
| thrown back only as far as sambat Be Sa date of Hari Das’s death is | a
F ry archaic in style than the ae oe ae writings moreover are not a
ee and therefore on all of Tulsi Das, who died 1 ae
: eround , in sumbat 1680 ;
, that he flourished at the ce = ae ae conclude as an established fact a
i! ° S) a a
1] 2g sin one eee bs aoe = and the beginning of the 17th
| : Hach of the Mahant Rg ey ae Akbar and Jahangir. a
i disciple of his i hants named in the above list is d = ee a
a 1s Immediate predecess s described as being the aaa
g | poe, which are known ge and each composed some devotional ao
a minous writer is Biharini as sdkhis, chaubolas, or padas. ‘Th CC
| ris Bibarini Das, wh . The most volu-
) of them he ex ergs padas occupy 684 pa a
. presses the intensit f hi : Paes: In many |
i oe eee eee ene Bebed mystical devotion in terms of 4
i ; re su a
P ie But the short extract that f a Sharia of an earthly than a divine
¥$ of special interest as ows is of a different character, and ao
j date of Hari Das ; sinc Rha. the conclusion already stated as a th
» * LS) j ‘aaa
é siio le Gantt OF bis fot mentions by name both the Emperor Akb : a
i! is famous friend Birb hi E ar and aaa
( irbar, w ich occurred in 1590 A. D. a
, | LIT WAT | a
j az par
' wh My ee o
y ta are AT Gis Tia aA sifs wea t faas fi =
| ae yaty as fate ee AST Il =
y i za wa afua aS VS atTaT 2
} 1 faa a Gels athe BRIT 1 =
ht ” eee
Tee te San —~- “ ~ =
a phere) + - ve
. eh- ale oh ¥ i?
T a do-@enet™ ~~“: we
.- 2 + oe8 See. -
rs
= to
Orr tet
ee ee “pre i Od: an -
a 7 ~~. .
ommnetetimietepennl
oe ae ~. ~
~ Ae Ree ee gt shes -
P+ = cee “,
Lr Losks - -
. a
eee ale
318 F. S. Growse—Sri Swamt Hari Das of Brinddban. | No. 3,
* eiaa fanaa Gt HEt ce tife are Ara
~ SA ee
cafe a vate staet Yer Gere face alas BT
gaz ata Wicqwagay vis afe faca wsaa qa i
atfeectare vitae froare wef at da wage I
Translation.
Why boastest thou thyself, O mortal man? thy body shall be the prey of dogs
and jackals, though without shame or fear thou now goest delicately. This is known
throughout the world to be the end of all: a great man was the Brahman Birbar, yet
he died, and at his death the Emperor Akbar was sad of heart, nor himself longer
lived nor aught availed. When gods or demons breathe out their life, Death holds
them in his maw, suspended,t neither here nor there, but in an intermediate state.
All astray and swelling with pride, on whom is thy trust ? Adore Hari’s blessed lotus-
feet ; to roam and wander about from house to house is all vanity. By the strong aid
of Hari Das, Biharimi Das has found and laid hold of the Almighty.
The founder of the sect has himself left only two short poems, filling
41 patras, entitled Sadharan Siddhant and Ras ke pada. The former is
here given both in the original text and in a translation. Most of the
habitués of the temple know the greater part of it by heart, though I have
ascertained that very Tew of them have more than the vaguest general idea of
the meaning. Even the best-informed of the Pujdris—Kishori Chand—who
went over it carefully with me, supplied an interpretation of some passages
which after consultation with other Pandits I could see was quite untenable
and was obliged to reject. The connection of ideas and the grammatical
construction are often so involved, that it is highly probable my version
may still be not altogether free of errors, though I have done my best to
eliminate them. The doctrine inculcated does not appear to differ in any
essential point from the ordinary teaching of the other Vaishnava sects :
the great duties of man, by the practice of which he may have an assured
hope of attaining to ultimate salvation, being defined as submission to the
divine will, detachment from the world, and an unquestioning faith in the
mystery of the incarnation.
Nol Wy Maatefterasiaa ayafegta feast tol
l cImfsar|e |
S\. So 4 oS “ ‘ ~
saiel Wiel qa caer Gist Bizt theaas Br ete
EN oN ~ a J a A ~ M\
WL a BIACA WY BUT Beal HEI Aran Ge vic |
* One MS. for sudsan nikasat reads trds nikast na sakat.
+ fowthna has the same meaning as the more common term juga karnd, ‘to
ruminate’, like a cow.
4
“ a a
4
i
: = = ——— y P ——s = ES oo ne Seine al > Se ee Se BS eS
3 ge eS ee eth et re tLe Se (ee rh EE TE ES pe ee eee Ee ee a ae A ee a RR ie ee EE ee Se a > >
¥ = ’ s . oon ~ i = > = . . . =~ = . 7 : =
1876. | F. 8. Growse—S7t Swimt Hari Das of Brinddban. 319
age St wear Arar FHA QS HA He BRL AT Ta TT qBICY
stefcataa atat eraiganaerct |
FIAT HATIT Vl ATHY Cel wresat faary ArT i Qt
alma aa aite qercl aged aa Sra aifaercifasrcta
oN e ~ SX, ~ XX eS
Sit faa gts atrSeat Wiss a at = Vrcis
A, Xo oN =
site qua fea avai ga fea ati waquarca i
slefceraa Sint wraqafaeret stata srarcfa i 2
HAE RIS UA CA VA Ara Ba Wa aia = Blan GT ii
° ° oN
asa wifa aaa sits crear aifear wa ar SF hl
qifeqrraray fae ct ad aetaet aa ga faa Cea wy I
i an . oS * ws =,
atefcaraa aiat wrarqsitaect fea eua Cel tates a7 8
afc uf eft ua aife a ara acaaal |
faa dat faa det faufag vaat |
Ave NY oN AS aN o Ne EN
BAVA Ba Bart Wl Gy Sat TAT |
N, aS A, S aan
ate eitara atg sai ara ai Wa S STTATAT Il 8
| cia faTas |
| A ~ = oo7! ® ® . Sater as ~ ~
ue efc wal a famrcaat ara a darcaai athe arfs get Bre 1
Sa AA, AL A ES
aTaal sla ataat BIC afcaat FT STs |
qaqa aarast varct fares are afer ara We HIS i
are efter va sild SIt Ga as FT ATS Il YB "
qf HVyAiIe AAT | |
faa a sara wrt aarty wat A Viz BAT Il
a THU Stet GSTS A VIS WATT I |
ate ware aca faal ST SIT Gat BIG We = |
Ne <~2e ot XO EN oN oN
fea al aist aawaaal a fan Bat Bre fea ara aTAT I
. ; : =
it! a fea ater ardaaei ai areata ara stat u
' =< AD ADR. :
wical fea Gat Har ta asiis
* = PS
darcfea Gar sal tagea ferzata |
paw ~S
afe ufcara fea ater faerctai arc fasts sitar i 9 |
Taaal aaa Aq
a, A A, ~ No
Sl Ura al VSTy MsTY WW TC Il
iif AWaA fuaara & Bit bl Wa il
He ttefcera faare Sar faar faercl athe ag i =
s §
Sa or ws * ~ a -s + ea >, =o 4 —> re ; « a ae . — + » . “7 ~~ = Ps
°.T @ dectrenet Se! ie: 2 > ee Ot el BOE ale ge th PE PE RE NS Sl en, ieee er E> a ADIN ee On J ee ee ag eS cae RI Se i be ho a. ere ee ee. ere Be RES Sse
320
F. S. Growse—Sri Swamt Hari Das of Brindaban. [ No. 3,
dart aay way alt aM AIT STE Site aSiefe II
Hq AAT Ie VaACAS Bese |
aia fia wat acta vercgarf<t tedefa |
afe wfcera az sila crcua of afe ce wea oraedefy | ¢
efca aaa gree faa atae t are fara Vt Gia
at HAC BA ate saa Gal faxas aia |
SIU ASA HITSCTY Hel War wal xara |
ate stefcars wean afaat qacietas
AF AK A GAT HT BAT Saat Ss Xo 4
eur sfa eiataat arate i
qa ate efcqraaaeat tar sry warafa 1)
HFT HUTA BTA ACAS ATA BIG waurafa |
ae stefcare aaet facsite gefaerct faarafe 3a i
aa qara sife ast at ata a asndtfas ete Sreat i
Salaaqal AAVIGAaT AHA Sry areat |
it irgararat wal wagaaei Bt aa Aa a Areat 1
stefan aint wrargeifaerct Gt fea Sr facae Seat ve |
| IT RITA |
efcar Gare aa a |
A A - A DA ~
wea aa aiy Cel Se as fast a ate 1
VAS BATS Usa Si tfeaw Se 1
EN = =. AD «a
ay atettata ae fora creat atcuarar Fa i ve |
ae Ufa a eat & aaearaat qista woe wat acaTear UfeT i
uta 4 msae Fo Gt duce Wad Faq Sia Bt one a ae |
“gia zite atasa sta aa Gate faa aramTaracied |
ofa steftere wat yfad afea a aia S Se crsq wea I ve 4
| <twT TITzy
SIs HC Syat Seat |
MU Bra ave car ut BIT HU, athea Saeet frar areat i
mate mate sfratar F AUT SI aT TAaT fawn ae Areat i
sixfcere3 aial cet Gare ara = at aact fara war GO ASAT UV I
A?
|
1876. | F. S. Growse—ASri Swimt Hari Das of Brinddban. 321
) <TH Airettr |
wet ara arat afc fauraaet ft TAT I
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ars arg wer faettar S GeVd Bae I
5 ES AeA A
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Seal Sls Aret Vic ufos tT aa Bix ara Va arfe 1
~ aS ~ A
Sle SICH SAMA HT RET aT aTle |
VARS BAATAS TWIHAS Wear aac faatfe 1
afe stefcers Sra wcazuar arsat aa facfe ve i
: FAITHRSITT MPSt RG Aa IS tl
a7 a A. 6
» THE Bila HeraTa sift at Her Get are i
EN oS rN
ASAT AC QI A YC ata Tre aelrayt Sez 1
are stefcara sifa argc frercl aad FT Steat] |i Re Il
aft Sleaitefccwasalad aarcafagiagre ByT |
Translation of the Siddhdnta of Swimi Hart Das.
Rig Bibhas.
1. O Hari, as thou disposest, so all things abide. If I would shape
my course in any different fashion, tell me whose tracks could I follow. If |
I would do my own will, how can I do 11, if thou holdest me back P (The
lords of Sri Hari Dads are Sy4ma4 and Kunj- eae Put a bird in a cage,
and for all its fluttering it cannot get away. 3
2. O Bihari, Bihdrini, none else has any power ; all depends on your
grace. Why babble of vain systems? they are all pernicious. ‘To him
who loves you, you shew love, bestowers of happiness (the lords of Sri Hari
Das are Sy4ma and Kunj-bihari), the supporters of all living creatures.
3. At times the soul takes a flight hither or thither ; but it finds no
greater joy. Discipline it in every way and keep it sais or you will
|
et eh ST = 4 ene ~ ewe re Ag 0 er et Sp a es 7A i NS Ee ee eT Man Bee BS SITE SOS dans Gate NTS See ee gt
a o-* «+ owl earn a i” al a aaa s Soa be ae 7 ~ BPP OT RO > ah _ “——. tno “a - c
= Sheree ¢ SE Re teen geen BES = o-oo a Jae = San oe os _ - .
- a on A age Pe cee eer grr so Be TY Le
322 F. S. Growse—Srt Swamt Hari Dés of Brinddban. [| No. 3,
suffer. Beautiful as a myriad Loves is Bihdri; and Pleasure and al]
delights dwell in his presence (the lords of Sri Hari Dads are Sy4mé and
Kunj-bihari), be ever contemplating his manifold aspects.
4. Worship Hari, worship Hari, nor desert him out of regard for thy
mortal body. Covet not, covet not the least particle of wealth. It will
come to you unsought, as naturally as one eyelid drops upon the other.
Says Sri Hari Das, as comes death, so comes wealth, of itself: or like
death, so is wealth—an evil.
fag Bilévali.
5. O Hari, there is no such destroyer as I am, and no such restorer
as thou art :* betwixt me and thee there is a contest. Which wins or loses,
there is no breaking of the condition. Thy game of illusion is wide-spread
in diverse ways ; saints are bewildered by it and myriads are led astray.
Says Hari Das, I win, thou losest, but there is no change in thy love.
6. O ye faithful, this is a good election: waver not in mind ; enter
into yourselves in contemplation and be not stragglers. Wander not from
house to house, nor be in doubt as to your own. father’s door. Says Sri
Hari Das, what is God’s doing, is fixed as Mount Sumeru has become.
7. Set your affection on the lotus-eyed, in comparison with whose
love all love is worthless ; or on the conversation of the saints: that so the
sin of your soul may be effaced. The love of Hari is like the durable dye
of the madder ; but the love of the world is like a stain of satfron that
lasts only for two days. Says Hari Dds, set your affection on Bihari, and
he knowing your heart will remain with you for ever.
5. A straw is at the mercy of the wind, that blows it about as it will
and carries 1t whither it pleases. So is the realm of Brahma, or of Siva, or
this present world. Says Sri Hari Dads: this is my conclusion, I have seen
none such as Bihari. aes |
9. Man is like a fish in the ocean of the world, and other living
creatures of varlous species are as the crocodiles and alligators, while the
soul like the wind spreads the entangling net of desire. Again, avarice is
as a cage, and the avaricious as divers, and the four objects of life as the
four doors of the cage. Says Hari Das, those creatures only can escape
who ever embrace the feet of the son of bliss.
10. Fool, why are you slothful in Hari’s praises? Death soeth
about with his arrows ready. He heedeth not whether it be in season or
out of season, but has ever his bow on his shoulder. What avail heaps of
* For a similar expression of the same sentiment compare the following lines of
Sur Das: Mere pdpan so, Hari, hari hau—Main garua, twm men bal thora, nahakk ht
pichimart haw. *O Hari, you are vanquished by my sinfulnegs ; I am so heavy and
you so slight, that you get badly thrown.’
At
1876. | F. 8. Growse—Sri Swamt Hari Dis of Brinddban. 392
pearls and other jewels and elephants tied up at your gate P Says Sri
Hari Das, though your queen in rich attire await you in her chamber, all
goes for nothing when the darkness of your last day draweth nigh.
_ 11. See the cleverness of these people: having no regard for Hari’s
lotus feet, their life 1s spent to no purpose ; when the angel of death comes
and encompasses them, he does what seemeth him good. Says Sri Hari
Das: then is he only found long-lived, who has taken Kunj-bihari to his
soul.
12. Set your heart upon securing his love. With water-pot in hand
perambulate the ways of Braj and, stringing the beads of your rosary,
wander through Brindaban and the lesser groves. As a cow watches her
own calf and a doe its own fawns and has an eye for none other (the lords
of Sri Hari Dds are Sydmé4 and Kunj-bihari), be your meditation on them
as well balanced as a milk-pail on the head.
fag Kalyan.
13. Allis Hari’s mere sport, a mirage pervading the universe, without
either germ or plant. The pride of wealth, the pride of youth, the pride
of power, are all like the crow among birds. Says Srf Hari Dés: know this
of a surety, all is but as a gathering on a feast-day, that is quickly dispersed.
(14. O sister, how happy are the does who worship the lotus-eyed,
each with her own lord. Happy too the calves that drink in the melody of
his pipe in their ears as in a cup from which no drop can be spilt. The
birds too are like holy men, who daily do him service, free from lust,
passion, and avarice. Hearken, Sri Hari Das, my husband is a difficulty ;
he will not let me go but holds me fast. .
Rag Barari.
15. O friend, as I was going along the road, he laid hold of my milk-
pail and my dress: I would not yield to him unless he paid me for luck.
- “QO clever milk-maid, you have bewitched my boy with the lustre of the
go-rochan patch on your forehead” (O lord of Sri Hari Das) this 1s the
Justice we get here ; do not stay in this town, pretty one.*
Ré g Kanhrau.
i | ;
ll 16. O clever Hari, thou makest the false appear true ; night and day
¢ | thou art weaving and unweaving ; thou art an ocean of deceit. Though
i * In two of the three MSS. of the poem that I have consulted, stanzas 14 and 15
: | are omitted and they appear clearly to be an interpolation by some later hand, being
quite out of keeping with the context. They must be regarded as a dialogue ‘between
f two of the Gopis and Jasoda.
~
7 2 P : . “~y .
~ -_ - - * oT, es aa. am : a et et + ~~} oe - ~~ “|, —— ~ ) ye - eee.
* 7 ew 6a ewe el iw! oe ws es + we ee ee ed oe + hee Sn Se a eS ae ee ae GO ARO Pe ee ere oe Mywwe + ba _ —_ “4 = P fs. a ae ot ¥° rs
324 F. S. Growse—Srt Swamt Hari Das of Brindaban. [No. 3,
thou affectest the woman* in form and name, thou art more than man.
Hearken ye all to Hari Das and know of a truth it is but as when one
wakes out of sleep.
17. The love of the world has been tested; there is no real accord,
See, from the king to the beggar, natures differ and no match can be found.
The days of many births are past for ever ; so pass not thou. MHearken to
Hari Das, who has found a good friend in Bihari ; may all find the like.
18. People have gone astray ; well, they have gone, but take thy
rosary and stray not thou. _ To leave thy own lord for another is to be like
a strumpet among women. Syama declares: those men rebel against me
who prefer another, and those too (says Hari Das) who make great sacrifice
to the gods and perform laboured funeral rites for departed ancestors.
19. Worship Hari from the heart as long as you live ; all things else
are vain. It is only a matter of fourt days, what need of much baggage.
From pride of wealth, trom pride of youth, from pride of power, you have
lost yourself in mere village squabbles. Says Hari Dds: it is greed that
has destroyed you ; where will a complaint lie.
20. In the depth of the delights of an ocean of love how can man
reach a landing-place ? Admitting his helplessness§ he cries, What way
of escape is open? No one’s arrows fly straight, for all his boasting in
street and market-place. Says Sri Hari Das: know Bihdri to be a god
who overlooks all defects in his votaries.
Hind of the Siddhanta of Swami Hari Das.
* In this stanza it is the god’s illusive power, or Maya, that is addressed, rather
than the god himself.
+ Thus the Vaishnavas, when they perform a Sraddh, do not repeat the names of
their own ancestors, but substitute the names of Krishna, Pradyumna, and Aniruddh.
¢{ The number ‘ four’ seems to be an allusion to the four stages of life : childhood,
youth, manhood, and old age.
§ The word bJekaryau is doubtful and probably corrupt though given in all three
MSS.
pe NR ON ON OPN PN OBO a a Nak IO I eS
ay
‘
A Reply to several passages in Mr. Blochmann’s “ Contributions to the =
History and Geography of Bengal,” No. LII.—By the Translator =
of the Tabakat-1-Nasiri, Major H. G. Raverty, Bombay Army, a
(Retired). | a
It is rarely necessary for either an author or translator to have to de-
fend his work before it is complete, but I find I have to do this in the case
of my translation of the Tabakat-i-Nagiri ; and, although I have devoted more
than four years to the task of collation of MSS. and to that translation, it | =
is likely, to judge trom appearances, to turn out a very thankless one after 2
all. | :
i It was my duty, as a translator, to show that the Calcutta Printed !
ie Text is exceedingly incorrect and imperfect. Mr. Blochmann, in note {, 7
| page 212 of his “ Contributions to the History of Bengal,” Part I., J. A, a
a S. B., 1873, said “ the printed text is untrustworthy.” 2
| What I refer to more particularly, are certain strictures contained in | ae
“fl ITId portion of those same “ Contributions’’, which I have just received ; a
a and, in justice to my translation and to myself, I will reply to them as a
” briefly as possible ; but, at the same time, I would remark that criticisms =
| on the MSS. on which I have been working, might have been deferred, at
' least, until the translation was complete. a
| The first objection on the part of Mr. Blochmann is [page 275 of his a
| “ Contributions” No. III. in J. A. 8. B., for 1875] my spelling of the
oo word -i3. TJ have written Khalj as 16 1s beeinien and spelt according
to the vowel points belonging toit. I also say [in note 3, page 548 of a
gi my Translation] that it is written rarely Khalaj [in poetry, for the sake a
vA of rhyme]; but to imagine that I could be led, in a matter of sober
js’ history, by the “common Indian pronunciation of the adjective,’ how :
| to pronounce a Turkish word is preposterous: I might as well turn 2
od the Khalj Turks into “Ghiljie Pathans’ as some have done. My =
note to the page in question seems to be unpalatable. JI have never ad
said that the yd-i-nisbat could not be added, and have written it with it in
several places, when my author used it—as for example—Muhammad-i- i
Bakht-yar, the Khalj, and Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, Khalji. I also wrote =
on simple prose : I did not refer to “rhyme” or poetic license ; but I ap- |
prehend that Khallaji is required to rhyme with “multaji” rather than ; ay
Mr. Blochmann’s “ Khalajt.” =
With regard to the authorities for Malik Kutb-ud-Din’s establishing
himself at Dibli, I am told, “Mr. E. Thomas fixes 1¢ at 587 H. as consis-
tent with the best authorities.” But who are these best authorities? Two
T « éec@wneti™! le: es . + owt ere are i pa et Gree
a « ~ , - ’ . *“~ ,
SE ee Ce. a ee ee ee oS SS Pe ee eens pres Ss
326 H. G. Raverty—Reply to ‘ fHosty. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. III. | No.8,
pages farther on, Mr. Blochmann states that “the Tabaqdt is the only
authority we possess for this period.”
Now I will give an example of Mr. Thomas’ “best authorities.” At
page 11 of his “ ParnAn Kines oF Duutt,” he says: “ In 587, in a more
extended expedition into Hindustan, Muhammad Ghori was totally routed
on the memorable field of Thaneswar * * * After a year’s repose * * *
on the self-same battle ground, he again encountered his former adver-
sary * * * This time fortune favoured the Ghories * * * By this single
victory the Muhammadans may be said to have become the virtual masters
of Hindustan,” &c., &e.
I will take it in sranted that a year after 587 means 588 u., and that
‘Mr. Blochmann will also allow it.
But now turn to the foot-note at page 23 of the same work. “Whee
Mr. Thomas, forgetting, apparently, what he wrote a few pages before,
says :—‘‘ As regards the historical evidence to the date 587 a. u. for the
capture of Dehli by the Muslims, it is complete and consistent with the
best authorities !”
Mr. Thomas adds “and Minhaj-ws-Siraj] repeats in various forms,
while treating of the lite of Aibeg, the confirmation of the same date.”
In this I cannot agree with him. Let us turn to page {mq of the Caleutta
Printed Text, the foot-note, and also to my Translation, page 515, in both
of which it says [leaving out the first defeat by the Hindis, but again
referring to Kutb-ud-Din’s being taken captive], he “ took possession of
that place—Mirath—in 587 u. [see note 5, page 515 of my version]. From
Mirath likewise he issued forth in the year 588 H., aud captured Dihli.”
These are the actual words in the different MSS. collated. It is not
actually said that Dihli was taken in 588 u., merely that Kutb-ud-Din, in
588 H., marched from Mirath, and it must have been towards the close of
that year, as will be shown farther on, according to the Taj-ul-Ma’agir
he had to start to relieve Hansi in the ninth month of that year, and
only took Mirath after that. It is evident, therefore, that Minhaj-ud-Din
did not intend it to be understood that Dihli was taken and made the seat
of government in 588 u., unless he stultifies himself by upsetting his
previous statements at pages 248, 378, 456, 457, and 464 of my Translation, -
which can be compared with the same places in the original MSS.
I will now leave the “ best authorities” and go to facts, first mention-
ing, however, that, in note 9, page 469 of my Translation, I have quoted
several other authors for my dates, which note Mr. Blochmann probably
has not read, and, further, that they also “must have had very good MSS.
of the Tabaqat-i-Naciri, some of which in all probability were older” than
the Calcutta Printed Text.
Minhaj-ud-Din states [pages 456—477] that troubles arose in Khwé-
1876.] H.G. Raverty—Leply to ‘ Misty. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. III.’ 32,7
razm in consequence of the outbreak of Sultan Shéh, the Khwarazmi, in
587 u.; that, subsequently | but in the same year], Sultan Mu’izz-ud-Din,
Muhammad-i-Sam, advanced into India, took Tabarhindah ; left a garrison
there with orders to hold out for sia months, and was preparing to retire
[in consequence of the hot season, it being the third or fourth month, at
latest, of 587 u.—April or May, 1191, a. p.] ; was defeated by Ra4e Pitho-
ra; and had to retire, leaving the garrison still there. In the cold season
of that year—five or six months after—instead of being able to return as
he intended, he was under the necessity of preparing to attend his brother,
Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Sam, along with other dependent
Princes and their troops, against Sultan Shah, the Khwaérazmi Prince, who
threatened Ghiyag-ud-Din, Muhammad’s dominions in Khurdsén. Besides,
Mw’izz-ud-Din had been badly wounded in the first battle, and it must have
taken him some time to recover. This campaign, Minhaj-ud-Din states, at
pages 248 and 378, took place in 588 H., and occupied sew months. Kutb-
ud-Din accompanied his master, and was taken captive by the Khwarazmis,
but, after a battle, and defeat of the enemy, he was re-captured. “ This
victory,” says Minhaéj-ud-Din, “ was achieved in the year 588 H.”
I also take it for granted that Mr. Blochmann will allow that this cap-
ture of Kutb-ud-Din must have taken place before he captured Dibli. But
what will totally overturn the theories on this matter, unless people wall
not be convicted, is the fact that Minhaj-ud-Din’s relative, Kazi, Muham-
mad, the Tilaki [Mr. Dowson’s “ Kazi Télak’”’], was left with a body of
troops to hold Tabarhindah for the space of sex months |that is to the next
cold season—the ninth or tenth month of 587 u.—September or October,
1191 «a.p.|. Why did he do this it may be asked? and the answer is
plain enough: he could not remain in India any longer with safety. ‘The
hot season was close at hand, and he would have been unable to return if
he stayed much longer, for, besides the heat, the six mighty rivers in his
rear would have all been unfordable, and would have to be crossed by boats,
even if boats were procurable, a dangerous matter with regard to most of
those rivers at that season, witness the strong Railway Bridges washed
away in these days. The Sultan, having been defeated immediately after
he placed the Kazi in Tabarhindah, and having subsequently to accompa-
ny his brother towards Marw, where they were occupied sia months, could
not return as he intended, and the Kazi having held out over thirteen
months | see ‘Translation, page 464:|, the Sultan still not having come, had
to give it up to the Hindts.
Now if we calculate, say, fourteen or fifteen months from the first
defeat, for the Sultdn’s return [¢. e. from the setting in of the hot season—
the ninth month of 587 H.| we shall come to the last month of 588 H.
and, in the same way, if we calculate six months of 588 u. for the pes
-
- ; - — * P= ~%- ~ " : en - 3 - . ; re . a _
a eB ET a he ee ag 5 ee eer one ee To A ee ert ss ee
328 H.G. Raverty— Reply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. ITI’ [No. 8,
tions in Khurdsdn, we must allow some little time for the Sultan to reach
Ghaznin, and he would then even require a month or two to prepare for a
campaign in India ; and besides, even if he were ready before, he could not
move towards India during the height of the hot season. There were the
game six mighty rivers to be crossed, and all unfordable at that period; and
all these things being thought of, it was utterly impossible for Sultén Muw’izz-
ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Sam, to have entered India, at the earliest, before the
middle of September or October—the end of the ninth or tenth month of
588 H., previous to which period no man in his senses, would have attemp-
ted to march from Ghaznin, to cross the six rivers, and advance into India.
Then followed the battle with Rae Pithoré, Kutb-ud-Din is left in
charge at Kuhram, and the Sultan prepared to return home again.
These being the facts, how is it possible, on Mr. Thomas’s “ best autho-
rities,” that Kutb-ud-Din could have occupied Dihli in 587 u. ?
I am glad also to find that General Cunningham, on his visit to Dihli
in 1862, considered that 589 H. and not 587 H. was the correct date on the
Minérah—not ot “ Qutbuddin Aibeg,” about which so many reams of
paper have been written, but of a wholly different Kurs, respecting whom
see note 6, page 621, to my Translation. I refer to the date on this
Minarah about which “ doctors disagree,’ and with regard to which Mr.
Thomas would fix on 587 4H. for the occupation of Dihli, and so all other
dates must be made to suit it. I suppose, however, that all the “ best
authorities’ never considered how it could be possible for Sultan Mw ’izz-
ud-Din to be defeated by Rae Pithord just before the hot season of 587
H., to take “a year’s repose” ['Thomas], again enter India, be occupied
some time even then against Rae Pithord before finally overthrowing him
[according to the Taj-ul-Ma’asir also], leave Kutb-ud-Din at Mirath, retire
again from India, for Kutb-ud-Din, subsequent to all this, to occupy
Dibli, build a great Mosque, npon which [notwithstanding the address of
the President of the Archeological Section at the Oriental Congress of
1874] Musalman artizans brought from different parts of Asia were em-
ployed, and all these events to have happened in the one year of 587 4. !
he idea is simply preposterous.
It occurs to me, on considering this subject further, that the inscrip-
tion on the fourth circlet of the lower storey of the Mindrah as given in
Thomas | Pathan Kings, pages 21-22] refers not to Mw izz-ud-Din, Muham-
mad, son of Sam, if the mame given is correct, but to his elder brother,
It will be found at pages 368 and 370 of my ‘Translation, and in the cor-
responding places in the original, that the elder brother and suzerain of
Mw’izz-ud-Din, Muhammad, son of Sdm, was first called Muhammad and
his title was Shams-ud-Din, and that the younger brother wes also called
Muhammad and his title was Shih4b-ud-Din. The first brother alter he
1876. | H.G. Raverty—Reply to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. ITI.’ 329
came to the throne, assumed the title of “ Ghiyds-ud-Dunyd wa ud- Din,
Muhammad, son of [ Baha-ud-Din] Sam, Kasgim-i-Amir-ul-Miminin,” and
that after the successes in Khurasin, in 588 u., the younger brother,
Muhammad, who, up to that time, bore the title of Shih4b-ud-Din, received
the title of Mu’izz-ud-Din, so, when defeated by Rade Pithord, he bore the
title of Shihab-ud-Din, but after, on his return the second time, Mu’izz-ud-
Din. This may account for the subsequent Indian Muhammadan writers
calling him Shihab and Mw ’izz indiscriminately.
