Skip to main content

Full text of "Khaos Odensland Archive DOCS (The Misanthropic Misogynist)"

See other formats










Fred Skolnik, Editor in Chief 
Michael Berenbaum, Executive Editor 


An imprint of Thomson Gale, a part of The Thomson Corporation 




Detroit • New York • San Francisco « New Haven, Conn. » Waterville, Maine • London 




Fred Skolnik, Editor in Chief 

Michael Berenbaum, Executive Editor 

Shlomo S. (Yosh) Gafni, Editorial Project Manager 

Rachel Gilon, Editorial Project Planning and Control 

Thomson Gale 

Gordon Macomber, President 
Frank Menchaca, Senior Vice President and Publisher 

Jay Flynn, Publisher 
Helene Potter, Publishing Director 

Keter Publishing House 

Yiphtach Dekel, Chief Executive Officer 
Peter Tomkins, Executive Project Director 

Complete staff listings appear in Volume 1 

©2007 Keter Publishing House Ltd. 
Thomson Gale is a part of The Thomson 
Corporation. Thomson, Star Logo and Macmillan 
Reference USA are trademarks and Gale is a 
registered trademark used herein under license. 

For more information, contact 

Macmillan Reference USA 

An imprint of Thomson Gale 

27500 Drake Rd. 

Farmington Hills, Ml 48331-3535 

Or you can visit our internet site at 


No part of this work covered by the copyright 
hereon may be reproduced or used in any form 
or by any means - graphic, electronic, or 

mechanical, including photocopying, recording, 
taping, web distribution, or information storage 
retrieval systems - without the written 
permission of the publisher. 
For permission to use material from this 
product, submit your request via Web at, or you 
may download our Permissions Request form 
and submit your request by fax or mail to: 

Permissions Department 
Thomson Gale 
27500 Drake Road 
Farmington Hills, Ml 48331-3535 
Permissions Hotline: 

(+1)248-699-8006 or 

800-877-4253 ext. 8006 

(+1) 248-699-8074 or 800-762-4058 

Since this page cannot legibly accommodate all 
copyright notices, the acknowledgments consti- 
tute an extension of the copyright notice. 

While every effort has been made to ensure the 
reliability of the information presented in this 
publication, Thomson Gale does not guarantee 
the accuracy of the data contained herein. 
Thomson Gale accepts no payment for listing; 
and inclusion in the publication of any organi- 
zation, agency, institution, publication, service, 
or individual does not imply endorsement of the 
editors or publisher. Errors brought to the 
attention of the publisher and verified to the 
satisfaction of the publisher will be corrected in 
future editions. 


Encyclopaedia Judaica / Fred Skolnik, editor-in-chief ; Michael Berenbaum, executive editor. -- 2nd ed. 
v. cm. 
Includes bibliographical references and index. 
Contents: v.1. Aa-Alp. 

ISBN 0-02-865928-7 (set hardcover : alk. paper) - ISBN 0-02-865929-5 (vol. 1 hardcover : alk. paper) - ISBN 0-02- 
865930-9 (vol. 2 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865931-7 (vol. 3 hardcover : alk. paper) - ISBN 0-02-865932-5 (vol. 
4 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865933-3 (vol. 5 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865934-1 (vol. 6 hardcover : 
alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865935-X (vol. 7 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865936-8 (vol. 8 hardcover : alk. paper) - 
ISBN 0-02-865937-6 (vol. 9 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865938-4 (vol. 10 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02- 
865939-2 (vol. 11 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865940-6 (vol. 12 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865941-4 
(vol. 13 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865942-2 (vol. 14 hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865943-0 (vol. 15: alk. 
paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865944-9 (vol. 16: alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865945-7 (vol. 17: alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865946-5 (vol. 
18: alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865947-3 (vol. 19: alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865948-1 (vol. 20: alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865949- 
X (vol. 21: alk. paper) -- ISBN 0-02-865950-3 (vol. 22: alk. paper) 
1. Jews -- Encyclopedias. I. Skolnik, Fred. II. Berenbaum, Michael, 1945- 
DS102.8.E496 2007 
909'.04924 -- dc22 


978-0-02-865928-2 (set) 
978-0-02-865929-9 (vol. 1) 
978-0-02-865930-5 (vol. 2) 
978-0-02-865931-2 (vol. 3) 
978-0-02-865932-9 (vol. 4) 

978-0-02-865933-6 (vol. 5) 
978-0-02-865934-3 (vol. 6) 
978-0-02-865935-0 (vol. 7) 
978-0-02-865936-7 (vol. 8) 
978-0-02-865937-4 (vol. 9) 


978-0-02-865938-1 (vol. 10) 
978-0-02-865939-8 (vol. 11) 
978-0-02-865940-4 (vol. 12) 
978-0-02-865941-1 (vol. 13) 
978-0-02-865942-8 (vol. 14) 

978-0-02-865943-5 (vol. 15) 
978-0-02-865944-2 (vol. 16) 
978-0-02-865945-9 (vol. 17) 
978-0-02-865946-6 (vol. 18) 
978-0-02-865947-3 (vol. 19) 

978-0-02-865948-0 (vol. 20) 
978-0-02-865949-7 (vol. 21) 
978-0-02-865950-3 (vol. 22) 

This title is also available as an e-book 

ISBN-10: 0-02-866097-8 

ISBN-13: 978-0-02-866097-4 

Contact your Thomson Gale representative for ordering information. 

Printed in the United States of America 

10 987654321 


Entries Dr-Feu 


General Abbreviations 


Abbreviations used in Rabbinical Literature 


Bibliographical Abbreviations 


Transliteration Rules 



Initial letter "D"for "Dixit," the first word 
of Psalm 53, from the Angouleme Psal- 
ter, France, 13th century. The illustration 
shows King David and a fool who, in ac- 
cordance with medieval iconography, is 
represented holding a club and eating 
cheese, Besangon, Bibliotheque Munici- 
pal, Ms. 140, fol 62 v. 


DRA (Draa), river valley region in southern Morocco on the 
borders of the Sahara. Many well-known scholars have ethnic 
regional names such as Dar'i, Edrei, etc., meaning "from Dra." 
According to an ancient legend, Dra was an independent Jew- 
ish state which was overthrown in wars with the Christians. 
In the Middle Ages active communities in the region corre- 
sponded with the Babylonian geonim. The Jews of Dra were the 
first to suffer during the * Almohad persecutions. The geogra- 
pher Yaqut (1179-1229) stated that most tradesmen in the Dra 
valley were Jews. Dra is a fertile area with gardens and date- 
palm groves and until the mid-1950s Jews owned land farmed 
by "haratin," descendants of black slaves. As late as 1930, there 
were mellahs in the villages of Tamnugalt, Qasbat al-Makhzan, 
Rabat-Tinzulin, Arumiyat, Mansuriya, Amzru, Alhammid, 
and Mhamid, containing about 500 families. Some Jewish no- 
tables participated in the political life of the region as delegates 
to the councils' which governed this Berber- Arab society. 

bibliography: J.M. Toledano, Ner ha-Maarav (1911), 13, 

26, 47, 109-10; Villes et tribus du Maroc> 9 (1931), 94~95> 127, 178, 

181; Hirschberg, Afrikah, 1 (1965), 90-91, 101, 236, 302; 2 (1965), 27; 

idem, Me-Erez Mevo ha-Shemesh (1957), 105-13; Corcos, in: Sefunot, 

10 (1966), 75-79. 

[David Corcos] 

DRABKIN, ABRAHAM (1844-1917), rabbi, born in Mogi- 
lev, Belorussia. After studying at the yeshivah of Volozhin and 

the rabbinical institute in Vilna, he was sent by the ^Society 
for the Promotion of Culture among the Jews in Russia to the 
rabbinical seminary in Breslau, completing his dissertation, 
Fragmenta Commentarii ad Pentateuchum Samaritano-arabi- 
curriy in 1875. From 1876 to 1908 he served as Kazionny Ravin 
(government-appointed rabbi) of St. Petersburg. Drabkin was 
a member of the Provisional Committee for the Promotion 
of Crafts and Agriculture among the Jews in Russia. He took 
part in the conferences convened after the pogroms of 1881. 
He was editor of the rabbinical section for the first eight vol- 
umes of the Yevreyskaya Entsiklopediya (Russian Jewish en- 

DRACH, PAUL-LOUISBERNARD (David; 1791-1865), 
French apostate. Drach, who was born at Strasbourg, received 
a traditional rabbinic education. In 1813 he went to Paris, mar- 
ried a daughter of E. Deutz, chief rabbi of France, and, in 1819, 
was appointed head of the Paris Jewish School. At this time 
he published a Passover Haggadah (1818) and a siddur (1819), 
both with translation, a Jewish calendar (1821), and other 
works. On Easter 1823, to the consternation of French Jewry, 
Drach had himself baptized, with much pomp and circum- 
stance, into the Catholic church, and he spent a year and a half 
in obtaining paternal control of his three children whom his 
wife had secretly taken to London. For a time he worked in 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Paris as an expert in Hebrew and took part in the publication 
of the Venice Bible (27 vols., 1827-33). From 1832 to 1842 he 
served as librarian of the Congregation for the Propagation 
of the Faith in Rome, and published Hebrew poems in honor 
of the pope and the cardinals. Returning to Paris, Drach col- 
laborated with the Abbe J.P Migne in the publication of his 
Patrologia. He also edited the fragments of Origen's Hexapla 
(1857-60), and translated into French the anonymous work 
*Sefer ha-Yashar (1858), wrongly attributed to Jacob *Tam 
who wrote another work similarly entitled. He also wrote a 
number of books and pamphlets to justify his apostasy and to 
prove to his former coreligionists the truth of Christianity. He 
succeeded in winning over his brother-in-law Hyacinthe (Si- 
mon) Deutz, the man who denounced the Duchess of Berry 
to the police; and his children, too, grew up as Christians and 
took Holy Orders. 

bibliography: P. Klein [= M. Catane], in: Revue de la Pen- 
see Juive, 7 (1951), 87-103. 

[Moshe Catane] 

DRACHMAN, BERNARD (1861-1945), U.S. Orthodox rabbi, 
first of the modern English-speaking Orthodox American rab- 
binate. Drachman was born in New York and reared in Jersey 
City. His early Jewish education was at a Reform institution, 
the Hebrew Preparatory School, sponsored by Temple Emanu- 
El Theological Seminary. He graduated from Columbia Col- 
lege, and was sent to study at Breslau and Heidelberg by New 
York's Temple Emanu-El (Reform). In Europe, much to the 
chagrin of his patrons, for the first time he came into personal 
contact with the deep piety of East European Jewry, and was 
so influenced by it that he became entirely committed to Or- 
thodoxy, of which he later became one of the leading spokes- 
men in the United States. Drachman served as rabbi of Oheb 
Shalom in Newark until it introduced mixed seating, and in 
several New York City pulpits, including Zichron Ephraim 
(1889-1909) and Oheb Zedek (1909-22). His background was 
unusual. American-born, he shared none of the East Euro- 
pean experiences of his Orthodox colleagues; Reform-trained, 
he shared none of the enthusiasm for Reform of those who 
first taught him. He was the first ordained Orthodox rabbi to 
preach in the vernacular in the U.S. and was one of the found- 
ers of the * Jewish Theological Seminary, where he taught Bible, 
Hebrew, and Jewish philosophy from 1887 to 1902. After Sol- 
omon Schechter s arrival, he continued as assistant reader in 
Codes from 1902 to 1908. There are two versions of his deci- 
sion to sever his service at the Jewish Theological Seminary. 
Some believe that Drachman was not sufficiently scholarly 
for the institution that Schechter was rebuilding and others 
believe that he left the Seminary when it gradually started to 
diverge from Orthodoxy; he later taught at Yeshiva College. 
He served as president of the * Union of Orthodox Jewish 
Congregations during 1908-20. He was a candidate for the 
Chief Rabbinate of England in 1912 but withdrew when one 
of his first pupils, J.H. *Hertz, a graduate of the Jewish Theo- 
logical Seminary, put forward his candidacy. Drachman was 

a founder of the Jewish Endeavor Society and Jewish Sabbath 
Alliance, which sought to repeal the Blue Laws that prohib- 
ited businesses from being open on Sunday and thus imposed 
a great economic hardship on Sabbath -observing Jews. In the 
1920s, together with the labor movement they advocated a 
five-day work week. He translated Samson Raphael Hirsch's 
Nineteen Letters of Ben Uziel into English (1899). His autobi- 
ography, Unfailing Light (1948), is a vivid portrait of American 
Jewry during his lifetime. 

bibliography: M. Davis, Emergence of Conservative Ju- 
daism (1963), 335-6. add. bibliography: J. Gurrock, "Bernard 
Drachman and the Evolution of Jewish Religious Life in America," 
in: American Jewish History, 76:4 (June 1967). 

[Michael Berenbaum (2 nd ed.)] 

DRACHSLER, JULIUS (1889-1927), U.S. sociologist. Drachs- 
ler was born in Austro- Hungary, taught at Smith College and 
at the City College of New York. He served in the Bureau of 
War Risk Insurance (1918-19), was assistant secretary of the 
Jewish Big Brother Association (1913-15), assistant executive 
director of the Bureau for Jewish Social Research (1919-20), 
secretary of the faculty of the School for Jewish Communal 
Work (1915-18), president of the Conference on Immigra- 
tion Policy (1921-22), and consultant of the Bureau of Jewish 
Social Research (1921-22). In addition, he served as director 
of the training courses for community center workers of the 
National Jewish Welfare Board. In his organizational as well 
as in his scholarly work, Drachsler s interest was centered 
on topics relevant to the sociology of Jews, then in its infancy. 
His major published works are Democracy and Assimilation 
(1920) and Intermarriage in New York City (1921). The latter 
is considered a classic in the demography of the Jews, and 
has been frequently quoted in subsequent studies on inter- 

[Werner J. Cahnman] 

DRAGUIGNAN (Heb. ffWT), capital of Var department, 
S.E. France. Toward the end of the 13 th century, when the poet 
*Isaac b. Abraham Ha-Gorni visited Draguignan, there was 
already an important community of wealthy Jews, who gave 
an unfriendly welcome to the poet, mistrusting his licentious 
behavior. The ancient synagogue, no longer standing, a beau- 
tiful building with a 23-m.(75.4-ft.)-long facade and a single 
spacious hall without the support of columns, was built dur- 
ing the same period. During the middle of the 14 th century 
the community of 200 to 250 persons was governed by an ad- 
ministrative council and two bailiffs. In the 15 th century, the 
number of Jews in Draguignan had increased so much that 
the accommodation in the Rue Juive rie had become inade- 
quate. There were numerous Jewish physicians, one of whom 
received a salary from the municipality. In 1489 the Jews in 
Draguignan were among the first victims of the edict of ex- 
pulsion from Provence. Five accepted baptism to avoid being 
expelled. During World War 11, there were about 12 Jewish 
families living in Draguignan. A new community of Jews of 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


North African origin established there numbered approxi- 
mately 100 in 1968. 

bibliography: Gross, Gal Jud, 170-1; F. Mireur, Les rues 

de Draguignan, 1 (1921), 134; Monore and Mireur, in Bulletin de la 

Societe d'Etudes scientifiques et archeologiques de... Draguignan, 

60 (1941); Boyer, in: Evidences, 64 (1957), 23-24; Blumenkranz, in: 

L'Arche, 76 (1963), 48-51; Z. Szajkowski, Analytical Franco-Jewish 

Gazetteer (1966), 281. 

[Bernhard Blumenkranz] 

viet army officer. Born in Sviatsk, Btyansk district, Russia, he 
started his army career in 1933. During World War 11 he com- 
manded a tank battalion and a tank brigade. He was twice 
awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union and finished the 
war as a colonel. After studying in the Military Academy he 
was promoted to major-general in 1953, lieutenant-general in 
1961, and colonel -general in 1970. During World War 11 he was 
a member of the Jewish *Anti- Fascist Committee, and in 1947 
his biography was published by the Committee in Yiddish. 
He represented Soviet Jewry at the opening of the Holocaust 
museum in Paris and in other places. He was used by the So- 
viet authorities to attack Israel, Zionism, and the movement 
to immigrate to Israel. He appeared at an anti-Zionist press 
conference in Moscow in March 1970 and headed the delega- 
tion of Soviet Jewry in Brussels in February 1971 for an inter- 
national conference to defend Soviet Jews' rights. In 1968 he 

published his war memoirs. 

[Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

DRAI, RAPHAEL (1942- ), French political scientist, so- 
ciologist, religious thinker. Born in Constantine, Dra'i had to 
leave Algeria at the age of 19, in 1961, and always considered 
the fate of Algerian Jews after the war of independence, and 
his own exile, as a great injustice. Nevertheless, he consistently 
refused to blame anyone for these events, which he saw as a 
result of the "hardships of history," leaving the door open to 
a process of "reconciliation"; he thus remained an advocate 
of trans -Mediterranean, intercultural, and inter- religious di- 
alogue, and in 2000, after Algerian president Bouteflika ac- 
knowledged for the first time, in a speech in Constantine in 
1999, the importance of Jewish culture to the history of Al- 
geria, he tried to move forward and, together with the singer 
Enrico Macias and other Jews from Constantine, traveled to 
Algeria to pray at the tomb of Algerian- Jewish singer Sheikh 
Raymond Leyris, assassinated in 1961 and a symbol of the in- 
volvement of Jews in the shaping of Arab- Algerian classical 
culture. Intended to be the beginning of a reconciliation pro- 
cess, the journey left a harsh impression of unrelieved mis- 
understanding and alienation, but was still a remarkable step 
forward. In the wake of this journey, Dra'i voiced the com- 
plexity of his feelings in an open letter to President Bouteflika, 
Lettre au president Bouteflika sur le retour des Pieds-Noirs en 
Alger ie (2000). In France, he had a successful academic ca- 
reer in which he tried to apply a broad perspective to politi- 
cal science, taking into account the results of diligent juridical 

analysis as well as new developments in the social sciences; 
he was one of the first social scientists to fully internalize and 
use the tools provided by psychoanalysis, joining the Psych- 
analyses et pratiques sociales research unit at the University of 
Aix- Marseille, where he taught. A former dean of the Univer- 
sity of Amiens, Dra'i also wrote a number of books on social, 
juridical, administrative, and political subjects, including Le 
temps dans la vie politique (1981), Sous le signe de Sion: L'an- 
tisemitisme nouveau est arrive (2001), Science administrative, 
ethique et gouver nance (2002), and Le Droit entre la'icisation 
et neo-sacralisation, Instabilites europeennes: recomposition 
ou decomposition? (2000). Taking part in official think tanks 
on bioethics, Dra'i is also a recognized expert in Talmud and 
halakhah, using his knowledge of Jewish Law to deepen his 
ethical, social, and political analysis, so that his work can 
be described as an unusual attempt to combine a classical 
juridical approach to political science with the progress of 
the modern social sciences, psychoanalytical elements, and 
Jewish tradition. This original endeavor culminated in Iden- 
tity juive, identite humaine (1995), a discussion of Jewish iden- 
tity and universal values. Other works related to Judaism 
were Lettre au Pape sur le pardon au peuple juif (1998), L'Eco- 
nomie chabbatique (1998), Freud et Mo'ise - Psychanalyse, 
loi juive et pouvoir (1997), La pensee juive et V interrogation 
divine (1996), and La sortie d'Egypte, Vinvention de la liberte 

[Dror Franck Sullaper (2 nd ed.)] 

DRAMA, city in Macedonia, Greece. ^Benjamin of Tudela 
found 140 Jews in Drama in c. 1165. Documentation points to 
the settlement of a small Jewish community of merchants in 
Drama from the beginning of the 17 th century who brought 
their legal problems to the Salonikan bet din. During the years 
1671-68, the Hebron emissary Rabbi Moses ha-Levi *Nazir 
visited the community. After the fall of Ottoman Hungary in 
1689, Jews from Buda settled in Drama. Jewish merchants car- 
ried goods in caravans from Drama to other towns. In 1900 
the Jewish community numbered 45 families, or 150 people. 
Many Jews from Serres settled in Drama in 1913 after a large 
fire erupted under Bulgarian occupation. Before World War 11 
the Jews were engaged in commerce (especially in tobacco); 
some were craftsmen or in the liberal professions. In 1934, 
the Zionist Geula organization was founded. In 1940 there 
were 1,200 Jews in the town. In 1941 Drama was occupied by 
the Bulgarians, who requisitioned all the Jewish enterprises. 
Jewish-owned capital in the banks was also confiscated. On 
March 4, 1943, the Jews of the community were arrested by 
the Bulgarian police and army, held in tobacco warehouses in 
the Agia Barbara quarter for three days, and then sent to the 
Gorna Djumaya camp in Bulgaria, where they were kept in 
extremely harsh conditions. From there, young men in their 
teens and early twenties were sent to forced labor in Bulgaria 
and 113 families (589 people) were dispatched by train to Lorn 
and from there put on a boat to Vienna, where they were re- 
loaded on trains to Treblinka and gassed upon their arrival. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



In 1948 there were 39 Jews in Drama and in 1958, 17. A Holo- 
caust memorial plaque was inaugurated in 1999. 

bibliography: Rosanes, Togarmah, 3 (1938), 77; H. Pardo, 
in: Fun Letstn Khurbn, 7 (1948), 88-90. add. bibliography: B. 
Rivlin, "Drama," in: Pinkas Kehillot Yavan (1999), 93-97. 

[Simon Marcus / Yitzchak Kerem (2 nd ed.)] 

DRANCY, small town near Paris where an internment camp 
was established by the Germans late in 1940. It became the 
largest center for the deportation of Jews from France. Begin- 
ning on August 20, 1941, it was reserved exclusively for Jews. 
They were deported from there "to the East" from July 19, 1942, 
until the camp was liberated on August 17, 1944. On that date 
some 1,500 internees were still there. The camp was directed 
by high Gestapo officers stationed in France. More than 61,000 
persons were sent from Drancy to the death camps. The camp 
has been transformed into an apartment complex for low-in- 
come families. At the site, there are a number of memorial 
plaques and a small museum housed in a cattle car that was 
used to transport Jews during World War 11. 

bibliography: G. Wellers, De Drancy a Auschwitz (1946); 
Z. Szajkowski, Analytical Franco-Jewish Gazetteer 1939-1945 (1966), 
262 (includes bibliography). 

[Shaul Esh / Michael Berenbaum (2 nd ed.)] 

DRAPKIN (Darom), ABRAHAM S. (1908-1993), criminol- 
ogist and Israeli diplomat. Born in Argentina, Drapkin studied 
in Chile and from 1935 to 1940 was secretary-general of the 
Chilean Department of Prisons. In 1936 he founded the jour- 
nal Revista de Ciencias Penales y and a year later helped estab- 
lish the Chilean Institute of Penal Sciences. He published Juris- 
prudencia de las Circunstancias Eminentes de Responsabilidad 
Criminal (1937) and Relacion de Causalidad y Delito (1943). In 
1948 he immigrated to Israel and entered its foreign service. 
He represented Israel in Greece, Yugoslavia, Thailand, Mexico, 
and at the United Nations. 

DRAPKIN (Senderey), ISRAEL (1906-1990), Israeli crimi- 
nologist and physician. Drapkin, who pioneered criminologi- 
cal studies in Latin America, was born in Rosario, Argentina. 
In 1936 he established the first Criminological Institute in 
Chile, and in 1950 the chair of criminology at the University 
of Chile. He advised on the establishment of other national in- 
stitutes of criminology, particularly in Venezuela, Costa Rica, 
and Mexico. Drapkin settled in Israel in 1959 and established 
the chair of criminology and the Institute of Criminology at 
the Hebrew University. His publications include Manual de 
Criminologia (1949) and Prensa y Criminalidad (1958). 

[Zvi Hermon] 

DRAY, JULIEN (1955- ), French politician. Born in 1955 in 
Oran, Algeria, Dray was first active in far-left movements af- 
ter his family had to move to France at the end of Algeria's 
war of independence. During the 1970s, he was a member 
of the Trotskyite Ligue communiste revolutionnaire and the 

left-wing student union Mouvement d'action syndicale, which 
merged in 1980 with the newly created unef-id, a radical 
faction of the mainstream socialist unef union. At the time, 
Dray himself moved from the far-left to the mainstream left 
and joined the Socialist Party (ps) in 1980, shortly before the 
socialist Francois Mitterrand was elected Frances president. 
Dray was in charge of managing the Socialist Party's youth 
movements, and in 1984 was a founding member of sos-Rac- 
isme, an anti- racist youth association affiliated with the ps and 
aiming at promoting the social integration of the immigrants, 
federating French youth around anti- racist values, and coun- 
tering the rise of the anti -immigration far- right Front National 
party. In 1986, Dray also helped create the fidl, a high-school 
student union. In 2003, he was involved in the creation of Ni 
putes ni soumises, a feminist organization that worked in the 
neglected, impoverished suburbs and among immigrant youth 
to promote the advancement of young women and lead the 
fight against sexual discrimination and violence. Dray was a 
member of Parliament from 1988 and in 1997 and 2002 was 
elected vice president of the Ile-de-France Regional Council. 
Acting as a spokesman for the party, Dray also participated 
in its internal ideological debates and headed one of the ide- 
ological clubs within the ps, the Club de la Gauche Sociali- 
ste. Julien Dray was widely seen as one of the most promising 
young leaders of the Socialist Party. 

[Dror Franck Sullaper (2 nd ed.)] 


In the Bible 

The biblical view of dreams agrees substantially with that held 
by almost all ancient peoples. Dreams are visions of things ac- 
tually transpiring on an ultramundane plane, where persons 
are not bound to bodies or events to specific moments and 
places. This plane is indistinguishable from that of the gods 
(or God), and dreams are therefore considered to be divine 
communications (Gen. 20:3, 6; 31:10-11). What is thus re- 
vealed may subsequently be actualized in historical fact. Ac- 
cordingly, dreams are regarded as presages or omens. They 
are best understood by visionaries, i.e., by prophets, mantics, 
and ecstatics, who, in their suprasensory states, are in rapport 
with the "divine dimension," and it is to such persons that God 
vouchsafes dreams when He wishes to communicate with 
mankind (cf. Num. 12:6). In the Bible, "dreamer," "prophet," 
and "magician" are related terms (cf. Jer. 23:28; 27:9; 29:8; see 
* Divination). The final interpretation of dreams rests with 
God (Gen. 40:8). 

Dreams are usually symbolic, and their interpreta- 
tion (known as oneiromancy) revolves around the unravel- 
ing of their images. Dreambooks, in which such images are 
codified, feature in Egyptian and Mesopotamian literature. 
Biblical examples of such symbolic dreams are those of Jo- 
seph (Gen. 37:5 ff.), of Pharaoh's butler and baker (ibid. 40:1ft.), 
and of Pharaoh himself (ibid. 41:1, 5); in Judges (7:13 ft.) a man's 
dream that a cake of barley rolls onto the Midianite camp 
and bowls it over is taken to portend the imminent discom- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


fiture of that people. Ancient Near Eastern parallels are af- 
forded by a series of prophetic dreams related in the Baby- 
lonian "Epic of Gilgamesh" and in the Hittite "Legend of 

Dreams that occur in sacred places are considered to be 
revelations from the resident deity People in search of divine 
direction resort to such shrines and sleep on the premises. This 
widespread practice, called incubation, is attested for the an- 
cient Near East by a Sumerian inscription of Gudea of Lagash 
and a Hittite text of King Mursilis n of Hatti. The only clear 
instance in the Bible is the story of Jacob at Beer-Sheba (Gen. 
46:iff.), though some scholars claim that the narratives of the 
infant Samuel at Shiloh and of Jacob at Beth-El fall within the 
same category. It is necessary, however, to distinguish between 
incubation, which involves a purposeful visit to a shrine, and 
more general revelation through dreams, such as is described, 
for example, in i Kings 3:5-15 (Solomon at Gibeon). In sun- 
dry passages (e.g., Jer. 23:25; Zech. 10:2), the Bible speaks of 
false dreams. There appear to be two criteria for this desig- 
nation, as there are also for false prophecy: a dream may be 
deemed false either because it is not subsequently realized, 
or because it never occurred at all. In the future Golden Age, 
says the prophet Joel (3:1), the gift of prophetic dreaming will 
be bestowed on all men, young and old alike. In the Greco - 
Roman age, apocalyptic visions were thought to be vouchsafed 
in dreams. Literary works inspired by this idea are the Book 
of Daniel and the Apocalypses of Ezra and Baruch. There is 
evidence of a pious protest against oneiromancy; both Ben 
Sira (31:1 ff.) and the Letter of Aristeas (213-216) denounce 

belief in dreams. 

[Theodor H. Gaster] 

In the Talmud 

Diametrically opposed views on dreams were expressed by the 
sages. Jonathan stated that "a man is shown in a dream only 
what is suggested by his own thoughts" (Ber. 55b). This state- 
ment is similar to Freud's views that certain thoughts which 
during the day are suppressed to the unconscious, reappear 
in a dream, where they find gratification. It is told of Meir and 
Nathan that after behaving unbecomingly toward Simeon b. 
Gamaliel the nasi, "they were told in their dreams to go and 
pacify him. Nathan went, but Meir did not, saying, 'Dreams 
are of no consequence'" (Hor. 13b; see also Git. 52a). The extent 
to which the sages did not set store by dreams is attested by 
Hanan's statement that "even if the genius of dreams informs 
a man that on the morrow he will die, he should not desist 
from prayer, since it is said (Eccles. 5:6): 'For through the mul- 
titude of dreams and vanities there are also many words; but 
fear thou God'" (Ber. 10b). There were sages who believed in 
dreams, however, and regarded them as being in the nature 
of prophecy; Hanina b. Isaac declared that "a dream is a va- 
riety of prophecy" (Gen. R. 17:5), and R. Joseph said, "If one 
was placed under a ban in a dream, ten persons are necessary 
for lifting the ban" (Ned. 8a). Some fasted on account of a bad 
dream, the *fast being known as taanit halom ("dream -fast"). 
Thus Rav asserted: "Fasting is as potent against a dream as fire 

is against tow. Hisda said: Provided it is on the same day. R. 
Joseph added: Even on the Sabbath" (Shab. 11a). 

The Talmud contains a prayer which originated in the last 
generation of the amor aim and which, said during the priestly 
benediction, reads as follows: "Sovereign of the Universe, I am 
Thine and my dreams are Thine. I have dreamt a dream and 
do not know what it is. Whether I have dreamt about myself, 
or my companions have dreamt about me, or I have dreamt 
about others, if they are good dreams, confirm and reinforce 
them like the dreams of Joseph, and if they require a remedy, 
heal them, as the waters of Marah were healed by Moses our 
teacher, and as Miriam was healed of her leprosy and Heze- 
kiah of his sickness, and the waters of Jericho by Elisha. As 
Thou didst turn the curse of the wicked Balaam into a bless- 
ing, so turn all my dreams into something beneficial for me" 
(Ber. 55b). The Talmud records that there were 24 professional 
interpreters of dreams in Jerusalem (ibid.), an indication of 
how deep-rooted a belief in dreams was among the masses. 
(Extensive material on dreams and their interpretation is given 
in Ber. 55a-57b.) A third view, midway between these two ex- 
tremes, regarded dreams as composed alike of truth and of 
incidental features. This was stated by Johanan in the name 
of Simeon b. Yohai: "Just as there can be no grain without 
straw, so can there be no dream without meaningless matter." 
A similar view was expressed by Berechiah, "While part of a 
dream may be fulfilled, the whole of it is never fulfilled," and 
by Hisda: "Neither a good dream nor a bad one is wholly ful- 
filled" (Ber. 55a). Some sages distinguished between one dream 
that lacks all substance and another that is fulfilled. This was 
the view of Johanan, who declared that "three dreams are ful- 
filled: an early morning dream, a dream which a friend has 
about one, and a dream which is interpreted within a dream" 

(Ber. 55b). 

[Abraham Arzi] 

In Medieval Thought 

Interest in dreams continued through the Middle Ages to 
modern times, especially among the kabbalists and Hasidim. 
The Zohar discusses the problem of the admixture of truth and 
falsehood in dreams, and distinguishes between the dreams 
of the wicked, which derive from the forces of impurity, and 
the dreams of the righteous, which contain the visions, im- 
ages, and prophecies seen by the soul in the higher worlds. 
Nevertheless, even the dreams of the righteous are infected by 
the false notions of the sitra ahra. The angel in charge of the 
dreams of the righteous is Gabriel. These dreams, while they 
are not as great as prophecy, are close to prophecy (Tishby, 
Mishnat ha-Zohar, 2 (1961), 136-43). Maimonides developed a 
conception of dreams, based on his psychology and epistemol- 
ogy, as an integral part of philosophical anthropology, which 
totally rejects all supernatural categories. The religious sig- 
nificance of Maimonides' conception lies in his identification 
of dreams and prophecy in terms of their essence, and their 
distinction in terms of their content (Guide of the Perplexed, 
2:36-38; cf. Shemonah Perakim, 1; Yad, Yesodei ha-Torah 7:2). 
Maimonides attributes no cognitive significance to dreams in 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


the sense of a spiritual process which introduces new ideas 
or knowledge which was not previously known. Dreams are 
a function of the imagination only, not of the senses or the 
intellect. What one learns in dreams is not a new product of 
one's soul or a new idea from the outside, but is rather brought 
up from the imaginative faculty, the storehouse of sensual and 
intellectual impressions: "The thing which engages greatly 
and earnestly man's attention while he is awake and in the 
full possession of his senses forms during his sleep the ob- 
ject of the action of his imaginative faculty." The prophetic 
dream is unique in that "his [the prophet's] attention must 
be directed to the knowledge of God. . . . There must be an ab- 
sence of the lower desires and appetites." If the prophet fulfills 
these requirements while he is awake, of necessity he will, in 
his dreams, "perceive things very extraordinary and divine, 
and see nothing but God and His angels." The experiences of 
the dream, those of both the prophet and the ordinary person, 
occur only "when the senses are at rest and pause in their ac- 
tion." In his dreams a person apprehends ideas which he pre- 
viously had and which left their impression in his imaginative 
faculty, which "sees the thing as if it came from without and 
perceives it as if through the medium of bodily senses." It thus 
appears as if these are new ideas which have never before been 
experienced. From this conception of the essence of dreams it 
can be seen that Maimonides avoids the traditional interpre- 
tation of the "dream -fast" as a means of protection from an 
anticipated danger or for the purpose of abolishing a harmful 
decree, and sees the fast as an obligation which has a didactic- 
psychological purpose: "that he may reexamine his actions and 
analyze them and repent" (Yad, Ta'aniyyot 1:12). A later attempt 
to promulgate a belief in dreams and their interpretation on 
a "philosophical" basis was made by Solomon Almoli, whose 
book Mefasher Helmin or Pitron Halomot ("The Interpreta- 
tion of Dreams") was very popular among eastern European 
Jews. Some medieval thinkers would rely on dreams even in 
matters of religious law, as, for example, Jacob of Marvege in 
his responsa. Other scholars, however, strongly opposed this 
practice: "We do not require the dream of R. Jacob . . . nor his 
interpretation based on a dream . . . and one should take no 
notice of dreams, because we know that it is not in the heav- 
ens" (Zedekiah b. Abraham Anav's Shibbolei ha-Leket (1896), 
no. 157). Nevertheless, there were people in later generations 
who made decisions on the basis of dreams. 

[Encyclopaedia Hebraica] 

bibliography: A. Lowinger, Der Traum in der juedischen 
Literatur (1908); A. Kristianpoller, Traum und Traumdeutung (Monu- 
menta Talmudica, 4, 1923); J. St. Lincoln, Dream in Primitive Culture 
(1935); E.L. Ehrlich, in: bzaw, 73 (1953), 1-170; H.L. Oppenheim, In- 
terpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East (1956); Jacob of Mar- 
vege, She'elot u-Teshuvot min ha-Shamayim, ed. by R. Margoliouth 
(1957), introduction, 3-20; S. Lieberman, Yevanit ve-Yavnut be-Erez 
Yisrael (1962), 204-9; M. Harris, in: paajr, 31 (1963), 51-80. 

DREBEN, SAM (1878-1925), U.S. soldier of fortune. Born 
in Russia, Dreben immigrated to the United States in 1898 

and volunteered for the army. He fought in China during the 
Boxer Rebellion of 1900 and later in Nicaragua, where he be- 
came known as the "fighting Jew." In 1916 he volunteered as 
a colonel in the Mexican army and in 1918 fought in France, 
where he won the Distinguished Service Cross. Dreben do- 
nated a large sum of money to the ^American Jewish Joint 
Distribution Committee and helped fight the Ku Klux Klan 
in Texas in the 1920s. 

DREIFUSS, RUTH (1940- ), Swiss politician. Born in St. 
Gall, she spent her youth in Geneva. Her father was active 
on behalf of Jewish refugees in Switzerland. After receiving 
a diploma in commerce, she became editor of the consumer 
association's magazine coop in Basle (1961-64). She joined the 
Social Democratic Party in 1965 and studied economics at the 
University of Geneva, beginning her academic career there as 
assistant professor (1972-74). She was engaged by the Federal 
Foreign Ministry (1972-81) and was elected secretary of the 
Swiss Labor Union (Berne, 1981-93). She also served on the 
city council of Berne as a member of the Social Democrats. 
In 1993 she was elected by the Federal Assembly (Parliament) 
as a Federal councilor, becoming the first Jewish member of 
the Swiss government. As minister of the interior, she fought 
to cut welfare spending and was broadly perceived as fight- 
ing for women's equality in Swiss private industry. Her vision 
of social justice had roots in Jewish tradition, even if she de- 
clared herself an agnostic and did not become a member of 
a Jewish community. 

In 1998 she was elected vice president of the Swiss Con- 
federation and in 1999 she became president for the one-year 
term, serving in effect as the Swiss head of state. As such, she 
reiterated Switzerland's official apology to the victims of the 
Holocaust, acknowledging that Swiss asylum policy had been 
"marred by errors, omissions, and compromises." In 2002 she 
resigned from the government after being reelected coun- 
cilor twice. In 2004 she contributed to the jubilee volume of 
the Swiss Federation of Jewish Communities, describing the 
changes in the position of Swiss Jewry from pre-emancipation 
times until the present. 

bibliography: I.M. Fischli, Dreifussist unser Name (2002); 
U. Altermatt, Conseil federal (1993), 611. 

[Uri Kaufmann (2 nd ed.)] 

DRESDEN, capital of Saxony, Germany. A Jewish commu- 
nity existed there in the early 14 th century, and its members 
were massacred in the *Black Death persecutions of 1349. 
Jews are not mentioned in Dresden again until 1375. They 
were expelled in 1430. Jewish settlement was renewed in the 
early 18 th century when the * Court Jews Behrend *Lehmann 
and Jonas Mayer, with their retainers, were permitted to set- 
tle in Dresden. A synagogue and cemetery were opened in 
the middle of the 18 th century. A society for caring for and 
visiting the sick was established which formed the nucleus 
for communal organization. During this period the Jews in 
Dresden were subjected to strict regulations and their rights 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


of residence were limited. Nevertheless there were about 1,000 
Jewish residents by the end of the 18 th century. Their situation 
improved in the 19 th century. Active in the communal lead- 
ership were R. David Landau of Lissa, who settled in Dres- 
den in 1803, and Bernhard *Beer, founder of the "Mendels- 
sohn- Verein" for the advancement for crafts, art, and science 
among Jewish youth (1829). As communal leader for 30 years, 
Beer was active in efforts for improvement of the civil status 
of the Jews in Dresden and the rest of Saxony. A new syna- 
gogue was built and consecrated on his initiative in 1840 and 
Zacharias *Frankel officiated as its first rabbi (1836-54). Fran- 
kel succeeded, among other achievements, in obtaining the 
repeal of the more humiliating portions of the Jewish *oath 
in 1840. During this period a Jewish elementary school was 
founded (1836) and complete civil equality attained (1869). 
Emil Lehmann (d. 1898) followed Beer as leader of Dresden 
and Saxon Jewry. Frankel was succeeded by the teacher Wolf 
Landau (1854-86) and the scholar of Midrash Jacob * Winter 
(1887-1941). The community numbered approximately 2,300 
in 1886, 4,300 in 1913, and over 6,000 in 1925. 

A number of Jews from East Europe settled there after 
World War 1. A prosperous and well-endowed community, it 
owned a valuable library and maintained numerous social and 
charitable organizations. A group of Orthodox Jews seceded 
and founded the "Shomerei ha-Dat" congregations. In Octo- 
ber 1938, 724 Jews of Polish citizenship were deported from 
Dresden. On Kristallnacht, 151 Jews were arrested and shipped 
to Buchenwald. The synagogues were burned and the Jewish 
community was presented with a bill for their demolition. By 
May 1939, the community had been reduced to 1,600 people 
as a result of emigration, deportation, and arrests. There were 
12 deportations, dispatching 1,300 Jews, between January 1942 
and January 1944. The final deportation was scheduled for 
February 1945. The Allied bombing of Dresden allowed the 
deportees to escape. 

A synagogue seating 200 was opened in 1950. Subse- 
quently the Dresden community declined, numbering 100 
in the late 1960s. From 1962 to 1990 Dresden was the seat of 
the Association of Jewish Communities in the gdr. Owing to 
the immigration of Jews from the Former Soviet Union, the 
number of community members rose to 618 in 2005. A new 
synagogue was inaugurated in 2001. Dresden is the seat of the 
Association of Jewish Communities in Saxony. 

bibliography: E. Lehmann, A us alten Aden... (1886); idem, 
Ein Halbjahrhundert in der israelitischen Religionsgemeinde zu Dres- 
den (1890); mgwj, 1 (1852), 382-5, 421-6; Germ Jud, 2 (1968), 175; 
Gruen, in: aujw, 9 (1954/55), 3; B. Beer, Geschichtliche Darstellung der 
50 - jaehrigen Wirksamkeit des Krankenunterstuetzungs - Institutes 
fuer Israeliten zu Dresden (1857). add. bibliography: U. Ullrich, 
Zur Geschichte derjuden in Dresden (2001); Der alte juedische Fried- 
hofin Dresden (2002). 

[Akiva Posner / Annegret Nippa (2 nd ed.)] 

DRESDEN, SEM (1881-1957), composer and teacher. Born 
in Amsterdam, Dresden studied there and with Pfitzner in 

Berlin. In 1914 he founded a choral ensemble which gave 
concerts of the works of the great Dutch composers and of 
Renaissance and modern works. He was director of the Am- 
sterdam Conservatory (1924-37) and of the Royal Conserva- 
tory at The Hague (1937-40; 1945-49), and for a number of 
years president of the Society of Dutch Composers and of the 
Dutch section of the International Society of Contemporary 
Music. His compositions include Chorus Tragicus for choir, 
wind instruments, and percussion (1928, after VondePs Hieru- 
salem verwoest); Psalm 84 for choir "based on an old Hebrew 
prayer"; concertos for various instruments; orchestral and 
chamber works; and an opera, Toto (1945). He also wrote and 
edited books on music history and theory. 

DRESNER, SAMUEL HAYIM (1923-2000), U.S. Conser- 
vative rabbi, activist, scholar, and author. Dresner was born 
in Chicago and began his education at the University of Cin- 
cinnati (B.A., 1945) and Hebrew Union College. He left huc 
to study with his mentor Abraham Joshua *Heschel, who 
went to the Jewish Theological Seminary after World War 11, 
where Dresner was ordained (1951) and subsequently earned 
his D.H.L. degree (1954). Dresner began his career as associ- 
ate rabbi of Congregation Har Zion in Philadelphia, Penn- 
sylvania; in addition, in 1955, Dresner and several colleagues 
revived the quarterly magazine Conservative Judaism. For 
10 years, Dresner almost single-handedly kept the magazine 
alive. In 1957, he became the rabbi of Congregation Beth El 
in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also joined the civil 
rights struggle as chairman of the Massachusetts Human 
Relations Commission. He used his positions in the Con- 
servative movement to promulgate a code of Jewish living, 
promoting Sabbath observance, and establishing an adult 
Leadership Training Institute. As part of his lobbying efforts 
for Jewish funeral reform, Dresner co-chaired the Commit- 
tee on Funeral Practices of the non-denominational ^Syna- 
gogue Council of America. In 1969, Dresner became rabbi of 
North Suburban Synagogue Beth El in Highland Park, Illi- 
nois (1969-77). In 1977, Dresner joined the faculty of Spertus 
College in Chicago and moved to Deerfield, Illinois, where 
he assumed the pulpit at Congregation Moriah. Following 
his retirement from the congregational rabbinate in 1984, he 
taught at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (1985), at He- 
brew Union College (1986-88), and at the Jewish Theological 
Seminary (1989-2000). 

Dresner contributed hundreds of articles to such periodi- 
cals as Judaism, Commentary, Forum, and Jewish Digest, and 
wrote and edited numerous books, including Prayer, Humility 
and Compassion (1957), The Jewish Dietary Laws (1959, 1966), 
Three Paths of God and Man (i960), The Zaddik (i960; reis- 
sued as The Zaddik: The Doctrine of the Zaddik According to 
the Writings of Rabbi Yaakov Yosef of Polnoy, 1994), The Jew in 
American Life (1963), God, Man and Atomic War (1966), The 
Sabbath (1970), Between the Generations: A Jewish Dialogue 
(1971), Levi Yitzhak of Berditchev: Portrait of a Hasidic Master 
(1974; reissued as The World of a Hasidic Master: Levi Yitzhak 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



of Berditchev, 1985, 1994), Agenda for American Jews: Federa- 
tion and Synagogue (1976), Judaism: The Way of Sanctification 
(with Byron Sherwin, 1978), Rachel (1994), Can Families Sur- 
vive in Pagan America? (1995), Abraham J. Heschel: Prophetic 
Witness (Vol. 1, with Edward Kaplan, 1998), and Heschel, Ha- 
sidism and Halakha (2000). 

bibliography: P.S. Nadell, Conservative Judaism in Amer- 
ica: A Biographical Dictionary and Sourcebook (1988); Contemporary 

Authors Online, Gale, 2005. 

[Bezalel Gordon (2 nd ed.)] 


In the Bible 

The biblical terms for clothing (Heb. "D2, beged; D1D3, kesut; 
tini*?, levush) and the corresponding verbs are employed in 
connection with the cover of the body for warmth or reasons 
of modesty. Extensive use is also made of the terms in figures 
of speech: "Put on thy beautiful garments" (Isa. 52:1), as an 
emblem of greatness; "He put on garments of vengeance for 
clothing" (Isa. 59:17), as a symbol of revenge; "For he dressed 
me in clothes of triumph," as a metaphor for victory and 
good fortune (Isa. 61:10); "They shall wear shame" (Ps. 35:26), 
as a metaphor for failure and defeat; and "Let your priest be 
clothed with triumph" (Ps. 132:9), as a metaphor for success 
and prestige; and so forth. On many occasions, clothing em- 
phasizes a persons status, position, clothing, or particular 
situation or task: "Royal apparel (levush malkhui)... which 
the king is accustomed to wear" (Esth. 6:8), with which an- 
other man (Mordecai) would be honored or favored. A hairy 
cloak was probably a hallmark of Nazirites and ascetics: "Nei- 
ther shall they wear a hairy mantle (adderet sear) to deceive" 
(Zech. 13:4). During the period of mourning widows wore a 
characteristic garment: "She put off from her garments of wid- 
owhood" (Gen. 38:14). Prisoners apparently also had special 
clothing: "He changed his prison garments" (11 Kings 25:29). 
The official uniform (holy garments) worn by priests in the 
service of God was of great importance: "And Thou shalt make 
holy garments for Aaron" (Ex. 28:2). Just as the beauty of a 
garment symbolized a man's greatness, tearing the clothing 
or wearing poor and dirty clothing or sackcloth indicated a 
lowered station or mourning. 

The Bible mentions articles of clothing appropriate to 
specific parts of the body: a cloth miter or turban (zenif, 
miznefei) to cover the head (Ex. 29:6; Zech. 3:5); metal or 
leather helmets (kova c ), and head coverings used in warfare 
for protection (1 Sam. 17:5; 11 Chron. 26:14); a dress-like gar- 
ment (simlah), apparently with closed seams used by both 
men and women to cover the entire body from the shoulders 
to the ankles (1 Kings 11:30; Ex. 12:34; Y. Yadin, et al., Hazor, 
3-4 (1961), pi. cccxxxix: 1, 2); the tunic (ketonet), a short, closed 
garment, covering the top part of the body, worn by both men 
and women (Gen. 37:3; Lev. 16:14; Song 5:3); the coat (me c il), a 
long outer garment open at the front (1 Sam. 15:27; 24:5; 11 Sam. 
13:18); breeches (mikhnasayim), covering the loins, worn by 
the priests (Ex. 28:42; Ezek. 44:18); the girdle Cavnet), a belt for 

fastening the coat or dress around the waist (Ex. 29:9; Lev. 8:7); 
and the shoe, made of skin and attached with laces, strings, or 
straps (Gen. 14:23; Isa. 5:27). 

Clothes, particularly the dress-like garment and the tu- 
nic, were considered essential though expensive articles, both 
because of their value, which of course was related to the work 
that went into producing them, and by reason of their impor- 
tance in indicating a man's status, position, character, and liv- 
ing style. It is for this reason that the Bible and royal docu- 
ments frequently list the quantities of clothing given as gifts 
(Gen. 45:22) or taken in war (Judg. 14:12). Kings had keepers 
of the wardrobe (11 Kings 22:14), and the Temple in Jerusalem 
had a special wardrobe room. 

Types of Garment Shown on Monuments 

A common garment worn by men, which is often depicted on 
monuments in Egypt and Mesopotamia, was a piece of cloth 
covering from the waist to the knees or below (N. de Garis 
Davies, The Tomb ofPuyemre at Thebes, 1 (1922), pi. xxxiii, a), 
gathered around the waist and held in place by a belt fastened 
either in front or at the back or tied near the navel (L. Bor- 
chardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Koenigs Sahu-Re, 2 (1913), pi. 6; 
M.G. Lefebure, Le tombeau de Seti 1, 4 (1886), pi. v). Occasion- 
ally this garment was patterned and multicolored, but more of- 
ten it was a solid color, usually white. It was sometimes held in 
place by a leather or cloth suspender, passing diagonally over 
one shoulder from the upper part of the garment (Y. Yadin, et 
al., Hazor, 3-4 (1961), pi. ccxxvi). A more complex garment, 
made of a wide piece of cloth, covered the body from shoulder 
to ankle; it was worn by both men and women and was most 
common in Mesopotamia, though in other places it was worn 
as a festive garment (N. de Garis Davies and A.H. Gardiner, 
The Tomb ofHuy, 1926). This garment could be both in single 
color or in multicolored patterns. While it usually covered 
only one shoulder, it was occasionally worn covering both. 
In addition to the patterns woven into the cloth, a decorative 
border was common (W. Wreszinski, Atlas zur altaegyptisehen 
Kulturgeschichte, 2 (1935), pi. 46). 

A garment more characteristic of the lower classes con- 
sisted of two shrunken cloths which were suspended from 
the waist in front and back by a belt or string, thus covering 
the loins (P.A.A. Boeser, Die Denkmaeler des Neuen Reiches 
(1911)). A sewn dress-like garment with sleeves covered the 
entire body; it had a large opening for the head, somewhat 
resembling a collar. The pictures on several monuments show 
that the stitches were prominent, serving also as a kind of 
decoration. The more elegant classes wore two garments: a 
sewn, short- or long-sleeved dress over which was worn a 
sheath covering the shoulder or sometimes the entire dress 
(E.E Schmidt, Persepolis, 1 (1953, pis. 31, 32). Another such 
two-piece ensemble in the luxury category was made up of a 
length of cloth extending from the waist to the knees or trou- 
sers over which was worn a wide decorated cloth covering the 
body from shoulder to ankles. Typical of the colder, north- 
ern countries was a sleeved coat fastened all the way down 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


(F. Thureau-Dangin, Arslan Task (1931), 111-2, pi. 33:43; N. de 
Garis Davies, The Tombs ofMenkheperrasonb... (1933), pi. iv). 
Pieces of cloth were frequently added to the basic garment in 
order to cover the shoulders (Boeser, op. cit., pi. xxiv). The tu- 
nic was a short, sewn garment, usually with short sleeves. It 
was made of one piece of cloth specially woven for this pur- 
pose with an opening for the head in the center. The cloth 
was folded along the shoulder line and sewn along the edges, 
thus making a garment which covered the upper part of the 
body. The tunic was often made with a woven decoration or 
later embroidered. 

The clothing shown on early Mesopotamian and Egypt 
monuments emphasizes ethnic differences. Most apparent 
are the shorter lengths, relatively lighter weights of the mate- 
rials (including translucent cloth) - especially in the case of 
women's wear - and the head coverings worn in Egypt, while 
the northern countries used longer and heavier clothing. The 
materials from which the garments were made also show eth- 
nological differences. The garments depicted on a number of 
Mesopotamian monuments of the third millennium b.c.e. 
are made of heavy wool strands, fastened with large laces, or 
sewn with strips of animal skin. Noticeable ethnological differ- 
ences also appear in head coverings. Wigs seem to have been 
widely worn by both men and women. A common style was 
a band circling the hair, tied at the back or side. On the ma- 
jority of the Egyptian monuments feathers worn on the head 
depict Ethiopian captives. Headgear crowned with feathers is 
characteristic of the Sea Peoples (T. Dothan, Ha-Pelishtim ve- 
Tarbutam ha-Homrit (1967), figs 1-7). Skullcaps resembling 
cones and cylinders decorated with ribbons and lacing were 
common in Babylonia and Assyria. Covering the head with a 
kerchief was customary in Egypt and Canaan. The most com- 
mon sandal had a leather sole held in place by straps. Sandals 
could be partly closed, covering half the foot, or completely 
enclosed. However, the figures on monuments are usually 

shown barefoot. 

[Ze'ev Yeivin] 

Talmudic Times 

Talmudic and midrashic literature is replete with informa- 
tion on matters of dress and clothing, usually supplied inci- 
dentally as part of a comment on biblical themes or in con- 
nection with religious law and custom which often concern 
matters of dress. 

The importance of clothing in adding to the confidence 
and dignity of man is stressed in the Talmud: "fine garments" 
are among the things which "enlarge man's mind" (Ber. 
57b), and "a man's dignity is seen in his costume" (Ex. R. 
18:5). Apart from the special and distinctive garments which 
characterized the scholar, he was enjoined to be spotless and 
neat in his dress: "A scholar on whose garments a stain is 
found is worthy of death" (Shab. 114a), and he should not go 
out in patched shoes (Ber. 43b). An incident related in the 
Midrash is based upon the fact that *Yannai mistook an ig- 
norant man for a scholar because he was elegantly dressed 
(Lev. R. 9:3). 

As many as 90 different articles of clothing are listed by 
Krauss, but the Talmud enumerates the 18 articles of cloth- 
ing which were regarded as indispensable and which could 
therefore be rescued from a fire on the Sabbath. The lists given 
both in the Babylonian (Shab. 120a) and the Jerusalem (Shab. 
16:5, i5d) Talmuds, apart from some differences in spelling, 
are practically identical, affording a picture of a man's com- 
plete apparel. On the upper part of the body, next to the skin, 
he wore a sleeveless tunic which was covered by a shirt 
(halluk). Over this came an outer tunic, and the top garment 
was a cloak. A hollow money belt was worn. The lower part 
of the body was covered by breeches, over which trousers 
were worn; on the feet were socks and shoes. A girdle was 
tied round the waist and an apron was also worn. A felt cap 
covered the head and a hat was worn over this. A scarf com- 
pleted the attire. Even the order of donning the clothes was 
laid down (der 10). Apart from the shirt and the girdle, all 
these garments were worn by the Greeks, and this raises the 
question of whether there was a distinctive Jewish dress in 
talmudic times. 

There is evidence that there was. With regard to men, the 
Midrash states that Moses was called an Egyptian (Ex. 2:19) 
because he was dressed as such and not as a Jew. In one version 
of a well-known Midrash, one of the reasons given for the re- 
demption of the children of Israel from bondage is "that they 
did not change or substitute their [distinctive Jewish] dress" 
and on the verse "Lo, it is a people that shall dwell alone," a Yal- 
kut (Num. 768) states, "they are distinguished from the other 
peoples in everything, in their dress..." Generally speaking, 
however, it would appear that apart from the *zizit enjoined 
by the Bible, the dress of the ordinary people was similar to 
that of non-Jews. The scholar however wore distinctive gar- 
ments. The scarf worn by ordinary people, which was prob- 
ably fringed, became the * tallit of the scholar. The Talmud in- 
dicates its severe displeasure of the common person who wore 
the tallit of the scholar (bb 98a). The scholar's shirt covered 
his whole body, so that his skin was invisible, and his tallit 
completely covered the shirt (bb 57b), so that "the scholar was 
recognized by the manner in which he wrapped himself in his 
tallit" (dez 5). He wore a distinctive hat, a kind of turban (Pes. 
111b). Judah b. Ilai used to wrap himself in his fringed shawl 
and he looked like an angel of the Lord (Shab. 25b). 

It was regarded as immodest and against Jewish custom 
for a married woman to wear her hair loose. The difference 
between the costume of women in Erez Israel and Babylon is 
noted; in Babylon the women wore colored garments, while 
in Erez Israel they wore starched white linen garments (Pes. 
109 a). Black clothing was worn as a sign of mourning, trou- 
ble, or distress (Hag. 16a), or when appearing as a defendant 
in a lawsuit (tj, rh 1:3, 57b). When R. *Akiva had to break 
to R. Eliezer b. Hyrcanus the news of his excommunication 
he "clothed himself in black" (bm 59b). A complete change 
of garments was enjoined for the Sabbath, and this was re- 
garded as so important that biblical sanction was found for 
it (Shab. 113a, 114a). 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



Hellenistic and Persian Periods 

The frescoes of the third-century synagogue at *Dura-Euro- 
pos, depicting a number of biblical scenes, portray costumes 
reflecting the Hellenistic and Persian cultures, both of which 
influenced this frontier city The more common type of dress- 
tunic or gown (chiton, colobium, or dalmatica) with purple 
stripes (clavi), shawl (himation orpallium), and sandals - is 
assigned to prophets, elders, civilian leaders, and laymen. In 
certain cases, the pallium has zizit attached to the corners. The 
Persian costume, which includes a short belted tunic, trou- 
sers, and soft white boots, is assigned to royalty, courtiers, 
and Temple personnel. The high priest wears a long cloak; he 
alone has a head covering. Women wear a plain chiton with 
elbow-length sleeves and a shawl, one end of which is fastened 
over the shoulder and the other draped over the head. The two 
distinct traditions in Jewish dress, Hellenistic and Persian, are 
represented by a group of Jews portrayed in the sixth-century 
mosaics in the church of San Vitale, Ravenna, and by the sixth- 
century wall painting from Wadi Sarga, Egypt, of the "Three 
Children in the Furnace," now in the British Museum. These 
two works are probably based on much earlier types. The 
pronged ornaments known as gams shown on many of the 
costumes at Dura-Europos are similar to those found on gar- 
ments discovered in the Judean Desert caves used as refuge 
by Bar Kokhba's followers in the second century. 

The Post-Talmudic Era 

In the post-talmudic period Jewish costume was greatly in- 
fluenced by various halakhic, moral, and social principles laid 
down in rabbinic literature. The prohibition against following 
the custom of the Gentiles in the manner of dress and mode of 
cutting hair (Lev. 18:3; 20:23; Deut. 12:30; Zeph. 1:8) became an 
important factor behind many of the communal dress regu- 
lations and * sumptuary laws. The garb of a Jew should reflect 
propriety and humility and he should therefore avoid wearing 
expensive clothes. He must observe the laws regarding zizit 
and shaatnez (see *mixed species) and decency requires him 
to wear a belt. Women must be modest in their attire, and 
married women should always cover their hair. Fine clothes 
should be worn on the Sabbath and even finer ones on the 
festivals. These rabbinical regulations served to keep Jewish 
dress conservative and outmoded. Discriminatory laws passed 
against the Jews had a similar effect. The earliest example of 
these, decreed in Egypt in 849 by the caliph al-Mutawakkil, 
required Jews and Christians to wear a yellow Persian mantle 
(tailasan) and a cord belt (zunnar). If they wore the Persian 
hat (kalansuwa) they were restricted to certain colors, and if 
they wore a turban it had to be yellow. Later, they also had to 
wear a *badge of the same color. In the Christian world, the 
first legislation of this kind was enacted in 1215 by the Fourth 
Lateran Council, which ordered Jews to wear a distinct type 
of dress on the grounds that in some regions they could no 
longer be distinguished from Christians. All these different in- 
fluences combined to create a specifically Jewish dress, which, 
however, varied from one country to another. 

Early Middle Ages 

Little is known of Jewish costume in the early Middle Ages. 
Certain pottery figures of peddlers with Semitic features 
discovered in some of the Chinese Tang Dynasty tombs 
(618-907) are believed to represent Jews, particularly those 
with pointed Persian hats, caftans, and girdles. There are no 
paintings or descriptions of European Jews from this period, 
and only two obscure references to their attire. In 839, when 
*Bodo became a convert to Judaism he allowed his hair and 
beard to grow, and also put on a military belt. This may be an 
early reference to the practice of wearing a girdle, later laid 
down in the Shulhan Arukh. In the ninth century, Pope Nicho- 
las 1 (858-67) attacked Arsenius, bishop of Orta, for introduc- 
ing Jewish furred garments (judaicae peluciae). 

The Orient 

In many Muslim countries, Jews were restricted to black cloth- 
ing, in North Africa practically up to our times. During the 
16 th century in Turkey, a native Jew wore a yellow turban, while 
the Sephardi Jew wore a red hat, shaped like a sugar loaf. The 
hakhamim of the Spanish expulsion wore the capos ("cape") 
on the Sabbath, which had been the distinctive dress of the 
Jews in Spain. In spite of the strict ruling of R. Elijah *Mizrahi 
the capos was used as a festive garb. By the 18 th century, the 
common dress for all Jews in Turkey was a violet kaveze ("tur- 
ban"), a black or violet habit, mest ("socks"), and violet slip- 
pers. The same dress was worn in Mesopotamia, Syria, and 
Erez Israel. Women developed various regional styles of dress 
with marked Jewish distinctions. During the 19 th century, in 
Smyrna and Salonika, a woman's costume included full Turk- 
ish trousers, over which two or three gowns slit open from the 
hips to hem were worn. The different cloths had wide contrast- 
ing stripes with flower patterns printed over them. Outdoors, a 
woman wore a long, dark red pelisse, lined and trimmed with 
fur, and she covered her head with a fine white Turkish towel 
with fringed ends. In Constantinople, a short, loose jacket 
replaced the red pelisse. The Turkish Jewish woman's head- 
wear included a hotoz, an enormous cushion-like headdress 
covered by a white muslin veil; this reached such fashionable 
extravagances at Constantinople that the chief rabbi banned 
it at the request of the grand vizier. The feradje ("cloak") worn 
by Jewish women was distinctive in color and shape. Peculiar 
to Aleppo was a high-domed cap of striped silk, from which 
hung a quantity of false hair. 

The characteristic costume of Moroccan, Algerian, Tu- 
nisian, and Tripolitanian Jews was black; it consisted of a 
skull cap, a tunic, drawers, a burnous ("cloak"), and slippers. 
In Morocco, for ceremonial occasions, the women wore the 
keswa el-kbira, a costume that had elaborate gold embroidery 
for which the Jewish needlewomen of Tetuan were renowned. 
They also wore characteristic wigs which had many regional 
variations. In Algeria and Tunisia, the tall headdress, known as 
the cdma, was retained by Jewish women as part of their cer- 
emonial dress, after it had ceased to be fashionable during the 
19 th century. In Tunisia women's ordinary dress consisted of 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


a baggy chemise reaching down to the hips, a small gold-em- 
broidered velvet jacket, a pair of white, very tight pantaloons, 
and a velvet kufia, shaped like a sugar loaf, worn on the head. 
No information is available on the Jewish dress in Turkestan, 
Kurdistan, South Arabia, or India prior to the 19 th century In 
recent times, some elaborate Jewish costumes have emerged 
from Bukhara, Yemen, and Aden, most of which reflect local 
influence. (See also ^Bukhara.) 

In India, the distinctive feature of the Bene Israel was 
their pebt (side curls). They wore Hindu-style turbans and 
shoes, and Muslim-style trousers. The Iraqi Jews of India re- 
tained Turkish dress; for festive occasions their women wore 
a long, silk brocade gown with a white plastron, probably also 
Turkish in origin. In the middle of the 19 th century, the White 
Jews of Cochin wore a white cotton skullcap, a jacket, a waist- 
coat with 12 silver buttons, and trousers. The synagogue dress 
included a turban and a djubba ("Turkish gown"). The dis- 
tinctive feature of the dress of the Black Jews of Cochin was a 
round embroidered cap. 

Western Europe 

In medieval Spain, Jews were obliged at times to wear a full 
length black gown with a cape and a pointed hood. They were 
also forbidden to shave their beards. Other distinctive features 
were the badge and the pointed Jewish hat. By the 13 th century, 
in Germany, France, England, and other parts of Europe, the 
pointed hat, known as the Judenhuty had become distinctly 
Jewish; it was worn voluntarily and was accepted as a Jewish 
symbol. Later, however, the Judenhuty like the *badge, was 
also sometimes imposed by law. The hat was not worn after 
the 15 th century, by which time a new type of hat with a tassel 
on its crown was prescribed by the laws of Frankfurt; other 
garments also acquired a distinctively Jewish significance. The 
medieval chaperon ("hood") known in Germany as the ma- 
tran, gugel, or kappe as well as the liripipe ("tailed hood") was 
still being worn among the Jews of Nuremberg in 1755. Else- 
where in Germany and many parts of Central Europe, it had 
been replaced by a barrette (a black round hat made of felt or 
wool). Together with the Judenkragen (the i6 th -century ruff), 
it became a distinctive feature of Jewish costume. 

In the Papal States and elsewhere in Italy, the church 
canon requiring Jews to wear a yellow hat remained in effect 
until the French Revolution. Elsewhere in Western Europe, 
most Jewish distinctive dress had by then disappeared, except 
for synagogue and ceremonial occasions. The Jew, however, 
could still be identified by his beard and until the beginning 
of the 19 th century even in England and Holland it remained 
a distinctive feature among Ashkenazi Jews. 

The Sabbath barrette y known as schabbes deckel, and the 
schulmantel ("synagogue cloak") worn with a ruff, remained 
the accepted synagogue attire until the end of the 18 th cen- 
tury; the whole costume was black. The schulmantel, or Sab- 
bath sarbaly was a long cloak closed on the right side to pre- 
vent anything being carried on the Sabbath. During the 19 th 
century, a new style for synagogue wear became the accepted 

garb: a three-cornered hat, a tail coat, knee breeches, and 
buckled shoes. 

From the 13 th century onward, in many parts of Europe, 
Jewish women were obliged to have two blue stripes in their 
veil (oralia or orales). The oralia was replaced by a pointed veil 
(cornalia or cornu) and, in the middle of the 18 th century, it, 
together with the Jewish ruff and a special synagogue cloak, 
was still part of the Jewish woman's synagogue apparel. Other 
distinctive clothes worn by Jewish women were the sivlonot 
("marriage belt") and the kuerse (a kind of blouse worn by 
brides). The sheitel ("wig") worn by Jewish women is a rela- 
tively recent custom (see Covering of the *Head). 

