Full text of "Kacike Journal"

See other formats

VVV J«(f k t . 9 > < I

Journal of Carihbean Amerindian History and Anthropology'

KACIKE: Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology ISSN 1562-5028
Special Issue edited by Lynne Guitar
NEW DIRECTIONS IN TAINO RESEARCH

http://www.kacike.org/Current.html

Documenting the Myth of Tamo Extinction

Dr. Lynne Guitar

I am an historian and anthropologist. My
interests are the Dominican people and
their culture. For my doctoral dissertation,
I studied how this fascinating culture
began to develop. In the process of
researching my dissertation, I discovered
many little studied documents. I am going
to share some of them with you today. I
am going to show you how, using
historical and anthropological methods, I
ask questions of documents, of the
people who left us those documents, and
of the particular situations under which
they wrote the documents — in this way I
discovered the origins of many of
Hispaniola's myths. We are going to start
with something very familiar.

For the past 510 years, because of
the "discovery" of Hispaniola and its
colonization by Spaniards, residents of
today's Dominican Republic have
maintained an image of themselves as
"Spaniards." Spanish heroes have been
glorified in all aspects of Dominican
history that are taught from pre-
Kindergarten through the university level,
and Spanish cultural elements have been
glorified in Dominican architecture,
paintings, and literature. The recognized
Native Indian elements in modern
Dominican identity, history, and culture

are relegated to a few items of food and
"common" things used by campesinos, to
a few dozen Tamo words and phrases,
and to a plethora of Tamo place names.
There is also a confusing range of
supposedly Indian skin colors, such as
"indio claro" and "indio oscuro," that have
little, if anything, to do with bloodlines.
The color categories have been in
common use since the Trujillo Era, when
the concept was re-initiated as part of the
dictator's program to "Dominicanize" the
country— to distinguish Dominicans from
Haitians.

As in other Latin American

countries that were once Spanish
colonies, the island's indigenous peoples,
the Tamos, are set upon a pedestal of the
past — they are identified as frozen in a
particular pre-Columbian and early
Columbian time frame and highly admired
as part of the island's unique past. As in
other Latin American countries, to be
Indian in the present Dominican era
means to be backward, rustic, gullible, or
even feeble minded. Dominicans deny
that Tamos survived the Spanish
conquest, deny that they had the oh-so-
human ability to change and adapt to new
situations like the arrival of strangers.

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

Figure 1

T 7 ^

This is a Taino cave guardian sculpture in
today's Los Haitses National Park. Images
like these, frozen in stone, frozen in time,
are the most vivid Taino images in the

minds of most people today.

Yet the Tafnos whom Christopher
Columbus discovered in the Bahamas, on
Cuba, and on Hispaniola during his first
voyage were eager to exchange foods,
drinking water, parrots, and gilded jewelry
for the beads, little mirrors, and red hats
that Columbus had brought as trade
goods. They also exchanged something
else — their genes.

I jokingly ask my students, noting
first that they do not need advanced math
nor psychic powers to figure it out: "When
were the first mestizos born?" The

Figure 2

answer, easy to compute, is nine months
after Columbus's ships landed in the
Caribbean.

Can you imagine any sailors of any
nation or era, after a month at sea, not
taking advantage of a welcoming party
that includes "naked" women with,
apparently, none of the sexual
prohibitions that were so integral a part of
the lives of Catholic Spaniards? Those
were two of the first myths that arose
about the Tafnos, that they went naked
and that they had no sexual prohibitions.

Illustration, Histoire Naturelle
des Indes: The Drake
Manuscript in the Pierpont

Morgan Library.

http://www.kacike.org

Columbus and all the other
chroniclers of the era wrote that the
Indians went naked. They often added
that the Indians did not cover their
"shameful parts."

Think about the term "naked." It's a
Eurocentric term that means not to be
"dressed," not to be covered with cloth.
After describing the Tamos' nakedness,
the Spanish chroniclers went on to
describe the Tamos' elaborate arm and
leg bands, tattoos and painted
adornments, headdresses, necklaces,
earrings, and bracelets, the caciques'
(chiefs') elaborate belts, masks, and
feathered capes, and the naguas~f\ne\y
woven cotton "skirts"— that some of the
Tamo women wore. That's a lot of
clothing and accoutrements for a
supposedly naked people! (The women's
naguas, by the way, were more loincloths
than skirts, for they did not hide the
women's buttocks and were not meant to
hide their pubic areas, either. Like today's
Western women wear wedding bands,
the naguas indicated that the women who
wore them were married, and the nobler a
woman was, the longer was the nagua
that she wore.)