At the period in question, when these inscriptions are said to have
been recorded [I fancy they were recorded subsequently. See note 6, page
621, of my Translation], the elder brother and sugerain was still living,
and lived for ten years after ; and, I imagine, it will be allowed, that the
two sovereigns, and both the brothers, at the same identical time, could not
bear the title of Kagim-i-Amir-ul-Muminin, or Ghiyag-ud-Din, and, there-
fore, leaving out the additional titles, the work of the artist probably, the
title in the said inscription is,—‘ SunrAn-us-SatArin, Guryds-up-DuUNYA
wa wvpd-Dix, Musammap, Bin Skim, Kasim-1-Amin-ut-MtUminin,” and
throughout the inscription [given by Thomas] the name of Mwu’izz-ud-Din,
or Shihdb-ud-Din even, never once occurs. |
The Taj-ul-Ma’dgir is quoted as an authority, and a sufficient authority,
to upset the statements of Minh4j-ud-Din, whose father, Sardj-ud-Din, was
Kazi of Sult4n Muw’izz-ud-Din’s army, and whose kinsman, the Kazi of
Tilak, was present on the spot; but I do not place trust in the statements
contained in that inflated work, unless they are corroborated or confirmed
by some other contemporary writer.
In Exxror [page 211, vol. ii.] it is stated that the Taj-ul-Ma’agir 1s rare
in Europe. I have had fowr copies to compare with the extracts trom it
given in that work, and I find that the date mentioned there 587 u.—for
the victory Sultdn’s. [it totally ignores his defeat] over Rae Pithora, 1s
written ew Kdwo | which may be either @» or ews | without any points in
two copies of the four MSS., in the third with one dot over and one
under, and in the fourth ews. It is, therefore, evident that that date may
be either 7 or 9, just as one chooses to read it; but, as the first battle,
according to every other author who has written on the subject, took place
in 587 u., the same year, 587 H., cannot, for reasons already stated, be the
same in which the Sult4n defeated Rae Pithord, and the former’s slave
occupied Dihli. See note 6, page 521, para. 3 of my Translation.
If the “best authorities” had looked at the T4j-ul-Ma’asir attentively
however [see also Exot, vol. ii., page 217], they would have found that,
even according to that work, in Ramazan, the ninth month of 588 H.—the
middle of October [1192 a. p.]|—Kutb-ud-Din had to march from Kuhram
to relieve Hansi [see also note 2 to page 516 of my Translation |, and that,
3 .
a — me
ee eee Se >t
330 H.G. Raverty— Reply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. IIT.’ (No.3,
subsequently, “‘ When” [according : to ELLtor, page 219], “the chief lumi-
nary threw its shade in the sign of Libra, and temperate breezes began to
blow, after putting to flight the army of heat, Kutbu-d-Din marched from
‘Kahram and took Mirath,” and subseguent to that “he then encamped -
under the fort of Delhi, which was also captured.” This means 587 Hu. I -
suppose P
If Mr. Blochmann will look at “ that excellent work”? the Haft-Iklim,
he may see therein stated, that the defeat of Mw’izz-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-
S4m, took place in 587 H., his victory in 588 H., and that Dihli was
occupied, as the seat of government, in 589 H.
The Tabakat-i-Akbari, the author of which “must have had good
MSS. older than” mine, also says, “defeated 587 u., victorious 588 H.,
Dibli occupied and made the seat of government by Kutb-ud-Din, in 589
a:
The Tazkarat-ul-Muluk also says, first battle and defeat of Mu’izz-ud-
Din, 587 u., his victory 588 u., Dihli taken 589 u., and, next year, 590 H.,
Mv’izz-ud-Din came again on an expedition to Kinnauj.
The Tarikh-i-Alti says that the Sultdén gained the victory over Rade
Pithora in the year 578 of the rihlat = 588 w.
The Zubdat-ut-Tawarikh also says that Dihli was made the seat of
government in 589 ., and that, in the following year, 590 H., the Sultan
returned on the expedition against Kinnauj. |
The Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh likewise says that Dihli was made the
seat of government in 589 H. |
Buda’tni and Firishtah also will be found to agree with the Tabakat-
4-Akbart ; and, to crown the whole, and put the finishing touch to the
picture, Mr. Blochmann’s own Ain says that the first battle and defeat
of the Sultan took place in 587 u., the second and victory in 588 u., and
that in the same year his slave took Dihli, but nothing is said of his making
it the seat of government; and this agrees with the Taj-ul-Ma’dsir, where
nothing is said of making Dihli the capital in that year ; but that, “from
Dibli,” after staying some time there, “he marched forth against Kol, in
590 H.”’ |
I need not say more on this head I think, and do not doubt but that
_ Mr. Thomas is open to conviction.
The next matter is the conquest of Bihar by Muhammad, bin Bakht-
yar, the Khalj, which Mr. Thomas fixes at 599 4. on the authority, Mr.
Blochmann “believes” of the T'aj-ul-Ma’dsir [Enuiov’s version probably ],
which states that Kutb-ud-Din took Kalinjar in that year; but the MSS.
of the Taj-ul-Ma’dsir examined by me, unfortunately, have that same
stubborn @~ and what makes the date still more doubtful (yAsdue—viz. :
Asem 9 Upr%huw 9 Rhus Kae which, from the want of diacritical points, may
be 577, 579, 597, or 599, just as the reader chooses to render the words.
1876.] H.G. Raverty—Leply to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. LIT, 331
At page 523 of my Translation [note, para. 2] I have noticed that “it
is astonishing that the Musalmans remained quiet for six years,” assuming
that 599 Hu. was the correct year in which Kahnjar was taken, which, I add,
‘was. the same year in which Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din died,” but, from the
examination of these four MSS. of the Taj-ul-Ma’dsir again, I am in doubt
whether 597 H. 1s not the most correct according to that work. Minhaj-
ud-Din says the Sultan died in 599 ., but, as I have noticed in note A,
page 383, some authors give 597 H., and some 598 uw. as the date of his
death. |
Those who suppose that Bengal was “ conquered’ [the surprise and
capture of Nudiah I refer to] in 599 u., do not consider how Muhammad,
bin Bakht-yar, could have “ reigned,” as he is said to have done, “ twelve
years,” seeing that he was assassinated in 602 H.
I am told that I am mistaken, according to my own authorities, in
connexion with the very doubtful date in the T’j-ul-Ma’dsir above referred
to. Mr. Blochmann says, page 276, Part III. of his “ Contributions” :—
“(1) That Muhammad Bakhtyar appeared before Qutbuddin in Dihlz,
and was rejected by reason of his humble condition.
“ According to Major Raverty, Dibli was occupied in 589 H.* ; hence
Muhammad Bakhtyar must have been rejected in or after 589 H.
“(2) After his rejection, Muhammad Bakhtyar goes to Badaon, where
Hizabr gives him a fixed salary.
(3) After some time Muhammad Bakhtyar goes to Audh, where he
obtains certain fiefs near the Bihar frontier. He now undertakes plunder-
ing expeditions, which continue, according to the printed text, for one or
two years.
In a foot-note is added, “ Major Raverty has left this out.”
“(4) He invades Southern Bihart and takes the town of Bihar. He
then goes to Dihli, where he remains for some time at Qutb’s court.
“(5) The second year after his conquest of Bihar, he sets out for Ben-
gal, and takes Nadiya.
‘“ Now how is it possible, with these five chronological particulars, that
“Muhammad Bakhtydr could have left Bihar, as Major Raverty says, in 589
“H. to invade Lakhnauti, if Qutb occupied Dihli in 589 P” [A foot-note has,
Major Raverty says that Muhammad Bakhtyar presented himself to the
Sultan at Léhor, but the text has Dihli (page 549).] “It would, indeed,
“be a close computation if we allowed but five years for the above events,
“4. e. if we fixed the conquest of Bengal as having taken place in 594 H.,
“or A. D. 1198.”
* Early in 589 u.
t It should have been stated above that his fiefs were close to the frontier of
South Bihar, as in my translation,
dancer a a IT Se OE ae SE ee, ee ee
ee, . - ~ +r ~ go
a Seen vmew oS arg ee te eer» ars ote nd
~——s —
’ 3>-Y er =
4 * - « i colina —— +o = ow —— oo os
7 . . = met . = >
, _ ‘ = weet F
Ce ee ee See te Ries ar ry er eer SS
i ee parr SEC Reds 4 Se eb eet ee a pean tle oy a ptaeppiteteeranes Free i , e S ae
PS atin nese oie oe ts be Seis a nt me See ES eee ow preter ere ny eer grein arekiinnt since Dye hee cog cs -
Bs Sa Sind oh eh a onehnt Sone acts Seabee ty cans mb repay Serene Cae ta pomnrdwee PAA re we er eperg ee reso A ehceay a ote nee OE Te |
332 H.G. Raverty—Reply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. III.’ [No. 8,
To this my reply is that the text (page 549), says not one word about
‘¢ Muhammad Bakhtyar’” presenting himself before “ the Sultan at La&hor”
[the Sultén’’ in this instance was a slave, continued a slave during his
master’s lifetime, and did not obtain his freedom and the title of Sultdén
until 605 u.—only about fifteen years after this time! See page 889 of
Translation, and corresponding place in the original]. The words in my
Translation are, that “ Muhammad-i-Bakht-y4r presented himself before
the Muster-Master at Dihlt,” and so, the probability is, that Malik Kutb-
ud-Din was at Lahor, as I have stated in note 6, page 550, on the authority
of another writer, and* Muhammad, bin Bakht-yar, straightway went to
Husam-ud-Din, Ughul-Bak.
If looked at in a ditterent light, although the time seems very short,
it is not so utterly impossible for Muhammad, 67m Bakht-yar, to have waited
on Kutb-ud-Din at Lahor, or gone to Ughul-Bak, as the case may be, pro-
ceeded to Awadh, have been sent to Bhitli and Bhagwat, have taken Bihar
which only required a party of 200 horsemen (in fact, it may be said Mu-
hammad, bon Bakht-yar, took 1¢ alone) and might have occupied him a
couple of weeks, or even say a month from his fiefs, a distance of under
200 miles as the crow flies, have gone to Dihli to Kutb-ud-Din in 589 4H.
or to Mahobah, as the case may be, and have invaded Bengal the following
year, tor the second year after means the following year—I quote my au-
thors as I find them. That in the following year after 589 u., he took
Nudiah, agrees with the statement of Shiam Parsh4d, whose work Mr.
Blochmann, of course, has referred to; but he appears not to have noticed
the statement of Minhaj-ud-Din at page 556 of my Translation [page 150
of the printed text], that when Muhammad, dn Bakht-yar, returned from
the presence of Kutb-ud-Din, he suddued Bihar, thus contradicting his
previous statement.
The only thing I can blame myself for in this matter is, that I did not
mention in a note, that the printed text, which at one time is so utterly
untrustworthy, and then so trustworthy, contained the words “matters
went on im this way for ONE or TWO years” after the words “and ravaged
that territory,” at page 551 of my Translation. The reason why I did not
do so is, that, in all probability, I did not look at the printed text here, or
that it escaped my attention, otherwise I certainly should have done so:
I think I have noticed the printed text pretty often, when right as well as
when wrong. I had no object not to do so: I had built up no theory or
made statements anywhere else that I wished to support. I might also
have added that the two MSS. on which that printed text is based, two of
the three worst of those collated, contain the same words, and that all the
other collated MSS. had no such words,
P
«
= SE Pe Se OPE 8) SS Se Se =
1876.] H.G. Raverty—Leply to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. TT 333
I would, however, remark here that I did not protess to translate the
Calcutta Printed Text, but to translate the work from MSS., and as adver-
tised on the covers of the Society’s publications.
Why the expression “some years before 601 4.” can make it clear
& Contributions,’ page 277] that Nidiah “must have been taken about
594 nu. or 595 H., 7. €. in A. D. 1198 or 1199,” any more than about d91, 2,3
or even 596 or 1, I am at a loss to understand. But one thing, at least, is
very clear, that the year 599 u. for the conquest of Bengal, even “as con-
sistent with the best authorities,” is utterly impossible.
Another theory is then raised. Although it is clear to Mr. Blochmann
that Nidiah “must have been taken in 594 or 595 u.,” the statement
contained in. the Taj-ul-Ma’agir | Pireshtah, who merely copies from his
immediate predecessors, more particularly, is a very trustworthy authority
to quote !] that Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar waited on Kutb-ud-Din at Mahobah
in 599 u.—a doubtful date in that work, as before stated, which may be
597 u. and four or five years after Mr. Blochmann says Bengal was con-
quered—* involves no contradiction as far as chronology is concerned.”
No, not in the least, even though Minhaj-ud-Din states, that Muhammad-i-
Bakht-y4r waited on Kutb-ud-Din before he surprised Nuidiah. With that
city Bengal—or rather Lakhanawati—tfell. There is no mention of any
fighting after; and so, if it is correct, according to the Taj-ul-Ma’4sir, that
Muhammad-1- Bakht-yér only waited on Kutb-ud-Din at Mahobah, in 599
H., not from AwaDH and BIHAR as i uitgtag! rendered in HLLrorr” S ver-
sion, [page 232, vol. ii.], but from )l4: eects points are thus given—
according to the text of the Taj-ul-Ma’dsir, I now have before me, that
city could only have been taken after that time—599 u. See also foot-
note page 276 of the “ Contributions,” in which it is contended that o499|
—as Minhaj-ud-Din writes it—cannot be correct because the Calcutta Text
has 43. The author of the Tabakat-i-Akbari, like some others, takes Mu-
hammad, son of Bakht-ydr, from the presence of Mwizz-ud-Din direct to
Husdém-ud-Din, Ughal-Bak, and says, that Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, when
subsequently he came to Kutb’s presence, “ was ce pitet to conquer Lakh-
anawati.”’
The Tazkarat-ul-Mulik also takes Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar direct
from Ghaznin to Ughal-Bak, and states that he took Bihar before he went =
to Kutb-ud-Din].
“The time fixed upon by Mr. Thomas for the conquest of Bengal is
099 H., that is, four or five years after the time assumed by Mr. Bloch-
mann, while I have stated, according to my author, the year following 589
H., that is 590 u.—but three or four years betore Mr. Blochmann’s chosen
time. Mr. Thomas is only “a little too late :” mine is “ zmpossible as
being too early.” Probably Mr. Blochmann has not noticed that at page
Oa Ta OE ERE Se DON ee 5 Ra A ant ee plein + SNe ee Ee. be eee Sac beere
“y) -
a = oa ea,
s * +> 0 a
994 H.G. Raverty—Reply to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. III.” [No.38,
840 of the Ro. As. J., vol. vi. for 1873, Mr. Thomas has again changed in
his ideas, and says “ the furst occupation of Bengal by Muhammad Bakht-
yar Khilje” was “ in 600 A. H.”’
I now come to another chief point in this discussion.
Mr. Blochmann “ thought” the name of “ Qutbuddin of the Paralyzed
Hand,” [see Brieas’ translation of Firishtah, noticed in note at page 519
and 521 of my Translation, which makes a very energetic warrior of him,
considering his “ Paralyzed Hand’’ |, had been “ set at rest’? by Mr. Thomas
but in this I cannot agree any more than in the date 599 and 600
u. for the conquest of Bengal—and says that my different MSS. “ have
clearly the same words as the Bibl. Indica Edition of the Tabaqaét” : my
MSS. run thus :—
but, inthe Calcutta Text, after the word 91, the words «9 st—* of a” or
“ the hand’’—occur, and the Hamilton MS., the worst of the whole num-
ber collated, has the same, but the other two MSS. from which the Printed
Text is taken have not those words, and another MS. has ly }|\—“ of a” or
“ the foot’’—but all the rest of the MSS. are as I have given it above, and
translated it.
L fail to see much difference in Mr. Blochmann’s “ literal translation :”
—“ Outwardly he had no comeliness, and fis little rrvemr [of one hand]
possessed an infirmity. Kor this reason they called him Azbak-i-shall
[Aibak with the paralyzed Hanp|” and my :—“ He possessed no outward
comeliness, and the little finger | of one hand ? | had a fracture, and on that
account he used to be styled Y-bak-i-Shil [the powerless-fingered].” The
only difference is that where I translate ~*|» had, Mr. Blochmann trans-
lates 1b possessed—a mighty difference truly—and that I translate the
word (sAk25—guftand! which is the imperfect tense of the verb, used also
to imply continuity or habstude, and 1s not the past tense, and that I give
to (sinh the meaning of a concrete noun. I see no reason to alter my
translation, as lexicographers, who are supposed to know something of the
meanings of words, render (Sine a rupture, a fracture, defeat, as well as
breaking, brokenness, &e.
Mr. Blochmann calls the Haft-Iklim “ an excellent work,’ and in this
I quite agree with him. Let him look at it, however, and he will find with
respect to Kutb-ud-Din, l-bak-i-Shil, that, in it, are the following wor ds
SAILS 70 Shay ty gf dp Sw gf pase mS 45 Gt jt-—-which I defy any one
to translate otherwise than—from, or on this, that his little FINGER WAS
BROKEN they used to call him I’-bak.”’ Which hand is not stated.
The author of the Tabakdt-i-Akbari, Budé’tni, and even Firishtah, all
of whom Mr. Blochmann states [ Contributions,’ page 280], MUST HAVE
1876.] H. G. Raverty—Leply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. ITT? 335
nap very good USS. of the Pabaqat-1-Nagiré, all have THE VERY SAME
WORDS, copying one from the other, as are contained in the Haft-Iklim, the
Tazkarat-ul-Mulik has the same, and also the Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh.
Some others say the same, but I need not name them here, as those I have
mentioned are easily obtained for reference, but all leave out the Ue with-
out which 2a3|—finger, is meaningless. Mr. Blochmann quotes the Shams-
wl-Lughat: let bim look at it for the word 235! and he will see these
words—wS3} (shred ym Sd Sst—“ I’bak with kasr means FINGER,” as well
as the other meanings mentioned in the “ Contributions.”
| The Tarikh-1-Majami’-ul-Khiyér—not the work even of a resident in
India—has oMas Us Shas! Ly 9! S94 ShmSS 9} pos on K) Wea—é Ag his
little finger was broken, they called him Y-bak-i-Shil.” The Zubdat-ute
Tawarikh, which copies Minhaj-ud-Din, has the same words as given in
my ‘Translation ; and it is satisfactory to know that those authors who say
his little finger was broken, read the word (.SS% as I have read it. Of
course, neither Minhdéj-ud-Din, nor any other who writes Y-bak-i-Shil
which even, on Mr. Blochmann’s own showing, is in the Calcutta Printed
Text as in other copies, is right in putting Us whether it be shil or shall
LAST, and it ought, according to Mr. Blochmann, to be inverted into “ Shil-
Aibak,” otherwise it is “wn-Persian.” None of these authors who write
['-bak-i-Shil therefore, according to this theory, could have known their
own language! He also, in his literal translation, renders the passage
rand his little finger [of one hand] possessed an infirmity,” and yet he
turns him into “ Aibak with the paralyzed Hanp.” Because one finger
was broken, or “ possessed an infirmity,” it does not follow that the whole
hand was paralyzed. Mr. Blochmann could not have thought of these
matters when he proceeded to criticise the correctness of my Translation.
I have never said that l-bak alone meant I’-bak of the broken finger,
but, with shil added to it—I-bak-i-Shil—as I have already stated in note 1,
page 513-14 of my Translation, and I have also stated that, in Turkish,
l-bak “means finger’’ only: not broken or fractured-fingered, or the like.
Mr. Blochmann could not have read the notes through, or failed to see
what I said of l-bak-i-Zang in the same note. Nor have I said that I-bak
was not Turkish, for he was a Turk, and so bore a Turkish name. |
Neither have I ever hinted, much less stated, that his real name was
Kutb-ud-Din : to have said so would have been absurd. That is his Musal-
man titular name only, as Shams-ud-Din was the Musalman name title of
his slave, I-yal-timish. In my note 1, page 513, I have said that Kutb-ud-
Din could not have been his real name, nor I-bak either, which I looked
upon as a nick-name or by-name. So Mr. Blochmann here, unknown to
~ himself probably, has come to the same conclusion. I should not write his
name however under any circumstance “ Qutbuddin,” any more than I
U iU
= aa = = = = rs pe el > eS
F 0 8 ARM e eew te t e g E e k EN e RPRIEe yT= EELa S e h S ee n E
26 8 RG OE saa ma ee oe _—. a sa . - “a = -
“~~
ee as
eens Bel Ie 8 oe Da cee nen et Eta ne 8 ee Re Soe LER line Reeinarods ne ea Pea niw haa s-erenen. > chee Seed we ds
996 H. G. Raverty— Reply to ‘ Hasty. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. III” (No. 3,
should translate it Thepolestarofthefaith, but Kutb-ud-Din—The Polestar
of [the] Faith, _
There is not the least cause for “the zzdfat” to be cancelled in I-bak-
‘ Shil: to do so would be contrary to the primary and simplest rules of the
Persian Grammar—the Trani I mean—of the “ 'Turdni” dialect I know
nothing. In Shil I-bak an adjective precedes the noun, and the wnsl.d|—
izdfat—does not take place; but, when the adjective or qualifying word
follows the noun, the kasrah of zzdfat is required. See the “Ain,” page
629 for an example, where Mr. Blochmann himself writes “ A’zam Kun,
vide Kuin-t-A’zam.” Any Persian Grammar, however simple, will show
this, as well as Lumsden, or Sir W. Jones, Forbes, &c. The following is
given as an example, and is very pertinent to the subject :—
“The last letter of every Persian word is quiescent, or un-accented—
i. €. GySlw as Gaw! asp, a horse ; “0 dast, a hand ; d,0 mard,aman. But,
in composition, when such word is either the Gle~o—muzdf, or governing
noun, or the 3530 mausuf, or substantive noun, the last letter must be
accented with the kasrah of izdfat : as for example—do tens! asp-2-gald—
a swift horse ; oJ) “s—dast-i-Zaid—the hand of Zaid ; 2) 950 mard-1-
nek—a good man; “sly 81) rah-1-rdst—a true or right way, the kasrah
being the sign of the governing noun, or the antecedent of the relative
adjective.”’
Again: “ When the adjective follows the substantive, the latter must
be accented with the kasrah ; as tly» Guwol asp-i-stdh—a black horse, but, on
the contrary, when the adjective precedes the noun, the kasrah must not
be used, as us| Slivn sth asp—a black horse. The same rule is likewise
applicable to the governing and the governed nouns substantive; as (4%)
Wlalaisls—bddshahdn-i-zamin—kings of the earth ; wks 8l& shdh-i-jahan—
king of the world ; 86 whe jahdn-shah—world king,” &e.
When I learned these simple rules just thirty years since, I did not
expect I should have to quote them again. Shil Y-bak therefore and
l-bak-i-Shil, and Y-bak-i-Lang, as he is styled in the Jami’-ut-Tawarikh,
and in Fanakati, come under these rules, but no writer who pretended to
elegance of style would prefer the former to the latter. I am quite content
to leave this to any Persian scholar—Persian or European. In slo x0
which Mr. Blochmann himself translates [page 186] “ Lord of the Moon,”
why is he so wn-Persian, and why does he not “cancel the izgdfat,” and
write Moon Lord? and without an artificial izdfat whence comes “ of the ?”
I do not know that any one has said that Mr. Thomas is not quite —
correct in looking upon <4) as “the original name.” I, certainly, have not
said so. I only write Y-bak what Mr. Thomas writes Aibeg and Mr. Bloch-
- + =.
‘s&s
_.
= = ves
————
-
7
=—=—- “SE.
=.
se
——
=
=
1876.] H. G. Raverty— Reply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. IIT. 337
mann Azbak, but I think Mr. Blochmann would have some difficulty in
showing me the word written with a madd, viz. ST, He certainly cannot
show it to me in any copy of the Tabakdt-i-Ndsiri. I never saw it so
written.
As to what is given as the legend on coins he is said to have issued,
and his being merely called [-bak therein, which Mr. Blochmann deems
quite sufficient to refute me by my own remarks, it is evident that, before
Mr. Blochmann had calmly read my statements, he penned this portion of
his “ Contributions.” Iread in the legend given at page 525 of my
Translation the words—Sultan Kutb-ud-Din, l-bak, as plain as it is possi-
ble to print. He would scarcely have put shil or shall upon his coins. Did
Timur add the word Lang to the legend on his? Of course not: but I
will not give the legend here. See the apprrionan nots to my ‘Transla-
tion, on the subject of the legends on these coins: end of Nagir-ud-Din,
Mahmud Shah’s reign, page 717. | |
I do not consider that Mr. Thomas or any one else has “ set this ques-
tion at rest’? with respect to “ Aibeg ;” and had Mr. Blochmann not been
quite so hasty he might have read a note in my Translation, a little farther
on, where I have remarked upon the number of other Maliks styled 2la3;—
some five or six or more, including Ulugh-Khan’s brother. I have endea-
voured to get a real Turkish scholar to give me his ideas upon several Tur-
kish titles in the Tabakdt-i-Nasiri, and perhaps, before this is gent off, I
may receive his reply. =
As to there being no such word as shi in Persian meaning limp, weak,
soit, paralyzed, &e. [“ Oontributions,” page 278] I do not agree with
Mr. Blochmann. It is not Tiérdni, and may be Irani, or possibly loeal,
and peculiar to the Farsiwans of Afghanistan, but is commonly used; and
another Persian word——shuJ—is used with it in the sense mentioned. As
to Mr. Blochmann’s “ rare Arabic word shal or shall [which ‘rare’ word
I have also referred to in my note, page 518], he says it means “ having a
withered hand,”’ but I say 1t means a hand or foot paralyzed or powerless,
&e., on the authority of an excellent Lexicon in Persian, which explains it
thus :—
OBL Zaslo gly M6 jf OF dby—S ty Cols 9 Cows csty*? 9
I think I may venture to assert that Sult4n Mu’izz-ud-Din, Muham-
mad, son of Sdm, was rather unlikely to have purchased a slave with the
whole of one hand paralyzed : a finger broken or paralyzed would have been
ho very great detriment, but how could a one-hand paralyzed man fight on
horseback ? See too the wonderful feats Dow and Brraes—not Firishtah
—make him perform. As to its being “a rare Arabic word” I beg to say
that it is a most common one among the Afghans: in fact, they rarely ever
use another word, except by adding U& shull to it— “ shall-o-shull.” See
my Pushto Dictionary, page 656.
.
ee eee ee ee
—_— — 2 - — a ac a yee, Cee No. 2b oe Pk weliogs Vaurt shoe Set AP ce lek of Tee a >
See Ea Re PS I TF eT SA AE
————e —— Svenan ities eS ee EE PE rks)
338 H. G. Raverty—Reply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. IIL. | No.3,
In the following page [279] of his “ Contributions” Mr. Blochmann,
referring to my mentioning in a note to my Translation, that Aram Shah,
said to be the son of Y-bak, and, by some, the adopted son, is called Y-bak’s
brother by Abi-l-Fazl, says he takes “the opportunity to justify Abul-Fazl,
and that, in his [own] Ain text, Abul-Fazl states twice distinctly that
Arém Shih was Aibak’s son.” Mr. Blochmann’s Ain may, but in my Ain
—the MS. I quoted, and which is now before me—a “good old copy”—
has these words, in which nin be a clerical error :—
isdoile,s Odum pd Ly gt ydly? Le alyT ty prof ral 3 (36) a2) sgt Bite
MOLES
At page 279 of his “ Contributions” Mr. Blochmann considers the
word cf dé “a moon” in the word 43! to occur in other names of Indian
History, and in what he calls “‘ Adz-tigin” or Z#’tigin [he is not certain
which perhaps: ¢s7 can be written #, in Turani probably], and in “ A-
lititmish, the emperor Altamsh,”’ but unfortunately ust with madd over the
| does not occur in either of those names, nor will Mr. Blochmann show
them to me so written even in the Bibl. Indica edition of the “ Tabaqat.”’
If “ Ai-lititmish” be the name of the so-called “emperor” [but why
not write also the ‘‘ emperor” Mahmud, son of Sabuk-Tigin, the “ emperor’
Mw ’izz-ud-Din, and the ‘“ emperor” Kutb-ud-Din? They were Sultans by
title as well as “ A7-lititmish’’ was], and if “ 4z-lititmish”’ be right, why ©
style him “ Altamsh” still? Such must be “behind modern research.”
If ost be contained in the words aS! and (+itsj}—there are no madds
here—and is entirely separate from the gx and Ga of those words,
how does Mr. Blochmann account for the words (si Kal-timish, (pts
Tak-timish, and (y+itw—Sal-timish ? These are names often occurring as
well as eile #1 yal. timish, elsewhere than in Indian history, because
they are Turk names, but the ce part of these compound words is (ps
sometimes written (ft and (gots and the first part J3I— 33 — ve and.
Us| respectively, and not cesT at % all _ After this same fragile theory, I-yal-
Arsalan—wlwy| st, I-yal-k4—S, and I-yal-diz—j,ol3, which latter the
author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri and some others write j34) Yal-diiz [where
is the “ cof di ‘a moon’ ” here? jgoJ2| is said to mean @ star in Turkish],
those names must be written A7-liarsald4n, 42-likd, and Az-lildiz. I should
hike to know the titles of these “oldest Dictionaries” which give the pronun-
ciation “ A7-lititmish.”’ No, no, the “ ¢s1 dz ‘a moon’ ” in these last names
is all moonshine.
Again Mr. Blochmann makes everything succumb to “ metrical pas-
sages’’ and poetry while I treat of prose.
[ A A ra We!
I have included the name of c#dh!*—I-yal-timish, as one of my
* Major Raverty’s original contains swkiuns above the ldm, mim, and shin. Ep.
= - ‘ eS — ~ - —— — “ .
Pp - tr i a _ - — - ~ - " «J you~ -
Tw etna ee 8 le a BE ee 0 Re Se gene Be ~~ <= 3 he ee ee gh eee tae Serer 2 eR Reems s -
7 « a
/
1876.| H. G. Raverty— Reply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. ITT.’ 339
three oldest MSS. of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri writes it with the powmts, among
the Turkish titles or by-names referred to a Turkish scholar.
In the order of Mr. Blochmann’s strictures I come now to “ dangerous
innovations’’ in spelling names, but, for convenience, I will notice them last,
and proceed to another most important point. He says, page 279 :—
“The only thing we knew hitherto (and I believe it is all we know
now) is that the conqueror of Bengal was called
Muhammad Bakhtyar,
‘and the name of his paternal uncle was
Muhammad Mahmid.*
“The names of these two persons Major Raverty breaks up, by intro-
ducing an artificial dedfat, or sign of the genitive” [see ante on the use of
the izafat and the usPveys S45 and any Grammar on the subject], “into
four names, vzz. Muhammad-i-Bakhtydr, and Muhammad-i-Mahmid * *
“Major Raverty says in explanation that “in his older MSS.” the word
bin, or son, 1s inserted between the words Muhammad and Bakhtyar a the
heading of Chapter V., which contains the biography of the conqueror of
Bengal ; hence the conqueror of Bengal was Muhammad, and “the father’s
name, it appears, was Bakhtyar, the son of Mahmid.” It is not stated in
how many MSS. this 0%” occurs; but, though it occur in the heading, it
never occurs in the text.
“The name of Muhammad Bakhtydr occurs more than thirty times in
Major Raverty’s Chapters V. and VI. (pages 548 to 576) ; but in every
case Major Raverty gives Muhammad-i-Bakhtyar, ¢. e. the IzAfat. Hence
his JESS. have no din in the text. In the heading of Chapter VI., there is
no en, though Major Raverty puts it in; he tries even to do so in the
heading to Chapter VIIL., in the name of Hus4muddin ’Iwaz, and “one or
two authors” get the credit of it.”