Rabbinical Dress 

There is no traditional rabbinical dress but among the Ash- 
kenazim the distinctive features of Jewish lay dress were re- 
tained much longer by the rabbis. In 1705, at Fuerth, the rabbi 
wore a plain collar, a long tunic buttoned down the front, and 
a barrette. In 1755 the Judenmeister of Nuremberg wore the 
medieval kappe (hood) with a deep fringed collar and a long 
sleeveless gown. By the 19 th century, the typical European Ash- 
kenazi rabbi had a heavy beard and wore a Polish -style cos- 
tume which included a fur-trimmed gown and a fur-trimmed 
hat; the latter was exchanged for a streimel (a wide-brimmed 
hat made of fur) on the Sabbath. The rabbinical streimel was 
made of 13 sable-tails. In the middle of the 19 th century at Mat- 
tersdorf, Hungary, the rabbi wore a streimel on the Sabbath 
and a boat-shaped hat on weekdays. In England and America, 
Christian dress was adopted much earlier and in the 18 th cen- 
tury Isaac Polack, hazzan of London's Great Synagogue, was 
clean-shaven, wore a three-cornered hat, a wig, and clerical 
robes with white bands. 

The European Sephardi rabbis were even less subject to 
traditional influences. In the i5 th -century painting by Nuno 
Goncalves, in the Lisbon National Museum, the rabbi wears 
a tall, black circular hat and a black gown with the Jewish 
badge shaped as a red six-pointed star. By the 17 th century, the 
Sephardi rabbis of Holland and England, with their stiletto 
beards, skullcaps, wigs, and clerical gowns with white bands, 
were indistinguishable from the Christian clergy. In Oriental 
countries, a few instances of distinctive dress can be cited. In 
1781, in Morocco, the rabbi's habit had very large sleeves and 
he usually had a blue kerchief around his cap. In the 1860s in 
Constantinople, the rabbis wore a dark blue felt cap, bound 
around the base with a white kerchief or turban with fine blue 
stripes. In 1873, at Smyrna, the rabbi wore a bonneto, a type of 
turban reserved for doctors and priests. At the present time, 
there are no distinctive features in rabbinical dress either in 

Eastern countries or in the West. 

[Alfred Rubens] 

Eastern Europe 

The earliest Jewish costume from Poland, depicted on a 12 th - 
century miniature, is an exact copy of the Byzantine tunic 
and paludamentum ("cloak") worn by men, though usually 
the Jews of Eastern Europe were less influenced by Christian 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



fashions in dress than in the West. The first intervention of 
the authorities occurred as early as the 13 th century; a church 
council held in Breslau in 1266 ordered the Jews in the bish- 
opric of Gnesen in western Poland to wear a special hat. Soon 
the Council of Ofen (1279) specified the distinction to a greater 
extent by requiring the Jews to wear a red badge. Late medieval 
costumes seem to have been influenced by Central European 
gentile and Jewish garb, like the dress cut like a kimono, called 
a cotte, worn by men and women, the female kerchief, and the 
Jewish conical hat worn by men. Later the Jews adopted from 
the East their most characteristic garment - the caftan, which 
is still in use in certain extreme Orthodox circles. This Persian 
coat, cut open in the front, was so widely worn throughout 
the Turkish Empire that it was found in Yemen and Morocco 
under the same name. In the eastern areas of Poland and Rus- 
sia the caftan was girdled by a wide Oriental sash and in the 
western regions by a cord. 

Like other European regional costumes, the characteris- 
tic Jewish dress evolved during the 16 th century, incorporating 
some features of the attire no longer worn by the Polish nobil- 
ity or upper classes. The authorities in several parts of East- 
ern Europe reacted independently but with the same aim: to 
restrict the splendor of Jewish costume and to preserve some 
form of distinction. Thus the Piotrkow diet of 1538 reproved 
the Jews for adopting Christian attire and compelled them to 
wear a yellow hat. The Lithuanian statute of 1566, as well as the 
southern Polish statutes of 1595, laid down minute specifica- 
tions restricting the sumptuousness of female dress and jew- 
elry. The Lithuanian statute ordered yellow hats to be worn 
by men and yellow kerchiefs by women. On the other hand 
in times of special calamity, like the *Chmielnicki massacres 
(1648-49), the Jewish communities themselves imposed so- 
ber dress on their members. In the 18 th and 19 th centuries the 
Jews in Eastern Europe clung to their distinctive wear. Local 
differences continued paramount; in Russia and Lithuania 
clothes revealed an Oriental influence shown in the multi- 
colored silks of the women, the halfmoons printed on mate- 
rials, and an immense turban with three tails made of white 
starched linen. 

The most widely known garments worn by Jewish men 
in Poland were the bekeshe and the kapote. The latter, both 
in name and shape, was derived from the Persian caftan. The 
kapote was generally made of very expensive cloth, such as 
velvet or atlas (a glossy silk or satin). Besides a shirt, knee- 
length trousers, and white stockings, the men also wore 
velvet waistcoats (Yid. vestel or speneer), a black silk belt with 
tassels called a gartel, and a small prayer shawl. Special head- 
coverings were the skullcaps (Yid. keppel, yarmulke), the fur 
hats (soibel-heet and streimel), the immense sable kolpak, 
adopted from the Gentiles, and the fur-trimmed spodek ("sau- 
cer") with a plush base. Most of these types of clothing, as 
well as female costumes, appear in the pictures and engrav- 
ings of Polish types drawn by several artists (Norblin, Le 
Prince, Dave, Piwarski, Kilisinski, Kruszewski, Andrioli, and 

The most important item of clothing was the white 
woolen prayer shawl, the tallit. Its central neckpiece (atarah) 
was decorated with an applique of knit embroidery, executed 
in flat, silver threads, in a style called by Polish Jews spanier 
("Spanish style") or shikh, which was probably brought to Po- 
land by Jewish craftsmen from Spain during the reign of King 
Sigismund Augustus. A similar type of Spanish embroidery 
was also used on Torah curtains and Torah mantles. 

women's costume from the i8th to the beginning 
of the 20TH century. Although the woman's dress was 
more colorful, her finery was not meant to be displayed out- 
of-doors, for it is written: "In all glorious things the king's 
daughter is within" (Ps. 45:14). However, the sumptuary de- 
crees regulating women's clothing made an exception for the 
Sabbath. The dress of the Jewish woman was generally in the 
fashion of the period, but rather more subdued. The Jewish 
woman of the late 18 th and 19 th centuries wore on top of her 
dress a kind of bodice, the vestel or kamisol y usually made of 
brocade with black passementerie trimmings. At a later stage 
these trimmings were sewn on to the dresses themselves, or 
even on to separate plastrons, called brust-tukh, brist-tikhel, 
or bristekh. The brust-tukh was initially a wide strip of brocade 
adorned with silver stitching and occasionally ornamented 
with semiprecious stones. Later, this rectangular strip was 
almost covered with silver stitching, but in the 20 th century 
it lost its regular shape and was made of velvet and adorned 
with various trimmings. The very Orthodox woman always 
wore an apron (Yid. fartekh or far tukh), usually trimmed 
with lace, embroidery, and ribbons, and serving no practi- 
cal purpose. 

women's headdress. A distinctive form of headcovering 
for Jewish women did not emerge until the 17 th century. At 
first the forms of headgear varied through the different regions 
of the area. In western Poland during the 18 th century, it was 
customary to wear on the Sabbath a bonnet made of brocade 
trimmed with lace and silver stitching. On the other hand, in 
the east - Lithuania and parts of Russia - the earliest form 
of headcovering consisted of lace trimmed with colored rib- 
bons, glass baubles, and beads. In time pearls and diamonds 
gradually replaced the simpler popular ornaments, and not 
only among rich women. In central Poland, Galicia, and Hun- 
gary the headcovering was made up of three separate parts: 
the harband, which covered the hair above the forehead; the 
grint, which served as the background; and the kupke y made 
of cloth or lace. Floral trimmings or ribbons were placed over 
all three. The headdress for very Orthodox women had to be 
made up from seven different parts assembled in strict or- 
der (in an implicit reference to the seven species of crops). 
The elaborate trimmings for these headcoverings were made 
by an expert hat-trimmer called pitzikel (derived from putz y 

For the Sabbath a woman put on a sort of tiara, the binde, 
consisting of two strips of velvet (recalling the two tablets of 
the Law), decorated with gold chains, pearls, and diamonds. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


One such tiara, belonging to a Jewish woman of the late 18 th 
or early 19 th century, was acquired by the well-known Polish 
painter Jan Matejko, and he used it in several of his paintings 
as a headdress for Polish princesses. After the beginning of the 
19 th century the binde gradually disappeared and was replaced 
by the sterntikhel, sternbindel, or bindalikh worn on top of 
the kupkeh. The sterntikhel consisted of pearls and diamonds, 
strung on iron wire, set off against a cloth background, and 
later on with no background. Fixing the jewels on the stern- 
tikhel was the job of an expert craftsman (which gave rise to 
the family names Perlherfter and Perlsticker ("pearl-fixer," 
"pearl-embroiderer"). From the sterntikhel (and other pieces of 
jewelry) a pearl or a segment was deliberately removed to indi- 
cate that there can be no complete joy as long as the Temple is 
in ruins. From the beginning of the 20 th century the sterntikhel 
ceased to be worn almost entirely. In Lithuania where the 
sterntikhel was never worn, the headdress consisted of a white 
binde wound around the head like a turban, called a patshaile; 
it was often adorned with a decorative pin, the knopp. 

Various forms of the harband and of the kupke continued 
to evolve in Poland throughout the 19 th and early 20 th centu- 
ries, most of them trying to suggest a woman's hair (with a 
white line of parting, the kvishel). The wig or sheitel (made of 
natural hair) was never considered proper wear for the very 
Orthodox woman, but many imitations, made of brown satin, 
were in use. Eventually the kupke took on the shape of a hat, 
the hitel, topped by flowers, ribbons, peacock feathers, and a 
tsitenadel ("trembling pin"). Two pairs of earrings were some- 
times attached to the kupke , one at the level of the temples, the 
other at the level of the earlobes. Exhibitions of Jewish clothing 
may be seen at the Israel Museum (Jerusalem), the Museum 
of Ethnography and Folklore (Tel Aviv), and the Ethnological 

and Folklore Museum (Haifa). 

[Miriam Nick] 


Distinctive Jewish costume largely disappeared from the early 
20 th century. Among the influences of ancient dress that have 
survived in synagogue wear is the Roman pallium, in the form 
of the tallit, and the *kitel (sargenes) worn by some on the Day 
of Atonement and for the seder. Distinctive features are still 
found in the everyday dress of Oriental Jews. In addition, the 
wearing of a headcovering at all times has become de rigueur 
as the external sign of the Orthodox Jew; among the modern 
element this has developed as the small embroidered kippah. 
The ultra- Orthodox groups, concentrated mostly in Jerusalem 
and Bene Berak in Israel, and in limited areas in other parts 
of the world, still wear the characteristic streimel on Sabbaths 
and festivals (including the intermediate days) and the long 
caftan, yellow and white striped, is sometimes still retained. 
The custom of married women covering their hair, obligatory 
according to the Mishnah, is no longer widely observed, ex- 
cept in Orthodox circles where the sheitel is also sometimes 
worn as a substitute. 

bibliography: in the bible: em, 4 (1962), 1034-49 (incl. 
bibl.); idb, s.v., cloth (incl. bibl.); A. Rosenzweig, Kleidung und 

Schmuck in Bibel und talmudischen Schrifttum (1905); H.F. Lutz, Tex- 
tiles and Costumes... (1923), 40-72; C. Singer, et al. (eds.), A History of 
Technology, 1 (1955), 413 ff.; W.F. Albright, in: aasor, 21-22 (1941-43), 
55-62, PL 53; Y. Yadin, in: Eretz Israel, 4 (1956), 68 ff; idem, The Finds 
from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters (1963), 169]?. other 
periods: A. Rubens, A History of Jewish Costume (1967), includes 
bibliography; Krauss, Tal Arch, 1 (1910), i27ff.; M. Grunwald, in: jjv, 
25 (1923); H. Munic, in: Yivo-Bleter, 12 (1937), 463-73; E. Fuchs, Die 
Juden in der Karikatur. 

DRESSLER, WILLIAM (1890-1969), U.S. cardiologist and 
electrocardiographer. Born and educated in Austria, Dressier 
went to the United States as a refugee in 1938. From that year 
until 1967 when he became consultant, Dressier served as chief 
of the Cardiology Clinic and head of the Electrocardiographic 
Laboratory at Maimonides Medical Center. Dressier s major 
contribution to medicine was his recognition and description 
of the post- myocardial infarction syndrome, also known as 
the Dressier syndrome. He wrote six cardiology texts, three in 
German and three in English. His Clinical Cardiology (1942) 
became the classic book of cardiological diagnosis. 

[Fred Rosner] 

DREUX (Heb. tf"m), town in the Eure-et-Loire depart- 
ment, France, 53 mi. (86 km.) S.W. of Paris. During the Mid- 
dle Ages, the Jews of Dreux were numerous enough to oc- 
cupy their own quarter, which was remembered as the rue 
des Juifs up until the 19 th century. Many figures previously as- 
sociated with Dreux, like R. *Solomon b. Judah ("the saint") 
are now believed to have been active in Rouen. According to 
W. Bacher (rej, 17 (1888), 301), Abraham *Ibn Ezra stayed 
there for a time. 

bibliography: Gross, Gal Jud, 171-85; E. Lefevre, Documents 
historiques... Dreux (1859), 398-9. 

[Bernhard Blumenkranz] 

DREXLER, MILLARD S. ("Mickey"; 1944- ), U.S. mer- 
chant. Born and raised in New York City, Drexler spent all 
his professional life as an apparel retailer. He rose from hum- 
ble beginnings to become chief executive officer of the pub- 
licly owned Gap Inc., whose focus on affordable basics made 
it the biggest specialty clothing store chain in the U.S. and 
an internationally familiar name. While attending the Bronx 
High School of Science, Drexler worked in New York City's 
garment center with his father, a buyer of buttons and textiles 
for a coat manufacturer. In 1966, he earned a business degree 
at the State University of New York at Buffalo and two years 
later received an M.B.A. at Boston University. He entered re- 
tailing with posts at Bloomingdale's, Macy's, and Abraham 
& Straus. In 1980, he was appointed president of Ann Taylor 
and within three years turned the women's apparel chain into 
a success. He joined Gap in 1983 as deputy to Donald *Fisher, 
founder and chairman, was named president of the Gap divi- 
sion, and went about reinventing the company. He hired new 
designers, strengthened quality control, and invested in store 
renovation. In 1986, he launched Gap Kids, an immediate suc- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



cess. He was named president of Gap Inc. in 1987 and ceo in 
1995. In his almost two decades at the company, he cemented 
a reputation as a master merchandiser. When Drexler joined 
Gap, it had 550 stores filled with clothes that were not selling 
and $80 million in sales. When he left 19 years later, it had 
more than 4,000 Gap, Old Navy, and Banana Republic stores 
and more than $14 billion in sales. In 1994, when Gap's busi- 
ness was feeling the effects of increased competition from 
high-end designers as well as mass merchandisers, Drexler 
launched Old Navy, a discount chain that grew to 282 stores 
in less than three years. In 1998, Fortune magazine called him 
"possibly the most influential individual in the world of Amer- 
ican fashion," pointing out that he had transformed Gap from 
a national retail chain into a global brand. A soft economy and 
tougher competition contributed to a two-year sales slump 
that began to reverse itself in 2002, the year Drexler left Gap. 
In January 2003, he became head of the smaller, privately held 
J. Crew Group, another specialty chain. 

bibliography: Fortune (Aug. 1998). 

[Mort Sheinman (2 nd ed.)] 

DREYFUS, family of bankers originating from Sierentz in 
Alsace, isaac dreyfus (1786-1845) founded the firm Isaac 
Dreyfus, Soehne, Basle, with his sons as partners, as one of the 
few Jews the city magistrate allowed to settle within the walls 
(1813). His son samuel (1820-1905), who remained with the 
firm, was president of the Basle Jewish community (1865-96) 
and founder of the Jewish orphanage and old-age home. A sec- 
ond son, jacques (1826-1890), moved to Frankfurt where he 
established the Dreyfus- Jeidels bank in 1868, which became J. 
Dreyfus and Co. in 1890, to which a Berlin branch was added in 
1891. His son isaac (1849-1909) and grandson willy (1885-?) 
developed the bank into one of the largest investment banks in 
Germany, but the Nazis forced it into liquidation in 1937. Sam- 
uel Dreyfus was succeeded by his son jules dreyfus-brod- 
sky (1859-1941) and his nephew isaac dreyfus-strauss 
(1852-1936). The family banking tradition was further main- 
tained by Jules's son paul (1895-1967), who considerably ex- 
panded the firm's activities. Members of the Dreyfus family 
worked for the Jewish community. In Switzerland, Jules was 
president of the Swiss Union of Jewish Communities (1914-36) 
and of the community of Basel (1906-36) and Paul, who was 
a founder of *ort in Switzerland, campaigned for the admis- 
sion of Jewish refugees from Germany during World War 11. 
In Germany Jacques, Isaac, and Willy Dreyfus were all active 
in communal affairs. Katjy Guth, nee Dreyfus, was the direc- 
tor of the Jewish Museum of Switzerland in Basel (est. 1968). 

bibliography: R.M. Heilbronn, Das BankhausJ. Dreyfus & 
Co. (1962). add. bibliography: H. Haumann, Acht Jahrhunderte 
Juden in Basel. 200 Jahre Israelitische Gemeinde Basel (2005). 

[Hanns G. Reissner / Uri Kaufmann (2 nd ed.)] 

DREYFUS, ALFRED (1859-1935), officer in the French army, 
involved in a treason trial. His court-martial, conviction, and 

final acquittal developed into a political event which had re- 
percussions throughout France and the Jewish world. Born in 
Mulhouse, Alsace, Dreyfus was the son of a wealthy, assimi- 
lated family which settled in Paris after the Franco -Prussian 
War. He studied at the Ecole Polytechnique and entered the 
army as an engineer. In 1892 he became a captain on the gen- 
eral staff, where he was the only Jew. He was overwhelmed by 
the drama (see below) in which he played the central role, but 
failed to grasp its deeper significance: its Jewish, general hu- 
manitarian, and political aspects. After his final exoneration 
he was reinstated in the army as major and served a further 
year. He reenlisted in World War 1 and was promoted to lieu- 
tenant colonel at its conclusion. Dreyfus published his Lettres 
dun innocent (1898; The Letters of Captain Dreyfus to his Wife, 
1899) written from Devil's Island, and his memoirs Cinq ans 
de ma vie (1901; Five Years of my Life, 1901). Additional Sou- 
venirs et correspondence were published posthumously (1936; 
Dreyfus: His Life and Letters, 1937). 

Dreyfus Affair 

In the fall of 1894 a secret military document (the bordereau) 
sent by a French officer to the military attache of the Ger- 
man embassy in Paris, Col. von Schwartzkoppen, fell into 
the hands of the French Intelligence Service. On the basis of 
a certain similarity of handwriting, and probably out of anti- 
Jewish prejudice against Dreyfus, the heads of the Intelligence 
Service - among whom Major H.J. Henry was conspicuous - 
threw suspicion upon Dreyfus. He was arrested and tried be- 
fore a court-martial. The trial took place in camera and the tes- 
timonies were insufficiently verified. It was also not disclosed 
that contrary to all legal procedure the ministry of war had 
placed a file of secret documents (part of which were forger- 
ies) before the tribunal, a fact concealed even from Dreyfus' 
attorney. The court unanimously found Dreyfus guilty of trea- 
son, and he was sentenced to life imprisonment. On January 5, 
1895, Dreyfus was publicly demoted in a degrading ceremony, 
during which he continued to proclaim, "I am innocent." The 
mob, which had been incited by the antisemitic press, espe- 
cially by E.A. *Drumont, accompanied the ceremony with 
fulminations against Dreyfus and the Jews. Dreyfus was ex- 
iled to Devil's Island (French Guinea, off the coast of South 
America), even though in the meanwhile, the German am- 
bassador had declared formally that Germany had had no 
contact with Dreyfus. 

Dreyfus' brother turned to the writer Bernard *Lazare, 
who now led the struggle against the verdict. In November 
1896 Lazare published a pamphlet, "The Truth about the Drey- 
fus Affair," and sent it to members of the senate and public fig- 
ures. The new head of the French Intelligence Service, Lt. Col. 
Georges Picquart, had independently sensed something suspi- 
cious in the Dreyfus trial. In March 1896, Intelligence Service 
personnel seized a letter which Schwartzkoppen had written 
to a French major, Ferdinand Walsin Esterhazy, an adventurer 
of aristocratic Hungarian origin. This made it clear that Ester- 
hazy was a German agent. Picquart concluded that the bor- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


dereau incriminating Dreyfus had been written by Esterhazy. 
Henry forged additional documents to prove to his superiors 
that the court-martial had not erred. Picquart was dismissed 
from his position and dispatched to serve in Africa. 

Before leaving Paris he transmitted the facts to his 
friends. Through them they reached the ears of the left-wing 
senator, Auguste Scheurer-Kestner, who announced in the 
senate that Dreyfus was innocent, and openly accused Ester- 
hazy. The right- wing prime minister, F.J. Meline, refused to ac- 
cept his statement and tried to hide the facts. The Dreyfus case 
increasingly became the focus of the political struggle center- 
ing round the regime, its image and principles, and fought in 
all strata of French society, including circles close to the gov- 
ernment. Esterhazy was tried and acquitted, while Picquart 
was punished with 60 days imprisonment. On January 13, 1898 
LAurore, Georges Clemenceau's newspaper, published an open 
letter from the novelist Emile *Zola to the president of the re- 
public, captioned "J accuse!" which accused the denouncers of 
Dreyfus of malicious libel. The article made a powerful im- 
pression; 200,000 copies were sold in Paris. Zola was found 
guilty of libel in February 1898. Officers of the general staff 
threatened to resign if Dreyfus was acquitted and antisemitic 
riots occurred in different parts of the country. In the mean- 
time confidence in the justice of the verdict was waning. The 
affair aroused lively interest abroad and in France it became 
a public issue. Parties, social circles, and even families were 
split. The antagonistic groups formed two camps - the Ligue 
des Droits de VHomme, which spearheaded the fight for Drey- 
fus, and the Ligue de la Patrie Francaise, led by Paul Deroulede. 
Many of the supporters of the latter camp considered that a 
single case of injustice involving one Jew was not sufficient 
grounds for staining the honor of the army. 

In summer 1898 the protestations of Picquart and others 
induced the new war minister, Cavaignac, to reopen the case 
and re- investigate the documents. Henrys forgeries were de- 
tected. He was arrested and subsequently committed suicide 
in his cell. Public opinion moved in Dreyfus' favor and the 
controversy divided the government. At last the government 
decided to request an annulment of the verdict and a retrial 
for Dreyfus from the Supreme Court. The political agitation 
continued, and after several crises Rene Waldeck- Rousseau 
formed a cabinet whose avowed aim was to restore the rule 
of law and justice and reestablish democracy. 

the second trial. The second trial took place in Rennes. 
The army officers adhered to their original testimony. Finally, 
on September 9, 1899, the court-martial decided by a majority 
that Dreyfus had committed treason - but because of "extenu- 
ating circumstances" he was sentenced to only ten years' im- 
prisonment, five of which he had already served. Anti-Semites 
and reactionaries viewed the verdict as a justification of their 
position. Differences of opinion developed between Dreyfus' 
defenders: those to whom the Dreyfus affair was a political 
issue and a matter of principle wanted him to appeal and con- 
tinue the struggle, while Dreyfus and his family were inter- 

ested only in securing his release. At Waldeck-Rousseau's sug- 
gestion, Dreyfus withdrew his appeal and was finally granted 
a "pardon" by the president of the republic. In 1904, with the 
Leftist government firmly established, Dreyfus demanded a 
fresh investigation. The Court of Appeal reexamined the case, 
and in 1906 pronounced that the evidence against Dreyfus 
was completely unsubstantiated and that it was unnecessary 
to order a further trial to exonerate him. 

The Dreyfus affair was a turning point in the history 
of the Third Republic. It embittered the struggle between 
the opponents and partisans of the republican regime. The 
Waldeck- Rousseau cabinet succeeded in enacting a number 
of anti-clerical measures, and in 1905 it passed a law separat- 
ing the church from the state. This also influenced the status 
of the Jewish Consistory in France. The Dreyfus affair made a 
powerful impact on the attitude of the socialist parties toward 
the Jews. The radical Marxist wing under Jules Guesde, which 
identified Jews with the capitalists and viewed the affair as an 
internal concern of the bourgeoisie, retreated before the so- 
cialist-humanitarian wing led by Jean-Leon Jaures. Proletar- 
ian antisemitism weakened. The Dreyfus affair made a strong 
impact on the outlook of world Jewry and the atmosphere in 
their respective countries. Jews everywhere were shocked that 
the affair could take place in France, the "homeland of liberty 
and the Great Revolution," and that hatred of the Jews could 
still prejudice the behavior of a considerable part of the French 
people, in particular when the Jewish victim was completely 
assimilated. This seemed to prove clearly that assimilation 
was no defense against antisemitism. Theodor *Herzl's confi- 
dence in liberalism was shaken when he personally observed 
the French mass reaction and the uproar that the Dreyfus case 
aroused. The experience led him to Zionism. 

Echoes of the Dreyfus affair continued to reverberate in 
France for over a generation. Its consequences were still rec- 
ognizable in the line that divided the Vichy government from 
the Free French during World War 11. 

bibliography: Shunami, Bibl, 268-9; J- Reinach, Histoire de 
I affaire Dreyfus, 7 vols. (1901-11); Le proces Dreyfus. .. , 3 vols. (1900); 
La revision du proces de Rennes, 3 vols. (1908); P. Dreyfus (ed.), Drey- 
fus: His Life and Letters (1937); Tcherski, in: E. Tcherikower (ed.), Yidn 
in Frankraykh, 2 (1942), 155-92 (Eng. abstract: 332); J. Kayser, The 
Dreyfus Affair (1931); R.F. Byrnes, Antisemitism in Modern France, 
1 (1950); G. Chapman, The Dreyfus Case: A Reassessment (1955; re- 
vised as The Dreyfus Trials, 1973); N. Halasz, Captain Dreyfus: The 
Story of a Mass Hysteria (1957 2 ); M. Baumont, Aux sources de Vaffaire 
(1959); P. Boussel, L'Affaire Dreyfus et lapresse (i960); L. Derfler (ed.), 
Dreyfus Affair: Tragedy of Errors? (1963); D. Johnson, France and the 
Dreyfus Affair (1967); B. Schechter, The Dreyfus Affair: A National 
Scandal (1965); M. Paleologue, My Secret Diary of the Dreyfus Case 
(1957); L. Blum, Souvenirs sur VAffaire (1935). add. bibliogra- 
phy: J.-D. Bredin, The Affair: The Case of Alfred Dreyfus (1986); A.S. 
Lindemann, Jews Accused: Three Anti-Semitic Affairs (Dreyfus, Beilis, 
Frank), 1894-1915 (1991); M.P. Johnson, The Dreyfus Affair: Honor and 
Politics in the Belle Epoque (1999); M. Burns, France and the Dreyfus 
Affair: A Documentary History (1999). 

[Moshe Catane] 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



DREYFUS, STANLEY A. (1921- ), U.S. Reform rabbi. Drey- 
fus was born in Youngstown, Ohio, and received his B. A. from 
the University of Cincinnati and his B.H.L. from Hebrew 
Union College in 1942. Ordination and his M.H.L. followed 
in 1946, when he also won the Heinsheimer Fellowship for 
graduate study at huc, where he began teaching liturgy and 
served as director of the Reference Department. Subsequently 
(1948-50), he became counselor to the Hebrew Union Col- 
lege's Interfaith Program, working with Christian clergymen 
who were studying Hebrew, Bible, and Jewish thought to teach 
in their own seminaries. In 1951, Dreyfus was awarded his 
Ph.D. from huc-jir, which later conferred on him an honor- 
ary D.D. (1971). While pursuing his graduate studies, Dreyfus 
served as rabbi of Congregation Beth-El in Beaver Falls, Penn. 
(1946-50), and West London Synagogue in London, England 
(summer 1949). He went on to pulpits at Congregation Beth 
Shalom, East Liverpool, Ohio (1950-51), and United Hebrew 
Congregation of Terre Haute, Ind. (1951-66), where he also 
served as chaplain of the U.S. penitentiary (1951-53). His term 
as rabbi in Terre Haute and visiting professor at the Indiana 
School of Religion in Bloomington was interrupted by active 
service as chaplain for the United States Army in Colorado 
and Germany (1953-55). Subsequently, as rabbi of Congrega- 
tion B'nai Israel in Galveston, Texas (1956-65), Dreyfus was 
president of the Association of Texas Rabbis and chairman 
of Home Service for the Galveston Red Cross, in addition to 
serving on the Galveston County Biracial Committee and the 
Human Relations Committee. In 1965, Dreyfus was appointed 
rabbi of Union Temple in Brooklyn, n.y., where he remained 
until 1979, when he became emeritus and was named director 
of the Rabbinic Placement Commission of the Central Confer- 
ence of American Rabbis, becoming emeritus in 1991. 

From 1969 to 1973, Dreyfus was chairman of the Liturgy 
Committee of the ^Central Conference of American Rabbis. 
He played an instrumental role in compiling Gates of Prayer: 
The New Union Prayerbook (the standard text for synagogue 
use on Sabbaths and Festivals); Gates of the House (for home 
prayer); and Gates of Repentance (for the High Holidays). In 
this role, he also oversaw and contributed to the publication 
of Gates of Understandings a volume of lengthy introductions 
to the series of Reform Jewish prayerbooks. In addition, Drey- 
fus served on the ccar's Committee on Homosexuality and 
the Rabbinate - which ruled that homosexuality per se was 
not to be considered a disqualifying factor when it comes to 
candidacy for the rabbinate - and the Committee on Patri- 
linear Descent, which established that Jewish lineage may be 
passed on to children through the father alone, breaking from 
Orthodox and Conservative tradition that only the mother 
determines the religion of the offspring. Dreyfus was also a 
member of the ccar's Committee on Reform Jewish Clas- 
sics, the Admissions Committee, the Responsa Committee, 
the Rabbinic Population Committee, and the Reform Jewish 
Practice Committee. 

At different periods during his career, Dreyfus also served 
as president of the Association of Reform Rabbis of New York, 

of the Brooklyn Board of Rabbis, of the Association of Jewish 
Chaplains of the United States Armed Forces, and of the Na- 
tional Association of Retired Reform Rabbis. Additionally, he 
was a member of the Governing Body of the World Union for 
Progressive Judaism, the Board of Governors of the New York 
Board of Rabbis, and the Commission on Jewish Chaplaincy 
of the National Jewish Welfare Board as well as co-chairman 
of the Catholic-Jewish Relations Committee of Brooklyn and 
Queens. Dreyfus was an instructor in the Active Reserve on 
the faculty of the Army Chaplain School for 21 years, attain- 
ing the rank of lieutenant colonel. 

[Bezalel Gordon (2 nd ed.)] 

DREYFUS BROTHERS, pioneers of the cellulose ace- 
tate rayon industry. The brothers, henry (1876-1945) and 
camille (1878-1956), were born in Basle, Switzerland. They 
developed quality cellulose fiber soluble in acetone and manu- 
factured noninflammable cellulose film, used by the Allies in 
World War 1 for treating fabric wings of airplanes. After the 
war they developed in England processes for spinning this 
film into man-made fiber, Celanese. Henry headed British 
Celanese Ltd.; Camille became president of Celanese Corpo- 
ration of America and Canadian Celanese Ltd. Henry took 
out over 1,000 patents, the greatest number ever held by a 
single individual. 

DREYFUSS, BARNEY (1865-1932), owner of the Pittsburgh 
Pirates baseball team from 1900 to 1932, founder of the World 
Series, builder of baseball's first modern stadium. Born in Frei- 
berg, Germany, to Samuel Dreyfuss, an American citizen liv- 
ing in Germany, Dreyfuss came to the United States in 1881 
to avoid being drafted into the German army. He settled in 
Paducah, Kentucky, and found work at the Bernheim whis- 
key distillery, at first cleaning whiskey bottles and eventually 
becoming head bookkeeper. Advised that outdoor activity 
would cure his poor indigestion, headaches, and general poor 
health, he organized and played second base on a semiprofes- 
sional baseball team that he formed. 

The distillery moved to Louisville in 1888, and there 
Dreyfuss became part owner, secretary-treasurer, and even- 
tually team president and owner of the National League Lou- 
isville Colonels. At the same time, he bought into the Pitts- 
burgh Pirates, and as the National League was dropping the 
Louisville Colonels, Dreyfuss became sole owner of the Pi- 
rates, where he remained until his death. Considered the best 
judge of baseball talent in his time, Dreyfuss' outstanding abil- 
ity as a scout made it possible for the Pirates to win the Na- 
tional League pennant six times (1901, 1902, 1903, 1909, 1925, 
1927) and the World Series in 1909 and 1925. Indeed, many of 
his star players were elected to Baseball's Hall of Fame, and it 
was said by the president of the National League upon Drey- 
fuss' death, "He discovered more great players than any man 
in the history of baseball." 

In 1903, Dreyfuss approached Henry Killilea and pro- 
posed that his American League champion Boston Pilgrims 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


(Red Sox) meet the National League champion Pirates in a 
nine -game interleague series, with the winner taking 60 per- 
cent of the gate receipts and the loser 40 percent. Dreyfuss be- 
lieved a post-season contest would establish better relations 
between the two squabbling leagues and create additional in- 
terest in baseball. It did, beyond anyone's imagination, and 
thus was born the first World Series, a permanent American 
icon that achieved almost mythic proportions. In a gesture of 
goodwill, and contrary to the treacherous, greedy image of the 
typical owner, Dreyfuss put his club's $6,699.56 gate receipts 
into the players' pool, which earned the 16 Pirates $1,316 each, 
more than the victorious Boston players' $1,182. 

In 1909, Dreyfuss built Forbes Field, the first modern 
steel-frame triple-tier stadium and the first baseball park ca- 
pable of seating 25,000 fans. The stadium represented a vision- 
ary statement, for up until then no one believed that a game 
of baseball could attract that many people. Dreyfuss was also 
instrumental in having the spitball pitch banned from base- 
ball in 1920. 

Dreyfuss was also a pioneer in the formative years of pro- 
fessional football. He was co-owner and manager of the Pitts- 
burgh Athletic Club, winners of the pro football championship 
in 1898, professional football's fourth organized season. 

[Elli Wohlgelernter (2 nd ed.)] 

DREYFUSS, RICHARD (1948- ), American actor. Drey- 
fuss was born in Brooklyn, New York, where his father was an 
attorney, but the family moved to Los Angeles, where he was 
educated. He joined the West Side Jewish Center and at the 
early age of nine showed his penchant for acting, taking part in 
all the plays produced there. Even as a high school student he 
was engaged to play professional parts, and from 1963 to 1973 
acted on Broadway, in repertory and comedy. He first gained 
his reputation as a film actor in George Lucas' American Graf- 
fiti, playing the part of Curt Henderson, and from then went 
from strength to strength. In 1974 he went to Canada, and The 
Apprenticeship ofDuddy Kravitz, a film with a Jewish theme 
in which he starred, won first prize at the Berlin Film Festi- 
val. In 1974 he starred in Steven Spielberg's film adaptation of 
Peter Benchley's best- selling novel Jaws, which became the 
biggest box-office hit to that date. A year later he played the 
part of Yonatan Netanyahu in the tv film Victory at Entebbe, 
about the Israeli commando action that freed hostages held 
in a plane hijacked to Uganda. In 1977 he starred in another 
highly successful Spielberg film, Close Encounters of the Third 
Kind. In 1977 he was awarded the Academy and Golden Globe 
awards for best actor for his performance in The Goodbye Girl. 
At the time, at age 29, he was the youngest performer ever to 
have won a Best Actor Oscar. Dreyfuss went on to act in such 
films as The Big Fix (1978), Whose Life Is It Anyway? (1981), 
Down and Out in Beverly Hills (1986), Tin Men (1987), Stakeout 
(1987), Nuts (1987), Moon over Parador (1988), Lost in Yonkers 
(1983), Always (1989), Postcards from the Edge (1990), Rosen- 
crantz and Guildenstern Are Dead (1990), What about Bob? 
(1991), Silent Fall (1994), Mr. Hollands Opus (Oscar nomina- 

tion for Best Actor, 1995), Mad Dog Time (1996), Krippendorf s 
Tribe (1998), The Crew (2000), The Old Man Who Read Love 
Stories (2001), and Silver City (2004). 

Dreyfuss has also performed in many stage and televi- 
sion productions. He starred in the 2001 tv drama series The 
Education of Max Bickford as well as such tv movies as Pris- 
oner of Honor (1991), Oliver Twist (1997), Lansky (1999), Fail 
Safe (2000), The Day Reagan Was Shot (2001), Coast to Coast 
(2004), and Copshop (2004). On Broadway he has appeared 
in But Seriously (1969), Total Abandon (1983), Death and the 
Maiden (1992), and Sly Fox (2004). In 2000 Dreyfuss was 
awarded a Lifetime Achievement Award at the Hollywood 
Film Festival. With Harry Turtledove, Dreyfuss co -authored 
the novel The Two Georges (1996). 

bibliography: J. Phillips, You'll Never Eat Lunch in This 
Town Again (1991). 

[Jonathan Licht / Rohan Saxena and Ruth BelofF (2 nd ed.)] 

DREYZL, LEAH (second half of 18 th century), composer of 
tkhines (Yiddish prayers). Dreyzl lived in Stanislav, Poland, 
and came from a distinguished family. Her great-grandfa- 
ther was Hakham Zevi *Ashkenazi (1660-1718) and several 
of her male relatives were rabbis and scholars. Leah Dreyzl 
married Rabbi Aryeh Leib Auerbach, who became the rabbi 
at Stanislav and was closely associated with the burgeoning 
Hasidic movement. He was believed to be an intimate of the 
Baal Shem Tov. 

It is clear from her own writings that Leah Dreyzl was 
educated. The two tkhines she is known to have written are 
filled with biblical references and lines from the prayer book, 
and are permeated with mystical overtones. They were pub- 
lished posthumously, probably during the 19 th century, and 
were named (by the publisher) "Tkhine es rotsn" ("Tkhine of 
a Time of [Divine] Favor") and "Tkhine Sha'arei Teshuvah" 
("Tkhine of the Gates of Repentance"). An introduction to 
the published edition credits "Mistress Hena... widow of the 
departed.. .Rabbi David Tsvi," with passing down these writ- 
ings "from her mother-in-law, the righteous, pious, renowned 
rabbi's wife, Mistress Leah Dreyzel." Both of these poems, writ- 
ten for the penitential month of Elul, easily lend themselves to 
oral recitation. This has led literary analysts to conclude that 
Leah Dreyzl was afirzogerin in the Stanislav synagogue, lead- 
ing the women's congregation in prayer. 

bibliography: E. Taitz, S. Henry, and C. Tallan, The jps 
Guide to Jewish Women: 600 B.C.E.-1900 c.e. (2003), 143; C. Weissler, 
Voices of the Matriarchs: Listening to the Prayers of Early Modern Jew- 
ish Women (1998), 26-28. 

[Emily Taitz (2 nd ed.)] 

DREZNER, YEHIEL DOV (1922-1947), Jew executed by the 
British in Palestine. Drezner was born in Poland and came to 
Erez Israel with his parents who settled in Jerusalem, where 
Drezner joined the Betar movement. In 1940 he moved to Ne- 
tanyah, where he joined i.z.l. under the pseudonym of Dov 
Rosenbaum. In 1945 i.z.l. retaliated for the flogging inflicted 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



on one of their members who was captured by the British, by 
seizing British officers and subjecting them to the same hu- 
miliating punishment. Drezner was in command of one unit, 
the other four members of which were Mordekhai Alkahi, 
Eliezer Kashani, Abraham Mizrahi, and Hayyim Golavski. 
The whole unit was captured. Mizrahi was wounded and died 
before the trial (one version is that he was murdered) and the 
other four put on trial. Golavski was sentenced to life impris- 
onment in view of his youth, while the other three were sen- 
tenced to death. An attempt to rescue them by an assault on 
the Jerusalem central prison where they were held was foiled 
by their removal to Acre on the very morning of the intended 
assault. All four, together with Dov * Gruner, were hanged on 
the same day, Apr. 16, 1946. 

bibliography: Y. Nedava, Olei-ha-Gardom (1966); Y. Gu- 
rion, Ha-Nizzahon Olei Gardom (1971). 

°DRIVER, SAMUEL ROLLES (1846-1914), Bible scholar and 
Hebraist; from 1883 Regius Professor of Hebrew at Oxford. 
Driver's chief work, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old 
Testament^ appeared in 1891 (1913 9 ). Among his early publica- 
tions was A Treatise on the Uses of the Tenses in Hebrew (1874, 
1892 3 ). He was a practicing Christian ordained as a priest in 
the Anglican Church and held various offices in that church. 
Nevertheless, he wrote his books in the spirit of the critical 
method established by J. *Wellhausen, at the same time stress- 
ing that his conclusions did not impugn the sanctity of the 
Bible or attribute literary forgeries to it. He was therefore at- 
tacked from both sides. Conservative theologians condemned 
his views as "dangerous," while some of his fellow Bible critics 
accused him of making concessions to orthodox extremism. 
Driver was alert to every new potential source of information 
on the Bible, as may be seen by the fact that he was among 
the first to write a book on archaeology and the Bible, Modern 
Research as Illustrating the Bible (1909). Driver was one of the 
editors of the "International Critical Commentary" series of 
scholarly editions of biblical books, and also contributed com- 
mentaries on Deuteronomy (1895, 1902 3 ), and Job (with G.B. 
Gray, 1905). His other works include commentaries on Gen- 
esis (1911 9 ), Exodus (1911), Daniel (1900), and other books of 
the Bible, and papers on specific points in the prophetic writ- 
ings, as well as researches into the Masoretic text of Samuel 
(Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of 
Samuel, 1890, 1913 2 ). He also participated in the compilation 
of A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (with 
F. Brown and C.A. Briggs, 1907). This work, based on the 
lexicon of William *Gesenius, and popularly known as bdb 
(from the initials of its authors), remains in widespread use. 
Together with A. *Neubauer, he published The "Suffering Ser- 
vant" of Isaiah According to the Jewish Interpreters (1877). All 
of Driver's books were well written and carefully researched 
and three of them are so basic that for all the progress that 
has been made since then the specialist still has occasion to 
consult them (his Introduction... , his Tenses, and his Notes on 
the Hebrew Text). 


Bible and Semitic scholar, gained knowledge of the Middle 
East with the British Egyptian Expeditionary Force in 1919 for 
which he wrote A Report on Kurdistan and the Kurds (1919). 
Later he also published A Grammar of the Colloquial Arabic 
of Syria and Palestine (1925). From 1919-28 he taught classics 
at Oxford and from 1928 lectured there on Hebrew and com- 
parative Semitic philology, becoming professor of Semitic 
philology (1938-62) and intermittently professor of Hebrew 

(1934, 1953-54, and 1959-60). 

One of his important early works was "The Modern 
Study of the Hebrew Language" in The People and the Book 
(ed. A.S. Peake), 73-120. In 1935 he collaborated with J.C. Miles 
in editing The Assyrian Laws, which aimed to serve as a text- 
book for scholars of the Old Testament as well as of compara- 
tive law (revised as vol. two of Assyrian Laws and Babylonian 
Laws, 1952, 1955). The following year Driver published Prob- 
lems of the Hebrew Verbal System in which he explained the 
peculiarities of the Hebrew tense system and other features 
of Hebrew as resulting from the origin of Hebrew as a mix- 
ture of Canaanite and the original language spoken by the Is- 
raelites. In 1948 he published his Schweich Lectures of 1944 
under the title Semitic Writing where he examined the origin 
and development of the Semitic alphabet and in which he was 
one of the first to realize the significance of Ugaritic. In 1954 
he edited and translated the Borchardt Aramaic documents 
in the Bodleian Museum under the title Aramaic Documents 
of the Fifth Century B.C. (revised 1957). These were official and 
semiofficial documents from the court of the Persian satrap 
in Egypt. The following year he published Canaanite Myths 
and LegendSy in which he translated Ugaritic legends and in- 
cluded an Ugaritic glossary. 

His Judean Scrolls (1965) discussed the problem of the 
identity and date of the community of Qumran, which he 
identified with the *Zealots. On his seventieth birthday a 
volume of Hebrew and Semitic Studies (1963) was dedicated 
to him. It contains a selected bibliography of his works. He 
was joint director of the committee that prepared the transla- 
tion of the Old Testament in the New English Bible (1970). He 
wrote numerous articles on Hebrew lexicography, in which, 
by the use of cognate languages, he uncovered hitherto un- 
recognized meanings of biblical words. Much of these he in- 
corporated into the New English Bible and into his work on 
a new edition of F. Brown, S.R. Driver, and C.A. Briggs' He- 
brew Lexicon. 

bibliography: T.K. Cheyne, Founders of Old Testament 
Criticism (1893), passim (esp. chs. 11-13). add. bibliography: 
J.A. Emerton, dbi, 308-10. 

DROB, MAX (1887-1959), U.S. Conservative rabbi. Drob was 
born in Mlawa, Poland, and was taken to the United States 
in 1895. He graduated from Columbia University (1908) and 
received rabbinic ordination from the Jewish Theological 
Seminary (1911), and served congregations in Syracuse, New 
York (1911-13), Buffalo, New York (1913-19), New York City 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


(1919-27), and Philadelphia (1927-29). From 1929 he was rabbi 
of the Concourse Center of Israel, Bronx, New York, where 
he remained for the rest of his career. Drob was president of 
the Rabbinical Assembly of America from 1925 to 1927, and 
chairman of its bet din from 1923 to 1941. He was regarded as 
belonging to the traditionalist wing of Conservative Judaism 
seeking to transmit traditional religious practice in a manner 
more decorous and more American. He was actively involved 
in the professionalization of the rabbinate with such issues as 
rabbinic placement and pension determined by regulations 
and procedures. He was president of the non-denominational 
New York Board of Rabbis 1933-34 an d also served as a mem- 
ber of the commission set up by New York State to supervise 
the enforcement of kashrut laws, at a time before the Ortho- 
dox Union had established its domination of kashrut. He was 
a founder of the United Synagogue of America and on the 
board of the Jewish Theological Seminary. 

add. bibliography: RS. Nadel, Conservative Judaism in 
America: A Biographical Dictionary and Sourcebook (1988). 

[Michael Berenbaum (2 nd ed.)] 

DROBNER, BOLESLAW (1883-1968), Polish socialist poli- 
tician. Born in Cracow into an assimilated family, Drobner 
joined the Polish Social Democratic Party of Galicia and Sile- 
sia in 1898, attaching himself to the radical left wing. He took 
part in the revolution of 1905 and during World War 1 fought 
in Pilsudski's Legion. After Polish independence, Drobner 
joined the Socialist Party and in 1922 became one of the found- 
ers of the Independent Socialist Party. When the two parties 
reunited in 1928 he was appointed to the supreme council of 
the united party. He represented the left wing of the party 
calling for cooperation between socialists and communists. 
Drobner was frequently arrested for organizing strikes and 
following the outbreak of World War 11 left Poland for the 
U.S.S.R., where he was a founder of the Soviet-sponsored 
Union of Polish Patriots. He became minister of labor and so- 
cial care in the Committee of National Liberation and at the 
conference of the Polish Socialist Party in 1944 was elected 
party chairman. 

Drobner returned to Poland after the war and was a 
member of the Polish delegation at the Russo-Polish frontier 
negotiations of August 1945. In 1947 he was elected to the Sejm 
(Polish parliament) and in the following year joined the ruling 
communist United Workers Party. He had a great love for his 
native Cracow and did much for the preservation of its his- 
torical relics. He also initiated the restoration of Jewish culture 
there, particularly the i5 th -century Jewish synagogue. 

bibliography: New York Times (March 23, 1968), 31 (obitu- 
ary), add. bibliography: C. Kozlowski, Zarys Dziejow Polskiego 

Ruchu Robotniczego ... (1980), index. 

[Abraham Wein] 

DROGOBYCH (Pol. Drohobycz), city in Ukraine, formerly 
in Poland and Austria. Information about individual Jewish 
contractors of the salt mines in Drogobych dates from the be- 

ginning of the 15 th century. Some of them settled in the city, 
eventually forming a small community (kehillah). In 1578, 
however, Drohobych obtained the privilege de non tolerandis 
Judaeis authorizing the exclusion of Jews from its precincts. 
Although a number of Jews were subsequently found living 
in the vicinity, their settlement was not permanent until the 
end of the 17 th century, enabled by royal patronage. All com- 
merce and crafts were then concentrated in Jewish hands. 
Jewish guilds were formed and the records evidence the fric- 
tion that existed between them and the Christian guilds of the 
city, as also between the citizens of Drogobych and the Jewish 
inhabitants. The Drohobych kehillah was represented on the 
provincial council of *Rzeszow (see ^Councils of the Lands). 
In the middle of the 18 th century a wealthy, despotic farmer 
of the taxes and customs revenues, Zalman b. Ze'ev (Wolfo- 
wicz), seized control of communal affairs. He appointed his 
son-in-law rabbi, and for his ruthless treatment of both Jews 
and non- Jews he was finally denounced to the authorities; 
in 1755 he was arrested, tried, and condemned to death, but 
as generous assistance was contributed by his coreligionists 
the sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. He subse- 
quently adopted Christianity and died a member of the Car- 
melite order in 1757. 

After Drogobych passed to Austria in 1772, economic 
oppression, heavy taxation, and government interference in 
communal affairs had an adverse effect on the Jewish posi- 
tion. It improved in the 19 th century, however, especially with 
the exploitation of the mineral resources of Drogobych; the 
salt industry was also a Jewish enterprise. The first attempts 
to prospect for oil and its extraction were made in Drogobych 
by a Jew, Hecker, in 1810, and in 1858-59 a refinery was con- 
structed by A. Schreiner in nearby * Borislav at the same time 
as the industry was developed in the United States. Drogobych 
Jews took a prominent part in oil extraction and refining, and 
its export was mainly in Jewish hands. Many families made 
fortunes in this sector. The takeover of the smaller compa- 
nies by big enterprises at the end of the 19 th century, however, 
badly hit the Jewish concerns, and the economic position of 
the community began to deteriorate. After World War 1 it 
became impoverished. *Hasidism and the *Haskalah move- 
ment spread to Drogobych at the end of the 18 th century. A 
German biweekly printed in Hebrew characters, the Droho- 
bitzer Zeitung, was published between 1883 and World War 1, 
and brought out several Hebrew supplements entitled Ziyyon 
(1886-87, 1897). Toward the end of Hapsburg rule the constitu- 
ency of Drogobych was represented in the Austrian parliament 
by a Jewish deputy, an assimilationist with sympathies for Po- 
land, who had the backing of the authorities. He was opposed 
by a Zionist-supported Jewish national candidate in 1911. The 
authorities were accused of ballot-fixing during the elections, 
and the army was called out to disperse a demonstration. Shots 
were fired into the crowd. Thirteen Jews were killed and many 
injured. Drogobych remained the center of the Galician *kolel 
from the 1890s until the Holocaust. Hayyim Shapira, the last 
zaddik in Drogobych, was the first of the hasidic zaddikim to 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



join officially the Zionist movement. He went to Erez Israel 
in 1922. The Jewish population of Drogobych totaled 1,924 
in 1765, 2,492 in 1812, 8,055 m 1865, 8,683 m 1900, and 11,833 
(about 44% of the total population) in 1921. 

[Nathan Michael Gelber] 

Holocaust and Postwar Periods 

When World War 11 broke out, the town with its 17,000 Jews 
came under Soviet occupation. The authorities arrested the 
Zionist leaders and closed the Hebrew schools. Jewish refu- 
gees from western Poland found shelter in Drogobych, but 
most of them were deported to the Soviet interior. The Ger- 
mans entered Drogobych on June 30, 1941, and immediately 
staged a pogrom with the help of the local Polish and Ukrai- 
nian population. About 400 Jews were brutally murdered 
outside the courthouse and at the Jewish cemetery. Another 
300 were executed in the nearby Bronice forest in November. 
In March 1942 some 2,000 Jews were sent to the *Belzec ex- 
termination camp. The second mass deportation took place 
on August 8, with the dispatch of 2,500 Jews to the same des- 
tination, while another 600 were shot in the town itself. The 
ghetto was established in September. The remaining 9,000 
Jews, some of whom were refugees from the nearby villages, 
were crowded into it. Toward the end of October an addi- 
tional group consisting of 2,300 Jews was sent to Belzec, and 
200 hospital patients were murdered. The surviving Jews be- 
gan building hideouts or sought shelter in the nearby forest. 
However, the Germans thwarted their efforts by continuing 
the Aktion for the whole month of November 1942 and by or- 
dering the death sentence for all non-Jews caught sheltering 
Jews. For a while the process of extermination did not affect 
those Jews conscripted for forced labor in the local petro- 
leum industries. The Bronice forest became a mass grave for 
the Jews of Drogobych and vicinity, including all members of 
the Judenrat. On February 15, 1943, 450 were executed there, 
including 300 women. In March 800 from the labor camps 
were murdered. The remnants of the Jewish community tried 
to save themselves by hiding or by escaping to Hungary via 
the Carpathian Mountains, while a few tried to obtain "Aryan" 
papers. When the Soviet army entered Drogobych in August 
1944, some 400 Jews were still alive. 

After the war, Drogobych was ceded to the Ukrainian 
S.S.R., and most of the Jews left for Poland in transit to Israel 

and other countries. 

[Aharon Weiss] 

bibliography: N.M. Gelber (ed.), Sefer Zikkaron le-Droho- 
bich, Boryslav ve-Hasevivah (1959); M. Balaban, Z historji Zydow w 
Polsce (1920), 129-46. 

DROPKIN, CELIA (1887-1956), Yiddish poet. Born Zip- 
porah Levine in Bobruisk, Belorussia, daughter of a lumber 
merchant, Dropkin was raised by her widowed mother. Taught 
Jewish subjects by a rabbis wife, she graduated from the No- 
vosybko (Russian) gymnasium. She tutored in Warsaw, be- 
fore continuing her studies in Kiev. There, the Hebrew writer 
Uri Nissan * Gnessin encouraged her writing of Russian po- 

etry. Returning to Warsaw, then to Bobruisk, Dropkin mar- 
ried Samuel Shmaye Dropkin in 1909. She and their first child 
(born 1910) joined him in New York in 1912. Five of their six 
children survived into adulthood. In New York, Dropkin 
wrote Russian poems which she translated into Yiddish (1917) 
and published in Di Naye Velt and Inzikh (1920). Throughout 
the 1920s and 1930s, her works appeared in avant-garde pub- 
lications of Di *Yunge and the Inzikhistn: Onheyb, Poezye, and 
Shriftn. Dropkin's poems - notable for their explicit sexuality, 
whether about love, motherhood, or death - earned her a rep- 
utation as a leading woman poet. Her short stories and poems 
also appeared in Abraham *Liessin's *Tsukunft. Only a single 
volume of Dropkin's poems appeared during her lifetime: In 
Heysn Vint ("In the Hot Wind," 1935). Widowed in 1943, she 
spent her last years painting in oils and water colors. Her last 
published poem appeared in Tsukunft (April 1953). 

Three years after Dropkin's death, her children published 
an expanded edition of her poetry, short stories, and paint- 
ings: In Heysn Vint (1959) includes the poems of the 1935 edi- 
tion, as well as uncollected and previously unpublished poems, 
selected by Sasha Dillon. Another poem, "Shvere Gedanken" 
("Heavy Thoughts"), was later discovered on a tape record- 
ing and appeared in Yidishe Kultur (1990). Poems and stories 
in English translation appeared in I. Howe and E. Green- 
berg (eds.), A Treasury of Yiddish Poetry (1969); I. Howe et al. 
(eds.), Penguin Book of Modern Yiddish Verse (1987); F. For- 
man et al. (eds.), Found Treasures: Stories by Yiddish Women 
Writers (1994); R. Whitman (ed.), Anthology of Modern Yid- 
dish Poetry (1995); J. Chametzky et al. (eds.), Jewish American 
Literature: A Norton Anthology (2001); S. Bark (ed.), Beauti- 
ful as the Moon, Radiant as the Stars: Jewish Women in Yid- 
dish Stories (2003). 

bibliography: lnyl, 2 (1958), 540-1; Rejzen, Leksikon, 1 
(1926 2 ), 742-3; Y. Yeshurin, in: In Heysn Vint, Poems, Stories, and Pic- 
tures (1959), 271-3; S. Dillon, in: ibid., 263-9; G. Rozier and V. Siman, 
in: Dans le vent chaud: Bilingue yiddish-francais (1994); J. Hadda, in: 
N. Sokoloff et al. (eds.), Gender and Text in Modern Hebrew and Yid- 
dish Literature (1992), 93-112; K. Hellerstein, in ibid., 113-43. 

[Kathryn Hellerstein (2 nd ed.)] 

DROPSIE, MOSES AARON (1821-1905), U.S. attorney, 
businessman, philanthropist, and patron of Jewish learning. 
Dropsie was born in Philadelphia to a Dutch-Jewish immi- 
grant father and a Christian mother. He embraced Judaism at 
the age of 14, and ultimately became a vigorous proponent of 
traditional Judaism in America. Dropsie made his livelihood 
in the jewelry business until he was 28, when he began the 
study of law. He was admitted to the bar in 1851. Although his 
practice was largely in business law, Dropsie became a scholar 
in legal history and published a number of works on Roman 
law, including one on the trial of Jesus. Dropsie invested very 
early in streetcar ventures and became the president of two 
traction companies. He served as chairman of the commission 
that supervised the construction of the South Street bridge 
across the Schuylkill River in 1870. An early organizer of the 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Republican Party of Pennsylvania, Dropsie ran for public of- 
fice only once. He became leader and officer of many Jewish 
communal activities, and was an admirer and disciple of Isaac 
* Leeser. Their sense of mutual understanding was disturbed 
only by their divergent sympathies in the early days of the 
Civil War. Dropsie was an active supporter of Leeser's short- 
lived Maimonides College from its inception in 1867, the first 
Jewish theological seminary in America. Dropsie believed 
that one of the major reasons for its failure was the refusal of 
New York Jewish leaders to give it their full support; when the 
Jewish Theological Seminary was organized in 1886 in New 
York City, he refused to lend a hand. This resentment was one 
of the factors which motivated his establishing a bequest for 
a totally new institution for higher Jewish learning. Another 
factor was his anger, which he also expressed in a number of 
pamphlets, against what he considered to be the extremism 
of Reform Judaism. Dropsies will was written in 1895, while 
he was serving as president of *Gratz College. He assigned his 
fortune to the creation of Dropsie College. 

bibliography: C. Adler, Lectures, Selected Papers, Addresses 
U933)> 43 _ 64; B.W. Korn, Eventful Years and Experiences (1954), 187-9; 
H. Morais, Jews of Philadelphia (1894), 255-8. 

[Bertram Wallace Korn] 

DROPSIE COLLEGE, independent, nontheological, aca- 
demic institution dedicated to graduate instruction and re- 
search in Jewish studies and related branches of learning. It 
was founded in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in 1907 as Dropsie 
College for Hebrew and Cognate Learning. The establishment 
of the institution was provided for in the will of Moses Aaron 
*Dropsie, dated September 17, 1895. Dropsie stated: "The in- 
creasing need in the United States for a more thorough and 
systematic education in Jewish lore has long been felt, and is a 
matter of solicitude to true Israelites, who cherish the religion 

of their ancestors [Hence] I order and direct that there be 

established and maintained in the City of Philadelphia a col- 
lege for the promotion of and instruction in the Hebrew and 
cognate languages and their respective literatures and in the 
Rabbinical learning and literature." The will directed "that in 
the admission of students there shall be no distinction on ac- 
count of creed, color, or sex." The college offered the Ph.D. and, 
from 1952 onward, the M.A. degrees in areas such as Hebrew, 
Arabic, and other Semitic languages, biblical and rabbinic 
studies, medieval Jewish philosophy, Assyriology, and Middle 
Eastern studies. In 1962 it instituted a program in Jewish edu- 
cation leading to the Ed.D. The original president of Dropsie 
was Mayer Sulzberger, who directed the Board of Governors 
selected to execute Dropsie s will. The first operating president 
was Cyrus *Adler, who served from the opening of the college 
in 1909 until his death in 1940 while holding other important 
positions including the chancellorship of the Jewish Theolog- 
ical Seminary. He was succeeded by Abraham A. *Neuman 
(1941-66), Abraham I. *Katsh (1968-76), Joseph Rapaport 
(1979-81), and David M. Goldenberg (1981-86). In 1986 the 
college closed its doors as a graduate school and reopened two 

years later as the Annenberg Research Institute for Judaic and 
Near Eastern Studies, a postdoctoral research center and fel- 
lowship program in Judaic and Near Eastern studies. In 1993 
the institution was incorporated into the University of Penn- 
sylvania as the Center for Judaic Studies. 

The colleges importance lies in that fact that when it was 
founded, and for several decades afterwards, it was the only 
non-theological institution in the United States that offered 
the Ph.D. in Judaic studies. As such, it attracted many distin- 
guished scholars to its faculty (such as Cyrus H. Gordon, Ben- 
zion Halper, Leo L. Honor, Henry Malter, Max L. Margolis, 
Ben-Zion Netanyahu, Moshe Perlmann, Solomon L. Skoss, 
Bernard D. Weinryb, and Solomon Zeitlin). The faculty pro- 
duced close to 250 Ph.D.s, many of whom filled positions in 
Judaic and related studies throughout the United States, thus 
spurring the growth of Jewish studies programs in the country. 
From its beginnings the college published the Jewish Quarterly 
Review, continuing the publication begun in England in 1888 
under the editorship of I. Abrahams and C.G. Montefiore. As 
the only American Ph.D. -granting school in Judaic studies 
for several decades, Dropsie acquired an important library 
collection (including manuscripts and incunabula) in bibli- 
cal, rabbinic, and medieval Jewish literature, as well as early 
American Jewish imprints. 

Ironically it was the success of the college that, to a signif- 
icant extent, spelled its demise. With the burgeoning of Jew- 
ish studies programs in U.S. universities during the 1950s and 
1960s, Dropsie found that with its limited resources it could 
not compete with the larger and well-endowed universities. By 
the early 1980s it appeared that the college would eventually 
be forced to close. An attempt at a revival was made in 1981 
with the appointment of David Goldenberg to the presidency 
of the institution. Goldenberg, a recent Dropsie graduate and 
then faculty member, rebuilt the faculty with young promising 
scholars, revived the languishing Jewish Quarterly Review, at- 
tracted funding for the conservation of genizah manuscripts, 
and hired professional library staff to convert the collection 
to the Library of Congress cataloguing system and provide 
online access to the library's holdings. However, the general 
financial situation of the College did not much improve and, 
finally, in 1986 the Dropsie closed. 

By this time, Albert J. Wood, a member of the Board of 
Trustees, had induced the American Jewish philanthropist and 
former ambassador to Great Britain, Walter H. Annenberg, to 
become involved with Dropsies future. Wood saw that while 
a small graduate school was no longer feasible, a postdoctoral 
research center in Jewish studies would fill a need. Annenberg 
embraced the plan, funded the construction of a new build- 
ing near historic Independence Hall in Philadelphia, and sup- 
plied the new institutions annual budget. Thus Dropsie was 
transformed into the Annenberg Research Institute for Judaic 
and Near Eastern Studies. Under its first president, Bernard 
Lewis, the scholar of Islamic studies, the Institute opened it 
doors in 1988 with an annual program of invited scholars from 
throughout the world to work on various themes in Jewish and 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



related studies. This program continues today as the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania's Center for Judaic Studies. 

bibliography: A. Neuman, Landmarks and Goals (1953), 
255-356, passim; idem, in: Seventy-fifth Anniversary. 

[Meir Ben-Horin / David M. Goldenberg (2 nd ed.)] 

DROSDOFF, MATTHEW (1908-1998), U.S. soil chem- 
ist. Born in Chicago, Drosdoff received his Ph.D. in soil sci- 
ence from the University of Wisconsin at Madison in 1934. 
He joined the U.S. Department of Agriculture and was ad- 
viser on mineral nutrition and coffee production to Colom- 
bia (1951-53), soils adviser to Bolivia (1954), soils adviser to 
Peru (1955-60), and chief of the Agricultural Division of the 
U.S. Agency for International Development (aid) in Vietnam 
(1960-64). From 1964 to 1966 he was the administrator of the 
International Agricultural Development Service, and in 1966 
he became professor of soil science at Cornell University, re- 
maining emeritus professor until his death. 

Drosdoff was active in Bnai B rith in various capacities 
and from 1944 to 1947 was director of the Hillel Foundation 
at the University of Florida. 

Many of Drosdoff s contributions to scientific journals 
were concerned with foliar analysis of tropical tree crops. 
Other topics were soil composition, genesis and morphology, 
colloidal clays, soil surveys, and agricultural development gen- 
erally. He was a fellow of the American Society of Agronomy 
and was honored with its international award for his many 
overseas services to the U.S. government. 

[Samuel Aaron Miller / Ruth Rossing (2 nd ed.)] 

DRUCKER, DANIEL CHARLES (1918-2001), U.S. struc- 
tural engineer. Drucker was born in New York and studied en- 
gineering as an undergraduate and postgraduate at Columbia 
University, where he obtained his Ph.D. in 1940. He taught at 
Cornell University in 1940-43 before serving in the U.S. Army 
Air Corps, after which he joined Brown University in 1946, 
becoming professor in 1950. He was Dean of Engineering at 
the University of Illinois in 1968-83. His main interests were 
the theory of plasticity and its application to designing metal 
structures. He introduced the universally accepted concept of 
material stability termed "Drucker s stability postulate" which 
governs the plastic behavior of metals in response to strain and 
has wide academic and practical applications. Among many 
honors and awards he received the National Medal of Science 
(1980) and was the first recipient of the American Society of 
Mechanical Engineers' Daniel C. Drucker Medal bestowed for 
outstanding contributions to mechanical engineering (1998). 
While at Brown University, he was active in the Providence, 
Rhode Island, Jewish community. 

[Michael Denman (2 nd ed.)] 

°DRUMONT, EDOUARDADOLPHE (18441917), leader 
of the antisemitic movement in France. Originally holding 
strongly leftist opinions, while still an unknown journalist 
Drumont contributed to a number of publications, including 

La Liberte owned by the Jewish Saint-Simonist, Isaac *Pereire. 
In the 1880s, however, Drumont's views changed and he be- 
came associated with the activities of ultra- Catholic circles, 
although adhering to certain remnants of his radical social 
philosophy. It was on this foundation that he developed a ra- 
bid antisemitism, which became his consuming passion. His 
book La France juive, first published in 1886, describes France 
as subjugated to the Jews in the political, economic, social, 
and cultural spheres; in a short time it ran to over a hundred 
editions. Drumont continued his anti- Jewish propaganda in 
further books. In 1889 he founded the Antisemitic League 
(see ^Antisemitic Political Parties and Organizations) and 
La Libre Parole whose policy veered between the Catholic 
right and social radicalism, but was invariably violently an- 
tisemitic in tone. Drumont and his paper had a considerable 
share in exacerbating the *Dreyfus Affair. In 1898 Drumont 
was elected to the chamber of deputies, but after the victory 
of Dreyfus' supporters he was not returned a second time; in 
1909 his application for membership of the French Academy 
was rejected. 

bibliography: L. Daudet, Les oeuvres dans les hommes 

(1922); I. Schapira, Der Anti-semitismus in der franzoesischen Lit- 

eratur: Eduard Drumont und seine Quellen (1927); G. Bernanos, La 

Grande peur des bien-pensants (1931); R.F. Byrnes, Anti-semitism in 

Modern France (1950); Dictionnaire de biographie francaise, 11 (1967), 

852-4. add. bibliography: M. Winock, Edouard Drumont et 

Cie: antisemitisme etfascisme en France (1982); F. Busi, The Pope of 

Antisemitism: The Career and Legacy of Edouard-Adolphe Drumont 


[Moshe Catane] 

DRUNKENNESS (Heb. jUStf, shikkaron). 