Like the concept of nakedness, the
chroniclers' reports that the Tamos did
not cover their shameful parts was
ethnocentric and specific to European
society, for "parts" such as breasts,
buttocks, and pubic regions are not
universally shameful. What was shameful
to the Tamos? The chroniclers didn't say
because they didn't know, but modern-
day anthropologists have noted that
women from distantly related indigenous
tribes of the Amazon and Orinoco river
valleys find it shameful to be seen in
public without their arm and leg bands,
and the men, who pull their foreskins
forward and tie the sheaths closed with

twine, would be dreadfully ashamed if the
twine were to slip off in public.

The belief that the Tamos had no
sexual prohibitions cost at least 39
Spaniards their lives. Columbus had to
leave 39 men behind on the island of
Hispaniola when his flagship, the Santa
Maria, sank on a reef on Christmas Eve
in 1492. When he returned a year later,
with seventeen ships loaded with
Spaniards eager for the gold they
believed abounded in "The Indies," they
found the rotting corpses of their
massacred countrymen. Columbus's ally,
the Cacique Guacanagarf, explained as
best he could — excluding himself from
any blame: All of the Spaniards who had
stayed behind, he said, were given
female companions. This was standard
procedure among the Tamos and other
Indian peoples, who appear to have
known that it improved the gene pool. In
particular, visiting dignitaries were given
female companions, which demonstrates
that the Tamos held the Spanish
newcomers in high esteem — at first. The
Spaniards, of course, were not familiar
with the norms of Tamo society. They
appear to have assumed, because they
were given a number of women to enjoy
sexually, that there were no sexual
prohibitions at all among their hosts. The
Spaniards did not know that the women
wearing naguas were married, or that
married women were strictly off limits to
anyone except their husbands.
Furthermore, the Spaniards appear to
have made the assumption that the
Tamos did not value gold, for they traded
it for "valueless" objects — valueless to the
Spaniards, that is, but exotic, therefore
very valuable, to the Tamos. 2 The
Spaniards also did not know that the most
unforgivable offense among the Tamos
was theft. Not content with trading, the
Spaniards began taking whatever gold

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

objects they encountered. Doubtlessly,
the Spaniards unknowingly committed
many other social blunders during their
stay among the Tamos. Exasperated by

the uncivilized behavior of the Spaniards,
a group of Tafnos led by the paramount
cacique Caonabo fixed the problem by
getting rid of the pests.

Figure 3

This statue of Caonabo in chains guards the
entrance to the third-floor exhibits at the
Museum of Dominican Man.

Columbus condemned Caonabo
for his actions against the 39 Spaniards.
The cacique died aboard ship, bound for
a royal trial in Spain. Little did he or the
other Tafnos know that, like the rats that
came to the Americas on the Spanish
ships, there would soon be thousands of
Spaniards in the region, and Spanish
laws and mores would soon displace
those of the Tafno, at least in the public
sphere.

My colleague, the American
archaeologist Kathleen Deagan,

developed a theory about public and
domestic spheres which all of my work
has proven to be true. Everything in the
public sphere — the chain of public
leadership and administration, concepts
of land ownership and land use, law and
justice, official religious beliefs and
practices, monetary values — all of those
areas that had been in the male Tafno
sphere before the arrival of the

Spaniards, were replaced by Spanish
structures and were overseen by Spanish
males after 1492. But the domestic
sphere, the female sphere, remained
overwhelmingly Tafno — or rather Tama,
the feminine version of the word.