My answer is, I “put” nothing “in’: “nor does the word bin
“occur in the MSS. of the Taj-ul-Maasir, in Firishtah, the Tabaqat-i-A kbari,
“ Badaoni, and later writers, though the authors of these histories must have
“had very good MSS. of the Tabaqat-1-Naciri, some of which in all pro-
“ bability were older than those in Major Raverty’s possession. Hence I
“look upon the correctness of the solitary 67m in the heading's of some of
“ Major Raverty’s MSS. as doubtful.” The Laj-ul-Ma’asgir has no Arabic
headings like the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, and does not use the word d2n, but,
that work not being written in the Tutrani idiom, the Kasrah of
tzdfat, where necessary, is understood. ‘The author of the Taéj-ul-Ma’Asir
could not have had a good or an old copy of the “ Tabaqat’’ seeing it was
only written thirty years and more after that work. Neither has the
Tabakdét-i-Akbari Arabic headings, Buda’tni says he copies trom his patron’s
* Where is it so stated before I stated it ?
on
Se Sr eee es eo nee
sd
either the father was called Bakht-yar, or he was not.
340 H. G. Raverty—Reply to ‘Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. ITI.’ [No. 8,
work. I have already shown, in my notes 6 and 4 to pages 697 and 711,
and in many other places of my Translation, what the Tabakat-i-Akbari is.
The Author in all probability saw the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, but, as I suppose,
he did not take the trouble to collate different copies, and contented himself
with one—for example the I. O. L. MS. 1952, “a good old since Ate
which one person, at least, styles an “ autograph’’—the short-comings of
the Tabakat-i-Akbari may be accounted for. Firishtah contains nothing
whatever—not a single event—respecting the Turk Sultans of the Mwizzi
and Shamsi dynasties, but what is contained in the Tabakat-i-Akbari, even
to the poetical quotations and the blunders also. |
I do not propose to change the name of the “ conqueror of Bengal” :
I domore. I do change it, without the least hesitation, on the authority of
the best extant copies of the text of the “ Tabaqat,’’ which work, as Mr. Bloch-
mann most correctly observes, “zs the only authority we possess for this —
period,” and it will require positive proof to the contrary to make me give
up the point. Because a name has been written incorrectly before, on
wrong assumption, or on mere theories, and because the two names Muham-
mad and Bakht-yd4r have been handed down and repeated from one writer
to another as that of one man only, is there any reason why such error
should be obstinately stuck to through thick and thin ?
But at the same time I must state that I have naught to gain or lose
by the change: I have no object in changing it, and only do so on the
“undoubted authority” of my author. The matter hes in a nut-shell:
It he was so called,
then he has hitherto had the credit for what his son performed.
As to Muhammad with the kasrah of tzdfat being correct, I fancy Mr.
Blochmann, even in a Muhammadan “ School Register,” |a great authority
certainly,| never found one person called Muhammad Mahmtd without the
last referred to his father—certainly not it a Musalman in his senses wrote
it down. But with regard to the “ conqueror’s” name, z. e. Muhammad,
and Bakht-yar, that is Bakht-y4r-ud-Din, his father’s name, the word bin
—son of—I first noticed in the oldest British Museum copy, one of the three
best I have had for my translation, and Professor Rieu, on whose words,
opinion, and experience in such matters, I place implicit confidence, considers
it a MS. of the 14th century, or about a century after the time that Minhaj-
ud-Din wrote. The word b7n also occurs in the other British Museum MS.,
and in the best St. Petersburg copy, which is another of the three I refer
to, and in the very old copy I have—which apparently looks, but may not
be, much older than either of the other two—the whole of the headings are
pointed, and in this last MS. the word bén does not occur, for at this par-
ticular place, as well as in a few other instances where bem, as in the case
of Muhammad bin Stiri, of whom more anon, és subsequently given, the
bin has clearly been left out, accidentally, by the copyist.
1876.] H. G. Raverty—feply to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. ITI? 41
The word 6%»—Mr. Blochmann’s “ solitary }in”’—also oceurs in the
best Paris copy. So b¢n—“ son of’—occurs in four MSS. : in three of the
best and oldest copies ; the iz4fat in a fourth which often uses the tzafat for
BIN im other wstances where son of is undoubtedly meant ; and bin in a
fiith considered to be a precious “autograph” of the author’s. In the
other MSS. vowel-points are not marked, but the izdfat is, without doubt,
meant there, as in other places where not marked. The “one or two
authors’ seems to be disapproved of—I had an object in not stating all my
authors’ names at the time. |
I can give hundreds of such like instances of bz and an izafat being
used indiscriminately. But just look at the Calcutta Printed Text for
example—the first page that meets the eye—page ;4¢ 44, the heading is
“ Al Amir Muhammad, din ’Abbas,” and immediately under, second line,
are the words :—oyiw Cpls oan” ,vol) ¥ * * * FS SUL L0 and, as ren-
dered in my version, page 332, ““ He made over the kingdom of Ghir to
Amir Muhammad-z-’Abbas,” and which Mr. Blochmann, according to his
theory, would have written “ Amir Muhammad ’Abbas,” and so have made
one person of the plural. There is another good example at pages | }¢ and
tla v2z.:—ple do” Gd dpe” Cyto &le—Ghiyds-ud-Din, Mahmud bin
Muhammad-7-Sam. Here bin is used for one person—the son, and an
izétat understood and required for another person—the father : there is no
izatat marked, but it must be used, because Muhammad, his father, was not
called Sam, but he was the son of SdAm—that is Baha-ud-Din, Sam.
Ghiyas-ud-Din, Mahmiid’s father’s name, is written in full in the headings
with b2n, but under, elves dex” uyldd| &le—Ghiyds-ud-Din, Muhammad-z-
Sam, and likewise his brother’s, ple des” Gyo} 520—Mu’izz-ud-Din, Mu-
hammad-7-Sam, but, by the theory put forth in the “ Contributions,” and
the system followed in the translation of the “ Ain-i-Akbari,” they would
both be turned into S4m which alone refers to their father, and not to
them, as the headings as well as the text—including the printed text—most
undoubtedly show, and many other examples are to be found in the work.
The names in the headings are written in Arabic, in every copy, throughout
the whole book, and in the body of the work, according to the Persian
idiom, the izdfat for bin is understood, as is also the case with the name of
Ikhtiyér-ud-Din, Muhammad, bin Bakht-yar-ud-Din, the Khalj, and others.
Another matter tending to prove that Bakht-yar is the father’s titular
name, is the fact that the author of the Tabakat-1-A kbari—one of those
who must have had the old and correct MSS.—styles him, “ Malik Muham-
mad-1-Bakht-ydr-ud-Din.” Muhammad could not possibly be called Bakht-
yar-ud-Din, and Ikhtiyar-ud-Din Zoo.
The same author, by the bye, at the head of the chapter, styles the
“conqueror” of Bengal IkurryAr-up-Din, MunamMap, only. Why?
Because he understood that Bakht-yar-ud-Din was his father’s name.
= oe a el al ee ge ae rE RE ee a ae “ ‘Sletten all =. ee Ce eh. Ao ee Slee ey Nee eae, > a Se
os ~ +e Tew e* a
342 H.G. Raverty—Leply to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. III. [No.8,
“ Further,” says Mr. Blochmann, “ supposing d7n to be correct, is it
“not strange, nay totally un-Persian, to speak continually of Muhammad-
“ bin-Bakhtydr, or Muhammad-z-Bakhtyar, instead of using’ the single name ©
“of Muhammad? This would be Arabic usage. Thirdly, if Mahmtd were
“the grandfather, it would have been extraordinary on the part of the author
“to have left out the grandfather in the heading, and in the beginning of
“the chapter, when Muhammad Bakhtyar’s descent is spoken of, and merely
“incidentally to mention it in connexion with the paternal uncle.”
It certainly would be wn-Persian to speak continually of Muhammad-
bin Bakht-yar, hence, after the Arabic heading, as in other places through-
out the whole work of Minhaj-ud-Din, the Persian izdfat is understood.
Scores of examples in the text also show that a man’s single name, such for
example as Muhammad would be here, is unusual except in the case of some
slaves whose fathers’ names appear to have been unknown. So engrafted is
the custom of using the father’s name with the son’s [but not the grand.
father’s], that in our Indian Courts we find bin and walad always used,
and even in Bombay we find low-caste Hindus, Dehrs, &c., styled, for ex-
ample— Lakhsman, walad Nursia,” and “ PAndi bin ashe. &. A
grandtather’s name is very seldom put in the headings of the Tabakat-i
Nasiri—it is not usual to do so. Had the paternal uncle’s name occurred
in a heading the word b¢ would have been written no doubt; but, as I
have before noticed, did any person ever hear one man called Muhammad
Mahmud? I know, however, that one of the sons of Mahmid of Ghaznin
is styled Muhammad-7-Mahmid, and that his uncles are styled, Nasr-1-Sabuk-
Tigin, and Yusuf-2-Sabuk-Tigin respectively. What a nice thing for a_
translator to make one man of them!
“ Lastly,” writes Mr. Blochmann, ‘“ the use of the IzAfat, instead of
“bm or pisar (son), is restricted to poetry, and does not occur in prose [see
“notef, page 280]. I see therefore, no reason to change the name of the
“conqueror of Bengal, as proposed by Major Raverty.”’
This is a matter of such vital importance that I must give two exam-
ples of what may be caused through a translator not knowing where to
place the izdfat so much objected to, as never occurring in Persian prose,
in place of bin, son of, and which is so “ wn-Persian.”
A careful and conscientious writer like ELPHINSTONE says, in Book
V, Chapter I, of his History of India, that ‘“Mahommed-Cdsim” invaded
Sind; and, page after page, and paragraph after paragraph, it is said that
se Caen? did this, and “ Cdsim’’ did that, and that “ the Mohametan arms
ceased with the death of CAsim.”
In Exxtor also, Vol. I, page 188, the extract from the Chach-n4mah
commences with the death of Rae Dahir “at the hands of Muhammad
Kasim Sakili.” These names—for they are used as that of one person—
Ni
a —_ Se SS
= = LS —— Fi Sa PES SS ESS: WES SH ee ar ae:
re Ee == = a Sa ee Se wa = a te i
i.
1876.|] H. G. Raverty— Reply to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. ITT.’ 343 =
¢ Muhammad Kasim” occur in scores of places throughout the extract,
but, ab page 157 we also have “ Imddu-d-din Muhammad Kasim bin Abi
AK Sakifi.
Now “ Casim”’ or “ Kasim” had nothing whatever to do with Sind or
its conquest. He was dead before his son, Muhammad, was appointed by
his uncle to lead the ’Arabs into Sind, and so the father, who was in hig
grave at the time, has had eredit up this moment, in our Histories of In-
dia, for what his son performed, in the same manner that Bakht-ydr-ud- |
‘Din, the Khalj, has had the eredit for what his son, Ikhtiyar-ud-Din, per- 2
formed. a
From Tabarl downwards, the name of the conqueror of Sind is *Im4d-
ud-Din, Muhammad, son of Kasim, son of Muhammad, son of Hakam, son
of Abu-’Ukail, and Al-Biladuri, an extract from whose work js siven in
A Elliot, says the same as Tabari; but because the author of the GChach-
is, Namah headed his Chapters in Persian instead of Arabic, the necessary izAfat
bi! was not recognized, and hence this lamentable error. Such is history.
‘a Examples of this I have already given ; but turn to page j¢+—40 of the
a) Calcutta Printed Text, which is the same as other copies in these instances, P
and the fourth line from the heading are these words daw, .hKiSivo does”
ol aye es! Ws> chin takht-i-Ghaznin ba Amir Mahuid-i-Sabuk-
Lagin rasid. Does Mr. Blochmann mean to assert that Sabuk-Tigin is not the
father’s name? So much for the random assertion that “ the igafat in-
Stead of ben or pisar [which last I have not used] is restricted to poetry, and
does not occur in prose,” and according to the foot-note that it “ds rare in
poetry, and poets do not like to use this Tzdfat.” T£& Myr. Blochmann met
with the following in Indian History—wld sh! 1,2) wale oJ; Old—T
wonder what he would think of it: he would write it “ Shih4buddaulah
Haran Bughra lak Khan,” and make one person of it. I, however, would
read it—‘ Shih4b-ud-Daulah, Hardn-i-Bughra-i-Y-lak-Khan,” because I
know for certain that Hérin who is entitled Shihdb-ud-Daulah is the
son of Bughra, who is the son of the Y-lak Khén, who is named Musa,
who were Khans of MAwar-un-Nahr of the Afrasiyabi dynasty.
Next, in the same foot-note,t page. 280 otf the Contributions,” Mr.
Blochmann says that “ Minhaj-1-Siraj’”’ does not mean in prose, ‘ Minha), the
“son of Siraj,’ but Minhaj who writes under the name of Siraj. That the
“father’s name wag Siraj has nothing to do with 1t.”’
Mr. Blochmann would find it difficult to show me where he “ writes.
under the name of Siraj.’ I suppose it will be allowed that that Author
knew his own name, and his father’s, and if that be allowed, he calls himself
repeatedly Minhaj -ud-Din-i-Sardj, and he further says that his father was
the Maul4n4 Saraj-ud-Din, whose father was the Maulana Minhaj-ud-Din,
‘Usman, whose father was the Imdm, ’Abd-ul-Khalik, the Jurjdni. For
VV
= . ‘ ~ : > = 4 - : yes
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is 0 ee I ee ee es a RS a Te eee ee Pn ee ee ee ee Pte sia eases. a PE ee ID Slee al me
"at eo tenet 0h oh et we ne 0 weet wires Se eS a oo ee . ee a
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344 H. G. Raverty—Reply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. I1I.’ [No. 3,
these reasons ABU-’Umr-I-’UsmMAn, who is also called MiInuAJ-UD-Dty,
sometimes styles himself in his work—Munuis-1-Saris-1-Minuis—refer-
ring to father and grandfather also. Here are two igéfats, and in prose
too. See also note 7, page 727 of my Translation. |
I have already shown Mr. Blochmann’s theory of “ artificial” izdfats,
as he calls them, to be “ wn-Persian,” but, to prove that another statement
here made is likewise incorrect, | must prominently notice another izAtat.
It refers to the article “ Who were the ‘ Patan’ or ‘ Pathan’ Sultdns of
Dihic”—the paper in the Journan A. S. Beneaz, for 1875, page 31.
Mr. Blochmann says in the same foot-note,t page 280, “ Contributions,”
para. 2, “The form of the name of Muhammad-i-Stiri, on whose name
Major Raverty has built a hypothesis, is doubtful for this Izdfat.”
Mr. Blochmann, apparently, did not notice that the matter of the
kasrah of izdtat, at page 31 of the Journat, has reference solely to Frrisu-
mat and his translators. It he will take the trouble to refer +o my ‘Trans-
lation, page 3816, and to the corresponding place, page MaA—38 of the
Calcutta Printed Text, he will find the heading, Strf, son or
MvnHammManp, showing that here Stiri is itself a Ghiri name. Then
let him turn to page 320 of the Translation, and he will find the
heading “ Matrk Munamman ben Suri’, but in the corresponding place
in the printed text page »»>—40, merely Coygw dot” Silo, If I chose
to be guided by Mr. Blochmann’s theory on that heading alone, and did not
know that the kasrah of us®treys or description was required, and was in
any doubts respecting the persons I was writing about, I might have called
him, as Mr. Blochmann would, Muhammad Sirf, as though the two names
belonged to one man, and have turned ¢wo men into one accordingly. The
printed text also mentions him as LSjge OF" twice in the same page, but
a third time, in the last line of that page, when speaking of Malik Muham-
mad having made over Ghir to his eldest son, his name is given with his
father’s and grandfather’s NAMeC—_6)9 Ey OE? Gyo Coho 94 pol viz. :—
Amir Bu ’Ali, son of Muhammad, son of Stiri. é
Look again at the following heading in the Printed Text—page
¢|—41, and there it is again confirmed, and we have ce yg (yd One” (53 isle
si—Abu-’ Ali, son of Muhammad, son of Suri, but in the ninth line, the
father is again called Cs)g oes” the izdfat being understood. The next
heading also refers to Muhammad being Suri’s son, vz. :—’Abbas, son of
Shis, son of Muhammad, son of Suri. |
It my long note on this subject, 7 , page 321, had been read before.
taxing me with building up a doubtrul “hypothesis,” it might have been
seen that in the Kit&b-i- Yamini, the author of which-was contemporary with
this very Muhammad, son of Stri, who it is pretended [merely because
Dow and Briggs so rendered it and made a Pathdn of him |, was called
eee en
- .
. -
-
A — 7
ee ee i ee
sp eS SE SS et 5 et i
1876.] H.G. ose te to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. ITT, 345
Muhammad Suri, he is never once referred to as Muhammad but as S59 Cdl
the son of Siri. The Tarikh-i-Alfi, Fasth-i, Jahan-Ard, Rauzat-us-Safa,
de
, Habib-us-Siyar, Muir’at-1-Jahan-Numa, and Muntakhab-ut-Tawdrikh, call
Ve him son of Suri only ; and in the account of Mahmiud-i-Sabuk-Tigin’s raid
‘ upon the Ghuris in the Jami’-ut-Tawarikh he is also merely called son of
ny Surf: never Muhammad. The Bengal A. S. Library contains a copy a
Ki [No. 14] of this work, and Mr. Blochmann can refer to it. He will find,
" if the portion copied for me has been correctly copied, that in the first two
4 places this Ghurian chief is called cg) o Shiri—a mistake of gs for cy»
4 but, four or five lines from the end of the paragraph, he is styled EI _ yrs
a@ pisar-i-Shiri—that is the son of Suvrf, and it is clear that Rashid-ud-Din
4 followed the Kitab-1-Yamini and styled him son of Strf likewise, but that,
mt in two instances, the copyist of that MS. No. 14, or the Calcutta hati,
left out the word »s before the name, in the first two instances.
If the two words ’Ali Mardan alone mean ’Ali who was as valiant as
many men, and if Muhammad Sheran alone also mean Muhammad who was
equal to many Lions, and his brother is also ‘‘ equal to many Lions” [rather
strange that both brothers should be so], whence come these five or sia
“ artificial’? words, since without artificial means being adopted, the words
> Ali Mardan are—’ Al? men—and Muhammad Sheran —Muhammad Lions ?
These words would, without the kasrah of description be much the same as
Shah Jahan—King World—referred to in what I have said on the izafat,
and which is a complete answer also to these questions. Muhammadan
“School Registers” have nothing to do with it. The Khalj Turks of
Garmsir did not keep any Registers.
As this answer to Mr. Blochmann’s criticisms may fall under the no-
-
ai tice of readers not acquainted with the Trani dialect of the Persian, and as
a he constantly refers me to his “‘ Ain,’ I must point out how inconsistent
@ he is himself about these ¢zéfats—I do not think I can be taxed with
yi inconsistency—and how often his zzéfats are used when they are not requir-
ed, and wanting when not used. ‘These inconsistencies, which I take from
A his translation of the A’dn-i-Akbart, may be seen at a glance; he appears
to have no fired system :—“ Mir Sharif-2-Amuli” requires the izafat ac-
cording to his theory, but, as Mir Sharif was a native of Amul, the yd-7-
misbat or of relation affixed to Amul—,,b1—7. e. of Amul—as it is written
in the MS. from which it is taken, was sufficient; as Mirs—Persia, Mirs¢
—Persian or of Persia; and Panj-4b—Panj-Abi; Afghan, Atghani, &c.
_ The same occurs in “ Shaikh Farid-2-Bukhari,” which last word containing
the yd-i-nisbat means, of Bukhara, or the Bukharian. Asis now stands it
is “ Shaikh Farid the Bukhért.” Again, in the words “ ’Alauddin-1-KAzi7,”
aa at the very first page of Part III. of the “ Contributions” reler-
red to, the word Khilji 1 is called an adjective.
| : os - Ay ee ae ee ee ” natettnt A a RAE - eae asain. aaa ®
7 < ep a ee ee en en ns ee ee eee EES FS Se Tanne en FE PE ee or Be tale
3 OTST Ke soi Stet ee ere OO — = ™ —
846 H. G. Raverty—Reply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. IIT. | No. 8,
In another place, I find, “ A’zam Khan” vide Khain-1-A’zam [see
example of Izdfat previously given], and we find “ Khan-1-A’zam”’ accord.
ingly, but Mir-i-’-Adl [as I should write it] is not correct according to
Mr. Blochmann’s theory: 1t must be “ fir ‘Adl.” For example, I will
give a list of some of the titular names and patronymics, and Mr. Bloch-
mann’s different ways of writing them :—
“Chingiz Khan” in histories called “ Q44n 1 Buzurg” ; Cadr Jahan
Mufti requires no zzafat, but “ Mufti-1-Maméalik” does, and “ Umar4-t-
Kibar’’ does; ‘ KhanKhanan” and “ Khénkhénén” requires none:
“ Khan-1-Kalan” does ; and “ Khan-1-A’zam” does; “Khan ’Alam FYiriz-
jang,” “ Nueratjang” and “Khan Zamén” require none: “ Rustam-t-
Zaman,” ‘Tazuk-1-Jahangiri, and Farhang-1-Jahdngiri do: but Bahdr-i-
Danish from me would be a dangerous innovation too, and my “ Shah-i-
Jahan” is dangerous and wn-Persian, but. “ Malikah z Jahan” is not!
“ Acat Khan ’Abdul Majid” requires no izdfat, but the same person
“"Abdul Mayid-1-Acat Khan” does ; Sulaimdén Karardni | by-the-bye, there
is no such name] requires no izafat, but, a little farther on, it requires to be
written“ Sulaiman-1-Kararani”! I could multiply these examples ad infi-
gitune.
Burdan-kot may be due “north of Baguré (Bogra) in Long. 89° 28’
Lat. 25° 8° 25", close to Govindganj, on the Karataya River,” but I fail to
find it in the 119th Sheet of the Indian Atlas ; but great changes must
have taken place since Minhaj-ud-Din wrote, when “a river” flowed in
front of his Burdan kot, “of vast magnitude, the name of which is Bag-
mati; and, when it enters the country of Hindistdn, they style it, in the
Hindi dialect, Samund (ocean) and, in magnitude, breadth, and depth, it
is three times more than the river Gang’? ['Translation, page 561], and the
Karataya must therefore have grown “small by degrees and beautifully
less.”’
I did not “ identify Maksadah”: My words [note 4, page 576] are
“the Maxadabad probably of the old Maps,” &c.
Mr. Blochmann at page 284 kindly recommends me to Mr. Thomas’s
“Inrrrat Comnace or Brnean,” regarding the reions of “ Muhammad
Bakhtyar’s” immediate successors ; but as I have the account of “ Minhaj-
ud-Din,” “ the sole authority for the period,’ and some others, I can
dispense with it, and have already done so in my Translation.
Lam very glad to find, however, that Mr. Thomas has met with the
coins of Ikhtiy4r-ud-Din, Daunat SHAH-I-BabKA, the Khalj , mentioned in
my Translation, page 626 and farther on, which has not appeared in the
“ Contributions,” or doubts might probably have been thrown on his very
existence as a ruler.
¢
1876.] H. G. Raverty— Reply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. IIT? 347
T am told that Sultan Firtz Shah-i-Abi-l-Muzaffar, Shah-i-J ahan, the
Habashi, “has not been included” among the “ Pathan” dynasties. He
will be found in Dow and Briggs, and in the following, respecting some
eoins found in “ Cooch Behar’: “« Of the other Bengal Pathans whose
coins occur in this trove, I [Rajendraldla Mitra| have to notice Firvz
SHAH THE ABYSSINIAN.” See Bengal A. §. Journal, 1864, page 481.
Page 285, of the “ Contributions,” My. Blochmann says regarding
Jaj-nagar, “ Major Raverty has come to the same conclusion as I had,”
This is really too magnanimous on his part, and more than I can ac-
cept. I beg leave to state that I had come to the conclusion many years”
before I offered the ‘Translation, of the Tabakdt-i-Ndgiri to the Society :
in fact, in 1865. |
Mr. Blochmann will find Katdsin by and bye: I shall have something
to say about it hereafter. |
Page 285, ‘‘ Contributions,” it is said, “ Major Raverty’s assertion
that ‘ Lakhnauti’ was called by the Emperor Humdytin ‘Bakhtdbdd,’ is
untenable.” If Mr. Blochmann thinks Bakhtébdd is a copyist’s error, he
can satisfy himself, for, of course, he had seen and consulted the “ Khulé-
cat uttawarikh,” which is “a modern work.” It is an excellent one never-
theless in many ways. I found the two copies I consulted quite similar,
and quoted it accordingly. Page 286 of “ Contributions,” we have “Ags
the borderland to the west of Jaj-nagar Major Raverty mentions Garha-
Katanka, and then says (page 587) quoting the Ma’dan-i-Akhbér-i-Ahmadt
that ‘on the north 1 1s close to the Bhatah territory [the Bhati of the Ain-
i-Akbari |, and, south, is close to the Dakhan.’ “ But this is an extraordina-
“ry confusion of names, partly due to the author of the Ma’dan, especially
“it he wrote Bhatah with a long 4. He means Bhath, or Bhat-ghora, the
“mountainous tract south of Allahabad, whilst Bhati 1s the name of the
“Sundarban region along the Bay of Bengal,” &e.
Mr. Blochmann has evidently not seen “ the Ma’dan,” but that Bhati
is written, or rather printed, with a long 4, is not due to “the Ma’dan” at
all, but to “the Ain’’—my MS. original I mean. The Ma’dan has sty |
but I, foolishly depending on my Ain-i-Akbari as a better authority, put
it in as J found it there (.3k4 with |. So what is supposed to be an error of
“the Ma’dan’s”’ is really mine from being thus led astray. Whether Mr.
Blochmann’s Ain contains it I cannot say, but the Ain before me has <,ilys.
I see nothing, even according to Mr. Blochmann, particularly wrong even
in the JAmi’-ut-Tawarikh, although it is styled a “compilation without
value,’ when we consider what natives write imagine regarding the cardi-
nal points; and that work evidently refers to the Bhaéti Sundar-ban which
was 8. W. from the place, probably, where the author of it wrote.
opie od Ry
ret
hana :
foes
ee!
=
ae
mes
eae
Piso
bytes
sale?
—
Sty
poe
hen
fers |
coed
i
Boag
te
ie
z
i
S
‘peteecen i
aE
~ , okie — . . —_ . _ - - 7 - - » ‘ - . . “— ~<a
~ ee pai . = - = eS oe a a ae SS en a ee 2 i id a a dh ny Pn i «a mag > * ptt ho te Ce =>
2 Te oe lee OP Eee ee es ie Ee SL RS eats Sia ae pea gre Semin EE 6 EEN, » Se RT See er Se gh a a SE a SS SP ee Pe eee ee ee be
348 H. G. Raverty—Reply to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. IIT.’ | No. 3,
Whether Bhatah, Bhatah, Bhati, or Bhati, with long or short a, At
comes from the same original. In the Ain translation it is said: “ Abul-
faz] gives this spelling in the * Akbarndmah,’ and says it means lowland
from the Hindustani (.ly2, down the river.” The word is written in Hindi
cstles and ceo? : : |
"As to the “ stone” wall in the same paragraph of the “ Contributions,’
referring to note page 595 of my Translation, I mentioned that “J am not
personally acquainted with Bengal,” but my Ain’s words respecting it are
as follows :—
I wonder how any one would read that, the hamzah—s—expressing
the izafat being added to 85 even according to the “ Turani” idiom ? To
express what Mr. Blochmann says cf the stone wall, I should have expect-
ed to have found it written #5 G shis css jf Oot x OaS Cortese GydSive
and then there could be no possible mistake even for a copyist to make in
MS. 3
In a foot-note to page 286 also it is said: « Major Raverty mentions
[it should have added what I really did say at page 592] the Afghan
Zamindar of Birbhiim and Jdt-nagar —the italics, I daresay, imply a refer-
ence to Jaj-nagar,” &¢.—J daresay they imply nothing of the sort; and
the previous twenty-sia paragraphs on Jaj-nagar, extending over six pages,
will show, to any ordinary eye, where I consider J aj-nagar to be.
Persons not absolutely acquainted with a locality may at 6000 miles’
distance, in the extreme west of Kngland, and not having the staff of a
Madrasah at command, and on the spot, be involved in error by a clerical
mistake ina MS., and in proof of this and show that he is not immaculate,
I will give a single instance out of many in Mr. Blochmann’s own Ain
Translation, quoting the Ma’asir-ul-Umard, although he is in India.
Page 422, vol. i. :—« Regarding the town of Bhakkar, Abulfazl Says
that it is called in old books Mangtrah. Srx rivers united pass by it in
several branches (sic) ; two branches lie to the south, onzE to the north.
The town at the latter branch, is called Bhakkar. On the second branch
another town lies, called Lohari, and near it is the Indus.”
So, according to this, “ Bhakkar” and “ Lohart” are not on the Indus,
but near it!
The tollowing 18, literally, what the Ma’asir-ul-Umara, says :—“ Bhakar
is the name of a fort among the erections of former times—in old books
they write it Mangtirah—and all the sé# northern rivers [2. e. the Indus
and the Panj-db], having become one, pass by it—one portion passing on
the southern side, and one part on the northern. The kasbahs named Sak-
har—,¢>—a town on one bank of the river, and another town, known as
ee ee
~ - -
7 . * ,
m,
—
de
’
1
lieu ee
— - ~ - ‘ ~
: ‘ “ . e 5 -
' ~ . ; = -
1876.] H. G. Raverty—Leply to‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. IIT’ 349
Lhori,—¢sj¢¢/—on the other side [Sindhis often substitute » for i| were
always included in Sind. Mirz4 Shah Husain, the Arghtn, entirely rebuilt
it [Bhakar] of exceeding great strength, and made it over to Sultan
Muhammad-i-Kokal-Tash.”’
This is perfectly intelligible to any one who has seen Sakhar, Bhakar,
and Rohri, or looked at a map only. N otwithstanding the “ learned” Abt-
1-Fazl, however, Mangtrah was a totally different place to Bhakar, and
some 200 miles farther down the river. See page 540 of my Translation,
and note, last para. of that page.
With reference to what is called |“ Contributions,” page 279,] my
“ dangerous innovations” in spelling names, which in reality means that
everything is innovating which may be ‘contrary to Mr. Blochmann’s
system, I foresaw, at the outset, that we should not agree in this matter,
we having, 1b appears, peculiar ideas on this point. Such Bengal names as
are derived trom the Sanscrit may, in some instances, be not quite correct :
I have written them as my Persian authorities write them, and from my
system of transliteration—the Jonesian system—the original letters may
be known. In some few places “the printer’s devil” has left his mark
upon them |as he has in my Paper on “ the Pathan Dynasties,” with a
vengeance |, and Mr. Blochmann was in sucha hurry that he did not wait
for the list of errata to my Translation, but thought he had made a dis-
covery. For example: the word Asif is an error for Agaf; Bikramptr
for Bikrampur, Jessore for Jellasore, and Dinj4ptr for Dindjpir. The last
will be found correctly at page 559.