In the Bible 

Biblical, apocryphal, and ancient Near Eastern references 
make it clear that, far from being condemned, the use of al- 
coholic beverages was regarded by Jews and others as a nec- 
essary (Ecclus. 39:26; Pritchard, Texts, 598, line 89; 602, line 
32) and distinctive (Ps. 104:15; Pritchard, Texts, 77c, line 12 ff.) 
feature of human life. A feast was inconceivable without wine, 
and Proverbs 9:iff. speaks of Wisdom personified offering 
food and wine. Indeed, complete abstinence was associated 
with a turning away from civilization (Jer. 35; see *Rechabites). 
Likewise, the *Nazirite avoidance of alcohol is of a piece with 
their refraining from cutting the hair and from participating 
in the burial of the dead, two other hallmarks of civilization 
(Numbers 6). *Wine was valued for bringing joy and banish- 
ing sorrow (Judg. 9:13; Ps. 104:15; cf. Pritchard, loc. cit., line 
21; Prov. 31:6-7; Eccles. 10:19; Ecclus. 31:27-28; 40:20) and was 
used cultically in libations (Ex. 30:40-41) and the festive sacral 
meal (Deut. 14:26). 

Intoxication, however, was deprecated (cf. Ecclus. 31:25- 
31; 39:27), both in the cult - in keeping with the biblical re- 
jection of the Dionysiac element of other ancient religions 
(Lev. 10:8-11; 1 Sam. 1:13-16; Ezek. 44:21) - and in daily life. 
Wisdom literature warns that drunkenness brings poverty, 
woes, quarrels, wounds, strange visions, etc. (Prov. 20:1; 21:17; 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


23:19-21:29-35; 31:4-5; cf. i Esd. 3:19-24) and causes kings to 
err in judgment (Prov. 31:4-5; cf. Lev. 10:8-11 (priests); Isa. 28:7 
(priest and prophet)). Several narratives depict the disgrace 
and sometimes death of drunkards (Noah, Gen. 9:20-27; Lot, 
Gen. 19:31-38; Nabal, 1 Sam. 25:36; Amnon, 11 Sam. 13:28-29; 
Elah, 1 Kings 16:9; Ben-Hadad, 1 Kings 20:16; Ahasuerus, 
Esth. 1:10; cf. Holofernes, Judith 13:2). The prophets frequently 
condemn drunkenness, particularly among the wealthy and 
the leaders (Isa. 28:1 rf.; 56:11-12; cf. Prov. 31:4-5), associat- 
ing it with moral insensitivity (Isa. 5:11-12, 22-23; Amos 2:8), 
licentiousness (Hos. 4:11-12, 18), and forgetting God (Hos. 
4:11-12; cf. Job 1:4-5). Drunkenness and gluttony are among 
the charges against the insubordinate son (Deut. 21:20). How- 
ever, Isaiah 51:17-18, like the Ugaritic Aqhat epic (in Pritchard, 
Texts, 150b, line 32-33), reflects a view that filial duties include 
helping a parent made unsteady by alcohol to walk. The occa- 
sion of drunkenness might be private drinking (Noah, Lot) or 
group celebration (Nabal, Amnon, Ben-Hadad, Ahasuerus), 
including carousing on religious festivals (Hos. 4:11 rf.). Drink- 
ing songs and music are mentioned at such celebrations (Isa. 
24:7-9; Amos 6:5-6; Ps. 69:13). One type of gathering that 
appears, especially in the light of extra - and post - biblical 
attestations, to have been conducive to drunkenness is the 
marzeahy referring at times to a joyous banquet (Amos 6:7), 
at others to a mourning meal (Jer. 16:5) 

[Jeffrey Howard Tigay] 

In the Talmud 

Basing himself on the fact that the death of Nadab and Abihu 
is followed by the injunction against priests drinking wine or 
strong drink when officiating, R. Simeon attributes their death 
to the fact that they entered the sanctuary while in a state of 
intoxication (Lev. R. 12:1). Judges must not render decisions af- 
ter drinking wine (Er. 64a). As a result, judges were forbidden 
to eat dates because of their possible intoxicating effects (Ket. 
10b). The judges of the *Sanhedrin had to abstain from wine 
during the entire hearing of a capital case (Sanh. 5:1; Sanh. 
42a). The criterion for drunkenness is whether the person af- 
fected is capable of addressing himself properly to a king. A 
quarter of a "log" (approx. 3.2 oz., 100 milliliters) of wine was 
regarded as sufficient to cause intoxication, but it was not a 
rigid rule. If he later walked a mil (approx. 3,300 ft., 1,100 me- 
ters) or slept, a drunken person was considered sober, unless 
he drank strong Italian wine, in which case he must walk at 
least three mils (Er. 64a-b). A drunken person is forbidden to 
conduct a service. Based upon High Priest Eli's reprimand of 
Hannah (1 Sam. 1:13-15), the Talmud lays down that if a per- 
son prays in a state of drunkenness, his prayer is an abomi- 
nation (Ber. 31b). A person under the influence of alcohol is 
legally responsible for his actions unless he has reached the 
state of oblivion attributed to Lot (cf. Gen. 19:31-36; Er. 65a). 
The Bible adopted an ambivalent attitude toward wine, and 
there are several statements in the Talmud concerning the vir- 
tues of wine and its beneficial effects on health (cf. Er. 65a-b). 
There are many traditions that relate to the negative effects of 

drink on everyday life. One example that may be cited is the 
legend that when Noah was about to plant his vineyard, Sa- 
tan buried in the soil carcasses of a sheep, a lion, a pig, and 
a monkey. As a result when a person indulges mildly he be- 
comes sheepish, further indulging makes him feel like a lion. 
Overindulgence causes him to befoul himself like a pig, and 
when he becomes roaring drunk he literally "makes a mon- 
key of himself" (Tanh., Noah, 14). In one chapter of the Mi- 
drash (Lev. R. 12:1) there are three statements with regard to 
drunkenness. One interprets Proverbs 23:31 homiletically to 
mean that "while the drunkard has his eyes on the cup, the 
publican has his eyes on his pocket." The second tells of the 
despairing attempt on the part of the sons of a drunken ad- 
dict to rid him of his vice, while the third is an account of a 
drunkard who was determined to make up the absence of one 
bottle from his daily quota of 12. Some scholars have assumed 
that drunkenness was not a serious problem in the talmudic 
period, and so have understood these traditions to reflect a 
lighthearted, almost jocular attitude toward the phenomenon. 
Others have suggested that these traditions may reflect not 
the rarity of drunkenness, but rather its frequency. While the 
Talmud states a positive injunction that a person shall get so 
drunk on *Purim that he cannot distinguish between "Blessed 
be Mordecai" and "Cursed be Haman," the disastrous results 
of an actual incident in which two famous amora'im, Rabbah 
and R. Zera, were involved (Meg. 7b), would seem to repre- 
sent a serious criticism of this tradition. As a result, later rab- 
binic authorities were at pains to point out that this talmudic 
permissibility was not to be taken literally. 

[Louis Isaac Rabinowitz / Stephen G. Wald (2 nd ed.)] 

Modern Times 

Interest in contemporary drinking among Jews stems from 
the mystery of drinking not being a problem. Writers in many 
countries during recent centuries have commented on the 
comparative sobriety of the Jews. Multinational statistics of 
arrests for drunkenness, incidences of alcoholic psychosis, and 
alcoholic admissions to hospitals have consistently revealed 
a marked underrepresentation of Jews. From the 1940s, so- 
cial scientists in the United States have systematically studied 
drinking patterns of Jewish youth and adults. The consistent 
finding has been that proportionately more Jews than other 
ethnic or religious segments of the population drink wine, 
beer, or spirits, but proportionately fewer Jews are heavy 
drinkers or alcoholics. Sophisticated socio-cultural-psycho- 
logical hypotheses, rejecting rational blame- avoidance as an 
adequate explanation, relate Jewish sobriety to the early ini- 
tiation of children in a family- centered, religiously oriented, 
moderate drinking pattern. The attitudinal values thus en- 
gendered are presumed to prevent later excess in drinking. 
An alternative but untested hypothesis proposes a genetic 
immunity to alcoholism. 

Leading studies through the late 1960s suggested that the 
more acculturated Jewish youth tended to adopt the drink- 
ing patterns of the general population. Thus the frequency of 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



drinking was highest among Jews whose religious orientation 
is Orthodox, lower among those whose orientation is Con- 
servative, lower still among the Reform, and lowest among 
the secular, i.e., those who deny any feeling of religious asso- 
ciation. But the frequency of drinking large amounts on an 
occasion, of getting drunk, or of getting into trouble on ac- 
count of drinking ran in the opposite direction, from highest 
among the secular to lowest among the Orthodox. This sug- 
gested to some sociologists that alcoholism among Jews may 
increase as acculturation proceeded. But two antithetic find- 
ings reported that Jews who ostensively drink in the accultur- 
ated style consider themselves to have overindulged or "been 
drunk" after substantially smaller quantities than non-Jews; 
and the acculturated drinking style tends to be abandoned 
on settling down and starting to raise children. Only in the 
United States has Jewish drinking been studied extensively and 
systematically, but observers in many countries continue to 
report the pattern of sobriety. Some theorists speculated that 
the pattern may change in a Jewish state and, that drunken- 
ness is more common among some Eastern Jews than among 
Westerners. However, although statistics on admission of al- 
coholics to mental hospitals in Israel in former years are not 
known, in 1966 78 new cases were admitted (2% of all new 
cases; in some countries alcoholism accounts for up to 25% 
of admissions to mental hospitals). The total admission of al- 
coholics was 154 in 1966 (2% of all admissions); and during a 
six-year period, only 23 deaths were attributed to alcoholism 
or its complications. Recent data on Jews in the United States 
are not available, but in New York State in 1950 0.2% of new 
cases were alcoholics. There was some evidence of greater al- 
coholic indulgence by Oriental-born Jews in Israel (but not in 
those of Oriental descent). Asian and African-born male Jews 
had twice the rate of first admission for alcoholism to mental 
hospitals than European-born men did. Israel-born Jews, of 
whatever descent, had only a third of the rate of the European- 
born. The rates in women of all origin groups were negligible. 
Thus there were no signs at the time of serious alcohol prob- 
lems developing in Israel. However, with the development of 
a "pub" and "disco" culture among Israeli youth through the 
1980s and 1990s and the influx of immigrants from the former 
Soviet Union with its more marked drinking tradition, not to 
mention growing disaffection in the economic underbelly of 
Israeli society, drinking has come to be perceived as more of 
a problem, though still not reaching the proportions charac- 
teristic of other societies. 

[Mark Keller] 

bibliography: in the bible: Kaufmann Y., Religion, 
321, 374; B. Porten, Archives from Elephantine (1968), 179-86; G.R. 
Driver, in: Words and Meanings, Essays... D.W. Thomas (1968), 
47-67; L. Milano (ed.), Drinking in Ancient Societies (1994). modern 
times: D. Cahalan, I. Cisin and H.R. Crossley, American Drink- 
ing Practices (1970); V. Efron and M. Keller, Selected Statistical Ta- 
bles on the Consumption of Alcohol and on Alcoholism (1963); Keller, 
in: British Journal of Addiction, 64 (1969); King, in: Quarterly Jour- 
nal of Studies on Alcohol, 22 (1961), 321; Knupfer and Room, ibid., 
28 (1967), 676; C.R. Snyder, Alcohol and the Jews (1958); Shuval 

and Krasilowsky, in: Israel Annual of Psychiatry, 1 (1964), 277; 3 
(1965), 249. 

DRUSILLA (b. 38 c.e.), daughter of *Agrippa 1 and *Cypros. 
Drusilla had been promised in marriage by her father to Epi- 
phanes, son of King Antiochus of Commagene. The agreement 
was canceled, however, when Epiphanes refused to convert to 
Judaism, after originally agreeing to do so. Drusilla was later 
married by her brother *Agrippa 11 to Azizus, king of Emesa, 
who had consented to be circumcised. Shortly afterward, a 
Jewish magician from Cyprus persuaded Drusilla to leave 
her husband and marry his friend *Felix, the procurator of 
Judea. Out of this marriage a son was born, named Agrippa. 
Josephus alludes to the disappearance of this son and his wife 
during the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 c.e. 

bibliography: Jos., Wars, 2:220; Jos., Ant., 18:132; 19:354-5; 
20:139-44; Acts 24:24; Schuerer, Hist, 573. 

[Isaiah Gafni] 


(1550-1616), Dutch theologian, Hebraist, and Bible scholar. 
A native of Oudenarde (East Flanders), he was professor of 
Oriental languages at Oxford (from 1572) and later in Leiden, 
Ghent, and Franeker. Drusius wrote several books on He- 
brew grammar, including Alphabetum ebraicum vetus (1587) 
and Grammatica linguae sanctae nova (1612). He also edited 
Elijah *Levita's Hebrew- Yiddish dictionary, Shemot Devarim 
(Nomenclator Eliae Levitae, 1652), adding to it the Arabic; his 
son Johann added the Greek. He wrote several works of bib- 
lical exegesis. 

bibliography: Zunz, Gesch, 11; Steinschneider, Handbuch 
s.v.; Steinschneider, Cat Bod, 895, no. 4877; Abel Curiandez, Vita 
Joannis Drusii (1618). 

DRUYA (Pol. Druja), town in Molodechno district, Belarus. 
The Jewish community is mentioned in the late 16 th century. 
Many Jews there were occupied in the local soap industry and 
others traded in farm products, like flax, grain, and hides. 
They dominated trade. In the late 18 th century a beautiful syn- 
agogue was constructed. The community numbered 1,305 in 
1766; 2,366 in 1847; 3,006 in 1897 (out of a total population of 
4,742); 1,011 (41%) in 1921; and 1,800 in 1925. The author Al- 
ter *Druyanow was born in Druya. After wwi, Jewish mer- 
chants resumed their trade in agricultural products; others 
were artisans. The center of cultural life was the Bund-domi- 
nated Yiddish school. 

[Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

Holocaust Period 

On the eve of World War 11 the Jewish population of Druya 
numbered about 1,500. Between October 1939 and June 1941 
Druya was occupied by the Soviets. On July 6, 1941, after the 
outbreak of the German-Soviet war, the Germans entered the 
town. During the first days of the war many people accused of 
allegiance to the Soviets were killed. In April 1942 two ghettos 
were created, one for workers, the second for non-workers. On 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


July 2, 1942, the Germans surrounded the ghettos in order to 
liquidate them. The inhabitants tried to break out and some 
groups succeeded in reaching the forests. In order to prevent 
a mass escape, the Germans shot at Jews and set the ghettos 
aflame. Some of those who escaped to the forest joined the 
partisans around the village of Balnia and participated in ac- 
tivities against the Germans. About 50-60 persons survived. 

[Aharon Weiss] 

bibliography: I. Schipper, Dzieje handlu zydowskiego na 
ziemach polskich (1937), index; B. Wasiutiriski, Ludnosc zydowska w 
Polsce... (1930), 84; O. Hedemann, Dzisna i Druja (1934); A. Druy- 
anow, in: Reshumot, 1 (1925), 437-49; Yad Vashem Archives. 

DRUYANOW, ALTER (Asher, Avraham Abba; 1870-1938), 
Hebrew writer, editor, and Zionist leader. Born in Druya, in 
the district of Vilna, he studied at the Volozhin yeshivah in 
his youth and then turned to commerce. In 1890 he published 
his first essay in Ha-Meliz, under the pen name "Alef, Beit, 
Gimmel, Dalet," and from then on was a frequent contributor 
to the Hebrew press (Mi-Mizrah u-mi-Maarav; Ha-Shiloah y 
etc.), using various pen names. From 1900 to 1905 he was the 
secretary of the Committee for the Settlement of Erez Israel 
in Odessa. In 1906 he immigrated to Palestine, but returned 
to Russia in 1909 and until 1914 was editor of Ha-Ol am, the 
official organ of the World Zionist Organization. In 1921 he 
settled permanently in Palestine. Together with *Bialik and 
*Ravnitzky, he edited the first four volumes of Reshumot y a 
periodical devoted to the study of folklore (1919-26). His lit- 
erary work includes Zionist articles, descriptive writing, and 
literary criticism. He is best remembered for two compila- 
tions: Ketavim le-Toledot Hibbat Ziyyon ve-Yishuv Erez Yisrael 
("Writings on the History of Hibbat Zion and the Settlement 
of Palestine," 3 vols., 1919-32 (re-edited by Shulamit Laskov, 
1982)) and Sefer ha-Bedihah ve-ha-Hiddud ("The Book of Jokes 
and Witticisms," enlarged 3 -vol. edition, 1935-38), a collection 
of Jewish folk humor with notes on the origin and history of 
the contents. A two -volume selection of his essays was pub- 
lished in 1943-45. 

bibliography: J. Fichmann, Be-Terem Aviv (1959), 371-6; 
Kressel, Leksikon, 1 (1965), 564; abgd: Yad la-Kore> 9 (1968), 116-8, 
a bibliography. 

DRZEWIECKI, HENRYK (Hercel Rosenbaum; 1902-1937), 
Polish novelist and critic. An avowed Communist, Drzew- 
iecki wrote essays and reviews advocating revolution in or- 
der to abolish Poland's economic misery. His controversial 
novel Kwasniacy (1934) greatly influenced Polish proletarian 
literature and the writer only escaped imprisonment by flee- 
ing first to Paris and then to the U.S.S.R. He was executed 
during the Stalinist purges of the late 1930s. He was rehabili- 
tated in 1956. 

DUALISM, the religious or philosophical doctrine which 
holds that reality consists, or is the outcome, of two ultimate 

principles which cannot be reduced to one more ultimate 

first cause. Dualistic systems have appeared in philosophical 
(metaphysical) as well as moral forms, both of which have 
exerted considerable influence on the history of religions, in- 
cluding the history of Judaism. 

Philosophical Dualism 

In the history of Western thought, philosophical dualism goes 
back to * Platonism and *neoplatonism which developed and 
spread the idea of an opposition between spirit and matter, 
spirit being the higher, purer, and eternal principle, whereas 
matter was the lower and imperfect form of being, subject to 
change and corruption. Applied to the understanding of the 
nature of man, this meant that man was composed of a lower, 
material part (the body), and a higher, spiritual part (the soul). 
This dualism could, and not infrequently did, lead to a con- 
tempt for the body and for "this world" in general, and en- 
couraged a moral outlook which held * asceticism (or, in its 
more extreme forms, total renunciation of the world) to be 
the way by which the soul could liberate itself from the hold 
of the body and, purifying itself of the bodily passions, ren- 
der itself worthy again of returning to its celestial and spiri- 
tual home. This view exerted considerable influence on Jew- 
ish thinking in the Hellenistic period (see *Philo) and in the 
philosophy and *Musar literature of the middle ages, though 
its more radical forms were partly inhibited by the rabbinic 
tradition which considered the physical universe and its en- 
joyment as essentially good, provided they were hallowed in 
the service of God. 

Moral Dualism 

Although moral dualism generally tended to express itself in 
the forms of a thoroughgoing metaphysical dualism, the term 
is justified inasmuch as it reflects the basic doctrine that good 
and evil were the outcome or product of two distinct and ul- 
timate first causes. The best known form of this dualism is 
the ancient religion of Persia (Zoroastrianism), according 
to which history is a cosmic struggle between the powers of 
good, i.e., light, and evil, i.e., darkness. This system has the 
logical advantage of accounting for evil in terms of a sepa- 
rate, independent principle, and thus exonerating the "good" 
creator and God from responsibility for the existence, in the 
world, of evil and sin. On the other hand it raises many other 
problems and was unacceptable to any form of ^monotheism. 
Some commentators see in the declaration that God "formed 
the light and created darkness, is the maker of peace and the 
creator of evil" (Isa. 45:7) the prophets polemic against this 
dualism (a polemic, the harshness of which is mitigated by 
the wording in which this verse appears in the daily morning 
prayer: "the maker of peace and creator of all" Hertz, Prayer 
109). The two types of "philosophical" and "moral" dualism 
were capable of fusing and merging in various combinations. 
The body, matter, and "this world" could become identified, 
or at least associated, with darkness and evil, and the soul, 
with goodness and light. Another pair of opposites, "spirit" 
and "flesh," though not identical with Platonic dualism, was 
yet sufficiently similar to combine with it in various ways. It 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



is this dualism which underlies the theology and anthropol- 
ogy of the *Dead Sea (* Qumran) sect, and of the epistles of 
Paul in the New Testament. ^Gnosticism presents a peculiar 
combination of the two types of dualism: this world and our 
bodily existence, being characterized by evil, are the work of 
a lower, imperfect deity (the "demiurge" or creator), above 
whom there is a completely distinct, more transcendent and 
spiritual, good and "true" god. This higher deity intervenes 
and "saves" the elect from the power of the evil creator who 
holds them imprisoned in matter and in this world. Some of 
the gnostic sects equated this lower and evil demiurge with the 
god of the Hebrew Bible, i.e., with the Jewish God and giver 
of the law. Gnostic dualism has therefore been described as a 
metaphysical antisemitism. The gnostic rejection of creation 
and the cosmos, as well as of the biblical law, as the work of 
a lower, evil, or at least imperfect, power led in some cases to 
manifestations of *antinomianism, and in others to a very rig- 
orous asceticism and rejection of this world. 

Dualism in Jewish History 

Whether or not Isaiah 45:7 is a polemical reference to Per- 
sian dualism (see above), it is evident that dualistic tenden- 
cies asserted themselves in the Second Temple period and in 
the first centuries of the common era. These were of a neo- 
platonic, later also of a gnostic, character. In a general way it 
can be said that apart from the "heretical" dualistic doctrines 
of some gnostic sectarians (see *Minim)> Judaism could ac- 
commodate a "mitigated dualism," i.e., doctrines and attitudes 
which express metaphysical or moral contrasts in a dualistic 
manner, but without attributing to them an ultimate character 
or calling in question the sovereignty of the one omnipotent 
and good Creator God. This mitigated dualism can be found 
in some of the biblical ^Apocrypha (e.g., * Jubilees or the Testa- 
ments of the * Patriarchs) and especially in the writings of the 
Dead Sea sect, whose doctrines of the spirit and the flesh, of 
the spirits (or angels), of purity and impurity, i.e., of light and 
darkness, come as near to a dualistic system as Judaism could 
tolerate. Yet even these beliefs can be characterized as a "du- 
alism under God," since the spirits of light and darkness were 
held to exist through God's inscrutable will and to be subject 
to him. The Platonic dualistic spirit- matter (i.e., the realm of 
ideas as against the material world) penetrated rabbinic Juda- 
ism in the form of the soul-body dualism (cf. Plato's Phaedo, 
67), and the belief in the preexistence of the soul. The doc- 
trine of the immortality of the (spiritual) soul reflects, in this 
respect, a more dualistic anthropology than the doctrine of 
the resurrection of the body (see *Eschatology, Immortality of 
*Soul, ^Resurrection). Rabbinic theology in general tended to 
reject or at least to mitigate dualistic tendencies. Thus the doc- 
trine of the good and evil yezer (see Good and Evil * Inclina- 
tion) is a transposition onto a more psychological (and hence 
theologically more harmless) level of what, for the Qumran 
covenanters and others, were metaphysical opposites. Tal- 
mudic literature has many polemical references to those who 
believe in shetei reshuyyot ("two powers"). Other polemical 

references are directed at the gnostic distinction between the 
supreme God on the one hand, and the Creator- Lawgiver on 
the other. Thus the kofer ba-ikkar (one who denies the essence 
of the faith) is said to be one who denies his creator and the 
giver of the Law (cf. Tosef. Shav. 3:7). 

Dualism in Jewish Mysticism 

The esoteric discipline and ecstatic visionary practices of the 
early *Merkabah mystics, while exhibiting certain gnostic 
traits, certainly did not share the basic dualism of the great 
gnostic systems. Dualistic elements, however, were not absent, 
as, e.g., in the doctrine of *Metatron (originally Javel) as the 
"lesser yhwh." In fact, the term yozer bereshit ("Creator") was 
deprived of any possible gnostic connotation by being used, in 
the *ShiurKomah literature, for the manifestation of God on 
the Throne of Glory. Another kind of dualism is involved in 
the radical distinction made by the kabbalists between the hid- 
den, inaccessible deus absconditus (the Ein Sof), and the god- 
head as manifested in the *Sefirot. The latter two are occasion- 
ally described in a dualistic manner (right-left, male-female), 
but the essential point of the kabbalists was precisely the ulti- 
mate mystical unity behind the multiple manifestations. 

The dualistic tendency is, perhaps, most marked in the 
kabbalistic treatment of the problem of evil. The profound 
sense of the reality of evil brought many kabbalists to posit a 
realm of the demonic, the sitra ahra (or "azilut of the left"), a 
kind of negative mirror image of the "side of holiness" with 
which it was locked in combat. Nevertheless, here too it is nec- 
essary to distinguish between dualistic tendency and dualis- 
tic theory. It is precisely because kabbalistic doctrine does not 
know an ultimate dualism, that it is forced to seek the origin 
of the demonic realm of the kelippot somewhere in the sphere 
of divine emanation - whether in the sefirah gevurah (din) or 
(as in Lurianic kabbalism) in even more hidden aspects of the 
godhead. More than anything else, it is this awareness of the 
reality of evil, coupled with an essentially monotheistic rather 
than dualistic theology of the Zoroastrian type, which gives 
kabbalistic speculation such an audacious and indeed all but 
"heretical" quality. In medieval philosophy, the solution pro- 
posed for the problem of evil and its possible dualistic impli- 
cations was the theory that evil had no substantial existence of 
its own but was a negation of good, even as darkness was the 
absence of light (cf. *Maimonides, Guide, 3:8; see also *Good 
and Evil). The first Jewish philosopher to argue systematically 
and at length against dualistic notions was *Saadiah Gaon in 
his Beliefs and Opinions (treatise 2). 

Prophetic Dualism 

While Judaism can thus be said to have been consistently 
anti- dualistic in the sense of recognizing only one ultimate 
cause and source of all being - including the opposites char- 
acteristic of being - there is another sense in which biblical 
and prophetic religion can be said to be dualistic. It assumes 
a radical distinction between the absolute being of God and 
the contingent being of all other (i.e., created) things. Contact 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


and communion with God is possible in love, obedience, or 
mystical contemplation, but no identity of the creature with 
the creator is possible. Systems of thought which assert that 
all being is ultimately one and that the duality of God and the 
world (or God and the soul) can be transcended in a more pro- 
found unity have not been able to maintain themselves in any 
significant measure in Judaism. Pantheism and other forms of 
metaphysical or mystical monism (see *God, Conceptions of) 
have never been dominant Jewish philosophies. 

bibliography: S. Petrement, Le dualisme chez Platon, les 
gnostiques et les manicheens (1947); Guttmann, Philosophies, index; D. 
Flusser, in: Scripta Hierosolymitana, 4 (1958), 215-66; G.R. Driver, The 
Judean Scrolls (1965), 550-62; A.C. Leaney, The Rule ofQumran and 
its Meaning (1966), index; M. Burrows, More Light on the Dead Sea 
Scrolls (1958), index; I. Tishby, Mishnat ha-Zohar, 1 (1949), 285-343. 

[R.J. Zwi Werblowsky] 

French poet and diplomat. Du Bartas served Henry of Navarre 
as ambassador to England and Scotland. A Gascon Protestant, 
he opposed the paganism of the Pleiade group of poets and 
wrote baroque verse imbued with the spirit of the Bible. Judith 
(1573) commemorates the apocryphal Jewish heroine. The epic 
La Semaine (1578), which retells the Creation story of Genesis, 
and its sequel, La Seconde Semaine (begun in 1584, but never 
completed), set out to unfold the history of mankind to the 
beginning of the Christian era. The Semaines are outstanding 
for their lofty tone and moral purpose, though the style and 
imagery are often grotesque. Their encyclopedic conception 
betrays the influence of Du Bartas' erudite contemporary, Guy 
*Le Fevre de la Boderie. Du Bartas' Hebrew scholarship may 
have been modest but his respect for and interest in Hebrew 
studies and the * Kabbalah (typical of the French humanists) 
may be deduced from the lengthy "Hommage au langage heb- 
rieu" in the Seconde Semaine. Du Bartas made a powerful im- 
pression in the 16 th and 17 th centuries and probably influenced 
Hugo, as well as Milton and Goethe, in translation. 

bibliography: U.T. Holmes (ed.), Works of Guillaume De 

Salluste SieurDu Bartas (1935-40); A.M. Schmidt, Poesie scientifique 

en France au i6e siecle (1938), 247-69; F. Secret, in: Studi francesi, 7 

(1959), 1-11. 

[Godfrey Edmond Silverman] 

DUBERMAN, MARTIN B. (1930- ), U.S. historian and 
playwright. Duberman, who was born in New York City, en- 
tered Yale University in 1948 and received his M.A. and Ph.D. 
from Harvard University. From 1957 to 1961, he was history 
instructor at Yale. He then became an assistant professor at 
Princeton University and full professor in 1967. Duberman's 
research centered on the "middle period" of American history, 
with special attention given to the Civil War and Reconstruc- 
tion, American radicalism, and intellectual history. His pub- 
lications include Charles Francis Adams, 1807-86 (1961) and 
James Russell Lowell (1966). Duberman, himself an advocate 
of dissent and deeply concerned with the advancement of hu- 

man rights, edited Antislavery Vanguard: New Essays on the 
Abolitionists (1965). He also wrote a number of plays, nota- 
bly Ln White America (1964), a documentary on the Ameri- 
can black. 

After exposing glaring instances of homophobia in his 
history Black Mountain: An Exploration of Community (1971), 
Duberman himself became the target of homophobic attacks 
from his academic peers. Subsequently, he became involved in 
gay activism on academic, public, and private levels. With fel- 
low gay scholars, he founded the Gay Academic Union (1973) 
and joined the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force. 

In 1971, Duberman resigned from Princeton to become 
Distinguished Professor of History in the field of gay and les- 
bian studies at Lehman College, the City University of New 
York (cuny), where he continued to teach. He was the founder 
and first executive director of the Center for Lesbian and Gay 
Studies (clags) at cuny. The Martin Duberman Fellowship 
is a clags endowment awarded to a senior scholar (tenured 
university professor or advanced independent scholar) from 
any country doing scholarly research on the lesbian/ gay/bi- 
sexual/transgender/queer (lgbtq) experience. 

Other publications by Duberman include The Uncom- 
pleted Past (1969), The Memory Bank (1970), Visions of Ker- 
ouac: A Play (1977), About Time: Exploring the Gay Past (1986), 
Paul Robeson (1989), Hidden from History: Reclaiming the Gay 
and Lesbian Past (1989), Cures: A Gay Mans Odyssey (1991), 
Mother Earth: An Epic Play on the Life of Emma Goldman 
(1991), Stonewall (1993), Midlife Queer: Autobiography of a 
Decade, 19/1-1981 (1996), A Queer World: The Center for Les- 
bian and Gay Studies Reader (1997), Left Out: The Politics of 
Exclusion: Essays 1964-2002 (2002), and the novel Haymar- 
ket (2003). 

[Mark D. Hirsch / Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

DUBIN, MORDECAI (1889-1956), *Agudat Israel leader in 
Latvia. Dubin represented his movement in the Latvian houses 
of representatives (1919-34). From 1920 until 1940 he was also 
the chairman of the Jewish community in Riga. He acquired 
a reputation among all sectors of the Jewish population as a 
negotiator and mediator (shtadlan) with the government on 
Jewish public matters and particularly for Jewish individual 
needs. An adherent of * Chabad Hasidism, in 1927 he played 
a decisive part in obtaining permission for Joseph Isaac *Sch- 
neersohn (the "Lubavitcher rabbi") to leave the Soviet Union. 
Even after the liquidation of the democratic regime in Latvia, 
Dubin, who was personally close to the dictator Ulmanis, con- 
tinued to intercede with the government to obtain alleviation 
of anti- Jewish economic measures. With the incorporation of 
Latvia into the Soviet Union in June 1940, Dubin was arrested 
with other communal leaders and deported. He was released 
in 1942 and subsequently lived under police supervision and 
extreme poverty in Kuibyshev and Moscow. In spite of his per- 
sonal plight he succeeded in extending help to many Latvian 
Jews who passed through these cities. In 1946 he returned to 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



Riga, but was forced to leave after attacks against him were 
published in the local Communist press. Again arrested in 
1948, he died in a concentration camp near Moscow. His re- 
mains were buried in the Jewish cemetery in Malakhovka, a 
suburb of Moscow. 

bibliography: Yahadut Latvia (1953), index; M. Bobe, in; 
He-Avar, 14 (1967), 250-61. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

DUBINSKY, DAVID (1892-1982), U.S. labor leader. Born 
in Brest-Litovsk, Belorussia, Dubinsky was brought up in the 
Polish city of Lodz, where he became a master baker and sec- 
retary of the militant Lodz Bakers Union organized by the 
*Bund. He was arrested and imprisoned for organizing strikes 
against his fathers bakery, and was exiled to Siberia in 1909 
for making inflammatory speeches. He managed to escape 
en route, however, and at the end of 1910 immigrated to the 
United States. He joined his elder brother in New York and ob- 
tained work through the International Ladies Garment Work- 
ers' Union (ilgwu) becoming an apprentice in Cutters' Local 
10. He devoted more of his time to the Socialist party than to 
trade union affairs until larger numbers of East European So- 
cialist Jews entered Local 10, but in 1918 he was elected to its 
executive board. In 1921 he was chosen president of the Cut- 
ters' Local. Dubinsky also rose rapidly in the ilgwu, where 
he joined the anti- Communist majority. He was elected to its 
general executive board in 1923. In 1928 he played a leading 
part in bringing back Benjamin *Schlesinger as a compromise 
candidate for president to avoid a split in the union, and in 
the following year was himself elected secretary-treasurer. On 
Schlesinger's death in 1932 he became president, a position he 
held until 1966. 

During the 1930s Dubinsky dominated the ilgwu and 
was a powerful force in the American labor movement. He 
favored cooperation with the employers in rationalizing the 
complex structure of the garment industry and made his 
union a symbol of progressive unionism. In 1934 he was 
elected a vice president of the afl. Almost immediately he 
became embroiled in the controversy between the propo- 
nents of industrial unionism and the supporters of the old- 
style craft union. He played a leading part in the cio which 
he helped to found in 1935, his union being the second larg- 
est in the country. In 1936 he resigned his vice-presidency of 
the afl in protest against their support of the craft unions 
against the industrial unions, and persuaded the ilgwu to 
give their backing to the latter. For two years from 1938 the 
ilgwu was isolated from the American labor movement, 
but in 1940 Dubinsky brought it back into the afl. In his ca- 
pacity as president of the ilgwu for more than 30 years, he 
transformed the union from a struggling entity to one with 
assets in the hundreds of millions of dollars. Under his guid- 
ance, the union took on issues such as the provision of health 
insurance, severance pay, retirement benefits, and a 35-hour 
workweek. He also worked to abolish the sweatshops that were 
prevalent in the industry. 

An influential figure in United States politics, Dubinsky 
refused to endorse Tammany Hall, New York's political ma- 
chine, and supported Franklin D. *Roosevelt for president 
in 1932 and 1936. To this end he helped to create the Ameri- 
can Labor Party (alp) in 1936. In 1944, when Communists 
began to dominate the alp, he helped to form the Liberal 
Party. After World War 11 Dubinsky was one of the founders 
of the anti- Communist International Confederation of Free 
Trade Unions. In 1945 he served once again as a vice presi- 
dent and member of the executive council of the afl, even 
after it merged with the cio in 1955. Due largely to his efforts 
to eliminate corrupt union leaders, the afl -cio adopted the 
anti-racket codes in 1957. 

In 1969 U.S. President Lyndon Johnson awarded Dubin- 
sky the Presidential Medal of Freedom, which cited him as "a 
national leader of foresight and compassion. He has advanced 
the cause of the workingman in America - and the broader 
cause of social justice in the world, with unfailing skill and 
uncommon distinction." In 1993 Dubinsky was inducted into 
the Labor Hall of Fame. 

As a self-styled "Jewish worker," Dubinsky was concerned 
with the special problems facing the Jewish community as a 
consequence of events in Germany and World War 11. He was 
a member of the executive council of the Jewish Labor Com- 
mittee founded in 1933, engaged in relief efforts on behalf of 
refugees, and became a staunch supporter of Israel and in 
particular of the *Histadrut, Israel's General Federation of 
Labor. A hospital in Beersheba, financed by his union, car- 
ries his name. Dubinsky wrote David Dubinsky: A Life with 
Labor (1977). 

bibliography: M.D. Danish, The World of David Dubinsky 
(1957); J. Dewey, David Dubinsky, a Pictorial Biography (1951); C.A. 
Madison, American Labor Leaders (1962), 199-231; R. Cook, Leaders 
of Labor (1966), 102-12. 

[Melvyn Dubofsky / Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

man philosopher. Born in Berlin, he studied mathematics 
with Hilbert at Goettingen, served on the Russian front in 
World War 1, and took his degree in philosophy at Berlin after 
the war. He became professor at the Technische Hochschule 
in Berlin in 1931, and fled in 1936 to Prague. Dubislav was a 
logical positivist and conventionalist, influenced by Aristotle, 
Bolzano, and Frege. He was critical of Kant and a supporter of 
Fries, and was, with Reichenbach, a leader of the "Gesellschaft 
fuer empirische Philosophic" Dubislav participated in Das- 
systematische Woerterbuch der Philosophie (1923) and wrote 
Ueber die Definition (1925, 1931 3 ), Die Friessche Lehre von der 
Begruendung (1926), Die Philosophie der Mathematik in der 
Gegenwart (1932), and Natur philosophie (1933). 

bibliography: ndb, 4 (1959), 145. 

[Richard H. Popkin] 

DUBLIN, capital of the Republic of Ireland. A small Jewish 
group apparently lived there in the Middle Ages since the Ex- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


chequer of the Jews at Westminster had an Irish branch. In 
the middle of the 17 th century, some Spanish and Portuguese 
Marranos settled in the city, including Francisco and Man- 
uel Lopes Pereira and Jacome Faro. According to tradition, a 
synagogue was founded in Crane Lane around 1660. Military 
operations in Ireland after the revolution of 1689 attracted a 
few more Sephardi Jews, and the community knew a short pe- 
riod of relative prosperity. In 1718 a cemetery was purchased 
with the assistance of the London Sephardi community, which 
advanced the Dublin congregation money to meet its debts 
and lent it some scrolls of the Law. During the 18 th century, 
the original Sephardi element died out, and was replaced by 
Ashkenazi immigrants. By 1791 the congregation had fallen 
into complete decay and the borrowed scrolls were returned. 
The community was revived in 1882 by East European immi- 
grants. It increased considerably with the Russo-Jewish im- 
migration at the close of the century. Many of the Jews of that 
time engaged in peddling, small business, and small financial 
transactions (moneylending and pawnbroking). In the course 
of time the Jews moved into shopkeeping, manufacturing, 
and the professions. There has been considerable emigration 
over the years, especially among the younger generation. In 
1968 the Jewish population numbered approximately 3,600 
and maintained seven synagogues (including one Progres- 
sive) with the usual congregational institutions. James Joyces 
Ulysses depicts certain elements of Jewish life in Dublin at the 
beginning of the century. Paradoxically, many literary visitors 
to today's Dublin come to see the route taken on "Bloomsday" 
by James Joyces Leopold Bloom. Isaac *Herzog, later chief 
rabbi of Israel, was chief rabbi of Dublin 1919-36. Immanuel 
* Jakobovits was chief rabbi from 1949 and Isaac Cohen from 
1959. Robert *Briscoe was lord mayor from 1956-57 and from 
1961-62, and his son in the 1980s. In the mid-1990s the Jew- 
ish population numbered approximately 1,300. In 2004, after 
some renewed growth, it was estimated at about 1,500. 

bibliography: B. Shillman, Short History of the Jews in 
Ireland (1945), passim; Shillman and Wolf, in: jhset, 11 (1924-27), 
143-67; Huehner, ibid., 5 (1902-05), 224-42; C. Roth, Rise of Provin- 
cial Jewry (1950), 56f; L. Hyman, Jews of Ireland (1972). add. bib- 
liography: D. Keogh, Jews in Twentieth Century Ireland (1998); 
R. Rivlin, Shalom Ireland: A Social History of the Jews in Modern Ire- 
land (2003). 

[Cecil Roth] 

DUBNO, city in *Volhynia, Ukraine. Jews in Dubno are 
first mentioned in documents of 1532 in connection with the 
ownership of cattle. The oldest tombstone inscription in the 
Jewish cemetery dates from 1581. At the beginning of the 17 th 
century Isaiah ha-Levi * Horowitz, author of Shenei Luhot ha- 
Berit, was rabbi in Dubno. The community was represented 
on the council of the province (galil) of Volhynia (see Coun- 
cils of the Lands). On the eve of the *Chmielnicki uprising 
there were about 2,000 Jews in Dubno. In 1648-49, most of 
the Jews were massacred because the Poles refused to permit 
them to take refuge in the fortress. According to tradition the 
graves of the martyrs were located near the eastern wall of the 

great synagogue, where it was customary to mourn them on 
the Ninth of Av 

The Jewish community was reestablished shortly after- 
ward under the patronage of the owners of the town, the 
princes Lubomirski, who accorded it special privileges in 1699 
and 1713. By the beginning of the 18 th century Dubno had be- 
come the largest Jewish community in Volhynia, being rep- 
resented on the Council of the Four Lands and earning the 
sobriquet "Dubno the Great" (Dubno Rabbati). Its delegate, R. 
Meir ben Joel, was chosen to be head (parnas) of the Council 
of the Four Lands in the late 1750s. As many blood libels oc- 
curred then in Poland, R. Meir sent his relative R. Eliokim- 
Zelig of Yampol to the pope in Rome, to get bull against the 
libels, which he published in Latin and Polish. Jewish poll 
tax payers numbered 1,923 in 1765. The great fair of *Lvov 
was moved to Dubno between 1773 and 1793, and the city be- 
came an important commercial center. The most famous of 
the i8 th -century Jewish preachers of Lithuania, Jacob *Kranz, 
was known as the Maggid of Dubno after the city with which 
he was most closely associated. In the 19 th century Haskalah 
(Enlightenment) activists like the physician and writer Reuben 
Kalischer, the lexicographer and poet Solomon *Mandelkern 
(author of a monumental Bible concordance), and the poet 
and writer Abraham Baer *Gottlober lived there. In 1780 the 
Jewish population numbered 2,325, in 1847, 6,330, and in 1897, 
7,108 (about half the total). A main occupation was dealing in 
grain and hops. During World War 1 and the civil war in Rus- 
sia (to 1921), the city changed hands a number of times and the 
community suffered extreme hardship, mainly of an economic 
nature. In March 1918 the Cossacks staged a pogrom killing 18 
Jews. While Dubno belonged to Poland (1921-39), the com- 
munity maintained many cultural institutions and there was 
an active Zionist and pioneer movement. In 1921 they num- 
bered 5,315 (total population 9,146), and in 1931, 7,364 (total 
population 12,696). 

[Yehuda Slutsky / Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

Holocaust and Postwar Periods 

After the outbreak of World War 11 Dubno was occupied by 
Soviet forces (Sept. 18, 1939). The Soviet authorities liquidated 
the Jewish community institutions, made all political par- 
ties illegal, transferred Jewish welfare institutions to the mu- 
nicipality, and allowed only one Jewish activity - the public 
kitchen for refugees from the West. All Jewish economic enter- 
prises and buildings were nationalized. Jewish leaders, among 
them David Perl, president of the Zionist Organization, were 
arrested. When the German-Soviet war broke out (June 1941), 
hundreds of young Jewish men escaped from Dubno to the 
Soviet interior. After the Germans entered Dubno (June 25), 
the local Ukrainian population indulged in acts of murder 
and robbery, while the Germans extracted 100,000 rubles 
($20,000) from the Jewish community. On July 22, 1941, 80 
Jews were executed by the Nazis in the local cemetery; one 
month later 900 were killed. The Germans organized a Juden- 
rat headed by Konrad Tojbenfeld. The Jewish population was 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



conscripted for forced labor and many succumbed to the un- 
bearable conditions. The winter that followed (1941-42) was 
marked by hunger and disease, despite the attempts to pro- 
vide relief by organizing public kitchens. Two ghettoes were 
established at the beginning of April 1942, one for the work- 
ers and their families and the second for the rest of the Jews. 
On May 26-27, 1942, the Germans murdered all the Jews in 
the second ghetto, burying them in mass graves on the out- 
skirts of the city. In August 1942 Jews from the environs and 
survivors were brought to the first ghetto. On October 5, 1942, 
about 4,500 inhabitants of the ghetto were murdered. The re- 
maining 353, needed as artisans, were murdered on October 
23, 1942, and the last 14 Jews escaped. Two partisan groups 
were formed by Dubno escapees. One headed by Isaac Was- 
serman was wiped out by the Germans, the other suffered 
losses in battles and the last 16 fighters joined the Polish self- 
defense units which fought the Ukrainian upa. When the war 
was over only about 300 Jews from Dubno remained alive, in- 
cluding those who had returned from the Soviet Union. No 
Jewish community was reestablished after the war. 

[Aharon Weiss / Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

Hebrew Printing 

The first Hebrew printing press was set up in Dubno in 1794 
by Jonathan b. Jacob of Wielowies, Silesia. Jonathans partner 
was M. Piotrowsky, a non-Jew, and the business was under the 
patronage of Prince Lubomirski, the ruler of the town, whose 
escutcheon and initials appeared on the title pages. The press 
was active for nine years and produced 22 books. Another 
press was founded in 1804 by the printer Aaron b. Jonah, who 
owned a similar business in Ostrog, in partnership with Jo- 
seph b. Judah Leib. During the four years Aaron was in Dubno 
ten books were published. Dubnos rabbi, Hayyim Mordecai 
Margolioth, established a press in 1819, printing works by his 
brother Ephraim Zalman of Brody, and a Shulhan Arukh with 
his own commentaries (Shaarei Teshuvah) and those of his 
brother (Yad Ephraim). The press was closed after a fire. 

bibliography: P. Pesis, Ir Dubno ve-Rabbaneha (1902); H.S. 
Margolies, Dubno Rabbati (1910); H.D. Friedberg, Toledot ha-Defus 
ha-Ivri be-Polanyah (1950 2 ), 119-20; A. Yaari, in: ks, 9 (1932/33), 432; 
Rivkind, ibid., 11 (1934/35), 386-7. holocaust period: M. Weisberg, 
in: Fun Letstn Khurbn, 2 (1946), 14-27; Elimelekh, in; Yalkut Volhyn, 1 
(1945), index; Fefer, ibid., index; Dubno (1966), memorial book (Heb. 
and Yid.). add. bibliography: pk. 

DUBNO, SOLOMON BEN JOEL (1738-1813), Bible scholar 
and Hebrew poet. Dubno took his name from his birthplace 
in the Ukraine and studied in Lemberg (Lvov) under Solomon 
b. Moses *Chelm, whose Shaarei Ne'imah on the masoretic 
accents he published in 1776 with annotations and an intro- 
ductory poem (also appended to some editions of Judah Leib 
Ben-Ze'ev's Talmud Leshon Ivri, 1886). From 1767 to 1772 he 
lived and studied in Amsterdam and then in Berlin, where he 
was engaged by Moses ^Mendelssohn as private tutor for his 
son Joseph. On Dubnos suggestion Mendelssohn undertook 
his famous German translation of the Bible and Hebrew com- 

mentary, known as the Biur. For that work Dubno prepared 
the prospectus with a lengthy introduction, Alim li-Terufah 
(1778), and contributed the commentary on Genesis (except 
ch. 1) and part of Exodus as well as annotations to the Maso- 
rah of Genesis and Exodus, Tikkun Soferim. Dubno, however, 
left Berlin in 1781 for Vilna before the Biur on the Pentateuch, 
Netivot ha-Shalom, appeared in 1783. He had been prompted, 
apparently, by his friends in Russia such as Zalman Volozkin, 
who disapproved of his association with Mendelssohn and his 
circle, and who encouraged him to write his own Bible com- 
mentary. Nevertheless, Mendelssohn paid generous tribute to 
Dubnos work in his introduction to the Biur. In 1786 he re- 
turned to Germany and finally to Amsterdam, where he lived 
in penury, though he possessed a valuable library of over 2,000 
books, some of them very rare, and over 100 manuscripts, 
for which he prepared a catalog, Reshimah (1814). In Am- 
sterdam he published a commentary on the Masorah of the 
whole Pentateuch, Tikkun Soferim (1803). Dubno also wrote 
a good deal of Hebrew poetry, e.g., Yuval ve-Naaman (n. d.); 
Evel Yahid (1776), a eulogy on the death of Jacob Emden; and 
Kol Simhah (1780), in honor of the wedding of Simhah Bunim 
b. Daniel Jaffe (*Itzig). He published M. H. Luzzatto's drama 
La-Yesharim Tehillah (1780 or 1799) with an introduction and 
wrote a preface, interspersed with poetry, to Heidenheim's edi- 
tion of the Shavuot mahzor (1805). Dubno also wrote a geog- 
raphy of Palestine, Kunteres Aharon (Berlin, n.d.). 

In his Bible commentary Dubno followed mainly the 
medieval exegetes, but added historical and geographical ex- 
planations as well as defending his own traditional position. 
He was the first Jewish commentator to dwell on the struc- 
ture and didactic style of the Bible stories. In his notes on the 
masoretic accents, he stressed their exegetical importance as 
well as their antiquity. 

bibliography: I. Zinberg, Geshikhte fun der Literatur bay 
Yidn, 7 pt. 1 (1936), 53-62, 82, 134, 256; P. Sandler, Ha-Be'ur la-Torah 
shel Moshe Mendelssohn ve-Siato (1941), 16-30; Zobel, in: ks, 18 
(1941/42), 126-32; R. Mahler, Divrei Yemei Yisrael, 4 (1956), 30-33; 
Beit-Arie, in: ks, 40 (1964/65), 124-32; A. Marx, Studies in Jewish 
History and Booklore (1944), 219-21; F.J. Delitzsch, Zur Geschichte der 
juedischen Poesie (1836), 118; Kressel, Leksikon, 1 (1965), 524-5. 

[Jacob S. Levinger] 

DUBNOW, SIMON (1860-1941), historian and political 
ideologist. Born in Mstislavl, Belorussia, Dubnow received a 
traditional Jewish education from his grandfather, but early 
in his life ceased to observe religious practices. He was self- 
taught, having achieved his general education at "the home 
university," as he put it. Between 1880 and 1906 Dubnow lived, 
first illegally, in St. Petersburg; in his home town; in Odessa, 
where he joined the *Ahad Ha-Am circle; and Vilna, writing 
all the time for the Jewish press. He finally settled in St. Pe- 
tersburg, this time legally, teaching Jewish history, which from 
then on became his dominating interest; from 1908 at the In- 
stitute of Jewish Studies (established by Baron David *Guenz- 
burg); and from 1919 at the government-supported "Jewish 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Peoples University." Dubnow was one of the founders and 
directors of the Jewish Historico- Ethnographical Society and 
from 1909 to 1918 editor of its quarterly Yevreyskaya Starina. 
When the Bolsheviks came to power, Dubnow was asked to 
participate in the work of various committees appointed to 
prepare publications on Jewish themes; none of this work 
was ever published. 

In 1922 he left Russia. A proposal for him to become 
professor of Jewish history at the University of Kovno met 
with the opposition of the Lithuanian professors, and Dub- 
now settled in Berlin, where he stayed until 1933. When Hit- 
ler came to power, Dubnow found refuge in Riga, the capital 
of Latvia. There the aged scholar continued his work in soli- 
tude, but with undiminished vigor. Riga was captured by the 
Germans in July 1941, and in a night of terror, on December 
8, 1941, when the Jewish community was deported to a death 
camp, Dubnow was murdered by a Gestapo officer, a former 
pupil of his. 

Dubnow s life work was the study of Jewish history, of the 
relevant source material, and its "sociological" interpretation. 
He began with the evaluation of such men as LB. *Levinsohn, 
*Shabbetai Zevi, and Jacob * Frank and his sect (Razsvet y 1881; 
Voskhody 1882). This he followed by a study of *Hasidism 
(Voskhody 1888-93; Ha-Pardes y 1894; Ha-Shildahy 1901). Dub- 
now then published a series of documents and studies on Jew- 
ish life in Eastern Europe (Voskhody 1893-95). He translated H. 
Graetz's Volkstuemliche Geschichte der Juden (1881) into Rus- 
sian, with an introduction on the philosophy of Jewish history. 
When the censor prohibited the publication of the translation, 
Dubnow published his introduction separately (Voskhody 1893; 
also in German, 1897, 1921 2 ; in English, Jewish History, trans- 
lated by Henrietta Szold, 1903; and Hebrew, 1953). In 1896, 
he published in two volumes an adaptation in Russian of S. 
Baeck's Geschichte des juedischen Volkes und seiner Literatur 
(1878), and of M. Brann's book of the same title (1893), adding 
a chapter on the history of the Jews in Poland and Russia. In 
his introduction, for the first time, Dubnow stated his main 
thesis of Jewish history as a succession of "centers" and their 
"hegemony" (see below). 

In 1898, he began writing his series of works on Jewish 
history, based on the works of Baeck and Brann: An Outline 
of Jewish History (3 vols., 1925-29; Russian, 1901-05, 1910 2 , and 
translated into many languages); History of the Jews in Russia 
and Poland (3 vols., 1916-20; Russ., 1914, and translated into 
several languages); and finally his world history of the Jewish 
people, first published in German (Die Weltgeschichte des ju- 
edischen Volkes, 10 vols., 1925-29), then in Hebrew (1923-38) 
and Yiddish (1948-58). A version in the Russian original was 
published between 1934 and 1938. In 1940 an 11 th volume was 
published in Hebrew, updating the work to World War 11. 
An English translation by M. Spiegel began to appear in 1967. 
Although engaged in the writing of general Jewish history, 
Dubnow did not neglect research into its details. Thus, in 
1922, he published the pinkas of the Council of Lithuania for 
the years 1623-1761. At the age of 70 Dubnow summarized his 

lifelong study of Hasidism in his history of Hasidism (Hebrew, 
1930-32, many reprints; German, 2 vols., 1931). He also served 
as an editor of the Russian and English Jewish encyclopedias. 
Dubnow s activities in the field of journalism began with the 
foreign editorship of Razsvet (1881-83), an d from 1883 to 1908 
he was the literary critic of Voskhod. 

Dubnow believed that his study of history gave him the 
key to the understanding of the past, enabled him to work for 
the improvement of the present, and even provided the so- 
lution for the future of the Jewish people. According to him 
the Jewish people in the Diaspora lost some of the attributes 
which normally ensure the continuous existence of a people. 
As a "natural" compensation it developed instead a special so- 
cial system and communal ideology. Through these the Jewish 
people was able to exist in foreign countries in a state of ju- 
dicial autonomy and spiritual independence. In every period 
there had been a Jewish community which had been more 
successful than others in maintaining self-rule and national 
creativity, and it was this community which became the "cen- 
ter" and exercised "hegemony." In the early Middle Ages it was 
Babylon, taking over from the Palestinian "center"; this was 
followed by Spain and the Rhineland; in the late Middle Ages 
and the beginning of the Modern Age it was the ^Councils of 
the Lands of Poland-Lithuania. During the Middle Ages, the 
Jews became a "European" people, and they have remained 
one. Dubnow believed that not only was it possible to es- 
tablish in modern times a regime of internal independence 
within the framework of a foreign country, but also that such 
a regime would rest on firmer foundations and would be 
more highly developed than during the Middle Ages. At this 
point he showed the influence of ideas, prevalent in his time, 
for a "State of Nationalities," which could preserve the unity 
of the Russian and Austro- Hungarian empires while satisfy- 
ing the demands for self-rule of the various peoples living in 
them. The exceptional situation of the Jewish people during 
the Middle Ages could become a rule of life for many peoples 
and states in Europe. In this new period of Jewish history, the 
"center" would be Russian- Polish, with its spiritual strength 
and aspirations for self-rule. It was Dubnow s hope that under 
the new conditions Jewish creativity would lose the religious 
character which it had acquired in the talmudic period and 
the Middle Ages. Yiddish would be the language in which the 
new Jewish culture would express itself. 

Dubnow s ideas placed him in strong opposition to both 
Zionism and the various forms of assimilation. In the course 
of time he became less outspoken in his anti-Zionist attitude 
but did not give up his basic stand (cf. the amended and "ex- 
purgated" Hebrew version of his "Letters on the Old and the 
New Judaism," 1937, with the original Russian version, 1907). 
In a series of articles published during World War 1 in Novy 
Voskhody he outlined his position on the Jewish problem, de- 
manding an international solution. In Istoriya yevreyskogo 
soldata ("History of a Jewish Soldier," 1918; French, 1929), he 
described the tragic situation of a Jew serving in a non- Jew- 
ish army. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



Dubnow took an active part in a number of Jewish ac- 
tivities. In the Society for the Promotion of Culture he joined 
the Zionists in their struggle for the establishment of national 
Jewish schools. After the ^Kishinev pogrom in 1903, he was 
among those who called for an active Jewish self-defense. Op- 
posing the policy of the socialist- Marxist *Bund, he strongly 
supported Jewish participation in the elections to the Duma in 
1905, established a Jewish section of the Constitutional Dem- 
ocrat party, and asked the Jewish deputies to join it. Dubnow 
also took part in the work of the Society for the Full and Equal 
Rights of the Jewish People in Russia in 1905, but later seceded 
and founded the Jewish Peoples Party in 1906. This "Folkist" 
party never exercised much influence and was weakened by 
internal dissension. It continued to exist until 1918. 

The principal source on Dubnow's life is his autobiog- 
raphy, Kniga moey zhizni. The first two volumes appeared in 
Russian (1930-34; partial Heb. trans., 1936; Yid., 1962; Ger., 
1937). A third volume, completed in 1940, was published in 
Riga shortly before the German conquest; the entire edition 
was destroyed by the Nazis. A single copy, however, redis- 
covered in 1956, made it possible to publish a new complete 
edition in 1957. Portions of Dubnow's private archives are in 
the possession of the Central ^Archives for the History of the 
Jewish People in Jerusalem. A festschrift on the occasion of 
his 70 th birthday was published in 1930; a memorial volume 
appeared in 1954, edited by S. Rawidowicz; and a centenary 
volume, edited by A. Steinberg, appeared in 1963 (all three 

with bibliographies). 

[Joseph Meisl] 

Historian and Political Ideologist 

In his youth, Dubnow was influenced by the positivism of 
Comte and his followers, and especially by the philosophy 
of J.S. Mill, the "Gospel of Individualism" and the "Absolute 
Freedom of Thought and Speech." For several years Dubnow 
remained faithful to the teachings of these masters and at- 
tacked Judaism sharply in the name of the individual, of sci- 
entific thought, and of liberty. 

Subsequently he was captivated by the historical world of 
Judaism. In 1887, having gone through a severe physical and 
spiritual crisis, he began to strive for a synthesis of "my self- 
acquired general knowledge and my universal aims... with 
my inherited treasures of Jewish wisdom and national ide- 
als." To this synthesis he added a profound knowledge of the 
life and history of Russia and Russian Jewry, and a tremen- 
dous capacity for the uncovering of obscure sources of Jew- 
ish history. There was, too, the influence of Renan and Taine. 
Like Taine - who emphasized the importance of petit s fait s 
significatifs, from which the general principles are evolved - 
Dubnow placed the stress upon detail, which in its true form 
can only be found at the source. Both historians taught Dub- 
now the organic concept of the nation (which they termed 
"race"), and from Taine, in particular, he took over the idea 
that the situation of a people and its aspirations are faithfully 
reflected in the spiritual creations of its great men. Renan's 
historical concepts made it easier for Dubnow to change his 

adverse criticism of the Jewish religion into a positive evalu- 
ation of it as the revelation of the national spirit. "A mixture 
of the teachings of Renan and Tolstoy" was "the main element 
in his state of mind" when he embarked upon the study of 
Hasidism and of Jesus and the Apostles. In theory Dubnow 
always remained a radical individualist, while as a historian, 
he admired the national unit and the requirements of its life, 
though these may put restrictions upon the individual. Again, 
in theory he was a confirmed rationalist, yet he valued reli- 
gion and religious movements for their role in serving as the 
nations shield and as the expression of its spirit. In the writing 
of history, Dubnow preferred describing "objective" processes 
and circumstances, based upon a study of detailed events, to 
the portrayal of personalities, their feelings, and desires; and 
he noted with pride that in later editions of his works "many 
lyrical passages were omitted." 

Dubnow viewed Jewish history on the assumption that 
a people is an organism whose life and development depend 
upon its environment, the conditions under which it lives, and 
upon the manner in which it chooses to react to them. "In the 
course of the centuries, the nation passed from the embryonic 
stage and achieved its own identity. . . assumed a certain na- 
tional form, created a state and forfeited it.. ., the form of the 
national type reached its perfection when and, perhaps, be- 
cause its first statehood was destroyed." Diaspora, as it were, 
is a fate preordained for the Jewish people, from the moment 
it entered Erez Israel. Even toward the end of his life - on the 
eve of the destruction of European Jewry in 1939 - Dubnow 
restated in precise terms his conviction that "in the view of 
historism, as opposed to dogmatism, the diaspora was not 
only a possibility, but a necessity. A people small in numbers 
but great in quality, situated on the crossroads of the giant 
nations of Asia and Africa, could not preserve both its state 
and its nationality, and had perforce to break the barrel in 
order to preserve the wine - and this was the great miracle 
in the history of mankind." From this follows his definition 
of the Jewish people as "a people whose home is the entire 
world"; and his belief that what is known as Jewry is the re- 
sult of the growth of a people and its adaptation to the condi- 
tions under which it lived; though of a special nature, these do 
not transcend the general laws of history. ". . . Ancient tribes 
combine to form a national entity, a state or kingdom. The 
kingdom is destroyed and the national entity splits into parts, 
which reconstitute as the communities." Here lies the source 
of the "unbroken chain of autonomy. . . of Jewish communi- 
ties everywhere." Dubnow was convinced that in this respect 
the Jewish people was a pioneer of national development far 
wider in scope and much earlier in time than many nations 
of the 20 th century. 

As for the religion of Israel, Dubnow held that until the 
19 th century it was part of Jewish nationalism, a means of self- 
defense used by a people which possessed none of the normal 
defenses of other nations. When the Jewish people, by virtue 
of its belief in monotheism, became a special group within 
the pagan (and later Christian) world, having to fight against 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


assimilation, its leaders were forced to make use of religion 
for the defense of its existence. In the 19 th century, however, 
a Jewish "renaissance" set in, in which, on the one hand, the 
individual was liberated, and, on the other hand, there arose 
a new secular interest in the national life. In the development 
of the Wissenschaft des Judentums in Germany in the 19 th 
century, Dubnow saw one of the manifestations of the Jewish 
renaissance. He went so far as to try to justify the Jewish con- 
verts in the period of the *salons (an observation not included 
in the Hebrew version of the "World History"). Religion was 
a discipline imposed upon the national organism, necessary 
only so long as Jewish culture stood isolated, unrelated to the 
culture of other peoples, i.e., to the time of * Emancipation. 
Once Emancipation had taken place, this discipline was no 
longer desirable. In Hasidism Dubnow saw a fresh manifesta- 
tion of the creative power of Jewish religion among East Euro- 
pean Jewry, which had preserved tradition and had not yet 
entered the era of cooperation with the nations of the world. 
Such cooperation would enable Jewry to exist as a European 
people with a secular culture, a people destined to remain a 
permanent minority in the countries of Europe. Basing his 
work upon such a concept of history, Dubnow regarded the 
attempts of Zionism to renew the Jewish State in its ancient 
land as a pseudo -messianic adventure. He put forth a pro- 
gram for the Jews' future based on these theories which he 

called *autonomism. 

[Haim Hillel Ben-Sasson] 

bibliography: A.S. Steinberg (ed.), Simon Dubnow, the Man 
and His Work (1963), 225-51, 254-5 (autobiography); S.W. Baron, His- 
tory and Jewish Historians (1964), index; I. Friedlaender, Dubnows 
Theory of Jewish Nationalism (1905); J. Fraenkel, Dubnow, Herzl, and 
Ahad Ha-am (1963); Pinson, in: S. Dubnow, Nationalism and History 
(i96i 2 ), 1-65; J. Meisl, in: Soncino-Blaetter, 1 (1925/26), 223-47; idem, 
in: Festschrift zum siebzigsten Geburtstag (1930), 266-95; S. Brieman, 
Ha-Pulmos bein Lilienblum le-vein Ahad Ha-Am ve-Dubnow ve-ha- 
Reka shello (1951); B.Z. Dinaburg-Dinur, in: Zion, 1 (1936), 95-128; E.R. 
Malachi, in: Sefer Shimon Dubnow (1954); S. Niger, in: yivoa, 1 (1946), 
305-17; S. Goodman, in: Commentary, 30 (i960), 511-5. 

DUBNOW, ZE'EV (1858-1940?), *Bilu member. Dubnow, 
who was born in Mstislavl, Belorussia, was the elder brother 
of Simon *Dubnow, the historian. He tended to assimilation 
in his youth and became interested in the Russian radical 
movement. After the 1881 pogroms he joined Bilu and went 
to Erez Israel with its first group in 1882. After working at 
*Mikveh Israel, Dubnow moved with several friends to Jeru- 
salem, where he was one of the founders of Shahu (Hebrew 
initials for the words "return of the craftsmen and the smiths"), 
an artisans' association. In his letters to his brother he ex- 
pressed the ultimate aim of the Bilu movement: "to acquire 
Erez Israel and return to the Jews their political indepen- 
dence." In 1885 he returned to Mstislavl, "disappointed in the 
hopes of quick success in settling Erez Israel," but still "a fer- 
vent nationalist in his belief." He became a teacher, and as- 
sisted his brother in examining historical documents. Dub- 
now remained in contact with the Biluim in Erez Israel and 

corresponded with them. Eventually he settled in Moscow, 
where he died. 

bibliography: A. Druyanov (ed.),Ketavim le-Toledot Hibbat 
Ziyyon, 3 (1932), index; A. Hurwitz, in: He-Avar, 8 (May 1961), 102-5; 
I. Klausner, Be-Hitorer Am (1962), index. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

DUBNOW-ERLICH, SOPHIA (1885-1986), poet, political 
activist, critic, translator, and memoirist. Born in Mstislavl, 
Belarus, she was the eldest child of Ida (Friedlin) and histo- 
rian Simon *Dubnow. The family moved to Odessa in 1890, 
where Sophia entered a gymnasium in 1899; upon graduation 
in 1902, she studied at the Bestuzhev Higher Courses in St. 
Petersburg. Dubnow-Erlich began her foray into the literary 
and political worlds in 1904, when her first poem, "Ham an 
and his Demise," appeared in the Russian-Jewish weekly Bu- 
dushchnosf (Future). This satire of the czar's minister of inte- 
rior, Plehve, was immediately confiscated by the censors. That 
same year, university officials expelled her from her courses 
for participating in a student protest. Undeterred, she entered 
the history-philology department of St. Petersburg University 
in 1905 and later studied comparative religion and the history 
of world literature at the Sorbonne (1910-11). Rejoining her 
family in Vilna, the hotbed of Jewish politics in the Russian 
Empire, Dubnow-Erlich became an active member of the So- 
cial Democratic Labor Party and the Jewish Labor Party and 
an antimilitarist propagandist. 