I don't have time to go into the
highly controversial and virtually
unprovable demographics of the
conquest era, but suffice it to say that,
compared to the number of Tafnos on the
island (in the millions), very few
Spaniards came, and those who did were
overwhelmingly male. 3 Most of them took
Tafna sexual partners. Without doubt,
many Tafnas were unwilling sexual
partners, but many others married
Spaniards and formed inter-ethnic
families. Not only was marriage to Tafnas
allowed by the Spanish Crown, it was
encouraged. The Spaniards' wives were
baptized and took Spanish names; they
adopted Spanish dress styles; attended

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

Spanish churches; lived in Spanish-style
houses; and to all outward appearances
became Spanish. But that was the
outward, public appearance. Inside their
homes, in the domestic sphere, the
Tafnas' lives and those of their children
remained very Tafno. What they ate, how
it was stored and prepared, child-raising
practices, home medicinal and religious
practices, storytelling, the importance of
song, music, dance, and naming
patterns — even the concept of who is
family-all have remained overwhelmingly
Tafno in the Dominican Republic through
the present day.

Let me add that the Spaniards'
custom of privacy within the home lends
support to Deagan's thesis of Tafno
continuance in the domestic sphere.

In Santo Domingo, which was the
Spaniards' capital and administrative
center, Spaniards reproduced their
homeland's infrastructures and cultural
patterns as closely as they could.
Nonetheless, Santo Domingo was a
frontier city. Even in the public sphere,
the culture that evolved there was not a
perfect European replica because of the
island's unique geography and climate;
the distance of the colony from the
Iberian motherland; and the integration of
Tafno and African beliefs and cultural
traditions. The Spanish colonists were
even less successful at replicating their
European infrastructures and culture in
the rural villages than they were in the
capital.

Throughout the island's rural towns
and villages, in the gold mining regions,
and, later, on the sugar plantations,
Spaniards were outnumbered by an
average of six-and-a-half or eight-and-a-
half to one by Indians, Africans, and
mixed-blood "others" long after the
Indians were supposed to have
disappeared and long before most of the

African slaves arrived. ("Others" is the
word used in the island's early
censuses — terms like "mestizo" and
"mulatto" did not appear on census
records until the 1 580s. 4 )

In fact, the Spaniards' domination
of the island of Hispaniola was illusory,
another myth. Between 1492 and 1510
they had founded only two cities, fewer
than twenty small villages, and a dozen
fortresses in key locations — but that left a
lot of the island's territory uncontrolled,
territory where there were no Spaniards
at all, but for the occasional patrols. In the
first decade of the 16 th century, Spaniards
began to leave the island in massive
numbers seeking gold, pearls, and more
Indian workers on Puerto Rico, Cuba, the
islands of the Lesser Antilles, and in
today's Panama, Venezuela, Colombia,
Mexico, and Peru.

The Spaniards who remained on
Hispaniola began to pull back to regions
closer to the capital, which was better
patrolled than the villages, had more
European conveniences, and from which
all shipping and commerce was
conducted — all the things that meant
civilized life to the Spaniards. As the
Spaniards pulled back toward Santo
Domingo, Spain's enemies — the French,
the Dutch, the Englishh— began to raid the
less protected peripheries of the island.
And in those peripheral parts of the island
lived the maroons, about whom I'm going
to speak in a moment.

The year 1510 is significant
because that's the year that Fray Antonio
Montesinos was chosen by the
Dominican Order of friars on the island to
speak out against the encomienda
system. They believed it was an abusive
system that was killing off the Tafnos.
They wanted to eliminate the encomienda
system and relocate the Tafnos into
missionary villages, believing that it would

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

improve conversion efforts and halt the
death toll. Bartolome de las Casas was
an encomendero until Montesino's
sermons. He, too, believed that the
Tamos' massive die-off was due to
abuses by some encomenderos. He
spent the balance of his life defending the
Indians and finally succeeded in getting
the Royal Crown to outlaw the
encomienda system throughout the
Americas in 1547. That did not save the
Indians, however, for neither they nor the
Spaniards of the era knew about all the
microscopic germs and viruses that
accompanied the Spaniards, their
animals, and their slaves to the New

World, a world without the immunities that
all peoples of the Old World had
developed throughout thousands of years
of intercontinental trade.

Almost all of the standard histories
claim that the last Tamos of Hispaniola
were those who rebelled with Cacique
Enriquillo from 1519-1534. In the first-
ever treaty made between Amerindians
and a European crown, Enriquillo and his
people received their own village, Boya,
near Azua — a village that was attacked
several years later by rebellious African
slaves who burned down the village,
ing off any inhabitants who did not flee.

Figure 4

Statues and drawings of Enriquillo abound in
the Dominican Republic. He has become the
tragically heroic, romanticized symbol for "the

last of his kind."