As to the rest, referred to in note + of the same page of the “ Contri-
butions,” I do not agree as to the word Séldr being part of the name: it
refers to a chief—Sipah-Sdldr may be a proper name after the same fashion.
In Extror [page 315, vol. ii.] the man’s title and name are actually trans-
lated “ victorious general.” I shall expect with some curiosity Mr. Bloch-
mann’s strictures or otherwise on this translation of “ Minhdj-ws-Siraj.”
oo Zatar—means victory—so it would be Sdlér victory—chief victory
—if translated. Arabic words—active participles in particular—are used as
Musalman names and titles, but it is new to find the noun Zafar—victory
—used for the purpose.
Minhaj-ud-Din, and a score of others write Kélbi—it.is used as well
as Kalpi. In Lexicons words beginning with w 6 and ~ p, will be both
found under the letter 2. si |
Kuhram—is spelt thus wl pes with Kaf-1-Tazi and ra-i-Hindi in a geo-
graphical account of the upper provinces from Dihli to the Indus, and from
thence to Sindh, Kandahdr, and all round to Laddkh, and the Antarbed
Do-ab, which I should have published but for the years I have given to
the Tabakat-i-Nasiri. Elliot also spells it with #4, not g.
AN
. , . o as ET etn ae Rh = ee re ae en ee = : aed age Cred Mion 2 SEES
ae eee A A at ie Se i a et A LM STR LN TCI Sie a appa rg aN EE CRETE See ARM or ieee Jat aes Sp Gr ge SAE ee Da ST So Rtas Tene FR ET er en. 28
bo ht — . :
2]
4
i
tae
B
oo”
he
te
ie
be
i:
fag
bag
Be:
ST
be
as
os
=
S
>
pet
EE
i=:
&
5
i
ror
ine:
i
he
BY
"4
fet
ie
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ial
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ac
Iss
rae
ag
=
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ie >
Me:
Die
insgt
ie . %
iF
350 H. G. Raverty— Reply to ‘ Histy. and Geogr. of Bengal, No. ITI. [No. 8,
) a oF Fu gF : |
Buda’tin is spelt w%s!o4 and also Ws4/03* Budan’tn, the first 2 being nasal ;
3 B2 , 46
Sursuti—ghew yo ; Siwastdn—olrsogtve, and also Shiwastén, from Sanskrit
faz, a Hindi deity; Jamadi (5 Shee is written in the lr4ni idiom: some-
a}
; ere Seer aes $
times Jamada ; ’Arif—)ls, ’Arifain—asyls . Tazkirah or LTazkarah, both
are correct ; Shajr and Shijr both signify a tree in Arabic, hence Shajarah |
or Shijarah may be used; Saraj, which I have also met with spelt Sirdi,
signifies a lamp, luminary, or the sun, hence Saraj-ud-Din, the father, means
“the Luminary of the Faith,” as his son’s name, Minhaj-ud-Din signifies
“the Highway or Road of the Faith” ; Wand-Gangi—iSl5 ; Guddwuri [ask
a Madrasi how he pronounces it |— es 915 95 : Rasin— (ysl) ; Chhotah Naeg-ptr
3 oS b disge ; Jhér Kundah 35 jhe and MS iho | signifying bushy, a forest,
the forest of Baijnath] and.is also written in some of the works quoted in
my Translation with ee BS Fhe ; and Karmah-ndsah is written Ewols&v0 9S
and Karam-Nasa lel «55, |
The Hatt-Iklim of Mr. Blochmann may be different, but my copies of
that “excellent work” have precisely what I have given at page 598.. As
to when the author finished his work, or where he got his Hindi 3 from,
may be seen trom that work. Perhaps Mr. Blochmann will examine one.
Possibly he may have seen a small letter £ written over letters, which
are intended to express 5 3 &.
The word wk, as any Dictionary will show, means “ depression,”
“lowliness,’”’ “inferiority,’’ as well as “end” and “ extremity.”
Arkhnak is “the printer’s devil’s” work for Arkhénk, also written
WSS )—Rakhang—anglicized Arracan. |
I have lived too long in the DaKHan ever to write it Dak’hin, and I
have never written it Dak’han ; neither could I think of writing Aba Bakr
where Abt: Bikr is meant. | :
Mr. Blochmann taxes me with making “dangerous innovations” in
spelling proper and geographical names, but he has a pecuhar method of
his own, and I must point some of them out. I take them merely from
the first volume of his Translation of the Ain-i-Akbari, to which he so
oiten refers me :— |
“Mulla Mubdarik,” also “ Qutbuddin Mubdrik Shah” and “Shaikh
Mubarik,’ even on the covers, for Shaikh Mubarak, Mull4 Mubarak, &e.
“ Rahtas” instead of Rohtds ; “ Pashawar”’, instead of Peshdwar [ , glinss ig
written in Pushto with its peculiar K’H or s’H. “ Hardt” for Hirdt [It
* Major Raverty’s original has sukkns above the dal, the medial and the final
nun. Lower down, in ’drifain, the sukims stand above the fe and the nim. Types with
fixed diacritical marks are not to be had here.—En.
a a ee ee ——*
Ea SE aS SS SS ESS a Se ee
See ~ - == SSE = - See, = PIN =
1876.] H. G. Raverty—Leply to‘ Histy. and Geogr.of Bengal, No. TTT.’ 351
may have been supposed that, as Hari-was the ancient name, natives of it
styled Harawi, and that the river is still the Hari river, “Har4t” must be
right]; ‘“ Darogah” for Daroghah ; “ Farmili”? for Farmuli o 08 Thetis
for Zi-u-Nin [Jonas]; “Zuzan,” for Zozan or Zauzan; “ Jhelam”
[whence the e 7], tor Jhilam; “Sodharah,” for Stdhard ; “ Shujd”
for Shuja; “ Bhambar,” for Bhimbar ; “ Bigr4m,” for Bagr4m; “ Pak’hali”
for Pakhli or Pakli ; “ Qarlyghs,” as the transliteration of 54 (s_KArligh ;
“ Bhirah and Khushab,” tor Bharah and Khishab; “ Sewe,” for Siwi;
“ Baloch,” tor Baluch ; “ Duab,” for Do-&b or Do-dbah ; “ Chandb,” for
Chinab ; “ Sukkhar”’ and “ Suk’har opposite Bhakkar,”? for Sakhar and
Bhakar or Bhakhar; “ Qanauj”, for Kinnauj ; “Gadlnah”, for JAlnah ;
“Guhram,” for Kubram; “ Tiranbak,” for Tyrimbak and Trinbak ;
“ Qalat,”’ for Kal’at ; “Sahwan,” for Sihw4n; “ Dard Shikoh”, for Dara
Shukoh ; “ Qoran” and “ Qoran”, for Kur’dn; “ Kazarin”, for Kazirin ;
“Sulaiman Kararani” and “Sulaiman ¢ Karardéni’”, in several places,
for Suliman, the Karani: [“ Karardni” is an impossible | name] ;
“Musa Raza,” for Miusd-1-Riza [¢. e. the son of Mis4-ul-Kazim, the
Imam]; “ Khattar,” for Khat-har [ eho |; “ Dilahzak,” for Dilaz&k ;
“‘Raushanis, who like other Afghan tribes,” &c., there being no such
Afghan tribe whatever ; “Khan Jahén Lodhi,” for Kh4n-i-Jahan, Lodi ;
“ District of Mount Terah,” for Hill tract of Tirah : “ Téiqdn” for Taekan.
The system of writing ’Arabic words is after the same uncertain
fashion :—at one time, “Makhdtim-ul-Mulk,”’ at another, ‘“ Makhdim
ulmulk ;” “ Mui’zzulmulk” at one time : “ Mwu’izz-ul-Mulk’’, and “ Mw’izz-
ul Mulk’”’ another; “ Zakhirat ulkhawanin’” at one time, “ Zakhiratul-
khawanin,” another ; “ Cimce4m uddaulah,” for Samgam-ud-Daulah* ; “ Abi-
jahl,” for Abu-Jhal* ; “ Rauzatucecafa,” for Rauzat-ug-Safa, and the like.
Some ’ Arabic titular names and patronymics require the ’ Arabie
Ji to give them sense, such as “ Mihrwnnis4,” for Mihr-wn-Nisa, and “ ’Abd-
wl Majid” for ’ Abd-w/-Majid, but with other words, used according to
the Persian idiom, which require an equivalent to this Jt in the shape of
the kasrah of description the Iz4fat is wrong, ‘ dangerous,” “ un-Persian’’,
and must be “ Nur Jahan”, “ NGr Mahall”, like Shah Jahan, which mean,
respectively, thus written, “ Light-world,” “Light-palace or house,” and,
“ King-World,” instead of Nir-i-Jahan—The Light of the World ; Nur-1-
Mahall—The Light of the Palace or House ; Shah-1-J ahan—The King of
the World ; and yet, when he comes to translate them, Mr. Blochmann
adds these “ artificial” iz4fats to get the the and of the, as in “ Gade Ja-
han”—Mufti of the empire; and “’ Abdurrahim Khar}’’—Abdurrahim the
Ass, &e.
* Thus in printed original. Ep.
+ The long 4 in Major Raverty’s printed original. Lp.
WwW W
; : ¥ “a
— = - - P - a ™ ~*~.
= we ay —_ . . . — . « - - - , "s - xs ot
2 ee ee ee ee naka ee gt ee i ie < . = = +. oa ~ el . . - = net SS ae ~s
BL LES eT RS i RR eae I OH REE BSP ARNG ten Fk ne Sam ag eR as I ae a a ge. ae Sears eee we an. oceans alg oe Mae % .
259 Prannath Pandit—WMorals of Kalidasa. | No. 3,
In concluding these remarks I think what I have here given is suff-
cient reason for my saying that, in the matter of zzafats, and system of
spelling proper and geographical names, I shall never follow Mr. Bloch-
mann. | |
Note.—The above article has been inserted at the urgent request of Major Raverty.
As he has now stated his views on Persian Grammar, &¢c., and Mr. Blochmann does
not think it necessary to write a ‘ Rejoinder’, the subject has come to a close. Ep.
Morals of Kalidasa.— By Prannktu Panprt, M. A.
It has been remarked by a great philosopher that the conception of
man as the chief of the economy of nature is a stimulus to the cultivation
of the noble qualities, which place him at the head of the living hierarchy.
There can be, he observes, no danger of apathy in a position like this,—
with the genuine and just pride of such pre-eminence stirring within us;
and above us the type of perfection, below which we must remain, but
which will ever be inviting us upwards.* Viewed in this light, it may not
be uninteresting to investigate the moral type which the sreatest of Indian
poets held up for imitation to his contemporaries, men within whom there
stirred not only the pride of being placed at the head of the living hierar-
chy, but that of being the highest development of the human race.
The four divisions of Morality which I have adopted in this paper are
the following :
I. Individual.
IT. Domestic.
ITI. Social.
IV. Military and Political.
And I may here mention once for all, that neither in the principles,
nor in the details of classification, do I pretend any claims to originality.
Inpivipvat Morauiry. Self-conservation.—In the frst great sub-
division of Individual Morality, namely, self-conservation, K4liddsa does not
fail us. He tells us of Dilipa that he guarded himself, though not through
fearf to which the advice of the disguised Shiva that the body is the first
requisite for religious works{ may serve as a commentary. Nandini ad-
vises the same king to preserve his body, the enjoyer of continuous hap-
* Comte’s Positive Philosophy, translated by H. Martineau, Vol. II, p. 554.
T syitaiararaae: | Raghu., I, 21.
+ WaT @q WI aH |. Kuméra Sambhava, V. 33.
tion is subordinated to the higher duty of conjugal fidelity,
1876.] Pranndth Pandit—Vorals of Kéliddsa. 353 |
piness* and the disciple of the sage Varatanty eloquently exposes to Aja
the futility of killing himself through grief for his Queen.+
Maiming.—Recognising the justifiableness of maiming a member for
the preservation of the whole, Kéliddsa has adduced the example of a snake-
bitten finger, which though otherwise so dear, must be excised. t
Sati.—In the case of Sati§ the individual duty of self-preserva-
: and it cannot
be urged as a reproach against our poet, that he was one-sided in his con-
ceptions. Whatever might be the popular practice, Kalidasa|| could con-
ceive of a husband’s immolating himself on the funeral pyre of his beloved
wite, or deterred from that by exterior considerations, killing himself deliber-
ately in some manner more orthodox. In the case of the disconsolate
— eonsort of the God of Love, the final catastrophe is avoided, without
any detriment to her conjugal fidelity, by the intervention of a voice
trom the sky which bids her desist, as her husband would at last be
restored to life.
Suicide.—Mallinatha** feels himself bound to justify the apparent
immorality of the suicide of the blind parents of the boy whom Dasharatha
had unwittingly dealt a death-wound, and he does so on the ground of
a text which permits decrepit Vanaprasthas, when no longer able to per-
form sacrificial rites, to put an end to their existence by falling from
a precipice, burning in fire, or drowning in water. The suicide of
_ Rama maytf be explained on two theories. Firstly, the obligation that the
poet was under, of not falsifying such a cardinal point in the traditional
history ; and secondly, the incompatibility of the conception of death by
disease or old age, with that of an incarnation of the Supreme. Deity.
Health.—Harly rising is one of the best means of preserving our
health, and this Kélidd4sa predicated of his heroes, though he has said
nothing about the general duty of preserving our health. The princes of
the solar race are very regular about the hour that they left their beds, tt}
* azW TAATHI UY FACET ASA SS | Hage
t Raghu., VIII. 883—90. | |
fare ge frauartiayetacadat | Raghu, I. 28.
§ Raghu., XVII. 6.
| Raghu., VIII. 72, 94, 95.
| Kumara Sambhava, IV. 39-45.
** Comm. on Raghu, IX. 81. QIAN | WASTATAAY WATT
Saag | walyseayaacy sawed TAR |
tt Raghu., XV. 103.
if quraresitqara | Raghu., 1. 6.
- ~ - = ~ 4 on “ - “ fe : ( = . .
« APR aL OS ROS SE ep are ernan wwe wR eT PT od en te ht eg ai ST SS Fe Sins eee. — a PU ES eee se Sg alg has Bs #3
ves,
354 Pranndth Pandit—Morals of Kilidésa. —“[No. 8,
and this is exemplified in the case of Aja.* One of the reasons that led
the sage councillors of Dasharatha to approve of his hunting expedition is
its bracing effects on the constitution. The Messenger Cloud is requested
to rest his wearied feet and quench his thirst on the lofty mountains and in
the cooling rills which abound im his path,{ and the request to rest himself
is repeated further on.§
Wealth.—The duty of accumulation of wealth flows from that of
preserving our health, as wealth accumulated is but energy conserved. It —
was not lost sight of by Kalidasa. He puts into the mouth of one of his
characters the reflection that even a thirsty Chdtaka cares not to solicit
‘pain of the autumnal cloud whose aquatic stores have been drained to the
dregs.|| But knowing withal how to guard against its degenerating into
a selfish miserliness, he subordinated it to the higher moral duty of benevo-
lence. As he himself tells us, the good, like the clouds, take but to give.¥]
The princes of the solar race, accumulated treasures, in order to be able to
give them away,** and of Dilipa we are told that he amassed wealth though
devoid of avarice.tf Of another king, Atithi, we are told that he collected
treasure only because that lies at the root of patronage, as the Chatakas
ereet only the cloud that carries a store of water in its bosom.ff To use
the language of the Meghaduta :
“ Of all the fruits that fortune yields, the best
* Is still the power to succour the distrest.$¥’’
Humility.—Humility lies at the root of self-culture, the second sub-
division of Individual Morality, for surely, ere one labours for self-improve-
ment, he must be impressed with a sense of his own shortcomings.
Kalidasa never grudged humility. He begins his Raghuvansa with the
- £ollowing confession :
** How men will mock the humble bard who sings
“The ancient glories of sun-born kings ;
* Raghu., V. 65. |
4 Ss “= Ac | |
ft ARRAY AUT TI HAATAT eqaaar | Raghu., IX. 49.
{ Purva Megha., 13. | |
§ Purva Megha., 27. 53.
| frifearaaa', wegad atefa qraarsfa Raghu, V. 17.
I svar fe faaara wai atfcaatiag | Raghu, IV. 86.
** aaa WaararaTa | Raghu, 1. 7.
tt Siquiee Gea | Raghu, I. 21.
t+ Raghu., XVII. 60,
S$ srrathtionaaraen gaat SwATate | Purva Megha., 54.
- a a ee ee ee ens Abe te SS Sta eee Spies VAREEEE SSR SEE Ny Seca are a Re ad ek So 5 epee S”
EE aE prac a ar ES YS ae PES ES SS) AN SSS ae SE rn SBR ir -
= oe> = ~ <= = SS = A =~ ~ Se = <5
1876. ] Prannath Pandit—WMorals af Kéliddsa. 855
«“ Like a young child with little hands outspread
‘ For fruit that glows above a giant’s head.*”’
Raghu, he informs us, appropriated the wealth of the Kambojas, but
not their pride.t ‘The education of Rama and his brothers only increased
their natural modesty, as oblations of clarified butter magnify the sacrificial =
fire.t Shatrughna bends his head in humility when the holy sages congra- :
tulate him on his prowess in killing the demon Lavana.§ Youth, beauty,
and prosperity are each of them fountains of pride, but still the king
Atithi was humble of mind.|| The same monarch was abashed when the
praises which he justly deserved, were uttered before him.§— Another king =
Poriyatra shared the same virtue.** Puriravd, when complimented by S
the king of Gandharbas on his valour in rescuing the nymph Urvasi from :
the profane hands of a vile demon, and thanked in Indra’s name for
the same, modestly disclaims all personal merit :
Pur. You rate the deed too high. Not mine the glory,
But his, the Thunderer’s, from whom derived
| The strength of those who conquer in his cause.
pt! The very echo of the lion’s roar,
As through the rocky rifts it spreads and deepens,
| Appals the mighty elephant.}+
Justly might Chitraratha exclaim :
| "Tis well.
bet ‘This modesty becomes your worth. Humility
SS Is ever found the ornament of valour.tt | | |
_ Self-control.—The third sub-division of Individual morality is self-
control, or the subjection of passion to reason. KaAliddsa rightly conceived
that self-control has a moral value only when it has some temptation to
overcome. He reconciles the apparent inconsistency of Shzva’s behaviour in
approving of Umd’s ministering to his wants, such as they were, whilst
engaged in the performance of severe austerities, by the reflection that
they indeed are the really firm-minded whose equanimity is not disturbed
in the presence of a disturbing cause. § § nee
.@ * Raghu., I. 3.
| Tt Raghu., IV. 70.
+ Raghu., X. 79.
§ Raghu., XV. 27.
: || Raghu., XVII. 43.
1 qaqara: © fea Wada Targta | Raghu. XVI. 73.
** Raghu., XVIIL 17; |
tt Vicramorvashi, Act I. Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, Vol. L., p. 204.
H aaa | saad Ge famareqrt: | Vicramorvashi, Act 1.
§} Kumdra Sambhava, I. 59.
Ss
~ =a a nal — . . ie e “se , 7 . = —_* 3
PALM ALA A WE RC Sia AN ca ap al NP BE SSE 8 Set SD BT 0 Sie Re ee gg A a SL PS, So aE ate a Saeed aces an on cee SeS tale melee =
856 Prannath Pandit—Morals of Réliddsa. [ No. 3,
The sexual appetite.—Kaliddsa subordinated the strongest animal
appetite to the religious duty of procreating progeny. The princes of z
the solar race, and Dilipa in particular, marry but to have progeny.* The
untimely death of Agnivarnat points the moral of a course of abandoned
licentiousness to which many an Indian prince has fallen a victim. Dasha-
yatha had sufficient. strength of mind, to withstand such allurements. No
passion for the chase, no fondness for dice, nor moon-begemmed goblets,
nor the charms of maidens in the bloom of youth, could allure him from
the paths of ambition.{
Temper.—K a4lidasa’s sages have sufficient control over their temper, to
modify the effects of their curses, when the impertinent victims of rage,
too often mere instruments in the hands of their masters, craved for
mercy,§ as Priyamvadé remarks, water is naturally cold, it is but the
communicated heat ot fire that makes it momentarily warm.||
The most remarkable case of self-control, however, is to be found
in the beginning of the Laghuvansa, and fully to appreciate it, a little
detail is necessary. Dzlipa, king of men, blessing and blessed in his
loyal and contented subjects, at peace with his vanquished foes, and ruling
the earth—
Like one vast city girdled by the sea, |
is sad at heart since his lovely queen has borne him no gon. He
feels most keenly that the load of debt which he owes to his ancestors,
remains yet undischarged. The idea is painful that after him there
will be none to present the ancestral oblations, none to continue the
lineage. He repairs with his consort to his family-preceptor, the sage -
Vashishttha, who by holy meditation arrives at the cause of the king’s
misfortune. At a “thoughtless moment”, he had omitted to pay due
respect to the divine cow Surabhi, and had been punished in the very
object that had caused the fatal omission. As an atonement, he is
directed to propitiate her daughter, MWandiné, by tending her most
faithfully through thick and through thin. For three weeks he plied —
this arduous task, sitting when she stopped, rising when she moved, desir-
ing water only when she had allayed her thirst—pursuing her as her
Sion. The next day when he had followed her to fresh fields and
* Wste wWeafrara | Raghu. 1.7. qfcwg: yeay | Raghu, I. 26.
¢ Raghu., XIX, 48—54,
+ Raghu, IX. 7.
§ Raghu., V. 53. 54, WITT. & 80, 81.
I SUA aT Re fe sat at vafasree | Raghu., V. 54.
1 Griffith.
ee eee eee
SE=- Ee al
. ™ - ——— we jah oy at r
Fg ae ea Ss BS SS hi are eat OE eS - <=
a aie aaa Swati Bae Se See ae et — Se
a 2 5 R SS SS a Sa eS
SSeS Se aes SSS SS ie ee
1876. | Prannath Pandit—MoraJs of Kalidasa.
857
of the Himélaya, and when, confident in hig
pastures new, amidst the glens
_mmind that the fercest beasts of prey could not even en
tertain an idea of attack-
ing her, he was admiring the Majestic scenery around, a lion, unseen,
pounces upon Wandint. The moan of the victim attracts his attention and
his right hand is at once to his quiver. But, wonder of wonders! it is
paralysed as soon as it touches the feathered +3
at this strange occurrence, the king burns with hig own fury as a serpent
whose energy has been restrained by charmed drugs. The Royal beast
then, in human language, makes himself known as one of Shiva’s attendants
who had been made to assume the leonine shape for the purpose of scaring
away wild elephants from certain trees which were Pirvati’s pets. To
ensure the most perfect vigilance, his food wag restricted to such animals
as might stray into his grasp. The cow therefore was his lawful and
pre-ordained prey. Dzlipa is therefore advised to return to the hermitage,
unabashed, as he had tried to do hig best in the matter, and there was no
help for it. |
This speech gave Dilipa at least one consolation, namely, that he owed
his discomfiture in arms to the majesty of Shiva and not to any interior
agency. But to leave his precious trust to her fate, was out of the
question. He therefore attempts a compromise by offering himself ag a
substitute for Nandin¢é. The Beast laughs at his foolishness and appeals
both to his Self-love and his Benevolence, to preserve himself and let the
cow meet her fate. The undisputed sovereignty of the whole earth, the
bloom of youth, and such handsome limbs were too much to be sacrificed for
an insignificant quadruped. His death would liberate the cow, but plunge
into the depths of misery the thousands who flourished under his fatherly
protection. Nor was there any thing to be apprehended from the anger
ot the sage, which might easily be appeased by the present of myriads of
stout milk-bearing cattle.
The monarch, however, is unconvinced, despite all this convenient
philosophy. He feels that death would be better than belying his Kshat-
triya protectorate of wrongs. Nor was the cow any ordinary one, but
interior to Swrabhi only, and but for the prowess of Sheva, would have
proved a tough morsel for the leonine palate. The loss therefore could not
be made good by any number of substitutes. He concludes by adjuring
the Lion to take pity not on his terrestrial form, but on his aw: wetc:, his
body of fame. The Lion thereupon leaves hold of the cow, and the king
otters himself up as a ball of meat before him. At this supreme crisis,
When, with down-cast eyes, he was expecting every moment the infuriated
beast to fall on his back, and with famished paws to tear him open from
mb to limb, a shower of flowers falls from the sky, and the nectareous
words float to hig ear, ‘Rise, Son! He rises to see only the cow
6 out
p of an arrow. Astounded —
Laan
. i eae ay i ~ — oe og et eg
sag * ~~ - pa SS ye eS os Se cae Siig eo : - oh Z bbe igi s MOgp
SSS oe i ae haan inn FE eee — a pO een = cee
: RS ee eo Be or eee. APO =
BOLO ee ee RS Sal pa
858 Prannath Pandit—Morals of Kdlidasa. [No. 3,
standing before him as an affectionate mother. The whole was an illusion
called up by Nandind to test the sincerity of Dz/ipa’s devotion, and pleased
with the result of the ordeal, she asks him to mention any boon, and, as
might be expected, he asks for a son, the founder of arace. Nandint
thereupon directs him to improvise a goblet of leaves and quaff her milk.
He had at last attained the goal of his long-cherished desires. After
toil, danger, and sacrifice, the prize lay within his grasp. What does he
do? He informs her most respectfully that he would rather postpone
the consummation till her calf had been satisfied, the quantity sufficient
for sacrificial purposes obtained, and the permission of the sage accorded.
This is perhaps as high an ideal of self-control as may well be imagined.*
Domestic Morarrry. Sexual Morality, Love.—The ultimate mole-
cule of society is not the monad man, but the dual couple. Sexual mora-
lity, or the duties of the conjugal relation, comprise therefore the first
division of Domestic Morality. The union begins in love, and of that
we may be sure of having an abundant supply in the works of Kali-
dd4sa. Indeed wiseacres have been heard to exclaim what else of morality
could be expectedinthem. From the tender regard of Dilipa for his royal
spousey to the famished looks with which the latter drinks in the coun-
tenance of her husband when returning from the forest where he tended
Nandin¢t ; from the eloquent madness of Pururava to the feeling delusion
of the exiled Yaksha; from the heart-rending dirge of Aya for his beloved
Indumati, which makes even the trees shed their tears of nectar,§ to the
equally moving lament of Rati for her incinerated Kandarpa, which
attracts the sympathy of the forest,|| there is ample room and space enough
to satisfy the most fastidious ideal of conjugal love. When ati laments
the indelible stain which would attach to her for ever, that she had survived
her Cupid even for a moment, stain that not even' the self-ignited flames
ot a Satis pyre would cleanse,{ and when S%téa reproaches herself with
having survived the illusion of Rdma’s decapitated head, which the
malignant ingenuity of Rdvana had conjured up, after she had once
believed it to have been true,** there is a poesy of love that would bear
comparison with anything that has been written in different climes or
distant ages.
* Raghu., I. 12—95. II. 1—66.
? Raghu., 1.54, 11,'3.
ie agi, EEL.»
§ Raghu., VIII. 44—70.
| Kumara Sambhava, IV. 4—88.
1 Kumara Sambhava, IV. 21.
** Raghu., XII, 74, 76.
a a
ew Ee
=
a
a i a”
RS) ee a ek SS ES 2h oe enges ev Pie Ret Sie ee ee Seo nee “pee reser
1876.] Prannath Pandit—Morals of Kdliddsa. 359
Fidelity.—The moral value of the system of marriage, as has been
justly observed, lies in the discipline to which it puts the strongest instinct
in our animal nature, while at the same time satisfying it. To reap the
full effects of this moral discipline, conjugal love must be not only strong
but constant. -d4ja never marries after the tragic death of his beloved
Indwmati.* When the fair sister of Ravana makes a delicate proposal to.
ay Réma, the latter pleads as an excuse that he is married.f When the clamor
of the populace compelled him to send into exile his beloved S%#d, he could
not exile her from his heart.f ama is a staunch monogamist at heart, —
and when the ordinances of religion made it imperative, that he should
have a partner by his side when performing sacrificial rites, his only com-
panion was a golden image of the exiled Svtd.§ His son, Kusa, who trod
in his footsteps, proudly assures a female apparition that had mysteriously
found access to his chamber at dead of night, that the well-governed minds:
of Raghw’s race have no predilection for the wives of others. ||
Polygamy.—This brings us to the kindred subject of Polygamy.
That this practice was prevalent among the kings and the aristocracy will
not admit of dispute, and perhaps the greater fidelity to nature expected of
a dramatist may account for its mention in the dramas. But it 1s note-
worthy that it is never prominently brought forward in the poems, except
in the case of the wives of Dasaratha. These are only three in number,
and not ten thousand. ‘The fact was one too prominent to be safely
suppressed and indispensable to the plot of the story, and indeed it may be
pleaded as an excuse that the tragic end of the monarch, and the exile of his
eldest son, illustrate very well the evil effects of Polygamy. The greatest
of our poet’s heroes are either monogamists or may be taken to be so for all
the purposes of his epic narrative. ‘ Mayest thou gain the undivided love ot
thy husband ’@ is the blessing that is pronounced over Umd when her bridal
toilette is finished, and throughout the seven cantos of the Kumara Sam-
bhava there is no mention of the co-wifehood of Ganga, meen that was
well-known to Kalidasa.**
Obedience.—< The natural subordination of the woman, which has
reappeared under all forms of marriage’ ft} finds expression in the conjugal
* Raghu., VIII. 92—95.
t Raghu., XII. 34.
{ Raghu., XIV. 84.
ue XEN, 67. 4X V.0l.
| Stag war afwat cqui wa: qcm@ifaqareta | Raghu, XVI. 8.
{ Wate ja waa ue ; Kumara Sambhava, VIL. 28.
** Purvamegha, 51.
tt Comte’s Positive Philosophy, Vol. Il., p. 135.
xX X
< : -, _ ~~ Se a - - ta ae . $ - ‘ = : ‘ z :
. a , . mf - ee ch a eee deta iE Se ee a ee ee a . ——_- ~ . — =< r = “ aS
Pe ee eee ee en ee ee ETO ie a Ra a appa aga aan ERS EE Se SS AR en i eee Se ghey See Tape ene eH Soe Se, yt op ee Se a a Se De = a Cat
, , . 4 I a Pt fe PS PEO Oo SE, 2 Saree aa Prat
360. Prannath Pandit—Morals of Kaliddsa. [No. 3,
duty of obedience, of which examples are not wanting in the poems of
Kalidasa. Sudakshind, advanced in pregnancy, greets her lord by rising from
her seat, although it cost her an effort to do so.* Vishnu reclines in the
Ocean of milk, on his Serpent-bed, with his feet resting on the gentle lap
of Lakshnt.¢ Menaki, queen of the mountain-king, has no objection to
give away Umd in marriage to Sheva, as devoted wives never take exception
to the wishes of the husband.{ At the nuptial rites the officiating priest
solemnly preaches to Umd implicit obedience as the rule of married life. §,
History or Romance will afford but few parallels to the resignation with
which S¢#é bore her mandate of exile. She said nothing harsh against her
husband, who had cast her away for no fault of her own, but only
reproached herself, because so much misery argued misbehaviour in a previous
existence. She gladly absolves Lakshmana from all blame, as he has only
implicitly carried into effect the mandates of his elder. A momentary
doubt hangs over her mind, whether scripture or ancestral example warrant-,
ed fama’s desertion when the flames had testified to her purity. But she
instantly recollects herself. Rdma is wise—and could not have done any=-
thing thoughtlessly. She is only atoning for sins committed in a previous
existence. She would therefore enter on a life of penance, in order that, in:
the next birth, she might have Rdma for her husband, without the risk of
cruel separation. ||
Sita could bear up with the privation and indignity of exile, when:
she knew that she still remained the undisputed master of Kama’s heart.