In 1911 Sophia married Henryk *Erlich (1882-1941), a 
prominent leader of the leftist Bund in Poland with whom 
she worked to promote the ideals of Jewish cultural autonomy 
and socialist internationalism. By 1918, the political situation 
drove the Dubnow- Erlichs to relocate to Warsaw, where they 
remained for over 20 years with their two sons. When Warsaw 
fell to the Nazis in 1939, Erlich was arrested by Soviet author- 
ities and Dubnow-Erlich moved her family to Vilna, where 
they lived until 1941. She reached the United States in 1942 
where she learned of her husband's death and her father's mur- 
der by the Nazis. Dubnow-Erlich remained politically active 
throughout her life, advocating for civil rights and protesting 
the Vietnam War. She died in New York City. 

Dubnow-Erlich contributed over 50 poems, essays, and 
translations to Russian and Yiddish -language journals and 
newspapers. She wrote three volumes of symbolist poetry 
(Osenniaia svireV: stikhi, 1911; Mat\ 1918; rep. Tel Aviv, 1969; 
and Stikhi raznykh let, 1973); several histories on topics relat- 
ing to the Bund, including co- editing Di geshikhte fun 'bund' 
(5 vols., New York, 1960-81); a biography of her father (The 
Life and Work ofS.M. Dubnov, transl. J. Vowles, ed. J. Shan- 
dler, Bloomington, Indiana, 1991; Russian original, 1950); and 
a memoir, Khleb i Matsa ("Bread and Matzah," 1994). Her pa- 
pers are at yivo. 

bibliography: G. la. Aaronson, "Dubnov-Erlikh, Sofie 
(March 9, 1885)," in: Leksikonfun der nayer yidisher literatur, 1 (1958), 
466-67; C.B. Balin, To Reveal Our Hearts: Jewish Women Writers in 
Tsarist Russia (2000), 156-94; K.A. Groberg, "Sophie Dubnov- Erlich," 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



in: J.B. Litoff(ecL), European Immigrant Women in the United States: A 
Biographical Dictionary (1994); idem, "Dubnov and Dubnova: Intel- 
lectual Rapport between Father and Daughter," in: A. Greenberg and 
K. Groberg (eds.), Simon Dubnov 50 th Yortsayt Volume (1994). 

[Carole B. Balin (2 nd ed.)] 

DUBOSSARY, town on the Dniester River, E. Moldova. 
Founded at the end of the 18 th century as a Russian fortress, 
Dubossary developed as a nearby settlement. The inhabitants 
were employed in the timber trade and log rafting. Jews traded 
in grain, wine, and prunes. They also grew tobacco. There were 
2,506 Jews living in Dubossary (about 1,000 in the town itself) 
and its vicinity, including the towns of Grigoriopol and Anan- 
yev, by 1847. In 1897 there were 5,220 Jews in Dubossary (43% 
of the total population). In April 1882 a pogrom was staged, 
and two Jews were killed, and much property was looted and 
destroyed. In the beginning of the 20 th century the commu- 
nity operated a talmud torah, nine hadarim, and four private 
schools. An attempt to resuscitate the *blood libel was made in 
1903. During the civil war of 1918-20 Jewish * self-defense was 
organized and the community remained relatively free from 
the pogroms that occurred at the time. Thousands of refugees 
making their way to Romania in 1920-22 passed through the 
town, and many from Dubossary itself also crossed the bor- 
der. There were 3,630 Jews in Dubossary in 1926 (81% of the 
total population), dropping to 2,198 (total population 4,250) 
in 1939. In the 1930s there were about 400 Jewish artisans or- 
ganized in nine cooperatives, and 227 farmers raising tobacco, 
while others worked as laborers and clerks. 

The Germans occupied Dubossary in mid-July 1941. At 
the end of August a ghetto was set up, and on September 1 the 
town was annexed to Romanian Transnistria. On September 
11, 1941, the Jews were ordered to assemble. By September 
28 about 6,000 Jews had been murdered. In September 1943 
thousands of Jews were brought to Dubossary from Bessara- 
bia and Moldavia and "liquidated" there. Some managed to 
join the partisans in the neighborhood. After the liberation 
of Dubossary on August 14, 1944, the Soviet Commission for 
Investigation of Nazi Crimes found that about 18,000 Jewish 
victims were buried in mass graves near the town. Approxi- 
mately 100 to 150 survivors returned after the war. 

bibliography: I. Rubin (ed.), Dubossary (Heb., and Yid., 
1965); Dubnow, Hist Russ, 3 (1920), 70-1. add. bibliography: 


[Yehuda Slutsky / Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

DUBROVNIK (Ragusa), port in S. Dalmatia, Croatia; oli- 
garchic maritime city-state, autonomous until 1808, mainly 
under Venetian or Turkish protectorate. Jewish merchants 
from Durazzo (Albania) are mentioned in Ragusan archives 
in 1368. French Jews living in Apulia (south Italy) after the ex- 
pulsion from France temporarily resided and traded in Du- 
brovnik in the second half of the 15 th century. After the Span- 
ish expulsion in 1492 Dubrovnik became an important transit 
center for refugees traveling to Balkan cities under Turkish 
rule. In 1502 there were many refugees staying in Dubrovnik. 

When an old woman was found murdered, a dozen of them 
were arrested and tortured; several were declared guilty and 
burnt at the stake. 

After the expulsions from Aragonese possessions in 
south Italy in 1514 and 1515, many more refugees went to Du- 
brovnik. Their success in commerce, together with the lo- 
cal clergy's zeal to have the city follow the example of other 
Christian states, resulted in several expulsion decrees (1514, 
1515, 1545) which were revoked on the sultans intervention. 
When wars against Turkey in the second half of the 16 th cen- 
tury made the Mediterranean insecure for commerce, trade 
was re-routed through the Adriatic to Dubrovnik and thence 
by caravan to Turkey. Jews were allowed to settle in Dubrovnik 
and were given customs privileges to encourage transit trade. 
Jews dealt mainly in textiles, silk, wool, leather (Hananel- 
Eskenazi, 1 (1958), 264), and spices. They were allowed to live 
inside the walls in 1538, but in 1546 a ghetto was established in 
a small street (still called the Jewish street) enclosed by walls, 
and the gate was locked at night. A monthly tax was levied 
per person for residence and per bale for storage of wares. The 
synagogue is said to date from 1532. The Jewish cemetery was 
first mentioned in 1612 when it had to be enlarged; it was still 
in use in 1910. Two more streets were added to the ghetto in 
1587, when there were 50 Jews in Dubrovnik, some with their 
families. Most of the trade with Turkey and much of the transit 
trade with Italy was in Jewish hands. At this time some Jew- 
ish intellectuals found temporary or permanent refuge there, 
such as the physician *Amatus Lusitanus and the humanist 
Didacus Pyrrhus. Many Jewish physicians were in the service 
of the republic, which had to obtain from Rome the authori- 
zation for them to treat Christians. 

The most important Jewish family in the 16 th and 17 th 
centuries was that of *Aaron b. David ha-Kohen; arriving 
from Florence in the 16 th century, they established connec- 
tions with Sarajevo and Sofia, and also acted as agents for 
many Jewish traders throughout Europe. To induce more 
Jewish merchants to settle in Dubrovnik, the senate issued in 
1614 a letter of safe conduct for five years, guaranteeing Jew- 
ish merchants freedom from arrest and from seizure of their 
wares for payment of previously incurred debts. There was a 
notorious blood libel in 1622, in which Isaac Yeshurun was ac- 
cused of murdering a small girl: he stoically maintained his 
innocence, but was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment (he 
was released after 32 months). As a result of the restrictions 
imposed on the Jewish community at the time of this libel, 
most Jews left for Venice or Turkey; only four families re- 
mained in Dubrovnik, among them that of Aaron b. David ha- 
Kohen, rabbi of Dubrovnik. The Jewish population increased 
again after Aaron had obtained another letter of safe conduct 
in 1637. Since many restrictions imposed in 1622 were disre- 
garded, the Church renewed its attacks and obtained from 
the senate the enforcement of several of them. But in many 
instances, the senate refused to pass anti- Jewish measures as 
Dubrovnik was a Turkish protectorate and the sultans had al- 
ways protected the Jews. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


In the 18 th century the Jewish population increased; there 
were 218 Jews out of a total population of around 6,000. Ra- 
gusan archives mention Jewish schools, teachers, weddings, 
and a Jewish bookseller; Jews participated in maritime ven- 
tures as co-owners of ships that went as far as Scandinavia and 
America, or supplying loans for equipment of such ships; they 
also played a part in establishing the first maritime insurance 
companies. With the economic decline of Dubrovnik, how- 
ever, restrictions were imposed on all foreigners. Jews could 
not engage in commerce and could only be teachers, physi- 
cians, or help in commerce, and some were tax farmers. In 
1755 they were again forbidden to live outside the ghetto or to 
leave it at night. Although it had supported the French against 
the Russians, Dubrovnik was annexed in 1808 to the French 
vice kingdom of Illyria, which abolished all Jewish disabilities. 
When Dubrovnik passed to Austria in 1815, laws applied to 
Jews in Austria became valid in Dubrovnik too; e.g., Jews had 
to obtain permission from Vienna to get married. Full emanci- 
pation was granted only in 1873. When after World War 1 Du- 
brovnik became part of Yugoslavia, the Jewish population had 
decreased. There were 308 Jews in 1815, and 250 in 1939. 

Holocaust and Contemporary Periods 

Dubrovnik was occupied by the Italian army in April 1941; ad- 
ministratively however it belonged to the Independent Cro- 
atian State of the Croat quisling Pavelic, whose ustashi were 
allowed to persecute Jews. Jewish property was confiscated or 
put under "caretakers," and a few Jews were sent to concen- 
tration camps in Croatia. The Italians, however, did not allow 
mass deportations, so that many refugees from other parts 
of Yugoslavia went to Dubrovnik. At the bidding of the Ger- 
mans, in November 1942, the Italians interned all Jews (750) in 
Gruz and on the island of Lopud, near Dubrovnik. There they 
remained until June 1943, when they were transferred to the 
big Italian internment camp on Rab in northern Dalmatia, to- 
gether with most Jews from the Italian-occupied territories in 
Yugoslavia. During the brief interregnum in 1943 between the 
capitulation of Italy and the German occupation, most of them 
were transported by the partisans to the liberated territory on 
the mainland. Some joined the Jewish battalion formed on 
Rab, and others served as physicians or nurses. The 180-200 
Jews who could not leave Rab were taken by the Germans 
to extermination camps. After World War 11, 28 Jews immi- 
grated to Israel. The Jewish community in Dubrovnik had 31 
members in 1969. The rabbi of Dubrovnik served as the chief 
rabbi for the regions of southern Dalmatia, Herzegovina, and 
Montenegro. Services in the old synagogue were held irregu- 
larly. During the Yugoslav War of Secession of 1991/2 the syna- 
gogue suffered slight damage from artillery shells and its roof 
had to be repaired. Ceremonial objects from this synagogue, 
built c. 1510, were loaned to New York's Yeshiva University 
in 1964 and returned only in 1988 following a court order. A 
small community is now affiliated to the Coordination Com- 
mittee of Croatian Jewish Communities, headed by Zagreb. 
It maintains a museum showing the synagogue artifacts and 

other items belonging to the past. The well-preserved cem- 
etery contains 200 old gravestones, including that of Rabbi 
Jacob Pardo, who died there in 1819. 

bibliography: J. Tadic, Jevreji u Dubrovniku do polovine 
xvii. stoljeca (1937); C. Roth, The House of Nasi: Dona Gracia (1948), 
85-86; M. Levi, in: Recueil jubilaire en Vhonneur de S.A. Rosanes 

(i933)> 47-53 (Sp.); Hananel-ESkenazil, 1 (1958), 39> no, i99> 335; 2 
(i960), 264; J. Subak, Judenspanisches aus Salonikki. .. Ragusa (1906); 
Aaron b. David ha-Kohen, II Processo di Isach Jeshurun, ed. by LA. 
Kaznaclc (1882). add. bibliography: Zbornik, 1 (1971), Du- 
brovnik issue; B. Stulli, Zidovi u Dubrovniku (1989). 

[Daniel Furman / Zvi Loker (2 nd ed.)] 

DUBROVNO, city in the Vitebsk district, Belarus. Jews are 
first mentioned there in 1685. There were 801 Jewish taxpay- 
ers in Dubrovno and its environs in 1766. During the 18 th cen- 
tury Dubrovno became a center for weaving prayer shawls 
in Eastern Europe. Conditions were difficult for the weavers, 
who worked on handlooms, and were harshly exploited by the 
merchants who supplied them with the yarn and afterward 
bought their products and marketed them through agents in 
Jewish settlements throughout Russia and Galicia, and even 
exported them to Western Europe and America. From the 
mid-i9 th century the industry, which had about 660 work- 
ers in 1847, encountered competition from the factories in 
the big cities where prayer shawls were woven by machine, 
and Jews began to leave the town. The plight of the weavers 
in Dubrovno aroused the attention of the Jewish community 
in Russia. In 1902, the Aktsionernoye Obshchestvo Dneprovs- 
koy Manufaktury (Dnieper Textile Industry Ltd.) was founded 
with the help of the * Jewish Colonization Association (ica), 
which held two-thirds of the shares, the rest being subscribed 
by wealthy Jews in St. Petersburg and Moscow. A large weav- 
ing factory, whose directors, staff, and workers were Jews and 
where Saturday was kept as the day of rest, was established. 
Near the factory, a public school and a cooperative store were 
opened. Dubrovno was also a center for scribes of Torah 
scrolls, phylacteries and mezuzot, who received permission to 
form a professional union in the early period of Soviet rule. 
A trainload of 30,000 phylacteries which had accumulated 
in Dubrovno after the war was permitted to be dispatched to 
Berlin. The manufacture of prayer shawls ceased in the 1920s. 
Around 1930, the weaving factory employed about 1,000 work- 
ers, of whom a considerable number were Jews. The commu- 
nity numbered 4,481 in 1847, 4,364 in 1897 (57.5% of the total 
population), 3,105 in 1926 (about 39%), and 2,119 (21%) in 1939. 
Dubrovno was the birthplace of the Zionist leader M. *Ussish- 
kin and the brothers *Polyakoff. The Germans occupied the 
town on July 16, 1941. Soon the Jews were collected in a ghetto. 
In December 1941 the Germans murdered 1,500 Jews. The re- 
maining 300 skilled workers and their families were executed 
with the help of Belorussian police in February 1942. 

bibliography: Lurie, in: Voskhod, 9 (1889), 1-8; 10 (1890), 
1-16; Zeitlin, in: He-Avar, 6 (1958), 70-72. 

[Yehuda Slutsky / Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



DUCKESZ, EDUARD (Yecheskel; 1868-1944), rabbi and 
scholar. Duckesz was born in Szelepcseny, Hungary, and stud- 
ied at the Pressburg (Bratislava) yeshivah. In 1889 he became 
rabbi at the Klaus synagogue and dayyan in Altona, Ger- 
many. His scholarly efforts were devoted to the history of the 
three sister communities Altona, Hamburg, and Wandsbeck 
(VTlN). He fled to Holland in 1939 but was interned in West- 
erbork by the Nazis in 1943 and sent to the Auschwitz exter- 
mination camp in 1944 where he perished. Among Duckesz' 
published works are Ivah le-Moshav, the first volume of which 
contains biographies and tombstone inscriptions of the rabbis 
who served in the three communities, with annotations by S. 
Buber, and the second, entitled Chachme Ahu, biographies of 
the dayyanim and rabbinical authors of these communities, 
partly in German (2 vols., 1903-08); and Zur Geschichte und 
Genealogie der ersten Familien derhochdeutschen israelitischen 
Gemeinden in Hamburg- Altona (1914). 

bibliography: T. Preschel, in: n.y. Institute of Religious 
Jewry, Elleh Ezkerah, 4 (1961), 58-64; H. Schwab, Chachme Ashke- 
naz (Eng., 1964), 47. 

DUDA, VIRGIL (Rubin Leibovici; 1939- ), Romanian 
writer. A lawyer by profession, Duda chose a literary career 
in the mid-1960s, working also as a producer at the Bucha- 
rest Film Studio. After a first volume of short stories, he pub- 
lished several novels demonstrating his remarkable talent for 
psychological analysis: Catedrala ("The Cathedral," 1969), 
Anchetatorul apatic ("The Apathetic Interrogator," 1971), and 
Mastile ("The Masks," 1979). The following novels, published 
during the 1980s, made his reputation as one of the more im- 
portant Romanian prose writers: Razboiul amintirilor ("The 
War of Remembrances," 1981), which received the prize of the 
Writers Association); Hartuiala ("The Harassment," 1984); and 
Oglinda salvata ("The Saved Mirror," 1986). Autobiographical 
elements going back to his life as a teenager in the Moldavian 
town of Barlad became more obvious in these works. Settling 
in Israel in 1988, he continued his literary activity, publishing 
(in Romania) novels with a preponderance of Jewish themes, 
including the impact of the Holocaust and the Communist 
period: Romania, sfdrsit de decembrie ("Romania, End of De- 
cember," 1991), Alvis si destinul ("Alvis and the Destiny," 1993), 
A trai inpacat ("To Live in Sin," 1996), Viata cu eject intdrziat 
("Life with Belated Effect," 1998), and §asefemei ("Six Women," 
2002). A volume of essays, Evreul ca simbol ("The Jew as a 
Symbol," 2004) includes many subtle reflections on Jewish 
intellectuals and writers (Franz Kafka, Isaac Babel, Benjamin 
Fondane, Mihail Sebastian). Duda's brother, Lucian Raicu, is 
a well-known Romanian literary critic. 

bibliography: A. Mirodan, Dictionar neconventional al scri- 
itorilor evrei de limbd romana 11 (1997), 180-89; Dictionarul general 
al literaturii romdne, 2 (2004), 768-70. 

[Leon Volovici (2 nd ed.)] 

°DUEHRING, KARL EUGEN (1833-1921), German econo- 
mist and philosopher, born in Berlin; one of the initial pro- 

ponents of modern racial antisemitism. He studied econom- 
ics, law, and philosophy at the University of Berlin. Although 
totally blind at 30, Duehring made significant contributions 
to philosophy and the theory of national -autarkic economics. 
A quarrelsome disposition, however, caused him to give up 
academic teaching in 1864. Eventually he developed a patho- 
logical aversion to such betes noires as academicians, Social 
Democrats, and all cosmopolitans, "whether Jews or Greeks." 
He propounded his theories on racial antisemitism in such 
scurrilous pieces as his Die Judenfrage als Rassen-Sitten-und 
Kultur-Frage (1881), Die Ueberschaetzung Lessings und dessen 
Antwaltschaft fuer die Juden (1881), Sache, Leben, und Feinde 
(1882), Der Ersatz der Religion durch Vollkommeneres und die 
Ausscheidung alles Judenthums durch den modernen Voelker- 
geist (1883). To Duehring, Karl Marx was the personification of 
evil, both because of his theories and his race. He had "taken 
his system from the Mosaic Law." Baptism had not prevented 
him from associating with his own kin (Sippe), namely "the 
descendants of Judas," in order to form a kind of international 
"Alliance Israelite." As to Social Democracy, its aim was to ex- 
ploit and enslave the people in the interests of Jewry. Dueh- 
ring had a paramount influence on the development of Ger- 
man antisemitism in the 1880s, whether indirect or active, 
and continues to inspire "voelkisch" elements to this day. In 
his Der Wert des Lebens (1865), Duehring rejected Zionism for 
strengthening Jewish "world power." Instead he recommended 
solving the Jewish question "by killing and extirpation" (durch 
Ertoetung und Ausrottung). 

bibliography: F. Engels, Herrn Eugen Duehring s Umwael- 
zungder Wissenschaft... (1878) (= Anti-Duehring); E. Silberner, Sozia- 
listen zur Judenfrage... (1962), 150, 155 ff.; A. Voelske, Die Entwicklung 
des rassischen Anti-semitismus zum Mittelpunkt der Weltanschaung 
Eugen Duehrings... (1936). add. bibliography: B. Mogge, Rhe- 
torik des Hasses - Eugen Duhring und die Genese seines antisemiti- 
schen Wortschatzes (1976); R. Kirchhoff and T.I. Oisermann, 100 Jahre 
Anti <( Duhring" - Marxismus, Weltanschauung, Wissenschaft (1978). 

DUENAS, city in Castile, central Spain. Its Jewish commu- 
nity began to flourish in the 13 th century. In 1221, Ferdinand 
in transferred to the monastery of Huelgas near Burgos the 
Jews settled on lands belonging to the monastery in Duenas. 
The first document referring to the Jews of Duenas is from 
1225. At the end of the 13 th century the Jewish community of 
Duenas was one of the smallest in Castile. In 1290 the com- 
munity paid taxes amounting to 2,427 maravedis. The Jews of 
Duenas owned land and vineyards; in 1346, the king's surgeon 
Don Judah, an inhabitant of Duenas, leased several gardens 
belonging to the local church. The community was evidently 
impoverished by the Black Death (1348-49), since in 1352 it 
paid only 300 maravedis in tax. Among those who engaged in 
tax farming in Duenas were Don Qag Merdohay of Sahagun 
and his sons David and Shem Tob (1365). During the Civil 
War in Castile, the Jewish quarter of Duenas was attacked 
and sacked, around 1368. The Hebrew chronicler Samuel 
Zarza, who gives this information, writes that the members 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


of the community were learned and righteous. Considering 
the tax paid, the community remained small in the 15 th cen- 
tury Following the edict ordering Jews and Christians to live 
in separate quarters, Ferdinand and Isabella gave instructions 
in 1483 that the alcabald ("indirect taxes") should not be col- 
lected from houses owned by Christians which were situated 
in the new Jewish quarter. In May 1492 the Jews of Duenas 
complained that they would not be able to leave the city on 
the date fixed by the decree of expulsion, as they were being 
hindered in selling their possessions and collecting their debts 
and the townspeople kept presenting them with claims dating 
back for generations. 

The Jewish quarter was near the castle. 

bibliography: Baer, Urkunden, index; Suarez Fernandez, 
Documentos, index; Leon Tello, in: Instituto Tello Tellez de Meneses, 
25 (1966), index, add. bibliography: J.M. Lizoain Garrido (ed.), 
Documentation del Monasterio de las Huelgas de Burgos (1985). 

[Haim Beinart / Yom Tov Assis (2 nd ed.)] 

DUENNER, JOSEPH ZEVI HIRSCH (1833-1911), rabbi and 
talmudist. Duenner was born in Cracow. He studied in the 
yeshivah there and subsequently at the University of Bonn. In 
1862 Duenner was appointed director of the rabbinical semi- 
nary in Amsterdam and in 1874 chief rabbi of the Ashkenazi 
community there. Regarded as the spiritual leader of Ortho- 
dox Jewry in Holland, Duenner nevertheless combined tradi- 
tional learning with a critico -historical approach. The results 
of his researches and his new interpretations were published 
as glosses to 19 tractates of the Talmud (1896-1929). His main 
work is Die Theorien ueber Wesen und Ursprung der Tosephta 
(1874). Duenner became a supporter of the early movement 
for settlement in Erez Israel in consequence of his contacts 
with Moses *Hess while studying in Bonn. He later became a 
leader of the *Mizrachi party. 

bibliography: B. de Vries, in: Shai li-Yshayahu... Wolfs- 
berg (1955), 247-83; idem, in: L. Jung (ed.), Guardians of our Heri- 
tage (1958), 337-44; idem, in: L. Jung (ed.), Men of the Spirit (1964), 
624-44; ezd, 1 (1958), 652-5. 

[Jacob S. Levinger] 

DUEREN, city near Aachen, Germany. Jews from Dueren 
are mentioned in i3 th -century records. In 1238 Anselm of Du- 
eren and his wife, Jutta, acquired some property in the Jewish 
quarter of Cologne. In 1241 the Jews of Dueren paid ten marks 
imperial tax. Judah of Dueren was involved in a famous con- 
troversy over a marriage mentioned in a responsum of Meir 
b. Baruch of Rothenburg. During the second half of the 13 th 
century Isaac ben Meir * Dueren lived in the city. 

The community was annihilated during the Black Death 
(1348-49), and was not reconstituted until the 19 th century. The 
modern community, which had its own elementary school, 
numbered 252 in 1880, 268 in 1905, and 358 in 1933, but was 
reduced to 184 in 1939. During Kristallnacht (November 10, 
1938) the synagogue and community center were burned down 
by the Nazis. One hundred Jewish men from Dueren were in- 

terned in Buchenwald. In July 1941 the remaining Jews were 
deported to the death camps. After the war, 15 Jews returned 
there, but subsequently left, and Jewish community life was 
not resumed. 

bibliography: W. Bruell, Chronik der Stadt Dueren (1895); 
Germ Jud, s.v.; A. Kober, Grundbuch des Koelner Judenviertels (1920); 
I. Kracauer, Geschichte der Juden in Frankfurt a.M., 1 (1925); Salfeld, 
Martyrol; A. Schoop, Quellen zur Rechts- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 
der rheinischen Staedte: Juedische Staedte, 1 (1920); A. Wedell, in: Ge- 
schichte der Stadt Duesseldorf . . zum 600-jaehrigen Jubilaeum (1888); 
H.J. Zimmels, Beitraege zur Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland 
(1926); Hoeniger- Stern, fudenschreinsbuch. add. bibliography: 
N. Naor, Erinnerung. Eine Dokumentation ueber die Juedinnen und 

Juden in Dueren (1994). 

[Zeev Wilhem Falk] 

DUEREN, ISAAC BEN MEIR (second half of 13 th century), 
German halakhic authority on the laws of * issur ve-hetter. 
Isaac s surname Dueren derives from the town of that name 
in Germany. In his youth he studied under Tobias b. Elijah of 
Vienne in France. The period of Dueren s activity has hith- 
erto been uncertain owing to the possibility of his having 
been confused with other contemporary local scholars of the 
same name. His date however can now be determined with 
some precision. Not only does Israel Isserlein state (Pesakim 
u-Khetavim, no. 215) that *Meir b. Baruch of Rothenburg is 
to be regarded as a batrai ("a later authority") compared with 
Dueren, but the recent discovery that the issur ve-hetter, in 
which Dueren is already referred to as an accepted author- 
ity, was written by a disciple of * Perez b. Elijah of Corbeil, 
and not, as previously accepted, by * Jeroham b. Meshullam, 
fixes his dates as the latter part of the 13 th century. The state- 
ment therefore that he was the teacher of Alexander Suslin 
ha-Kohen, the author of the Sefer Aguddah, is erroneous. 
Dueren is chiefly known for his Shaarei Dura (Issur ve-Het- 
ter shel Rabbi Yizhak mi-Dura, Shearim mi-Dura, Dura, etc.), 
which deals with the laws of forbidden food and of menstru- 
ant women. This book, based wholly upon the traditions of 
Germany and France, became the basis of halakhah in this dif- 
ficult sector, exerting a decisive influence upon all Ashkenazi 
halakhic authorities after him from the Aguddah of Alexander 
Suslin ha-Kohen through Terumat ha-Deshen of Israel Isser- 
lein until Torat Hattat of Moses Isserles. The early halakhic 
authorities guided themselves by the rule that Isaac was to be 
followed in issur ve-hetter even when he was lenient, although 
the rule did not apply to terefot (Pesakim u-Khetavim, no. 215). 
Shaarei Dura was first published in Cracow in 1534. Since then 
it has been republished ten times with the addition of many 
glosses and commentaries by the greatest talmudists in each 
generation, among them Israel Isserlein, Solomon Luria, Eli- 
jah Loans, and Nathan Spiro. These glosses, as well as those 
of the scholars who preceded Israel Isserlein, were sometimes 
indiscriminately incorporated into the text, so that it is diffi- 
cult, without the aid of manuscripts, to determine the origi- 
nal content of the book, a critical edition of which is still lack- 
ing. The book was regarded with such sanctity that Hayyim 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



b. Bezalel, brother of Judah Loew of Prague, complains about 
Moses Isserles' daring to deviate in his Tor at Hattat from the 
order of Shaarei Dura. Another of Dueren's books, Minhagim 
mi-Kol ha-Shanah, was published by Elfenbein (see bibliogra- 
phy). He also wrote tosafotto Gittin and Kiddushin. 

bibliography: J. Freimann, in: Festschrift... D. Hoffmann 
(1914), 421 n. 4; A. Freimann, in: jjlg, 12 (1918), 244 n.4, 248 n.7, 
272; Elfenbein, in: rej, 105 (1940), 107-19; idem, in: Horeb, 10 (1948), 
129-84; Ta-Shema, in: Sinai, 64 (1969), 254-7. 

[Israel Moses Ta-Shma] 

DUESSELDORF, city in Germany, capital of North Rhine- 
Westphalia. Jews are first mentioned there in 1418; the ceme- 
tery of the community then served the whole region of *Berg. 
They were expelled from Duesseldorf in 1438. In 1582 permis- 
sion was granted to one *court Jew to settle there. The com- 
munity numbered 14 families in 1750 and 24 in 1775. Of these 
the most distinguished was the wealthy *Van Geldern fam- 
ily, one of whose members, the court Jew Joseph (d. 1727) in 
the service of the duke of *Juelich-Berg, was head (parnas u- 
manhig) of the Jewish community of the duchy. He donated 
a synagogue to the community in 1712, where services were 
held until 1772. Joseph van Gelderns son and grandson fol- 
lowed him in these communal offices. During the 19 th century 
Duesseldorf Jews achieved importance in trade and banking. 
The community increased from 315 in 1823 to 5,130 in 1925. A 
seminary for Jewish teachers functioned from 1867 to 1874. Leo 
*Baeck served as district rabbi from 1907 to 1912. 

The events of November 10, 1938, were particularly ca- 
lamitous for the Duesseldorf community since the diplomat 
Vom Rath, who had been assassinated by Herschel * Grynszpan 
at the German embassy in Paris a few days earlier, was a native 
of Duesseldorf. The main synagogue, built in 1905, and two 
Orthodox synagogues were burned down. Seven Jews were 
killed or died from the effects of their wounds, and about 70 
were injured. In May 1939, 1,831 Jews remained in Duesseldorf, 
dropping to 1,400 in 1941. Most were deported to Minsk, Lodz, 
Riga, and Theresienstadt. Only 25 Jews remained in Duessel- 
dorf in 1946. The community was reconstituted after the war, 
and in 1951 the Central Council of Jews in Germany was es- 
tablished in Duesseldorf. The main German Jewish newspa- 
per, the Allgemeine Wochenzeitung der Juden in Deutschland 
(today Juedische Allgemeine), founded in 1946, was published 
there until 1985. A synagogue was inaugurated in 1958. The 
community numbered 1,585 in 1969. Owing mainly to the im- 
migration of Jews from the Former Soviet Union, the num- 
ber of community members rose to 7,237 in 2003. A Jewish 
elementary school was opened in 1993. 

bibliography: A. Kober, in: Festschrift... Martin Philippson 
(1916), 293-301; A. Wedell, in: Geschichte der Stadt Duesseldorf... zum 
600 jaehrigen Jubileum (1888), 149-254; M. Eschelbacher, Die Synago- 
gengemeinde Duesseldorf, 1904-1929 (1929); fjw (1932-33); B. Postal 
and S.H. Abramson, Landmarks of a People... (1962); H. Lachman- 
ski, Duesseldorf und Heinrich Heine... (1893); E.G. Lowenthal, in: Die 
neue Synagoge in Duesseldorf (1958), 3-12. add. bibliography: 

A. Genger (ed.), Aspekte juedischen Lebens in Duesseldorf (1997); 
Juden in Duesseldorf (1998); H. Schmidt, Der Elendsweg der Dues- 
seldorf er ]uden (2005). 

[Zvi Avneri / Stefan Rohrbacher (2 nd ed.)] 


(1890-1948), British Zionist; a niece of Arthur James *Balfour. 
Blanche Dugdale was employed in the British Naval Intelli- 
gence Department and became a member of the League of 
Nations Union and the British governments delegation to 
the League of Nations Assembly (1932). Described by Chaim 
Weizmann as "an ardent, lifelong friend of Zionism," "Baffy," 
as she was affectionately called, constantly tried to influence 
cabinet ministers and high commissioners by personal con- 
tact and in writing, stressing the justice of the Jewish cause in 
Palestine. She also addressed public meetings, Zionist confer- 
ences, and even World Zionist Congresses and advised Weiz- 
mann in his political dealings with the British. From 1940 until 
a few months before her death she worked daily in the politi- 
cal department of the Jewish Agency. During World War 11 
she served on various committees to aid Jewish refugees. She 
regularly published articles in the Zionist Review and authored 
a pamphlet The Balfour Declaration: Origins and Background 
(1940) and a two- volume biography, Arthur James Balfour 
(1936). Her diary is preserved in the Weizmann archives in 
Rehovot. Before she died, on May 15, 1948, relatives and friends 
told her that the State of Israel had been established. Extracts 
from her diaries, covering the period 1936-47, were edited 
and published by Norman Rose in 1973. One of the most com- 
mitted of British "gentile Zionists," it has been said that she 
"thought of [Jewish] Palestine as her second country." 

bibliography: Locker, in: Davar (May 9, 1958). add. bib- 
liography: B.E. Dugdale andN. Rose (eds.), Baffy: The Diaries of 
Blanche Dugdale, 1936-194/ (1973); odnb online. 

[Josef Fraenkel] 

°DUHM, BERNHARD (1847-1928), German Protestant 
biblical scholar. Born in Bingum on the Ems, East Friesland, 
Duhm studied at Goettingen (chiefly under H. Ewald). In 1877 
he was appointed professor at Goettingen University and in 
1899, at Basle University. His activities in Basle, which included 
teaching in secondary schools and lecturing (Das Geheimnis 
in der Religion, 1896; Das kommende Reich Gottes, 1912; Eng. 
trans., The Ever coming Kingdom of God, 1914), extended be- 
yond the academic sphere. His main works were devoted to 
the study of the Prophets. His early work Die Theologie der 
Propheten... (1875) reflects a somewhat dogmatic understand- 
ing of the prophets, whom Duhm regarded as analogous to 
the writers and orators of other ancient peoples, in particular 
the Greeks. In this work Duhm (simultaneously with Well- 
hausen, with whom he was friendly) rejects the presupposi- 
tion of an older "Mosaic" law. His last work on the prophets, 
Israels Propheten (1918), is an overall exposition of the Isra- 
elite religion, based on his previous exegetical studies in his 
commentaries on Isaiah (1892), Jeremiah (1901), and Minor 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Prophets (1911), all of which contain impressive translations. 
His outstanding capacity for understanding the prophets, 
especially the irrational aspects of prophetic vision and au- 
dition and their subsequent expression, enabled him to set 
forth a frequently violent (e.g., in conjectural criticism of 
texts), but profound and imposing, portrayal of the prophetic 
personalities. Duhm isolated the Servant Songs of Isaiah 40- 
55 from Deutero-Isaiah. He proposed the separation of Isa- 
iah 56-66 (as "Trito- Isaiah") from Isaiah 40-55 and the rejec- 
tion of the authenticity of Jeremiahs prose orations. Of less 
importance are his commentaries on Job (1897) and Psalms 
(1899). The latter work contains exaggerated historical criti- 
cism (e.g., he dates most of the psalms to the Hasmonean 

add. bibliography: W. Uriel, dbi, 1, 310-11. 

[Rudolf Smend] 

DUISBURG, city in Germany. A small Jewish settlement 
existed there from the second half of the 13 th century whose 
members were massacred in the wake of the *Black Death 
(1350). No Jews lived there subsequently until the 18 th century, 
when a few families are mentioned. A few Jewish students 
studied medicine at the university between 1708 and 1817. In 
1793 there were ten families living in the town, who formed 
an organized community. A small synagogue was consecrated 
in 1826 and replaced by a more impressive edifice in 1875. The 
Jewish population increased during and after World War 1 as 
a result of immigration from Poland and Galicia. The com- 
munity (united with Hamborn) numbered 2,560 in 1933. In 
October 1938, 144 Polish Jews were expelled. On Kristallnacht, 
the synagogue was set on fire; 40 Jewish homes and 25 stores 
were vandalized and 25 Jews were sent to Dachau. In Decem- 
ber 1938 Jewish youngsters were sent to Holland on a Kinder- 
transport; some later reached England, where they survived 
the war. The remaining 809 Jews were crowded into 11 Jewish 
houses from which they were deported in 1941 to ghettos in 
the East and later to death camps. 

In 1969, 75 Jews lived in Duisburg and Muelheim an der 
Ruhr, which constituted one community. In 1989 the joint 
community of Duisburg, Muelheim, and Oberhausen had 118 
members; due to the immigration of Jews from the Former 
Soviet Union, their number rose to 2,653 i n 2003. The new 
synagogue, designed by Zvi Hecker and inaugurated in 1999, 
is an architectural hallmark of the city. 

bibliography: I.F. Baer, Protokollbuch der Landjudenschaft 
des Herzogtums Kleve (1922), 54-55; Kober, in: mgwj, 75 (1931), 118-27; 
Germ Jud (1934, repr. 1963), 90-91; 2 pt. 1 (1968), 178. add. bibli- 
ography: G. von Roden, Geschichte der Duisburger Juden (1986); 
E Niessalla, K.-H. Keldungs, 1933-1945: Schicksale juedischer Juris- 
ten in Duisburg (1993); M. Komorowski, in: Juden im Ruhrgebiet 

(i999)> 541-54- 

[Zvi Avneri / Michael Birenbaum and Stefan Rohrbacher (2 nd ed.)] 

DUJOVNE, LEON (1899-1984), Argentine lawyer, philoso- 
pher, and community leader. Dujovne was born in Russia and 

went to Argentina as a child. In 1966 he settled in Israel and 
in 1973 returned to Argentina. For many years Dujovne was a 
member of the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters of the Uni- 
versity of Buenos Aires. He published many books, the most 
important of which are Baruj Spinoza - Su vida, su epoca, su 
obraysu influencia, 4 vols. (1941-44); Martin Buber - sus ideas 
religiosas, filosoficas y sociales (1966); La Filosofia y las teorias 
cientificas (1930); and Teoria de los valor es y filosofia de la his- 
toria (1959), which received the First National Prize of Ar- 
gentina. Dujovne also translated into Spanish Dubnow s His- 
tory of the Jewish People, Maimonides' Guide of the Perplexed, 
and works by Ibn Gabirol, Saadiah Gaon, Bahya ibn Paquda, 
and others. He was for many years president of the Sociedad 
Hebraica Argentina and of the Instituto de Intercambio Cul- 
tural Argentino -Israeli as well as editor in chief of the Jewish 
weekly, Mundo Israelita. 

[Lawrence H. Feigenbaum and Kenneth R. Scholberg] 

DUKAS, PAUL (1865-1935), French composer. Born in Paris, 
Dukas studied at the Conservatory and taught there from 1909 
until his death. In French music, his style formed a bridge 
between the school of Cesar Franck and that of Debussy. He 
achieved fame in 1897 with his brilliant orchestral scherzo 
VApprenti sorcier ("The Sorcerers Apprentice," inspired by 
Goethe), which, it was later suggested, was actually intended 
as a satire on the fashion of "symphonic poems." The most 
important of Dukas' works is the opera Ariane et Barbe-Bleue 
(1907, with text by Maeterlinck), symbolizing the struggle for 
emancipation from dictatorship. His other works also include 
a symphony, several overtures, the ballet La Peri, chamber 
music, and piano works. After 1912, Dukas, who had become 
increasingly self-critical, gave up composition almost entirely. 
He devoted himself to teaching at the Conservatory. Before 
his death he destroyed his unpublished works. 

bibliography: G. Samazeuilh, Un musicien francais, Paul 

Dukas (1913); V. d'Indy, Emmanuel Chabrier et Paul Dukas (1920); G. 

Favre, Paul Dukas, sa vie, son oeuvre (1948); Riemann-Gurlitt; Baker s 

Biog Diet; Groves Diet; mgg. 

[Chanan Steinitz] 

DUKER, ABRAHAM GORDON (1907-1987), U.S. educator 
and historian. Duker, who was born in Rypin, Poland, went 
to the U.S. in 1923. He served on the library staff at the Jewish 
Theological Seminary (1927-33) and was research librarian at 
the Graduate School of Jewish Social Work (1934-38). From 
1938 to 1943 he was on the staff of the American Jewish Com- 
mittee, serving inter alia as the editor of the Contemporary 
Jewish Record (1938-41). He was also an editor of the Universal 
Jewish Encyclopedia (1939-43), Re constructionist, and Jewish 
Social Studies, a quarterly. Duker was president of the Chicago 
Spertus College of Judaica (1956-62) and from 1963 director of 
libraries and professor of history and social institutions at Ye- 
shiva University. His works include education surveys, books, 
and articles in his main fields of interest, Polish- Jewish rela- 
tions and American Jewish sociology. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



His books include Jewish Emancipation under Attack: Its 
Legal Recession until the Present War (with B. Weinryb, 1942) 
and Emancipation and Counter Emancipation (with Meir Ben 
Hurin, 1974). He also wrote about religious trends in Ameri- 
can Jewish life (1949), Jewish community relations (1952), so- 
cio-psychological trends in the American Jewish community 
since 1900 (1954), and the impact of Zionism on American 

Jewry (1958). 

[Sefton D. Temkin / Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

DUKES, LEOPOLD (Judah Loeb; 1810-1891), historian of 
Jewish literature. Dukes was born in Pressburg, Hungary He 
was a student of R. Moses *Sofer and of R. Hayyim Joseph Pol- 
lak; the latter introduced him to secular study An inveterate, 
though poor, traveler, Dukes visited most of the important li- 
braries in Europe, researching Jewish manuscripts and uncov- 
ering many hitherto unknown medieval works. His research 
covered various aspects of language and literature: aggadic 
literature, Bible exegesis, medieval Jewish literature, Hebrew 
grammar and the masoretic text, and talmudic maxims and 
truisms. Frequently, however, his research was unsystematic 
and his edited texts in need of correction. Dukes' translation 
of Rashi's Pentateuch commentary into German was published 
with Sofer s imprimatur in Prague during 1833-38 (Hamishah 
Humshei Torah im Hatakah Ashkenazit al Perush Rashi [Ra- 
schi zum Pentateuch], 5 vols.). Dukes produced various stud- 
ies on the poetry of Solomon ibn Gabirol and Moses Ibn Ezra. 
His autobiography appears in azdj, 56 (1892). 

bibliography: Zeitlin, Bibliotheca, 1 (1891), 69-71; I. Da- 
vidson, in: paajr, 1 (1928), 43. 

[Jacob S. Levinger] 

DUKHAN (Heb. pH; "platform"), an elevated platform. Ac- 
cording to talmudic literature, the word was used in four in- 

(1) The place in the Temple where the levites sang while 
the sacrifice was being offered (Ar. 11b). According to the 
Mishnah (Mid. 2:6), this dukhan was placed upon a step one 
cubit high, which was situated between the court of the Israel- 
ites and the court of the priests. It had three steps, each half a 
cubit high. Hence the height of the dukhan was one and a half 
cubits, or, together with the step, two and a half cubits. 

(2) The place where the priests stood while reciting the 
* Priestly Blessing. The Talmud quotes R. Tarfon as saying "I 
once ascended the dukhan [for the Priestly Blessing]" (Kid. 
71a). The Mishnah (Tarn. 7:2) implies, however, that the priests 
stood on the 12 steps between the porch and the altar when 
blessing the people and not on the dukhan (cf. Tosef. Sot. 7:7). 
The explanation, apparently, is that the steps of the porch were 
the main site for the Priestly Blessing, but when there were too 
many priests to fit on the steps, the others took up this posi- 
tion on the dukhan (cf. Tiferet Israel on Middot 2:6). 

(3) After the destruction of the Temple, the meaning of 
the word was extended to apply to the place in the synagogue 
where the Priestly Blessing was recited (Shab. 118b; Sot. 38b; 

et al.), and still later, to the Priestly Blessing itself. Hence the 
familiar phrase "to dukhan" was used for "to recite the Priestly 

(4) The platform where teachers sat while teaching chil- 
dren (bb 21a). 


bibliography: S. Krauss, Synagogale Altertuemer (1922), 

[Jehonatan Etz-Chaim] 

DULCEA OF WORMS (d. 1196), wife of R. *Eleazar ben 
Judah of Worms. Dulcea came from medieval German Jew- 
ry's elite leadership class. Married to a leading figure in the 
*Hasidei Ashkenaz, the German-Jewish pietist movement, 
she was the economic support for an extensive household, 
including children, students, and teachers. A capable busi- 
nesswoman, she was apparently entrusted with the funds of 
neighbors which she pooled and lent out at profitable rates of 
interest on which she received commissions. Among R. Eleazar 
ben Judah s surviving writings are two Hebrew accounts, one 
in prose and one in poetry, recounting the murders of Dul- 
cea, and their daughters, Bellette and Hannah, by intruders in 
November 1196. Both documents are important sources of in- 
formation about medieval Jewish women's activities. Although 
many scholars have assumed the attackers were Crusaders, 
there were no massed Crusader forces in Germany at this time. 
While the two miscreants may have worn Crusader markings, 
they appear to have attacked the family out of criminal motives, 
probably prompted by Dulcea's business reputation. These as- 
saults did not go unpunished; the local authorities, in accor- 
dance with the German emperor's mandate of protecting the 
Jews of his realm, quickly captured and executed at least one 
of the men. R. Eleazar s elegy, an expanded alphabetic acros- 
tic, links numerous details of Dulcea's domestic, religious, and 
communal endeavors with the praise of the "woman of valor" 
in Proverbs 31. R. Eleazar designates Dulcea as hasidah (pious 
or saintly) and zadeket (righteous); in addition to noting her 
domestic management and business finesse, he praises her 
needlework, recounting that she prepared thread and gut to 
sew together books, Torah scrolls, and other religious objects. 
Unusually learned for a woman of her milieu, Dulcea is said 
to have taught other women and led them in prayer. As a re- 
spected investment broker, Dulcea may have been involved in 
arranging matches and negotiating the financial arrangements 
which accompanied them. She is also said to have bathed the 
dead and to have sewn their shrouds, meritorious endeavors 
in Jewish tradition. More than anything, R. Eleazar reveres his 
wife for facilitating the spiritual activities of the men of her 
household; the reward he invokes for Dulcea at the conclusion 
of his lament is to be wrapped in the eternal life of Paradise, a 
tribute to her deeds, on which so many depended. 

bibliography: J.R. Baskin, "Dolce of Worms: The Lives and 
Deaths of an Exemplary Medieval Jewish Woman and Her Daugh- 
ters," in: L. Fine (ed.), Judaism in Practice: From the Middle Ages 
through the Early Modern Period (2001), 429-37; idem, "Women 
Saints in Judaism: Dolce of Worms," in: A. Sharma (ed.), Women 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Saints in World Religions (2000), 39-69; I.G. Marcus, "Mothers, Mar- 
tyrs, and Moneymakers: Some Jewish Women in Medieval Europe," 
in: Conservative Judaism, 38:3 (Spring 1986), 34-45. 

[Judith R. Baskin (2 nd ed.)] 

DULZIN, ARYE LEIB (1913-1989), Zionist leader and Israeli 
politician. Born in Minsk, Belorussia, he immigrated with his 
parents to Mexico in 1928, where he was educated and was for 
many years active in commerce. From 1931 to 1937 he acted 
as the honorary general secretary of the Zionist Federation 
of Mexico and in the years 1938-42 was president of the fed- 
eration. From 1944 to 1946 he was chairman of the Mexico 
branch of the World Jewish Congress and member of the Gen- 
eral Zionist Council at the 23 rd Zionist Congress in 1951, and 
at the 24 th Zionist Congress in 1961 was elected to the Zionist 
Executive of the World Zionist Organization (wzo), as rep- 
resentative of the Union of the General Zionists. He thus be- 
came the first Latin- American member. In 1965 Dulzin settled 
in Israel, acting as head of the Economic Department of the 
Jewish Agency and later head of the Aliyah and Absorption 
Department. From 1968 to 1978 he was treasurer of the Jew- 
ish Agency and the wzo and in this capacity traveled widely 
throughout the Jewish world to raise funds and to bring the 
message of Israel to the Jewish world. In 1970-71 on behalf of 
the Liberal Party, he was cabinet minister without portfolio in 
the Israeli government but later returned to the Zionist Execu- 
tive. In 1973-74 and again in 1975 he was acting chairman of 
the Jewish Agency and the wzo. He was the president of the 
World Union of the General Zionists, chairman of the Cen- 
tral Actions Committee of the Liberal Party, and a member 
of the Likud Executive. Among his many other functions he 
was a governor of Bank Leummi, governor of the Land De- 
velopment Company (Hachsharat ha-Yishuv), member of the 
board of directors of Keren Hayesod, president of the Israel- 
America Society as well as a member of a number of cultural 
and arts institutions in Israel. In 1978 he was elected chairman 

of the Jewish Agency and the wzo. 

[Benjamin Jaffe] 

DUMA, Imperial Russian legislature, in existence between 
1906 and 1917. The electoral law establishing the First Duma 
included no specific restrictions on the Jewish franchise. Al- 
though the Jewish socialist parties, and primarily the *Bund, 
boycotted the elections to the First Duma, the majority of 
Jews took an active part, voting for candidates of the Russian 
Constitutional Democratic Party (the Kadets). Twelve Jewish 
deputies, including five Zionists, were elected: L. *Bramson, 
G. *Bruk, M. Chervonenkis, S. Frenkel, G. Jolles, Nissan *Kat- 
zenelson, Shemaryahu Levin, *M. *Ostrogorski, S. *Rosen- 
baum, M. *Sheftel, M. *Vinawer, and B. Yakubson. Nine of 
the deputies were affiliated to the Kadet fraction and three to 
the Labor group (Trudoviki). On May 15, 1906, a bill to grant 
civil equality to the Jews and repeal all discriminatory legisla- 
tion on the ground of religion or nationality was brought in. 
When news of the pogrom in *Bialystok reached the Duma at 

the beginning of June 1906, it sent an investigating commis- 
sion there. The commissions report placed the responsibility 
for the pogrom on the Russian authorities, and the debate on 
this burning issue terminated with the dissolution of the First 
Duma by the Russian government in July. The Jewish repre- 
sentatives took part in the subsequent convocation of protest 
held by Duma deputies in Vyborg, Finland, and joined in 
signing the "Vyborg Manifesto," which called on the Russian 
people to register passive resistance by refusing to pay taxes 
or enlist in the army. Jews were also among the deputies who 
were sentenced to three months' imprisonment for signing the 
manifesto and deprived of their elective rights. 

The Second Duma, which met in February 1907, included 
only four Jewish deputies, and they were hardly known to the 
Jewish public: S. Abramson, L. Rabinovich, Y Shapiro - affili- 
ated to the Kadets - and V. *Mandelberg (Siberia), affiliated to 
the Social Democrats. The small number of Jewish members 
was the result of the organization and activities of the antise- 
mitic groups who opposed the election of Jewish deputies on 
principle. Since the Jews were in the minority throughout the 
country they were unable to return Jewish deputies without 
the support of the non- Jewish electorate. A bill was laid be- 
fore the Second Duma by the government abrogating all de- 
nominational restrictions in Russia excepting those imposed 
on the Jews. The premature dissolution of the Second Duma 
in June 1907 interrupted the debate on the bill. 

The Third Duma (1907-12) was returned by a new elec- 
toral law which restricted ab initio representation of the na- 
tional minorities and increased that of the landowners and 
clergy. It was overwhelmingly composed of right-wing ele- 
ments. There were two Jewish deputies, N. ^Friedman and L. 
*Nisselovich. The Jews were constantly attacked, especially by 
representatives of the extreme right such as Purishkevich and 
Zamyslowsky. A bill to abolish the Tale of Settlement signed 
by 166 deputies met with ridicule and abuse from the antisem- 
ites. On the other hand, the assassination of Premier Stolypin 
and the *Beilis blood libel case provided an opportunity for 
scurrilous anti- Jewish attacks. The antisemites also proposed 
excluding Jews from the army. 

Three Jews were elected to the Fourth Duma (1912-17), N. 
Friedman, M. Bomash, and E. Gurewich. A political office was 
established by a number of non- socialist Jewish parties to as- 
sist the Jewish deputies and provide guidance. The members of 
this bureau included Y *Gruenbaum and I. Rosow (Zionists), 
S. *Dubnow and M. *Kreinin (Jewish Populist Party, Folkspar- 
tei) y M. Vinaver and H. *Sliozberg (Jewish Peoples' Group), L. 
Bramson and A. *Braudo (Jewish Democratic Group), and O. 
*Grusenberg. During World War 1 the Jewish deputies were 
assigned to counteract the anti- Jewish vilification campaign 
spread by the army general staff and the restrictions intro- 
duced in its wake. It was on the initiative of the political office 
that deputy A. Kerensky paid a visit to the war zone: on his 
return he denied the libels from the podium of the Duma. The 
political office also appealed to the Duma to protest against 
the government memoranda of 1916 which accused the Jews 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



of sabotaging the Russian war effort. After the February 1917 
Revolution the Jews were granted equal rights and the "Jewish 
question" disappeared from the agenda of the Duma. 

bibliography: Y. Maor, in: He-Avar, 7 (i960), 49-90; J. 

Frumkin, in: Russian Jewry (1860-191/) (1966), 47-84; Dubnow, Hist 

Russ, 3 (1920), 131-42, 153-6. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

DUMUH, village near Cairo, thought to be on the site of the 
ancient Memphis. In the Middle Ages there was an ancient 
synagogue called KanisatMusd after Moses, because according 
to legend this was where he lived when he went on his mission 
to Pharaoh. Al-Maqrizi (d. 1442), an Arab historian, mentions 
the miracles observed there and writes that the Jews of Egypt 
customarily visited the synagogue on Shavuot. Joseph Sambari 
(17 th century) says that they came there on the seventh of Adar, 
the anniversary of Moses' death. Regulations were initiated to 
ensure proper conduct and, especially, that men and women 
should be separated. The leaders of Egyptian Jewry issued ap- 
peals for donations for the upkeep of the synagogue. 

A n th -century document reports that the elders of the 
Cairo community rented a plot of land in the vicinity of the 
synagogue to a Jew who wished to erect a building there so that 
the synagogue would not be isolated. Obadiah of * Bertinoro 
(end of 15 th century) reports that there were two synagogues, 
one belonging to the Rabbanite Jews and the other to the Kara- 
ites. On Sabbaths and festivals, Jews went specially there to 
pray; thus it seems that Jews were still not living there. At the 
beginning of 1498 the sultan al-Malik al-Nasir Muhammad 11 
ordered that the synagogue should be destroyed and this or- 
der was carried out in his presence; the synagogue may have 
been rebuilt, however. Sambari mentions some families who 
were named "Dumuhi," because of their origin. 

bibliography: Mann, Texts, 2 (1935), 206; Ashtor, Toledot, 
1 (1944), 245-6; 2 (1951), 385, 503; Assaf, in: Melilah, 1 (1944), 18-25; 
Goitein, in: Homenaje a Millds-Vallicrosa, 1 (1954), 718. 

[Eliyahu Ashtor] 

DUNAJSKA STREDA (Hung. Dunaszerdahely), town lo- 
cated on the largest island of the Danube River in S.W. Slo- 
vakia, now Slovak Republic. Towns and villages of the region 
had dense Jewish populations and most were supervised by 
the Dunajska Streda rabbinate. 

The first Jews probably settled in the area around 1700. 
Count Palffy granted the community legal rights in a charter 
of 1739. The Jewish population rose from 16 families in 1700 
to 1,874 people in 1880 (44.8% of the entire population) and 
around 2,700 in 1930. 

From the outset, both the royal treasury and the Palffy 
family burdened the Jews with heavy taxes. The Jews were 
occupied in crafts, agriculture, and trade in grain and spirits. 
Rabbi Simeon David officiated in the mid- 18 th century and by 
1780 the community already had a second synagogue and such 
communal institutions as a ritual bath, kosher butcher, mat- 
zah bakery, talmud torah, and primary school (a *Beth Jacob 

school for girls was opened in the 1920s). The Great Synagogue 
was constructed in 1865. The earliest tombstones in the old 
cemetery were from 1755. (All Jewish religious installations, 
with the exception of a small synagogue, were pulled down by 
the Communist regime in 1950 and i960.) In 1780 the Jewish 
community of Dunajska Streda was the second largest in the 
Hungarian kingdom, after Pressburg (Bratislava). 

The community was a center of Orthodoxy and impor- 
tant yeshivot were also located there. Among the celebrated 
rabbis who officiated in Dunajska Streda were Alexander Mei- 
slisch (1784-1800), David b. Menachem Mendel Deutsch, and 
Judah b. Israel Aszod. 

In the late 1880s there was an outburst of severe antisemi- 
tism. After an extended anti- Jewish campaign the synagogue 
was set on fire in June 1887. In the same year the Jewish quar- 
ter was sacked and hooligans attacked Jews in the street and 
in their homes. Not until military units were alerted did the 
attacks stop. In World War 1, 220 Jewish men enlisted in the 
army; 46 of them died. During the war a large number of Pol- 
ish Jews settled in the town. With the end of the war, the town 
was hit by another wave of pogroms and robberies. 

The Zionists were active in the town along with the Or- 
thodox political bodies. Jews were well represented in the 
municipal council, including Jewish members of the Com- 
munist Party. 

With the entry of the Hungarian army in 1938, persecu- 
tion increased. Budapest would not forgive Dunajska Streda 
Jewry its loyalty to Czechoslovakia. Anti-Jewish laws in exis- 
tence in Hungary were applied to the conquered territories. 
Jews were left with no source of income, and lived on the char- 
ity of Hungarian Jewish organizations. In 1940 Jews were re- 
cruited into the labor brigades of the Hungarian army, where 
many perished. Around 200 Jews who were not able to prove 
their Hungarian citizenship were assembled in the late sum- 
mer of 1942 and deported to the vicinity of Kamenets-Podolski 
in Poland, where they were executed by the Germans. During 
the years 1942-44 Dunajska Streda was one of the centers for 
smuggling Slovakian and Polish Jews into Hungary. 

In March 1944 German forces occupied Hungary. A new 
wave of persecutions started immediately. On March 29, the 
property of local Jews was sequestered. The community in- 
stitutions were closed down and in their stead a Judenrat was 
organized. On June 8, all Jews were ordered to assemble in 
the Great Synagogue and on June 13-15 around 3,000 were 
deported to Auschwitz. 

In 1947 there were 404 Jews in Dunajska Streda. In 1948- 
49, most of the Jews immigrated to Israel and elsewhere. A 
community of around 20 families established regular services 
in the small synagogue in the 1990s and the congregation orga- 
nized social activities, including a yearly memorial service. 

The well-known Orientalist Arminius *Vambery (1832- 
1913) was born in the town. 

bibliography: Magyar Zsido Lexikon (1929), 208. 

[Yeshayahu Jelinek (2 nd ed.)] 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


°DUNANT, JEAN HENRI (1828-1910), Swiss Protestant phi- 
lanthropist. Dunant was the founder of the Geneva Conven- 
tion and the International Red Cross. Among his humanitar- 
ian causes was the settlement of Jews in Erez Israel, which he 
regarded as essential for reviving the Middle East. During the 
early 1860s he tried to arouse the interest of Napoleon in and 
leaders of West European Jewry in his Jewish settlement plan. 
He established an association for the colonization of Palestine, 
and in a letter to the Jewish Chronicle of December 13, 1867, 
described its basic principles: the acquisition of land by the 
association; the building of a Jerusalem- Jaffa railroad; and the 
development of agriculture "aided by the cooperation of Isra- 
elites." He traveled throughout Europe in an attempt to interest 
such personalities as Adolphe Cremieux and Moses Monte- 
fiore. Dunant was unsuccessful in his efforts, and his conten- 
tion was that the indifference of the Jews was to blame. Herzl, 
in his closing speech at the First Zionist Congress (1897), re- 
ferred to Dunant as a Christian Zionist. 

bibliography: Die Welt, 1:22 (1897), 6f.; N. Sokolow, His- 
tory of Zionism, 2 (1919), 259-61, 265-7; A. Francois, Aspects d'Henri 
Dunant: le bonapartiste, Vaffairiste, le sioniste (1948). 

[Getzel Kressel] 

DUNASH BEN LABRAT (mid-tenth century), Hebrew poet, 
linguist, and exegete. Most medieval scholars believed that he 
and Adonim ha-Levi were the same person. Moses Ibn Ezra 
described him as a Baghdadi by origin and a man of Fez by 
education. He could have been born around 925, in Baghdad 
or in Fez, and was one of the last students of *Saadiah in Bagh- 
dad. After the death of his master (942) he established him- 
self first in Fez and later on in Cordoba, where he was teach- 
ing around 960. Some years later, after having had problems 
with *Hisdai ibn Shaprut, he abandoned Andalusia; in 985 he 
wrote a poem in honor of a prominent Andalusian Jew. We 
have no more concrete references about the rest of his life or 
about his death. 

Dunash as a Poet 

It was Dunash who applied the Arabic poetic forms, genres, 
and meters to Hebrew, adapting them to the biblical language 
and thus laying the foundation of medieval Andalusian He- 
brew poetry. Though initially there was some opposition in 
Cordoba, in the circle of Menahem ben Saruq, the innova- 
tion was immediately accepted and developed. Ibn *Gabirol 
speaks of Dunash as the greatest poet of his generation and 
imitates his style in one of his compositions. Only some of 
Dunash's poems have been discovered and a few of them are 
known only by the lines quoted in his philological work. As 
was common at the time, his secular poems include panegy- 
rics (in honor of Hisdai ibn Shaprut and other Jewish nota- 
bles), songs of friendship and love, with praise to nature, the 
good life, and wine, and also didactic and wisdom poetry. The 
ambivalence of Jewish life in a Muslim atmosphere left deep 
traces in his verses. He expressed his sadness for the situation 
of his people, among Muslims and Christians, and for the ru- 

ins of Jerusalem. His religious poems include the Sabbath song 
Deror yikra and Devai hasser, which has become part of the 
Grace said after the wedding meal. He also wrote piyyutim as 
is clear from the remains of a kerovah for the Day of Atone- 
ment and other fragments. A genizah fragment indicates that 
ten rhymed riddles, previously thought to be the work of Ibn 
Gabirol, were written by Dunash. E. Fleischer published a 
short poem possibly written by Dunash's wife when her hus- 
band was leaving Andalusia. 

Collections of Dunash's poems were published by D. Ka- 
hana in 1894 and by N. Allony in 1947 (see Mirsky, in: ks, 24 
(1947/48), 16-19; Shir u-Fulmus, ed. by Y. Zmora, 1944); M. Zu- 
lay, in Sinai, 29 (1951), 36ft.; E. Fleischer, in Tarbiz, 39 (1970), 
33ft., and in Jerusalem Studies in Hebrew Literature, 5 (1984), 
189-202; in 1988 C. del Valle published 56 poems by Dunash 
with Spanish translation and commentary (El divan poetico de 
Dunash ben Labrat: la introduccion de la metrica drabe). 

Dunash as a Linguist 

When Dunash arrived in Cordoba, *Menahem b. Jacob ibn 
Saruq, Hisdai ibn Shaprut's secretary, was working on his 
dictionary of Biblical Hebrew and Aramaic in Hebrew, the 
Mahberet. Dunash, worried about some possibly heterodox 
interpretations and dissenting from him in basic grammat- 
ical views, wrote some replies against Menahem and pre- 
sented them, with praise and thanks, to Hisdai (shortly af- 
ter 958). The grammatical and lexical study of the language 
of the Bible became for Menahem and Dunash a passionate 
question that gave rise to one of the hottest debates that took 
place in the Middle Ages. Dunash claimed to have disputed 
200 items, but in the text which has been preserved there are 
180 entries. Sixty-eight are included in the poem Le-doresh 
ha-hokhmot which is explained by parallel prose paragraphs, 
a literary form borrowed from technical Arabic literature. 
Many of Dunash's comments deal with those grammatical or 
lexical explanations which, in his opinion, are likely to lead 
to error in matters of halakhah and belief. This religious fac- 
tor may explain the severity of his attack. From our perspec- 
tive, it is not easy to understand that the meaning of a word 
or its appropriate grammatical classification could give rise 
to such vicious and scornful attacks. But it was not a mere 
question of words: upon this discussion depended the entire 
Jewish conception of God and his relation to the world, the 
way of understanding the moral obligations of mankind, and 
the confirmation of rabbinic tradition over sectarian views. 
Therefore, his could not be just a cold and objective science. 
For Dunash the meaning of the biblical text and theology 
could never be at odds. In some cases Dunash criticized in- 
terpretations of his adversaries which seemed to be close to 
Karaism. Though Menahem was relieved of his position as a 
result of accusations of heresy, there is no proof that Dunash 
deliberately caused his downfall or that he benefited from it in 
anyway. Three of Menahem's students, Ibn Kapron, Isaac ibn 
Gikatilla (Ibn Janah's teacher), and Judah Hayyuj, came out 
against Dunash though Hisdai was still alive. They wrote re- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



sponsa dealing with 50 items, which imitated Dunashs poem 
in their form. Dunashs student, *Yehudi b. Sheshet, answered 
sharply in the same manner. Rashi, who knew of the argument 
between the school of Menahem and the school of Dunash, 
quotes Dunash about 20 times, and many more times Me- 
nahem. R. Tarn wrote "decisions" on the disagreements be- 
tween Dunash and Menahem, and Joseph Kimhi, in his Sefer 
ha-Galui, wrote against these decisions in favor of Dunash. 
Although Dunash was correct in many of the points under 
discussion, his grammatical method is no more advanced 
than that of Menahem. Both shared, for example, the search 
for the "bases" of Hebrew words and verbs, a set of firm con- 
sonants very different from the diachronic concept of "root" 
used in later philology. However, while Menahem rejected 
for ideological reasons the comparison of Hebrew with other 
languages, Dunash accepted the comparatist method, in par- 
ticular in relation to Arabic. 

The book Teshuvot l al Rav Saadyah Gabn ("Responsa 
on R. Saadiah Gaon") is also attributed to Dunash, but many 
scholars doubt if he was the author, since it is written in prose 
full of Arabisms and, moreover, dissents on several points 
from the opinion of Dunash in his dispute with Menahem and 
recognizes that hollow roots are also triliteral. There are some 
who believe that Dunash wrote this work when an old man, 
perhaps after being influenced by Hayyuj, whom all consider 
to be the founder of the new method in Hebrew grammar. 

Dunashs responsa were edited by Filipowski in 1855, and 
in a critical edition with new materials by A. Saenz- Badillos 
in 1980; the arguments, written in verse by students of Me- 
nahem and Dunash, were edited by S.G. Stern (1870); S. Be- 
navente published the answers of the students of Menahem 
(1986); the replies by Yehudi ben Sheshet were published by 
E. Varela (1981); the Teshuvot l al Rav Saadyah Gabn, by R. 
Shroeter (1866). 