The concept of Enriquillo's people
as the last of the Tamos is very romantic
and elevates Enriquillo to superhero
status. Perhaps this is why Dominicans
today take an ironic pride in the supposed
fact that it is only on their island that no
Native Indians survived the Conquest
Era. But the romantic concept is quite
contrary to the factual evidence. Today
we know that most of the Tamos were not
killed by abuses endured under the

encomienda system, nor by the sporadic
wars of the 1490s, nor by the systematic
massacres ordered by Nicolas de
Ovando from 1502-1505 that were meant
to "pacify" the Indians. No. All of these
contributed to the decline of the native
population, but most of the Tamos died of
illnesses like measles and influenza
because they had no immunities to them,
and after 1519, of smallpox. In tropical
areas like Hispaniola, between 80 and

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

90% of the Native Indians died of plagues
that often preceded the actual arrival of
the Spaniards, for the germs and viruses
were carried by messengers bearing
news from plague-ridden areas. An 80-

Figure 5

90% loss is a significant and horrifying
loss. It is so horrifying that it obscures the
fact that 10 to 20% of the Tamos
survived.

The family of Eugenio Castillo, Villa
Mella — Tamo inheritance on both sides.
Eugenio is from the mountains of the
Cibao, his wife's family from Las Matas
de Farfan, in the mountains near San
Juan de la Maguana.

A re-examination of the documents
of the era reveals the origins of the myth
of Tamo extinction:

• When the chroniclers wrote that all of
the Indians of Hispaniola were gone,
they were, in fact, following the lead of
Las Casas, who exaggerated the
Tamo population decline in order to
convince the emperor to abolish the
encomienda system and, instead,
establish missionary villages for the
Indians' conversion.

• The chroniclers also wrote about the
Tamos in comparison to the denser
populations of Native Indians later
discovered on the Mainland; this is
especially true about Oviedo, who
spent his early years in today's
Panama.

• The chroniclers were also repeating
what was written in letter after letter to
the Royal Court by encomenderos on

Hispaniola who exaggerated their
losses in order to gain sympathy and
royal permission to import more
African slaves, who were believed to
be "stronger" than the Tamos because
they did not fall prey to the diseases
that decimated the Indians.

Historians and demographers
generally use the censuses of the era,
such as the census that accompanied the
1514 Repartimiento, to confirm that which
the chroniclers wrote about the drastic
decline of the Tamo population. They
forget that the Tamos fled from the
Spaniards many years before the famous
episode concerning Enriquillo and his
people. Many maroons hid from the
Spaniards in the mountains of Bahoruco
and in other peripheral regions of the
island. Governor Nicolas de Ovando
himself wrote in 1502 that the Tainos and
Africans frequently ran away together,

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

using the Indians' knowledge of the
countryside to evade the Spaniards.

How can you pretend to count
people for a census who are hiding from
you? The Spanish censuses, like that of
1514, are inherently misleading. They
only account for those Tainos who stayed
on the Spaniards' encomiendas.

There is another problem with the
censuses of the era. They are
misinterpreted because people were
categorized in a very different manner in
the sixteenth century than they are today.
Hispaniola's residents were generally
recognized as Spaniards, Indians, or
African slaves, but a lot of "others"
appeared on the censuses as well.
Furthermore, the categories of Spaniard
or Indian appear to have depended upon

social factors and the personal judgment
of the census takers, not on biological
factors. If a Spaniard and a Tama had a
child who was raised in the city or a
European-style town, spoke Castilian,
was baptized Catholic, wore European
clothes, received a European education,
and "acted" Spanish — then he or she was
listed as Spanish on the censuses. If that
same child lived in a yucayeque (Tafno
village), spoke Tamo, practiced Tamo
religious rituals, dressed as a Tamo, and
acted Tamo, then he or she was listed on
the censuses as Indian. That's confusing
for modern scholars, but it was also
confusing for the colonial-era census
takers, who had to try to figure out how to
categorize people when there were, as
yet, no fixed standards. 5

Figure 6

Sugar-mill workers
included Indians,
Africans, Canarians, and
many mixed-blood
peoples.

-Illustration by DeBry.