But how are we to measure the depth of Ausénaré’s feelings when convin-
eed of the love at first sight which Purdravd had contracted for the nymph,
Urvashi, and sincerely repenting her harsh behaviour on that score, she,
makes the sacred promise to her Hero : |
“ Whatever nymph attract my lord’s regard,
“And share with him the mutual bonds of love, —
“I henceforth treat with kindness and complacency.” **
To the stupid query of the jester Minavaka : |
“ What, then, is his majesty indifferent to your grace 2”
She replies with dignity :
“ Wise Sir, how think you ; to promote his happiness
* Raghu., ITT. 11.
+ Raghu., X. 8.
+ Waewategitcer wats gfraat: | Kumdra Sambhava, VI. 86,
§ Kumara Sambhava, VII, 83.
| Raghu., XIV. 57—6¢.
WT Raghu., XIV. 87,
** Vikramorvashi, Act IIT, ~Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, Vol. I, p: 236.
= SSe=
1876.] Prannath Pandit—Morals of Kéliddsa. Sei
“J have resigned my own. Does such a purpose
~ Prove him no longer dda to me P”
we cannot but exclaim with Chitralekh¢ -—
“ She is a lady
“OF an exalted spirit, and a wife
“ OF duty most exemplary.”
Parental duties.—The parental relation is a result of the Sexual one:
In the economy of nature, the subordination of ages 18 as marked as that
of the sexes. The aim of sound morality is not to subvert this natural
subordination, but to place it on a satistactory footing by a well- regulated
~eode of duties and obligations. ‘There is no other case, which offers, in
the same degree, the most respectful spontaneous obedience, on the part of
the inferior, without the least degradation ; an obedience imposed by neces-
sity first, and then by gratitude; and nowhere else do we see in the
superior party the most absolute authority united to entire devotedness,
too natural and too genial to be regarded as a duty.”’*
Kalidasa had a clear conception of the intimate connection between
the sexual relation and the parental. He tells us of the Royal pair,
Dilipa and Sudakshind, that when their son shared the affection which
was only reciprocal before, the total amount of affection which they had
7 for each other, instead of decreasing as the rule of thumb would require, on
ce _ the contrary, increased.f Our poet recognised education and support as
parental duties, when he described Dilipa as the true father of his people,
whose education, protection and support, emanated from him ; their so-
éalled fathers being mere progenitors—birth-causes.{ The princes of
Raghws royal race were all educated in their boyhood§ and Raghu, besides
the intellectual training which he received at the hands of learned tutors, ||
was initiated into the practice of arms by his own father.47 The education
of Aja precedes his marriage** and the necessity of educating and maintain-
af ing the infant Dasaratha compel the bereaved husband to pass eight long
q years ere he renounces the world.¢+ dma and his brothers were duly
i. educated. t+ It was impossible for Rama to look to the education of his
‘|
sons, ay the duty was well discharged by the sage Valinikt, in whose her-
* Comte’s Positive Philosophy, es IL, p. 137.
+ Raghu., IIL. 24.
~ Raghu., I. 24.
§ WeawetyaraTa | Raghu, I. 8.
| Raghu., ITI. 29, 30. |
We Racha, 1. 3,
** Raghu., V. 38,—40.
tt Raghu., VIII. 92—94.
ti Raghu, X. 79.
f
| “ t — -
] ee ee eee et Le am 3 ——" a a Pr BE ES Ps See akp ab ieee de a nean oe Gr ens ~s as hnreichctpupiheS ce pes eee Ne -caisataies sane 3
362 Prannath Pandit—Morals of Kalidasa. [ No. 3,
mitage the exiled S/¢d had taken shelter, and given birth to the twins, Kusha
and Lava.* Kusha, true to the traditions of his race, looks first to the
education of his son in the royal sciences, and then to his marriage. x
Filial duties.—The children on their part are not wanting in the
reverential love and grateful requital which is expected at their hands. As
the state of society which Kalidasa contemplates, provided for the retreat
of householders into the forest when they had passed the third stage of
their life,t the requital is limited to cheerful obedience.
Raghu, when in the bloom of youth he exceeded his father in
stature and physical strength, looked shorter on account of his meekness. S
Wher in his old age, the same monarch wishes to abdicate the throne in
favour of his son Aya and retire, according to the family custom, to the
contemplative shades of the primeval forest, the latter falls at his feet and
passionately entreats him not to forsake his son.|| At last, a compromise 1s
effected by the hoary monarch’s consenting to spend the remaining portion
of his life in a retired grove near the capital.€| When he had breathed his
last, Aja is assiduous in the performance of the proper obsequies, as a mark
of respect for the deceased, though he knew full well that souls which had
obtained final emancipation, are above the reach of such offerings.**
When the kingdom had been offered by his father to Aja, the king.
dom which princes desire to possess even through the means of the deepest
crimes, dja consents to accept it, not through any lust for dominion, but
out of a deep sense of the obedience due to a father’s commands, ++ and to this
the modest refusal of Ayush in the fifth act of the Vikramorvashi furnishes a
parallel. When the infants Adma and Lakshmana are directed by Dasara-
tha to accompany the sage Vishwamitra for the purpose of encountering the
ferocious monsters who interfered with the celebration of Vedic rites, -
have no excuse to make, no delay to solicit, but are instantly ready to start. t
The cheerfulness with which Rdma obeyed the mandate of his father i.
resign the throne and wander forth an exile for fourteen years in the path-
less wilds of Dandakd,§ § is too well known to require any detailed description.
Lhe filial obedience of Parashurdma we leave casuists to analyse and explain. || ||
* Raghu., XV. 13, 32, 83.
+ Raghu., XVII. 3.
{ Raghu., VIII. 11.
§ Raghu., III. 34.
| Raghu., VIII. 12.
I Raghu., VIII. 13, 14.
=* Raghu, VIII. 25, 26.
tt Raghu., VIIT. 2.
ti Raghu., XI. 1—4,
g) Raghu., XII. 7-9,
Il Raghu., XI. 65.
‘a,
1876. |
Sustain the honor of your lineage and be still obedient to thy sire are the
exhortations which Pururava and Urvashé respectively address to their son.*
Fraternal duties.—We may here properly enter into the consideration
of the fraternal relation. It has been aptly remarked that brotherly love is
the best preparation for society. The sons of Dasaratha never quarrelled
among themselves, even in their infancy.+ The devotedness of Lakshmana
who voluntarily followed Rama into exile,t and at last laid down his life for
the sake of his brother§ will not easily find a parallel in the whole history
of literature. Bharata’s behaviour, too, in strenuously declining the
throne, stands out in bright contrast to the treachery of Kaikéyt. Fe can
only be persuaded to guard the throne as the humble servant of his elder
brother, and would even then insist on having a visible emblem of Rédma in
the shape of a pair of slippers which had been hallowed by contact with his
feet.|| The faithful manner in which he preserves his trust, and the cheér-
fulness with which he makes over the kingdom to Jtdma, furnish as high
an ideal of integrity as may well be desired.] The records of Raghw’s
royal race do not furnish a single instance of fratricidal struggle such as
that which raged over the sick-bed of Shah Jahdn or the grave of
Aurungzib. The healthy feeling which existed between Rdmea and his
brothers, has already been indicated. Their sons inherited this virtue..
Kusha is peacefully installed by his brother and nephews, as he was their
elder both by birth and superior qualities: brotherly feeling was their
family trait.**
Master and Servant.—We now come to the last division of domestic
morals, namely, the duties of master and servant. Slavery was the earliest
form of this relation, and though inevitable, nay a decided improvement on
Prannath Pandit—Morals of Kélidasa. 363
the war of extermination which preceded it, had a baneful influence on the
whole fabric of domestic morality. Slavery, though incidentally mentioned
in the works} of Kéliddsa, never enters into the composition of any of his
_ pictures. He was also perfectly cognisant of the salient points of the
relation of servant and master, namely, cheerful obedience on the part of the
one and kind recompense on the part of the other. The dialogue between
Kandarpa and Indra in the Kumara Sambhava, t which is too long for quota-
tion, strikes this key-note. The devotedness of Dilipa, too, who was for the
* Vikramorvashi, Act V. Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, Vol. I., p. 270.
t+ Raghu., X. 80. pee
t+ Raghu., XII. 9.
§ Raghu., XV. 92—95.
| Raghu., XII. 12—19.
1 Raghu., XIII. 64—67.
+? Tasha, «V1. 1,
tt Kumara Sambhava, V. 86.
tt Hon.
. —_ ee ee eS SS ee ee ee SoS SRD Pe SSR by Sec oe anda Be ht SO EPS
Seether See i ER Bh Se ee SES ee ee aa gh aE ae ne ees oHE2% =
Si Se ee : i Se See = aki
Z = <~ a ee 2, < oi Bs 3
; ae aay te = , . : pw. =~ .
= oe Nappa. age Rane BR Bk aD oh ee ee GE ag + i (ote Sina tenes: ee pes Nee wee. = eee Sa Se ald ote -"
264. Prannath Pandit—WMorals of Kalidasa. [No. 8,
nonce playing the part of a servant of Vasishttha in charge of his precious
cattle, the details of which have been already given, is decidedly exemplary.
The Hindu Cupid when summoned for his fatal mission by Jndra, was
painting the feet of his Venus, but such is his promptitude to obey the call,
that he leaves one foot unpainted.* Urvashi, when about to culti-
vate the acquaintance of her loved and loving deliverer, is summoned to
assist at a dramatic entertainment at Jndra’s court, and though it cost her |
an effort, promptly obeys.
SocIAL MORALITY.—F rom the home we pass by a natural transition to
society. Social virtues may be classified under Justice and Benevolence. In
domestic morals the two are blended or at least ought to be, into one
harmonious whole. =
Justice, Candor.—Justice in our thoughts, or candor, is the ornament
ofall of Kdliddsa’s heroes. There is not a single instance in his works of
malicious equivocation. ‘The illusions which Mandimt and Shiva§ practise
on Dilipaand Pérvatéi respectively, are benevolent in their conception, and
end in agreeable surprise. It would be manifestly unfair to drag into this
comparison the dramatic character of the Vidushaka, which is professedly a
caricature of human frailty. The equivocation of Pururava with Ausinari||
ig the most decent course that could be adopted under the circumstances.
Veracity.—Of veracity in its widest sense, or Justice ‘in words,
Kalid4sa was a great admirer. He makes the princes of Maghu’s race
reticent out of their determination not to speak anything but the truth.4[
Of Dasaratha we are told that, like Epaminondas, he never spoke an untruth
even in jest,** and of Atithé we are intormed that what passed his lips was
never untrue.+¢ Dasaratha’s sincerity must always challenge our admi-
ration, when he kept his word at the expense of his happiness and his life. tf
Gratitude.—Priyamvada is anxious, to requite his unconscious hiber-
ator Aja,§§ and his feeling that without a proper requital, his restoration to
celestial rank was vain, finds an echo in the text which dZallinatha quotes to
the purport that one unable to requite his benefactor had better be dead.|| ||
The Meghaduta contains the poet’s confession of faith on the subject :
* Kumara Sambhava, IV. 19. :
+ Vikramorvashi, Act II. Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, Vol. IL, p. 221.
+ Vide ante.
§ Kuméra Sambhava, V. 84. |
|| Vikramorvashi, Acts II. III. Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, Vol. I., pp. 228, 288—230.
§ war taawitawa Raghu, I. 7. |
** a facut ufcetangraty | Raghu, IX. 8.
ty Tearq a ata Raghu, XVI. 42.
7 Rachu., XIE 10.
§§ Raghu., V. 46. ae.
||| sfaaqasae sifiaracd acai Mallindtha on Raghu., V. 46.
a S55 Spey Sel ae Soa.
a 2a Ee a PERE EE es a SE EY SP ee a
“eS el See Sa et aura” = ee oe ES: ~ : eS Se
1876.] Prannath Pandit—Morals of Kiliddsa. 365
“ven a low man, when his friend comes to him for assistance, will
not turn away his face, in consideration of former kindnegs.’’* |
“The Hindus,” remarks Wilson, “have been the object of much idle
panegyric and equally idle detraction. Some writers have invested them
with every amiable attribute, and they have been deprived by others of the
common virtues of humanity. Amongst the excellencies denied to them, grati-
tude has always been particularized ; and there are many of the Kuropean
residents in India who scarcely imagine that the natives of the country ever
heard ot such a sentiment. ‘To them, and to all detractors on this head,
the above verse is a satisfactory reply.”+ K4&liddsa extended the duty of
gratitude even to benefactors amongst the brute creation. t |
Benevolence. Civility.—KAlidasa’s characters never lack in civility or.
benevolence in our conversation and manners, Dilipa and his queen are hono-
rably received at their preceptor’s hermitage.§ Dasaratha, we are told, never
used a harsh word even to his bitterest foes. || fiima, when finally bidding
adieu to the chiels of apes and demons who‘had attended at his coronation,
t 4 offers them parting offerings through the hands of the Queen in whose
rescue they had been instrumental. The anxious frenzy of the exiled,
i Yaesha which leads him to address the inanimate cloud as a messenger to.
J convey tidings to his faithful spouse, does not make him omit the formalities:
it of civil reception.** The prefatory civilities+* which the disguised Shiva.
f utters to Pdrvat?, and the liberal professions with which the Mountain-king:
lt receives the seven sages,tt would bear comparison with the Persian or
ie Chinese code of politeness. )
i Of active kindness and hberality, we have an instance in faghu, who
i instituted the Vishwajit sacrifice, and at its end gave away all he possessed.§ §
i The generous struggle between the same king and Kautsa, the former bent:
i on giving more than the latter had wanted, and the latter declining to take
i anything above what he urgently required,|||| furnishes another notable
‘ instance of liberality. -Azithé never revoked his cifts.§] The kings of
’
= a8 = ~ : SoS.
* 4 waite yqNgHRaT Aa SazaTy oa fae Wata fone: far oqraeers |
Purvamegha, 17, |
t Wilson’s Works, Vol. IV., p. 330.
t Raghu., IX. 65.
§ Raghu., I. 55.
| | Raghu., IX, 8,
i WT Raghu., XTV. 19.
** Purvamegha, 4.
Tt Kumava Sambhava, V. 883—40.
tf Kuméra Sambhava, VI. 60—63.
§§ Raghu., IV. 86. V. 1,
ll Raghu. V. 31,
V9] Seer a sere qa_| Raghu, XVIL 42.
- oe = ee i a ome eR a ee oo ee 6 sn ;
| AEE dace a eran de — = PIA GEL real Gt inn Cire taagas ~ oe GU See Ve Fe eee. = oe,
‘ ” aes een er ae See ee Ce en ee ee _— =
7 ee a lites iakina vied nas “ ——s ee Se See a ee eee
as - te SSPE
866 Pranndth Pandit—Morals of Kalidasa. — [No. 38,
Raghw’s race never disappointed an expectant even at the cost of life itself.*
Hospitality.—Hospitality is not a rare virtue in the works of Kalidasa.
Dilipa and his attendants are first hospitably received, and it is not until
they have recovered from the fatigues of the journeyf that any questions
are asked. Raghu, too, practises the same behaviour towards Kawtsa.
Bhoja’s hospitality to dja was such that, when they entered the capital,
the host looked as guest and the guest as master of the household. We
are told in the Kumdra Sambhava|| that great men take even inferior
refugees under their special protection.
Friendship.—Friendship is placed by the — on the widest basis.
The most casual occurrence may lay its foundation. The attachment of the
celestial nymphs to Urvashd is Tull of affection and sympathy.
Porrrico-Mrurrary Moray. Conquest. Chivalry.—K 4liddésa’s
military morality comprised conquest for its own sake. His conquerors are
always satisfied with formal submission and their greatest glory is to reinstate
fallen foes.** His warriors have chivalry enough to restrain them from
taking undue advantage of an opponent’s weakness.++ The sage councillors
of Raghu laid before him plans both honest and dishonest, for the encom-
passing of his ends, but he disdained to take advantage of the latter, and
relied on honesty as the best policy.f{ -Atzthe’s martial policy was guided.
by the same principles.§§ Kalidasa Spenenie. the intimate correlation
which exists between prudence and valor. Valor without prudence, he
justly remarks, is but animal ferocity, and prudence without valor, is but
another name for cowardice. || ||
Kingly virtues.—Kalidasa. could rise to just conceptions of political
morality. His kings are mild taxers and take but to expend on proper
objects. ‘They are no respecters of persons, but impartial dealers out
of rewards and punishments.*** They never abused the rigor of the law
for private purposes, and presided personally over the administration of jus-
tice.tf¢f They areas affectionate fathers to their subjects.ttt A Maja does
Raghu., X. 2.
Raghu., I. 58.
Raehu., V.2,.3,
Raghu., V. 62.
E12.
1 Kumara Sambhava, V. 39; Raghu. IT. 58.
** Raghu, IV. 35, 37, 48, 64. VIII. 9. IX. 14. XI. 89. XVI. 80. XVII, 42.
tt Raghu., VII. 47.
ti Raghu., TV. 10.
§$ Raghu., XVII. 69.
| Raghu, XVII. 47.
"1 Raghu, I. 18, 26. WIIT. 7.
Bie Raghu, 1. 6:25, “FV,-8, _ 1X6,
¢tt Raghu., VIII. 18. |
ti, mnaghu,, 1. 24, “II. 48.
cn tt —k
1876.]. — Prannath Pandit—MMorals of Kaliddsa. 367
not deserve the name it he be not—yafatgaq,—eladdener of his subjects. *
To his being void of avarice the people owed their wealth ; to his protection
they were indebted for whatever deeds of virtue they performed in peaceful
leisure; the king was their father in being their instructor and guide, the
king was their son inasmuch as he was the wiper of their woes.+
Self-abnegation.—The kings of K4liddsa had sufficient moral con-
victions to subordinate their personal happiness to the general weal. This
self-abnegation is held up by the poet in the most prominent hight. Délipa,
we are told, loved a good man, though an enemy, and discarded a favourite,
when he took to evil ways, with the merciless promptitude which one
must shew in excising a snake-bitten finger.t They had a high idea of
their mission as redressers of wrong, and were ready to carry it out even at
the risk of their throne and life. So equitable is the behaviour of the
model king that every one thinks himself the greatest favourite.§ Aja is
restrained from following his beloved queen on the path of flame, not by
reason of any fondness for life, but from a sense of what is due to his position
asa king.|| En the characteristic phraseology of the poet, kings are wedded
to the earth. Their personal pleasures never encroached on their public
functions.**.
Loyalty.—This healthy feeling was reciprocated on the part of the
people. They took a personal interest in their sovereign. ‘They partici-
pated in his good fortunes and sympathised with his losses.++
AurruisM.—The key-stone of morals — Live for others — did not
| escape the penetration of Kalidasa. We may quote his own words :
TAATAHAT LIT
faqat wad as BAa |
Pry, °
ag ay fauta Fae
> ef.
auqatty Wesatsat wT
Power, to remove the fears of the afflicted; great learning, for the |
cordial reception of the learned ; not only the wealth, but even the good
qualities of that King (Aja), were for the benefit of others.
, 2 och 1 V2 12, VL 2k.
Tt Raghu., XTV. 28.
{ Raghu., I. 28.
§ Raghu., VIII. 8.
4 | | Raghu., VIII. 72.
{ aqua fe eqt: wefau: | Raghu, VII. 83.
** Raghu., VIII. 32. XIV. 24.
Tt Raghu., IT. 73, 74. VIII. 74.
{ Raghu., VIII. 31.
——— OOO
oe
q ae
y 6D dele Sl weit en ee ee 4 eT ee
368 Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3,
An Imperial Assemblage at Delhi three thousand years ago.—
By RAJENDRALALA Mitra, DL. D.
The Imperial Assemblage to be held at Delhi on the Ist of next month
cannot fail to recall to the mind of oriental scholars the description, given
in the Mahabharata, of a similar gathering held there upwards of three
thousand years ago. ‘Then, as now, the object was the assumption of para-
mount power by a mighty sovereign. Then, as now, princes and potentates
came from all parts of India to do homage to one who was greatly their
superior in power, wealth, and earnest devotion to rule honestly and pater-
nally. Then, as now, the feeling of allegiance was all but universal. But
noteworthy as these points of similitude are, there are others which place
the two assemblages in marked contrast. ‘The one was held by men who
had barely emerged from a state of primitive simplicity in the infancy of
human society ; the other 1s to be inaugurated under all the refinements and
paraphernalia of the highest civilization. The one borrowed all its sanctity
from religion; the other depends for its glory on political and material
greatness. The one was purely national ; the other brings into the field a
dominant foreign power. ‘There are other points, equally remarkable, both
of similitude and of divergence, which afford singular illustrations of the
state of political ideas at immensely remote periods; and a short account
of the ancient ceremonial may not, therefore, be uninteresting at the present
time.
The ceremony, in ancient times, was called the: Rdjasiya, or that which
can be effected only by a king—from Rajan ‘a king’ and shu ‘ to be effect-
ed’. ‘This derivation, however, is not universally accepted. Some interpret
the term to mean the ceremony at which the Soma juice is produced, from
raga ‘moon’ for the moon-plant, and sw ‘to bring forth’ ; but as there are a
hundred different rites at which the brewing of the Soma beer is an essential
requirement, while it is distinctly laid down, that none but a king who can
command the allegiance of a large number of tributary princes, and who is,
or wishes to be,* a universal monarch, exercising supremacy over a large
number of princes, should perform it, the first derivation appears to be
the right one,—at least it conveys an idea of the true character of the
ceremony, which the other does not. Yajfika-deva, in his commentary on
the Srauta Stitra of Katydyana, explains the word rdéjd in the first aphorism
on the subject, to mean a Kshatriya,f without specifying that he should be
a king, and this may at first sight suggest the idea that any Kshatriya,
TY UPUGS @ are tine: ataanifatafam |
, o
o vane
— a Se ———— es
Se Rie i ES RS SS ONT SE aS ne Se ESE eas PR es Ss
5s ge yy a eS = = Se ee =
at Delhi three thousand years ago. 369
1876.]
whether a soveriegn or not, may perform it ; but the context shows clearly that
: a king was a sime qua non, and none but a king could undertake the rite.
According to the Sastras, none but a Kshatriya was fit for royalty, and the
use of the word rajan both fora king and a man of the Kshatriya caste
was so common, that in interpreting it, in particular passages the context
is always looked upon as the safest guide to its true meaning. If we
assume, however, that Katyayana wished only to indicate the caste of the
performer, with a view to exclude the other castes, without caring to point
out his political position, the interpretation of the scholiast would be open
to no exception.
From its very nature a ceremony like the Rajasiya could not be
common anywhere, or at any time, much less during the Hindu period,
when India was never held by a single monarch. It was then divided
into many kingdoms, principalities and chiefships, each enjoying perfect
nf autonomy, and entertaining more or less jealousy, not unoften amounting
i to hostility, or even violent animosity, against each other, and a universal
uh sovereignty like that of the autocrat of Russia was perfectly impossible.
ti The language of praise or flattery has doubtless often declared particular
Ve sovereigns to have been Chakravartins or emperors; but the reality, as
He regards the whole of India, was never accomplished. It is unquestionable
r that in rare instances, such as those of Chandragupta and Asoka, many
« sovereigns acknowledged subordination to some mighty monarch or other,
al and the weaker ones paid tribute, but their autonomy was rarely sacri-
ficed, and their alliances generally bore the character of contfederacies, or
uo federal union, and not that of feudal baronies subject to a ruling chief, and
ye under no circumstances were servile duties, such as under the feudal sys-
: tem the Barons in Europe were obliged to render their suzerains, ever
} exacted from the tributaries. The bond between them was, besides, of
i the feeblest kind, and snapt at every favourable opportunity. In the
j Vedic period even such monarchic federations on a very large scale were
’ any thing but common, and the rite of Mahabhisheka, or imperial bap-
f tism, which follows the Rajastya, was administered to only a few. The
Aitareya Bréhmana of the Rig Veda affords a curious illustration of this
fact. After describing the ritual of the Mahabhisheka, with a view to
point out its high importance, the author of that work gives a list of the
persons who had been inaugurated by that rite, and of the priests who
'g officiated thereat, and it includes only ten names.* The list does not, it is
| _ ™ The list includes the following names: l. Janamejaya, son of Parikshit,
1 inaugurated by Taru, son of Kavasha. 2. Sdryata, son of Manu, anointed by Chyavana,
Son ot Bhrigu, 38. Somagushmé, son of Vajaratna, by Siaténika, son of Satrujit. 4.
Ambashtya, by Parvataand Narada. 6. Yudhéméraushti, son of Ugrasena, by Parvata
and Narada. 6, Vis’vakarm4, son of Bhuvana, by Kasyapa. 7. Sudds, son of Puja-
“ nae nd : : oe . : Sates Se, mid Oy ne Ss we ER “5* Tae a eS me .
2 ee oe PN A PO PEPE PIA LN GS ia amet ne a Mi je Wee ee. = IE Gb ucang 2 tase
0ST ie 6th Sl Si et ee
370 Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3,
true, profess to be exhaustive; but the necessity felt for such a list and
its meagreness suffice to show, that the rite was but rarely performed, and
even the knowledge of its ritual among the priesthood was not common.
‘The Ramayana describes the rite as celebrated by Ramachandra, but there
is no description of it in any later work; and no manual for its per-
formance has yet been met with.
The description of the Rajasiya in the Mahabharata is a popular poeti-
cal one, loaded with much that is mythical, and a considerable amount of
exaggeration ; but it is the best known all over India, and comprises the full-
est account of its exoteric characteristics. Yudhishthira, the hero of it, lived,
according to Hindu chronology, in the last century of the third cycle or
the Treta Yuga, 2. ¢. five thousand one hundred and fifty years ago; but
recent researches of oriental scholars are fatal to his claim to so remote
an antiquity. A careful study of the lists of ancient kings given in the
Puranas, allowing an average reign of sixteen years to each king, would bring
him to the twentieth century before the Christian era. But even this is
not tenable. On the other hand the existence, in the Aitareya Brahmana,
of the name of Janamejaya, son of Parikshit, who is evidently the same
with the sovereign named in the Mahabharata, and the grandson of Arjuna
brother of Yudhishthira, would force the inference that he lived long before
that portion of the Rig Veda came into existence; and the lowest estimate
possible appears to be somewhat over twelve centuries before the era of
Christ.
Yudhishthira and his four brothers lost their father Pandu,* king of
Hastinapura, at an early age ; and during their minority the management
of their paternal state fell into the hands of their uncle Dhritarashtra, under
whose guardianship they were brought up. Dhritardshtra was senior to
Pandu, and would have, under ordinary circumstances, inherited the
principality of Hastindpura. But as he was born blind, his claims were set
aside, according to Hindu law, in favour of his younger brother. The
principality having, however, come to his hands during the minority of his
nephews, court intrigue was brought into play, when the youths came of age,
to prevent their coming into possession of even a portion of their patrimony.
The sons of Dhritarashtra were most inimical to them, and domestic dissen-
tions were frequent and serious. ‘To prevent these unseemly disputes, the
vana, by Vasishtha. 8. Marutta, son of Avikshit, by Samvarta, son of Afigiras. 9.
Atiga alias Alopafga by Udamaya, son of Atri. 10. Bharata, son of Dushyanta, by
Dirghatamas, the son of an unmarried woman.
* The word means “pale yellow” and is ordinarily used to indicate jaundice. Mr.
Wheeler opines that it is a euphemism for white leprosy, but there is nothing to justify
the theory. Kunti is said to have selected him from out of a whole host of princes at a
grand sayafivara ; and no damsel is ever likely to select a leper for her consort.
_-
2ST A Sn Si et et ee ee OE x
1876.] at Delhi three thousand years ago. B val
Pandava brothers were sent away to Varandvrata, modern Allahabad, where,
it was thought, they would be beyond the reach of their intriguing cousins,
But those who interested themselves in the welfare of the Pandavas were
doomed to disappointment. The palace, which the five brothers and their
mother occupied at Varanavrata, was, one night, set on fire, and they had to
fly for life, and, tor some time after, to keep themselves secreted in jungle
and unfrequented places, or roam about as beggars. At last they effected
an alliance with the powerful king Drupada of Panchdla (modern Kanauj),
whose daughter they married at a Sayanvara, and through his influence and
that of their cousin-german Krishna, obtained a small tract of land for their
share with the town of Indraprastha for their capital. Here they establish-
ed themselves, and laid the foundation of what afterwards became a mighty
empire.
Close by Indraprastha, there happened to be a large forest,* which the
Pandavas burnt down and cleared, and by dint of perseverance, and eradual
encroachment on the possessions of their less energetic neighbours, raised
their little tract of land to the rank and position of a respectable principality.
Alhances with some of the aboriginal races also helped them to rise in power ;
and the extension of their possessions towards the west and the south-west,
where they met with little opposition, soon enabled them to assume a high
position among the crowned heads of India. A magnificent palace, called a
Sabha or ‘audience chamber’, was next built in the capital, and it proved to
be the finest work of art that had ever been produced in this country. A
Hitan (Danava) was its architect, and it was enriched with the most
* The existence of this forest has suggested to Mr. Wheeler the idea of Delhi, or
the country about it, having been an outpost of the Aryans in India at the time of the
Pandavas, and the whole of his criticisms on the Mahd4bhérata is based upon this major.
That there were many forests in the country three thousand years ago, 18 a truism
which none can venture to question, but there is no valid reason to suppose that the
Khandava forest was the ultima thule of the Aryans at the time in question. The line of
argument which has brought the learned author to this conclusion, could be appealed to
_ with great effect, to show that the jungle of Chataura near Jagadispur in which the muti-
neers under Kumar Singh, found a shelter, was the outpost of the English raj in 1858.