Dunash as an Exegete 

Dunash did not write complete commentaries to biblical 
books, but practiced, like Menahem, a kind of grammatical 
analysis that was a true literal exegesis. For Dunash philology 
was not an end in itself, it was an instrument for the adequate 
comprehension of the Bible, the only correct way of interpret- 
ing the Scriptures. Dunash was very respectful toward the 
interpretations of the Targum and the Masorah, remaining 
faithful to the literal meaning of the text. This did not mean 
disregarding the fact that the Scriptures uses metaphors and 
analogies that should be understood as such, above all in the 
case of the anthropomorphisms and anthropopathisms in 
Scripture. Dunash applied linguistic knowledge to the inter- 
pretation of the Scriptures, complementing it with "the 13 rules 
by which most of the precepts, laws, norms, and instructions 
are governed and measured." He made moderate use of the 
methods of permutation or metathesis applied by some tra- 
ditional interpreters, and continued the comparative methods 
initiated by Saadiah and other grammarians in North Africa in 
order to understand the most difficult words of the Bible. 

bibliography: W. Bacher, Die hebraeische Sprachwissen- 
schaft... (1892), 27-33; idem, in: zdmg, 49 (1895), 367-86; idem, in: 
mgw j, 46 (1902), 478-80; H. Hirschfield, Literary History of Hebrew 
Grammarians and Lexicographers (1926), 26-31; Davidson, Ozar, 4 

(i933)> 378; Englander, in: huca, 7 (1930), 399"437; u (1936), 369-89; 
12-13 ( 1 937 _ 38)> 505-21; Brody, in: Sefer ha-Yovel... S. Krauss (1936), 
117-26; Yellin, ibid., 127-35; idem, in: Sefer Zikkaron... Gulak ve-Klein 
(1942), 105, 114; idem, Toledot Hitpattehut ha-Dikduk ha-Ivri (1945), 
67-93; D. Herzog, in: Saadya Studies, ed. by E.J. Rosenthal (1943), 
26-46; N. Allony, in: jqr, 36 (1945), 141-6; idem, in: Leshonenu, 15 
(1946/47), 161-72; idem, in: Dunash ben Labrat, Shirim (1946), 5-46 
(introd.); idem, Torat ha-Mishkalim (1951). add. bibliography: 
E. Ashtor, The Jews of Moslem Spain, 1 (1973), 252 ff.; Schirmann- 
Fleischer, The History of Hebrew Poetry in Muslim Spain (Heb., 1995), 
119-143; A. Saenz-Badillos and J. Targarona, Gramdticos Hebreos de 
al-Andalus (Siglos x-xn). Filologia y Biblia (1988), 39-89; idem, Los 
judios de Sefarad ante la Biblia (1996), 55-76; A. Saenz-Badillos, in: 
M. Saebo et al. (eds.), Hebrew Bible. Old Testament. The History of Its 
Interpretation. Vol. 1, Part 2 (2000), 96-109. 

[Chaim M. Rabin / Angel Saenz-Badillos (2 nd ed.)] 

DUNASH IBN TAMIM (c. 890-after 955/6), North African 
scholar, known also as Adonim, the Hebrew form of Du- 
nash, and by the Arabic surname Abu Sahl. (The descriptive 
adjective shaflagi appended to his name by Moses *Ibn Ezra 
is inexplicable.) Dunash was from Kairouan, and studied with 
Isaac * Israeli, to whom he undoubtedly owed the greater part 
of his intellectual development. The philosophical and theo- 
logical parts of his commentary on the Sefer *Yezirah reflect 
the neoplatonism of Israeli s philosophical thinking. Dunash 
probably also received from Israeli his medical knowledge, 
displayed authoritatively especially in the last pages of his 
commentary. Dunash also demonstrates a thorough knowl- 
edge of certain theories of Arabic grammar, chiefly theo- 
ries of phonetics. In addition to astronomy, of which he had 
made a special study, this commentary shows that he had 
read treatises derived from Greek sources on physics and 
the natural sciences. Dunash is thought to be the author of 
several works (all probably in Arabic). The following three 
are no longer extant: (1) a comparative study of Arabic and 
Hebrew, in which the author tries to prove the antiquity of 
Hebrew, and which is mentioned or quoted by Judah *Ibn 
Bal'am, Abu Ibrahim Isak *Ibn Barun, Moses *Ibn Ezra, and 
Abraham *Ibn Ezra, but in deprecatory terms; (2) a book on 
Indian calculus, probably bearing the title Hisab al-Gubar; 
and (3) a treatise on astronomy in three parts (structure of 
the spheres, mathematical astronomy, and astrology, proba- 
bly critical). The last was written at the request of *Hisdai ibn 
Shaprut; another edition or copy was dedicated by Dunash 
to the Fatimid caliph al-Mansur Ismail ibn al Qayyim. Extant 
in manuscript is a treatise on the armillary sphere, an astro- 
nomical instrument, dedicated to a high Fatimid dignitary 
and written in Arabic characters (as opposed to other Ara- 
bic writings in Hebrew script; Hagia Sophia Ms. 4861). There 
are vague allusions to a commentary on the first chapter of 
Genesis. The Arab physician Ibn al-Baytar (d. 1248) refers to 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


a medical work by Dunash, and there are other references to 
a "Book on Urine" as well. 

The commentary on the Sefer Yezirah, mentioned above, 
was written in 955/6. Attempts made to attribute this work to 
Isaac Israeli or Jacob b. Nissim may be disregarded. To date, 
the Cairo Genizah has yielded only about one- third of the 
Arabic original of this text; it has been preserved fully in four 
Hebrew versions: the first by Nahum ha-Ma'aravi (c. 1240); 
the second by Moses b. Joseph b. Moses (somewhat earlier), 
based on the complete Arabic editions; the third by an anony- 
mous author, probably of the 14 th century, from a shorter Ar- 
abic text of perhaps the mid-n th century; and the fourth by 
another anonymous author of unknown date, from an Arabic 
abridgment, possibly of 1092. 

Dunash's exegetical method in Sefer Yezirah is scientific. 
He succeeded in incorporating in his commentary much of 
the knowledge of his day without losing sight of the influ- 
ence of philosophic and scientific truths on religion. He dealt 
with such truths as an incorporeal God, creator of a perfectly 
regulated universe, a hierarchy of souls of the spheres, and 
prophetic inspiration, said to coincide in its highest degree, 
as in the case of Moses, with Plotinian ecstasy. Dunash did 
not hesitate to criticize *Saadiah Gaon's commentary on the 
Sefer Yezirah; however, these criticisms have been attenu- 
ated or suppressed in some of the Hebrew versions. Dunash's 
commentary enjoyed some renown in the 12 th century when 
*Judah b. Barzillai, Joseph ibn *Zaddik, and perhaps * Judah 
Halevi made use of it. It is mentioned several times in the 13 th 
century, particularly by Abraham *Abulafia; it was copied with 
slight alterations c. 1370 by Samuel ibn Motot, and traces of 
it are found among i5 th -century authors, such as Zemah Du- 
ran, Isaac Halayo (unpublished sermons on the Song of Songs, 
Paris, Ms. Heb. 228), and *Moses b. Jacob (Ozar Adonai, Ox- 
ford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Opp. 556). However, Dunash's 
work, like that of Isaac Israeli, his teacher, played only a sec- 
ondary role in the history of Jewish thought. 

bibliography: Poznariski, in: Zikkaron le-Harkavy (1903), 
190-2; H. Maker, Saadia Gaon, His Life and Works (1921), index; Vajda, 
in: rej, 105 (1939), 132-140; 107 (i946-47)> 99-156; no (1949-50), 
67-92; 112 (1953), 5-33; 113 (i954)> 37-6i; 119 (1961), 159-61; Goldziher, 
ibid., 52 (1906), 187-90; G. Vajda, in: Annuaire de Vlnstitut de Philolo- 
gie et d'Histoire Orientate et Slaves, 13 (1953), 641-52; Stern, in: Home- 
naje a Millds Vallicrosa, 2 (1956), 373-82 (Eng.); A. Altmann and S.M. 
Stern (eds.), Isaac Israeli (1958), index; Baron, Social 2 , index. 

[Georges Vajda] 

Russian composer. Born at Lokhvitsa, near Poltava, Ukraine, 
he began to learn the piano at the age of four and studied at 
the Kharkov Conservatory, with Joseph *Achron. In 1919 he 
settled in Leningrad. Dunayevski was one of the leading popu- 
lar composers of Soviet Russia, and in 1937 was made president 
of the Union of Soviet Composers. His works include light op- 
eras, dance music, songs, choruses, and incidental music to 
plays and films, as well as a string quartet, a Song of Stalin for 

chorus and orchestra, a Requiem for reciter and quintet, and 
one work for jazz orchestra, the Rhapsody on Song-Themes of 
the Peoples of the U.S.S.R. (1931). Among his operettas were 
The Golden Valley (1934) and The Road to Happiness (1939). 
His 12 scores for films include Circus (1935) and Volga-Volga 
(1938) which made a permanent contribution to Soviet popu- 
lar song. For a time after 1933 he experimented with jazz idi- 
oms. He was awarded the Stalin Prize in 1941. Dunayevski died 
in Moscow, and the collection Vystupleniya, statyi, pisma, vo- 
spominaniya ("Appearances, Articles, Letters, Memoirs") was 
published posthumously in 1961. 

bibliography: L. Danilevich, I.O. Dunayevski (1947); I. 
Nestyev, in: Sovetskaya Muzyka, 19: 11 (1955), 35-48; L.V. Mikheyeva, 
I.O. Dunayevski, 1900-1955: kratki ocherk zhizni i tvorchestva (1963). 

DUNAYEVTSY, town in Khmelnitski district, Ukraine. The 
Jewish community numbered 1,129 i n 1765, but by 1775 was 
reduced to 484 as a result of the *Haidamak uprising of 1768. 
From the beginning of the 19 th century many Jews found em- 
ployment as workers, dyers, and traders in the flourishing tex- 
tile industry there. Dunayevtsy was the scene of a trial lasting 
from 1838 to 1840 in which a number of Jews were accused 
of the murder of two informers. The Jewish population num- 
bered 2,020 in 1847 and approximately 10,000 before the out- 
break of World War 1 (about two-thirds of the total popula- 
tion). Dunayevtsy became known as a center of Hebrew and 
Zionist literary and educational activity. The scholars and 
writers Yehezkel *Kaufmann, Zevi *Scharfstein, S.L. *Blank, 
and Abraham * Rosen were born and educated there. After the 
establishment of Soviet rule the town became impoverished. 
Many Jews immigrated or moved to the cities of the Russian 
interior. There were 5,186 Jews in Dunayevtsy in 1926 (60.5% 
of the total), dropping to 4,478 (68.23% of the total) before 
World War 11. The Germans occupied Dunayevtsy on July 
11, 1941. They concentrated the Jews into a ghetto. On May 2, 
1942, about 3,000 were murdered by the Nazis. 

bibliography: Kamenetz-Podolsk u-Sevivatah (1965), 103-52; 
Z. Scharfstein, Hayah Aviv ba-Arez (1953), 11-163. 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

DUNEDIN, city in Otago, New Zealand. Five Jewish families 
had settled in Dunedin, the most southern Jewish community 
in the world, before the discovery of gold in Otago in 1861. In 
1862, the congregation had a membership of 43, including the 
poet and novelist Benjamin * Farjeon. Jacob * Saphir of Jeru- 
salem, then visiting Dunedin, wrote a megillah for reading on 
Purim. The first synagogue was consecrated in 1864. A number 
of congregational activities were initiated while B. Lichenstein 
was minister, from 1875 to 1892. A synagogue was built in 1881. 
From 1884 D.E. Theomin headed the community for almost 
30 years. Wolf Heinemann, professor and examiner in Ger- 
man and Hebrew at Otago University from 1895, lectured in 
the synagogue and founded the Dunedin Zionist Society in 
1905. Other ministers included A.T. Chodowski, who offici- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



ated from 1898 to 1909 and later founded the Australian Jewish 
Chronicle, and A. Astor (1926-30). Although a small commu- 
nity, it produced four notable members of the legislature - Sir 
Julius *Vogel, Samuel Shrimski, Bendix Hallenstein, and Mark 
Cohen. In the present century it dwindled and numbered only 
100 in 1968 and about the same number in 2004. 

bibliography: L.M. Goldman, History of the Jews in New 
Zealand (1958), index; Journal and Proceedings of the Australian Jewish 
Historical Society, 1 (1943), 154-60; 2 (1948), 202-12, 269-80, 394-400; 
New Zealand Jewish Review and Communal Directory (1931), 19, 47, 
69. add. bibliography: S. Levine, The New Zealand Jewish Com- 
munity (1999), index; jyb 2004. 

[Maurice S. Pitt] 

DUNKELMAN, BENJAMIN (1913-1997), Canadian man- 
ufacturer and volunteer soldier in World War 11 and Israel's 
War of Independence. Dunkelman was born in Toronto. His 
father, David, was a wealthy Toronto clothing manufacturer 
and retailer and his mother, Rose Miller (see *Dunkelman, 
Rose), was a leading figure in Canadian Hadassah. After fin- 
ishing at Toronto's elite Upper Canada College, he visited Pal- 
estine in 1932 as a teenager and worked for several months at 
Tel Asher, with the intention of joining a kibbutz. He returned 
again in 1935 hoping to stay on and establish a new settlement 
but returned to Canada and in 1939 - believing that he had 
a personal score to settle with the Nazis - tried to join the 
Royal Canadian Navy. Rejected, he enlisted in the Canadian 
Army and served in combat with great distinction, earning the 
prestigious Distinguished Service Order as a company com- 
mander in the Queen's Own Rifles for, among other achieve- 
ments, leading his men under fire through the heavily mined 
Hochwald forest. He was recognized as an expert in mortars. 
Arriving back in Palestine in April 1948, Dunkelman joined 
Haganah forces battling on the roads to keep Jerusalem sup- 
plied and commanded one of the units in the fight for control 
of Galilee. Troops under his command captured Nazareth. He 
also organized and trained a heavy mortar support brigade. 
He returned to Canada after Israel's War of Independence and 
took over the family clothing manufacturing business. In To- 
ronto he was active also in many Jewish and non- Jewish orga- 
nizations and later wrote a revealing autobiography, Dual Alle- 
giance: An Autobiography (1976), which reflects the tension he 
felt between his commitment both to Israel and Canada. 

[Gerald Tulchinsky (2 nd ed.)] 

DUNKELMAN, ROSE (1889-1949), Canadian Jewish com- 
munal leader and philanthropist. Rose Dunkelman (Miller) 
was born in Philadelphia and moved to Toronto at age 13. She 
married David Dunkelman, a major Toronto clothing man- 
ufacturer, in 1910. They had six children. Rose Dunkelman 
was a formidable force in a number of Jewish causes, includ- 
ing the Toronto Talmud Torah and Hebrew Free Schools, the 
Toronto ymha and ywha, and the Jewish Federated Chari- 
ties. A passionate Zionist, however, her prime organizational 
focus was in support of Canadian Hadassah and in her forth- 

right manner she was partly responsible for making the or- 
ganization an independent and powerful Canadian Zionist 
force during the interwar and immediate postwar years. At 
her Toronto home and summer estate, "Sunnybrook Farm," 
she often entertained visiting Zionist leaders who kept her 
informed of unfolding events in Palestine. Outraged by the 
exclusion of Jews from nearby vacation resorts, she founded 
Balfour Beach on Lake Simcoe north of Toronto, where she 
had 30 cottages built which welcomed Jewish vacationers. A 
veritable whirlwind of energy and activity, she also worked for 
the Canadian Red Cross and was awarded the King's Corona- 
tion Medal in 1937. Miffed by the anti-Zionist editorials in the 
Toronto-based Canadian Jewish Review, in 1931, together with 
her husband, she founded the Canadian Jewish Standard, and 
recruited the talented Meyer *Weisgal, who briefly served as 
editor. This monthly magazine reflected her deep commitment 
to the Zionist cause. When she died in 1949 Rose Dunkelman 
was buried in Israel at *Deganyah Alef. Her son, Benjamin 
*Dunkelman, fought in Israel's War of Independence. 

[Gerald Tulchinsky (2 nd ed.)] 

°DUNS SCOTUS, JOHN (1265-1308), Catholic theologian 
and philosopher. Scotus opposed many of the views of Thomas 
*Aquinas. Against Aquinas he affirmed the limitations of phi- 
losophy, and argued that the will is superior to the intellect, 
because the will is free while the intellect is bound by neces- 
sity, insofar as one is constrained to believe what the intellect 
recognizes to be true. He objected to Aquinas' contention that 
attributes are applied analogically to man and God, holding 
that if man is to know anything at all about God, the attributes 
applied to God and man must, in some sense, be univocal. 
He affirmed the existence of individualized forms, maintain- 
ing that every object has its own unique form, its "thisness" 
(haecceitas), which differentiates it from other objects. Sco- 
tus is known for his support of the forcible baptism of Jewish 
children, and his contention that a sovereign has the right to 
have Jewish children educated in the Christian faith without 
parental consent. In this he opposed Aquinas who had argued 
against forcible baptism on the ground that it violates the right 
of parenthood which is a principle of natural law. Scotus held 
that conversion supersedes natural law, for nothing should 
stand in the way of enabling man to achieve eternal salvation. 
In the case of conflict between the right of parenthood and 
the will of God, the right of parenthood ceases to be bind- 
ing. He did maintain that forcible baptism, when carried out 
by a private individual, violates natural law; however, when 
carried out by a sovereign it is legitimate (L. Wadding (ed.), 
Opera Omnia, 8 (1639), 275). 

In a polemical passage directed against infidels Sco- 
tus characterized the Jews in exactly the same terms as had 
Aquinas: the laws of the Old Testament have become "taste- 
less" (insipidi) with the appearance of Christ (Opus Oxoniense 
Prolog., pt. 2, in Opera, 1 (1951), 71 ff.). His negative attitude 
toward Judaism did not prevent Scotus from utilizing the 
views of Solomon ibn *Gabirol, author of Fons Vitae (Mekor 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Hayyim; "The Fountain of Life"), whom he knew under the 
name of Avicebron, and did not identify as a Jew, and *Mai- 
monides. He defended Ibn Gabirois theory that even spiri- 
tual beings are composed of form and matter, a view which 
was traditionally upheld by the Franciscans and rejected by 
the Dominicans. Scotus refers to Maimonides' discussion of 
the relation of reason and revelation, and to his doctrine of 
divine attributes, which he finds similar to that of Avicenna, 
and follows Maimonides in his doctrine of prophecy He ar- 
gues against the view that the temporal creation of the world 
cannot be proved - a view which Aquinas adopted from Mai- 
monides - but does not mention Maimonides in this connec- 
tion. While there are no direct references to Scotus in their 
writings it had recently been suggested that Scotus and his 
school exerted an influence on late medieval Jewish philoso- 
phers. Thus reflections of Scotus' theory of individuation are 
found in Mdamar ha-Dan ba-Zurot ha-Peratiyyot o Ishiyyot 
("A Treatise Upon Personal Forms," Paris Bibliotheque Na- 
tionale, Ms. Heb. 984) written by * Jedaiah ha-Penini. *Levi b. 
Gershom, in his view that man's freedom of the will is a devia- 
tion from the determinism that prevails in the universe, and 
in his rejection of negative attributes, appears to have been 
influenced by Scotus. There are distinct similarities to Scotus 
in Hasdai * Crescas' criticism of the physical proofs of God's 
existence, in his theory of divine attributes, and in his seeing 
a compulsory element in the activity of the intellect. (For fur- 
ther details on Scotus' influence on Jewish philosophy, see S. 
Pines, in piash, 1 (1967), 1-51.) 

bibliography: E. Gilson, History of Christian Philosophy in 
the Middle Ages (1955), 454-71; idem, Jean Duns Scot. Introduction a 
ses positions fondamentales (1952); F. Copleston, A History of Philoso- 
phy, 2 pt. 2 (1962), 199-275; idem, Medieval Philosophy (1952), 107-17; 
Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2 (1967), 427-36; je, 5 (1907), 14-15; J. 
Guttmann, Die Scholastik des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts in ihren Bezie- 
hungen zum Judenthum und zur juedischen Literatur (1902), 154-67. 
add. bibliography: E. Bettoni, Duns Scotus (1961); J.K. Ryan and 
M.M. Bonansea (eds.), John Duns Scotus 1265-1965 (1965). 

°DUPONT-SOMMER, ANDRE (1900-1983), French Bible 
scholar. Dupont-Sommer was director of studies at the Ecole 
des Hautes Etudes from 1938, professor at the Sorbonne from 
!945> professor of Hebrew and Aramaic at the College de 
France from 1963, and president of the Institut d'Etudes Semi- 
tiques of the University of Paris from 1952. He undertook ar- 
chaeological excavations in the Near East from 1925 to 1934. 
Dupont-Sommer was one of the first interpreters of the 
Dead Sea Scrolls. He published many articles and a number 
of books on them, including three that have been translated 
into English under the titles The Dead Sea Scrolls: A Prelimi- 
nary Survey (1952), The Jewish Sect of Qumran and the Essenes 
(1954), and The Essene Writings from Qumran (1961). His Les 
Arameens (1949) is an outstanding contribution on the Ar- 
ameans. His publication of an important collection of several 
hundred Aramaic ostraca discovered in the French excava- 
tions at Elephantine, conducted by C. Clermont- Ganneau, 

has increased the knowledge of the Aramaic of the Book of 
Ezra and of the culture of the Jews of Egypt in the Persian 
period. His other published works include La doctrine gnos- 
tique de la lettre "Waw" dapres une lamelle arameene inedite 
(1946), Les inscriptions arameennes de Sfire (1958), and Ob- 
servations sur le commentaire d'Habacuc decouvert pres de la 

Mer Morte (1950). 

[Zev Garber] 

DU PRE, JACQUELINE (1945-1987), British cellist. Du Pre 
was born in Oxford and began studying the cello at the age of 
six. In 1968, she graduated from the Guildhall School of Mu- 
sic, London, with a gold medal, then studied with Tortelier 
(in Paris), with Casals, and with Rostropovich (in Moscow). 
After her London debut at the Wigmore Hall (March 1961), 
she steadily acquired an international reputation as one of the 
most naturally gifted musicians England has ever produced. 
In 1967, she met Daniel *Barenboim, the Israeli pianist, and 
they were married in June of that year after her conversion to 
Judaism (she was previously an Anglican). She and her hus- 
band made many tours together and performed frequently all 
over Israel, playing chamber music with Itzchak * Perlman and 
Pinchas *Zuckerman and appearing in concerts with conduc- 
tor Zubin *Mehta. In 1973, however, her career tragically ended 
when she was stricken by multiple sclerosis. 

[Max Loppert (2 nd ed.)] 

DUQUE, SIMON DAVID (1897-1945), one of the last two 
hazzanim of the Portuguese Synagogue of Amsterdam, Hol- 
land. Born in Amsterdam, Duque was appointed hazzan in 
1923. He was chosen from among three candidates because of 
his adherence to the Amsterdam tradition. He also aimed at 
an operatic style and had a beautiful voice. Among his many 
moving hazzanut features are his Kedushah for Sabbath Musaf 
and Ve-Hu Rahum for the evening service. His falsetto was fa- 
mous. He was deported by the Nazi occupiers of Holland and 
died at the Dachau concentration camp. 

[Amnon Shiloah (2 nd ed.)] 

DURA-EUROPOS, ancient city on the Euphrates River in 
Syria. It was long known from the writings of the first-cen- 
tury geographer Isidore of Charax/Bosra, but its exact where- 
abouts, a site known as el-Salihiye, was discovered only ac- 
cidentally by a British patrol in the aftermath of World War 1 
while they were digging military installations. A brief exca- 
vation was conducted at the site by F. Cumont in 1922-23. A 
major Franco-American expedition carried out work at the 
site between the years 1928-37. The city was founded in about 
300 b.c.e. by Seleucus 1 Nicator. It served as a transfer post 
where goods brought up the river from India were put on cam- 
els and carried to Palmyra and the Mediterranean. Dura-Eu- 
ropos was taken by the Parthians in 114 b.c.e. but it retained 
its autonomy and Greek character. After being held briefly by 
the Romans at the time of Trajan in 116 c.e., it was restored 
to the Parthians in 118 c.e., and captured once again by the 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



Romans in Lucius Verus' campaign of 168 c.e. The Romans 
ruled it until its conquest and destruction by the Sassanids 
under Shapur 1 in 256 c.e. Throughout its history the city 
contained a mixed population and judging from its temples 
it was largely eastern in orientation, with strong cultural ties 
with Palmyra. In addition to a synagogue the excavators also 
found a Mithraeum for the Roman soldiers and a small Chris- 
tian chapel. The relative sizes of the pagan temples and the 
synagogue seem to indicate that Dura-Europos' Jewish popu- 
lation was a small minority in the city. Thus although the city 
was only about 250 miles (400 km.) north of Nehardea, the 
great center of Babylonian Jewry, the Jews of Dura-Europos 
must have lived as an isolated group in a pagan center rather 
than as a fully Jewish community. 

The synagogue at Dura-Europos, discovered in 1932, was 
found in a remarkable state of preservation. It lay just inside 
the western city wall within an insula often houses (block lj) 
and when the inhabitants, judged expendable by the shrink- 
ing Roman Empire, attempted to strengthen the wall against 
the advancing Sassanid army, they tore off the roofs of the 
buildings just behind the wall and filled them with sand from 
the desert. The synagogue was accordingly as securely buried 
and protected as at Pompeii. The paintings, completed only 
some five years before the city fell, emerged from the sand 
nearly as fresh as when painted. The synagogue was built in 
c. 244-45 C - E - by remodeling a private house and followed 
the plan of the inner shrines of the pagan temples of the city. 
Since it contained benches around the room, often found in 
synagogues elsewhere, it evidently served for group worship. 
The benches, however, could accommodate only a small part 
of the congregation and wooden stools were probably used as 
well. Beneath the synagogue the remains of another smaller 
and more modest one was found, dating to the last quarter 
of the second century c.e. The entrance to the earlier syna- 
gogue was on the side adjoining the city wall through a nar- 
row corridor which led to a courtyard with porticoes on two 
sides. The prayer room, 25 x 14 ft. (10.85 x 4-6o m.), contained 
a niche (the Torah Shrine?) in its west wall, a bench along the 
walls of the room, and two doorways, one of which may have 
served as the women's entrance (no sign of a women's gallery 
was found at Dura-Europos). The walls of the building were 
painted in geometric designs and fruit and floral motifs. In 
one corner of the court was a pool; adjoining it was a large 
room with benches (bet midrash 7 .). 

The second (upper) synagogue has an inscription writ- 
ten in Aramaic indicating the date of the completion of its 
construction in 245 c.e. Its entrance was on the street side far 
from the wall; the entrance was well hidden and the prayer 
room itself was accessible only through various passage- 
ways. The courtyard of the synagogue was expanded and 
surrounded by porticoes on three sides and the prayer room 
was also enlarged (to 45 x 25 ft. (13.65 x 7.68 m.)). Benches 
were extended along all the walls and a stepped bimah ("plat- 
form") built near the niche. A Greek inscription commemo- 
rates the building of the synagogue by Samuel b. Idi "elder of 

the Jews" with the assistance of several members of the con- 
gregation. All the walls of the second synagogue were cov- 
ered with paintings, most of them representing scenes from 
the Bible, and these must have been executed within only a 
few years of the renovation. Into these scenes were incorpo- 
rated pagan figures, forms, and symbols (see ^Symbolism, 
Jewish, in the Greco- Roman Period). The biblical paintings, 
and others, which only by a flight of the imagination can be 
associated with any specific biblical incident, were arranged 
in variously proportioned rectangles separated by borders 
of running grapevines. Pilasters painted with vines occupy 
the corners and support the ceiling which seems originally 
to have been made of square coffers decorated with painted 
tiles and probably with plaster wreaths at the intersections of 
the beams. The paintings around the bottom row of the room 
show masks and harnessed felines holding fragments of their 
victims. Both the masks and the felines are of the kind gen- 
erally associated with Dionysus and also with other deities, 
e.g., the felines with Cybele, the Great Mother of fertility. The 
many tiles preserved from the ceiling show a large number of 
fertility symbols: bunches of fruit and grain, and many rep- 
resentations of female heads which Kraeling identified with 
the "ubiquitous Demeter- Persephone of the eastern Mediter- 
ranean," i.e., Cybele. This goddess also appears with the felines 
and the masks in the dado. Other ceiling tiles show birds, fish, 
running gazelles, and centaurs holding out a fish. Several tiles 
bear dated donor's inscriptions in Greek and Aramaic; the 
congregation was presumably bilingual. Since the ceiling was 
about 23 ft. (7 m.) high, the inscriptions, written in relatively 
small letters, could have been read only by the sharpest eyes 
and thus they were possibly designed to suggest the donors' 
destiny in the heavenly setting of the ceiling itself, and not as 
plaques for conspicuous notice. 

The room was oriented for worship toward Jerusalem 
by placing the niche, presumably for the Torah, in the long 
west wall. On a panel above the niche were painted a meno- 
rahy etrogy and lulav y the temple facade, and a crudely drawn 
scene of the sacrifice of Isaac (the Akedah) y which was appar- 
ently used to represent a shofar ("ram's horn"). This decoration, 
and the first stage of the high vine painted above the niche, 
seem to have been executed even before the other paintings 
had been planned. The high panel (the reredos) above the 
niche was repainted several times; this makes it the most im- 
portant design in the room. After being exposed to light for a 
few hours, the underpaintings came through the upper ones, 
rendering the whole scene one of utter confusion. The various 
stages of painting, however, can be fairly well reconstructed, 
and show that the master directing the decoration planned 
it during the execution of the paintings and did not merely 
copy conventional models. First a great tree, rising nearly to 
the ceiling, was painted with grape leaves and tendrils but 
without grapes (and thus called a "tree-vine") growing out of 
a large crater. How many times this design was altered can- 
not be determined but at a later stage a king in Persian dress 
seated on a throne and two throne guards were inserted at 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


the top of the tree -vine since leaves show through the white 
Greek robes of the guards. Several other alterations were also 
made. The crater at the bottom was painted out and the trunk 
awkwardly extended downward to leave spaces on either side 
of the trunk. In the space at the left a table was painted with a 
bread symbol, and on the right a crater with rampant felines 
facing each other above it. Halfway up the vine a figure of Or- 
pheus was added playing his lyre to an eagle and a lion, and 
perhaps other birds and a monkey. This group was not part 
of the original design since the vine leaves show through the 
bodies of Orpheus and the lion. These alterations were appar- 
ently made to indicate more clearly the meaning of the tree- 
vine, namely, through the salvation of music, bread, and wine, 
the tree led to the great throne above. The design apparently 
still did not seem specific, or specifically Jewish enough, for 
the lower table and the crater with felines on either side of 
the trunk were painted out and replaced by two new scenes. 
On the left Jacob on his deathbed was represented blessing 
his twelve sons, while on the right he blesses Ephraim and 
Manasseh in the presence of Joseph. Representatives of the 13 
tribes were also painted standing around the throne above. 
The alterations in the design were made to show explicitly 
what seems to have been originally implied by the tree-vine 
alone, i.e., the salvation of Israel. Orpheus was left in as he was 
apparently identified with some Jewish figure such as David 
who saved Israel through his music. 

On each side of the reredos two standing figures were 
painted. The upper two clearly represent Moses at the burn- 
ing bush and receiving the tablets of the Law on Sinai. Of the 
lower two figures one depicts a man in a white Greek pallium 
(as Moses was dressed in the upper two figures) reading a 
scroll on the model of readers in scenes of mystery religions, 
and the other an old man in similar garb standing under the 
arc of heaven with its sun, moon, and stars. The reader seems 
to be Moses giving the Law to the Israelites after his descent 
from Sinai, and the old man, the dying Moses, who in Philo's 
account of his life was taken at his death to join in the song of 
the heavenly bodies to God. Other identifications, however, 
have been suggested for the latter two figures and no positive 
judgment can be made. The painters now continued to cover 
the walls with scenes based mainly on biblical incidents, all of 
which are stylized and given midrashic or allegorical interpre- 
tation. On the bottom left side of the west wall Elijah is repre- 
sented reviving the widow's son, an infant dead and without 
features who is held out to the prophet by his mother; next 
the prophet holds up the baby alive but still with no features, 
and lastly he is again in his mother's arms, glorified, and fi- 
nally with features. Beside this scene a longer painting shows 
three groups of people. On the right Ahasuerus, enthroned 
with Esther, is humiliated as a messenger brings him news of 
the massacre of his subjects. At the left Mordecai in full regal 
splendor rides on a horse led by Haman in slaves dress. Be- 
tween these two scenes, in the dramatic center of the painting, 
stand four large figures dressed in pallia with three of their 
hands raised in blessing. These are apparently angelic figures 

representing Gods intervention in the Persian crisis. On the 
same row to the right of the niche Samuel anoints David, who 
stands with his hands folded under a dark pallium, while a 
large Samuel in a white pallium pours oil from a horn onto 
David s head. Jesse and five brothers stand behind in a hier- 
atic row wearing white or light-colored pallia. To the right of 
this scene is the last painting on the bottom row of the west 
wall, a large work based on the infancy of Moses. At the right 
Pharaoh enthroned and in Persian dress orders the midwives 
(the mother and the sister of Moses) to kill all male Jewish 
babies and a woman stoops apparently to put Moses into the 
ark. In the center of a group at the left Moses is taken out of 
the ark by a naked woman who stands knee-deep in the river. 
She is identified as Aphrodite- Anahita by her peculiar neck- 
lace. She holds the baby up to three women standing on the 
bank; these are identified by the emblems they carry as the 
three nymphs who were the nurses of all divine babies, actual 
gods, and divine kings. As Aphrodite- Anahita holds the baby 
up to the nymphs it has no features, but in the last scene the 
baby is in the hands of the mother and sister and at last fully 
formed with features. At the far left of the row above, Moses 
again stands in the pallium, parts of which have a peculiar 
checked design. He touches a well with his rod and from it 12 
streams flow out toward 12 tents surrounding the well. In each 
tent stands a short figure in Persian dress. A gabled doorway 
with only darkness behind it occupies the back center of the 
painting; a menorah and incense burners stand before it. It is 
generally agreed that the scene is based on Moses' bringing 
water from the rock in the desert, and that the 12 tribes here, 
as often in Jewish tradition, are equated with the Zodiac. 

Adjoining this scene on the right, the artist depicted a 
temple with Aaron in priestly dress dominating the scene. 
Aaron is identified by his name written in Greek beside him. 
Five much smaller men in Persian dress attend him, one hold- 
ing an ax as if to strike a reddish bovine before him, and the 
others carry horns (not like shofars). Another bovine, proba- 
bly a bull, stands with a ram on the right. The main interest is 
the temple itself, which instead of the curtained tabernacle of 
Aaron's priesthood, is a temple of stone, an outer wall forming 
a court around an inner porticoed sanctuary. In the outer wall 
are three closed doorways; a pink-lined curtain blows back 
from the central one. Aaron stands in the court along with a 
large menorah, two small incense burners, and an altar with 
an indistinguishable animal on it for sacrifice. The menorah 
is the central object, but behind it, through the open door of 
the inner shrine, can be seen the veiled Ark of the Covenant. 
The Ark stands in front of the veil after the ancient custom 
for revealing veiled objects. The form of the temple was taken 
from a common design which the Dura painter spaced out 
so as to indicate the inner court with its objects. Even the 
winged Victories bearing wreaths as acroteria for the inner 
shrine were retained. This painting seems to represent the 
values of the Aaronic priesthood in general. Balancing this on 
the other side of the reredos is a basically similar temple, but 
with the design altered to express a more abstract idea. Again 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



three closed doors pierce what was meant as the outer wall 
and above it is the inner shrine still with its winged Victories. 
The outer wall, however, has become a series of seven stone 
walls, each a different color, which rise from the bottom to the 
top and from side to side of the painting. Thus the three doors 
and the inner shrine seem to be artificially superimposed upon 
the walls. The inner shrine has ten columns instead of the 
five in the Aaron scene, and like the three doors, it is closed. 
The temple does not stand on the ground and no ritual is in- 
dicated (and so it is called the "Closed Temple"). On each of 
the two doors in the lower central doorway are three panels. 
These depict, from top to bottom, a bull lying in the position 
of sacrifice; a herculean figure standing naked and flanked by 
a small naked figure; and the figure of Tyche. 

To the right of the "Closed Temple" is the last painting 
on this register of the west wall which depicts a third temple, 
open and empty, with cult objects and the fragments of two 
Persian deities strewn on the ground before it. Beside it is the 
Ark on a cart pulled by two bovines that are being whipped 
and led by two men in Persian costume. Three dignified men 
in light-colored pallia walk abreast behind the Ark. The paint- 
ing was without doubt suggested by the biblical incident in 
which the idol of Dagon collapsed before the Ark and the Ark 
itself was returned to the Israelites on a cart. The left side of 
the top register of the west wall is almost totally destroyed al- 
though the base of a throne with "Solomon" written on it in 
Greek and the bottom of various figures can be seen. Noth- 
ing, however, can be identified. Opposite this, a long paint- 
ing presents the drama of the Exodus from Egypt. Egypt is 
depicted as a walled town at the far right with figures of Ares 
and two Victories above the open gate through which the Isra- 
elites march out. They advance in four columns. In the upper 
three columns two bands of armed troops guard both sides 
of a row of 12 men in white pallia, presumably the 12 heads of 
tribes. The bottom row is made up of ordinary people wearing 
only the belted chiton. Leading them is Moses as a great he- 
roic figure. In a white dotted pallium Moses strides vigorously 
toward the Red Sea, which he is about to strike, not with the 
rod expected from the biblical narrative, but with the knobby 
mace of Heracles. The sea before him is already closed in the 
economy of narrative art and Moses is again depicted closing 
it on its other side; the sea is filled with drowning people. Be- 
yond this Moses again touches water with his rod; this time 
the water is a pool filled with numerous leaping fish to indi- 
cate its vitality. The armed guards of the first scene stand be- 
hind the pool with the 12 heads of the tribes; they hold ban- 
ners like those carried in mystic processions. When the sea 
was divided, according to Jewish legend, 12 paths were made, 
one for each tribe, and these are apparently indicated by a tier 
of horizontal lines behind the third Moses. The other walls of 
the room present biblical scenes in a similar vein but, since 
they are only partially preserved, their overall plan, if any ex- 
isted, cannot be reconstructed. Of the east wall only the low- 
est register and dado remain; one scene shows a few birds and 
part of a table. Another apparently shows David and Abishai 

approaching the sleeping Saul and Abner in the wilderness; 
half the painting is occupied by an army on white horses led 
by a captain. In the Esther scene the artist seems to have repre- 
sented divine intervention and this apparently also appears in 
two scenes on the south wall. There, below a badly preserved 
procession of the Ark of the Covenant are three scenes from 
an Elijah cycle which first depicts Elijah coming to the widow, 
and then the sacrifice of the prophets of Baal. The sacrifice 
is being vitiated by a great serpent that attacks the small fig- 
ure of Hiel according to the legend in which Hiel was hidden 
behind the altar to set fire to the sacrifice but was killed by a 
snake. Beside this, in the corner adjoining the west wall, Eli- 
jah offers his sacrifice while servants pour on water and three 
great figures dressed in pallia bring down heavenly fire. Al- 
though Elijah reviving the widow's son should have preceded 
the two scenes of sacrifice, it instead adjoins them on the wall 
where it was apparently part of the original plan and the cycle 
on the south wall, an afterthought probably intended to show 
the lesser triumphs of the prophet as preparation for his final 
power to raise the dead. 

The north wall is better preserved but still only part re- 
mains. In the single scene left at the top Jacob dreams of the 
ladder. The design is identical with that in the catacomb of 
Via Latina in Rome except that in the catacomb the angels 
wear white pallia and at Dura-Europos, Persian dress. As the 
pallium is the original form, the change to Persian dress in 
the East must be of significance, but nothing suggests what 
prompted it. The register beneath this contains only uniden- 
tifiable fragments on the right; beside it is a fine representa- 
tion of a great battle centering on two champions attacking 
each other with lances as in other scenes of Eastern art while 
warriors in identical armor fight above and below them. One 
champion rides on a black horse and the other on a white. In 
the same painting a group of six warriors guard the Ark of the 
Covenant while four men in Greek chitons carry it away from 
the battle. The scene must be based on the battle of Ebenezer 
where the Ark was captured but it also shows the turmoil of 
the conflict between light and darkness (the two horsemen) as 
against the triumphant reality embodied in the Ark. As in the 
Elijah cycle the scene seems to be related to the one adjoin- 
ing it on the west wall where the heathen idols crash before 
the Ark after the same battle. The scene on the side wall again 
seems to amplify the one on the west wall but the artist s ex- 
act intention cannot be determined. Below this in the longest 
painting in the room is a great pageant of Ezekiel. He is first 
depicted being brought into the valley, then preaching to the 
bones, and supervising their restoration to life. The continua- 
tion depicts either the legendary beheading of Ezekiel or Mat- 
tathias the Hasmonean slaying the faithless Jew. 

The paintings at Dura-Europos were executed by at least 
two artists. One, influenced by Hellenistic art, portrayed 
the major biblical personages (Moses, Jacob, Joseph, etc.) 
as Roman citizens dressed in the tunic and pallium, and the 
Israelite host as Roman soldiers. The other drew his inspira- 
tion from Persian art and portrayed his figures as horsemen 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


in Parthian dress (Mordecai, Ezekiel, the sons of Aaron, the 
Israelites fighting the Philistines, etc.). The women (such as 
Queen Esther, Pharaohs daughter, etc.) are dressed like the 
Hellenistic city-goddesses (Tyche). Particularly forceful and 
vivid in artistic execution are the imaginative paintings, such 
as the vision of dry bones which contains three episodes of 
the story of Ezekiel in one painting, and the souls of the dead 
are portrayed as Greek Psyches with wings of butterflies. The 
Dura-Europos paintings contain a wealth of material from the 
aggadahy which was also apparently derived in part from the 
early Targum, such as the descriptions of the miracle of the 
battle of Meribah where water was sent through channels to 
each of 12 tents which symbolize the camps of the tribes. Sol- 
omon's throne and the sacrifice of the prophets of Baal on Mt. 
Carmel are depicted according to the legends of the Midrash 
and thus they contain details not present in the biblical narra- 
tives, as for example, Hiel bitten by a snake on the altar of the 
prophets of Baal (cf. Yal., i Kings 18:25 I 21 4D- Th e architecture 
in the paintings generally follows Hellenistic style but Jewish 
tradition can be recognized in several details, such as the Ark 
of the Covenant in the desert as a wheeled chariot (similar to 
a relief from Kefar Nahum). This tradition is also evident in 
the dress of the high priest Aaron and other details. 

From the social and religious historical standpoint it is 
significant that in the third century a Jewish community in 
the Diaspora did not hesitate to decorate the walls of a syn- 
agogue with the human form, with the major figures of the 
Bible (although this was later on also done in synagogues in 
the Galilee). The discovery of Dura-Europos is of primary 
importance for the history of art: until then this Jewish-Hel- 
lenistic art style was known only from the paintings of early 
Christians in the catacombs of Rome. Dura-Europos provided 
a Jewish source of this art. Its paintings present a blending of 
Eastern and Western - Persian and Hellenistic - elements (no- 
tably in the frontal pose of the figures and the Hellenistic style 
dress) which predates by centuries the same fusion which is 
the basis of Byzantine art. The paintings provide a focal point 
in ancient art in which influences of the past converge with 
developments of the future. The Dura-Europos paintings were 
later transferred to the Damascus Museum. A complete copy 
was reconstructed at Yale. 

[Erwin Ramsdell Goodenough / Michael Avi-Yonah] 

Later Scholarship 

The synagogue paintings (approximately 29 panels are pre- 
served) are thought to have been the work of Jewish artists, 
perhaps hailing from Palmyra (Kraeling), utilizing pattern 
books of artistic renderings of biblical stories available to 
them, as well as inspired by Jewish liturgy, customs, and leg- 
ends prevalent in Palestine at that time. Wright wrote in 1980 
that the paintings "are too clumsy and provincial in execu- 
tion to have been invented independently, without an icono- 
graphic model, in that desert outpost" (quoted in Gutmann 
1987). Among the questions that scholars have been dealing 
with in regard to the paintings are the following: What are 

their stylistic and iconographic sources? Why was the Second 
Commandment (Ex. 31:45-: "You shall not make for yourself 
a sculptured image or any likeness") ignored? Does the cycle 
of murals have an overall purpose and meaning? Do they re- 
flect a set form of theological Judaism of that time? Did they 
exert any influence on subsequent Jewish and Christian art? 
Goodenough dedicated three volumes of his Jewish Symbols 
of the Graeco-Roman World to a detailed analysis of the Dura- 
Europas synagogue paintings. Goodenough's attempts to read 
Jewish mysticism into many of the details of the paintings, 
especially in regard to the type of garments worn by the vari- 
ous figures, and the absence of certain symbols next to the 
representation of the menorah, and so forth, have met with 
much criticism by scholars, notably by Avi-Yonah (1973) and 
Smith (1975). Although Jewish religious symbolism and im- 
agery undoubtedly existed in antiquity, and much of it was 
clearly influenced by Graeco-Roman artistry, what remains 
unclear is the extent of the values that Jews attached to these 
symbols and images as they appeared in the Dura-Europas 
paintings. Most scholars are in agreement regarding many of 
the painted scenes, but a lack of agreement still prevails as to 
whether these scenes were connected to a central organizing 
theme or whether they were made at random to enshrine vari- 
ous events in the destiny of the Jewish people. Grabar was of 
the opinion that the paintings in the synagogue had explicit 
messianic associations; Flesher has recently shown this to be 
misguided. Gutman commented in 1987 that "the Dura Euro- 
pas synagogue paintings have opened up hitherto unforeseen 
horizons in ancient religious art and history." 

[Shimon Gibson (2 nd ed.)] 

bibliography: Mayer, Art, index; F. Cumont, Les Fouilles 
de Doura-Europos, 1922-1923 (1926); The Excavations at Dura-Euro- 
pos... Preliminary Report of Sixth Season of Work, October 1932-March 
!933 (i936)> 309-96; T. Ehrenstein, Ueber die Freshen der Synagogue 
von Dura Europos (1937); M.I. Rostovtzeff, Dura-Europos and its 
Art (1938); R. Du Mesnil du Buisson, Les peintures de la synagogue 
de Doura Europos (1939); H.F. Pearson, A Guide to the Synagogue of 
Doura Europos (1939); Grabar, in: rhr, 123 (1941), 143-92, 124 (1941), 
5-35; N. Schneid, Ziyyurei Beit ha-Keneset be-Dura Europos (1946); 
Sonne, in: huca, 20 (1947), 255-362; E.L. Sukenik, Beit ha-Keneset 
shel Dura Europos ve-Ziyyurav (1947); R. Wischnitzer, The Messianic 
Tlieme in the Paintings of the Dura Synagogue (1948); R. Meyer, in: 
Judaica, 5 (1949), 1-40; ch Kraeling, The Synagogue (The Excava- 
tions at Dura-Europos. Final Report, 8 pt. 1, 1956; 8, pt. 2, 1967); Eiss- 
feldt, in: Reallexikon fuer Antike und Christentum, 4 (1959), 358-70; 
E.R. Goodenough, in: iej, 8 (1958), 69-79; idem, in: jbl, 81 (1962), 
113-41; Goodenough, Symbols, vols. 9-11 (1964). add. bibliogra- 
phy: M. Avi-Yonah, "Goodenough's Evaluation of Dura: A Critique," 
in: J. Gutmann (ed.), The Dura-Europas Synagogue: A Re-evaluation 
(1932-19/2) (1973), 117-35; M. Smith, "Goodenough's Jewish Sym- 
bols in Retrospect," in: J. Guttman (ed.), The Synagogue: Studies in 
Origins, Archaeology and Architecture (1975), 194-209; C. Hopkins, 
Tlie Discovery of Dura-Europas (1979); L.I. Levine, "The Synagogue 
of Dura-Europas," in: L.I. Levine {ed..), Ancient Synagogues Revealed 
(1981), 172-77; J. Guttman, "The Dura Europas Synagogue Paint- 
ings: The State of Research," in: L.I. Levine (ed.), The Synagogue in 
Late Antiquity (1987), 61-72; L.M. White, Building God s House in the 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



Roman World (1990); P.V.M. Flesher, "Rereading the Reredos: David, 
Orpheus, and Messianism in the Dura Europas Synagogue," in: D. Ur- 
man and P.V.M. Flesher (eds.), Ancient Synagogues: Historical Analysis 
and Archaeological Discovery, vol. 2 (1995): 346-66. 

DURAN, family which originated in Provence, settled in 
Majorca in 1306, and after the persecutions of 1391 in Algiers. 
zemah astruc duran (d. 1404), a grandnephew of Levi b. 
*Ger shorn, was respected as a scholar by both the Jews and 
non-Jews of Majorca. He died in Algiers. His son was Simeon 
b. Zemah *Duran (i4 th -i5 th century). Until the end of the 18 th 
century, the descendants of Simeon b. Zemah provided un- 
contested lay and spiritual leaders among Algerian Jewry. His 
son was Solomon ben Simeon *Duran whose three sons were 
dayyanim in Algiers. They were aaron (d. c. 1470), a rabbini- 
cal authority consulted by such distant communities as Con- 
stantinople; Zemah ben Solomon *Duran who was married to 
the daughter of the illustrious Rab (rabbi) Ephraim al-Nakawa 
of Tlem<;en; and Simeon ben Solomon *Duran. zemah ben 
simeon ben zemah (d. 1590) wrote a commentary on the 
poem for Purim by Isaac b. Ghayyat which was published in 
Tiferet Yisrael (Venice, 1591?) by his son solomon (d. c. 1593). 
The latter wrote notes on the works of his grandfather Simeon 
b. Zemah, Yavin Shemuah and Tashbaz, which are followed by 
his casuistic responsa Hut ha-Meshullash y part 1. In addition, 
Solomon wrote a collection of sermons, a commentary on the 
Book of Esther, and a treatise on temperance. All of these are 
included in his Tiferet Yisrael. He is also the author of a com- 
mentary on Proverbs, Heshek Shelomo (Venice, 1623). His son 
zemah (d. 1604) was a talmudist whose death inspired Abra- 
ham *Gavison to write an elegy, aaron duran (d. 1676), 
day y an in Algiers, was probably his grandson. 

Zemah ben Benjamin (d. 1727) was a prominent author- 
ity in religious matters. He also was active in Algerian com- 
merce and left a large fortune to his sons: Joseph benjamin 
(d. 1758), whose responsa were published in the works of Judah 
Ayash, together with whom he was dayyan in Algiers; and 
hayyim jonah (d. c. 1765), who settled in Leghorn, where 
he published the first part of Magen Avot (1763). moses ben 
zemah, one of the notables of Leghorn, had a previously un- 
published part of Magen Avot printed in 1785 from an original 
manuscript which was in the possession of his family david 
duran (i8 th -i9 th centuries), whose father judah (d. c. 1790) 
was a direct descendant of Simeon b. Zemah and one of the 
wealthiest merchants of Algiers, himself held a distinguished 
position in Algerian commerce from 1776. He became a rival 
of the *Bakri-*Busnach merchant families who were then at 
the height of their power. After the assassination in 1805 of 
Naphtali Busnach and, two months later, of the dey himself, 
David was appointed muqaddim (leader of the Jewish com- 
munity) by the new ruler of Algiers, Ahmad Dey, but was re- 
placed in the same year owing to the intrigues of Joseph Bakri. 
He continued representing the interests of England in Algiers 
as against those of France and Spain, whose side was taken 
by the Bakri-Busnach families. David Bakri was appointed 

muqaddim in 1806 and held the position for over four years 
but Duran's machinations evidently caused his execution. 
Although David Duran was again appointed muqaddim he 
was himself executed the same year (October 1811) for no ap- 
parent reason, immediately after bringing the annual tax, or 
presents, to the dey. 

The descendants of Simeon b. Zemah who had estab- 
lished themselves in Leghorn settled in London before 1826. 

bibliography: Benjacob, Ozar, 203 (no. 875), 222 (no. 215), 
659 (no. 699), 674 (no. 995); I. Epstein, Responsa of Rabbi Simon ben 
Zemah Duran as a Source... (1930), 1-5, 16, 102; I. Bloch, Inscriptions 
tumulaires. . . (1888), nos. 7, 17,27,37,46^. Devoulx, Le Livre dor des 
Israelites algeriens (1872), 4fT., 34, 65 ff.; Hirschberg, Afrikah, index. 

[David Corcos] 

DURAN, PROFIAT (Profayt; d.c. 1414), scholar and phy- 
sician, one of the outstanding anti- Christian polemicists of 
Spanish Jewry. Duran was probably born in Perpignan and 
later moved to Catalonia. He was the son of Duran Profiat, 
himself the son of Profiat de Limos, both Jews of Perpignan. 
His Hebrew name was Isaac b. Moses ha- Levi, and he signed 
his books and letters with the pseudonym "TDK ("Efod"), the 
Hebrew acronym of pn DJ-CDIID 'UN, Ani Profiat Duran ("I 
[am] Profiat Duran"). Duran acquired an extensive knowl- 
edge of sciences and languages and associated with Hasdai 
* Crescas. He was the author of two polemical tracts against 
Christianity, the dates of which are not known with certainty: 
Al Tehi ka-Avotekha and Kelimat ha-Goyim. The decisive 
event in his life was the wave of anti-Jewish persecutions in 
Spain in 1391. According to R. Isaac *Akrishs introduction to 
Al Tehi ka-Avotekha (Constantinople, 1570), Duran himself 
had been forcibly converted to Christianity in 1391 but re- 
verted to Judaism. However, documents recently discovered 
in the archives of Perpignan show that Duran lived there as 
a Christian, under the name of Honoratus de Bonafide, for 
about 12 years after 1391/2, serving as astrologer to Juan 1 of 
Aragon. This presents obvious difficulties, as it is certain that 
he continued his Hebrew literary activity throughout this pe- 
riod. Tradition has it that he wrote the Al Tehi ka-Avotekha 
when his friend David Bonet *Bonjorn, who was compelled 
to undergo conversion with him, became a sincere Christian. 
Duran apparently considered that the other should have re- 
mained like himself a Christian only in name, continuing to 
believe and act like a Jew. Nevertheless, how he managed to 
do this remains a mystery. 

Al Tehi ka-Avotekha is a penetrating satire on Chris- 
tianity, its tenets, and the affairs of the Church (the schism 
between Rome and Avignon), and especially on the Jewish 
converts attracted by the Church. Duran emphasizes the ir- 
rationality of Christian doctrine and its insistence on feelings 
and on "faith" alone. In contrast, he presents the view of Juda- 
ism in accordance with the approach of the Jewish philoso- 
phers that salvation is attained by faith that does not contradict 
the demands of the intellect, combined with the performance 
of the practical mitzvot. Because of its witty ambiguities sev- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


eral Christians of the period understood the epistle as a pan- 
egyric of Christianity and it was cited by Christian authors, 
who referred to it as "Alteca Boteca" a distortion of the open- 
ing words of the letter. When its real intention was recognized, 
the epistle was condemned to public burning. 

Kelimat ha-Goyim, an attack on the tenets of Christian- 
ity by historico- critical method, was written by Duran at the 
initiative of Hasdai Crescas. Duran reviewed the writings of 
the Church Fathers and clarified inaccuracies and fabrications 
in the translations of Jewish writings by those who attacked 
Judaism. Kelimat ha-Goyim served as a source for subsequent 
Jewish apologetic literature. 

Duran s grammatical work, Maaseh Efod (Vienna, 1865), 
shows his extensive knowledge of Semitic and Romance lan- 
guages and Greek. More than a methodical presentation of 
grammatical rules in the conventional manner, the work is 
outstanding in its original approach to grammatical problems 
and its incisive logical analysis of a number of principles in 
the same field through an impartial critique of his predeces- 
sors. Duran arrived at a new evaluation of the conjugations 
of the verb by a system resembling that of modern Semitic 
linguistics. His discussion of the theory of pronunciation 
reveals exact observation of the functions of the organs of 
speech and describes in passing the accepted pronunciation 
of the Hebrew of his time in Spain. He emphasizes the social 
function of language and stresses that writing is a matter of 
convention. Unique to Maaseh Efod is the discussion of the 
essence of Jewish music, to which Duran attributes two ba- 
sic styles: chant, such as the cantillation for the reading of the 
Bible, which is addressed to the mind and understanding, 
and free melody which arouses the feelings, such as used by 
supplicants in prayer and by righteous men. Duran regards 
Jewish melody as having a spiritual object and thus different 
from the music of other nations, which aspires to aestheti- 
cism for its own sake. 

Important historical details and an outline of his philo- 
sophical ideas are found in a letter of condolence which Duran 
wrote in 1393 to his friend Joseph b. Abraham on the death of 
his father, R. Abraham b. Isaac ha-Levi of Gerona, a leader of 
Catalonian Jewry. In the letter, Duran describes the desperate 
plight of the Jews in his day whose sufferings had increased to 
such an extent that the loss of their leaders and scholars was 
not even felt. He blames the people for not observing the mitz- 
vot with proper care and for being concerned only for personal 
benefit. On the other hand he comforts Jews who had been 
converted under duress and encourages them to repent. 

The other works by Duran include replies on philosophi- 
cal subjects; elucidation of various parts of the commentary 
on the Pentateuch by Abraham * Ibn Ezra and of some of his 
poems; works on astronomy including Heshev ha-Efod on the 
Hebrew calendar (1395); explanations to the commentary of 
*Averroes on the Almagest; a criticism of the Or Olam of Jo- 
seph ibn *Nahmias; Maamar Zikhron ha-Shemadot, a history 
of the persecutions and expulsions from the destruction of 
the Second Temple until his own times (mentioned by Isaac 

*Abrabanel but now lost). The work was used by Jewish his- 
torians of the 16 th century such as Solomon *Ibn Verga, ^Jo- 
seph *ha-Kohen, and Solomon * Usque. Many of his writings 
remain in manuscript; some were published as supplements to 
Maaseh Efod. New editions of Al Tehi ka-Avotekha were pub- 
lished by A. Geiger in Kovez Vikkuhim (Breslau, 1844) and in 
some copies of Melo Chofnaim (Berlin, 1840); by RM. Heil- 
perin in Even Bohen (Frankfort, 1846); and J.D. Eisenstein in 
Ozar Vikkuhim (1928), which also includes Kelimat ha-Goyim. 
His commentary on the Guide of Maimonides appeared after 
1500 together with other commentaries. 

[Jacob S. Levinger / Irene Garbell] 


The introduction to Maaseh Efod contains Duran's philosophi- 
cal views. The Torah, he writes, is perfect, and its study is the 
only means of attaining eternal, supreme felicity as well as hap- 
piness on earth. There are those who maintain that only the 
observance of mitzvot can lead to eternal life. However, while 
Duran does agree that the observance of the mitzvot is very 
beneficial, he maintains that only knowledge can lead to eter- 
nal felicity. He criticizes the talmudists, who reject the study 
of anything other than the Talmud, refusing even to study the 
Bible. The philosophers, on the other hand, are also misled. 
In attempting to reconcile two contraries - Aristotelian phi- 
losophy and the Bible - they attribute only a moral function 
to the Torah. In reality, Duran states, philosophy too is con- 
sonant with Jewish teachings, since gentile philosophers bor- 
rowed extensively from Jewish sources. However, when Mai- 
monides places the philosopher closest to the throne of God, 
he is speaking of philosophy in the sense of true knowledge, 
which is the privileged property of Israel alone. The kabbal- 
ists, whose aim is to achieve communion with God, also real- 
ize that the worship of God can reach perfection only in the 
Land of Israel, since the commandments are in harmony with 
the stars which guide the destiny of that land. Thus the Kab- 
balah, too, conforms to the Torah and the prophetic books. 
Nonetheless, since the principles of the Kabbalah are not easily 
demonstrable and the dissensions among its adherents clearly 
indicate its dangers, Duran concludes that the surest course 
is the study of the Torah. The Bible, like the Temple of Jeru- 
salem, has virtues which preserve Israel's physical existence; 
for example, the Jews of Aragon were saved from persecution 
as a reward for having recited the Psalms continually. In ad- 
dition, the Torah has intellectual virtues: it is only the Torah 
which contains both moral precepts and all of true philoso- 
phy. The sine qua non of Jewish survival and of eternal life is 
to preserve the Torah, its text, and its grammar. Thus, for Du- 
ran, the real doctrine of Judaism, which he ardently defended, 
encompasses both philosophy and the whole range of the hu- 
man sciences, without being limited as are the latter. His com- 
mentary on Maimonides' Guide (first published 1553) is quite 
literal. He rejects any interpretations of Maimonides which 
would portray the latter as a philosopher who holds the Torah 
in contempt. Nevertheless, he also emphasizes the dangers in- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



herent in certain Maimonidean doctrines. He is very close to 
the astrological teachings of Abraham ibn Ezra. In response to 
questions raised by his student, Meir Crescas, he wrote com- 
mentaries on various passages of ibn Ezra's commentaries. 

[Colette Sirat] 

bibliography: Baer, Spain, index s.v. Profet Duran; F. Can- 
tera Burgos, Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria (1952), 318-20; R.W. Emery, 
in: jqr, 58 (1967/68), 328-37; Renan, Ecrivains, 395-407. 

acronym of Rabbi Shimon ben Shelomo ha-Sheni ("the Sec- 
ond"); 1438-after 1510), rabbi and author. Simeon, son of Sol- 
omon b. Simeon *Duran (called RaShBaSh ha-Rishon, "the 
First"), was born in Algiers and succeeded his brother Zemah 
*Duran as rabbi there. In 1499 he was active in the ransoming 
of 50 Spanish Jews who had been brought as slaves to Algiers 
(see Zacuto in bibl.). His attitude toward the Marranos from 
the religious point of view was lenient (his responsa Yakhin 
u-Voaz pt. 2 nos. 3, 19, 31), regarding them as Jews. In his old 
age he had to flee from Algiers when the Spanish army was 
approaching Bougie and Tunis. He wrote responsa which are 
printed as the second part of Yakhin u-Vo'az (Leghorn, 1782), 
the first part being by his brother Zemah. They are quoted by 
Joseph * Caro. He has been confused with Simeon (ha-Sheni) 
b. Zemah. 

bibliography: Abraham Zacuto, Sefer Yuhasin ha-Shalem, 

ed. by Z. Filipowski (1925 2 ), 227; S.R Rabinowitz, Mozaei Golah 

(1894), 32; H.J. Zimmels, Die Marranen in der rabbinischen Litera- 

tur (1932), index. 

[Hirsch Jacob Zimmels] 

ronym of Rabbi Shimon ben Zemah; 1361-1444), rabbinic 
authority, philosopher, and scientist. He was born in Majorca 
to R. Zemah Astruc Duran. In his youth Simeon studied in 
Palma (Majorca) at the yeshivah of Ephraim Vidal, who was 
martyred in the year 1391, and in Aragon at that of Jonah 
*Desmaestre, whose daughter he later married. Educated in 
accordance with the old Spanish method, he acquired a thor- 
ough knowledge of mathematics, astronomy, science, logic, 
and particularly medicine, which was to become his profes- 
sion. After his return to Majorca, Simeon practiced as a phy- 
sician and surgeon in Palma, and he seems to have been in 
comfortable circumstances. He was also highly esteemed as a 
rabbinic scholar and even his teacher Ephraim Vidal sought 
his advice. His prestige there can be gauged from the fact 
that 44 years after he had left the island he addressed a let- 
ter to the Jews of the island reproaching them for negligence 
in some religious practices and admonishing them to change 
their way of life. 

After the massacre of 1391 in which he lost all of his for- 
tune, Simeon left Majorca for Algiers together with his father 
and family. Jews from other parts of Spain also immigrated 
to North Africa, and the arrival of the immigrants had a ben- 
eficial effect upon the native Jews there. It caused a revival of 

knowledge and scholarship, which had been neglected and 
was in a state of great decline. Spanish rabbis now became 
religious leaders of African communities. In Algiers the aged 
*Isaac bar Sheshet was appointed chief rabbi and was also 
nominated a supreme judge of the Jews by the king. Simeon 
seems to have joined his bet din. Having lost all his fortune 
and being unable to earn his livelihood from his medical pro- 
fession, since the native population resorted to superstitious 
practices rather than to medical help, he was forced to accept 
a salaried office of rabbi. As Maimonides had prohibited the 
acceptance of a salary for a rabbinical office, and since in Al- 
giers only Maimonides' decisions were regarded as authorita- 
tive, Simeon later found it necessary to justify his action. 

The nature of Simeons official activity during the life- 
time of Isaac b. Sheshet can be seen from the following ex- 
amples. In 1394 a commission to deal with matrimonial laws 
was appointed, consisting of Bar Sheshet, Isaac *Bonastruc, 
a rabbi in Algiers, and Simeon, who was asked by the other 
members to draft the ordinances; his draft was accepted in its 
entirety. Originally intended for the Spanish immigrants, the 
ordinances were soon adopted by some of the native Jews as 
well and were authoritative for African Jewry for centuries. A 
ban against informers issued about that time was also signed 
by Bar Sheshet, Bonastruc, and Simeon. From the very fact 
that Simeon signed third, it is obvious that he was not assis- 
tant chief rabbi as some scholars believe (at least not at that 

Much has been written about the relationship between 
Bar Sheshet and Simeon. On the one hand Simeon respected 
the older rabbi, but on the other hand the latter bitterly com- 
plained of Simeon, who himself also confesses "I was child- 
ish and behaved impudently toward a rabbi who was very old 
and distinguished in learning" (Tashbez y 1, no. 58). In view of 
this there can be no doubt that a certain tension had existed 
between the rabbis, the active party being Simeon. The rea- 
son for this animosity is not quite certain; it may have been 
the appointment of the chief rabbi which annoyed Simeon, 
who although much younger, regarded himself no less wor- 
thy of the post owing to his secular and rabbinical knowl- 
edge. It seems that Isaac bar Sheshet, being good-natured and 
peace-loving, succeeded in the course of time in dispelling 
the greater part of the unfriendly atmosphere. Soon after Bar 
Sheshet s appointment as judge by the king, Simeon wrote a 
responsum in which he tried to prove that such an appoint- 
ment was not permitted, but he did not publish it (ibid. y 162). 
Bar Sheshet often consulted Simeon on various matters, ask- 
ing him to deal with them and to write responsa. After Isaac 
bar Sheshet s death (1408) Simeon was appointed chief rabbi 
(he himself says dayyari) with the request that his appoint- 
ment not be confirmed by the king. (According to the report 
of the Algerian rabbis in the introduction to Tashbez y Sime- 
on's appointment already took place during the older man's 
lifetime.) During his period of office Simeon was very active. 
While he had to fight some practices not in accordance with 
Jewish religion current among the native Jews, he had to raise 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


his voice against his own countrymen who criticized the doc- 
trines of terefah and were lax in the observance of some com- 
mandments. As judge, Simeon was regarded as an undisputed 
authority, and interesting facts have become known of his le- 
gal proceedings. From various communities, questions were 
sent to him about religious and legal matters. He had to deal 
with the problem of the Marranos from the religious and legal 
points of view. Of his pupils only Abraham ha-Kohen Sholal 
is known by name, but he may have been his pupil when he 
was still in Majorca. 