There are three extant censuses
from the first half of the sixteenth century
that give us an idea of the variety of
people who lived and worked on
Hispaniola's sugar plantations. The first of
the three censuses resulted from a
lawsuit initiated July 19, 1533, between
the civil and ecclesiastical councils in
Santo Domingo. The demographics were

gathered from a headcount taken in 1530
on nineteen of Hispaniola's plantations,
plus a scattering of small sugar estates. 6
The census enumerated 1,870 African
workers, most of whom were probably
slaves, and 427 "Spaniards," most of
whom were no doubt what you and I
would call mestizos. Although the legal
papers pertaining to the case say there

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

were "some" Indians working on the
plantations, the only actual numbers that
were provided came from five plantations
on the Rio Nigua that, combined, had 200
Indians. Such a round number is suspect;
it was probably an approximation. No
numbers are provided for the category of
Indians on the other fourteen plantations,
just question marks and a total of 700
unspecified "others." Clearly, no one
wanted to release the actual rumbers of

Indians connected to the estates, for the
plantations' owners had previously written
letters requesting royal permission to
bring in African slaves, swearing that all
of their encomienda Indians were dead.
Also, there was obvious confusion over
just how to categorize the workers who
were free Africans or people of mixed
blood. As previously mentioned, none of
the censuses included categories for
mestizos or mulattos until 1582.

Table 1 : COMPARISON OF THREE SUGAR CANE PLANTATION CENSUSES

JYear

Spaniards

Indians |

Africans

Others J

Total |

Ingenios

1530

|427

200+

1,870

700+?

3,197+

1533

412

200+

1,880

1 ,525+?

4,017+

1545

5,125+

3,827+

8,952+

Archbishop Alonso de Avila of Santo
Domingo ordered a census taken to
determine the number of chapels and
clergymen required to service the twenty-
three sugar cane plantations that there
were on the island of Hispaniola by 1533.
He reported that there were five
plantations on the Rio Nigua alone, plus
several cattle ranches. Altogether, Avila
wrote that there were "at least" 700
Africans, 200 Indians (note that this is the
same suspicious quantity provided in
1530), and 150 Spaniards who lived and
worked in the region. 7 For the 23
ingenios, Avila enumerated 1,880
Africans, 412 Spaniards, and 200 Indians.
That is the kind of ratio that other
historians have cited, with Africans
outnumbering Spaniards by almost five to
one after 1520. The problem is that
historians and demographers nearly
always use only the quantities in the fixed
categories and do not mention the
"others" that the census takers made note
of, nor the question marks, nor the other

notes that indicate people outside the
fixed categories. On his census, Avila
reported 1 ,525 "others"-820 more
"others" than in the 1530 count. In letters
that accompanied the census, he wrote
that these unspecified persons included
some Spaniards, Africans, Indians, and
he also admitted that there had been
more persons that no one had included in
the census. He wrote in other letters that
those whom nobody enumerated were
mostly Indians. Again, the implication is
that the number of Indians on Hispaniola
was being purposely misrepresented and
that there was confusion over how to
categorize people who did not fit
specifically into one or another of the
clear categories of Spaniard, Indian, or
slave.

Twelve years after Avila's census,
in a report that the island's governor don
Alonso de Fuenmayor sent to Emperor
Charles, there was only one more
plantation listed on the Rio Nigua, but the
head count there alone had risen from

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

700 Africans to 962, and from 200 Indians
to 1,212. 8 Fuenmayor reported on a total
of twenty-nine plantations and trapiches
("horse-powered mills"). It is notable that
Africans only outnumbered the
indigenous workforce on nine of the
twenty-nine plantations. In total, he
enumerated a little over 8,952 workers
(he used the symbol "+" to indicate the
additional numbers)-43% of them he
identified as Africans and 57% as Indians.
Fuenmayor enumerated more than 5,000
Indian slaves! The quantities listed in his
report are suspect, of course, because
they reflect such a dramatic increase in
Indians over the 1530 and 1533 counts —
the opposite of what would be expected.
There are other important differences
between Fuenmayor's census and those
of 1530 and 1533. He included among
the "slaves" of the ingenios all the
independent farmers that the other
censuses mentioned separately.