To save his position, the author has been obliged to denounce the whole of the 2e0-
graphy of the Mahébhdrata as after thoughts. he poet says that Bhigshma got into his
Chariot, went to Kasi, and brought the three daughters of the king of that place, as
brides for his younger brother, and the critic exclaims, “‘ Kaéi is 500 miles from Hastin4-
pur,” and as no one could make the journey so easily and without attendants, the place
meant must be a village in the neighbourbood of Hastinapura; as if it was absolutely
necessary for a poet to give in detail the number of the attendants, the places where
they halted, and the stages they travelled over. Chand, in the 12th century, with
nearly as much laconic brevity, makes his hero Prithviraj travel to Kanauj from Delhi.
on a like mission, and it was crowned with equal success. It is not likely that any
historian will question the truth of the elopement of the Princess of Kanauj.
ae 2 aeelige i ee det a _ ; . ws i * ae Bee aaa ;
ESTE a a ee ee Aen SE Ng ieee i Se ae
Se ee RS SE ea arige ane Fe: ‘ mean Aen .
vow Peers
372 Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage | No. 3,
precious materials that could be collected from the different parts of India,
including some highly-prized stones from the Himdlaya. Its description
refers to flowers of crystal, partitions of glass, and marbles of all colours ; to
spacious and lofty apartments, and doors and windows, terraces and eriviliousl
artificial lakes and fountams. Much of this is doubtless due to the poet’s
imagination ; but there was nevertheless enough to make the owner proud
of its possession, and to long to show it to his rivals. To inaugurate it by a
grand festival was the first idea that occurred to his mind, and that suggested
the ambitious scheme of celebrating the politico-religious sacrifice of the
Rajasttya, and raising the principality to the rank of an empire.
This was, however, not an easy task to accomplish. Close by, to the
north, there was Hastinapura, the capital of their ancestors, in the possession
of their inveterate enemies the Kurus. ‘To the east, Mathura was held by
a powerful sovereign. To the south, the king of Malava was a standing
menace, and to the west there was the principality of Virata,* which
would not in ahurry yield to its neighbours. There were besides other
mighty sovereigns in ditferent parts of India, who were proud of their high
position, and not at all disposed to succumb to what to them was a new-
born and petty Ray.
The most powerful king at the time, however, was Jarasandha, sovereign
of Magadha. He had carried his victorious arms as far as Mathura, and
expelled therefrom the Yadavas, who had wrested it from a relative of his.
His army was the largest and best-trained ; and he had already imprisoned
ninety-seven princes with a view, when the number came up to a hundred
and twelve, to offer them as a sacrifice to the gods, by way of a preliminary
to his raising the white umbrella of imperial sovereignty. For the Pan-
davas to wage war against him, with any hope of success, was out of the
question, and no one in India could proclaim himself an emperor without
bringing on a most desolating retribution from that monarch.
To remove Jardsandha from the field by other than open warfare was,
therefore, the first scheme to which the Pandavas set their head, and assas-
sination was resolved upon as the only means feasible. Disguised as Brah-
manas, Bhima, Arjuna, and Krishna set out for Magadha, and, entering the
palace by a back door, took him unawares, while he was engaged in his
prayers, and killed him. The Mahabharata gives a long account of the in-
terview, and says, he was challenged to a single combat, and fell under the
blows of Bhima, the “wolf-stomached’’ hero. But this appears to be a
euphemism for assassination, inasmuch as the Pandavas were ever after
* The modern Bengal districts of Rangpur and Dinajpur to the north claim to be
the ancient Virata, but the cattle-lifting foray of the Kurus in the country of Virata,
described in the Virdta Parva of the Mahd4bhérata, leaves no doubt as to the true posi-
tion of that country having been as given above.
fa Sa a sgh Shy St ee eS: Ste ees Sas CQneee So
sik Soa citable gba: SRT in ae PP SP oS Pe =
- —— pian Sew Rie He Sp a EER TESS Ee See
ee aa aaah ‘ r. Se ES Oe a ae ESS eS eS ‘
INT TS a is em he Sg es ae ee TEE eras Se he Set ere pe a oe s 2s i2 bt Fy Se = athe :
1876.] at Dethi three thousand years ago.
873
accused of baseness for it, and no baseness could be predicated of a hero who
challenged another to a single combat. However that may have been, it
enabled the Pandavas to liberate the imprisoned chieftains, and, not only at
once to secure to themselves their loyal adherence, but also to obtain a oreat
accession of power and influence in different parts of India
i Four grand military expeditions were next organised, one to proceed to
h each quarter of India. Arjuna assumed the command of the army of the
i North, and, proceeding on, successively conquered, or otherwise brought into
subjugation, the Kulindas, the Kalakttas, the Avarthas and the Sakala-dvipis.
_ Thence he proceeded to Prdgjyotisha, where he had to wage a protracted war
te against Bhagadatta, its king, who was ultimately obliged to purchase peace
i by the payment of a handsome tribute. Ascending the Himalaya, he
h encountered many petty chieftains, including those of Uluka, Modapura,
i | Vainadeva, Sudaman, Susankula, North Uluka, Devaprastha and other places,
We —mostly robber chiefs,—as also the Kirdtas and the Chinas. Turning then
i towards the west, he pushed on his victorious army through Kashmir to
i Balkh, burning and sacking several large towns in the way. ‘Then turning
4, back, he passed through Kamboja, Darada, and Uttara-rishika from all which
g places he obtained highly-prized horses as tribute, and arrived at the foot of
10 Dhavalagiri, where he rested for awhile. Then he crossed the Himalaya
lt and encountered the sovereigns of Kimpuilla-varsha and Halaka, the last in
i the neighbourhood of the Mdnasarovara Lake; and lastly approached the
J confines of Uttara-kuru, which was inhabited by Gandharvas, the fabled
WP choristers of Indra’s heaven. Here he was met by ambassadors, who pur-
uf chased peace for their sovereign by a present of some rich stuffs, jewels,
, valuable furs, and silken dresses.
The second expedition was headed by Bhima, who proceeded to the
4 east, taking in the way the country of his father-in-law Drupada in the
. Doab of the Ganges and Yamund. ‘Then crossing the Ganges he went
‘ southwards to Dasdrna, and, taking the Pulindas in the way, arrived at
Chedi, the country of Sisupdla, who, being related to the Pandavas, readily
acknowledged subordination, and paid a handsome tribute. Bhima tarried
' at this place for a month, and then marched on successively to Koégala,
iP Ayodhya, Uttara Kogala, Mulla, and the Terai, whence descending down he
conquered the king of Kasi. His next encounter was with the Matsyas,
then successively with the Maladas, Madadharas, the Batsabhumians, the
ig Bhangas, the Santakas and Barmakas, and several Kirata and other races,
Which he conquered, and, making an alliance with the king of Mithila
(Videha), came down to Magadha to collect tribute, having on a former
li occasion destroyed its valiant king Jar4sandha. The son of Jarasandha
| joined his army along with several minor chiefs, and with them he pro-
| ceeded to the country of his half brother Karna, (Bhagalpur) who was
—= => —_ d a at Ss i, Oily ie = Le ee” 8 i a? ANS e te.2 “i 5 hs ~
EE bt KP ARR en fl Re OE gS > TE IS FY OE Ee Tanne sa pene See een. cr SRE aig
T a coctenetisl Siete
374: Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage [ No. 3,
always inimical to the Pandavas, and waged a protracted war in defence
of his rights. But his efforts were of no avail, and he was ultimately
made to negociate for peace by the payment of a heavy indemnity. Bengal
and its numerous petty chiefs next attracted the attention of Bhima, and
they were all overpowered and obliged to enrich the conqueror with large
contributions of gold, silver, jewels, sandal-wood, agallochum, wool, and rich
stuits. |
The army of the South, under Sahadeva, first overpowered the king ot
Mathura, and then, proceeding through the northern parts of country now
owned by Sindhia, in which it encountered and subjugated many hostile
chiefs, came to the country of Kuntibhoja. This aged monarch was the
foster-father of Kunti, the mother of the three elder Pandavas ; he welcomed
the general with every mark of consideration, and readily entered intothe scheme
of his eldest grandson to assume the imperial title. He gave much wealth
and valuable assistance in pushing on the expedition with success. Crossing
the Chambal, Sahadeva came face to face with the heir of Jambhaka, an
old enemy of Krishna. What the name of the prince was or of his country,
is not given, but the prince was powerful and fought with great courage.
He was, however, ultimately overpowered, and made to render homage and
to pay an indemnity. The Narmaddd was next crossed, and Sahadeva,
in his victorious march, successively made a lot of petty princes to acknow-
ledge his supremacy, until he reached the Pandyan kingdom which held him
at bay for a time. Kishkinda proved even more troublesome, and a treaty
of amity and friendship was all that could be extorted from it. Beyond
Kishkind4 was the country of Mahisamati (probably Mysore) which was
owned by a chief of great valour, who was especially favoured by the god
Agni, who had seduced a daughter of the king, and aiterwards married her,
and promised protection to his father-in-law. Sahadeva and his army were
no match for this mighty chief, and Agni so befriended his protégé by rain-
ing fire on every side that the assailants were well nigh overpowered. At
this juncture Sahadeva sought the protection of Agni, and through his mter-
vention effected a treaty of peace and friendship. The story of Agni aifords
an instance of the use of fire-arms in ancient times, and also a hint about
the Nair custom of women not living under the protection of their husbands,
but of cavaliers of their own choice ; for in order to wipe off the stigma on
the character of the princess, Agni, says the story, had ordained that women
in Mahisamati should ever after lead a wanton life in public (Avaraniya)
independently of their husbands.
Proceeding further south from Mahisamati, Sahadeva subjugated
several petty chiefs, as also several one-eyed, one-legged, or otherwise de-
formed races, described in the orthodox style of traveller’s stories, and thence, _
through ambassadors, secured the allegiance of Dravida, Sarabhipattanam,
- — llama
1876.] at Dethi three thousand years ago. | 375
Tamra island, Timidgila, or the country of the whale, Kalifiga, Andhra,
Udra, Kerala, Talavana, Ceylon, and other places. On his way home,
he passed along the western coast through Surat to Guzerat where he
met Krishna and the other Yadava chiefs, and finally returned home, loaded
with immense wealth and many valuable presents.
Nakula, at the head of the army of the West, first went to Rohitaka ;
thence towards southern Rajputand to Mahettha, Sivi, Trigarta, Ambashtha,
Malava, Panchakarphatas, Madhyamaka, Vatadhdna ; and, then retracing his
steps to Pushkara, and next the Abhira country on the banks of the Sarasvati,
he marched on to the Panjab, to the western frontier of which he encountered
the Pahnavas, Varvaras, Kiratas, Yavanas, and the Sakas, from all of whom
he obtained valuable presents, and acknowledgment of allegiance.
In making the above abstract of the progress of the different armies, I
have omitted several names of places and persons, and also used words to
i, indicate directions which do not always occur in the original. The routes, as
laid down in the Mahabharata, are not always such as an invading army would,
| —__ or conveniently could, take in its progress from Indraprastha, and many rea-
al | sons suggest themselves to show that the poet was not quite familiar with
: _ the places he describes. Some of the discrepancies, however, may be due to “a
ity my inability to identify the several places named, and to the possibility of Gi
ua there having existed more than one place of the same name, one of which :
np is known to me, and the other not. Several districts in northern and eastern
ih Bengal now claim to be the same with places named in the Mahabharata, .
but which probably have no right to the pretension. Ina few cases, there
fi are two or three claimants for the same ancient name. As it is, however,
al _ not my intention here to enter into a critical analysis, but simply to quote
5 the substance of what has been said, in connexion with the Rajastiya, in the
Mahabharata, by way of introduction to the rituals of the sacrifice as given in
the Vedas, I need say nothing further on the subject. Those who are curious
about the places named, and about the articles alleged to have been present-
ed as tribute, which, to a certain extent, help the identification of those places,
will find much interesting matter in the late Professor Lassen’s learned essay
on the Geography of the Mahabharata, in the Gottingen Oriental Journal,
and in Professor Wilson’s paper on the Sabha-parva in the J ournal of the
Royal Asiatic Society of London.
On the return of the different expeditionary armies, a consultation was
held as to the propriety of immediately commencing the ceremony, or defer-
ing it to a future occasion. Krishna advised immediate action, and agreed to
take upon himself the task of arranging everything for a successtul issue.
It was accordingly resolved that the ceremony should at once begin. Or-
ders were thereupon issued to collect all the articles necessary for the rite ;
invitations were sent out to all relatives, friends, allies and tributaries, the
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376 Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage ——— [No. 8,
messengers being instructed to request the attendance of Vaisyas and “all
respectable Stidras” ; Nakula was deputed to the old king Dhritarashtra, the
head of the family, to invite him and other Kaurava chiefs to grace the
assembly by their presence ; and ample provision was made for the accom-
modation and entertainment of the expected guests. The Bréhmans were
expected to come in from all parts of the country, and every one was to be
received with due honour, and to be rewarded with rich presents. The
invitations to the Vaisyas and the Stdras, the agricultural and the
servile classes, at a religious ceremony, and the use of the epithet mdnya
“respectable” or ‘“ venerable” as a predicate for individuals of the class
originally formed of helots, are worthy of special note. “ This is”, says
Professor Wilson, “ one of the numerous indications which the Mahabharata
offers of a state of public feeling and possibly of civil institutions which
seems to have preceded even the laws of Manu.’’* | |
The most important business in connexion with the sacrifice was the
appointment of duly qualified priests, and the most renowned sages of the
time were solicited to take parts in the grand ceremonial. Krishna-dvai-
payana Vyasa, the natural father of both the Kurus and the Pandavas, who
was renowned for his thorough knowledge of the Wedas which he had
arranged and classified, himself took the part of Brahma or high priest.
Susama of the Dhananjaya clan was appointed the chief of Sdma
singers. Yajnavalkya, the great lawgiver, was installed as Adhvaryu or the
chief of the Yajur Vedic priests. Paila, son of Kasu, and Dhaumya, the
family priest of Yudhishthira, undertook the duty of pouring out the
oblations on the sacred fire (hota) ; while a host of their pupils and others
were employed to act as assistants and assessors to watch the proceedings
and correct mistakes (sadasya).
“In due course and at the proper time, Yudhishthira was initiated into
the ceremony by the assembled priests, and thus initiated and attended by
his brothers and surrounded by thousands of Brahmans, relatives, friends,
officers of State, and princes from different countries, he, resplendent as the
incarnation of Dharma, entered the Sacrificial Hall. Learned Brahmans,
versed in the Vedas and the Veddfgas, flocked from all parts of the country.
Architects had, under the king’s orders, erected suitable abodes for them,
and those abodes had beautiful awnings on the top, and were replete with
furniture and-articles of food and drink ft for all seasons of the year.
Receiving the welcome of the king, the Brahmans dwelt therein, and passed
* Journal, Rl. As. Soc. VII. 138. In Mr. Wheeler’s version the epithets sarvan
manyan “all respectable” are placed against both the Vaisyas and the Stdras, but
the construction of the sentence requires that they should apply to the Sidras only,
peOne that the three twice-born classes were all welcome, whereas of the unregenerate
Sudras, the ‘ respectable” alone were admissible,
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1876.) at Delhi three thousand Years ago. 377
their time in entertaining conversation, in witnessing charming dances, and
in listening to sweet music. The hum of Brahmans, full to satiety, fond
of stories, and jubilant with delight, resounded every where. ‘Give away,
and eat away’ were the words which burst forth from every side. The
virtuous king provided for each of hig guests thousands of cows, bedding,
gold, and damsels. ‘Thus did the ceremony progress of the unrivalled
and virtuous sovereign of the earth, the great Pandava, who was like
unto Indra, the lord of the immortals.”* The provision of damsels for
the service of Brahman guests, reveals a curious feature in the manners,
customs, and morality of the time under notice. ,
The list of crowned heads which assembled at the ceremony is a long
one, but as it includes mostly the names of those who were subjugated by
the brothers of Yudhishthira, and of the friends and relatives of the host,
it is not necessary to reproduce it here. The leading chiefs of the Kaurava
and the Yadava tribes were the most prominent among the guests. “To
the guests were assigned dwellings replete with refreshments of every kind,
and having by them charming lakes, and ranges of ornamental plants.
r The son of Dharma weleomed them in due form. After the reception, the
m princes repaired to the several houses assigned for their accommodation.
4 Those houses were lofty as the peaks of the Kaildéa mountain, most
: charming in appearance, and provided with excellent furniture. They were
r surrounded by well-built high walls of a white colour. The windows
r were protected by golden lattices, and decorated with a profusion of jewel-
Al lery. The stairs were easy of ascent; the rooms were furnished with
Ai commodious seats and clothing and garlands; and the whole was redolent
A with the perfume of the finest agallochum. ‘The houses were white as
the goose, bright as the moon, and looked picturesque even from a distance
i of four miles. They were free from obstructions, provided with doors ot
if uniform height, but of various quality, and inlaid with numerous metal
ornaments, even as the peak of the Himalaya. ‘The princes were refreshed
by the very sight of the mansions.’’+ |
With a view to prevent disorder, and to enforce discipline and the
due despatch of business, Yudhishthira so arranged that each department
of the ceremony should be placed under one of his principal relatives, or of
atriend. To see to the proper distribution of food was the task assigned
to Duhgasana, brother of Duryodhana. To Asvathama, “a warrior Brah-
man oF saintly descent,” was assigned the duty of attending to the recep-
tion and entertainment of Brdhmans, and to Sanjaya the same duty with
reterence to the regal and military guests. The venerable old chief Bhish-
ma and the equally venerable chief Drona were solicited to act as superim-
* Mahabharata, Book I, chapter 32.
+ Ibid., chapter 33.
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BYVAL Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage [ No. 3,
tendent-generals, and to see that nothing went amiss. To Kripa, “ another
saintly personage”, fell the duty of distributing presents of gold and
jewels. Bahlika, Dhritarashtra, Somadatta, and Jayadratha, were reques-
ted to act as masters of the ceremony ; Duryodhana was requested to see to
the due receipt of the presents and tributes brought by the assembled
guests ; and Krishna undertook to wash the feet of the Bréhmans.
Passing over some fulsome panegyric on the profusion of wealth
brought by the tributaries, and the lavish way in which it was distributed
among Brahmans and others, we come to the last day of the ceremony,
when Yudhishthira sat amidst the assembled guests in imperial magni-
ficence ready to receive the homage of all as the sovereign lord of India. —
The enthusiasm all round was overflowing, and the praises of the great
chief resounded on every side. The priests had offered their last obla-
tions on the sacred fire, and all eyes were turned towards “the observed of
all observers”’, “ the cynosure of every eye’’, to behold the crowning act of this
majestic ceremony, the acknowledgement of allegiance to the noble chieftain:
Bhishma, at this moment, rose from his seat, and, advancing to the foot of
the throne, addressed the chief, saying, “It is your duty, O chief, first to
show your respect to the assembled guests. Six are the persons, who
receive, on such occasions, that mark of respect, the arghya; and these are
the tutor, the chief priest, the brother-in-law, the sprinkler of the holy
water, the king, and the dearest friend. They have all assembled here, and
abided with us for a year; let an arghya be prepared for each of them, and
it is for you to select whom you would honour most.’’* |
The offering proposed was not a part of the religious ceremony, but a
mark of social distinction, and it consisted of flowers, sandal paste, a few
grains of rice, and a few blades of Durva grass sprinkled with water. From
what time this offering has been current in this country, it is impossible
now accurately to determine ; but there is no doubt that it has been known
from avery early period, for it is named in old ritualistic works as an
oifering meet for gods. Ordinarily this is preceded by another offering
called Pddya, or water for washing the feet. To a guest coming from a
distance nothing is more refreshing in a hot climate, like that of India,
than a wash, and essences and flowers immediately after it, cannot but be
grateful. And what were at first necessities soon assumed the character of
formal ceremonial acts, and to this day the offerings are regularly made in
the orthodox form to bridegrooms and priests. In a modified form the
arghya appears under the name of mdlya-chandana or “ flower garlands and
sandal paste”, which are offered to all guests on quasi-religious ceremonial
occasions, such as marriages, érdddhas, &c., social distinetion being indicated
by the order in which the oifering is made, the noblest guest getting it
* Mahabharata, Book II, chapter 35.
om a?
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EE SE a ee SE a eS SSE ORS NS SS Se eR ae pI -
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: = Se : 3
1876. | at Delhi three thousand Years ago. 349
first, and the rest successively according to their respective ranks. The
law of precedence is strictly observed, and frequent disputes arise whenever
there is a departure. Within the last fifty years there have been at least
a dozen disputes in Calcutta alone about the claims of particular individuals
to this honour. At other than religious or quasi-religious ceremonials, the
sandal paste 1s replaced by otto-of-roses, and the garlands by bouquets.
The Muhammadans in India adopted the custom from the Hindus, and at
Darbars substituted prepared betel leaf (pan) for the nosegay. In this last
form the Governors-Generals and Viceroys of Her Britannic Majesty have
hitherto honoured their Indian guests. Yudhishthira, knowing well how
ticklish people were on the subject, declined to decide the question as regards
the king who should first be honoured, and sought the advice of his friends.
| Bhishma was of opinion that Krishna was the most renowned among
the princes, and should first receive the mark of respect. Others also
sided with him; and, the natural bearing of Yudhishthira being in favour
of his dearly-beloved and faithful cousin, the offering was presented to him.
The act, however, proved a veritable apple of discord. Sigupdla, king
of Chedi, could not at all tolerate it, and denounced it as erossly —
partial and unjust. In a long and eloquent speech he showed that Krishna
was not a king, as his father and elder brother were living, and there were
several potentates present who were infinitely his superior, and that on
an occasion like the Rajastiiya, the question of precedence was of vital
importance, and should not be hastily disposed off. Addressing the Pdnda-
vas and Bhishma, he said—.
“In the presence of the assembled host of kings, Krishna is by no
means entitled to this distinction. Through favour alone you have done
him the honour, and it is unworthy of you. You are, however, young, and
know nothing of what is becoming in such cases ; the duty in such cases is a
delicate one, while Bhishma (whose advice you have accepted) is narrow-
minded, and has long since lost his senses. 'Time-serving saints like you,
Bhishma, are detestable in the assembly of good men. Under what sem-
blance of reason have you presented the arghya to Krishna who is nota
king ? and with what face has he, in an assembly like this, accepted the
oHering ? Should you think him to be senior by age, he cannot in the
presence of his father Vasudeva deserve the honour. It is true Krishna has
always been a well-wisher and follower of you, sons of Kuru, but it is
unbecoming of you to give him the precedence in the presence of (your
father-in-law) king Drupada. If you have done him honour under the
impression of his being an Acharya or expounder of the Sastras, you have
been equally wrong, for he cannot claim precedence where the venerable
professor Drona is present. Equally have you done wrong if you say
that you have selected him as a priest (Ritvig) of the highest distine-
880 Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage | No. 3,
tion, for he cannot earn that distinction in the presence of the hoary-
headed Dvaipdyana (Vyasa). How dare you raise Krishna to a higher
position than that of such noble personages as the son of Sdntanu, the
noble Bhishma who can command his own death, the valiant hero and highly
learned Asvathama, the king of kings Duryodhana, the most learned pro-
fessor of Bharata, Kripa, the learned professor of Kimpurusha Druma,
king Rukmi, and Salya, king of Madra ? Is it becoming that you should
set aside the favourite pupil of Jamadagni, one who has, by his own
valour, conquered, in fair fight, the whole race of kings, that valiant hero
Karna in favour of Krishna? The son of Vasudeva is not a priest, nor a
professor, nor a king, and you have selected him solely because you are
partial to him. Besides, if you had made up your mind to honour Krishna,
why have you insulted these kings by inviting them to such an assembly ?
We did not pay tribute to the honorable son of Kunti from any fear, or
flattery, or hopes of favour ; we thought him engaged in a noble act and worthy
of the rank of a suzerain, and therefore yielded to him ; and he has failed to
treat us with becoming respect. He has in this assembly offered the arghya
to Krishna who is in no way deserving of it, and he could not have insulted
us more seriously. ‘The claim of the son of Dharma, to be the most
virtuous, is false, for what virtuous person offers worship to one who is
berett of all merit? Yudhishthira has behaved meanly, and resigned all
pretention to a sense of justice and duty, by offering the highest honour to
that wicked scion of the Vrishni race who nefariously assassinated the noble
king Jarasandha. The sons of Kunti are, however, cowards, mean, and wan-
dering beggars, and through their meanness they may offer you the honour ;
but it was your duty, Krishna, to reflect upon the propriety of the act.
How could you, knowing yourself to be unworthy, barefacedly accept the
offering P Even as a dog, having in private tasted a drop of butter, prides
itselt upon it ; so are you feeling elated by the honour you have got; but
know well that the offering is not an insult to the royal guests, but a
ridicule cast on you. Even as the marriage of a eunuch, or the attempt
ot a blind man to enjoy the pleasures of colour, is absurd, so is the tribute
of royalty paid to one who owns no kingdom. This act of to-day fully
illustrates the nature of Bhishma and Yudhishthira’s claim to good sense,
and the character of Krishna,’’* Saying this, he rose from his seat, and
was about to leave the assembly along with some of the guests ; when
Yudhishthira came forward and tried his best to pacity the irate chief.
Bhishma, Bhima, and others algo interposed ; but to no avail. Sisupdla,
naturally of an ungovernable temper, spoke in the most violent terms.
He inveighed particularly against Bhishma for his advice, and bitterly
taunted Krishna for his many shortcomings. Words rose high, and the
* Mahabharata, II, chapter 36.
= = ae ee iat = _—
- SS ae
1876.| at Dethi three thousand years ago. 9074
tumult became general. The proud and martial spirit of many of the
chiefs sided with the king of Chedi, and from words they rushed to arms,
when Krishna, in a fit of passion, knocked off the head of Sisupala with
his discus, and brought the tumult to an end.
Mr. Wheeler is of opinion that this legend has been engrafted by the
Bréhmanical compilers on the story of the Pandavas for a sinister purpose.
His arguments are,* 1st, Because “the legend is at variance with the mythie
account of the pavilions from which the Rajas are said to have beheld the
sacrifice.’ 2nd, Because ‘it is of a character suited to the unruly habits of
the Yddavas, but inconsistent with the Kshatriyas of the Royal house of
Bharata, who were scrupulous in the observance of order and law.” 8rd,
Because “ no trace of the custom appears in the ancient ritual of the Raja-
siya as preserved in the Aitareya Brahmana.” 4th, Because “the Rajastya
was a ceremony expressive of the superiority of the Raj4 who performed the
sacrifice”, and he could not be expected to honour another. 5th, Because
“the custom of offering the arghya as a token of respect or act of worship
belonged to the Buddhist period, and was essentially a form of worship
antagonistic to that of sacrifice.” The first argument is founded ona
mistake. The sacrifice lasted for a whole year, and it is distinctly mentioned
that the guests assembled in the Sacrificial Hall to be present at the imperial
baptism when the dispute occurred. The pavilions were so constructed that
the princes could, from them, behold the sacrifice going on, but the princes
were not there on the occasion in question. The second is a mere assump-
tion. The legends of the Kshatriyas of the house of Bharata show them
to have been as unruly as the Yddavas, with whom they were intimately
connected by marital and other ties. Besides the very fact ot the Kshatri-
yas of the house of Bharata having been scrupulously observant of order
and law, would, in a question of so much importance as precedence, suggest
the idea of resenting affronts. The higher the civilization, the more trouble-
some becomes the settlement of the table of precedence and court etiquette.
To Englishmen familiar with the heart-burning which often results even trom
mistakes in leading persons to the private diner table, 16 would not be diffi-
cult to conceive how a slight of that description at a grand ceremonial would
be calculated to irritate the proud spirit of ancient warriors, and it is well
known that the Hindus have always been most punctilious in this respect.
Further, if in 1870 of the Christian era, a Kshatriya chiet, the Rana of
Jodhpur, could so far carry his recusaney on a question of precedence, as to
necessitate his expulsion from British territory within twenty-four hours,
it would by no means be unreasonable to suppose that an ancestor of his
could commit himself in a similar manner three thousand years ago.
The third is due to an oversight ; for had the critic looked to the wording
* History of India, I., p. 171.
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LEED ES RAE ALE EISLER EAL AL GE AEE Ie SS REGO Alga eae ea Fe PD leek eee et fee aioe ees a Us telS HL ie cul eee Mol gpt ea emcee Baas me Se
SR SE ea Pe ; Sy He ein Sy : Stee eee 5 ae MR A ‘ ; ; em:
352 Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3,
of the chapter on the Rajasiya in the Aitariya Brdhmana, he would
have found that it does not profess to give the whole of the ritual, but
only “the Shastras and Stotras required at the Soma day of the Rajastya,’”’*
and its evidence therefore is immaterial. The fourth has arisen from
a misapprehension of the real nature of the rite. An emperor doing honour
to his guests, does no more thereby lower himself in his majesty than
does the father-in-law become interior to a bridegroom who accepts the
position of a son, by offering him an arghya. The fifth, like the second,
is a mere assumption. There is not a tittle of evidence to show that the
Buddhists originated the arghga by way of protest to the sacrifices of the
Vedas, and there is nothing in the arghya decidedly and exclusively cha-
racteristic of Buddhism. The Buddhists were not foreigners importing
foreign customs and manners, but schismatics who, like the followers of
Luther and Wicliffe, rejected all idolatrous, unmeaning, and superstitious
rituals and observances, but retained all social rules and customs of their
forefathers. Even Piyadasi, the greatest opponent of Hinduism, did not
think it meonsistent with his principle to enjoin, in his rock edicts, due re-
spect to Brahmans. A priorz it is, therefore, to be supposed that the Bud-—
dhists did not reject so innocent a custom as that of offering flowers and
incense to a guest. The Hindu-hating Muhammadans adopted it from the
Hindus. Besides, the Buddhists do not in the present day offer arghyas,
and, except in their Tantras, avowedly borrowed from the Hindus, there is
no mention of the rite in their ancient books.
To turn however to the Rajastya of the Pandavas. The tumult having
subsided, the crowning act of the long protracted sacrifice was duly performed.
The consecrated water was with all solemnity sprinkled on the newly-created
emperor, allegiance was acknowledged by all the guests, and the ceremony
was brought to a conclusion amidst the cheers and congratulations of one and
all. ‘The guests now dispersed, the chiefs with every mark of honour and
consideration, each being accompanied by a brother of Yudhishthira to the
confines of the Raj; and the Brdhmans loaded with the most costly gifts.
Mr. Wheeler opines that “ the so-called Rajds who really attended the
Rajastiya were, in all probability, a rude company of half-naked warriors, who
feasted boisterously beneath the shade of trees. Their conversation was
very likely confined to their domestic relations, such as the state of their
health, of their families, the exploits of their sons, and the marriages of
their daughters ; or to their domestic circumstances, such as herds of cattle,
harvests of grain, and feats of arms against robbers and wild beasts. Their
highest ideas were probably simple conceptions of the gods who sent heat
and rain; who gave long life, abundance of children, prolific cattle, and
brimming harvests ; and who oceasionally manifested their wrath in light-
* Haug’s Translation, p. 495.