Simeon was against adopting stringent practices (humrot) 
which had no foundation in the Talmud; he said that one 
should be stringent with oneself, but lenient with others. There 
were some contradictions in him, however, which can also 
be found among other Spanish scholars. On the one hand he 
was meek, but on the other he praised himself for his wisdom. 
Although he greatly admired Maimonides and followed his 
philosophical views, he believed in astrology which Maimo- 
nides so strongly opposed, and he quoted Abraham * Ibn Ezra 
in connection with astrology, calling him "he-Hasid. " 

A characteristic feature of the method employed in his 
decisions zsposek is given by Simeon himself: "In reaching my 
decisions I do not grope like the blind grope along the wall, 
for I give a decision only after studying the case carefully. I 
have never given a decision which I later retracted" (Tashbez y 
pt. 3, no. 189). His decisions were indeed always correct; they 
exhausted all existing sources and discussed all opinions, 
leaving no possibility of controverting them. His decisions 
became authoritative in North Africa (see introduction to 
Tashbez). The takkanot he drafted were in vogue among the 
Jews in North Africa for centuries, and his responsa were a 
guide to later posekim who frequently quote them (e.g., Jo- 
seph *Caro, Beit Yosef eh 119, 122, 126, 130, 134, 140, 141, 143; 
they became known to Caro through Jacob *Berab; see in- 
troduction to Tashbez). Hayyim *Benveniste established the 
principle that in cases in which Simeons decisions contradict 
those of Solomon b. Abraham *Adret, the decision is accord- 
ing to the former (Keneset ha-Gedolah y hm 386). Preference 
should also be given to Simeon when he is contradicted by 
Israel Tsserlein. 


As in his halakhic decisions, Simeon also respected the opin- 
ions of Maimonides in the area of philosophy, but often dif- 
fered with him, even on important issues. He accepted Mai- 
monides' naturalistic views on prophecy but with added 
emphasis on the role of divine grace. Like Hasdai *Crescas, 
he disagrees with Maimonides' theory that eternal bliss de- 
pends on how much knowledge one has acquired. He accepts 
the Aristotelian conception of the soul, but adds to it another, 
immaterial part of man, his neshamah, which is derived from 
God and bears the intellective faculty, and which is eternal. 
Thus eternal bliss is not proportioned only according to one's 
acquired intellect, as Maimonides claimed, but human felicity, 
both in this world and the next, depends on one's observance 

of the mitzvoty as Nahmanides had shown. Further, Simeon 
disagrees with Maimonides' theory that superior intellect 
determines the amount of divine providence to which one is 
subject. According to Simeon, divine providence is contingent 
upon one's performance of God's commandments. Simeon's 
most important contribution (later repeated by Joseph *Albo) 
was his fixing the boundaries of philosophical speculation in 
order to safeguard the principles of traditional Judaism. Thus 
he reduced the fundamental dogmas of Judaism to three, 
which, according to him, must be accepted by everyone: the 
existence of God, revelation, and divine retribution. In doing 
so, he was not disagreeing with Maimonides but only com- 
menting on Maimonides' system of 13 principles of faith. He 
insisted that "Every Jew must believe that the Holy Scriptures, 
and in particular the To rah, come from God and he must ac- 
cept their contents as the absolute truth" (Ohev Mishpaty In- 
trod.). Although, as has been mentioned, Simeon believed in 
astrology (Magen Avot y 4:21), he defined himself primarily as 
a disciple of the "masters of the truth," the kabbalists (Ohev 
Mishpaty Introd. to ch. 19), whose doctrines he often quoted 
in his works. 

Among Simeon's writings as an exegete were a commen- 
tary on Job and glosses on Levi b. Gershom's commentary 
on the Bible (see list of his works). Only the former has been 
preserved, and shows that he was an adherent of the peshat 
("simple meaning") and strongly opposed allegories such as 
those developed in the school of southern France in the 13 th 
century. He often quoted Targum, *Saadiah Gaon, Abraham 
Ibn Ezra, Rashi, Nahmanides, and Levi b. Gershom. When cit- 
ing the Zohar he generally added "by R. *Simeon b. Yohai." He 
adopted some doctrines from the Kabbalah (e.g., transmigra- 
tion of the soul, Magen Avoty 88a). In his responsa he quotes 
and uses gematriot, notarica (see *Notarikon), and letter mys- 
ticism. Sometimes he says (Tashbez y 3 no. 54): "I can only ex- 
plain what I have been permitted" and warns "You should give 
only a plain interpretation and consider what is permitted." 

Simeon's philosophy is included mainly in his Magen 
Avot. However, his commentary on Job also contains several of 
his philosophic teachings. In it he refers to many philosophic 
sources, constructs his exposition lucidly, and takes a clear 
position on the philosophical problems which he treats. His 
philosophical ideas and writings did not have much influence 
on subsequent generations, except for Joseph *Albo, who in 
turn did make a significant impact on later philosophers. 

As an apologist, Simeon deals with the ^Karaites when 
seeking to prove the divine origin of the *Oral Law. He shows 
how important the Oral Law is for understanding Torah and 
fulfilling the commandments and states that many actions of 
Jewish leaders and institutions can only be explained as be- 
ing based on oral tradition. He then attacks the doctrines of 
the Karaites (e.g., their explanation of Ex. 16:29 which contra- 
dicts Isa. 66:23). Simeon was very well acquainted with Chris- 
tian literature (it has to be studied, he says, in order to be re- 
futed). He had a dispute with a Christian theologian (Keshet 
u-Magen y 14a) who had to admit that Simeon was right. He 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



quotes Saadiah Gaon, *Judah Halevi (Kuzari), the disputation 
of * Jehiel b. Joseph of Paris, and Nahmanides. It is doubtful, 
however, whether he used Hasdai Crescas' Bittul Ikkarei ha- 
Nozerim and the work of Profiat *Duran, since they are never 
mentioned. He first refutes the attacks of the Christians and 
then counterattacks. The Christians, he says, admit that the 
To rah is of divine origin, but maintain that it is superseded by 
the Gospels. He shows that Jesus and his disciples strictly ob- 
served the Law and that Jesus declared that he had come not 
to destroy the Law or the teaching of the prophets but to ful- 
fill them. His death was not due to his negligence of the Law 
but to his assertion that he was "the son of God and Messiah" 
(Keshet u-Magen, 2b). Simeon points out the various contra- 
dictions regarding the origin of Jesus, his claim to be the Mes- 
siah (refuted by the fact that the criteria of the Messianic age 
had still not occurred), and the assertion that the Torah had 
been superseded by the Gospels, since the Torah, being of di- 
vine origin, is unchangeable. He draws attention to the many 
mistakes and forgeries contained in Jerome's Bible translation. 
He also enumerates 21 misquotations from the Bible by Jesus 
and his disciples. Simeon tries to prove that the Koran can- 
not be of divine origin owing to the great number of contra- 
dictions found in it (e.g., in regard to free will), to its many 
unintelligible passages, and to its sensual views on the world 
to come. What is good in it had been borrowed from the Mi- 
drash. Regarding Islam as a whole, Simeon did not consider 
Islam as idolatrous, however, he did consider the pilgrimage 
to Mecca as an idolatrous practice. 

Simeon was also active as a poet and composed many piy- 
yutim, kinot, selihot, and tehinnot, some of which have been 
printed (see below). He was a prolific writer, and there is no 
subject with which he did not deal. His Magen Avot is more 
than a philosophical treatise. It covers human and animal 
physiology and pathology, psychology, science, phonology, 
etc., and has the character of an encyclopedic work. Perhaps 
the intention of its author was to write a book which should 
serve as a source of knowledge and information particularly 
for the Jews of North Africa. His responsa not only treat re- 
ligious and legal problems, but also deal with grammar, phi- 
lology, exegesis, literary history, philosophy, Kabbalah, math- 
ematics, and astronomy. 

The following list of his writings is given in the same or- 
der as mentioned by the author in Tashbez, end of pts. 2 and 3: 
(1) Perush Hilkhot Berakhot le-ha-Rif, commentary on Alfasi s 
laws on Berakhot; (2) Piskei Massekhet Niddah y decisions on 
the tractate Niddah; (3) Sefer ha-Hashgahah, called OhevMish- 
pat y commentary on Job, printed together with Sefer Mishpat 
Zedek by R. Obadiah *Sforno (Venice, 1589); (4) Zohar ha- 
Rakia, commentary on Solomon ibn Gabirol's azharot (Con- 
stantinople, 1515); (5) Tashbez (p"2ttfJ1, abbreviation of Teshuvot 
Shimon ben Zemah), responsa in three parts (the fourth part 
is called Hut ha-Meshullash y containing responsa of three rab- 
bis of North Africa, including Simeons descendant Solomon 
b. Zemah Duran; Amsterdam, 1738-41); (6) Magen Avot y four 
parts, philosophical work; the first three parts, without the 

fourth chapter of the second part (Leghorn, 1785); the fourth 
part is (7) Magen Avot y a commentary on the tractate Avot 
(ibid. y 1763); (8) Keshet u-Magen (fourth chapter of the second 
part of Magen Avot (see above no. 6)), polemics against Chris- 
tianity and Islam, printed together with Milhemet Mitzvah 
of his son Solomon (ibid. y c. 1750); the sections dealing with 
Christianity and Islam were published separately; (9) Perush 
Massekhet Eduyyot y commentary on Eduyyot mentioned by 
Simeon in his list; (10) Hiddushei ha-RaSHBaZ, novellae on 
Niddah, Rosh ha-Shanah y and Kinnim (ibid. y 1745); the novellae 
on Kinnim were also printed with those of Solomon b. Abra- 
ham Adret on Niddah (Metz, 1770); (11) Perush KezatPiyyutim, 
commentaries on various poems, as well as poems composed 
by Simeon: (a) apiyyut by Isaac *Ibn Ghayyat for the Day of 
Atonement with Simeons commentary appeared in B. Gold- 
berg's Hofes Matmonim (Berlin, 1845, pp. 85ff.); (b) a commen- 
tary on the Hoshanot (Ferrara, 1553); (c) an elegy on the de- 
struction of the Temple appeared with Profiat Duran's letter Al 
Tehi ka-Avotekha (Constantinople, c. 1575-78); (d) an elegy on 
the persecution in Spain was printed in Magen Avot (Leipzig, 
i855); (e) some piyyutim published by I. Mar c eli appeared in 
Kobez aljad, 7 (1896-97) under the title Zafenat Pdneah (see 
also A. Gavison, Omer ha-Shikhhah (Leghorn, 1748, 125); (12) 
Or ha-Hayyim, polemics against Hasdai Crescas (mentioned 
by Simeon in his list); (13) Livyat Hen, glosses on the commen- 
tary of Levi b. Gershom and four discourses against Hasdai 
Crescas mentioned by Simeon in his list; (14) Yavin Shemuah 
on Hilkhot Shehitah u-Vedikah, on the laws of slaughtering 
and porging; (15) Mdamar Hamez, commentary on the Hag- 
gadah; (16) Tiferet Yisrael, on the calendar; (17) Perush Eizehu 
Mekoman, commentary on Mishnah Zevahim ch. 5, and com- 
mentary on the Baraita of R. Ishmael in the beginning of Sifra. 
Nos. (14), (15), (16), and (17) were published together with (18) 
Tikkun Soferim of his son Solomon (Leghorn, 1744); (19) also 
appeared in the Roedelheim Haggadah edition of 1882; no- 
vellae on Bava Mezia, quoted in Shitah Mekubbezet of Bezalel 
* Ashkenazi; (20) Sefer ha-Minhagim, on customs, in the re- 
sponsa of Abraham Tawwah in Tashbez, pt. 4 no. 32; (21) Sefer 
Tikkun ha-Hazzanim (ibid., no. 31); (22) commentaries on the 
ketubbah and get ("divorce document") and regulations about 
divorce and halizah (Constantinople, 1516; cf. also Tashbez, pt 
3 no. 301); (23) Takkanot, see Tashbez, pt. 2 no. 292. 

bibliography: Michael, Or, 601-5; Weiss, Dor, 5 (1904), 
187-98; Graetz, Hist, 4 (1949 2 ), index; E. Atlas, in: Ha-Kerem, 1 
(1887), 1-26; H. Jaulus, in: mgwj, 23 (1874), 241-59; 24 (1875), 160-78; 
D. Kaufmann, ibid., 41 (1897), 660-6; J. Guttmann, ibid., 52 (1908), 
641-72; 53 (1909), 46-79; I. Epstein, The Responsa of Rabbi Simon b. 
Zemah Duran (1930); Davidson, Ozar, 4 (1933), 487; A.M. Hershman, 
Rabbi Isaac b. Sheshet Perfet and his Times (1943); Guttmann, Phi- 
losophies, 242 ff.; M.M. Kasher and J.B. Mandelbaum, Sarei ha-Elef 
(1959), index; Hirschberg, Afrikah, index, add. bibliography: 
M. Shapiro, in: Judaism, 42:3 (1993), 332-43; M.M. Kellner, in: paajr, 
48 (1981), 231-65; J.D. Bleich, in: jqr, 69:4 (1979), 208-25; N. Arieli, 
"Mishnato ha-Filosofit shel Rabbi Shimon ben Zemach Duran" dis- 
sertation, Hebrew University (1976). 

[Hirsch Jacob Zimmels] 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



Hebrew acronym of Rabbi Shelomo ben Shimon; c. 1400- 
1467), North African rabbinical authority; son of Simeon b. 
Zemah *Duran. He was born in * Algiers, but no details are 
known of his youth. His education embraced not only rabbini- 
cal knowledge but also science, medicine, and philosophy. It 
appears from his responsa that he joined his fathers bet din 
at an early age and was the head of the yeshivah. Some of his 
responsa were written during the lifetime of his father. His 
apologetical work Milhemet Mitzvah (1438) was written with 
his fathers authorization. In it Solomon repulsed the accusa- 
tions against the Talmud made by the apostate Joshua * Lorki 
(Geronimo de Santa Fe) and even made counterattacks against 
the Christian clergy. He showed that Lorki's accusation that 
the Talmud favored immorality was wrong, and on the con- 
trary that it teaches a high standard of morality and chastity; 
and that it was the Christian clerical circles who indulged in 
immoral conduct to such an extent that it became known by 
the name "peccato dei frati." After defending the halakhic parts 
of the Talmud he proceeded to explain the aggadot attacked 
by Lorki. In Solomons view (as expressed already by * Jehiel 
b. Joseph of Paris and by Nahmanides in their disputations) 
they had no binding force. 

In his youth he wrote a rhetorical epistle (melizah) to 
Nathan Najjar in Constantine (Rashbash, no. 259) using tal- 
mudic idioms, style, and language (the use of this kind of 
melizah is characteristic of him). His letter made a deep im- 
pression upon Najjar as can be seen from his reply in which the 
following passage occurs: "My son, my son, my heart was filled 
with anxiety for I said 'Who will sit on the throne of my mas- 
ter the rabbi, your father?'. . . Now, however, I know that Solo- 
mon, his son, will reign after him and will sit upon his throne" 
(cf. 1 Kings 1:13, 17, 30). After his father's death Solomon 
was appointed rabbi of Algiers. He seems to have also been 
the head of a yeshivah and some of his pupils were mentioned 
by name. His religious and general outlook can be derived 
from his responsa. Thus when asked whether the dialogue 
of ^Balaam and his ass (Num. 22:28), Jacob's wrestling with 
the angel (Gen. 32:25), and the visit of the angels to Abraham 
(Gen. 18:1 ff.) took place in reality or were dreams, his re- 
ply was that all were real events, as Nahmanides had already 
stated (Rashbash, no. 44). In responsum no. 3 he strongly criti- 
cized Haggai b. Alzuk in Mostaganem, who maintained that 
perfection of the soul could be achieved by perfection of the 
intellect and that aliyah to Erez Israel had no effect. In his 
view settling in Erez Israel is a great mitzvah, particularly as 
many religious commands concern only Erez Israel. With re- 
gard to the question whether the world will be destroyed or 
not, he showed that the Talmud and Nahmanides decided 
in the affirmative, while Maimonides' view was in the negative. 
Solomon thought that while the belief in creation ex nihilo 
is binding, belief in the ultimate destruction of the world 
is not; it is left to one's own discretion (responsum no. 436). 
Concerning the Kabbalah he said of himself (no. 36): "I am 
not one of its members" and expressed his indignation at 

the doctrine of the ten *Sefirot (no. 188). His decisions were 
quoted by later authorities (including Joseph *Caro and Moses 

His works are (1) Teshuvot Ha- Rashbash (Leghorn, 1742), 
cited above, which deal not only with the legal matters but 
also with some philosophical problems and contain explana- 
tions of some biblical and talmudic passages; (2) Milhemet 
Mitzvah, in Keshet u-Magen (ibid., 1750); (3) Tikkun Soferim, 
dealing with contracts together with Yavin Shemuah of his 
father (ibid., 1744); (4) the elegy Shamayim Laveshu Kadrut. 
The bibliographers mention also Melizah le-h a- Rashbash; in 
fact, this melizah is contained in his responsum no. 259 (Kerem 
Hemedy 9 (1856), 110 ff.). 

bibliography: H.J. Zimmels, Die Marranen in der rab- 
binischen Literatur (1932), index; A.M. Hershman, Rabbi Isaac ben 
Shesheth Perfet and his Times (1943), index; Hirschberg, Afrikah, 

[Hirsch Jacob Zimmels] 

DURAN, ZEMAH BEN SOLOMON (15 th century), North 
African rabbinical authority. Zemah, the second son of Sol- 
omon b. Simeon *Duran, acted together with his brothers 
Aaron and Simeon as dayyan in * Algiers. It appears from the 
sources that he was the most active of them and the greatest 
scholar of the three. In an admonishing responsum written to 
a certain rabbi he says of himself: "I do not boast of my distin- 
guished ancestry, of my sermons, and of my responsa, of my 
learning - that I am familiar with all the tannaitic literature 
and the whole of the Talmud, of the accuracy and profundity 
of my legal tradition, of my rational reasoning, though my 
paternal grandfather [Simeon b. Zemah *Duran] praised and 
eulogized me from my childhood for my readiness to grasp 
the truth." Being rather sickly he went for a cure to Majorca, 
returning in 1468. He had some knowledge of medicine and 
a great knowledge of philosophy and Kabbalah, and his at- 
titude toward the latter was positive. His ideology and piety 
are reflected in the responsum in which he tries to refute the 
views expressed to him by R. Abraham Conque of Malaga, 
who, following other philosophers, maintained that perfection 
and immortality do not depend on fulfilling the command- 
ments and studying the Talmud but rather on the study of sci- 
ences and philosophy. Zemah tries to show that perfection can 
only be achieved through the fulfillment of the mitzvot. The 
seven sciences (see Ibn Ezra on Prov. 9:1; Klatzkin, Thesau- 
rus PhilosophicuSy 1, 292 ff.) serve only to teach fear and love 
of God. They are not the end but only the means. He writes 
that Maimonides wrote his Guide of the Perplexed to refute 
the philosophers with philosophical arguments (cf. also his 
father's responsum, Rashbash no. 3). Zemah dealt with the 
problem of the Marranos (Yakhin u-Voaz y pt. 1, nos. 75, 125), 
whom he regarded as Jews from the religious point of view. 
He wrote responsa which form the first part of his brother 
Simeon's collection Yakhin u-Voaz. Some of them are quoted 

by Joseph * Caro. 

[Hirsch Jacob Zimmels] 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



DURAZZO (Durresi, Durres), chief port of Albania. There 
may have been Jews in Durazzo during the Roman period. The 
community, referred to as Durachi(um), is mentioned how- 
ever for the first time in 1204 in a responsum of R. *Isaiah b. 
Mali di Trani. An English traveler found a group of Jews in 
Durazzo in 1322. Documents of 1368 mention the community 
leader (magister Yudayce) David, his business associates, and 
the communal scribe. The Jewish merchants traded with Italy, 
Serbia, and Dubrovnik exporting salt and importing textiles. 
In 1401 the representatives of the Jews appealed to the Sen- 
ate of Venice, which then ruled over Durazzo, to exempt or 
partly exempt them from the obligation of presenting to the 
civic authorities annually 16 cubits of finest velvet, in addi- 
tion to a sum of money in cash. During the 16 th century a few 
Spanish refugees settled in Durazzo, but they do not seem to 
have had a communal organization. In 1939, refugee families 
from Vienna settled in Durazzo. 

bibliography: H.Bernstein, in: Jewish Daily B ulletin (April 
17-18, 1934); J. Starr, Romania... (Eng., 1949), 81-83; A. Milano, Storia 
degli ebrei italiani nel Levante (1949), 64-65. 

[Simon Marcus] 

DURBAN, port in KwaZulu- Natal, third largest city in the 
Republic of South Africa. The relatively small Jewish popula- 
tion has always played a prominent part in the life of the city. 
One of the founders of Port Natal (Durban's original name) 
was Nathaniel ^Isaacs, who came as a youth in 1825. Impor- 
tant contributions to the port s early development were made 
by Jonas *Bergtheil and by Daniel de * Pass. The first berit mi- 
lah in Natal, for the son of a former Durban resident D.M. 
Kisch, was performed in 1876 by the Rev. S. Rapaport, who 
came from Port Elizabeth for the ceremony. In 1880 a Jewish 
burial ground was laid out. Three years later a congregation 
was formed and in 1884 a building which had been a Meth- 
odist chapel was converted into a synagogue, with Bernard 
Lipinski (d. 1907) as the first president. Outstanding services 
were rendered by Felix C. Hollander (1876-1955), who was 
mayor of Durban (1910-13), a member of the Natal provin- 
cial executive committee (1914-23 and 1926-39), a senator 
(1939-48), and the head of the Jewish community. Charles 
Phineas Robinson (d. 1938) was a member of the Natal legis- 
lature and later of the Union parliament. His son Albert also 
sat in parliament and later became London high commissioner 
for the Central African Federation. Other leading communal 
personalities were Philip Wartski (1853-1948) and Solomon 
Moshal (1894-1986). 

Less affected by Eastern European immigration than 
other communities of the Republic, Durban Jewry has at the 
same time an active communal life. There are four synagogues 
(one Reform) and the usual fraternal and welfare organiza- 
tions. Diminishing numbers, however, led to the closure of the 
city's Jewish day school, Carmel College, in 1997. The Durban 
Jewish Club, the only institution of its kind in the Republic, 
has played a major role in the community's development. The 
Council for KwaZulu- Natal Jewry is a coordinating body and 

also functions as the provincial office of the South African 
Jewish Board of Deputies. Zionist activity is directed by the 
KwaZulu-Natal Zionist Council. The Jewish population of 
Durban in 2004 was 2,750. 

bibliography: G. Saron and L. Hotz, Jews in South Africa 
(1955), index; South African Jewish Year Book (1929), 107-10; M. Git- 
lin, The Vision Amazing (1950), index. 

[Louis Hotz / Gustav Saron] 

DURHAM, city in North Carolina, U.S. Jewish communal life 
formed in the late 1870s as the agrarian village grew into a New 
South industrial town. The Jewish population, with neighbor- 
ing Chapel Hill, rose from 40 in 1880 to 305 in 1910. As the re- 
gion evolved into a Sunbelt academic, research, and retirement 
center, the Jewish population reached 5,000 in 2005. 

In 1874 the first permanent Jewish settlers, Polish-born 
brothers Abe and Jacob Goldstein, opened a general store, 
which served as a way station for peddlers. By 1880, ten 
more Jewish merchants, all of German origin, had arrived 
from Virginia to establish dry-goods stores. In the early 1880s 
tobacco magnate James B. Duke contracted with a young 
Ukrainian immigrant, Moses Gladstein, to bring more than 
a hundred East European proletarians from New York to 
roll cigarettes in his factory. These Jewish rollers formed a 
chapter of the Cigarmaker's Progressive Union and later an 
assembly of the Knights of Labor. In 1884 Duke automated 
the factory and dismissed the Jewish workers. Most returned 
north although several, including Gladstein, opened Dur- 
ham stores. 

Immigrant peddlers, artisans, and storekeepers, mostly 
of Latvian-Lithuanian origin, created a viable community. 
Durham was a typical New South mill and market town. 
Jews provided mercantile services to workers, farmers, and 
industrialists. Durham's appeal was enhanced by the educa- 
tional opportunities of Duke University and the University of 
North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Jewish faculty began establish- 
ing themselves in the 1930s. They included European emigre 
scholars, notably Polish law professor Raphael *Lemkin, au- 
thor of the Genocide Convention. In 1943 Duke became the 
first southern campus to institute Jewish studies with the hir- 
ing of Judah *Goldin. 

East European Jews resided first in a ghetto near the Afri- 
can-American "Bottoms" and then in a middle-class neighbor- 
hood near Main Street. The community supported chapters 
of B'nai B'rith, Hadassah, Mizrachi, and the Zionist Organi- 
zation of America. In 1951, E.J. Evans, running on a progres- 
sive platform with black support, was elected to the first of 
six terms as Durham mayor, and in 1991 Kenneth Broun was 
elected Chapel Hill mayor. 

Religious services were held as early as 1878, and a burial 
society formed in 1884, under Myer Summerfield, a Prussian- 
born Orthodox merchant. Two years later the Durham He- 
brew Congregation organized, and by 1892, when it received 
a state charter, it had evolved into an East European shul. 
After meeting in rented halls, the congregation purchased 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


a wooden house in 1905. In 1921 it built a brick, downtown 
cathedral- style synagogue, renaming itself Beth El. Evolving 
into a Conservative congregation, it dedicated a new subur- 
ban synagogue -center in 1957. Beth El also housed an Ortho- 
dox Kehilla. 

In 1961 Judea Reform Congregation formed, and it built 
a temple in 1971. Growing into the area's largest congrega- 
tion with 550 members, it built a new campus in 2003. The 
Lubavitcher movement established Chabad houses in Dur- 
ham and Chapel Hill. In 1996 the Chapel Hill Kehillah, a Re- 
constructionist congregation, organized, and it purchased a 
synagogue five years later. The area also accommodated a Tri- 
angle Congregation for Humanistic Judaism. The communi- 
ties are united by the Durham-Chapel Hill Jewish Federation 
and Community Council, founded in 1977, which supports 
Jewish Family Services, and Midrasha, a supplemental high 
school. In 1995 the Lerner Jewish Community Day School 
opened with a religiously pluralistic program. Both Duke 
and unc erected new Hillel centers and expanded their Jew- 
ish studies programs. 

Durham- Chapel Hill's growth reflects the national Jew- 
ish population movement toward the Sunbelt. With two major 
universities and the creation of the Research Triangle Park in 
1959 it also reflects the Jewish demographic movement into 
the professions. Scientists Martin *Rodbell and Gertrude *E1- 
ion won Nobel Prizes at the Park. The moderate climate and 
college-town ambience also draw retirees. 

bibliography: E. Evans, The Provincials: A Personal History 
of Jews in the South (2005); L. Rogoff, Homelands: Southern Jewish 
Identity in Durham and Chapel Hill, North Carolina (2001). 

[Leonard W. Rogoff (2 nd ed.)] 

DURKHEIM, EMILE (1858-1917), French sociologist. Born 
in Epinal (Lorraine), France, of a long line of rabbinical an- 
cestors, Durkheim initially prepared himself for the rabbin- 
ate. Although he never wrote directly on a Jewish topic, the 
interest in law, ethnology, and the ethical implications of so- 
cial relations, which were aroused by his early training, stayed 
with him throughout his life. To be a sociologist always meant 
for him, essentially, to be a moral philosopher as well as a 
scientist of moral behavior; and although he became a free 
thinker early in life he remained conscious of his rabbinical 
heritage. Durkheim studied in Paris, where he was a pupil of 
the philosophers Emile Boutroux and Jules Monod and of the 
historian Fustel de Coulanges. He was also influenced by the 
French neo-Kantian Charles Renouvier and by his fellow stu- 
dents Levy-Bruhl, *Bergson, and Jaures. 

Durkheim is a towering figure in the history of * sociol- 
ogy. The first chair in social science in Europe was established 
for him at the University of Bordeaux in 1887. In 1902 he be- 
came professor of sociology and education at the Sorbonne; 
a separate department of sociology, under his chairmanship, 
was established in 1913. Durkheim was a founder and editor 
in chief of L'Annee Sociologique, which was published from 
1898 until the beginning of World War 1. Durkheim attempts 

to demonstrate that it is possible to trace regularities of be- 
havior in human action regardless of the subjective motives of 
individuals. The physical, biological, and psychological factors 
operative in the social life of man must be taken into account. 
Yet, as soon as attention is focused on the interpersonal rela- 
tionships characterizing group life, the special nature of "social 
facts" becomes apparent: group products, such as art, morals, 
and institutions are in the mind of the individual, and yet enti- 
ties apart from him. These group products are irreducible facts 
which must be studied in their own right. Society's "collective 
representations" have an objective existence outside the indi- 
viduals and, at the same time, exercise a constraining power 
over them. Even conceptual knowledge may be said to consist 
of collective representations having their roots in society. 

The best exemplification of the fruitfulness of Durkheim's 
approach is his concept of social solidarity, as employed in his 
studies on the division of labor, religion, morality, conscience, 
and suicide. Because society, at the same time, is above man 
and penetrates man, it is ultimately the only thing that has 
the power to inspire awe and reverence in individuals and 
to submit them to rules of conduct, to privations, and to the 
kind of sacrifice without which society would be impossible. 
But society, on which the individual is absolutely dependent, 
is not sufficiently concrete to be an object of direct reveren- 
tial submission. Instead, the individual experiences his de- 
pendence indirectly, by focusing his attention on everything 
essential to the maintenance of society: its principal norms, 
values, institutions, its sacred symbols. Especially, the notion 
of divine authority is a sublimation of society. Thus religion 
springs not from the nature of individual man, but from the 
nature of society. According to Durkheim, the effect of beliefs 
and acts with respect to essential norms and symbols is to cre- 
ate a more effective society. Similarly, suicide is not a function 
of race, climate, religious doctrine, and economic conditions, 
however close the correlations between any of these facts 
and the phenomenon of suicide itself may be. The clue, says 
Durkheim, lies in crucial social facts, that is, the breakdown 
of social solidarity and the ensuing normlessness, or "ano- 
mie." Groups with little social cohesion tend to have higher 
suicide rates than those providing strong psychic support to 
their members in the various crises of life. 

Durkheim stresses the concept of "collective conscious- 
ness" (or "conscience"). Durkheim initially explained social 
control mainly in terms of external constraints. In his later 
work, however, he stressed the internalization of culture, the 
fact that social norms are "society living in us." On his concep- 
tion of education he places no less heavy a burden. Through 
education, he holds, society implants general social values 
and discipline in the individual. "Discipline," he writes, "has 
its justification in itself." Yet, the nature of the discipline is 
not wholly a matter of indifference. It depends not only on 
society in general, but on the particular society in question. 
Not every society values the kind of individualism and dem- 
ocratic pluralism which Durkheim espoused in his personal 
and political thought. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



Durkheim's early work, De la division du travail social 
(1893), still shows traces of evolutionary thought; but his op- 
position to the utilitarianism of the economists is clearly 
marked there. In his subsequent works, especially in Les re- 
gies de la methode sociologique (1895; The Rules of Sociological 
Method, 1950) and in Le suicide: etude de sociologie (1897; Sui- 
cide, 1951), as well as in numerous scholarly papers published 
chiefly in VAnnee Sociologique, he increasingly emphasized 
scientific method and the combination of empirical research 
with sociological theory His major work, cast largely in the 
language of functionalism, is Les formes elementaires de la vie 
religieuse: le systeme totemique en Australie (1912; The Elemen- 
tary Forms of the Religious Life, 1965). Other treatises with a 
strongly historical and philosophical bent are Education et 
sociologie (1922; Education and Sociology, 1956), Sociologie et 
philosophic (1929), Leducation morale (1925), Le socialisme: 
sa definition, ses debuts, la doctrine Saint Simonienne (1928; 
Socialism and Saint-Simon, 1958), V evolution pedagogique en 
France (1938), and Montesquieu et Rousseau; precurseurs de la 
sociologie (1953). 

bibliography: Analyses of Durkheim's approach to sociol- 
ogy abound. Trie most influential of these are contained in G. Gur- 
vich, Essais de sociologie (1936), and in T. Parsons, Structure of So- 
cial Action (1937). Among book- length evaluations the best known 
are C.E. Gehlke, Emile Durkheim's Contributions to Sociological The- 
ory (1915); P. Faconnet, The Durkheim School in France (1927); R. 
Lacombe, La Methode sociologique de Durkheim (1926); E. Conze, 
Zur Bibliographic der Durkheim Schule (1927); and H. Alpert, Emile 
Durkheim and His Sociology (1939). A complete bibliography is found 
in K. Wolff (ed.), Emile Durkheim, 1858-191/ (i960). 

[Werner J. Cahnman and Joseph Maier] 

DUSCHAK, MORDECAI (Moritz; 1815-1890), rabbi, 
teacher, and writer. Duschak was born in Triesch, Moravia. 
He studied under Moses *Sofer in Pressburg, and later was ap- 
pointed rabbi in Aussee and in Gaya, both in Moravia. From 
1877 he occupied the post of preacher and teacher in Cracow. 
Toward the end of his life he moved to Vienna, where he re- 
mained until his death. Duschak published many studies on 
talmudic topics and Jewish scholarship in both Hebrew and 

His noteworthy books in German are Umriss des bib- 
lisch-talmudischen Synagogen-Rechtes (1853), Das mosaisch- 
talmudische Eherecht (1864), Geschichte und Darstellung des 
juedischen Cultus (1866), Das mosaisch-talmudische Strafre- 
cht (1869), Zur Botanik des Talmud (1870), Die biblisch-tal- 
mudische Glaubenslehre (1873), and Tor Esier (against the 
Blood *Libel, 1883). In Hebrew he published Yerushalayim 
ha-Benuyah (1880, combining the Babylonian and Jerusalem 
Talmuds in order to explain the mishnayot of tractates Eruvin, 
Pesahim, Megillah, and Yoma). 

bibliography: Zeitlin, Bibliotheca, 39, 71; M. Schwab, Reper- 
toire des Articles... (1914-23), 106 f, s.v.; A. Bauminger et al. (eds.), 
Sefer Cracow (1959), 103 f.; Kressel, Leksikon, 1 (1965), 546, s.v. 

[Yehoshua Horowitz] 

DUSCHINSKY, CHARLES (Jacob Koppel; 1878-1944), his- 
torian. Duschinsky was born in Namestovo, Czechoslovakia; 
he served as rabbi in Kostel, Moravia, from 1904 to 1907, and 
thereafter settled in London, where he engaged in business. 
He continued publishing monographs in scholarly journals 
on Anglo -Jewish history and other topics. His most impor- 
tant work was The Rabbinate of the Great Synagogue, London, 
from 1/56-1842 (1921). 

[Cecil Roth] 

Hungarian rabbi, and later rabbi of the separatist Orthodox 
community of Jerusalem. Duschinsky was born in Paks, Hun- 
gary, where his father was the sofer ("scribe"). He studied first 
under Moses Pollak, rabbi of Paks, and later under Rabbi 
Simhah Bunim Sofer (Schreiber, the Shevet Sofer) in Press- 
burg. In 1892 he married the only daughter of R. Mordecai 
Leib Winkler of Brezovanad Bradlom (Slovakia) and spent 
the next three years in his house. The years spent at Pressburg 
and his father-in-law's fine personality were the main forma- 
tive influences in his life. In 1895 he was elected rabbi to a con- 
gregation in Galanta established in opposition to the existing 
one, and in 1921 went to Khust (Carpatho-Ruthenia). In 1932 
he visited Palestine and on the death of R. Joseph Hayyim 
*Sonnenfeld was elected in 1933 to succeed him as rabbi of 
the Edah Haredit ("Orthodox Community") of Jerusalem. He 
founded a yeshivah, Bet Yosef, which had hundreds of pupils. 
Duschinsky, an active supporter of *Agudat Israel, appeared 
before various commissions of inquiry of the British manda- 
tory government, and although he did not normally cooper- 
ate with the official rabbinate, during the siege of Jerusalem in 
1948 he endorsed their permission to undertake defense and 
fortification work on the Sabbath. 

Duschinsky was a discerning bibliophile of refined taste 
and amassed a fine library of rare books. None of his own 
works was published in his lifetime. From his literary legacy 
two volumes of responsa, Sheelot u-Teshuvot Mahariz (pt. 1, 
1956; pt. 2, 1966), and three volumes of his homiletic commen- 
tary to the Bible (pt. 1, 1956; pt. 2, 1961; and pt. 3, 1965) have 
been published. His responsa in particular reflect his immense 
learning and wide range of reading (e.g., vol. 2, no. 51 adduces 
proof for a halakhic point of view from Emden's anti-Shab- 
batean tract Mitpahat Sofer im, Altona, 1768). He died during 
the siege of Jerusalem. His yeshivah continued to function 
under the direction of his only son, Moses Israel. 

bibliography: A. Katzburg, Temunat ha-Gedolim (1925- ); 
S.Z. Tennenbaum, Nata Sorek (1899), i67b-i74b (hm 1-5). 

[Abraham Schischa] 

educator. Born in Suwalki, Poland, Dushkin was taken to the 
United States in 1901. He was associated with J.L. *Magnes' 
Kehillah experiment in New York City (1910-18) and with its 
Bureau of Jewish Education under Samson *Benderly, and in 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


1916 went to Europe as a secretary of the American Jewish Re- 
lief Committee. In Palestine in 1919, he was inspector of Jew- 
ish schools and taught at David *Yelliris Teachers' Seminary 
in Jerusalem. Returning to the United States, Dushkin was 
appointed secretary of * Keren Hayesod (1921-22). From 1923 
to 1934 he was director of Chicago's Board of Jewish Educa- 
tion and founded that city's College of Jewish Studies (1924). 
In 1934 he was called by the Hebrew University in Jerusalem 
to organize and conduct its Department of Education (since 
1952, the School of Education). He was lecturer in educational 
methods and administration and also the principal of Bet ha- 
Kerem High School, Jerusalem (1934-39). Upon his return to 
the United States he became executive director of the Jewish 
Education Committee in New York City (1939-49). In 1949 
Dushkin was invited by the Hebrew University to establish 
and direct its undergraduate studies and to teach education 
and education administration. From 1962, he headed the De- 
partment of Jewish Education in the Diaspora in the Hebrew 
University Institute of Contemporary Jewry. Dushkin wrote 
the first doctoral dissertation on a Jewish educational theme 
(Columbia University, 1917), Jewish Education in New York 
City (1918), and was the editor of the first educational journal 
in English in the United States, The Jewish Teacher (1916-19); 
edited and co-edited its successor, Jewish Education (1929-35, 
1939-49); was coauthor of Jewish Education in the United 
States (1959); edited the third volume of the Enzyklopedyah 
Hinnukhit ("Educational Encyclopedia"); and wrote many 
monographs and articles. In his educational philosophy Du- 
shkin recognized the validity of pluralism in American Jewish 
education, but saw its bases in common elements and values. 
He saw Jewish education in the Diaspora as being one of the 
main responsibilities of Jewish communal efforts. As a stu- 
dent of Kilpatrick and disciple of the progressivist concepts, 
he strove to base education on science and experience; he 
had, however, a positive attitude to Jewish tradition, seeing it 
as the unique force in the preservation of the Jewish people. 
Dushkin was awarded an Israel Prize in 1968. 

bibliography: J. Pilch and M. Ben-Horin, Judaism and the 
Jewish School (1966), 6of. 

[Nathan Greenbaum and Leon H. Spotts] 

DUSHKIN, SAMUEL (1891-1976), violinist. Dushkin was 
born in Suwalki, Poland, and studied with Guillaume Remy 
(violin) and Ganaye (composition) at the Paris Conservatoire, 
and with *Amar and *Kreisler in New York. After his Paris 
debut in 1918, he toured widely and gave many important first 
performances, notably of Ravel's Tzigane (Amsterdam, 1925) 
and Stravinsky's Violin Concerto (Berlin, 1931). Stravinsky, 
who composed it with technical advice from Dushkin, often 
accompanied him in it at subsequent performances. Dushkin 
also collaborated with Stravinsky in making transcriptions 
from Pulcinella and Le baiser de la fee and recorded the Duo 
concert ant with him. He gave the first performances of a con- 
siderable amount of chamber music by Prokofiev, *Milhaud, 

Poulenc, and others. Dushkin edited, and in some cases tran- 
scribed, virtuoso music for the violin. Some are in fact his own 
compositions attributed to earlier composers, such as Johann 
Benda and Boccherini. He also published teaching manuals 
for the violin. 

add. bibliography: Grove online; mgg 2 ; R. Ellero, Le Com- 
posizioni Violinistiche di Stravinskij per Dushkin, Tesi di laurea Univ. 
degli Studi di Venezia (1991/2). 

[Max Loppert / Israela Stein (2 nd ed.)] 

DUSHMAN, SAUL (1883-1954), U.S. chemist and physicist. 
Dushman was born in Rostov, Russia, and was taken to Can- 
ada as a child of nine. He obtained a doctorate at the Univer- 
sity of Toronto in 1912 and in the same year joined the Gen- 
eral Electric Company Laboratory at Schenectady, n.y., where 
he worked for 40 years, from 1928 as assistant director. For a 
period he was also director of research at the Edison Lamp 
Works. Dushman's published books and papers were mainly 
concerned with the development and use of high vacuum 
with which his name is firmly associated. He introduced, 
with Langmuir, the suffix -tron for equipment in which high 
vacuum was used; later the suffix was used in words such as 
cyclotron, magnetron, etc. His books included High Vacuum 
(1923), The Elements of Quantum Mechanics (1938), Scientific 
Foundations of Vacuum Technique (1949), and Fundamentals 
of Atomic Physics (1951). 

bibliography: Langmuir, in: Vacuum, 3 (i953-54)> H3f. 

[Samuel Aaron Miller] 

DUSTAN (al-Dustan; Dositheans), Samaritan sect (or sects), 
followers of Dusis or Dustis, which is probably the Aramaic 
form of the Greek name Dositheos. In a somewhat different 
form - Dosa or Dostai - it is quite common in Jewish sources 
such as Mishnah, Tosefta, and Midrash. A Dostai and a Sabbai 
are mentioned in the Midrash as the priests sent by the Assyr- 
ian king to Samaria to teach the new settlers the laws and cus- 
toms of the country. In a legend told by Josephus about a reli- 
gious dispute between Jews and Samaritans before Ptolemy iv 
Philometer, Samaritan representatives are called Sabbeus and 
Theodosius (Theodosius being another form of Dositheos). 
But in all probability there is no connection between these 
and the founder of the Dosithean sect. Information about 
this sect is found in the Samaritan Chronicles and in patristic 
and Islamic writings. The relation between this sect and the 
n th -century c.e. al-Dustan of the Samaritan liturgy has not 
yet been clarified. The accounts about the Dosithean sect (or 
sects) differ in many ways and contradict each other in some 
places. The Samaritan sources, the Annals of *Abu al-Fath and 
the New Chronicle, speak of two sects: one called al-Dustan, 
which arose shortly before the time of Alexander the Great, 
i.e., in the fourth century b.c.e., and a sect mentioned in the 
Tolidah as founded by Dusis or Dustis in the days of the high 
priest Akbon, the brother of *Baba Rabbah, i.e., in the sec- 
ond half of the fourth century c.e. Patristic sources from the 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



second-seventh centuries mention a founder of a Samaritan 
sect, Dositheos, who claimed to be the messiah prophesied by 
Moses in Deuteronomy 18:15. Th e dating of the sect is vague, 
generally given as before or after the time of Jesus. 

The Islamic writer al-Shaharastani (1086-1153) describes 
a Samaritan sect al-Dustaniyya, also known as al-tlfaniyya. 
Their founder, al-Ilfan, is said to have lived approximately 
100 b.c.e. Al-Shaharastani explains the name al-Dustaniyya 
to mean the dissenting, mendacious sect. It is difficult to 
tell from these accounts whether they render different tra- 
ditions about one and the same sect which became blurred 
in the course of time, or whether there existed two or more 
sects at different times. The main source for the account of 
the fourth-century b.c.e. sect is the Annals of Abu al-Fath. 
There the sect is said to have been called al-Dustan because 
they abolished the lawful festivals and the traditions of their 
ancestors. Their most important deviations were: changing of 
the Samaritan combined solar-lunar ^calendar, counting all 
months as 30 days; ceasing to recite the formula "Blessed be 
our Lord in eternity" and to pronounce the Tetragrammaton, 
substituting Elohim; counting the 50 days between Passover 
and Pentecost from the day after the first day of Passover, as 
the Jews do; and altering the laws of ritual purity. Because of 
the above differences and others outside the sphere of belief 
and religious rites, they started to build their own synagogues 
and to appoint their own priests. The first to become their high 
priest was the son of the then high priest. He was called Zar c a, 
perhaps an allusion to Ezra, and was banned from the com- 
munity for infamous conduct. He composed a compendium 
of laws for them - a new Torah, derided the high priests, and 
was esteemed the most learned of his time. The account con- 
cerning the Dosithean sect of the fourth century c.e., found in 
the Tolidahy the Annals of Abu al-Fath, and the New Chronicle, 
is centered on the person of Dustes b. Pilpeloy, who went to 
Shechem in the time of Akbon, Baba's brother. He was not of 
Samaritan extraction but descended from the Aravruba (Erev 
rav), the mixed multitude who left Egypt together with the Is- 
raelites. The Tolidah does not go beyond this brief statement, 
whereas the other two chronicles, especially that of Abu al- 
Fath, elaborate their story with much detail. 

Dusis b. Fufti (or in the New Chronicle, Dusis) was liv- 
ing in Jewish territory, committed adultery there, and was 
sentenced to death. However, when he proposed to the Jew- 
ish elders the founding of a heretic sect in Samaria, they con- 
sented to release him. He went to Qaryat c Askar, where he won 
the friendship of a very learned and pious man called Yahdu. 
Together they spent two years abiding by a vow of asceticism. 
When their vow ended, they ate, drank, and became intoxi- 
cated. When Yahdu was still sleeping off his drunkenness, Du- 
sis took away his hood, gave it to a harlot, and bribed her to 
testify on the Day of Atonement before the community, gath- 
ered for prayer on Mt. Gerizim, that Yahdu had sinned with 
her. But his plot was discovered by the high priest Akbon, who 
sought to kill him. Dusis fled to Shuwayka or Socho and hid 
in the house of a widow called Amintu, whom he told that he 

was the son of the high priest. During his stay there, he occu- 
pied himself with writing. When he had finished, he heard that 
the high priest was still looking for him, so he left the house of 
Amintu and went to hide in a cave, where he eventually died 
of hunger and was devoured by the dogs. Before leaving, he 
had ordered Amintu to allow his writings to be touched only 
by those who had purified themselves in a nearby pool. Soon 
afterward the high priest s nephew, Levi, with seven compan- 
ions, arrived at the house of Amintu in search of Dusis. She 
told them faithfully all Dusis had taught her. Levi then sent 
one of his men to immerse in the pool. Upon rising, the man 
cried out, "My belief is in Thee O Lord and in Dusis Thy ser- 
vant and in his prophetic mission." Levi shouted at him and 
struck him. However, the same happened to all of the seven 
and at last to Levi himself. Then they read the books of Dusis 
and learned that he had changed much of the Torah, similar 
to Ezra and even more so. They kept all this to themselves and 
returned to Shechem. On the first day of the Passover festi- 
val, when Levi was called upon to recite the Law, he substi- 
tuted the word "zatar" for "ezov," according to the books of 
Dusis. When the community tried to correct his reading, Levi 
insisted on it and blamed them for having rejected the pro- 
phetic mission of Dusis; he changed the days of the festivals, 
the mighty name of yhwh, and sent pursuers after the sec- 
ond prophet sent by God from Mount Sinai. Thereupon, Levi 
was stoned, and his followers went to a place near Jerusalem, 
from where they continued to win disciples from among the 
Samaritans. They venerated Levi as a martyr, kept a palm leaf 
dipped in his blood in the books of Dusis, and allowed only 
those who had fasted for seven days to approach and study 
them. They believed that the dead would soon rise; they cut 
their hair, prayed with their body immersed in water, did not 
go from one house to another on the Sabbath, and observed 
all the festivals on the Sabbath only. When one of the followers 
died, they put a belt around his waist, sandals on his feet, and 
a rod in his hand so that he could rise from his grave in haste. 
Some of them believed that as soon as the dead were buried 
they rose from their graves and went to Paradise. After a short 
story about Simeon the Sorcerer (Simon Magus, who, accord- 
ing to most scholars, belongs to the first century c.e.) there is 
an enumeration of seven subsects that succeeded each other 
and the fate that befell each of them. The narrative ends with 
the words: "All these came forth from the Books of Dusis and 
caused the Samaritans much hardship and great sinning." 

Especially interesting is one of the sects, founded by 
Shaliyah ibn Tirun ibn Nin, because his followers are once 
called al-Dustan. That is the only occurrence of this name 
in the narrative about the sect founded by Dusis. In this re- 
port antisectarian polemics are intermingled with the legend 
about Levi, which is obviously borrowed from the literature 
of the sect. The short notes speaking of Dositheos in the pa- 
tristic sources all agree that he was a Samaritan heretic and 
founder of a messianic sect. But they differ in details. Thus 
Pseudo-Tertullian (second century c.e.) mentions the Sa- 
maritan Dositheos as the first Jewish heretic from whom the 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


heresy of the Sadducees developed. He was the first to reject 
the prophets, deny belief in resurrection, angels, and the last 
judgment. According to the Pseudo- Clementines (third cen- 
tury c.e.), Dositheos and Simon Magus were pupils of John 
the Baptist. The Samaritans, awaiting a prophet predicted by 
Moses, had been prevented by the depravity of Dusis from 
believing in the prophetic mission of Jesus. Origen (second 
and third centuries c.e.) mentions Dositheos several times. 
After the time of Jesus, Dositheos tried to convince the Sa- 
maritans that he was the messiah prophesied by Moses, and 
he succeeded in winning some of them over. Then he adds 
that these are the Dositheans, still extant in his time, who own 
scriptures of Dositheos and recount myths about him that he 
had never died and was still alive somewhere. Similar to the 
above is the account of Eusebius (third and fourth centuries 
c.e.), who states that Dositheos appeared after Jesus' time and 
was acknowledged by the Samaritans as a prophet like Moses. 
Epiphanius (fourth century c.e.) gives a report resembling 
that of Abu al-Fath in some basic points about Dusis and his 
sect. According to him, the Dositheans were a Samaritan sect; 
kept circumcision, the laws of the Sabbath, and the Penta- 
teuch; refrained from eating meat; venerated abstinence; and 
believed in resurrection. Dositheos was of Jewish origin and 
had retired to a cave. However, out of an exaggerated desire 
to gain knowledge, he fasted so that at last he died of starva- 
tion. Eulogius (seventh century c.e.) tells of two rival Samari- 
tan parties, one believing that the expected prophet of Deu- 
teronomy 18:15 was *Joshua son of Nun, the other claiming 
that it was someone called Dosthes or Dositheos, who was a 
disciple of Simon Magus, cast blame on the prophets and the 
patriarch Judah, left scriptures, and did not believe in resur- 
rection. Even from this scanty material, it becomes obvious 
that the Dosithean sect must have had considerable influ- 
ence in the beginning of the common era or even before it. It 
seems quite plausible that several subsects branched off from 
an original major sect in the course of time. This may account 
for the double report of the Samaritan chronicles, including 
that of the seven subsects, and the discrepancies found in pa- 
tristic and Islamic sources. 

bibliography: J.A. Montgomery, Samaritans (1907; repr. 
1968), 253-64; K. Kohler, in: American Journal of Theology, 15 (1911), 
404-35; T. Caldwell, in: Kairos: Zeitschrift fuer Religionswissenschaft 
und Theologie, 4 (1962), 105-17; J. Macdonald, Theology of the Samari- 
tans (1964), index; B. Lifshitz, in: rb, 72 (1965), 98-107; A.D. Crown, 
in: Essays in Honour ofG. W. Thatcher (1966), 63-83; idem, in: Antich- 
thon, 1 (1967), 70-85; Z. Ben-Hayyim, Ivrit ve-Aramit Nusah Shom- 
eron, 3 pt. 2 (1967), 17-18; H.A. Kippenberg, Garizim und Synagoge 
(1971) 122-37. texts: E. Vilmar (ed.),AbulfathiAnnalesSamaritani... 
(1865), lxxi-lxxiii, 82-83, 1 5 1- 7> !59 _ 64 (Arabic, with Latin notes and 
introduction); E.N. Adler and M. Seligsohn (eds.), Une nouvelle Chro- 
nique Samaritaine (1903), 37, 64-67; P. Koetschau (ed.), Origines, in: 
Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, 2 
(1899), 108, lines 25-28; E. Preuschen (ed.), Origines, ibid., 10 (1903), 
251, lines 15-19; H. Grossmann (ed.), Eusebius, ibid., 11 (1904), 33, 
lines 24-27; K. Holl (ed.), Epiphanius, ibid., 25 (1915), 205, 206, lines 
11-13; B. Rehm (ed.), Pseudo-Clementines, ibid., 51 (1965), 39, lines 

9-19; E. Kroymann, Pseudo -Tertullian, in: Corpus Scriptorum eccle- 
siasticorum Latinorum, 47 (1906), 213, lines 4-8; J. Bowman, Tran- 
script of the Original Text of the Samaritan Chronicle Tolidah (1957), 
18a (Heb., with Eng. notes). 

[Ayala Loewenstamm] 


Influence of the Bible 

The arrival, on October 27, 2004, of the Nieuwe Bijbelvertal- 
ing, a completely new translation into Dutch of the Bible and 
the Christian Apocrypha, initiated a fierce debate in Dutch 
literary circles. At the core was the major influence of the 
Bible on Dutch culture and linguistics. Many participants in 
the discussion lamented the sometimes radical choices the 
translators had made to rephrase the biblical stories into a 
modern vernacular. They stated their desire to protect the lan- 
guage and imagery of the Statenbijbel, the official translation 
of the Bible which was commissioned by the Dutch Reformed 
Church in the early 17 th century. It was completed during the 
years 1627-37. Similar to its English -language counterpart, the 
King James Version, the Statenbijbel has enriched the Dutch 
language with countless beautiful and poetic similes, expres- 
sions, and metaphors, most of which are still in use in pres- 
ent-day Dutch. 

The original Statenbijbel translation project was one high 
point in the cultural revolution that brought Calvinism and 
Humanism to Holland. The Eighty Years' War (1568-1648) 
led to a new and powerful interest in the Bible as a source of 
inspiration for a national Dutch identity, which was at that 
time beginning to assert itself. In a famous poem which later 
became the Dutch national anthem, "Wilhelmus van Nas- 
souwe," Prince William of Orange was compared to David, 
king of Israel. The war against Spain was likened to Israel's 
war against her enemies. Among the many poetic adaptations 
of the Psalms composed in these times were those of authors 
such as Philips van Marnix van Sint Aldegonde (1540-1588), 
and the poets Pieter Corneliszoon Hooft (1581-1647) and Con- 
stantijn Huygens (1596-1678). 

Humanists and Reformers promoted the study of He- 
brew in the Low Countries during the 16 th century, particu- 
larly in such circles as that of the humanist Antwerp printer 
Christophe *Plantin (1514-1589), who at one time was obliged 
to move to Leiden. During the 15 th century, biblical drama 
flourished in the many chambers of rhetoric (Rederijkerska- 
mers) and later poets such as Carel van Mander (1548-1606) 
and Dirck Volkertszon Coornhert (1522-1590) wrote a number 
of biblical plays. Outstanding among these authors was Joost 
van den Vondel, who wrote Joseph in Dothan (1640), Joseph in 
Egypten (1640), Salomon (i64S),Jephta (1659), Samson (1660), 
and Adam in Ballingschap ("Adam in Exile," 1664). The last 
work can be compared to ^Milton's Paradise Lost. 

After the 17 th century there was a sharp decline in inter- 
est in biblical subjects. In the late 18 th century, Willem Bil- 
derdijk wrote some biblical poetry, while Arnold Hoogvliet 
composed an epic entitled Abraham de Aartsvader ("Abraham 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



the Patriarch," 1729). In the 19 th century, Allard Pierson pub- 
lished Israel, the first part of his study Geestelijke Voorouders 
("Spiritual Ancestors," 1887-91) and J.L. ten Kate wrote De 
Schepping ("The Creation," 1866). 

Dutch biblical dramatists of the 20 th century include 
H. van den Eerenbeemt, the author of Judith (1916); F. Rut- 
ten, who wrote Hagar (1917); and the Flemish poet Rene de 
Clercq, the author of biblical stories in verse form such as 
Thamar (1917). The poet Albert Besnard composed an epic 
poem about the history of the Jewish people called Drama 
(1959). In 1945 a Protestant author, H. de Bruin, published Job, 
a dramatic adaptation of the Book of Job. The Bible and the 
land of the Bible provide the themes of some of the writing of 
Roman Catholic poet Bertus Aafjes, notably his poem In den 
Beginne (1949) and his novels, Vorstin onder de landschappen 
("Empress Among Landscapes," 1952) and Arenlezers achter 
de maaiers ("Gleaners Behind the Reapers," 1952). 

During the 20 th century Protestant religion lost its promi- 
nence in Dutch society. In mainstream fiction, Biblical themes 
have almost disappeared, the work of author and artist Jan 
Wolkers (1925- ) being the most notable exception. In 1990 
Wolkers published Op de vleugelen der profeten ("On the 
Wings of Prophets"), essays on the beauty of the Bible. As a 
literary topos, the Bible can be found in the works of novelists 
Maarten 't Hart, Nicolaas Matsier, and Desanne van Breder- 
ode. From the 1960s onwards, poet and novelist Gerard Kor- 
nelis van het Reve (1923- ) created an original poetic aes- 
thetic, mixing the language and imagery of the Statenbijbel 
with Roman Catholic mysticism and explicit references to 
homosexuality. This literary style is known as Revisme ("Re- 
vism ). 

Hebraic Influences on the Dutch Language 

The influence of the Statenbijbel on the Dutch language can 
not be overestimated. Expressions deriving from this trans- 
lation are still current in literature and colloquial usage. Be- 
sides such common words as Satan, cherubijn, etc., there are 
expressions like "met de mantel der liefde bedekken" ("to cover 
with the coat of love"), borrowed from the story of Noah (Gen. 
9:23). The influence of Yiddish began to be felt with the ap- 
pearance of Dutch books by Jewish authors, which contained 
Yiddish expressions. Some Yiddish words that have become 
part of standard Dutch are Mokum, the popular nickname 
for Amsterdam ("place," from makom); bajes ("prison," from 
bay it); gabber ("friend," from haver); stiekem ("in secret," from 
shetikah); and lef ("courage," from lev). Many more are to be 
found in popular speech and thieves' slang -jatten ("to steal," 
from yad), and kapoeres ("gone to pieces," from kapparah). 
Others which were mainly used by Jews are disappearing with 
the dwindling of the Jewish community in Holland. 

The Jewish community has coined some Dutch words for 
its specific linguistic needs. By subtly changing the prefix of 
verbs and nouns, meaning has shifted - predominantly in the 
verbs aanbijten (lit. "to bite onto," to break the fast after Yom 
Kippur) and uitkomen (lit. "to come out," to convert to Juda- 

ism), and the noun voorzanger (lit. "singer in front," Cantor), 
which are not in use outside the Jewish community. 

The Figure of the Jew in Dutch Literature 

The physical presence of Jews in the Netherlands is not re- 
flected in medieval Dutch literature. The Jew is made to sym- 
bolize the forces of evil, and his sufferings are pointed to 
as proof of the Christian concept of history. Examples of 
this are to be found in the Rijmbijbel of Jacob van Maerlant 
(c. 1235-1300), in the same writers Spieghel Historiael, in Van 
den Levene Ons Keren ("On the Life of Our Lord") by an un- 
known i3 th -century author, and in various other sources. A 
literary record of the pogroms following the plague of 1350 oc- 
curs in Brabantse Yeesten by Jan van Boendale. The alleged use 
of the blood of Christian children for healing purposes was de- 
scribed in the Bienboek, a medieval Dutch version of the Liber 
Apum by Thomas de Cantimpre. Van Boendale s Van den Joden 
endevan haren Wesen ("Of the Jews and Their Nature") was a 
more rational work. The secular morality poem Der minnen 
Loep ("The Course of Love") by Dirck Potter (c. 1370-1428) 
denounces sexual intercourse with Jews. The Shylock motive 
appears in the fragmentary rhetorical play Van den Gedinge 
tusschen eenen Coopman ende eenen Jode ("On the Case Be- 
tween a Merchant and a Jew," c. 1515). 

Despite the increase in the number of Jews in Holland 
during the 17 th century, none of the great authors of the Golden 
Age dealt with Jewish themes, with the exception of Joost van 
den Vondel, who wrote the poem Aan de Joodsche Rabbijnen 
as an addendum to the play Hierusalem verwoest (1620). On 
the other hand, many chronicles deal with Jews, mostly from 
a Christian, antisemitic point of view. An exception is the trea- 
tise on Jews and the Jewish religion in Bewijs van den waren 
godsdienst ("Proof of the True Religion") by the great Dutch 
jurist Hugo *Grotius. After a speculation scandal in 1720, Jews 
began to appear in low comedy, satirical poetry, and scurrilous 
writings. Examples are to be found in the unfinished comedy 
of manners De Spiegelder Vaderlandsche Kooplieden ("Mirror 
of Native Merchants," 1720) by Pieter Langendijk. Two peri- 
odicals founded by Justus van Effen, Spectatoriale Geschriften 
and De Hollandsche Spectator, were influenced in their attitude 
toward the Jews by the ideas of the Enlightenment. 

In the 19 th century, too, the number of literary works 
dealing with Jewish themes was very small. They include 
the poem De Israelitische Looverhut by Antonie Christiaan 
Wynand Staring; descriptions of middle-class Jews in the 
Camera Obscura (1839) of Hildebrand (pen name of Nicolaas 
Beets); descriptions of the Amsterdam ghetto in the novel 
Woutert e Pieterse (2 vols., 1865-77) by Multatuli (pen name 
of Eduard Douwes Dekker); and the antisemitic novel Jeanne 
Colette by W. Paap. At the beginning of the 20 th century, Jew- 
ish types appear in the short stories collected in Vluchtige be- 
groetingen ("Casual Greetings," 1925) by Aart van der Leeuw. 
An exotic Jewish girl figures in the novel Tobias en de dood 
("Tobias and Death," 1925) by Jan van Oudshoorn (pen name 
of J.K. Feylbrief). The * Wandering Jew motif is to be found in 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


the novel De wandelende Jood (1906) by the Flemish author 
August Vermeylen. The poet Johan Andreas der Mouw was the 
only writer who tried to analyze his attitude toward Jews. 

The first writer to react to rising Nazism and the persecu- 
tion of the Jews was the outstanding essayist Menno ter Braak, 
who had a great influence on Dutch literature. The change of 
attitude to Jewish themes brought about by World War 11 can 
be gauged by a comparison of two novels by Simon Vestdijk 
(1898-1971): Else Boehler, Duits dienstmeisje ("Else Boehler 
the German Maid," 1935) and De r impels van Esther Ornstein 
("The Wrinkles of Esther Ornstein," 1958). A writer who often 
used Jewish themes was Ferdinand Bordewijk, whose nov- 
els show a progressively antisemitic tendency. His works in- 
clude the collections of short stories Fantastische vertellingen 
("Fantastic Stories," 3 vols. 1919-24), and the novels Noorderli- 
cht ("Northern Lights," 1948) and Bloesemtak ("Blossoming 
Branch," 1955). 

In the years immediately after World War 11, there was 
a remarkable increase in literary works dealing with Jewish 
themes and fictional characters. Some writers, like August De- 
fresne in his play De naamloozen van 1942 ("The Nameless of 
1942," 1945), tried to prove the unequivocally sympathetic atti- 
tude of the Dutch people toward the Jews. The theme of other 
works is the absence of differences between Jews and non- 
Jews, as in Volghet spoor terug ("Follow the Track Back," 1953), 
an essay by J.B. Charles (pseudonym of WH. Nagel), and in 
the novel De ondergangvan defamilie Boslowits ("The Ruin of 
the Boslowits Family," 1946) by Gerard Kornelis van het Reve. 
Nel Noordzij deals with collective guilt feelings as a personal 
experience in Variaties op een moederbinding ("Variations on 
a Mother Attachment," 1958), and with Jewish self-hate in her 
novel Hetkan me niet schelen ("I Don't Care," 1955). 

The difficulties arising in mixed marriages as a result of 
traumatic war experiences form the theme of several novels, 
including De donkere kamer van Damocles ("The Dark Room 
of Damocles," 1958) by Willem Frederik Hermans, Het wilde 
feest ("The Intruder," 1952) by Adriaan van der Veen, Allang 
geleden ("A Long Time Ago," 1956) by WG. van Maanen, and 
Jan Wolkers' Kort Amerikaans ("Short American,"i962). A 
worthy attempt to draw an authentic Jewish portrait is that by 
the Flemish writer Marnix Gijsen (pseudonym of Jan- Albert 
Goris), who went to live in New York in 1939, in his short sto- 
ries "Kaddisj voor Sam Cohn" and "De school van Fontaine- 
bleau" in the collection De Diaspora (1961). 

During the 1960s and 1970s, Dutch literature shifted di- 
rection as a result of rising tides of realism and early post- 
modernism. Also, many Jewish writers came into their own, 
with a staggering growth of publications on Holocaust and 
post- Holocaust themes. As a result, Jewish experience and 
the place of the Jew in Dutch society became almost a taboo 
subject for non- Jewish writers. Jews all but vanished as char- 
acters in fiction by non- Jewish authors, with the exception of 
Erik Hazelhoff Roelfzema's Soldaat van Oranje ("Soldier of 
Orange"), which was published in 1971, a picaresque autobio- 
graphical novel about his travails during 1940-45 that included 

a Jewish love interest. The crime fiction that Jan- Willem van de 
Wetering wrote during the 1970s and 1980s features a minor 
character who is a Sephardi Jew. 

It took until the late 1980s for a Jew to return to Dutch 
fiction. The novel Mystiek Lichaam, published in 1986 by ac- 
claimed author Frans Kellendonk (1951-1990), caused a ma- 
jor literary scandal. Kellendonk uses the relationship between 
two siblings in a Roman Catholic family as the backdrop for 
an exposition of the intrinsic Otherness of homosexuality 
and Jewishness in Dutch society. Some critics denounced the 
novel as antisemitic. Since then, not many non- Jewish writ- 
ers have dared touch the subjects of Jewish history, Jewish 
identity, and Judaism. 

The Jewish community in the former Dutch colony 
of ^Surinam has a long history. Cynthia Macleod-Ferrier 
(1936- ), a writer from Surinam, described the experiences of 
a fictional Jewish family at an 18 th century plantation in Hoe 
duur was de suiker (1987, "How Expensive Was the Sugar"). 
In children's fiction Karlijn Stoffels' novel about two friends 
during the Holocaust, Mosje en Reizele (1996, "Moshe and 
Reizele"), attracted a large audience. 

The Jewish Contribution to Dutch Literature 

17TH and i8th centuries. The Sephardi Jews, arriving 
in Amsterdam toward the end of the 16 th century, were the 
first Jewish writers in Holland. Although they wrote in Latin, 
Spanish, and Hebrew, they made a significant contribution to 
Dutch literature. Prominent among them were poets such as 
Jacob Israel * Belmonte; Paulo de Pina, author of the biblical 
morality play Dialogo dosMontes (1624); the satirist Abraham 
(Diego) Gomez Silveyra; and the dramatist and poet Antonio 
Enriquez *G6mez. A vast but inaccurate source for the his- 
tory of the Amsterdam Sephardi Jews is the poetry of Miguel 
(Daniel Levi) de *Barrios. Other important cultural figures 
were the scholar and statesman Manasseh Ben * Israel and the 
philosophers Uriel da *Costa and Baruch *Spinoza (see also 
Spanish and Portuguese ^Literature). 