Furthermore, Fuenmayor did not mention
any "others," nor did he include question
marks, nor workers of unspecified

category— everybody was plunked into
the category of "African slaves" or "Indian
slaves." It could be that Fuenmayor, who
came to his office directly from Spain,
counted everyone on Hispaniola who had
the least bit of Indian blood as "Indian,"
without taking into account their
education, appearance, and behavior,
whereas locals would classify most of
them as Spaniards if their education,
appearance, and behavior were those of
a Spaniard. It could be that Fuenmayor
was one of the first peninsulares who
thought that he and others like him were
superior by reason of their "pure blood,"
while criollos were thought to be "tainted"
with Indian blood. (Note that Alonzo
Lopez de Cerrato repeated the same
suspicious quantity of "more than 5,000
Indian slaves" on the island that
Fuenmayor wrote about in a letter to the
emperor dated May 23, 1545. 9 Lopez
was president of Hispaniola's Royal Court
and became governor of the island after
Fuenmayor.)

Tafnos fled to the peripheral parts of the island, to the
deserts and mountains.

Not all of the Tafnos who survived the
island's initial conquest and settlement

were "slaves"; some didn't even work for
or live with the Spaniards. In various legal

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

documents of the era, Spaniards testified
that an uncountable number of Tafnos
ran away from the Spaniards. Some of
the maroons left for other islands or the
mainland. Others hid out in the mountains
and desert regions of Hispaniola,
preferring to leave behind their fertile river
valleys and remain free in less hospitable
terrain. Remember that by the middle of
the sixteenth century, the majority of the
Spaniards had pulled back to Santo
Domingo and its nearby towns. In 1555, a
Spanish patrol encountered four villages
"full of Indians about whom nobody
previously knew" -one of these villages
being close to Puerto Plata, on the
Atlantic Coast; a second one was close
by; a third village was in the Samana
peninsula; and, a fourth one was in the
norteast of the island in Cabo San
Nicolas. 10

Apparently, after fifty-some years,
the Indian maroons had decided they
could come back to the fertile coasts and
valleys of the north that the Spaniards
had abandoned. I doubt very much,
however, that the inhabitants of those
four towns full of "Indians" were full-
blooded Tafnos. Doubtlessly some had
Spanish fathers and Spanish
grandfathers, and others had African
fathers and grandfathers-the same royal
documents that provide evidence of
innumerable runaway Tafnos, as well as
all the documents concerning the 15-
year-long rebellion of Enriquillo, provide
evidence that African slaves ran away
and joined the Indians, learning from
them how to survive in what was, for
them, a foreign land. All had contributed
to what it means today to be Dominican.

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

Figure 8

Tamo survival is readily apparent in the faces of today's Dominicans, both young and
old, male and female.

-Photos by Lynne Guitar during research trips August 15-17, 2002.

Lots of areas still need to be
researched, many questions about
identity and ethnic categories need to be
answered, but I hope that, at least, I have
been able to clear up the myth of the
extinction of the Tafnos and the myth that

all Dominicans and their culture are
Spanish. Dominicans exhibit a tripartite

and cultural inheritance:
indigenous, and African. The
the superiority of all things

biological
Spanish,
myth of

Spanish has its foundations in a history

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

that has been distorted over the past 500
years, the years of the Conquest and the
ascendance of Europeans to the top of
the world economic stage. The history
has been distorted because the historians

who wrote it were also European
conquistadors, and they confused
economic superiority with social and
cultural superiority.

Figure 9

It's time to bury the mistaken
belief that all the Tamos died.
—Photo of cemetery at La Isabela
by Jeanny Wang.

I hope that you all take advantage
of speaking with the special guests who
are with us today, like Roman Perez and
his family — unfortunately my friend Jorge
Estevez from the Smithsonian Museum of
the American Indian could not attend.
They are Dominicans who live in the
United States. There they have learned to

value their indigenous inheritance. They
can tell you details of their Tamo
inheritance, things about their culture that
have survived for more than 2,000 years,
despite Spanish domination for the past
500 years — things that form an important
part of the Dominican culture not just of
the past, but also of the present.

NOTES

Details and references to most topics covered in this paper are available in the author's dissertation,
Cultural Genesis: Relationships among Indians, Africans, and Spaniards in rural Hispaniola, first half of
the sixteenth century. Vanderbilt University, 1998. Available from UMI Microform (number 9915091), Ann
Arbor, Michigan. Complete bibliographic information is available on UMI's Dissertation Abstracts database
at www.umi.com .