1876.] at Delhi three thousand years ago. 383
ning and thunder, in devasting tempests and destroying floods. Such, in
all probability, was the general character of the festive multitude who gat
down upon the grass at the great feast, to eat and drink vigorously to the
honour and glory of the new Raja.”* Aga fancy sketch of what a race of
primitive savages may be expected to do at a feast this is perfect. From
our knowledge of the Juangahs of Western Orissa, of the Santdls of the
Kharakpur Hills, and of the Kharwars of Rohtas, we can easily perceive the
ee ee ea
—— a ————S —— ps
*
a ’ f
=
SSS
*
‘a natural exactitude of the picture in every line. But those who have read
i the Mahabharata in the original, cannot but think that it is not author.
i ised by a single syllable to be met with in that work; and as we have to
ia deal with the account of the feast as given in it, and not what the
aa materials were on which it is founded, the sketch seems somewhat
. 4 out of place. It we are to resolve the tents (awnings) under which
if the Brahmans were lodged, the mansions provided for the royal guests,
6 q the assembly hall, the golden seats, the crystal fountains and mirrors, the pre-
‘ sents of rich stuits, horses, golden trappings, and highly prized incenses, the
stewards, croupiers, chamberlains, the court etiquette, heralds, and ambas-
sadors, to a motley crowd of ‘“ half naked savages feasting under trees, seated
on the grass,’ what is there to prevent our rejecting the whole as a myth p—
the baseless fabric of a poet’s vision, unworthy of being reckoned as an historic
description? Mr. Wheeler attributes them to interpolations made by the
Brahmanical priestcraft long after the original of the Mahabharata had been
compiled. Now, the account of the Rajastitya given in that work appears
under five heads, omitting the first on consultation which is of no interest.
The heads are: Ist, the assassination of Jardsantha; 2nd, the conquest of
the four quarters ; 8rd, the sacrifice ; 4th, the offering of the erghya ; and 5th,
the destruction of Sigupdla. Of these the first and the second are, according ©
to the critic, “ evidently a myth of the Bréhmanical compilers who sought
to promulgate the worship of Krishna.’’ ‘The third, he believes to be, “an
extravagant exaggeration” of a feast celebrated by “ half-naked savages undey
the shade of trees” - and the last two, he suspects, are partly borrowed from
the Buddhists, and partly from the traditions of the Yadavas, and engrafted
on the original story of the Pandavas. ‘Thus, out of the five chapters we
have four entirely rejected, and an insignificant residuum of one accepted in
a.sense which the words of the text do not openly admit. The obvious in-
ference under the circumstances should be that the work in its entirety is a
forgery, and not that an original has been tampered with and corrupted.
In that case, however, the whole fabric of the learned author’s “ Ancient
India’, founded on the Mah4bhdarata, must fall to the ground. :
If nineteen-twentieths of an account are to be rejected, and the remain-
ing twentieth is to be so transmogrified as to be utterly unlike the original,
* History of India, I, p. 167.
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384 - Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage | No. 8,
it would be quite misleading to put it forth as a picture of that original.
Even if it be true, it would be like the skeleton of Hercules put forth
as Hercules in flesh and blood, or an uncarved stone of the Parthenon
put forth to represent the character of that renowned work of art.
Doubtless, the Pandavas were a primitive people, and twelve hundred years
before the Christian era, it would be unreasonable to look, among them,
for the refinements of the nineteenth century ; but the question before us
is as to what the state of civilization was which they had attained, and to
reject the only available evidence m the case, the Mahabharata, on the &
priort assumption that, masmuch as they must have been the counterparts of
the Juangahs of our day, they could not have been so civilized as to command
houses and tents, or the comforts and conveniences of furniture and clothing,
is, to say the least, an unphilosophical mode of argument. ‘To create one’s
own major, in order to deduce therefrom a foregone conclusion, is not the most
logical method for the unravelling of the tangled maze of historical truth.
The question, besides, suggests itself, if the Pandavas were really naked
savages, what had they to do with the rite of the Rajastiya? Itis impossible
to conceive that their circumstances remaining as they are the Juangahs
or the Andamanese could think of such a politico-religious rite, and in the
case of persons of their condition three thousand years ago, such an idea would
be totally unwarrantable. We have the authority of the Aitareya Brahmana ~
of the Rig Veda, and the Sanhitas and the Brahmanas of the Black and the
White Yajur Vedas, whose antiquity and authenticity are unimpeached, to
show that the rite under notice was well known to the Aryans from a
very remote period of antiquity, and the description given in those works
ot the rite and its requirements, indicates that the social and political con-
dition of their authors was considerably more advanced than those of men
who have no higher conception of a solemn religious rite than entering into
a drinking bout, seated on the grass under the shade of trees. The Paén-
davas, if such a family ever lived, must have lived either before’ the date of
the Vedas, or after it. In the former case, they could not have performed
the ceremony, for the ceremony had not been then designed. If the latter,
they must have known the Vedic ordinances, and been in a condition to
follow them. And in either case the theory of naked savages feasting
under the shade of trees to celebrate the rite in question must be given up
as untenable. The story of the Pandavas may, for aught we know to the
contrary, be all a myth, even as that of the Iliad founded, as supposed by
some, on an allegory of the Dawn chased by the rising sun ; but as in the
latter case the Iliad must be actepted as a history of the inner life of
men and manners in the earliest days of the Greeks, so must the Mahabharata
be accepted as a record of the life of the Aryans in India a few centuries
before the time when the Iliad was composed; and in the account of the
Se es Sse SP
| 1876. | at Delhi three thousand years ago. 205
Rajdstya we cannot help accepting a picture of what at least was the ideal
of such a rite in those days. |
- The Mahabharata does not give any sample of the conversations ‘of the
assembled guests at the Rajastya. The Brahmans are said to have discoursed
about the particular forms in which certain ceremonies had to be performed,
but the dpsissima verba of their discourses are not given. The speeches of
Sisupala, denouncing the claim of Krishna to the arghya, are fluent and fiery,
though not quite so elevated in tone as some of the Homeric speeches are ;
but such as they are, we cannot gather from them any idea of the common
topics of private conversation of the guests. It is probable, however, that
Mr. Wheeler is perfectly right in his guess about them. Warriors in olden
times were rarely noted for their literary acquirements or polish, and some
roughness was inseparable from them even in Hurope two hundred years ago ;
and the private conversation of such men could not take a very lofty tone.
It is extremely doubtful if at Versailles during the coronation of Emperor
William, the guests among themselves discussed on transcendental phuilo-
a sophy. Certain it is that even in our own day a little less of sensational
i talk and private scandal at tea parties and private gatherings would be a
tH = positive gain to society. Anyhow under no circumstance can the staple of
Wl private conversation among particular groups of men help us to any exact
i idea of the social and intellectual condition of a whole race or tribe.
li As to the ideas of the Pandavas regarding the Divinity, some of the
i mantras quoted below will, we think, be found to be much more reliable
i euides, than any guesses based on @ priort arguments.
op The rituals of the Raéjdsttya do not appear in the Mahabharata even
li ina brief summary. It did not fall within the scope of that work—an
# — avowedly epie poeem—to dwell upon so dry and recondite a subject ; nor is
there, as already stated, any single treatise or ouide-book extant in which the
whole of the details may be found arranged consecutively. ‘The Sanhita of the
ye Rig Veda, which supplies some of the principal mantras of the rite, has no-
ip where used the word Rajastiya. The Sama 1s equally silent, and so is the Athar-
i va. One of the Bréhmanas of the Rig Veda, the Aitareya, however, devotes
i! an entire book to the rites of the last day of the sacrifice on which the king
ie is made to sit on a throne, consecrated with holy water, driven in a chariot,
| and offered a goblet each of the Soma beer and arrack ; and also specifies a
tew of the hymns which are to be recited in connexion with some of the
| different ceremonials and offerings which make them up. The only subject
1a which it describes at any length 1s the abhisheka, or the pouring of consecrated
1 water on the king and its attendant rites. The Sanhitd of the Madhyandin1
pe Sakh4 of the White Yajush treats of the subject at a greater length, and.
( supplies most of the mantras required ; but the mantras occur dispersed
) f the Black Yajusb and its
under different heads. The Taittiriya Safhita o
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286 Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3,
corresponding Brahmana, however, make ample amends for the shortcomings
of the others. They treat of the rite in nearly its entirety from the begin-
ning to the end, and supply by direct citations or references all the mantras
required to be muttered while making the various offerings to the fire, and
those which should precede, or follow, the offerings, as also those which are
required for bathing, drinking, mounting a car, and other formalities and
ceremonies which have to be gone through. ‘They are silent, however, as to
the particular stages of the rite when the Rig mantras are to be repeated,
and the Sama hymns to be chanted, and these we know from other sources
are inseparable from the rites prescribed by the Yajur Veda. The details, too,
as given are insuiferably tedious and puerile in some respects, and vexatiously
obscure and unintelligible in others. Instructions are also wanting as to how
often the rites are to be repeated, and how the time over which they spread
is to be filled up.
It appears that the Rajastya, as a religious sacrifice, was not a distinct
and independent ceremony, but a collection of several separate rites celebrated
consecutively, according to a given order, and spreading over a period of
twelve months. It required the services of several priests, and unlimited
supplies of butter, rice, sacrificial animals, Soma wine, and other articles ap-
propriate for a Yajfia, as also frequent and heavy presents of gold and kine
to the priests and Brahmanas.
The time allotted to the preliminary rites was divided into three equal
periods, each of which bore a separate name, and during each a particular
round of ceremonies had to‘be gone through. From the number of months
included in each of the three periods its most appropriate name would be a
Chaturmdsya, or a ‘ quadrimensial rite’; but the name, it seems, did not
originate merely from the fact of there being four months in each period,
but from the circumstance of the time being devoted to the performance of a
sacrificial rite of that name prescribed in the Vedas. It commenced usually
when the 14th and the 15th of the waxing moon of the month of Phaleuna,
(February—March) came into conjunction ; but in the event of an accident
on that day the new moon of the month of Chaitra (March—April) was
deemed the next best, and offerings were made, at morning, noon and
evening, regularly every day for four lunar months; the Darga and the
Purnamasa rites being celebrated alternately on the successive new and
full moons, and the Prayujé rite on every full moon. The Chaturmasya
was ordained for both Bréhmans and Kshatriyas, and was held in great
veneration. When the Buddhist set aside the old Vedic rites, they could
not altogether reject the Chaéturmdsya, so they retained the name, but
changed its character. Instead of in March, they commenced the rite at
about the end of June, or early in July ; and in leu of offerings to the fire,
they took to systematic and formal reading of their scriptures. The rains
"i
meal,
1876. ] at Delhi three thousand years ago. 887
rendered travelling and itinerary mendicancy inconvenient, and shelter under
the roof of a hermitage,-or monastery, was an absolute necessity ; and the
period of this confinement was, therefore, the best adapted for reading and
particular forms of penance. From the circumstance of the ceremony being
observed in the rainy weather, it had the alternative name of Wassd or “the
autumnal rite.” When Hinduism revived, the Chaturmasya could not be
conveniently sent back to the season when it was originally celebrated, so in
the modern calender it begins on the 11th of the waning moon in Sravana
(July), and terminates on the 11th of the waxing moon in Kartika, (Octo-
ber—November) ; though the ceremony is not finally closed until the full
moon following. Women and hermits are the principal observers of this
ceremony in the present day, and it is made up of a series of fasts and
penances: some abstaining from the evening meal, or rice altogether ; some
taking their food served on the bare ground; some giving up the use of
bedsteads ; others eschewing the use of betel leaf, condiments and rich food
of all kinds. Abstinence from flesh meat and fish, from fine clothing, and
from indulgence in singing, dancing, and music are obligatory on all. In
some of its features the new rite bears a close resemblance to the Lent of
the Christian Church, and, curiously enough, its old prototype, the Vedic
rite, commenced at about the same time.
The sacrifice opened with the cooking of eight pots of frumenty for a
divinity named Anumiti, who, according to some, is the presiding spirit ot the
interval between the 14th and the 15th lunation, but, in the opinion of others,
that of fertile land. The frumenty being duly consecrated and oifered, a
fee of one milch cow was to be given to the priest. The object of this offer-
ing was to pacify the earth and make her agreeable and favourably disposed to
the sacrifice. Then followed an offering of one potful of frumenty to Nirriti,
the personation of barren land, or the evil genius which causes mischief and
interruptions to the progress of the rite. The fee (Dakshind) for this
offering was a piece of black cloth with a black fringe; and this offering
had to be made while standing at the doorway, so as to protect the sacri-
ficial hall from her encroachment. Offerings next followed to Aditya,
Vishnu, Agni, Indra, Soma, and Sarasvati,to each a specific number otf platters
of the frumenty, and an appropriate fee for the priest who consecrated those
offerings on the fire. The fee varied from a bit of gold to a ealf, a bull,
or one or two mileh cows. The full-moon rite, Pirnamasa, was then
performed with offerings of Soma beer and animal sacrifice as ordained
under that head in the Vedas. SS
After this preliminary homa, the rites proper of the first Chatur-
masya, which bore the specific name ot Vaisvadeva Parva, began. These
included a daily round of offerings, morning, noon, and evening, the arti-
cles offered being mostly clarified butter and frumenty cooked with grains
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388 Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage [ No. 3,
of various kinds, not excepting several species of wild grass, the seeds of
which, though now no longer thought of as edible, seem to have been prized
not only as articles fit for presentation to the gods but as nutritious food.
The mantras of course differed for every separate offering, and the
ritual was very scrupulously fixed for the morning, noon, and evening
observances ; but for the successive days there was little or no change, except
on the successive new and full moons when the Darga and the Pirnamdsa
were celebrated with the usual offerings of Soma beer, and the priests and
their congregations regaled themselves with the intoxicating beverage. One
of the mantras Irom the Black Yajur Brahmana contains a curious reference
to an iron instrument put inside the mouth for governing and guiding horses.
This completely refutes the accuracy of the statement made by Arrian that
the Indians at the time of Alexander’s invasion knew not the use of the
bit or snaffle, and tied a piece of raw bullock’s hide round the lower part of
the horse’s jaw.* The name for the bit or snaffle in the olden days was
adhana.~ Subsequently the word khalina was substituted.
The second period of four months bore the name of Varuna-praghdsa
Parva. It commenced in the month of Asddha (June—July), or Srdévana
(July—August), according as the first period commenced in Phalguna or
Chaitra. The articles of offering during this period included, besides the
frumenty, grains, clarified butter, &c., an occasional allowance of mutton.
The arrangement of the altars was slightly changed, and the mantras used
were mostly different, but the gods invoked were the same, and the alter-
nate celebration of the Darga and the Ptrnamasa rites, as also of the
Prayuja, was regularly continued.
The third period opened with the performance of a group of rites
called the Sdkamedha Parva, which took up two days, the first devoted to
three homas, and the second to nine homas, and three offerings to the manes—
Mahapityri yajna. The homas of the second day were designed for the Maruts.
It is said that ‘“ Indra having destroyed Vritra, ran away; thinking that he
had done wrong. (Meeting the Maruts in the way) he asked, ‘ Who can
ascertain this (whether I have killed Vritra or not) ?’? The Maruts replied,
‘We shall give you the blessing, and ascertain the fact; do you give us
the first oblation.” They then played about (on the corpse of Vritra
and were satisfied that it was lifeless). Hence the play of players, and
therefore are the oblations first given to the Maruts for success in war-
fare.’ The details of the offering to the manes were very much like
what is well known in connexion with the ordinary grdddhas, but the man-
tras were different, and the rite was looked upon with special veneration.
* Vide Mitra’s Antiquities of Orissa, I. p. 128.
__ f Raa a oRE eA Braga! wat: afcay area | eet ser TAT
SRACUTA Fa saa arefanea Greate ( Black Vajur Safthits, IL, p. 27.
et ee Per AIST RE
1876. | at Dethi three thousand years ago. 389
It was followed, on a subsequent day, by another feast for the manes, and it
was called Tryambaka Purodasa. In this the spirit of each ancestor had a
separate platter of cake or ball of barley steeped in ghi, and an extra one was
designed for those who would ascend the region of the Manes (Pitris) at a
future time. The balls of course, as usual in graddhas, were consecrated, but
not put onthe ground. They were thrown upwards and received back on the
palm of the hand. The divinity invoked afterwards was Rudra, who is
described as a cruel god, with three eyes—fri ‘three,’ and ambaka < eyes,’
whence the name of the rite. Amba is referred to as the wife of the god.
The object of the rite seems to have been the prevention of the destruction
of crops by vermin, through the pacification of their lord, who is described
as the “master of rats.”* To the modern Indian reader, this passage will
: appear remarkable, as it is universally known in the present day, as it was
cP in those of the Puranas, that the rat was the favourite of Ganéga, the son
wa of Rudra, and not of Rudra himself. There is, however, no contradiction,
as the vehicle of the son may well be a favourite of the father. As during |
1 the two preceding periods, so in this, the Darga, the Ptirnamasa and the
i Prayuja rites were celebrated with a lavish consumption of Soma beer,
ut but in the absence of a manual I cannot ascertain if the Homas and the
xh Sraddhas were repeated every fortnight: (apparently they were,) and how
dap the other days of the period were occupied. ‘The Sastras and Sama hymns
t of this period are also unknown to me.
uf On the completion of the three quadrimensial rites extending over a
1 period of one year, four separate rites were enjoined for the first day of
the new year. The first of these was called Sunasirya, and it included
a offerings of twelve platters of frumenty to Indra and Agni; one platterrul
ul of the same to the Visvedevas, twelve platters of cakes to Indra as a com-
bination of Suind ‘ wind,’ and S¢ra ‘the sun,’ milk to Vayu, and one platter-
ia ful to Sirya. The fee to the priest for the rite was twelve heads of kine.
The next was called Indra turya or “ Indra the fourth,” the other three
associates being Agni, Rudra, and Varuna. It included offerings of eight
, plattersful of framenty to Agni, a platterful of the same madg of a kind of
wild paddy, called Gdvidhuka, to Rudra, curdled milk to Indra, and Iru-
menty made of barley to Varuna. The fee for this rite was a cow fit to
; carry loads.
The third rite, called Paiichedhmtya, was performed at night, when five
loads of different kinds of wood were offered to the fire along with clarified
butter. The object of this rite was to prevent Rakshasas from causing
4 interruptions. The last rite was called Apdmarga Homa, because it was
i accomplished by offering, at early dawn, a handful of meal made of the seeds
of a wild weed named Apamarga, (Acheranthes aspra) on a burning fagot.
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390 Rajendralala Mitra—dAn Imperial Assemblage [No. 3,
The story in connexion with this rite says; “once on a time Indra, having
destroyed Vritra and other Asuras, failed to find out the Asura Namuchi.
At last he seized him, and the two wrestled together ; Indra was overpower-
ed, and on the point of bemg killed ; when the Agura told him, ‘ Let us enter
into an agreement for peace, and I shall let you alone ; promise only that you
will not attempt to kill me with a dry or a fluid substance, nor during day
nor at night.’ (The agreement was accordingly ratified, but Indra was not
satisfied.) He collected some foam, which was neither dry nor moist, and,
at dawn, when the sun had not risen, which was neither day nor night in
this region, struck the head of the Asura with that foam. The Asura
complained that he (Indra) was a murderer of his friend. From the head
(of the Asura) was produced the herb Apdmarga. Performing a homa with
that herb, he (Indra) destroyed the Rakshasas.’’* |
For the day following six rites were enjoined, including offerings to
some of the minor deities who protect infants from their conception to the
time when they learn to speak. The articles offered call for no remark.
The fee in four cases was one or more cows of particular colour or quality,
gold in one, and a horse in the last. |
The rites aforesaid were all performed in the king’s own sacrificial
hall, where the necessary altars were prepared for the purpose. But after
the last-named rite, some offerings had to be made on successive days in the
houses of his subjects, and they were collectively called Rateriném Havi or
“ the rite of the wealthy.’ The first offering was made to Vrishaspati in the
house of the High Priest Brahma; the second to Indra, in the house of a
Kshatriya; the third to Aditya, in the house of the anointed Queen; the
fourth to Nirriti, in that of the queen who 1s not a favourite ; the fifth to
Agni, in that of the Commander-in-Chief ; the sixth to Varuna, in that of
the charioteer ; the seventh to the Maruts, in that of a publie prostitute ;
the eighth to Savitd, in that of the chamberlain or warder of the eymna-
sium; the ninth to the Asvins, in that of the treasurer; the tenth to
Pushan, in that of the ryot who shares the produce with the king; the
eleventh to Rudra, in that of a gambler. Hach of these offerings had its
appropriate fee. On the completion of these, two other rites, respectively
called Dikshaniya and Devasuvd, had to be pertormed in the king’s own
sacrificial hall. They occupied one day, and completed the preliminary rites
necessary tor the most important act of the sacrifice—the Imperial bathing
or Abhishekha.
The account of the Abhisheka given in the White Yajur Brdhmana is
nearly as full as that which occurs in the Black Yajur, but the Bréhmana
of the latter which elaborates it 1s, ab every step, interrupted by innumerable
little stories of no interest.
* Taittirya Safhita, Vol. II. p. 95,
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1876. | at Dethi three thousand years ago. 391
The religious rites performed on the last day of the great sacrifice were
twofold—one appertaining to the celebration of an ephemeral (atkahika)
Soma sacrifice with its morning, noon and evening libations, its animal sacri-
fices, its numerous Shastras and Stotras, and its chorus of S4ma hymns, and
the other relating to the bathing and its attendant acts of mounting a car,
symbolically conquering the whole earth, receiving the homage of the priests,
and quafiing a goblet of Soma beer and another of arrack, together with
the rites appertaining thereto.
The proper time for the ceremony was the new moon after the full moon
of Phalguna, z. e., at about the end of March. The fluids required for the
bathing were of seventeen kinds according to the Mddhyandiniya school of
the White Yajush, and “ sixteen or seventeen” according to the Taittiriya-
kas. The former, however, gives a list of 18 kinds*; thus—Ist, the water
* The discrepancy is explained by taking the Sirasvati water to be the principal
ingredient, and the others the regular ritual articles. For the Abhisheka of Vaishnavite
idols of wood, stone or metal, recommended by later rituals, the articles required are
considerably more numerous, but they do not include all those which the Vedas give
above. Thus, they enumerate, Ist, clarified butter; 2nd, curds; 3rd, milk; 4th, cow-
dung; 5th, cow’s urine; 6th, ashes of bull’s dung; 7th, honey; 8th, sugar; 9th, Ganges
water or any pure water; 10th, water of a river which has a masculine name; 11th,
water of a river which has a feminine name; 12th, ocean water; 13th, water from a
waterfall ; 14th, water from clouds; 15th, water from a sacred pool; 16th, water in
which some fruits have been steeped; 17th, water in which five kinds of astringent
leaves have been steeped ; 18th, hot water; 19th, water dripping from a vessel having
a thousand holes in its bottom ; 20th, water from a jar having some mango leaves in it;
21st, water from eight pitchers ; 22nd, water in which kusa grass has been steeped ;
28rd, water from a jar used in sprinkling holy water (santikumbha) ; 24th, sandal-wood
water ; 25th, water scented with fragrant flowers ; 26th, water scented with fried grains ;
2(th, water scented with Jatimansi and other aromatics; 28th, water scented with
certain drugs collectively called Mahaushadhi; 29th, water in which five kinds of
precious stones have been dipped; 30th, earth from the bed of the Ganges; 31st, earth
dug out by the tusk of an elephant; 32nd, earth from a mountain; 33rd, earth from
the hoof of a horse; 34th, earth from around the root of a lotus; 35th, earth from a
mound made by white-ants ; 36th, sand from the bed of a river; 37th, earth from the
point where two rivers mect; 38th, earth from a boar’s lair; 39th, earth from the
opposite banks of a river; 40th, cake of pressed sesamum seed; 41st, leaves of the
a$vattha ; 42nd, mango leaves; 48rd, leaves of the Mimosa arjuna; 44th, leaves of a
particular variety of a$vattha; 45th, flowers of the Champaka; 46th, blossoms of the
mango; 47th, flowers of the Sami; 48th, Kunda flowers; 49th, lotus flower; 50th, —
oleander flowers; 51st, Nagakesara flowers; 52nd, Tulsi leaves powdered ; 58rd, Bel
leaves powdered; 54th, leaves of the kunda ; 55th, Barley meal; 56th, meal of the
Nivara grain (a wild paddy); 57th, Powdered sesamum seed, 58th, powder of Sati
leaves, 59th, turmeric powder, 60th, meal of the Sya4maka grain, 61st, powdered ginger,
62nd, powder of Priyangu secds; 63rd, rice meal; 64th, powder of Bel leaves ; 65th,
powder of the leaves of the Amblic myrobalan; 66th, meal of the kangni seed. The
usual practice is to place a mirror before the idol, then to fill a small pitcher with pure
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392 Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage [ No. 3,
of the Sarasvati river, (Sérasvatt) ; 2nd, water from a pool or river while
in a state of agitation from the fall of something into it, (Kallola) ; 8rd,
water disturbed by the passage of an army over a ford (Vrisasend) ; 4th,
water taken during an ebb tide, (Arthetd) ; 5th, water taken during a
flood tide (Ojashvati) ; 6th, water from the point of junction of two
streams produced by a sandbank in a river (Parivdhini) ; 7th, sea-water
(Apampaté) ; 8th, water from a whirlpool (Apdngarbhd) ; 9th, water
from a pool in a river where there is no current, (Siryatvak) ; 10th,
rain water which falls during sunshine, (Suryavarchchas) ; 11th, tank
water (Manda) ; 12th, well-water, (Vrajakshita) ; 13th, dew-drops col-
lected from the tops of grass blades, (Vasa) ; 14th, honey (Savishthd) ;
15th, liquor amnion, (S’ekvarz) ; 16th, milk (Janabhrit) ; 17th, clarified
butter, (Visvabhrit) ; 18th, water heated by exposure to the sun, (Svardt.)
These waters were collected at proper seasons and opportunities, and
kept in reserve in pitchers near the northern altar. On the day of the
ceremony eighteen small vessels made of the wood of the Micus glomerata
(Udumbara) or of the Oalamas rotang (vetasa) were provided, and the
Adhvaryu, proceeding to the first pitcher, drew some water from it into
one of the vessels while repeating the mantra, “O honeyed water
whom the Devas collected, thou mighty one, thou begotten of kings,
thou enlivener; with thee Mitra and Varuna were consecrated, and
Indra was freed from his enemies; I take thee.” He next drew
some water from the second pitcher, with the mantra ‘“O water, thou art
naturally a giver of kingdoms, grant a kingdom to my Yajamana so and
so (naming the king)’’, and then poured into the vessel butter taken four
times in a ladle, a mantra being repeated to consecrate the operation of
pouring. In this way all the eighteen vessels being filled and consecrated
in due form, their contents were all poured into a large bucket made of
the same wood, while repeating the verse, “O honeyed and divine ones,
mix with each other for the promotion of the strength and royal vigour of
our Yajamana.” The mixture was then removed to the altar opposite the
place of Mitr4varuna. The bucket being thus placed, six offerings were made
to the six divinities, Agni, Soma, Savita, Sarasvati, Pusha, and Vrihas-
pati. Two slips of Kusa grass were next taken up, a bit of gold was tied to
each, and the slips thus prepared were then dipped into the bucket, and a
little water was taken out with them, and sprinkled on the king while
water, drop in it a small quantity of one of the articles in the order above named, and
lastly to pour the mixture on the reflected image, through a rosehead called Sata-
jhara, similar to the gold vessel with a hundred perforations described above. This
symbolical bathing is found expedient to prevent the paint, and polish of the idols
being soiled and tarnished. In the case of unbaked idols the necessity for it is im-
perative, and the bathing is more simple, summary and expeditious,
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1876.| _ | : at Delhi three thousand years ago. 399
of
repeating the mantra, “I sprinkle this by order of Savité, with a faultless
thread of grass (pavitra)—with the light of the sun. You are, O waters,
unassailable, the friends of speech, born of heat, the giver of Soma, and the
sanctified by mantra, do ye grant a kingdom (to our Yajamana.)”” |
Four buckets were next brought out, one made of Paldsa wood, (Butea
frondosa) one of Udumbara (ficus glomerata), one of Vata (Ficus indica),
and one of Asgvattha (Mieus religiosa), and the collected waters in the
bucket were divided into four parts, and poured into them. |
The king was then made to put on his bathing dress, consisting of an i
inner garment for the loins (¢arpya) made of linen or cotton cloth
steeped in clarified butter, a red blanket for the body (Pandya), an outer
wrapper tied round the neck like a barber’s sheet (adhivdsa), and a turban
(ushnisa). A bow was then brought forth, duly strung, and then handed to
the king, along with three kinds of arrows, for all which appropriate
mantras are provided.
The Adhvaryu then, taking the right hand of the king, repeated the two
following mantras: (1st) May Savita appoint you as the sovereign of the |
people. May Agni, the adored of householders, appoint you the ruler of all re:
householders. May Soma, the sovereign of the vegetable kingdom, grant you
i supremacy over vegetables. May Vrihaspati, the developer of speech, bestow
on you power over speech. May Indra, the eldest, make you the eldest over all.
May Rudra, the lord of animals, make you supreme over all animals. May
truthful Mitra make you the protector of truth. May Varuna, the defender
of virtuous actions, grant you lordship over virtue.” (2nd). “O well-
worshipped gods, Do you free so and so (naming the king), the son of so
and so (naming the father and mother of the king), from all enemies, and :
enable him to be worthy of the highest duties of Kshatriyas, of the eldest,
of the lord of vehicles, and of supremacy. Through your blessings he has
become the king of such a nation (naming it). O ye persons of that nation,
from this day, he is your king. Of us Brahmans, Soma is the king.” The
concluding line of the last mantra is worthy of note, as it exempts the
Bréhmans from the sovereignty of the anointed king. |
A few offerings to the fire next followed, and the king was then made
emblematically to conquer the four quarters of the earth and the sky.
Making him advance successively ‘towards the east, north, south, and west,
the Adhvaryu said, “ Yajamdna, conquer the earth. May the metre Gayatri,
the Rathéntara S4ma hymn, the Stoma named Trivit, the spring season and
the Brdhman caste protect you on this side.” “ Yajamana, conquer the
south. May the metre Trishtup, the Brihat Sdma hymn, the fifteen-fold
Stoma, the summer season and the Kshatriya caste protect you er
“ Yajamaéna, conquer the west. May the metre Jagati, the Vairupa Sama
hymns, the seventeen-fold Stoma, the rainy season and the Vaisya caste protect
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894 -Rajendralala Mitra—An Imperial Assemblage [No. 3,
you there.” “ Yajamana, conquer the north. May the metre Anushtup, the
Vairdja Sdma hymns, the twenty-one-rold Stoma, the Autumn season, and the
fruits of the earth protect you there.” The king was then made to look
upwards, and while he did so, the Adhvaryu recited a mantra saying,
“ Yajamana, conquer the upper regions. May the metre Pafkti, the Sakvara
and the Raivata Sama hymns, the three-fold-nine and the thirty-three-fold
Stomas, the dewy and the cold seasons, Vigour and Dravina wealth protect
you there.”’
A stool, made of the wood of the Mimosa catechu (Khadira) or of the
Ficus glomerata, having teet about seven inches high, had next to be pro-
vided, and thereon was spread a tiger skin with the hairy side upwards
and the head looking to the south, the mantra for the purpose saying, that
even as the skin was the glory of the moon so should it confer slory
on the king. On the skin was placed a Satamdna, a bit of gold of the weight
of a hundred measures,* or a coin of that name—probably the latter.