The literary production of the Ashkenazi Jews did not 
cross over into Dutch society in general. Until the 1750s Ash- 
kenazi Jews mainly wrote in Yiddish. In addition to transla- 
tions of religious books, they made adaptations of secular lit- 
erature, such as the *Bove-Buch, Josef Maarsen's Sjeine artliche 
Gesch.ich.ten (1710) translated from ^Boccaccio's Decamerone y 
and a translation of the Travels of Benjamin of Tudela (1691) 
by Hayyim ben Jacob. 

During the second half of the 18 th century, the elite of 
the Jewish community slowly gained entrance into Dutch 
society through their growing ease with the Dutch language. 
A handful of young Amsterdam Jews actively participated in 
the revolutionary movements of 1787 and 1795. Some Jewish 
revolutionaries contributed to magazines and pamphlets in 
Dutch, marking the entrance of Dutch Jewry into Dutch let- 
ters. The emancipation of the Jewish nation, as declared by the 
French in 1796, officially opened the doors for their entrance 
into Dutch society. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 




early 20 th centuries saw a gradual entry of a growing num- 
ber of educated Jews into most walks of Dutch life. Jews went 
into law, medicine, commerce, and the fine arts. They entered 
journalism, the theater, and the entertainment industry. The 
advent of liberalism and socialism profoundly influenced Jew- 
ish intellectuals. Jewish writers reflected upon social inequal- 
ity and depicted scenes of squalor and misery in the poorer 
Jewish communities and working-class neighborhoods of the 
major cities. Also, many explored Jewish self-hatred, assimila- 
tion, and, to an extent, Zionism. 

The first writer of Portuguese- Jewish descent to contrib- 
ute to Dutch literature proper was the poet Isaac da * Costa, 
who at first worked for Jewish emancipation but converted 
to the Reformed Church in 1822 under the influence of the 
poet William Bilderdijk. Da Costa was active in the Protes- 
tant Reveil movement, which strove for a deepening of reli- 
gious experience. His works include a collection of poetry, De 
Chaos en het Licht ("Chaos and Light," 1850-53); the biblical 
drama Hagar (1848); and studies on various Jewish themes. 
Da Costa's friend Abraham Capadose (1795-1874), who also 
converted, was another early contributor to Dutch literature. 
He wrote several conversionist works, including Rome en Je- 
ruzalem (1851). Other i9 th -century authors were the satirist 
Mark Prager Lindo, the poetess Estella Hijmans Hertzveld, 
and the novelist Arnold Aaron Aletrino. 

Herman *Heijermans, who is generally considered the 
most important playwright of his time, wrote naturalistic 
works reflecting the struggle with Jewish identity and social 
involvement. His many outstanding books include the novel 
Diamantstad ("Diamond City," 1904); Ghetto (1898), a drama 
of Amsterdam Jewish life; and a play about the life of fisher- 
men, Op hoop van zegen ("The Good Hope," 1900), which 
is generally considered one of the best plays ever written 
in Dutch. The Sephardi author Israel *Querido wrote a num- 
ber of novels on "ghetto" life, as well as several biblical works. 
His brother, the publisher Emanuel Querido (1871-1943), 
was also an author. Other writers of the time were Samuel C. 
Goudsmit; Willem Schurmann (1879-1915), the author of the 
"ghetto" play De Violiers (1912); and the anti-assimilationist 
rabbi Meyer de Hond (1873-1943), author of Kiekjes ("Snap- 
shots," 1926). 

Jewish national feelings dominate the works of M.H. van 
Campen and a few other writers. A.B. Kleerekoper (1850-1943), 
who was a minor Hebrew poet, wrote a Dutch adaptation of 
Song of Songs, Het Hooglied Zangen van Liefde (1903). A. van 
Collem (1858-1933), the first president of the Dutch Zionist 
Organization, wrote Russische melodieen (1891), the story of 
a pogrom, and the lyrical poem God (1930). Outstanding for 
his religious poetry was Jacob Israel de *Haan, a controversial 
figure who was assassinated in Jerusalem. His collection Het 
Joodsche Lied ("The Jewish Song," 2 vols., 1915-21) is among 
the finest religious poetry of modern times. De Haans sister, 
the novelist Carry van * Bruggen, whose writing was mainly 
autobiographical, often dealt with the rift between Jewish par- 

ents and children. Sebastian Bonn (1881-1930) wrote some 
fine poems in both Dutch and Yiddish on Jewish and social- 
ist themes, notably those collected in Gewijde Liederen ("Sa- 
cred Songs," 1926). The literary critic and poet Victor Emanuel 
van *Vriesland published an essay on Jewish literature, De cul- 
tureele noodtoestand van het Joodsche volk (1915). An impor- 
tant impressionistic poet was Herman van den *Bergh. The 
Catholic convert Herman de Man (1898-1946) wrote regional 
novels such as Het wassende water ("Rising Water," 1926). 
Jewish themes play a large part in the works of the novelist 
and literary critic Siegfried Emanuel van * Praag. Among his 
books were Jerusalem van het Westen ("Jerusalem of the West," 
1961), an account of vanished Amsterdam Jewish life, and the 
monograph De West-Joden en hun letterkunde sinds i860 ("The 
Western Jews and Their Literature Since i860," 1926). The nov- 
elist Maurits *Dekker wrote on Jewish and socialist themes, his 
works including Brood ("Bread," 1933) and De laars op de nek 
("The Jackboot on the Neck," 1945), an account of the German 
occupation of Holland. Another writer with strong socialist 
leanings was David de Jong (1898-1963), whose collection of 
poems, Eenzame opstandigheid ("Lonely Revolt," 1925), dis- 
plays deep melancholy. Dola de Jong (1905-2003), who settled 
in New York and Los Angeles, wrote the novel En de akker is 
de wereld ("And the Field Is the World," 1947). 

early postwar period. World War 11 and the Holocaust 
are generally seen as the watershed in Dutch history. Since 
1945, all Jewish novelists, poets, and playwrights have in one 
way or another reflected on the Holocaust. Some have pub- 
lished their prewar memoirs, others have written about their 
experiences in hiding or in the Nazi death and concentration 
camps. A younger generation has taken on the subject of the 
wartime and postwar experiences of their relatives. This con- 
templation has taken shape in many different genres. Some 
authors pursued careers in academia, commerce, journalism, 
or the stage before turning to writing fiction. Others were al- 
ready well-established writers when they finally found the 
courage to give an autobiographical account of their wartime 

War journals are headed by the world-famous diary of 
Anne *Frank, Het Achterhuis (1946; The Diary of a Young Girl y 
1952). Others are Brieven uit Westerbork ("Letters from West- 
erbork," 1961) by Etty Hillesum (1914-1943), whose letters and 
diaries were rediscovered and reprinted in the 1970s, with daz- 
zling commercial success. The diary In Depot (1964) by Philip 
Mechanicus (1899-1944) was also rediscovered by a younger 
audience in the 1970s and again in the 1990s. 

Jacob *Presser wrote prose and poetry inspired by World 
War 11 experiences, and the two- volume historical study On- 
dergang De vervolging en verdelging van het Nederlandse Jo- 
dendom 1940-1945 (1965; Ashes in the Wind: The Destruction 
of Dutch Jewry, 1969). The prominent Zionist and lawyer Abel 
*Herzberg wrote factual stories on the Bergen-Belsen concen- 
tration camp, such as Amor Fati (1946) and Brieven aan mijn 
kleinzoon ("Letters to My Grandson," 1964). 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


A fine autobiographical novel on the war is Het bit- 
tere kruid (1957; Bitter Herbs, i960) by Marga *Minco. She 
has continued publishing one novella per decade, in a sober, 
washed-out style. 

Clara Asscher-Pinkhof (189 6-19 84), who settled in Israel, 
wrote about children in Bergen-Belsen in her novel Sterre- 
kinderen ("Starchildren," 1946; Hebrew, Yaldei ha-Kokhavim, 
1965); Meyer Sluyser (1901-1973), a popular radio commen- 
tator, wrote several novels on vanished Jewish life in Amster- 
dam, notably Voordat ik het vergeet ("Before I Forget," 1956). 
Another war writer was Salvador Hertog (1901-1989), author 
of the novel De Tuin ("The Garden," 1957) and Meijer en ik 
("Meijer and I," 1980). 

Early postwar poets include Maurits *Mok, author of Aan 
de Vermoorden u it Israel ("To the Murdered of Israel," 1950); 
Leo Vroman (1915- ), who settled in New York and wrote in 
Dutch and English; and Hannie Michaelis (1922- ). Novelist 
Josepha Mendels (1902-1995), who settled in Paris, tasted lit- 
erary success only late in life, when her novels about Jewish 
family life Rolien en Ralien (Rolien and Ralien, 1947), and Als 
vuur en rook (1950; Like Ashes and Smoke) were rediscovered 
by an eager young readership. 


Judith Herzberg (1934- ), the youngest daughter of Abel Her- 
zberg, made her literary debut as a poet with Zeepost ("Sea- 
mail," 1963). She developed into the most important poet and 
playwright of her generation. She is revered for her clarity of 
style and her use of seemingly simple language. She based 27 
liefdesliedjes (1971, "27 Love Songs") on the biblical Song of 
Songs. She succesfully translated and adapted classics of the 
Yiddish theater The Golem and The Dybuk for the Dutch stage. 
Her play Leedvermaak (1982) was chosen the best play of the 
1980s by her peers. It deals with the unspoken trauma of a 
family of Holocaust survivors and the younger generations 
of child survivors and Jews born after 1945. Herzberg subse- 
quently wrote two more plays revolving around the Leedver- 
maak characters, Rijgdraad (1995) and Simon (2003). 

The literary career of Harry *Mulisch (1930- ) has 
spanned decades. He broke new ground in the early 1980s 
with his highly successful De aanslag ("The Assault," 1981). 
In 1985, the film by Dutch director Fons Rademakers based 
on the novel won an Academy Award for Best Foreign Film. 
Mulish had dealt with Jewish themes in his novel Het stenen 
bruidsbed ("The Stone Bridal Bed," 1959) and wrote an account 
of the *Eichmann trial, De zaak 40/61 (1968). His major epic 
on the worlds redemption, as seen from a Jewish perspective 
through the unwitting ministrations of a Dutch boy, De ont- 
dekking van de hemel (1992; The Discovery of Heaven , 1996), 
established his reputation worldwide. 

A generation after the Holocaust, Dutch Jews who had 
pursued non-literary careers started putting their wartime 
experiences on paper. This has resulted in some exquisite fic- 
tion that has reached a large international audience. Andreas 
Burnier, the pen name of criminologist Catharina R. Des- 

saur (1931-2002), published Het jongensuur (The Boys' Hour, 
1969), the first of many novels and essays on Judaism, ethics, 
and religion. Physicist Jona Oberski (1938- ) wrote Kinder- 
jar en (1978; Childhood, 1983), a memoir of his experiences in 
the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp as a small boy. So- 
ciologist Gerhard Durlacher (1928-1996), a prewar refugee 
from Baden-Baden in Germany, did not dare to start writing 
fiction until the 1980s. His small body of work includes Stre- 
pen aan de hemel (1985; Stripes in the Sky, 1992), Drenkeling 
(1985, Drowning: Growing up in the Third Reich, 1993), and De 
zoektocht (1991; The Search: The Birkenau Boys, 1998). Lisette 
Lewin, who had previously worked as a journalist, published 
her semi-autobiographical novel Voor bijna alles bang gewe- 
est ("Having Been Afraid of Almost Anything," 1989). Eli As- 
ser, a popular writer for television and the stage, changed di- 
rection in the early 1990s, which resulted in his war memoir 
Rembrandt was mijn buurman ("Rembrandt Was My Neigh- 
bor," 1995). 

The autobiographical novel Brief aan mijn moeder ("Let- 
ter to My Mother," 1974) by journalist and theater critic Ischa 
(Israel Chaim) Meijer (1943-1995) is credited with shattering 
the taboo that children of Holocaust survivors have no cause 
to complain. Meijer luridly described his troubled childhood 
amongst Holocaust survivors. In Meijer s wake many new, 
younger writers have emerged who have grappled with the 
Holocaust "as part of their mental history, if not their own 
physical history," in the words of author Marcel Moring. This 
intense inner search has led to a large body of novels, poetry, 
and plays. 

Leon de Winter (1954- ) is both a novelist and a screen- 
writer. He started out as the highly literary author of De 
(ver)wording van de jonge Diirer ("The Corruption of Young 
Durer," 1979), Place de la Bastille (1981), and Zoeken naar Ei- 
leen ("In Search of Eileen," 1981). With the publication of Ka- 
plan (1986) De Winter seemed to have changed his pace. His 
Jewish characters, bitter humor, and use of literary techniques 
often used in crime fiction have made him a bestselling nov- 
elist, both in Holland and abroad, with Hoffman's Honger 
("Hoffman's Hunger," 1990), SuperTex ("SuperTex," 1991), De 
ruimte van Sokolov ("Sokolov's Space," 1992), Zionoco (1995), 
De hemel van Hollywood ("The Heaven Above Hollywood," 
1997), and Gods gym (2002). Many of his novels were adapted 
for film or television. 

Marcel Moring s (1957- ) highly accomplished novels 
Mendels Erfenis ("Mendels Heritage," 1990), Hetgrote verlan- 
gen (1995; The Great Longing, 1995), In Babylon (1997; In Bab- 
ylon, 1999), and Modelvliegen (2001; The Dream Room, 2002) 
seriously explore the emotional entanglement of children of 
Holocaust survivors, a theme also explored by Wanda Reisel 
(!955 - ) m ner novel Het beloofde leven (1995). 

Arnon Grunberg (1973- ) has been called the most in- 
teresting young author in the Dutch language. He made his 
debut with the novel Blauwe Maandagen (1994; Blue Mondays, 
1996). Grunberg moved to New York in the 1990s, but has con- 
tinued to write in Dutch and concern himself with Dutch so- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



ciety. His novels Defiguranten ("The Extras," 1997), Fantoom- 
pijn (2000; Phantom Pain y 2002), De asielzoeker (2002; "The 
Asylumseeker"), and De Joodse Messias (2004, "The Jewish 
Messiah") gained him prominence. He has published poetry 
and essays, made a new version of Desiderius Erasmus' Lof 
der Zotheid (1509, The Praise ofFolly) y called De mensheid zij 
geprezen. ("Humanity Be Praised," 2001). Grunbergalso makes 
use of the not overtly Jewish pseudonym Marek van der Jagt. 
Both Grunberg and Van der Jagt have won many Dutch and 
international literary prizes. 

In fiction for children and young people, the novel 
Chaweriem ("Hawerim" (Hebrew for "Friends"), 1995) stands 
out as a modest Dutch classic. In this tale of a group of young 
Jews wanting to immigrate from Holland to Israel, Leonard de 
Vries (1919-2002) caught the hopes of young child survivors 
for a better future. Child survivor Ida Vos (1931- ) has gained 
prominence with her many novels for children: Wie niet weg 
is wordt gezien (1981; Hide and Seek y 1995), Dansen op de brug 
van Avignon (1989; Dancing on the Bridge of Avignon 1995), 
Anna is er nog (1991; Anna Is Still Here y 1995), Witte Zwanen, 
Zwarte Zwanen ("White Swans, Black Swans," 1992), De sleu- 
tel is gebroken (1996; The Key Is Lost y 2000), and De lachende 
engel ("The Laughing Angel," 2000). 

Dutch literary critics include Joseph Melkman (1914- ), 
who settled in Jerusalem and wrote Geliefde Vijand ("Beloved 
Enemy," 1964), a book about the Jew in postwar Dutch litera- 
ture. Historian Jaap Meijer (1912-1993) published a study on 
poet Jacob Israel de Haan, De zoon van een Gazzan ("The Son 
of a Cantor," 1967). Meijer, the father of Ischa Meijer, also be- 
came known by his pen name Saul van Messel, a poet who 
distinguished himself from his peers in the literary world by 
writing in the Saxon dialect of Groningen province. 

A few Jews have also written in Afrikaans, a dialect of 
Dutch containing other elements and spoken mainly by the 
South African Afrikaners; see *South African Literature. 

bibliography: S.E. van Praag, De West-Joden en hun let- 
terkunde sinds i860 (1926); J. Meijer, Zij lieten hun sporen achter 
(1964); P. Kat, Bijbelsche uitdrukkingen en spreek wijzen in onze taal 
(1926); H. Beem, Jerosche, Jiddische spreekwoorden en zegswijzen uit 
het Nederlandse taalgebied (1959); idem, Resten van een taal, woor- 
denboek van het Nederlandse Jiddisch (1967); C.G.N, de Vooys and G. 
Stuiveling, Schets van de Nederlandse letterkunde (1966); J. Melkman, 
Geliefde Vijand (1964). add. bibliography: S. Dresden, Vervol- 
ging, vernietiging, literatuur, (1991); J. Snapper, De wegen van Marga 
Minco(i<)<)j); D. Meijer, Levi in de Lage Landen (1999), J. Vos, Hetge- 
schrevene blijft te lezen (2004). 

[Gerda Alster-Thau / Daphne Meijer (2 nd ed.)] 

DUTY, an action that one is obligated to perform; a feeling, 
or sense, of obligation. In Judaism man's duties are determined 
by God's commandments. The entire biblical and rabbinic 
conception of man's role in the world is subsumed under the 
notion of mitzvah (meaning simultaneously "law," "command- 
ment," "duty," and "merit"). The term hovah y meaning "obliga- 
tion" or "duty," which came into use later, is used interchange- 

ably with mitzvah. To perform a divine commandment is to 
fulfill one's duty, lazet yedei hovah (Ber. 8b). The translator 
from the Arabic original into Hebrew of *Bahya ibn Paqu- 
da's major work Hovot ha-Levavot ("Duties of the Hearts") 
used the term hovah as a synonym for commandment, and 
the term was taken up by other writers of *musar literature 
(for a discussion of the relationship between "mitzvah" and 
"hovah" see et, vol. 12, s.v. hovah). Duty is the incentive to 
moral action, and a morality-based duty is evidently different 
from one that is based on pleasure. According to a talmudic 
dictum "Greater is he who performs an action because he is 
commanded than he who performs the same action without 
being commanded" (bk 38a). The pleasure derived from the 
performance of a commandment is irrelevant to its nature (cf. 
rh 28a "the commandments were not given to be enjoyed"), 
and conversely dislike of an action is no sufficient reason for 
abstention from it, cf. the saying of R. Eleazar b. Azariah: "Say 
not, 'I do not like to eat pork'. . . but say, 'I would like, but I will 
not for it is God's prohibition'" (Sifra 20:26; cf. Mak. 3:15). One 
should not perform an action in order to gain a reward, but 
because it is a divine commandment, and hence one's duty: 
"Be not like servants who work for the master on condition 
of receiving a reward. . ." (Avot 1:3). 

The morality of an action is determined more by the mo- 
tivation of the one who performs it than by its consequences: 
"You must do what is incumbent upon you; its success is up 
to God" (Ber. 10a). The notion of intention (kavvanah) is cen- 
tral in Jewish ethics: "Whether it be much or little, so long as 
the intention is pure" (Ber. 17a; Sif. Deut. 41); "God demands 
the heart" (Sanh. 106b). That is not to say that an action per- 
formed without the proper motivation is worthless. The fact 
that its results are beneficial does give it some worth. More- 
over, through performing an action without the proper mo- 
tivation, one may come to perform it with the proper moti- 
vation: "From doing [good] with an ulterior motive one may 
learn to do [good] for its own sake" (Pes. 50b; cf. Maim., Yad, 
Teshuvah, 10:5). 

The major problem in modern Jewish thought in connec- 
tion with the concept of duty is posed by the Kantian notion 
of autonomy, according to which an action to be moral must 
be motivated by a sense of duty, and must be autonomous (I. 
*Kant, Fundamental Principles of Ethic s, trans, by T.K. Ab- 
bott (1946 10 ), 31 ff.). This appears to conflict with the tradi- 
tional Jewish notion that the law is given by God, that is, that 
it is the product of a heteronomous legislator. Moritz * Laza- 
rus in his Ethik des Judentums (1898, 1911; The Ethics ofjuda- 
ism y trans, by H. Szold, 1900) attempts to show that rabbinic 
ethics are based on the same principles as Kantian ethics, the 
basic underlying principle of both being the principle of au- 
tonomy (ibid. y i (1898), no. 90-105). In so doing he somewhat 
distorts the Kantian notion of autonomy. Hermann * Cohen, 
in Die Religion der Vernunft aus den Quellen des Judentums y 
in his attempt to deal with the problem of heteronomy and 
autonomy, interprets mitzvah to mean both "law" and "duty," 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


the law originating in God and the sense of duty in man. Man, 
of his own free will, must take upon himself the "yoke of the 
commandments." Franz *Rosenzweig approaches the ques- 
tion of the duties imposed by Jewish law from a somewhat 
different consideration. Distinguishing between "law" (Ger., 
Gesetz; Heb., hukkah) and "commandment" (Ger., Gebot; 
Heb., mitzvah)> he holds that the individual is confronted by 
the body of Jewish law which is impersonal (Gesetz) and that 
he must make a serious effort to transform it into command- 
ments (Gebot) by appropriating whatever is meaningful to him 
in the situation in which he finds himself (F. Rosenzweig, On 
Jewish Learning (1955), 83-92, 109-24). 

bibliography: J. Heinemann, Taamei ha-Mitzvot be-Sifrut 
Yisraely 2 (1956), index s.v. heteronomiyyut. 

DUVDEVANI, SHMUEL (1903-1987), Israel botanist. Du- 
vdevani was born in the Ukraine. He studied botany in Eng- 
land and went to Palestine in 1921. He was an instructor at 
the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and beginning in 1935 he 
taught at the agricultural school at Pardes Hannah. In 1936 he 
turned his attention to research on *dew. He invented an op- 
tical method of measuring the amount of dew precipitation 
which has been accepted all over the world. The international 
meteorological organization, accepted the Duvdevani Dew 
Recorder as a standard method for the international measur- 
ing of dew. Duvdevani was instrumental in setting up a net- 
work of observation stations throughout Israel for recording 
dew precipitation, the first such network in the world. In con- 
nection with his meteorological work, Duvdevani carried out 
research on plant physiology, especially on the absorption of 
water by the foliage of the plant. In 1946 he participated in 
the publication of Magdir le-Zimhei-Bar (1946), which is a 
systematic definition of flora, according to vegetative quali- 
ties alone. 

DUVEEN, family of British art dealers. The famous firm of 
Duveen Brothers was founded by Sir Joseph joel duveen 
(1843-1908), who was born in the Netherlands, the son of a 
Jewish blacksmith, and migrated to Hull, where he opened 
a curiosity shop dealing in china. Duveen developed a deep 
knowledge of Nanking china, which he imported successfully, 
and, in 1879, moved to London. There he opened an impres- 
sive gallery. With the help of his brother Henry in New York, 
Duveen then specialized in selling paintings and other art 
works to nouveau riches millionaires, especially Americans 
and South Africans. He increasingly employed the renowned 
American-born art expert resident in Italy, Bernard *Beren- 
son, to authenticate the works he sold. Duveen also built lux- 
ury houses for his wealthy clients. He received a knighthood 
in 1902 for his gift of £20,000 to build the Turner Gallery at 
London's Tate Museum. 

Sir Josephs eldest son, Joseph *Duveen, first Baron Du- 
veen of Millbank (1869-1939), with whom he is often con- 
fused, became head of the firm after the death of his father 

and uncle (in 1919), and continued to maintain the firm as a 
leading international art house. 

bibliography: odnb online; dbb, ii, 213-17; S.N. Behrman, 
Duveen (1972); E. Fowles, Memories of Duveen Brothers (1976). 

[William D Rubinstein (2 nd ed.)] 

DUVEEN, JOSEPH, LORD (1869-1939), English art dealer. 
His grandfather was a Dutch Jewish blacksmith, and his father 
a dealer first in lard, then in Delft pottery, furniture, and objets 
dart. Duveen was born in Hull, and later moved to London. 
He began to deal in paintings in 1901 and by 1906 was buying 
famous collections. In the same year he engaged Bernard *Be- 
renson as his authenticator of Italian art. Duveen's chief clients 
were a relatively small number of American millionaires. He 
encouraged in his clients a taste for the luxurious surround- 
ings in which great works of art could be shown, sometimes 
even going so far as to build and furnish their houses. At the 
same time he "educated" them in an appreciation of the old 
masters and fostered in them a desire to achieve lasting fame 
through the formation of important collections. He then met 
their requirements by supplying the most magnificent ex- 
amples available of the Italian, Dutch, French, and English 
schools at the highest prices. His specialty was the English 
masters of the late 18 th and early 19 th centuries. The collec- 
tions he thus brought into existence were often donated to the 
public on their owners' death. Lord Duveen received many 
honors. Most controversially, he was appointed a Trustee of 
London's National Gallery, National Portrait Galley, and the 
Wallace Collection. The apparent conflict of interest of an art 
dealer having a potential role in deciding which works of art 
England's leading art museums might purchase was widely de- 
bated, and led to Duveen's dismissal from these posts shortly 
before his death. Duveen received a knighthood in 1919, a bar- 
onetcy in 1929, and was awarded a peerage in 1933 - the first 
ever awarded to an art dealer - in large part for paying for the 
building of the famous gallery at the British Museum which 
houses the Elgin Marbles. 

bibliography: S.N. Behrman, Duveen (Eng., 1952); J.H. Du- 
veen, Tlie Rise of the House of Duveen (1957). 

DUVERNOIS, HENRI (pen name of Henri Simon Schwa- 
bacher; 1875-1937), French author and journalist. Duvernois' 
popular melancholy and ironical stories of everyday life in 
Paris, influenced by Maupassant, include the novels Crapo- 
tte (1908), Faubourg Montmartre (1914), Edgar (1919), and 
Maxime (1927). Duvernois also published a volume of one- 
act comedies (1928). 

DUWAYK (Doweikha-Cohen), family of rabbis and authors 
in Aleppo, Syria, simeon ben samuel (first half of the 18 th 
century) was the author of ReVah Sadeh (Constantinople, 
1738). Abraham (d. 1900) was an author and presided over 
the Jewish community of Aleppo for many years, until his dis- 
missal in 1896. His wealthy brother saul (d. 1874 in Aleppo) 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



wrote Emet me-Erez (Jerusalem, 1910). jacob saul (d. 1919 

in Aleppo) was acting chief rabbi of Aleppo beginning in 1906 

and wrote Derekh Emunah (1914) and Sheerit Ya'akov (1925), 

sermons. The family was also found in India, Calcutta and 

Bombay, and in the latter they had a certain influence on the 

*Bene Israel community 

[Haim J. Cohen] 

DVIR, Hebrew publishing house, founded in 1922 in Berlin by 
Hayyim Nahman * Bialik, Shemaryahu * Levin, and Yehoshua 
Hana *Rawnitzki as a successor to the *Moriah publishing 
firm of Odessa. Bialik expressed Dvir's program as: "Not just 
books, but basic books; books bequeathed from generation 
to generation that provide light for our people." The firm be- 
gan publishing books in Tel Aviv in 1924. Dvir's publications 
covered all areas of publishing: reference books, dictionaries, 
handbooks, anthologies, belles lettres, humanities, sciences, 
social sciences, art, children's books, and textbooks. Its list in- 
cluded many basic works in Judaica and the classics of modern 
Hebrew literature. Its Sefer ha-Moadim ("Book of Festivals," 
9 vols., 1956 on, ed. Y. Lewinsky) contains a wealth of mate- 
rial about each holiday. A new edition of the Mishnah, vocal- 
ized by Hanoch Yalon and annotated by Hanokh Albeck, was 
published in cooperation with Mosad Bialik. Dvir also began 
publishing the Babylonian Talmud with a Hebrew translation. 
Authors published by Dvir, in addition to the founders, in- 
clude *Shalom Aleichem, Sholem *Asch, Yizhak Dov *Berkow- 
itz, Simon *Dubnow, Isaac Leib *Peretz, Moshe *Smilansky, 
Benzion *Dinur, and Yehezkel *Kaufmann. Later Dvir merged 
with the Zemorah-Bitan Kinneret publishing house. 

[Israel Soifer] 

DVORETZKY, ARYEH (1916- ), Israeli mathematician. 
Born in Chorol, Russia, Dvoretzky went to Palestine in 1922 
and studied at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem, where he 
became professor of mathematics in 1951. As dean of the 
faculty of science (1955-56) and as vice president (1959-61) 
he adopted a policy of fostering basic research designed to 
keep pace with advances in contemporary mathematics. He 
was also chief scientist to the Israel Defense Forces. His spe- 
cial fields of study were mathematical statistics, the theory of 
probability, and functional analysis. In 1973 Dvoretzky was 
awarded the Israel Prize in exact sciences, and in 1974 he was 
appointed president of the Israel Academy of Sciences and 
Humanities, after serving as chairman of its science section 
(1963-68) and vice president (1968-74). In 1975 he established 
the Institute for Advanced Studies at the Hebrew University 
of Jerusalem and from 1985 to 1988 he was president of the 

Weizmann Institute. 

[Bracha Rager (2 nd ed.)] 

DVORZETSKY, MARK MEIR (1908-1975), writer, com- 
munal worker, and partisan fighter. Dvorzetsky was born in 
Vilna, where he graduated in medicine in 1935 and received his 
rabbinical diploma in 1938. He was active in Vilna in student 

affairs and a member of the Jewish Students' Self-Defense Or- 
ganization. He was also a permanent contributor to the Jew- 
ish press in Poland. In 1939 he was elected to the Executive of 
the municipality of Vilna. 

An officer in the Polish Army in World War 11, he was 
taken prisoner by the Germans but escaped and returned to 
Vilna, where he took part in the Jewish self-defense against the 
Lithuanian pogromists. In 1941-43 he was one of the founders 
of the Jewish underground in the ghetto of Vilna and wrote a 
diary which is now in the historical archives of the city. During 
this period he did research on ghetto life during the Middle 
Ages on the basis of responsa existing in the ghetto library. In 
1943 he was transported to a concentration camp in Estonia, 
where he formed an underground group called Shear Yashuv, 
and where he also kept a diary. In 1944 he was transferred to 
concentration camps in Germany. In 1945 he organized the es- 
cape of Jewish internees from the camp during a death march 
and was finally freed by the French army. He organized and 
headed a displaced persons organization and served as editor 
of the Yiddish daily Unzer Vort. From 1945 to 1949 he resided 
in Paris, where he was active in the rescue of Jewish children 
who had been hidden in monasteries. 

From this time Dvorzetsky devoted himself entirely to 
research on the Holocaust, publishing numerous papers and 
books on the subject in Hebrew, Yiddish, French, and Eng- 
lish. Immigrating to Israel in 1949, he was a member of the 
executive of Yad Vashem from its establishment, and an ac- 
tive member of all the organizations of ex-partisan fighters 
and ex-inmates of the concentration camps, as well as literary 
organizations, including the Israeli branch of pen. 

He was instrumental in founding the chair for research 

into the Holocaust at Bar-Ilan University and lectured there 

from i960. He received the Israel Prize for social sciences. 

in 1953. 

[Benjamin Rivlin] 

DWORKIN, RONALD (1931- ), U.S. legal philosopher. Born 
in Worcester, Massachusetts, Dworkin received a B.A. degree 
from Harvard in 1953 and another B.A. degree in 1955 from 
Oxford. Two years later he received his law degree from Har- 
vard. After admission to the New York bar, he joined the law 
firm Sullivan and Cromwell as an associate. In 1962 he joined 
the faculty of Yale Law School, where he was named Hohfeld 
Professor in 1968. In 1969 he was appointed professor of ju- 
risprudence and Fellow at University College, Oxford; in 1977 
he became professor of law at New York University without 
resigning his position at Oxford. 

Dworkin is recognized as a leading philosopher of law. 
His best-known works are Taking Rights Seriously (1977), A 
Matter of Principle (1985), and Laws Empire (1986). In his 
work Dworkin has contended against the philosophy of le- 
gal positivism, identified with Jeremy Bentham, John Austin, 
and more recently H.L. A. Hart. Legal decisions, he maintains, 
should be based on principles and pre-existing rights, rather 
than on discretion or policy. While rights may be controver- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


sial, Dworkin holds that nonetheless there is always only one 
right answer in hard cases. Rights, he holds, are inherent in 
the Constitution and in the precedents that interpret it. Judges 
make moral judgments as they apply precedents to factual sit- 
uations - precedents on which principles are based and which 
are the bases of decisions. 

In Ronald Dworkin and Contemporary Jurisprudence 
(1984), the editor - Professor Marshall Cohen - states, "In the 
opinion of the editor, the jurisprudential writings of Ronald 
Dworkin constitute the finest contribution yet made by an 
American writer to the philosophy of law." 

Despite Dworkin's close association, as student and as 
teacher, with Oxford, he is basically an American thinker. 
Much more than would be true of a British jurist, Dworkin 
has been influenced by American constitutional law and con- 
stitutional jurisprudence. His emphasis on principle is a re- 
flection of this influence. 

Dworkin holds the positions of professor of philosophy 
and Frank Henry Sommer Professor of Law at nyu and chair 
at University College, London. He is a fellow of the British 
Academy and a member of the American Academy of Arts 
and Sciences, as well as co-chairman of the Democratic Party 
Abroad, a member of the Council of Writers and Scholars 
Educational Trust and of the Programme Committee of the 
Ditchley Foundation, and a consultant on human rights to 
the Ford Foundation. 

Other works by Dworkin include Philosophical Issues in 
Senile Dementia (1987), A Bill of Rights for Britain (1990), Life's 
Dominion: An Argument About Abortion, Euthanasia and In- 
dividual Freedom (1993), Freedoms Law: The Moral Reading of 
the American Constitution (1996), and Sovereign Virtue: The 
Theory and Practice of Equality (2000). 

add. bibliography: S. Guest, Ronald Dworkin (1991); M. 
Cohen (ed.), Ronald Dworkin and Contemporary Jurisprudence (1984), 
A. Hunt (ed.), Reading Dworkin Critically (1992). 

[Milton Ridvas Konvitz / Ruth Beloff(2 nd ed.)] 

DWORKIN, ZALMAN SHIMON (1911-1985), Lubavitch 
rabbi. Dworkin was born in Rogotchov, White Russia. At the 
age of 11, he arrived in the city of Lubavitch, then the center 
of activities of the *Chabad-Lubavitch movement, to study in 
the Yeshivah Tomchei Tmimim Lubavitch. In late 1915, when 
the fifth Lubavitcher Rebbe, Shalom Dov Baer, relocated from 
Lubavitch and settled in Rostov, Dworkin also settled there. 
As the need for additional Chabad grade schools and yeshivot 
across Eastern Europe became apparent to the Rebbe in Ros- 
tov, Dworkin was one of the students that served as the seed 
group in establishing many of them, as the Rebbe s emissary. 
He received rabbinic ordination from the Rogotchover Gaon, 
Rabbi Joseph *Rozin. 

Following his marriage, Dworkin became the rabbi of 
the city of Star dov, Russia. He also served as a rosh yeshivah 
in Yeshivah Tomchei Tmimim Lubavitch in Samarkand and 
in later years in Paris, France. During World War 11, he over- 
saw the kashrut of meat in Ireland. After the war, he arrived 

in the United States and settled in the Lubavitch commu- 
nity in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, n.y. In the mid-1960s, he 
was appointed to the position of "rav" and "av bet din' in the 
Lubavitcher community. 

The Lubavitcher Rebbe, Menachem Mendel *Schneer- 
sohn, was very fond of Dworkin and would refer many people 
with complicated halakhic questions to him, but also those 
with personal dilemmas that needed a bright and caring in- 
dividual to assist them. The rabbi was exemplary in treating 
every individual, no matter who he was, with great sensitiv- 
ity and understanding. He was a renowned expert on shehitah 
(ritual slaughter) and many other issues. After his death his 
responsa were published in book form as Kovez Razash. 

[Michoel A. Seligson (2 nd ed.)] 

DYATLOVO (Pol. Zdzi^ciol; Yid. Zhetl), town in Grodno 
district, Belarus. Jews first settled there around 1580, and by 
1670 a community was formed. Rabbi Hayyim ha-Kohen 
Rapoport served there in 1720-29, and then moved to Lvov, 
where he was an important participant in the dispute with the 
Frankists in 1759. The number of Jews in the town steadily in- 
creased; of the total population of 3,979 in 1897, 3,033 (75%) 
were Jews. Personalities associated with Dyatlovo include 
Aryeh Leib ha-Levi Horowitz and Hayyim ha-Kohen *Rapo- 
port. Dyatlovo was the birthplace of Jacob of Dubno (the 
"Dubner Maggid") and Israel Meir ha-Kohen (the "Hafez 
Hayyim"). Zalman *Sorotzkin was rabbi of the community 
from 1912 to 1929. There were 3,450 Jews (75% of the total) 
in 1926, comprising 621 Jewish families. Of these, 303 earned 
their livelihoods from crafts, mainly as tailors and shoemak- 
ers, while 210 lived from trade. The community had a hospital 
and an old age home. Two schools were in operation: a He- 
brew Tarbut school and a Yiddish cysho school. Communal 
and Zionist activities continued until the outbreak of World 
War 11. The Germans occupied the town on June 30, 1941. A 
hundred and twenty prominent Jews were executed on July 
25 and 400 were sent to the Dworzec labor camp on Decem- 
ber 15. On February 22, 1941, a ghetto was created, housing 
together with refugees 4,000 Jews. On April 30 around 1,200 
were murdered and on August 6, 1942 another 1,500-2,000. 
About 800 succeeded in escaping into the forests and joined 
the Soviet partisans or later the Red Army. A hundred of them 
died in the battles. 

bibliography: B. Kaplinski (ed.), Pinkas Zhetel (1957); pk. 

[Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

DYCHE, JOHN ALEXANDER (1867-1939), U.S. labor 
leader. Dyche was born in Kovno, Lithuania. He went to 
New York City in 1900 after 14 years in England, where he 
was active in trade unionism. Dyche soon became involved 
in the newly founded International Ladies' Garment Work- 
ers' Union, and from 1904 was its secretary-treasurer. Dyche 
defended the principles of "pure and simple" trade union- 
ism, including the sanctity of contracts, the use of the strike 
only as a last resort and only under the strict control of a na- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



tional union, and the basic interest of the worker in self- ad- 
vancement rather than solidarity and socialism. He strongly 
supported the Protocol of 1910, arguing that this collective 
bargaining agreement in the cloak and suit trade, with its un- 
usual provision for arbitration, would aid the large clothing 
concerns at the expense of the small contractors, and allow 
the union and the employers to move toward a single wage 
schedule in the industry. He stressed that employers were pre- 
pared to raise wages if their competitors did likewise. How- 
ever, the Protocol produced bitter disputes within the union, 
and Dyche refused to seek another term in office in 1924. He 
subsequently left the labor movement and became the owner 
of a small business in the garment industry. He wrote Bolshe- 
vism in American Labor Unions (1926). 

bibliography: L. Lorwin, Women's Garment Workers (1924); 
L.P. Gartner, Jewish Immigrant in England, 18/0-1914 (1960), 66. 

[Irwin Yellowitz] 


Biblical Period 

The preparation of cloth for clothing required several opera- 
tions. After the cleaning of the wool or flax, it was dyed the 
necessary color, usually light blue or purple, with animal or 
vegetable dyes mixed with minerals and salts by chemical pro- 
cesses unknown today. Special dyeing plants and implements 
were used in Erez Israel. Dye tools were found at Tel Beth- 
Mirsim, Gezer, and other places. They were made of stone, 
like hollow barrels: on the upper surface a groove was carved, 
which was connected to the inside by means of a hole. With 
the introduction of the material to be dyed into the dye-filled 
barrel, the liquid would rise, overflow through the hole, and 
be collected in the groove. Upon the removal of the wet gar- 
ment, the overflow would return through the reverse process 
thus permitting the material to be dyed again and preserving 
the precious dyes. Some operations required heating or boil- 
ing, and portable earthenware vessels, which could be placed 
over a fire, were used for these purposes. 

Mishnaic and Talmudic Periods 

The craft had developed considerably by the mishnaic and 
talmudic periods, both in the preparation of dyes and in the 
dyeing of materials and clothes. The sources describe the 
dyer's workshop (mk 13b) and his equipment, such as the 
coverings which protected his hands (Kelim 16:6); before he 
cast the ingredients into the crucible, the dyer made a small 
sample for himself which was known as the "taste" (Men. 42b); 
the ingredients were ground with a special handmill (Tosef. 
Shab. 9 (10)119). During this period, some places were known 
as centers of dyeing: Migdal Zevaya on the eastern bank of 
the Jordan, which was noted for the production of cloth; 
*Haifa, which was also called Purpurin (Purple); and a place 
called Luz where the *tekhelet was manufactured (Sot. 46b). 
After the Bar Kokhba War (132-135 c.e.) dyeing was devel- 
oped in *Lydda and *Beth-Shean, both important weaving 

Middle Ages 

As the Jews had been masters of the techniques of the craft 
from ancient times, in some districts, especially in the Medi- 
terranean region, the preparation of dyes and dyeing of cloth 
was considered mainly a Jewish occupation. Such occupations 
were generally despised and their practice by Jews was seen as 
part of the general humiliation of the Jewish people. However, 
some sources indicate that dyeing was a highly respectable 
profession. The apparent contradiction points to a difference 
in social and economic standing between the artisan engaged 
in the craft and the merchant who dealt in the ingredients 
(though this distinction was not always clearly expressed in 
the sources). During this period, Jewish trade in dyestuffs ex- 
panded extensively. Jewish merchants imported reseda from 
eastern India, via Egypt and Tunisia, to Italy and Spain, and 
exported saffron from Tunisia to southern Europe. Those trad- 
ing in indigo between Egypt and Europe were known as al- 
nili (nil = indigo). Contemporary letters illustrate the range 
of the undertakings: a Jewish merchant of Kairouan wrote to 
his friend in Egypt that in Sicily only indigo of the best qual- 
ity could be sold; another merchant, head of the Babylonian 
congregation of Fostat (Old Cairo), wrote to an associate in 
Tyre in the 11 th century, "The price of indigo has risen over 
the last fortnight because it was in great demand among the 
people of Syria and the West. . . ." Documents also point to the 
high prices of these commodities: 270 pounds of indigo cost 
from 100 to 300 quarter dinars. 

Jews also developed the manufacture of dyes, especially 
in Greece and Italy, where they were most active in the south, 
and in Sicily; important dyeing centers existed in *Brindisi, 
*Benevento, Salerno, Agrigento, Trani, and Cosenza. In these 
localities, the dyehouse was sometimes the center of the Jew- 
ish quarter, along with the synagogue. 

*Benjamin of Tudela found Jews engaged in dyeing in 
several localities in Erez Israel, notably in Jerusalem, Jezreel, 
Lydda, Bethlehem, and Bet Nubi. In Jerusalem, their shops 
were situated in a special building which they had obtained 
from King Baldwin 11. In 1231, Emperor Frederick 11 created 
a crown monopoly of the silk and dyeing industries and Jew- 
ish firms in Trani were appointed to administer it. When the 
monopoly came to an end with the death of the emperor in 
1250, the Jews continued to engage in this industry, which also 
spread to the north of Italy. In *Montpellier, France, Jews were 
prominent in the manufacture of dyes, while in Spain they 
had engaged in the craft from the Muslim period, especially 
in ^Seville and *Saragossa. After the Christian reconquest, the 
Jews continued in this occupation, in particular in Saragossa 
where they owned special workshops. Among the responsa 
of Solomon b. Abraham *Adret are clear allusions to the ex- 
istence of dyers' guilds. During the 16 th century, the occupa- 
tion expanded after *Safed had become the Jewish center of 
the wool weaving industry. 

During this period, dyeing was highly developed in a 
number of Jewish communities in the Ottoman Empire, espe- 
cially in ^Salonika and * Constantinople. During the 17 th cen- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


tury, the Salonika dye industry declined, along with weaving, 
mainly as a result of competition from Venice and Ancona. 
Jews of *Brest-Litovsk are often mentioned as experts in man- 
ufacture in Poland and Lithuania. Responsa literature contains 
numerous accounts of the craft of dyeing, the tools employed, 
and the various methods used in the preparation of dyes. 
There are descriptions of a dyeing shop where the work was 
carried out (Responsa of Abraham, the son of Maimonides, 
no. 117); of a dye-pit (ibid. y no. 101); and of barrels in which 
wool was dyed (Responsa of Samuel b. Moses di Medina, hm 
462). Documents also mention dyers who were expert in a 
given color: Samak y the expert in preparing dyes from the su- 
mac shrub; quirmizini y the expert in crimson, etc. 

Modern Times 

In the Near East, the Jews continued to practice this profes- 
sion during the 19 th century. The surname Zebag (dyer), still 
widespread among Oriental Jews, is evidence of the fact. In 
Damascus in the middle of the 19 th century, 70 of the 5,000 
Jews were dyers. Jews also played an important part in the 
development of dye ingredients in the Americas. Planting of 
indigo was introduced in Georgia during the 17 th century and 
Moses *Lindo from London invested large sums in the culti- 
vation of indigo in South Carolina in 1756. The development 
of modern chemistry and the ^chemical industry, in which 
Jewish scientists and entrepreneurs played a considerable role, 
brought to a close the traditional methods in the manufacture 
of dyes and dyeing. 

bibliography: Demsky, in: iej, 16 (1966); G. Caro, Sozial- 
und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Juden, 2 vols. (1908-20), index, s.v. 
Farben; R. Strauss, Die Juden im Koenigreich Sizilien ... (1910), 66 ff.; 
A.S. Hershberg, Hayyei ha-Tarbut be-Yisrael bi-Tekufat ha-Mishnah 
ve-ha-Talmud, 1 (1924), 207-316; I.S. Emmanuel, Histoire de Vindustrie 
des tissus des Israelites de Salonique (1935), 16 ff.; J. Starr, in: Byzan- 
tinisch-neugriechischejahrbuecher, 12 (1936), 42-49; Ashtor, Toledot, 
1 (1944), 176 ff.; R.S. Lopez, in: Speculum, 20 (1945), 23 f. (Eng.); Roth, 
Italy, index; J.R. Marcus, Early American Jewry, 2 vols. (1951-53), in- 
dex, s.v. Dyeing Industry, Indigo; S. Avitsur, in: Sefunot, 6 (1962), 58 ff.; 
Hirschberg, Afrikah, 1 (1965), 200 ff.; M. Wischnitzer, History of Jewish 
Crafts and Guilds (1965), i27ff., 203 f., and index; S.D. Goitein, Medi- 
terranean Society, 1 (1967), index. 

DYE PLANTS. The dye materials that were used in ancient 
times were many and varied and were obtained from vari- 
ous mineral, plant, and animal sources. The last gave fast 
and beautiful colors, but these were so costly that only the 
wealthy could afford them. Of these the most famous were 
the "blue and purple and scarlet" mentioned frequently in 
the Bible in connection with the construction of the Sanctu- 
ary and the Temple (see *Crimson, *Tekhelet). In mishnaic 
times cheaper dyes were obtained from such common plants 
as the carob and the sumac (og, Tosef. Shev. 5:7). Green wal- 
nut and pomegranate shells were used to produce a brown- 
black dye (Shev. 7:3). 

In the Bible three plants are mentioned from which dye 
was obtained: karkom (*saffron), kofer (*henna), and puah 

(madder). The saffron provided an orange dye, the henna a 
reddish orange one, and the madder a red-colored dye. Tola 
(crimson) and puvah (or puah) are mentioned in the Bible 
as proper names (Gen. 46:13; 1 Chron. 7:1; Judg. 10:1). These 
names, which were borne by the sons of Issachar, suggest 
that this tribe was skilled in the production of these dyes 
or in using them for dyeing cloth. Madder is obtained from 
the plant Rubia tinctorum which was grown in large quanti- 
ties before the discovery of synthetic dyes. It is indigenous to 
Edom, and many species grow wild in Israel. The plant was 
cultivated in the mishnaic period and there is a discussion 
on the methods to be employed in uprooting it in a sabbati- 
cal year (Shev. 5:4). 

Other dyestuffs are mentioned in rabbinic literature, ka- 
lis, kozah, and rikhpah are mentioned together (Shev. 7:1). Isa- 
lis is obtained from a plant, Isalis tinctoria, from whose leaves 
a blue dye was extracted. It grew in abundance until the end of 
the 19 th century; some 2,000 kg. (about 4,400 lbs.) of leaves per 
dunam were harvested, from which four kg. (about 8% lbs.) 
of dyestuff was produced. Kozah is the Carthamus tinctorius 
whose top leaves provide a dye of a reddish orange shade. 
The seeds of this plant served both as a food and as a source 
of dye. In the Mishnah it has the additional name haria (Kil. 
2:8; Uk. 5:3). In the Talmud it is also called morika, kurte- 
mei (i.e., carthamus) , and dardara. The latter means a thistle, 
hence its mishnaic name kozah as it is a thorny plant of the 
family Compositae. Rikhpah is dyer's reseda, the Reseda luteola 
that grows wild in the arid areas of Erez Israel. Its leaves and 
flower provide a yellow dye. Leshishit (turnsole, Chrozophora 
tinctoria) grows wild among the summer crops in many parts 
of the country. The various parts of the plant produce a blue 
dye which is used for dyeing textiles and is used in Europe 
for coloring food to this day. This plant is mentioned in the 
Tosefta (Shev. 5:6). Kalilan (indigo, indigotin) was imported 
from India during Roman times, and a dye of bluish shade 
was obtained from it. It was not easy to distinguish it from the 
true blue (see *Tekhelet) permitted for the ritual fringes, and 
the rabbis therefore warned against the use of ritual fringes 
dyed with it. 

bibliography: Loew, Flora, 1 (1924), 394ff., 493ff-> 595ff.'> 
4 (!934)> H7f.; B. Zizik, Ozar ha-Zemahim (1944), 329-34; J. Feliks, 
Olam ha-Zome'ah ha-Mikra'i (1957), 301-2; idem, Kilei Zeraim ve- 
Harkavah (1967), 225 ff., 259 ff. 

[Jehuda Feliks] 

DYHERNFURTH (Pol. Brzeg Dolny), town in Lower Sile- 
sia; from 1945 in Poland, near Wroclaw (Breslau). Its Jewish 
community dates from 1688, when Shabbetai *Bass, founder of 
modern Hebrew bibliography, leased printing privileges from 
the local magnate who, in turn, held them from the emperor. 
The first work he printed in Dyhernfurth was *Samuel b. Uri 
Shraga Phoebus' Beit Shemuel, a commentary on Shulhan 
Arukh Even ha-Ezer (1689). A community was formed by 13 
families, all employed in Bass's printing works. Both Bass and 
his son Joseph had to contend with the hostility of the Jesuits, 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



but printing continued until 1762, from 1717 under Berel Na- 
than, husband of Bass's granddaughter Esther, and later un- 
der Esther herself Other printing houses were established by 
Samuel b. Abraham Katz (until 1767), Abraham Lewin (until 
1771), Solomon Koenigsberg (1774-75), M.L. May (until 1819), 
H. Warschauer & Co., and lastly D. Sklower whose press closed 
in 1834 when he moved to Breslau. The Dyhernfurth produc- 
tions, which included a complete Talmud and Maimonides' 
Mishneh Torah y were very popular at the time, but business 
declined due to outside competition. A Yiddish newspaper, 
serving the Breslau community, was printed there in 1770. The 
cemetery of Dyhernfurth was used by Breslau Jews until 1765; 
a Memorbuch was started before 1700. The synagogue, conse- 
crated in 1847, was sold in 1926. The numbers of the commu- 
nity declined from 191 in 1833 to 42 in 1885, and 5 in 1910, and 
it was dissolved in 1916. 

bibliography: M. Gruenwald, Zur Geschichte derjuedischen 
Gemeinde Dyhernfurth (1881); I. Rabin, Aus Dyhernfurths juedischer 
Vergangenheit (1929); D. Weinbaum, Geschichte des juedischen Fried- 
hofs in Dyhernfurth (1903); Landsberger, in: mgw j, 39 (1895), 120-33, 
187-92, 230-38; Brann, ibid., 40 (1896), 474-80, 515-26, 560-74; Brill- 
ing, in: zgjb, 7 (1937), 109-12. add. bibliography: M. Marx, in: 
C. Berlin (ed.), Studies in Jewish Bibliography ... in Honor of I.E. Kiev 
(1971), 217-36; H.C. Zafren, ibid., 543-80. 

DYKMAN, SHLOMO (1917-1965), translator and literary 
critic. Born and educated in Warsaw, he fled to Bukhara dur- 
ing World War 11 and taught Hebrew there. In 1944 he was 
arrested for "counterrevolutionary Zionist activities" and 
sentenced to 15 years' hard labor in the Vorkuta coal mines 
in the far north. He was released in 1957 and repatriated to 
Warsaw. In i960 he immigrated to Israel. He translated Bi- 
alik's collected poems into Polish, and his translations of the 
Greek and Roman classics into Hebrew include Virgil's Ae- 
neid (1962); Lucretius' On the Nature of the Universe (1962); 
Ovid's Metamorphoses (1965); Sophocles' Tragedies (1963); and 
Aeschylus' Tragedies (1965). He was awarded the Israel Prize 
posthumously in 1965. Autobiographical notes on his years in 
Vorkuta appeared in Ha-Ummah (1 (1963), 531-46; 2 (1963), 

60-67, 230-45, 375-89; 3 (1965), 375-85). 

bibliography: Elhanani, in: Moznayim, 20 (1964/65), 529- 
32; Ben-Shamai, ibid., 21 (1965), 415-25. 

[Getzel Kressel] 

DYLAN, BOB (Robert Allen Zimmerman; 1941- ), U.S. 
folk singer, composer. Probably the most significant folk art- 
ist in the last half of the 20 th century, Dylan was born in Du- 
luth, Minn., and grew up in the small town of Hibbing. He 
started writing poems at ten and taught himself piano and 
guitar in his early teens. He fell under the spell of the music of 
the country, rock, and folk performers Elvis Presley, Jerry Lee 
Lewis, Hank Williams, and Woody Guthrie. Dylan dropped 
out of the University of Minnesota and went to New York 
to be part of the burgeoning folk-music scene, and to meet 
Guthrie, who was hospitalized with a rare, incurable disease 
of the nervous system. 

Dylan spent all his time with other musicians and began 
writing songs, including a tribute, "Song to Woody." He be- 
gan to perform at local nightclubs, honing his guitar and har- 
monica work and developing the expressive nasal sound that 
would become the hallmark of his distinctive style. Around 
this time he adopted the stage name Bob Dylan, presumably 
in honor of the Welsh poet Dylan Thomas. In 1961, a reviewer 
for the New York Times said he was "bursting at the seams with 
talent." Columbia Records soon signed him to a contract, and 
in 1962 his first recording, See That My Grave Is Kept Clean, 
offered the sound of an aging black blues man in the voice of 
a 21-year-old from Minnesota. His next album, The Freewhee- 
lin Bob Dylan, in 1963, contained two of the most important 
and durable folk anthems, "Blowin in the Wind" and "A Hard 
Rain's A- Gonna Fall," and two influential ballads, "Girl From 
the North Country" and "Don't Think Twice, It's All Right" 
as well as nine other originals, marking the emergence of the 
most distinctive and poetic voice in the history of American 
popular music. 

Dylan's next album, The Times They Are A-Changing, 
provided more of the same: the title cut, the protest song 
"The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll," and "Boots of Span- 
ish Leather," a sad but graceful love song. In 1965, as he grew 
tired of the folk genre, Dylan recorded Bringing It All Back 
Home, a half-electric, half- acoustic album of complex biting 
songs like "Subterranean Homesick Blues," which featured the 
line "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the 
wind blows." (It was a line that inspired the name, the Weath- 
ermen, an American antiwar protest group.) Also on the al- 
bum were "Mr. Tambourine Man" and "It's All Over Now, 
Baby Blue." When Dylan introduced his move from folk to 
rock at the 1965 Newport Folk Festival, he was booed off the 
stage. Nevertheless, he released the album Highway 61 Revis- 
ited, which contained the monumental single "Like a Roll- 
ing Stone," an angry six- minute -long song that found a huge 

Dylan had brought a new, literate standard to rock mu- 
sic writing. In Blonde on Blonde, a two-record set recorded in 
Nashville, Tenn., in 1966, he offered the now-classic "Stuck 
Inside of Mobile With the Memphis Blues Again," "Visions of 
Johanna," and "Sad Eyed Lady of the Lowlands." 

After a near- fatal motorcycle accident on July 29, 1966, 
Dylan retreated to his home in Woodstock, n.y., to reevalu- 
ate his career. He produced more recordings: The Basement 
Tapes, John Wesley Harding, Nashville Skyline (which included 
"Lay Lady Lay"). Over the years he dabbled, unsuccessfully, 
as a film actor and toured extensively with various groups. In 
the mid-1970s, one rock promoter said there were mail-order 
requests for more than 12 million tickets, though only 658,000 
seats were available for 40 shows in one period. Dylan's pain 
after his marriage ended resulted in the album Blood on the 
Tracks, a moving and profound examination of love and loss 
that included the songs "Tangled Up in Blue," "Idiot Wind," 
and "Shelter from the Storm." His religious explorations led 
him to profess to be a born-again Christian in 1978, but in 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


1983 he reportedly returned to his Jewish roots and was said 
to have observed the Jewish holidays. 

Widely regarded as America's greatest living popular 
songwriter, Dylan was inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall 
of Fame in 1988. In 1990 he received Frances highest cultural 
award, the Commandeur dans l'Ordre des Arts et des Lettres. 
In 2001 he won an Academy Award and a Golden Globe for 
Best Original Song, "Things Have Changed," for the film 
Wonder Boys. 

The 1967 documentary Don't Look Back chronicles 
Dylans 1965 tour of England, which includes appearances 
by Joan Baez and Donovan. Martin Scorsese's 1978 film The 
Last Waltz is a documentary about Dylan and The Band per- 
forming their last concert after 16 years on the road. Among 
Dylan's publications are Bob Dylan in His Own Words (with C. 
Williams, 1993); Tarantula, a book of poetry (1994); Younger 
Than That Now: The Collected Interviews with Bob Dylan 
(with J. Ellison, 2004); and his autobiography, Chronicles, 
Vol. 1 (2004). 

Beginning in the mid-1980s Dylan hit the road full-time, 
performing all over the world. His albums were not as suc- 
cessful as those of his early years, but he continued to perform 
and sing in his nasal twang through the early years of the 21 st 
century. He rarely granted interviews, refused to explain the 
meaning of his songs, and remained a significant but enig- 
matic figure. He had millions of fans - he played in Rome at 
the behest of Pope John Paul 11 - and inspired hundreds of 
articles, books, and websites. In December 2004 he was one 
of five recipients of one of the highest awards for artistic ex- 
cellence, the Kennedy Center honors. 

[Stewart Kampel (2 nd ed.)] 

DYMOV, OSSIP (pen name of Joseph Perelman; 1878-1959), 
Russian and Yiddish author and playwright. Dymov was born 
in Bialystok, attended a Russian gymnasium and the Forest 
Institute in St. Petersburg, and at 16 began publishing humor- 
esques in Russian satiric journals. The first collection of his 
stories, Solntsevorot ("The Sun Cycle," 1905), artistically blend- 
ing symbolism, irony, and wit, placed him in the mainstream 
of Russian literature. The motif of Jewish suffering became 
predominant in his plays Slushay, Izraill ("Hear, Israel!" 1907; 
Heb., 1913) and Vechny strannik ("Eternal Wanderer," 1913), 
which were staged in Russian, Hebrew, Yiddish, and other lan- 
guages in Europe and in the U.S., bringing Dymov substantial 
fame. He settled in New York in 1913 and over decades con- 
tributed hundreds of stories and humoresques to the Yiddish 
press and wrote dramas and comedies for the Yiddish the- 
ater. He also reworked classical texts for Yiddish screenplays, 
published two volumes of memoirs, and worked in Yiddish 
radio. His most popular play, Yoshke Muzikant ("Yoskhe the 
Musician") is included in the volume Dramen un Dertseylun- 
gen ("Dramas and Stories," 1943). 

bibliography: lnyl, 2 (1958), 502-4. add. bibliogra- 
phy: Z. Zylbercweig, Leksikon fun Yidishn Teater, 1 (1931), 557-62; 
The Encyclopedia of Russian Jewry, 1 (1994), 448-9. 

DYMSHYTS, VENIAMIN E. (1910-1993), Soviet econo- 
mist and engineer who became a deputy premier of the So- 
viet Union in 1959. He was a grandson of the Hebrew writer 
A.A. Rakowski. Born in Theodosia (Crimea) he qualified as 
an engineer at the Moscow Technical Institute and began 
working as a construction engineer in 1931. By 1950 he was 
deputy minister of construction enterprises in the metallur- 
gical and chemical industries. Later he went to India as chief 
engineer of the Bhilai steel plant which was erected with So- 
viet aid. Dymshyts became chairman of the State Planning 
Committee in 1959 and simultaneously was appointed deputy 
premier, the only Jew in the upper echelon of the regime. He 
was promoted to head of the National Economic Council in 
1962, with responsibility for dealing with the daily problems 
of overall economic management. Later he assumed the lead- 
ership of the new state committee to centralize the distribu- 
tion of industrial products. Dymshyts was a member of the 
Communist Party Central Committee for 1961 and a deputy 
to the Supreme Soviet. He was awarded the Stalin Prize twice 
(1946, 1950). On March 4, 1970 he was the main representa- 
tive of Soviet Jewry in a press conference about the situation 
and strongly criticized the State of Israel. 

[Shmuel Spector (2 nd ed.)] 

DYNOW, ZEVI ELIMELECH (1785-1841), hasidic zaddik 
in Dynow, Galicia, often known after his main work as "the 
author of Benei Yissakhar" (Zolkiew, 1850). He was a disciple 
of Zevi Hirsch of * Zhidachov, * Jacob Isaac "ha-Hozeh" ("the 
seer") of Lublin, and the Maggid Israel of *Kozienice. Zevi 
Elimelech served as rabbi in Strzyzow, Halicz, Dynow, and 
Munkacs. His total opposition to Haskalah and philosophy 
was evidenced in both his devotion to Kabbalah as the es- 
sence of Judaism and his statement that "there is no knowl- 
edge, either in the realm of science or philosophy, which is not 
alluded to in the To rah [which is higher than the intellect]" 
(Benei Yissakhar, Sec. 2:88). He considered philosophical en- 
quiry a waste of time and of soul. Rational reason should not 
be sought for the mitzvot, but they should be observed with 
love, as divine decrees, whether rational or not, without ques- 
tioning or seeking proofs. Man must have faith "even in two 
opposite [commands of God] where the intellect cannot solve 
the contradiction" (ibid., Sec. 1, 73). The task of the zaddik is of 
utmost importance since by means of the high spiritual level 
he attains he may help to unite the upper and lower worlds. 
Zevi Elimelech differentiated between two types of zaddikim: 
the perfect one, "the servant of God" (eved adonai) and the 
one who only "worships God" (oved Adonai). Worship of God 
must combine both love and fear. Fear corresponds to zimzum 
and love corresponds to hitpashetut ("expansion"). Just as there 
can be no stability or survival for worlds without zimzum, 
so if it were not for fear, man would dissolve in ecstasy "and 
the light of the soul would depart from its earthly container." 
Fear of Divine Majesty - in contradistinction to fear of pun- 
ishment - is the acme of faith. A man "to whom God gives 
knowledge (binah) is enabled to retreat within himself direct- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



ing his thought to his Creator also while in the company of 
other men." Dynow thus reformulates *Nahmanides' thesis 
(commentary on Deuteronomy 11:20). 

Dynow's writings comprise (1) kabbalistic: glosses to the 
commentary of *Eleazar of Worms on Sefer *Yezirah (Prze- 
mysl, 1888); commentary on the beginning of Eleazars Sefer 
Hokhmat ha-Nefesh (Lemberg, 1876); glosses to the Zohar 
(Przemysl, 1899); Mayan Gannim y sl commentary on Or ha- 
Hayyim (1848) by Joseph Jabetz; Regel Yesharah (Lemberg, date 
of publication not known), an alphabetical commentary on 
names and concepts on the basis of the kabbalistic system of 
Isaac *Luria. (2) Homiletic and exegetical works which became 
popular among Hasidim, among them Derekh Pikkudekha 
(Lemberg, 1851), homilies on the mitzvot; Igra de-Kallah (Lem- 
berg, 1868), homilies on the Torah; Igra de-Pirka (Lemberg, 
1858); Likkutei Maharza (Przemysl, 1885), on the Torah and 
the Prophets; Kelt ha-Ro'im (Lemberg, 1808), commentary 
on Obadiah; Devarim Nehmadim (Przemysl, 1885); Maggid 
Taalumah (Przemysl, 1876), novellae to tractate Berakhot; 
Reiah Duda'im (Munkacs, 1879), on tractate Megillah; Ve- 
Heyeh Berakhah (Przemysl, 1875), commentary on Mishnah 
Berakhot; Berakhah Meshulleshet (Przemysl, 1896, commen- 
tary on the Mishnah); Tamkhin de-Oraita (Munkacs, 1926). 

bibliography: Horodezky, Hasidut, 2 (1953 4 ), 201-18; idem, 
in: Mezudah (1948), 284-9; Berger, Eser Zahzahot (1909), 106-118; 
M. Bodek, Seder ha-Dorot (1927), 67; L. Grossmann, Shem u-Sheerit 
(1943), 21-23; R- Mahler, Ha-Hasidut ve-ha-Haskalah (1961), index; 
N.Z. Horowitz, Ohel Naftali (1964), 98-99. 

DZIALOSZYCE, town in S. central Poland; passed into Aus- 
tria in 1795 after the third partition of Poland, and to Russia 
after 1915; from 1919 in Poland. From 1765 it had a considerable 
Jewish majority. The community numbered 651 in 1765; 2,514 
(83% of the total population) in 1856; 3,526 (76.5%) in 1897; 
5,618 (83.3%) in 1921; and about 7,000 (80%) in 1939. Tanning, 
brickmaking, and tailoring were the principal occupations of 
the community. After World War 1 Jews in Dzialoszyce owned 
about 78 clothing stores, six tanneries, and brick kilns. In 1930 
the artisans established an authorized union to protect their 
status and assist their members in obtaining recognized tech- 
nical diplomas. Although efforts were made to reconstruct life 
in 1937, it had not returned to normal before the German oc- 
cupation in World War 11. 

[Shimshon Leib Kirshenboim] 

Holocaust Period 

The German army entered on September 7-8, 1939, and the 
anti- Jewish terror began. In 1941 about 5,000 Jews from *Cra- 
cow, * Warsaw, *Lodz, *Poznan, and Lask were deported to 
Dzialoszyce, swelling the population to 12,000. In June 1941 
Jews were forbidden to leave the town, but no closed ghetto 
was established. On September 2, 1942, the Germans carried 
out the first Aktion against the Jews. At least several hundred 
succeeded in fleeing to the surrounding forests and 800 were 
selected for the labor camps, but up to 2,000 unfit to travel 
were murdered in the local cemetery and about 15,000 were 
sent to Michow en route to Belzec. Several hundred Jews were 
allowed to remain in Dzialoszyce. 

resistance. Those Jews from Dzialoszyce who fled into the 
woods joined other Jewish runaways from Pinczow and other 
places in the vicinity. A number of Jewish partisan groups 
were formed to resist actively the German police search units 
and Polish antisemitic gangs. The biggest partisan units were 
those organized by Zalman Fajnsztat and Michael Majtek. 
They united to form the guerrilla unit "Zygmunt," which was 
recognized by the Polish Peoples Guard. This unit fought the 
Nazis and provided armed cover for hundreds of Jews hid- 
ing in the forest until February 1944, when it suffered great 
losses in a battle near the village of Pawlowice. The surviving 
Jewish partisans joined different Polish guerrilla units, but 
only a few of them were still alive by the time of the libera- 
tion of Dzialoszyce region from the Germans (January 1945). 
The Jewish community in Dzialoszyce was not reconstituted 
after the war. The town retains a i9 th -century synagogue built 

in the classic style. 