See Mary Helms, Ulysses' Sail: An Ethnographic Odyssey of Power, Knowledge, and Geographical
Distance. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980.

3 For an excellent review of the "original population" debate, see Noble David Cook, "Disease an the
Depopulation of Hispaniola, 1492-1518," Colonial Latin American Review 2(1-1), 1993: 213-245.

The first census in the region with a category for "mestizos" was in Cuba in 1582 — 90 years after the
Europeans' arrival. Franklin W. Knight, The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 44-45.

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

5 An excellent exploration of how differently "ethnicity" was conceptualized in the sixteenth century than
it is today is David Eltis, "Ethnicity in the Early Modern Atlantic World," Chapter 9 of The Rise of African
Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000): 224-306.

Information from AGI, Justicia 12, N1, R2, as cited in Mira Caballos, El indio Antillano, 155.

AGI, Justicia 12, 149, ff10v-15; full text of the census available in Jose Luis Saez, ed., La iglesia y el
esclavo negro en Santo Domingo (Santo Domingo: Patronato de la Ciudad Colonial de Santo Domingo,
Coleccion Quinto Centenario, 1994), 267-272.

8 The data is from Luis Joseph Peguero, Historia de la Conquista de la Isla Espahola de Santo Domingo
trasumptada el aho de 1762: Traducida de la Historia General de las Indias escrita por Antonio de
Herrera coronista mayor de su Magestad, y de las Indias, y de Castilla; y de otros autores que han
escrito sobre el particular (Santo Domingo: Publicaciones del Museo de Las Casas Reales, 1975;
originally published 1763), 217-221. Peguero claims to have had access to the document written by
Fuenmayor, who began compiling the information when he arrived on Hispaniola for his second term in
office on Aug 3, 1545; but Peguero does not say how or where he encountered the document, which may
have been in a private collection. I have not been able to locate it, nor a copy, in the AGI in Seville,
Archivo General de la Nacion in Santo Domingo, nor in other collections or published sources. Peguero
noted that Fuenmayor's report took the ingenios' locations and their owners from the 1536 description in
Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdez's Historia general y natural de las Indias (originally published in
1535), Book 4, Chp. 8. Oviedo, however, did not list quantities of workers and he had one additional
ingenio listed, called Yaguate, owned by Francisco de Tapia, that Peguero/Fuenmayor did not mention.

9 Letter to the crown. AGI, Audiencia de Santo Domingo 49, R16, N101; cited in Mira Caballos, El indio
antillano, 290.

10 Consejo de Indias advisory dated July 31, 1556. CDIU, Vol. 18, 10.

http://www.kacike.org

Dr. Lvnne Guitar- Documenting the Myth of Taino Extinction -

AUTHOR

Dr. Lynne Guitar, from the U.S., is an historian
and anthropologist. She came to the Dominican
Republic in 1997 with a Fulbright Fellowship to
finish her doctoral dissertation for Vanderbilt
University in the United States and decided to stay
forever. She is a professor at The American
School of Santo Domingo, co-administrator of the
company Student Services, administrator of the
electronic educational program by World
Classroom "Discovering a New World— The
Dominican Republic," a co-editor of the Caribbean
Amerindian Centrelink website, and co-editor of
their electronic journal Kacike. She is a specialist
on the culture and history of the Tamos and on
Hispaniola in the 16 1 century, is a popular speaker
on these subjects, has published in many academic
journals and books, and is writing a series of
historical novels.
Dra. Lynne Guitar
Apartado Postal Z-1 1 1
Zona Colonial
Santo Domingo
Republica Dominicana
Telephone: (809) 937-0421 (809) 396-8270
Fax: (809) 231-2513 "ATTN: Lynne Guitar"
Website: http://www.studentservicesdr.freeservers.com/
E-Mail: lvnneguitar@vahoo.com

Please cite this article as follows:

Guitar, Lynne (2002). Documenting the Myth
of Tamo Extinction. KACIKE: The Journal of
Caribbean Amerindian History and
Anthropology [On-line Journal], Special Issue,
Lynne Guitar, Ed. Available at:
http://www.kacike.org/GuitarEnglish.pdf [Date
of access: Month Day, Year].

http://www.kacike.org

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "Kacike Journal"

See other formats