Seated on this bathing stool facing the east, the king had a vessel of gold,
weighing a S’atamdna and having nine or a hundred perforations in its bottom,
placed on hishead. A piece of copper was also placed under his left foot, and _
a piece of lead under his right foot. The vessel was intended to serve as a rose-
head for the fluid for the bathing falling in a shower over the head of the king ;
the copper as the emblem of the head of Namuchi, the chief of the Asuras
or Demons, who were inimical to religious rites, and the lead that of tatlers
and wicked people who had to be put down. The mantras intended to be
recited when placing the three articles indicate their character. The king
recited the mantras, and then kicked away the metals from under his feet.
Atter this, he lifted his two hands upwards, repeating appropriate mantras, in
one of which he promised to rise before the sun every day, and remained in
that position. Thereupon, the Adhvaryu came forward and stood in front
ot him with the bucket made of Paldsa wood in his hand. The High
Priest or a relative of the king stood on the right side with the bucket of
Udumbara wood, and a Kshatriya on the left with the bucket made of
Nyagrodha wood, while a Vaisya stood behind with the bucket made of
Asvattha wood, and each on his turn, in the order named, poured the contents
of his bucket on the king’s head. The mantra to be recited when about to
pour the water runs thus: “May king Soma and Varuna and the other
* The Scholiast takes the Satamdna to be equivalent to a hundred hrishnaias or ratis;
which would be equal to 1765 Troy grains ; but the researches of the learned Mr. Thomas
clearly prove that the mdéna was nearly treble the weight of the rat/, and that the Sata-
mana was equivalent to 320 ratis or 560 Troy grains, which made it equal to four of the
well-known old coin Suvarna, which weighed 140 grains Troy—something like the Greek
Tetradrachma, but about twice its weight, and of gold. Marsden’s Numismata Orientalia,
New Ed., p. 6.
’
1876. | at Delhi three thousand years ago. 395
gods who are the defenders of religion protect thy speech ; may they protect
thy vital airs; may they protect thy eyes; may they protect thy ears.”
The mantra fo the Adhvaryu when pouring the water from his bucket, Says,
“O Yajamana, I bathe thee with the glory of the moon; may you be king
or kings among kings ; may you prosper in every way ; may you overcome
all your enemies. O ye well worshipped Devas, may you free so and so (here
the name of the king) the son of so and so (here the names of his father and
mother) from all his enemies, and enable him to discharge the highest duties
of the Kshatriya, of the eldest, of the owner of the best vehicles, and of his
own greatness. ‘Through your blessings he has: become the king of such a
nation (name). Know ye of that nation, that he has this day become your
king. Of us, Brahmanas, Soma is the king.” For the Brahma the mantra
is similar to the last, substituting only “the glory of Agni,” for that of
the moon, and omitting the names. The Vaisya appealed to the glory of
God, and the Kshatriya the light of the sun. |
The baptism over, the Emperor descended from his seat, cast off his wet
clothes, put on his regal dress including hogskin shoes, and then took three
steps forward, symbolically to represent the subjugation of the three regions,
repeating for each act a separate mantra. The three steps were the counter-
parts of those by which Vishnu spanned the earth, the upper regions and
heaven, or those of the sun at sunrise, midday and sunset. The Adhvaryu
in the meantime offered an oblation to the fire, and the Agnidhra, collecting —
_ a portion of the water that had run over the Emperor’s person, poured a
portion of it on the fire in the name of Rudra.
A chariot was next brought into the sacrificial hall, and to it three
horses were yoked, and two charioteers were made to take their places
on its two. sides. The White Yajush recommends four horses. The Em-
peror, having taken his seat, ordered the charioteers to proceed, and they
whipped the horses, and drove them on until the vehicle was brought in
front of a herd of cattle, when the Emperor touched the foremost cow
with the top of his bow, the operation being emblematic of a successful
cattle-lifting raid. The vehicle was then turned and brought back to its
place near the altar, when the Adhvaryu offered four oblations to the fire,
in the names of Agni, Soma, Maruts and Indra, and the Emperor, while
descending from his chariot, recited a mantra, saying, “ Him who is the
pure soul, (Haiisa), Him, who is the pervader of the ether, Him, who
presides as the Hota at the altar, Him who is the long-travelled ouest,
Him, who, born of water, reigns in every human form, Him who enlivens
all animals, Him who controls the seasons, Him who sustains the mountains,
Him, the all-pervading and the mighty one, I adore.” Having descended
frisies the car, he touched the two Satamanas which had been previously
attached to the two wheels of the vehicle.
ae | Se ee ee ee
— 896 - Rajendralala Mitra—<An Imperial Assemblage | No. 3,
A proper throne with a leather cushion was next prepared, and the
Emperor, having taken his seat thereon, received the homage of his suests.
The first person to approach him was the Adhvaryu, who, touching his breast,
said, “‘ If you desire to govern an empire, judge impartially between the
great and the small; direct your entire attention to promote the prosperity
of all; and exert your utmost to prevent all misadventure.”
The Brahma or High Priest next appeared before him and the follow-
ing conversation passed between them.
| The Emperor. ‘‘ Brahman.’
Brahma. “ Thou art all-glorious. Thy behests can never be overruled.
Thou art the asylum of the people, and therefore (as great as) Savita.”’
Emperor “ Brahman.”’
Brahma. “ Thou artall-glorious. Thy might is infallible. Thou art
the asylum of the poople, and therefore (as great as) Varuna.”
Emperor “ Brahman.”
Brahma. ‘ Thou art all-glorious and the owner of every kind of wealth.
Thou art the preserver of the peace of the country, and therefore Indra.”
| Emperor “ Brahman.”
| Brahma. “ Thou art all-glorious, the adored of all to whom thou art
kind, and the cause of weeping to the women of your enemies, and there-
fore Rudra.”
Emperor “ Brahman.”
Brahma. “ Thou art all glorious, therefore like unto Brahma.”
The Purohit was next commanded to approach, and he handed the Em-
peror a sacrificial knife. This knife was made of hard wood, and in
shape like a scymitar. With the point of this instrument, the Emperor
had to draw on the ground a dice-board, and, offer thereon four oblationgs
with butter to Agni. This done, the Adhvaryu handed over to him five
dice, shaped like couris, made of gold, and these he cast on the board,
saying, ““O Ye dice which have been taken up after the offering of due
oblations, do ye, mixing with the fierce rays of the sun, grant me supremacy
among kings.”° If the dice when cast showed the full number on the upper
surtace, the augury was believed to be satisfactory. |
Atter this angury the allies, tributaries, vassals and other guests offered
their congratulations and homage; but as this was done without any
mantra, no mention of it occurs in the ritual.
Now followed a rite called Sansripa Havt, and 1t required eight plat-
terstul of butter for Agni, frumenty for Sarasvati, and twelve plattersful of
butter for Savit, the offering to each divinity being accompanied by an
appropriate fee. |
Next came the rite called Dagapeya. Preparations for it were made
previously, and they included the purchase and expression of the juice of
1876.] | at Delhi three thousand years ago. 397
the Soma vine, and the brewing of the same into beer. Immediately after the
performance of the last named rite, a series of offerings were made to the
fire with this beer, and then a cupful of it was offered to the Emperor, who
quaffed it after repeating a mantra. _He then presented largesses to all the
officiating priests, including two golden mirrors to the Adhvaryu, a golden
_ necklace and his own outer garment to the Udgata, golden bracelets to the
Hota, a horse to the Prastota and the Pritiharté, twelve heads of pregnant
young heifers to the Brahma, a barren cow to the Mitrdvaruna, a vigorous
bull to the Brahmanachhahsi, clothes to the Neshtri and Potri, a cart loaded
with barley to the Achchhavaka, and a bullock to the Agnidhra.
Next followed certain offerings of butter, curds and frumenty to Agni,
Indra, Visvedevah, Mitra, Varuna, and Vrihaspati, and the sacrifice of a
pregnant goat having well developed teats under the neck to Aditya, and
that of a pregnant heifer to the Maruts.
The last rite in this long list of ceremonies and sacrifices was called
Sautramant, or the offering of rice spirit. Preparations for it were made
from three days previously, when young dried dates (krala), small round
plums (vadarz), and myrobalans (haritaki) were brought, carefully cleaned,
deprived of their stalks and calyces, and powdered, then three kinds of the
tur—ot the lion, the tiger and the wolf—were mixed with the powders, along
with barley meal, yeast and tender blades of durba grass, and allowed to
ferment in a large vessel of water. When the fermentation was complete, the
liquor was strained and preserved for use. After the performance of the
rite named in the last preceding para., a brown goat and a bull were sacri-
ficed, and offerings were made with this liquor, as also with butter and fru-
menty, and the ceremony was closed by the Emperor quafting a gobletful of
the exhilarating liquor. | |
The rituals given in the Black and the White Yajush thus limit the
-Abhisheka to one sprinkling and one bathing ; but the Aitareya Brahmana of
the Rig Veda recommends three kinds of bathing: Ist, called Abhisheka for
kings ; 2nd, Purndbhisheka for superior kings, and 8rd, Mahabhisheka for
emperors. Its details are different, but from the mantras given, the second
bathing appears to correspond to a great extent with the ritual above given.
The object of the third is thus described: “The priest who, with this know-
edge (about the Mahdbhesheka ceremony as described in a preceding part
of the work) wishes that a Kshatriya should conquer in all the various
ways of conquest, to subjugate all people, and that he should attain to
leadership, precedence and supremacy over all kings, and attain everywhere and
at all times to universal sovereignty, enjoyment (of pleasures), independence,
distinguished distinction as a king, the fulfilment of the highest desires,
the position of a king, of a great king, and supreme mastership, that he might
cross (with his arms) the universe, and become the ruler of the whole earth
2)
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| Postscript to page 371. |
The locale of the ancient Vdrandvrata appears to be Barndwah in the
west of Mirath District. Sir H. C. Bayley, K. C..8. L., informs me thea
| the place As a very old one, and has a large mound, or artificial fort, as at
old Delhi (Indraprastha), which local tradition alleges to be the remains of
napur and Sonpat, and not far from Badghpat, Nonpat, Pdnipat, and Indra. _
the burnt palace. The palace stands almost ina straight line between Hasti-
j _ prastha itself,
w
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398 Rajendralala Mitra—<An Imperial Assemblage at Delhi.
during all his life, which may last for an infinitely long time, that he might
be the sole king of the earth up to its shores bordering on the ocean ; such
a priest should inaugurate the Kshatriya with Indra’s great inauguration
ceremony.’* Such a blessing, however was not easily granted. Before grant-
ing it, the priest was required to demand from the king the following in the
form of an oath :“ Whatever pious works thou mightest have done during the
time which may elapse from the day of thy birth to the day of thy death, all
these together with thy position, thy good deeds, thy lite, thy children, I
would wrest trom thee shouldst thou do me any harm.’’+
The utensils required for the ceremony were very much the same as
noticed before, but the fluid for the bathing instead of including eighteen
kinds of water and other substances, comprised only four kinds of fruit
powdered, curds, honey, clarified butter and rain-water fallen during sun-
shine, all mixed in a bucket of Udumbara wood. The mixture was too
repulsive to be poured over the head, and so it was used only for sprinkling
over the person of the king. The drinking of the Soma beer and spirituous
liquor then rollowed, for the latter of which the following mantras are given :
“ Of what juice well-prepared beverage Indra drank with his associates, just
the same, viz. king Soma, I drink here with my mind being devoted to him.”
“To thee who growest like a bullock (Indra) by drinking Soma, I send off
(the Soma juice) which was squeezed to drink it ; may it satiate thee and
make thee well drunk.’’t |
_ The effect of the drinking is thus described by the author of the Bréh-
mana: “The drinking of spirituous liquor, or Soma, or the enjoyment
of some other exquisite food, affects the body of the Kshatriya who is
inaugurated by means of Indra’s great inauguration ceremony, just as
pleasantly and agreeably till it falls down, as the son feels such an excess.
of joy when embracing his father, or the wife when embracing her husband,
as to lose all self-command.’’§
It is no where stated whether the whole or only a part of the cere-
monies above described was observed by Yudhishthira. Each school of
Vedic priests having had their own separate system of ritual, it is to be
presumed that Yudhishthira must have followed one of them, and conse-
quently omitted some details. It is not known to which school his family
priest Dhaumya belonged, but the school of the client must have been the
same as that of the priest.
* Haug’s Translation, p. 519. t Loc. cit. { Ibid. p. 522. § Ibid., p. 523.
ln aia ea I NI IONE ne GN OD er,
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1 NDE X&
JOURNAL,
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,
Parr J,
FOR
1876.
Avuan, Rajptts, 308
Abhishekha, or rite of bathing the Empe-
ror, 390
Achin, supplies sulphur, 70
adhana, or bit for horses, 388
agni-aster, a Sanskrit fire-arm, 44, 46
Ahirs, in Audh, 302
Ahmad Shah Bahmani, coin of, 296
Ahmad Shah, ruler of Skarda, 119
Aibak, Kutb-uddin, 334
Aish, a frontier village in Gilgit, 186
Aitareya Brahmana, mentions human
sacrifices, 118
akaras, modes of birth, 9n.
Akbar, coin of, 292
Allahabad, the ancient Wy ane aia, Bye!
Alor, battle of, 39
Amba, wife of Rudra, 389
. Americans, human sacrifices of, 84, 86
Amethia, a clan in Audh, 302
Anumiti, divinity of fertility, 387
apamdrga (Acherantes aspra), 389
arghya, 318
Arniya, or Dardu, a dialect, 141
Arrian, says that Indians were not ac-
quainted with the use of the bit for
horses, 388
Artemis, the Indian Kali, 82
artillery, introduction of, in Europe and
Asia, 54, 55, 60
Asiatic Fire weapons, 30
Astor Valley, 119
as'vamedha, or horse sacrifice, required a
human sacrifice, Lt
Audh, Bhars of, 297 ; races of, 300
Ayudhyé, 2: 24 ; ; coins foundat, 297, 298,
hae Shamsher, a mountain god, 129
Aztecs, their human sacrifices, 80
2C
r . BF PS — =
- ait ies aaa elt Xena a olla ie
st at ‘=! an
a
wectag ein sshie9 Xs SA Oca aE
Bazar artillery of, 57
Babhru- vahana, a city of Manipura, 47
Bacola (Bakla), 72
Bahadur Shah, of Dihlf, coin of, 294 ;—of
Bengal, coin of, 295
Bais, of Baiswiré, 301
Rael (Bacola), 72, 76
Baku, on the Caspian, 427.
Bal and Dal, Bhar chiefs, 303
ballistarius, 56
baloshbut, or pot-stone, found in Gilgit, 134
bamboo, ‘used for conducting inflammable
air, 43 ; etymology of —, 44
Bémian, siewe of, 35
Banéras, Bhars of 297
Banaudhé, 3065
Bandelgot, a clan in cae 302
Banke Bihari Temple, at Brind4ban, 312
Barbuni valley, 122
Barjur, in Gilgit, 135
Barnawah, west of Mirath, 371, yostseript,
barter, in Wakhan, 233
barid, or ounpowder, 37N.
Bashgali, or Kafir country, 125
Basors, or sweepers, in Hamirpur, 280
Bedar Bakht, of Dibli, 294; coin of, 293
Bengal, Muhammadan coins of, 291
Benett, W. C. Mr., his views on the
Audh Bhars, 306
Beveridge, H., on ‘ Were the Sundarbans
inhabited in ancient times ?’, 71
Bhakt-Mala, 312, 313 _
Bhalesaltan, a clan in Audh, 302, 306
bharddis, or Bhar-abadis, 305
Bhars, 281, 297; parganahs and towns
named after them, 803; the same as
Ahirs, 308
Bharudi Bais, 307
Bharwara, 308
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400 Index.
Bhatnir, 33, 34
Bhumiya, 300 fe
Bih4ri Ji Temple, at Brindaban, 312
bitumen, 427”. |
bombarda, etymology of, 44
Bos grunniens, or yak, 271
Boté, a general name for the people of
Astor, Gilgit, &c., 128 :
Brahmanism, its relation to Buddhism, 304,
382, 386
Brindaban, 312
brooch, as worn in Gilgit, 137
Bubbur, in Gilgit, 1385
Buddhism, its relation to Brahmanism,
804, 382, 386
Bundelas, 280
Bundelkhand, popular songs of, 279
Bunji, 120, 121 |
Burma, petroleum of, 61
Canna, cane, whence ‘cannon’, 44
Carnegy, Mr. P., on the Bhars of Audh
and Banaras, 297
Caste songs, in Bundelkhand, 280
Chachnamah, quoted, 39
Chakerkot, 121
Chamargor, a clan in Audh, 302
Chamunda, or Chandika, a divinity, 113
Chand, the poet, mentions fire-arms, 46
Chand Khan, of the Sundarban, 75
Chandecan, in the Sundarban, identified,
74, 75
Chandradip Rajas, 72
‘charms, or ta’ wiz, as used in Gilgit, 137
Chaturmasya, a sacrifice, 386 ; is the pro-
totype of the Christian Lent, 387
chhand, a kind of poem, 102.
Chilas, 120 |
Chitral, 125
Chinese, use naphtha for warming and
lighting, 43; not the inventors of gun-
powder, 63
Chitrakit, 2
clans, Hindu, in Audh, 302
Coins of Dihli, Malwah, Bengal, Kulbarga,
and Kashmir, 291; of Kadphisis and
Kanerko, 297
complexion, of Gilgitis, 131
Constantinople, siege of, 39
crocodiles, legends regarding them, 50
Cupressus torulosa, 207
Das IPOKER, in Gilgit, 133
Dal, a Bhar chief, 303
Dalmau, 303
Dandaka forest, 187,
Dards, of the Hindu Kush, 140, 141
Dasgapeya, a rite, 396
Dasyus, 299, 300
Delmerick, Mr. J. G., Second List of Rare
Muhammadan coins, 291 |
dega, mortar, 59
deg-t-ghazt, one of Babar’s guns, 58
Devasuva a rite, 390
Dhamis, a sect, 232.
Dharkar, a clan in Audh, 302
Dhimghat, in the 24-Parganahs, 75
dialects of Hindi, in Bundelkhand, 282
Dibli, coins of, emperors of, 291 ; captured
by the Muhammadans in 589H., 327;
Imperial assemblage held at, three thou-
sand years ago, 368 3
Dikhaniya, a rite, 390
Dindjpur, whether the ancient Virata
31 2n. ;
dogs, wild, 269
Dogras, or Kashmir troops, 119, 120
Doms, or sweeper, in Banaras, 280
donkeys, in Gilgit, 138
Dorah Pass, 125.
drunkenness, in Gilgit, 185
Dubari Mount, in Gilgit, 123
Dumars, or sweepers, in Hamirpur, 280
Dumrot, near the upper Indus, 121
Durga Poija, ritual of, 114, 117
Hrrrores substituted for living men
in sacrifices, 116
Keyptians, sacrifice human beings, 83
elephants, frightened by Greek fire, 40
elm tree, 212
Equus hemionus, 195
Kta, district of, 281 :
F EU grégots, or Greek fire, meaning of
69”.
Fire weapons, early Asiatic, 30
Jiringi, or artillery, 65, 66
Firtz Shah (III), coin of, 291
floods of the Indus, 1367.
GaoKucH,in Gilgit, 128
gavidhuka, or wild paddy, offered to Ru-
dra, 389
eenealogies, of Hindu chiefs, how fabri-
cated, 306 |
Geography, of the Mahabharata, 376
Ghalchah, a general term for the people
about the headwaters of the Oxus,
139 ;—languages, 139 3
Gilgit Valley, trip to, by Capt. Marsh, 119
Gitch, in Gilgit, 133
gol-andaz, 56
Golapur, Fort of, in Gilgit, 182
grapes, of Gilgit, 124, 134
Greek fire, 31 ; how quenched, 36
Growse, F. 8., specimen translation of
1h ot
yo
_
‘a.
Tulst D4s’s Ramayana, 1; on Hari Das
of Brinddban, 312
Gulmutti, in Gilgit, 186
un-powder, 82, 37, 40; inventor of, 63,
69; in Gilgit, 137
euns, when first used, 56,57
- Gurgial, Chitral, 126
Gurtam Khan, ruler of Gilgit, 126
Hamrerve District, popular songs
of, 279
hanumdn-natak, a fire-missile, 46
Haramush Mount, in Gilgit, 128
Hari Das, of Brindaban, 312
Hastindpura, 371, 372
Hayward, Mr., murdered, 124
Hindi, language, 2; — poetry, 12m. ; dia-
lects in Bundelkhand, 282
Hinduism, a missionary religion, 303;
morality of, 352
horse, whether used by Indians with or
without a bit, 388
ho-tsing, or fire wells of China, 43
Human Sacrifices in Ancient India, 76;
in other countries, 79, 80, 81
Hunzil, in Gilgit, 130, 131
Husain Shah, of Bengal, 296
Hishang Shah Ghori, coin of, 296
lsrvaru Shah Sir, coin of, 292
igneous projectiles, 30
Indra, kills Vritra, 388
Indra-turya, a rite, 389
Indraprastha, 371
Indus, crocodiles in the, 50
J AHANGYR, coins of, 292
Jaitpur, in Hamirptr, 280
Jalalpar, in Hamirptir, 281
Japoké, in Gilgit, 133
Jarasandha, of Magadha, 372
Jessore, in 1599 A.D., 73, 75
_ Jesuit missions in Bengal, 73
Jews, human sacrifices of, 83
Jugrote, in Gilgit, 122
Justero, or village headman, 128
Jutial, in Gilgit, 124
Jwala-Mukhi and Kangra, 42x.
are Shah, 285
Kalidasa, his morality, 352
Kaliké Purdén4, mentions human sacrifices,
ie 147
Kanauj, 19”.; the old Panchdla, 371
Kangra and Jwala-Mukhi, 42”.
Kanpiurid, a clan in Audh, 302
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Index. , 401
kanwar, or bahangé, pairs of baskets, 286n.
Karambar valley, in Gilgit, 136
Karamn4sé, 7, 8
Karar, near Jhansi, 280
Kashmir, Muhammadan coins of, 291
khalina, the same as ddhdna, q. v.
Khangars, a caste in Hamirpur, 280
Khanzada Rajpiits, 304
Khawak Pass, 146.
Khojand, siege of, 35
Khusrau Shah, of Dihli, coin of, 291
Kil’ah Punj, in Chitral, 126
Kishkinda, in the Dakhin, 374
Kochiia, in Baqirganj, 72
Kols, in Hamirpur, 281
Krishna worship in Brindaban, 312
Kulbarga, Muhammadan coins of, 291
Kutb-uddin Aibak, 334
Laser KHAN, a Portuguese engineer,
65
Legends, of Gilgit, 129—regarding croco-
diles, 50
Lent, its Vedic prototype, 387
Lodhis, a caste in Hamirpur, 281,289.
Macracay, Major-General, R. E.,
on early Asiatic Fire-weapons, 30
Magadha, 8
maghribi, war engines, 65
Mahabharata, the geography of the, 376 ;
morality of 877; civilization described
in—, 384, 385 |
Mahabhisheka, a rite, 869
mahd-ndtak, a fire missile, 46
mahdyantra, or war engine, 40
Mahisamite (Mysore ?), 3/4
Mahmiid Shah, Khilji, coin of, 295 ;—Bah-
mani, coin of, 296
Makhfi, nom-de-plume of a daughter of
Aurangzib, 308
malleolus, or fire-arrows, 30
MAlwah, Muhammadan coins of, 291
mdlya-chandana 378 |
Mandar Hill, 72.
Manes, feast for the pacification of the, 389
Maniparbat bill, in Ayudhya, 298
Manipura, 47
“Marsh, Capt. H. C©., Description of a trip
to the Gilgit Valley, 119
Maruts, and Indra, 388
Mathura, 372 |
Maudhd, in Hamirpur, 279, 281
Mazena Pass, 119”.
Mecca, burnt by Hajjaj, 38, 03
miltik, or musket, 66
Minjan, 272
Minnor, in Gilgit, 128, 129
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PLATES LM MITT ENCE TRUS EY TT BRE
402 Index.
Mir Wali, the murderer of Hayward, 125
missions, Jesuit, in Bengal, 73
morality, of the Mahabharata, 375; of
Kalidasa, 362 |
Muhammad ’Ali Shah, of Kashmir, coin
f, 296
Aare Bakhtyér Knhilji, conqueror
of Bengal, 331
Muhammad-bin-Firiz Shah, coin of, 291
Muhammad-bin-Tughluq, coin of, 291
Muhammad-bin-K4sim, the conqueror of
Sindh, thus called in all native histories,
342, 343
Muhammad Yusuf Shah, of Kashmir, coin
of, 296
Muhammadans, adopt certain Hindi cus-
toms, 379, 382
Muhiyy-ul-Millat, 293
mimiat, 51n.
Nasux JY, author of the Bhakt-Mala,
a12
naffat, or fire-tube, 39
Naft-andaz, 56
Natur, in Gilgit, 124
Nagesar Nath Mahadeo, 299
Namuchi Asura, killed by Indra, 390, 394
Nanda Bardhan, Raja of Magadh, 298
naphtha, used for. missiles, 31
narabalt, or human sacrifice, 113
Niladar Pass, in Gilgit, 122
Nizriti, a divinity, 387
On, WELLS, in China and America,
43, 43n., 50
ornaments, gold and silver, 283
Otrar, siege of, 33
otters, in Gilgit, 1352,
Prova, srs
Panchala, or Kanauj, 371
Pafichedhmiya, a rite, 389
Pandit, meaning of the word, 370n.
Panipat, battle of (Babar), 65
Panwari, in Hamirpur, 279, 281
Panyal, in Gilgit, 131, 186.
passes, in the Himalayas, 119, 119m., 122, |
1257., 146
Payach, temple of, in Kashmir, 64
Persian wheel, in Bundelkhand, 289”.
petroleum, 31 |
Pimenta,*a Jesuit traveller, 73
Piyadasi, the opponent of Hinduism, 382
polygamy, among ancient Hindis, 359
popular songs, of Bundelkhand, 279
pork, eaten by Rajpats and Rajbhars, 305
Pran Nath, founder of the Dhami sect, 23z.
Prannéth Pandit, on the Morals of K4li-
dasa, 352
Pratapaditya, Raja, 74
precedence, among Indian princes, 379
Pulwars, a clan in Audh, 302
Puranas, recognise human sacrifices, 118
purushamedha, or human sacrifices, 102,
108, 118
Rasasvva. the great sacrifice of the
Pandavas, 368, 382, 385 |
Rajbhars, 305
Rajendraléla Mitra, on Human Sacrifices
in Ancient India, 76; an Imperial assem-
blage at Delhi, three thousand years
aso, 368
Rajptits, of Audh, 301
Rakiposhi, in Gilgit, 123
Ramas, the three, 15
Ramayana of Tulsi Das, 1, of Valmiki, 1
Lam-charit-mdnas, title of the Hindi R4-
mayana, 2, 25”.
Rangpur, whether the ancient Virdta, 372n
Rantanbhor, fort of, 65
ras, the nine styles, 267,
Rath, in Hamirpur, 281
Ratninam Havi, a rite, 390
Raverty, H. G. Major, Reply to Contri-
butions to Bengal History, No. III,
325; his views on the Persian Izdfat
and other points of Persian Grammar,
836, 341
Rudra, and his wife Amb4, 389
SACRIFICES, human, in Ancient In-
dia, 76 2
Sahet-Mahet, a centre of Buddhism, 297
Sakamedha Parva, 388
Sakewan, in Gilgit, 123
salagram, 815
salt, of Bengal, 71
Saneglich, dialect of, 272
Safhita, mentions human sacrifices, 89, 90
Sansripa Havi, rite, 396
Sarikoli language, 139, 158
sataghni, a fire-arm, 45
Sautramani, a rite, 396
scorpions, used as missiles, 53
seasons, six Hindu, 28x.
Shah Jahan II, coin of, 293
Shaw, Mr. R. B., on the Ghalchah lan-
guages (Wakhi and Sarikoli), 139
Sheothur Pass, in Astor, 119
Shere, in Gilgit, 133
Sher Kil’a, in Gilgit, 132
Sherote, in Gilgit, 131, 132
shet-aghni, a fire-arm, 44
Shighnan, language of, 272
Shins, a Himalayan tribe, 120, 121, 128
Shirbadut, Raja, 128
Sindh, conquered by Muhammad, son of
Kasim, 342, 343
Singdas, a mountain in Gilgit, 135
Singul, in Gilgit, 183, 134
Sisupal, king of Chedi, 379
Siyahposh Kafirs, 146
Smith, Mr. Vincent A., popular songs in
Bundelkhand, 279
Sondip, 71, 72
songs, popular, of Bundelkhand, a 9
Soron, birthplace of Tulsi Dés, 2 ; ety-
mology f, 22n.
Sri SwamioHari Das, 312
Sikhargra ma, ov Sukharkhet, 2. ¢, Soron,
22, 22n.
sulphur, from Achin, 70
Sunahsepha, mentioned in the Safhita as
sacrificed, 89
Sunasirya, a rite, 389
Sundarbans, whether inhabited formerly,
Tes
Sye River, 121
Syrens, 81
Pas IK, or Iranian, 139, 140
Tansen, Akbar’s chief singer, 316
Tantras, enjoin human sacrifices, 118
Tatial, a part of Chitral, 125
tw’ wiz, or charms, as used in Gilgit, 137
‘Ter Schelling,’ wreck of, 72
Lilokchand, founder of the Bais clan, 301,
302, 306
Timur, his mode of warfare, 32
Lryambaka Purodasa, a feast for the
manes, 389
tubes, used for throwing Greek fire, 40
Tulsi Das, 1
Index.
ss
re ge in
—eS eer St ae eS LS == -
ae 312, 324n.
Vaisvadeva Parva, 387
Varanavrata (modern Allahabad), 371; or
rather Barndwa, west of Mirath, var
postscript. :
Varuna-praghésa Parva, 388
Vedas, mention human sacrifices, 89
Vernacular literature, despised by Pan-
dits, 2
vinegar, quenches Greek fire, 35
vintage, in Gilgit, 124, 134
Virata, whether the modera, Rangpur
and. Dinajpiz, 312M.
Vritra, killed by Indra, 888
V \ AKHY , language of Wakhan, 139
Wassa, or autumnal rite, 387
weights and measures, in Wakhd4n, 268
Whalley, P., translations from the Diwan
of Makhfi, 008
Wheeler, Mr., his ideas on the Delhi as-
semblage, 382
Y woavas hold Mathura, 372
Yagistan, or Independent (ydgf) country
on the Upper Indus, 122, 126, 138
Yak, or Bos grunniens, 271
Yarkand, 233
Yarkun, a range of the Hindikush, 126
Yaspur Kun, in Gilgit, 130
Yassin, 124, 125
Yeshkun, a mixed race in Gilgit, 128
Yudhishthira, 360; his Dihli assemblage,
378
/i¥B-UN-NISA BEGAM, 308
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