[Stefan Krakowski] 

bibliography: Yad Vashem Archives; Sefer Yizkor shel ke- 
hilath Dzialoszyc ve-ha-Seviva (1977). 

DZIGAN, SHIMON (1905-1980), Yiddish satirical actor. 
Dzigan began his career in Lodz, Poland, where he was born. 
He became popular in comic dialogues with Israel Schum- 
acher, who played the sedate know-all to Dzigan's quick-wit- 
ted ignoramus. When World War 11 broke out, they escaped to 
Russia and gave performances for the Polish Jewish refugees. 
After the war, Dzigan and Schumacher performed in West- 
ern Europe and North and South America, before settling in 
Israel in 1952. When the two parted as a result of personal dif- 
ferences, Dzigan staged his own revues. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 

Initial letter "E" of the word Eccle- 
sia, from the Sacramentary of Gel- 
lone, E. France, eighth century. The 
illumination shows the afflicted Job 
sitting down among the ashes, and 
his wife urging him to "curse God 
and die" (Job. 2:8-9), Pari$> Biblio- 
theque Nationale, Ms. Lat. 12048 
fol. 143. 


EAGLE, bird of prey of the genus Aquila, in particular the 
Aquila chrysaetos, the largest of the birds of prey. The ea- 
gle has been identified by the translators of the Bible with 
the biblical nesher, rendered by the Septuagint as aetos and 
by the Vulgate as aquila. Biblical passages, however, ascribe 
to the nesher characteristics that do not belong to the eagle, 
such as its feeding on carcasses (in the manner of Ugaritic 
nsr:, the biblical dictionaries notwithstanding, there is no 
native Akkadian nasru for comparison) and having a bald 
head, and already R. Tarn pointed out the mistake of regard- 
ing it as the eagle (Tos. to Hul. 63a). The biblical nesher is the 
griffon vulture (see * vulture), although its traditional identi- 
fication as an eagle was accepted by the sages of the Talmud 
who applied the word to the Roman eagle. Ezekiel also ap- 
parently understood it in this sense when he compared the 
king of Babylonia to the nesher, which has "great wings and 
long pinions, full of feathers" (Ezek. 17:2-3). This is not the 

usual biblical nesher, the griffon vulture, which has no feath- 
ers on its neck. 

The biblical name for eagle is apparently ay it (cf. Gr. 
aetos), described by Jeremiah (12:8-9) as carnivorous like 
the lion and as zavoa, the latter in reference, it seems, to its 
middle talon (ezba) which is especially long for clutching 
its prey. The powerful king, the conqueror of Babylonia, is 
compared to an ay it (Isa. 46:11); the birds keen sight is re- 
ferred to by Job (28:7). It is also mentioned several times in the 
Bible as a general term for carnivorous birds of prey (Ezek. 
39:4; Isa. 18:6; and apparently also Gen. 15:11). In Israel there 
are six species of eagle of the genus Aquila, but they are rare. 
The largest of the eagles, the Aquila chrysaetos, is seldom seen 
in Israel. 

bibliography: J. Feliks, Animal World of the Bible (1962), 
66; M. Dor, Leksikon Zoblogi (1965), 246f. add. bibliography: 

cad n/11,79- [Jehuda Feliks] 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 




In Biblical Literature 

The earth is portrayed in the Bible as a flat strip (Isa. 42:5; 
44:24) suspended across the cosmic ocean (Ps. 24:2; 136:6). 
It is supported on pillars (Ps. 75:4; Job 9:6) or props (Isa. 
24:18; Prov. 8:29) and is evidently surrounded by a mountain 
range like the qdr of Arabic folklore, to keep it from being 
flooded (Prov. 8:29; Job 26:10). The ultimate bounds of the 
earth known to the ancient Hebrews were India and Nubia 
(Esth. 1:1; cf. Zeph. 3:10). A similar conception of the earth was 
held by Herodotus (3:114) and is found in the Persian inscrip- 
tions of Darius. Sometimes, too, its furthermost inhabitants 
were thought to be the peoples who resided in remote lands 
north of Palestine - *Gog and Magog - a concept which finds 
a parallel among the Greeks. It was believed that the fertility of 
the earth could be affected by the misconduct of men. It was 
then said to be "polluted" (Heb. hanefah; Isa. 24:5). As a re- 
sult of Adam's sin, the earth yields grain only when man puts 
heavy labor into it (Gen. 3:17-19), and for receiving the blood 
of Abel it was forbidden to "yield its strength" to Cain under 
any circumstances (Gen. 4:11-13). The idea that the land could 
be rendered infertile by having innocent blood shed upon it 
is widespread in other cultures, and probably stems from the 
notion that "the blood is the life" and, therefore, represents the 
outraged spirit of the murdered man who exacts vengeance 
until the crime is redressed or expiated. Bloodshed could like- 
wise cause lack of rainfall (11 Sam. 1:21). Since it is usually a 
particular land, especially the Land of Israel, that is affected by 
misdeeds committed in it, such misconduct includes not only 
moral turpitude but also disobedience to divine command- 
ments. For example, a famine ensued for several years as a re- 
sult of Davids taking a census, against the orders of God. Ac- 
cording to Exodus 23:10-12, the land of Israel had to lie fallow 
every seventh year; according to Leviticus 25, every 50 th year 
as well. This may be explained as a survival of the ancient be- 
lief that life is vouchsafed in seven-year cycles. Deuteronomy, 
which speaks of the seventh year only as one of debt remis- 
sion (Deut. 15) and enjoins a public reading of the Torah to 
the pilgrims assembled in Jerusalem on the festival of Taber- 
nacles of that year (Deut. 31:10-13), is believed to represent a 
late development. Among the gentiles particular lands were 
regarded as the estates, or inheritances, of their tutelary gods; 
in the Bible yhwh is the Lord of what would later be known 
as the universe, yet the land of Israel is the object of His spe- 
cial care (Deut. 11:12; 32:8-9; 11 Sam. 20:19; J er - 2: 7> Ps. 79:1). In 
the apocryphal book of Ben Sira (17:17), the Lord parcels out 
the earth among "rulers," i.e., celestial princes, as an emperor 
might apportion his dominion among satraps. Conversely, 
waste places were deemed the natural habitat of demons (Isa. 
34:13-14), and the winds which sweep the wilderness were de- 
picted as howling monsters, just as in Arabic folklore the des- 
ert is called "howl-place" (yabdb; cf. Deut. 32:10). Earth, like 
sky, was sometimes called to serve as a witness in prophetic 
denunciations of the people (Deut. 4:26; 30:19; 31:28). This 

reflects a common ancient Near Eastern practice of invoking 
the earth and sky, along with the national and local gods, to 
witness covenants and treaties. There is no clear evidence in 
the Bible of any worship of the earth, even by apostate Israel- 
ites. However, a goddess named Arsay, i.e., Ms. Earth, is men- 
tioned in the Canaanite texts from Ras Shamra (Ugarit) as one 
of the brides of Baal, and the Phoenician mythographer San- 
chuniathon (second quarter of the sixth cent, b.c.e.) speaks 
of a primordial woman, called Omorka, who was cut asun- 
der by Belus (Baal) to make earth and heaven respectively. In 
the six-day scheme of creation described in the first chapter 
of Genesis, earth is said to have emerged on the third day 
(Gen. 1:9-11). It was originally watered not by rain but by a 
subterranean upsurge (Heb. ed; Gen. 2:5-6). It is not impos- 
sible that this picture was inspired by conditions that actually 
obtain in parts of Palestine where, before the onset of the early 
rains and the beginning of the agricultural cycle in autumn, 
the soil is moistened only by springs which burst forth at the 
foot of the hills. It is possible - though this must be received 
with caution- that the Hebrews shared with the Babylonians 
the notion that the geography of the earth had its counterpart 
aloft and that the portions of the heavens corresponded to ter- 
restrial domains, for it is in terms of such a view that it may 
perhaps be possible to interpret the words of Balaam (Num. 
24:17) about the star which is stepping out of Jacob (i.e., the 
region of the sky answering to the Land of Israel) and which 
is destined to smite the borders of Moab. It was held that at 
the end of the present era of the world, when a new dispensa- 
tion was to be ushered in, the soil of the Land of Israel would 
undergo a miraculous renewal of fertility. A stream, like that 
which flowed through Eden, would issue forth (Zech. 14:8), 
and there would be a prodigious increase in vegetation and 

Post-Biblical Literature 

Ideas about the earth are elaborated in post-biblical literature. 
The earth is represented as resting on a primal foundation 
stone, which also forms the bedrock of the Temple. The navel, 
or center, of the earth is located at Zion, just as among the Sa- 
maritans it is located at the sacred Mt. Gerizim, and among the 
Greeks, at Delphi. Earth, like heaven, consists of seven layers 
superimposed upon one another. Its extent is reckoned in one 
passage of the Talmud (Ta'an. 10a) as equivalent to (roughly) 
190 million square miles, and it is 1,000 cubits thick. In iv Ezra 
6:42 it is said that six parts of it are habitable, and the seventh is 
covered by water. According to post-biblical sources, the earth 
is sheltered from the blasts of the south wind by the gigantic 
bird ziz, and, as in the Bible, it will become miraculously fertile 
in the messianic age (Ginzberg, Legends, s.v.). Earth's pristine 
fertility, it is said, was diminished through the sin of Adam, 
and its smooth surface was made rugged by mountains as a 
punishment for its having received the blood of Abel. When 
the new age dawns, it will again become level. Just as in the 
Greek myth the earth opened to rescue Amphiaraus, so in 
Jewish legend it hid the tender babes of Israel hunted by Pha- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


raoh. It likewise swallowed up the vessels of the Temple, to 
conceal them when that edifice was destroyed. On the other 
hand, it engulfed the four generations of the offspring of Cain 
as an act of punishment; it also swallowed up the army massed 
against Jacob, the unfinished part of the Tower of Babel, and 
the city of Nineveh. However, it refused to receive the body 
of Jephthah who, as the result of a rash vow, had sacrificed his 
own daughter (ibid., s.v.). 

bibliography: A.J. Wensinck, Ideas of the Western Sem- 
ites Concerning Navel of the Earth (1916); R. Patai, Adam ve-Adamah 
(1943); T.H. Gaster, Myth, Legend and Custom in the Old Testament 

(1969X 5> 6, 98(d), 103(c), 144, 188, 294. 

[Theodor H. Gaster] 

EARTHQUAKE, ground vibrations produced generally by 
a sudden subterranean occurrence. Accounts of destruc- 
tive earthquakes extend far into antiquity. In biblical times 
earthquakes, like thunder and other natural cataclysms, were 
regarded as demonstrations of God's unlimited power. It 
was believed that the phenomenon preceded divine mani- 
festations (1 Kings 19:11-12; Isa. 6:4; Ezek. 3:12-13), the rev- 
elation at Sinai (Ex. 19:18), divine wrath (Ps. 18:8; 104:8), and 
collective punishment (1 Sam. 14:15; Isa. 5:25; Nah. 1:5; 16:32; 
Amos 9:1), and it was also envisaged as heralding the end of 
the world (Ezek. 38:19-20). The descriptions of earthquakes 
in the Bible - especially by prophets - indicate that such 
cataclysms occurred from time to time and that people were 
therefore familiar with their consequences. The almost scien- 
tific description of the phenomenon of earth dislocation and 
cracking related in a prophecy of wrath (Zech. 14:4-5) might 
be based on a personal experience of an earthquake. Because 
of its powerful impact, the major earthquake which occurred 
toward the end of King Uzziah's reign (about 800 b.c.e.) 
was referred to for some time in date references (Amos 1:1; 
Zech. 14:5). In 31 b.c.e. a disastrous tremor in Judea claimed 
10,000 to 30,000 victims (Jos., Ant., 15:122). In 749 a pow- 
erful earthquake, thought to be 7.3 on the Richter scale, hit 
northern Israel, destroying *Bet(h)-Shean, *Tiberias, Kefar 
Nahum (*Capernaum), and *Susita. The earthquake caused a 
huge tidal wave that led to the death of thousands. Another 
series of earthquakes occurred in 1033, striking Tiberias and 
its environs. During the last 2,000 years, earthquakes in Pales- 
tine and its neighborhood have been recorded in greater detail 
(see bibl. Amiran, 1951; Shalem, 1951; Arieh, 1967). These re- 
cords reveal that, on the average, several damaging earth- 
quakes have occurred in each century, but usually only one 
reached disastrous proportions. Seismological observato- 
ries have been operated by the Geological Survey of Israel 
since 1955 and by the Weizmann Institute of Science since 
1969. Recent seismographic measurements indicate that most 
earthquake epicenters are situated in or near the Jordan Rift 
Valley, an area where the two most destructive earthquakes 
since the 19 th century originated. The earthquake on Jan. 1, 
1837, whose epicenter was near Safed, took about 5,000 vic- 
tims, ruined much of the old city, and was strongly felt from 

Beirut to Jerusalem. This earthquake was preceded by one in 
1759 in which the walls of *Safed were ruined and many were 
killed. On July 11, 1927, an earthquake occurred north of * Jeri- 
cho violently affecting vast areas from Lebanon to the Negev, 
and in Transjordan killing about 350 persons and ruining 
some 800 structures (mainly in Shechem). This earthquake 
stopped the flow of the Jordan River for a few years owing to 
rock collapse. The last significant earthquake in Israel was in 
1995 in Eilat (*Elath), when the epicenter was in the Red Sea, 
therefore causing minor damages. In 2004 a series of tremors 
struck Israel, mainly in the Dead Sea area. Experts argue that 
such earthquakes are a warning sign of a bigger one yet to 
come in the next few years. The extent of damage caused by an 
earthquake depends not only on magnitude, focal depth, and 
proximity to the epicenter, but also, and sometimes mainly, 
on local ground features, topographic conditions, type of 
foundation and construction, and density of population. In 
areas with long-standing earthquake records, seismic risk can 
better be evaluated than in areas without such records. Cit- 
ies which have suffered relatively much from earthquakes are 
Safed, Tiberias, Shechem (all near the epicenter zone, and 
partly built on slopes and unconsolidated ground with poorly 
built structures), Lydda, and Ramleh (unstable ground con- 
ditions). Jerusalem, with its rocky fundament, has remained 
during its long history relatively undamaged by earthquakes, 
as if to justify the psalmists verse: "Those who trust in the 
Lord are like Mount Zion, which cannot be moved, but abides 
for ever" (Ps. 125:1). 

bibliography: C.E Richter, Elementary Seismology (1958); 
N. Shalem, in: Jerusalem Quarterly, 2 (1949), 22-54 (Heb.); idem, in: 
Bulletin of the Research Council of Israel, 2:1 (1952), 5-16; D.H.K. Ami- 
ran, in: iej, 1 (1950-51), 223-46; 2 (1952), 48-62; E.J. Arieh, in: Geo- 
logical Survey of Israel, 43 (1967), 1-14. 

[Eliyahu Arieh] 

EAST LONDON, port in Eastern Cape province, South 
Africa. East London was founded in 1836 as a landing stage 
and proclaimed a town in 1847. W. Barnett acquired a grant of 
land in 1849, but the first known permanent Jewish resident 
was Gustave Wetzlar, who arrived in Cape Town in 1861 from 
Germany and settled as a merchant in East London in 1873. 
A town councilor in 1881, he became mayor in 1889. John 
Lewis Norton, a descendant of the British settlers of 1820, 
became chief constable and messenger of the court. The 
growth of the Jewish population resulting from immigra- 
tion and an influx during the Boer War of 1899-1902 led to 
the establishment of a Hebrew congregation in 1901. Julius 
Myers and G.G. Deal, both immigrants from England, took 
the initiative and continued to be active in communal life. 
Emmanuel Lipkin, later of Oudtshoorn, arrived from Eng- 
land in 1903 as minister and a small synagogue was opened. 
A larger synagogue was built 20 years later. A small Re- 
form congregation was established in 1958. In the heyday of 
the community, which at its height in the mid-1960s num- 
bered some 1,200 people, there was an active Jewish commu- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



nal life, with Hebrew schools, Zionist and other organizations, 
regional branches of national bodies, and a country club. By 
2004, however, it had dwindled to fewer than 150, mainly el- 
derly individuals, though the main communal organizations 
continued to function. Jews have been prominent in civic af- 
fairs, the mayors including (besides Wetzlar) David Lazarus, 
1947-48 and 1966-68, Abraham Addleson, 1957-59, an d Leo 
Laden, 1962-64. 

bibliography: G. Saron and L. Hotz, Jews in South Africa 

(1955), 311-13. 

[Abraham Addleson / David Saks (2 nd ed.)] 

EATON, JOSEPH W. (1919- ), U.S. sociologist and educa- 
tor. Born in Nuremberg, Germany, Eaton went to the United 
States in 1934. After graduating in 1948, he directed the study 
of the Hutterites, an isolated Mennonite sect of northwestern 
U.S. and Canada who lived in communities and held prop- 
erty in common. The results were published in 1955 in Cul- 
ture and Mental Disorders (J. Eaton and R.J. Weil). Eaton pub- 
lished an analysis of prison reform and treatment programs 
in California (Stone Walls Not a Prison Make y 1962). In 1961 
he published Measuring Delinquency and in 1964 Prisons in 
Israel. He directed a long-range study of Israel's youth orga- 
nization and national service program financed by the U.S. 
Office of Education (Influencing the Youth Culture: A Study 
of Youth Organizations in Israel, 1969). His academic inter- 
ests were in evaluative research, applications of social theory, 
and the sociology of social work. He also wrote Card-Car- 
rying Americans: Privacy, Security, and the National id Card 
Debate (1986) and The Privacy Card: A Low Cost Strategy to 
Combat Terrorism (2004). 

Eaton became professor emeritus at the Graduate School 
of Public and International Affairs at the University of Pitts- 
burgh, in the field of economic and social development and 
sociology. He remained actively involved in studying the Hut- 
terites and was a consultant for a University of Pittsburgh re- 
search project on the causes of schizophrenia. 

[Zvi Hermon / Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

EBAN, ABBA (Aubrey) SOLOMON (1915-2002), Israeli 
statesman, diplomat, and writer, member of the Fourth to 
Eleventh Knessets. Born in Cape Town, South Africa, Eban 
was brought up in England. He studied Oriental languages and 
classics in Queens College at Cambridge University, where he 
was research fellow and lecturer in Arabic in 1938-40. Eban 
was noted for his mastery of several languages. As an under- 
graduate, he was a founder of the University Labor Society 
and became president of the Students' Union. 

During World War 11 Eban held the rank of major, serv- 
ing on the staff of the British minister of state in Cairo from 
1941. In 1942 he served as liaison officer on behalf of the Allied 
Command with the leadership of the Jewish yishuv in Pales- 
tine, and in 1944 as chief instructor in the Middle East Cen- 
ter for Arab Studies in Jerusalem, for the purpose of training 

Jewish volunteers. At the end of the war he took up residence 
in Jerusalem and in 1946 was appointed by the Jewish Agency 
political information officer in London, and the following year 
served as its liaison officer with unscop. After serving as a 
member of the Jewish Agency delegation to the un General 
Assembly, Eban was appointed representative of the newly es- 
tablished State of Israel to the un, and in the years 1949-59 as 
Israel's permanent delegate, serving in 1952 as deputy president 
of the General Assembly. In the un Eban was known for his 
eloquence and superb presentation of Israel's case in the face 
of Arab hostility. In 1950-59 he also served as Israeli ambas- 
sador to the United States. In 1958-66 Eban was president of 
the Weizmann Institute in Rehovot and initiated the Interna- 
tional Rehovot Conferences on "Science in the Advancement 
of New States." In 1959 he was elected to the Fourth Knesset 
on the *Mapai list. He served as minister of education and cul- 
ture in the years 1960-63, deputy prime minister in 1963-65, 
and minister for foreign affairs in 1966-74. As minister for for- 
eign affairs, Eban sought to consolidate Israel's relations with 
the United States and to secure association status for Israel 
in the European Economic Community. In May 1967 he paid 
dramatic visits to Paris, London, and Washington in an effort 
to avert the outbreak of war. Throughout the Six-Day War in 
1967 and the Yom Kippur War in 1973 he led Israel's diplomatic 
campaigns in the un. Eban was reappointed minister for for- 
eign affairs in the short-lived government formed by Golda 
*Meir after the Yom Kippur War and participated in the ne- 
gotiations with Henry * Kissinger which led to the Disengage- 
ment Agreement with Syria on May 31, 1974. However, after 
Meir's resignation, following the publication of the *Agranat 
Commission report on the background to the outbreak of the 
war, he was not included in the government formed by Yitz- 
hak * Rabin. Though continuing to serve in the Knesset, Eban 
started to teach at Haifa University and at Columbia Uni- 
versity in the U.S. as a visiting professor. In September 1974 
he was appointed chairman of the Board of Governors of 
Bet Berl, which was the ideological center of the Labor Party. 
In the Eleventh Knesset he served as chairman of the Knes- 
set Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee and as chairman 
of a subcommittee that dealt with the Pollard Affair. In the pri- 
maries held in the Central Committee of the Labor Party for a 
place in the party's list for the Twelfth Knesset, Eban failed to 
be elected. Eban then withdrew from the political arena and 
concentrated on the production and presentation of tv pro- 
grams in the U.S. on Jewish tradition and the history of the 
State of Israel. His writings include Voice of Israel (reprinted 
speeches, 1957), The Tide of Nationalism (1959), The Final So- 
lution: Reflections on the Tragedy of European Jewry (1961), 
Chaim Weizmann - A Continuing Legacy (1962), My People: 
The Story of the Jews (1968), My Country: The Story of Modern 
Israel (1972), An Autobiography (1977), Heritage: Civilization 
and the Jews (1984), The New Diplomacy: International Affairs 
in the Modern Age (1983), Personal Witness: Israel Through My 
Eyes (1992), and Diplomacy of the Next Century (1998). 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


add. bibliography: R. St. John, Eban (1972); A. Ron (ed.)> 
Abba Even: Medinai ve-Diplomat: Sefer le-Zikhro shel Sar ha-Huz 
le-Sheavar (2003). 

[Edwin Samuel, Second Viscount Samuel / 

Susan Hattis Rolef (2 nd ed.)] 

EBEN-EZER (Heb. 1JJ3 Jl$). (1) Site of the Israelite camp fac- 
ing the Philistine army at *Aphek before the battle in which the 
Philistines captured the Ark of the Covenant (1 Sam. 4:1). It is 
generally identified with Majdal Yaba, which was still known 
in the first century c.e. as Migdal Aphek. (2) Name of the 
stone set up as a victory monument by Samuel between *Miz- 
pah and Shen after the Israelites had "pursued the Philistines 
and smote them, until they came under Beth- Car" (1 Sam. 
7:11-12). Most scholars consider the two Eben-Ezers identical 
and locate it on the Israelite- Philistine border. 

bibliography: Albright, in: basor, 11 (1923), 7; Abel, Geog, 

2 (1938), 309; em, s.v. 

[Michael Avi-Yonah] 

EBER (Heb. 1237, Ever). (1) Great-grandson of *Shem, son 
of Noah and ancestor of Abraham (Gen. io:2iff.; 11:14 ff.; 
1 Chr. 1:17ft.); presumably (but nowhere explicitly) intended as 
the eponymous ancestor of the * Hebrews (Ivrim). "All the 
children of Eber" (Gen. 10:21), a phrase which appears - pos- 
sibly unintentionally - to include Arabian and other tribes 
as well as Israelite, may or may not be related to the term 
"Hebrews"; certainly there is no solid evidence that the Bible 
understood any but Israelites to be Hebrews. The names ap- 
pearing in the genealogies of Genesis 10 and 11 are, as in other 
ancient West Semitic genealogies, personifications of tribes, 
nations, cities, and lands rather than individuals (see ^Gene- 
alogy; ^Nations, The Seventy). In view of this, many scholars 
consider the name Eber to be derived from Ivri, rather than 
vice versa, while others suggest that the term refers to the 
region known as ever hanahar ("beyond the river [Euphra- 
tes]"; Josh. 24:2; cf. Num. 24:24). Such usage of the name was 
facilitated by the fact that Eber was probably also the name 
of a clan or a personal name. (2) The head of a Gadite family 
(1 Chron. 5:13). (3 & 4) The heads of two Benjaminite fami- 
lies (1 Chron. 8:12, 22). (5) A post-Exilic priest (Neh. 12:20). 
(In nos. 2-5 some Hebrew and/or lxx manuscripts read "D37 

bibliography: A. Malamat, in: jaos, 88 (1968), 165-8. 

[Jeffrey Howard Tigay] 

EBLA, archaeological site in northern Syria, present-day Tell 
Mardikh, located 35 mi. (60 km.) south of Aleppo and exca- 
vated by an Italian team of archaeologists starting in 1964. In 
the 1970s thousands of cuneiform texts dated to the second 
half of the 3 rd millennium b.c.e. (in archaeological terms, 
eb iv, or Early Bronze Age iv) were discovered at the site. 
The language reflected in these texts was neither Sumerian nor 
Akkadian, two well-known languages of the period written in 

cuneiform, but rather was determined to be a previously un- 
attested language, called "Eblaite" by scholars. 

Scholars continue to debate the specific date of these texts. 
The main issue is whether they are pre-Sargonic (i.e., from a 
time before the reign of Sargon of Akkad (2270-2215 b.c.e. 
according to one standard opinion)), or whether they are 
contemporary with the Sargonic period. The discovery of an 
object bearing the cartouche of the Egyptian pharaoh Pepi 
1 is an important find - attesting to trade relations between 
Ebla and Egypt, though perhaps only indirectly, through the 
intermediation of Byblos (see below) - but unfortunately the 
date of Pepi 1 (and all the 6 th Dynasty monarchs) is not fixed 
(2333-2283 b.c.e. is one approximation), and thus this artifact 
cannot help answer the chronological question definitively. 
The issue of whether the heyday of Ebla is pre-Sargonic or 
Sargonic hinges in the main on who or what caused the de- 
struction of Ebla (well attested in the archaeological record) 
during this period. Was the city destroyed by Sargon, by his 
grandson Naram-Sin, or by accidental fire that simply could 
not be controlled? Without attempting a definitive answer to 
these questions, for our present purposes we will side with 
those scholars who view the Ebla texts as pre-Sargonic. Ac- 
cordingly, we proceed with the statement that Eblaite is the 
earliest attested Semitic language, antedating the oldest Akka- 
dian material by about a century, though perhaps by only a 
few decades. 

Another scholarly debate concerns the exact identifica- 
tion of the Eblaite language. Some scholars hold that the lan- 
guage reflected in the Ebla texts is nothing more than a dia- 
lect or variation of Old Akkadian; according to this opinion 
it would be incorrect to speak of a separate language called 
Eblaite. Other scholars, meanwhile, hold that Eblaite is suffi- 
ciently distinct from Old Akkadian to merit the identification 
as a separate Semitic language. Among the latter, though, there 
is still no consensus: some hold it to represent an indepen- 
dent branch of Semitic to be called North Semitic, while oth- 
ers group Eblaite in the West Semitic branch. To be sure, there 
are quite a few lexical and grammatical links between Eblaite 
and the later attested Amorite (early second millennium) and 
Aramaic (first millennium), thus suggesting a Syrian Sprach- 
bund incorporating these three languages. An important piece 
of evidence is the first person singular independent pronoun 
ana ana T, exactly as in Amorite and Aramaic (in contrast to 
Akkadian anaku). 

The debate over the language is due in part to the na- 
ture of the texts written in Eblaite. The Eblaite texts use a 
very high percentage of Sumerograms, that is, words written 
as Sumerian signs though meant to be read as Eblaite words. 
Often, however, we do not know what Eblaite words lie be- 
hind these Sumerograms. For example, in the expression si- 
in i-li-lu a-mu dingir-dingir-dingir, appearing in an in- 
cantation text, we can understand the words to mean "to Elil 
father of the gods." But the only Eblaite words that we learn 
are the preposition si-in, to be normalized as sin, "to" and 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



the name of the deity i-li-lu y to be normalized as ililu, "Ilil" or 
"Elil." The remaining words are a-mu and dingir-dingir- 
dingir, whose meanings are clear as "father" and "gods," re- 
spectively. But these are the Sumerian forms. When the Eblaite 
scribe read this text aloud, he would have pronounced these 
words as their Eblaite equivalents. And while we can be al- 
most certain that the former was based on the root ab and that 
the latter was based on the root il (as in all the Semitic lan- 
guages), we lack the precise information in this case. When 
one multiplies this example several hundredfold, it becomes 
clear how scholars can differ over the issue of the exact iden- 
tification of Eblaite. 

Most of the Ebla texts were found in several rooms of 
Palace G from the 24 th century b.c.e. (as per the statement 
above that the tablets are pre-Sargonic). The total number of 
texts is about 2,000 complete or nearly complete tablets and 
about 10,000 fragments. The discovery of this archive in 
1974 came as a complete surprise to scholars. No one had 
imagined that a city in northern Syria might be home to such 
a literate culture. Even for the heartland of Mesopotamia at 
this time, the discovery of such a large archive would have 
been astonishing. Moreover, the previous scholarly consen- 
sus held that the Tigris and Euphrates valley at one end of 
the Near East and the Nile valley at the other end were the 
two great centers of culture, already in the third millennium 
b.c.e., but that the vast area in between, including Syria, 
was a cultural backwater, populated mainly by pastoralists 
with their flocks, with no great urban centers of the type 
found in Egypt or Mesopotamia. The excavations at Ebla and 
the discovery of this large archive changed everyone's con- 

The corpus of Ebla texts includes a wide variety of docu- 
ments. The greatest number by far are administrative texts, re- 
cording in great detail the activities of the palace, the economy 
of Ebla centered mainly on textile production and the growing 
of barley and other grains, the far-reaching trade with cities 
throughout Syria and Mesopotamia, and so on. The second 
group consists of texts of a historical nature; these include 
some important treaty texts. The best preserved of the treaty 
texts is a highly detailed pact with Abarsil on the upper Eu- 
phrates; it includes about two dozen articles regulating com- 
merce, taxation, emissaries, and the like. The third group is 
made up of lexical texts, the most important of which are the 
bilingual dictionaries providing us with the Sumerian and 
Eblaite equivalents of hundreds of words. While these dic- 
tionaries do not give us the words in literary contexts, they 
provide us with very valuable information about the Eblaite 
vocabulary (see further below). Finally, there is a series of in- 
cantation texts (a line from one was quoted above). (There 
have been some reports about literary texts found at Ebla; 
but at present only one such text has been published, and that 
composition is a duplicate of a document known from Abu 
Salabikh in southern Mesopotamia.) 

The administrative and historical texts reveal that Ebla 
had contacts with hundreds of cities throughout the region. 

Many if not most of these cannot be identified with any con- 
fidence, but the toponyms that can be identified give us an 
indication of Ebla's power and influence. Here we may men- 
tion important urban centers such as Gublu (= Byblos) on 
the Mediterranean (though not all scholars agree with this 
reading); Emar and *Mari, both on the middle Euphrates; and 
Kish, situated between the Tigris and Euphrates near Baby- 
lon; as well as KURk 1 la-ba-na-an y "the mountain-country of 
Lebanon." (When the Ebla tablets first were discovered, there 
were reports that the five cities of the plain listed in Gene- 
sis 14 appear at Ebla as well; but there is no substance to this 

The quantity of materials appearing in the administrative 
texts is sometimes staggering. One text (a ret 2:20) gives a 
total of 548,500 barley measures distributed (and of this 
amount 360,400 appears in one line and 182,600 appears in 
a second line). Eblaite, in fact, attests for the first time in any 
Semitic language a word for 100,000, namely ma-i-at (obvi- 
ously based on the pan- Semitic word for "hundred"; cf. He- 
brew nx&). 

The deities attested at Ebla are better known from later 
West Semitic sources than from East Semitic sources. Im- 
portant gods are Dagan, Hadd/Baal, Rashap, Ashtar, Kamish, 
Malik, and Qura, as well as the sun and moon deities, though 
their Eblaite names are unknown since the Sumerograms ud 
("sun") and iti ("moon") respectively, are used consistently. 
(There is absolutely no validity to the claim (reported in the 
early days of Ebla studies) that Ya (a shortened form of Yah- 
weh) appears in personal names.) 

Of particular interest is the god Kamish: the name ap- 
pears in the city name Kar-Kamish (Carchemish) in north- 
ern Syria; it is attested in the pantheon of *Ugarit on the 
Syrian coast from the Late Bronze Age, spelled alphabetically 
as kmt and syllabically as ka-ma-si (= /kamat/); and most 
prominently it appears much later as the national god of the 
Moabites, spelled ttflttD and vocalized kdtnos in the Bible. Note, 
however, that in one passage, Jer 48:7, the name of the Moabite 
god occurs as I2PD3 in the Ketiv. While previous scholars typi- 
cally assumed a confusion between waw and yod in the scribal 
transmission of this text, we now must consider another pos- 
sibility, that the Ketiv in Jer 48:7 preserves an ancient alterna- 
tive pronunciation, Kamish, harking back to the Early Bronze 
Age as attested at Ebla. 

An important deity hitherto unknown is Qura (typically 
spelled Kura in Ebla studies), clearly a major god given the 
number of times the name occurs, including some prominent 
contexts. Apart from Ebla, we know nothing about this deity. 
The name resurfaces, however, about 3,000 (!) years later as 
the first element in the name of the angel Quriel, attested in 
Aramaic, Syriac, and Greek magical texts of the first millen- 
nium c.e. In one passage Quriel occurs as the father of a de- 
moness; this invites comparison with the demotion of *Baal, 
worshipped throughout the Bronze and Iron Ages as a major 
deity, but appearing in the New Testament as ruler of the de- 
mons in the form Baal-zebul. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Whenever a new Semitic language is uncovered, the nat- 
ural tendency among Hebraists and Biblicists is to mine the 
new source for information that can help elucidate problems 
in the Bible and can supply cognates for Hebrew lexemes. Sev- 
eral examples of this process were noted above. The remainder 
of this entry will present additional instances of contributions 
from the study of Eblaite to the study of Hebrew (notwith- 
standing the temporal and geographical distances between 
Eblaite in third millennium northern Syria and Hebrew in 
first millennium southern Canaan). 

A number of Hebrew words, which hitherto had no cog- 
nates within Semitic (see the standard dictionaries), now gain 
etyma from the Eblaite lexicon. Examples include the follow- 
ing: ni-zi-mu (to be normalized as nizmu), "a type of jew- 
elry" « DT2, "nose-ring, earring"; a-a-tum (to be normalized 
as ayyatum), "a type of bird" ~ PPN, "a bird of prey"; bar-su-um 
(to be normalized as parsum), "a type of bird" ~ DID, "a bird 
of prey." The first of these items appears in an administrative 
text; the latter two appear in the bilingual lexical lists as the 
Eblaite equivalents of Sumerian forms classified as birds due 
to the presence of the musen determinative. 

The common Hebrew word for "cedar" is TIN, but a 
unique feminine form HTIX occurs in Zephaniah 2:14. This 
now has a parallel in Eblaite ar-za-tum, presented in the bilin- 
gual dictionary as the equivalent of Sumerian gis-nun-sal 
(the gis determinative indicates a type of tree). 

The above represents but a handful of Hebrew lexemes 
with parallels in Eblaite. In truth, however, the very large 
Sumerian- Eblaite dictionary (attested in multiple copies at 
Ebla) affords the scholar of ancient Hebrew much fodder for 
lexical exploration. We permit ourselves one further example 
here. The root 7"tt, "cut, incise, divide," yields the hitpael form 
TTWin, "make incisions upon oneself" (Deut. 14:1; 1 Kings 
18:28, etc.) and the noun Tl"tt, "troop" (cf. English "division" 
in a military sense). Cognates to this word occur in various 
Aramaic dialects (Biblical, Samaritan, Jewish Babylonian, Syr- 
iac). The verb gadadu, "separate off," occurs in Akkadian, but 
only in Neo- Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian, and thus scholars 
conclude that the word is a borrowing from Aramaic. The bi- 
lingual dictionary from Ebla glosses Sumerian tar-tar with 
Eblaite ga-da-dum; since Sumerian tar means "cut," it is clear 
that Eblaite ga-da-dum represents an Early Bronze Age fore- 
runner of later Hebrew and Aramaic "HI 

We move now from the realm of lexicon to the realm of 
grammar, with one representative illustration. Already prior to 
the discoveries at Ebla, Francis Andersen opined that ancient 
Hebrew included a morpheme ttl-, that is, conjunctive waw 
+ enclitic mem. Andersen's insight was strikingly confirmed 
by the presence of u-ma in Eblaite, composed of the same two 
elements. Biblical passages which include this morpheme are 
Gen. 41:32, Num. 23:10, Judg. 13:19, 1 Kings 14:14, Ezek. 48:16, 
48:22 (twice), Amos 6:10, Nah. 2:13, Ps. 147:3, Ruth 4:5, Neh. 
5:11. A study of these passages reveals that Hebrew JD1- has a 
specific syntactic function: it serves as an emphasizing con- 
junction to be translated "indeed, even, verily, yea." The rec- 

ognition of this form impacts most of all on the analysis of 
Ruth 4:5, where the phrase Jin JlNttl does not mean "and from 
Ruth" (note the etnah on the previous word), but rather is 
to be analyzed as the emphasizing conjunction ttl- followed 
by the direct object indicator JIN and then the proper name 
mi, thus yielding a translation for the entire verse as follows: 
"Boaz said, 'On the day you acquire the field from the hand of 
Naomi - ; verily, Ruth the Moabitess, the wife of the deceased, 

I have acquired [reading with the Ketiv] to raise the name of 
the deceased on his estate.'" 

Our last instance of the interconnections between Eblaite 
and Hebrew returns us to the world of magic. One of the 
incantation texts is directed against a demon named ha-ba- 
ha-bi, normalized as habhabi, who is bound and rendered 
powerless by the magician. This name is the reduplicated 
form of the demonic figure Hby attested in Ugaritic (Mesopo- 
tamian cuneiform has no symbol for [h] and here substitutes 
[h] ; where he gains the epithet "lord of the horns and tail," 
that is, the traditional imagery of a devilish character), and 
appearing in the Bible in two passages in variant forms (one 
the basic form, the other with suffixed -on): 'in in Isa 26:20 
and JVin in Hab 3:4. The occurrence of habhabi/hbyf'in 
in Early Bronze Ebla, Late Bronze Ugarit, and Iron Age 
Israel attests to the tenacity of magical praxes throughout the 
epochs (see also the discussion above concerning Qura and 

Finally, we may note that Ebla was rebuilt after the ma- 
jor destruction noted above and achieved a second floruit 
c. 2050-1950 b.c.e., that is, during the Ur 111 period. We pos- 
sess very few Eblaite literary remains from this period, how- 
ever. Most of our evidence comes from other sites, including, 
for example, references to Ebla in inscriptions of Gudea, fa- 
mous ruler of Lagash, whose great building projects necessi- 
tated his men to travel to the region of Ebla in order to pro- 
cure quantities of timber and stone. 

bibliography: A. Archi, (ed.), Eblaite Personal Names and 
Semitic Name-giving (1988); R.D. Biggs, in: abd 2, 263-70; G. Conti, 

II sillabario della quarta fonte della lista lessicale bilingue eblaita (= 
Miscellanea Eblaitica 3 = Quaderni di Semitistica, 17; 1990); C.H. 
Gordon and G.A. Rendsburg (eds.), Eblaitica, vols. 1-4 (1987-2002); 
P. Matthiae, Ebla: An Empire Rediscovered (1980); P. Matthiae, Ebla, 
la citta rivelata (1995); L. Milano, in: cane, 2:1219-30; G. Pettinato, 
Ebla: A New Look at History (1991); idem, Ebla, nuovi orizzonti della 
storia (1994); idem, Testi lessicali bilingui della bibliotheca L. 2/69 

[Gary A. Rendsburg (2 nd ed.)] 

EBNER, MEIR (Meyer; 1872-1955), Jewish leader in Bu- 
kovina and Romania, active Zionist. Born in Czernowitz, he 
participated in the establishment of the Jewish national stu- 
dent association, Hasmonea, in 1891. He earned the degree of 
jurist doctor from the university in his native city. With the 
advent of Herzl, Ebner joined the Zionist Organization, at- 
tending the First Zionist Congress and many succeeding ones. 
He was active in Jewish affairs in Bukovina, at the same time 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



working to obtain Jewish representation in the local Landtag 
and at the Reichsrat in Vienna. He was exiled to Siberia by the 
Russian conquerors in 1915 and returned in 1917. In 1918-20 
he was head of the Jewish National Council of Bukovina. 
When Bukovina was annexed to Romania in 1918, he led the 
struggle for Jewish rights and in 1919 founded the German 
language periodical Ostjuedische Zeitung in which he advo- 
cated Zionism and a Jewish national policy in the Diaspora. 
It was published until the end of 1937, when it was banned by 
the government. Ebner attended the international Congresses 
of National Minorities in Geneva, becoming vice president of 
the organization after the death of Leo *Motzkin in 1933. In 
May 1926 (until July 1927) he was head of the Czernowitz Jew- 
ish community and was elected to the Romanian parliament, 
where he frequently spoke with great courage, undeterred 
by threats from antisemites. In 1928 Ebner was elected to the 
Romanian Senate and became head of the Jewish faction of 
four members. He helped found the Jewish Party of Romania 
in 1930 and was elected on its behalf to the Romanian parlia- 
ment. In 1934 his election was prevented through the machi- 
nations of the government. Ebner immigrated to Palestine in 
the beginning of 1940, where he became a regular contributor 
to Zionist publications in Palestine and abroad and was active 
in associations of immigrants from Romania and Bukovina. 
He died in Israel. 

bibliography: M. Kleinman (ed.); Enziklopedyah le-Ziyyo- 
nut, 1 (1947), 3f.; M Reifer, Dr. M. Ebner (1947); J. Gruenbuam, Penei 
ha-Dor, 2 (1961), 176-80; S. Bickel, Yahadut Romanyah (1978), 326-31; 
Parlamentari evrei (1998); D. Schaari, in: sahir, 4 (1999), 148-77; Z. 
Yavetz, in: English Historical Review (1998). 

[Yehuda Slutsky] 

EBONY, heartwood of certain trees. The Hebrew word hov- 
enim, which occurs in Ezekiel (27:15) in a reference to Tyre's 
commerce in "horns of ivory and hovenim" is identified by 
most translators and exegetes as ebony, called hbn in Egyp- 
tian. Several tropical trees supplied the ebony used in ancient 
times, the most important being the Diospyros ebenum> which 
grows in India. Other species of the same genus grow in Af- 
rica. Ebony was extensively used with ivory ornamentation 
(as described by Ezekiel) for the effect given by the contrast 
of black and white. 

bibliography: Loew, Flora, 1 (1928), 588-9; J. Feliks, Olam 
ha-Zomeah ha-Mikrai (1968 2 ), 126. 

ECCLESIA ET SYNAGOGA, the name given to the sym- 
bolic representations in Christian art of the Middle Ages of 
the victorious Church and defeated Synagogue, symbolizing 
the triumph of Christianity. The representation is often found 
in medieval Christian manuscript art. It also became a con- 
ventional decoration in many medieval churches, especially 
in France, England, and Germany, and took the form of two 
graceful female figures, usually on the outside of the building. 
The Church is shown erect and triumphant, bearing a cross; 
the Synagogue is usually blindfolded and dejected, bearing a 

broken staff and sometimes decorated with the Tables of the 
Ten Commandments symbolizing the Old Testament. The 
best known statues of this type are on the exterior of the ca- 
thedrals of Strasbourg and Bamberg. They are also found in 
Rheims, Paris, and Bordeaux. In England, they figure, gen- 
erally in a mutilated condition, in Rochester, Lincoln, Salis- 
bury, and Winchester. The representation of the blindfolded 
synagogue was paradoxically reflected even in Jewish manu- 
script art: as for example in the miniature of the blindfolded 
Torah with her spouse, the People of Israel, in a i4 th -century 
manuscript prayer book (Hamburg, Cod. Lev. 37; possibly 
having a symbolic meaning, representing the Torah and the 
People of Israel). 

bibliography: W.S. Seiferth, Synagoge und Kirche im Mit- 
telalter (1964); B. Blumenkranz, Juden und Judentum in der mittelal- 
terlichen Kunst (1965); E. Roth, in: awjd, 18:1 (1963); L. Edwards, in: 
jhset, 18 (1958), 63-75; P- Hildenfinger, in: rej, 47 (1903), 187-96. 

[Helen Rosenau] 

ECCLESIASTES (Heb. n^nifpn, jV?rnj?), one of the group of 
minor writings of the Hagiographa known as the Five Scrolls 
(Megillot). The name Ecclesiastes is Greek and probably means 
"member of the assembly." It renders the Hebrew word kohelet 
(qohelet, or ha-qohelet = the Qohelet; 1:1, 2, 12; 7:27; 12:8, 9, 10). 
Qohelet is not a proper name but means something like "one 
who acts in the assembly" or "teaches the public" - see the de- 
scription of his activities in 12:9. Qohelet is usually thought to 
be the author, but he may be a fictional persona, the authors 
"mouthpiece." Though Qohelet never claims to be Solomon, 
he does describe himself in Solomon-like terms: He is "king 
in Jerusalem" (1:12) and "son of David, king in Jerusalem" 
(1:1). Traditionally, therefore, he was identified with Solomon. 
Solomonic authorship, however, is ruled out by evidence of 
language and content. 

Language and Date 

The Hebrew of the book represents the latest stage in the evo- 
lution of biblical Hebrew. An example of the indicators of late 
biblical Hebrew is the root tqf (4:12; 6:10), which can only be 
borrowed from Aramaic, and not before the seventh cen- 
tury B.C. e. Also, the nouns pardes "orchard" (2:5) and pitgam 
"decree" (8:11) are both borrowed from Persian. Persia only 
emerged from obscurity in the middle of the sixth century 
b.c.e., and no words are known to have been borrowed from 
its language before that. Moreover, pardes, from the Persian 
piridaeza ("rampart," a domain of the king) was also borrowed 
by the Greeks (paradeisos) in the sense of "orchard," the sense 
it has in Ecclesiastes 2:5. The word avadeyhem "their deeds" 
in 9:1 is Aramaic, not Hebrew. So too, Hllu, the Aramaic and 
post-biblical equivalent of the classical lu, occurs in the Bible 
only in Ecclesiastes 6:6 and in ^Esther 7:4 (the latter being ob- 
viously post-exilic and probably third century b.c.e.). There 
are, in fact, Aramaisms in Qohelet at a much greater frequency 
than we would expect in a pre-exilic work. Indeed it has been 
argued - see the items by Ginsberg in the Bibliography - that 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


the book was written in Aramaic and later translated into He- 
brew. This theory has not been accepted by other scholars, but 
it calls for further examination. On the linguistic background 
of the book, see especially the books by Schoors and Seow. 

The content too points to a Hellenistic dating. There is 
reason to think that the author was influenced by Stoic phi- 
losophy (see Rudman in Bibliography). Also, competitive foot 
races, alluded to in 9:11, entered the Near East only in the third 
century b.c.e. A deeper indicator of Greek influence (which 
would scarcely be possible before the Hellenistic period) is 
the book's display of the mindset of Greek philosophy. This 
enterprise tried to determine the good by the application of 
human reason alone, without appeal to tradition or revelation. 
Qohelet, alone of the Bible, follows this path. 


The book of Ecclesiastes is a reflection on life together with 
advice on making one's way through it. Qohelet introduces 
himself as a wise king who sought to examine all that hap- 
pens on earth (1:12-18), including toil, wisdom, and pleasure. 
His goal is to determine "what is good for man to do under 
the heavens during the few days of his life" (2:3). He amassed 
wealth and belongings, and this accomplishment seems to 
have given him pleasure; but ultimately he found it senseless 
(2:4-2:26). As Qohelet proceeds on his investigation, he ob- 
serves a variety of values and typical events. Most of these he 
finds senseless and "bad," but he does suggest various ways of 
maneuvering through life and, from time to time, does praise 
certain modes of behavior and experiences. Still, he begins 
and concludes with a judgment that recurs throughout the 
book, "All is hevel? a keyword usually translated "vanity" or 
"transient" but that might be better translated "senseless" or 

Recurring topics include injustices (3:16-22); social op- 
pressions (4:1-3; 5:7-11); the futility of toil and pleasure (2:18- 
26; 4:4-8; 5:12-6:9); the failure of wisdom and the frailty of 
its achievements (4:13-16; 6:10-12; 7:13-14, 23-24; 8:16-9:10; 
9:1-3). Occasionally he grants wisdom's (limited) value (9:13- 
18; 10:1-3). He more emphatically affirms life's goodness and 
the importance of grasping life's pleasures when they present 
themselves (9:4-10; 11:7-12:1) - an imperative made all the 
more urgent by the incessant awareness of death's grim cer- 
tainty (9:7-10; 12:1-8). He concludes with a mysterious de- 
scription of the path to death (12:2-7). Th e opening declara- 
tion "All is hevel" concludes his words. An epilogue (12:9-14) 
speaks about Ecclesiastes from the standpoint of a later sage. 


The book of Ecclesiastes is written in an unusual, difficult 
Hebrew, and its thought is self-contradictory and sometimes 
opaque. Hence its interpretation has been marked by sharp 
disagreement among the commentators. 

Traditional commentators, following the Midrash (espe- 
cially Kohelet Rabbah), regard the book to be King Solomon's 
words in old age. Having experienced both the world's glo- 
ries and its disappointments, he realized the futility of mun- 

dane strivings and the insignificance of earthly goods - mat- 
ters "beneath the sun" (1:3 and often). These he deemed hevel 
(understood to mean "trivial"). In contrast, matters that are 
not "beneath the sun" but rather belong to the transcendent, 
spiritual realm, have great and everlasting value. These are, 
above all, the eternal life and study of Torah. The book teaches 
that one must resign oneself to God's will, for all his works 
are good. Injustices will eventually be rectified and righteous- 
ness rewarded, if not in this life then in a blessed eternity, the 
"world to come." 

Most modern commentators understand the book to 
express skepticism about traditional beliefs, especially the 
verities of the book of Proverbs and similar wisdom litera- 
ture, in particular the axioms of God's justice and the efficacy 
of wisdom and hard work. An example of a negative reading 
is that of Crenshaw, according to whom Qohelet directs a 
radical, unrelenting attack on the traditional beliefs of the 
sages and denies the reality of a moral order. All that is left, 
Qohelet concludes, is the pleasure of the moment, which 
may soothe the troubled spirit. A more positive reading is 
advocated by Fredericks, who argues that Ecclesiastes is 
only commenting on the human realm. This is character- 
ized by transience, to be sure, but man can find ways to cope, 
namely by simple pleasures, wisdom, the joy of work, and 
resignation to God's will. Similarly, Seow argues that "all is 
hevel" does not mean that everything is meaningless or in- 
significant, but that the meaning of life and the rationale of 
its inequities transcend human comprehension. Humans 
must accept whatever happens, while making the most of 
life's possibilities. 

Fox (1999, 2004) argues that the underlying issue that 
Qohelet addresses is the question of meaningfulness in life. 
For events to be meaningful, they would have to cohere in 
a comprehensible picture, with deeds securely and predict- 
ably producing the appropriate consequences. The righteous 
should be rewarded and the wicked punished; the one who 
toils should get to enjoy the full fruits of his work while the 
foolish should suffer penury; the wise should have a life the 
polar opposite of the fool's; and something should distinguish 
them in death. 

Qohelet sees that these things do not happen, at least not 
consistently (see 6:2; 8:11; 9:11), and he is weighed down by the 
collapse of meaning, which is revealed by the contradictions 
that pervade life. These he repeatedly calls hevel - "absurd" or 
"senseless." Qohelet is frustrated that life does not make sense. 
The irrationality of the world is his fundamental grievance, 
and his other complaints - such as the brevity of life, the fu- 
tility of effort, the triviality of worldly goods, the vulnerability 
of wisdom, and the anomalies in divine justice - are second- 
ary to this one and serve to confirm it. 

Qohelet believes, or at least tries to believe, that God will 
eventually execute justice (3:17; 11:9b). The righteous, in prin- 
ciple at least, live long and the wicked die young (8:n-i2a, 14). 
But Qohelet does not see this happening at present and fears 
that justice will come too late (8:10-11, 14). Qohelet sees injus- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



tices but insists that God is just. Qohelet does not eliminate 
this contradiction but is just frustrated by it. 

God for Qohelet is an absolute, unpredictable autocrat. 
He is a distant and all-powerful force who can be feared but 
not loved (3:14b; 5:1, 2, 4; 6). But, though rather steely and re- 
mote, He is not uniformly hostile. If (for unpredictable rea- 
sons) God should grant someone good things, He wants the 
fortunate man to enjoy these gifts (5:20; 9:7). 

For all his complaints, Qohelet is not a nihilist. "Every- 
thing is absurd" is to be understood as expressing a general 
characterization of life, not an absolute negation of the value 
of all activities and values. Qohelet shows how humans can 
recover and reconstruct meanings. He does not arrive at a 
grand logic or theology that makes sense of everything, but 
he does recommend modest adjustments and small-scale ac- 
commodations in our individual lives. 

Some things Qohelet does find worthwhile, such as mod- 
erate work, temperate enjoyment of the pleasures that come 
to hand, love and friendship, gaining and using whatever wis- 
dom is within our capacity, being reasonably righteous, and 
fearing God. Though their benefits are brief, imperfect, and 
uncertain, they are enough to make life worth living. Qohe- 
let comes to realize that despite all its unfairness and absur- 
dity, life itself is good, to be grasped all the more eagerly for 
deaths finality. 

Qohelet s affirmations all look inward, to each individu- 
al's benefit, and his concerns are internal as well: what trou- 
bles people, what cheers them up, how they can get along in a 
world in which much is predetermined and opaque. Though 
there are practical things we can do to reduce the risks, the 
only real realm of real freedom and control is the human 
heart - the domain of emotions, thoughts, and attitudes. 
We are to enjoy whatever pleasures God makes possible and 
avoid whatever sorrow we can. This, we may note, is Stoic 
doctrine as well. 

A different theology emerges in the epilogue, 12:9-14. 
This is commonly considered an addition by a later scribe, 
but it may well be the words of the anonymous author. The 
epilogue evaluates Qohelet from a more conventional stand- 
point. It assures the reader that Qohelet was a wise and elo- 
quent teacher, but also warns that the words of the wise hold 
certain dangers. What is of ultimate importance is to fear 
God, obey His commandments, and live in awareness of His 
ultimate judgment. 

bibliography: early commentaries: midrash qohe- 
let RABBA 8 th -10 th C. B.C.E.; ENGLISH TRANS. A. CohctL, MidfOsh 

Rabbah, 8 (1983); Saadiah Gaon; Rashi; Abraham Ibn Ezra; Samuel b. 
Meir; Samuel ibn Tibbon; Obadiah b. Jacob Sforno; Yosef Ibn Yahyah; 
Moshe b. Hayyim Alsheikh. modern commentaries: GA. Barton 
(ice, 1908); CD. Ginsburg (1861; with extensive survey of older litera- 
ture); E. Podechard (Fr., 1912); H.W. Hertzberg (Ger., 1932, 1963 2 ); R. 
Gordis (1951, 1967 3 ); H.L. Ginsberg (Heb., 1961); J.L. Crenshaw (otl, 
1987); R.L. Murphy (wbc, 1992); M.V. Fox (jps Commentary, 2004); 
C.L. Seow (ab, 1997); T. Longman in (nicot, 1998); N. Lohfink 
(Continental Commentaries, 2003). studies: H.L. Ginsberg, Studies 
in Kohelet (1950); E. Bickerman, Four Strange Books of the Bible (1967), 

139-67. add. bibliography: A. Schoors, The Preacher Sought to 
Find Pleasing Words (1992); idem, Qohelet in the Context of Wisdom 
(1997); M.V. Fox, A Time to Tear Down and a Time to Build Up (1999); 
D.C. Fredericks, Coping With Transcience (1993); E. Christianson, A 
Time to Tell: Narrative Strategies in Qoheleth (1998); S. Burkes, Death 
in Qoheleth (1999); R. Sandberg, Rabbinic Views of Qohelet (1999); D. 
Rudman, Determinism in the Book of Ecclesiastes (2001). 

[Harold Louis Ginsberg / Michael v. Fox (2 nd ed.)] 

ECCLESIASTES RABBAH (Heb. HIT rbflp, Kohelet Rab- 
bah), *aggadic Midrash on the book of ^Ecclesiastes, called 
"Midrash Kohelet" in the editio princeps. (On the term "Rab- 
bah, see Ruth * Rabbah.) 

The Structure 

Eccelesiastes Rabbah is an exegetical Midrash which gives a 
chapter by chapter and verse by verse exposition of the Book 
of Ecclesiastes. In the editio princeps, it is divided into three 
sedarim ("orders"): (a) Chapters 1-6; (b) 6:1-9:6; (c) 9:7-the 
end of the book of Ecclesiastes. In later editions however it 
is also divided into 12 sections, corresponding to the biblical 
chapters. The Midrash opens with an anonymous proem of 
the classical type found in amoraic Midrashim. It begins with 
an extraneous verse from the Book of Proverbs which is then 
connected with the opening words of the Book of Ecclesiastes. 
It bears, however, a few signs of lateness, including its (intro- 
ductory formula): "This is what the Scripture declared in the 
holy spirit by Solomon king of Israel." 

The Language 

Ecclesiastes Rabbah is written for the most part in mishnaic 
Hebrew. Galilean Aramaic is also used, and there are numer- 
ous Greek words. 

The Date of its Redaction 

The redactor used tannaitic literature, the Jerusalem Talmud, 
^Genesis Rabbah, ^Leviticus Rabbah, ^Lamentations Rabbah, 
and ^Esther Rabbah. The work also incorporates material 
taken from the Babylonian Talmud, some of which, how- 
ever, was added later. Several factors indicate that Ecclesiastes 
Rabbah is of a comparatively late date, having been redacted 
apparently not earlier than the eighth century c.e. It was used 
by the paytan *Solomon b. Judah ha-Bavli, who flourished in 
the second half of the tenth century c.e., and it is quoted by 
*Nathan b. Jehiel in his Arukh (c. 1100). Ecclesiastes Rabbah 
contains much important material of the tannaitic and amo- 
raic periods, and also numerous aggadot of a polemical char- 
acter, some with anti- Christian references. 


Ecclesiastes Rabbah was first published at Pesaro in 1519, to- 
gether with Midrashim on the four other scrolls (Song of 
Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, and Esther) to which, however, 
it is entirely unrelated. The many subsequent ones are based 
on this edition. Although several manuscripts of Ecclesiastes 
Rabbah are extant (the earliest dating from the 14 th century), 
a complete scholarly edition has yet to appear. M. Hirshman 
edited the four first chapters of the book in his dissertation 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


(1983). An English translation by Abraham *Cohen appeared 
in the Soncino Midrash (1939). 

bibliography: Zunz-Albeck, Derashot, 128-9. add bibli- 
ography: J. Wachten, Midrasch-Analyse: Strukturen im Midrasch 
Qohelet Rabba (1978); M. Hirshman, in: Jerusalem Studies in Jewish 
Thought, 3 (1982), 7-14; G. Stemberger, Introduction to the Talmud 

and Midrash (1996), 3i7f. 

[Moshe David Herr] 

ECIJA, city in Seville, S. Spain. We have no information on the 
Jews of Ecija in the Muslim period. The earliest information 
concerning Jews there dates from the 13 th century. Following 
its conquest by Ferdinand in, Zulema, a Jewish courtier, was 
given substantial property. The size of the Jewish commu- 
nity can be judged from the fact that for the year 1293 its tax 
amounted to 5,000 maravedis. Its most prominent member 
was the wealthy Don Yucaf (Joseph) de *Ecija (Joseph ha- Levi 
ibn Shabbat), who distinguished himself in the service of Al- 
fonso xi of Castile. In 1332 he endowed a yeshivah in Ecija, and 
provided stipends for the scholars who studied in it. The per- 
secutions of 1391 struck Ecija and its synagogue was destroyed 
by order of Fernando ^Martinez, who was archdeacon of Ecija. 
However, when in 1396 the archbishop of Toledo demanded 
from the vicar of Ecija an account of the destruction of the 
synagogue, he was told that it was razed by the mob. It is not 
known when the community was reconstituted, but its tax as- 
sessment in 1439 was 6,800 maravedis, in old coin. The com- 
munity apparently lasted until the expulsion of 1492. There was 
also an organized group of * Conversos, which in 1477 had as 
its leader a New Christian named Fernando de Trujillo. 

bibliography: Baer, Urkunden, index; Baer, Spain, index; 
H. Beinart, Anusim be-Din ha-Inkvizizyah (1965), 62; Ballesteros, in: 
Sefarad, 6 (1946), 253-87; R. Menendez Pidal, Documentos linguisticos 
de Espana, 1 (1966 2 ), 475-7; F. Cantera Burgos, Sinagogas Espaholas 
(1955), 203-12. add. bibliography: J. Aranda Doncel, in: Boletin 
de la Real Academia de Cordoba, 104 (1983), 5-18. 

[Haim Beinart] 

ECIJA, JOSEPH (Yucaf) DE (Joseph b. Ephraim ha-Levi 
ibn Shabbat; d. 1339/40). Ecija was born in Ecija, Andalusia, 
and was chief tax farmer (almoxarife mayor) of Alfonso xi of 
Castile. He played a major role within the Jewish community 
and cooperated with R. *Asher ben Jehiel, then the leading 
halakhic authority in Castile. He was advanced in the royal 
service through the patronage of Infante Felipe, son of San- 
cho iv. By 1322 he was almoxarife mayor and a member of the 
royal council, besides two other Christians. In 1326 he was sent 
by Alfonso xi to meet his betrothed, the daughter of the Por- 
tuguese king. While at Valladolid, some of the knights who 
accompanied him stirred up the populace against him, but 
he was saved through the intervention of Dona Leonor, the 
king's sister. He was dropped from the royal council in 1328 as 
a concession to the Cortes, which had been summoned to ap- 
prove extraordinary taxes. A year later, however, he was again 
high in royal favor, conducting negotiations with Alfonso iv 
of Aragon. He gained the latter s favor as well and appealed 

to him to relieve the Aragonese Jews from the obligation to 
wear the Jewish *badge. In a letter of 1329 the Aragonese king 
expressed his regret over his inability to grant Joseph de Ecija's 
request at that time. At court Josephs rival was the royal phy- 
sician, Samuel ibn Waqar of Toledo. The two competed for 
the farming of various royal revenues. Gonzalo Martenez 
de Oviedo, a protege of Joseph, became royal major-domo 
and commander of the Order of Alcantara. Martenez turned 
against his benefactor and brought about the imprisonment 
of both Joseph and Samuel. Joseph appears to have died in 
prison. Solomon *Ibn Verga in his Shevet Yehudah empha- 
sizes the fact that Joseph, for all his high rank at court, was a 
loyal and devoted son of his people. He built a synagogue in 
Seville and endowed a house of learning in his native Ecija, 
providing for the maintenance of the dean and students. In 
1342, the king asked Pope Clemens vi to permit the Jews of 
Seville to worship in the synagogue that was built by Joseph. 
He was also a lover of music, an interest which he shared with 
Alfonso iv of Aragon, who asked Joseph to send him his fa- 
vorite Castilian musicians. 

bibliography: Amador de los Rios, Historia de los Judios 
de Espana y Portugal, 2 (1876), 128 f.; Y. Baer, in: Minhah le-David 
(Yellin) (1935), i98f.; Baer, Urkunden, 1 (1929), 262f.; 2 (1936), 141L, 
163L; A. Ballesteros, in: Sefarad, 6 (1946), 253-87; A. Shochat (ed.), 
Shevet Yehudah (1947), 52L, 181; Samuel ibn Sason, Sefer Avnei ha- 
Shoham, ed. by A. Hamiel (1962), 22f. 

[Haim Beinart] 

°ECKARDT, ROY A. (1918-1997), theologian and Method- 
ist minister. Born in Brooklyn, New York, Eckardt, a prolific 
writer and a leading figure in the field of Jewish- Christian re- 
lations in the U.S., was from 1955 president of the American 
Academy of Religion and, from 1956, chairman of the depart- 
ment of religion at Lehigh University (Bethlehem, Pennsyl- 
vania). His books on the Jewish- Christian dialogue (Christi- 
anity and the Children of Israel, 1948, and Elder and Younger 
Brothers: The Encounter of Jews and Christians, 1967), and his 
many articles on the subject, center upon three themes: the 
meaning of antisemitism; the theological and moral relations 
between Christians and Jews; and the understanding of the 
State of Israel. He interprets Christian antisemitism as the 
pagans' war against the people of God, and the Gentiles' war 
against Jesus the Jew. The Jewish people, whether conceived 
in religious or in secular terms, belongs to the unbreakable 
covenant between God and Israel. In Jesus the Jew, the cov- 
enant is opened to the world, but not in any way that annuls 
the election of the original Israel. Because the Christian has 
been brought into the family of Jews, the fate of Israel, includ- 
ing the State of Israel, is also his fate. Together with his wife, 
Alice, he wrote Encounter with Israel: A Challenge to Con- 
science (1970), which analyzed the distortion of facts related 
to Israel frequently favored by antisemites, and Long Nights 
Journey into Day: A Revised Retrospective on the Holocaust 
(1982). Regarded as one of the most powerful and prolific 
teams working in the area of Christian- Jewish relations, they 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



traveled the globe to challenge Christians in the way they re- 
lated to Jews, Judaism, and Israel. The couple made a point of 
encouraging young people who worked in the field of Chris- 
tian-Jewish relations. 

Eckardt was an active member of the National Christian 
Leadership Conference for Israel (nclci) since its establish- 
ment in 1979. That same year, President Carter appointed 
him special consultant to the President's Commission on the 
Holocaust. From 1981 to 1986 he served on the United States 
Holocaust Memorial Council as a special advisor to its chair- 
man, Elie *Wiesel. Eckardt was also a senior associate fellow 
of the Center for Postgraduate Hebrew Studies and a Maxwell 
Fellow at Oxford University. 

Other publications by Eckardt include The Surge of Pi- 
ety in America, an Appraisal (1958), Your People, My People: 
The Meeting of Jews and Christians (1974), Jews and Chris- 
tians, the Contemporary Meeting (1986), For Righteousness' 
Sake: Contemporary Moral Philosophies (1987), Long Night s 
Journey into Day: Life and Faith after the Holocaust (1988), 
Black-Woman- Jew: Three Wars for Human Liberation (1989), 
Reclaiming Jesus of History: Christology Today (1992), No Lon- 
ger Aliens, No Longer Strangers: Christian Faith and Ethics for 
Today (1994). 

[Yona Malachy / Ruth Beloff (2 nd ed.)] 

°ECKHART, MEISTER (c. 1260-c. 1327), theologian and 
mystic. Born Johannes Eckhart at Hochheim, Thuringia, he 
joined the Dominican Order in his youth. Although some 
of his propositions were condemned as heretical by Pope 
John xxii, Eckhart exerted a great influence on medieval mys- 
ticism. Because Eckhart wrote little about the Jews, and, un- 
like other Christian theologians, did not discuss the question 
of the continued existence of the Jewish people, it was gen- 
erally assumed that he had nothing to do with Judaism. The 
pioneers in the study of the influence of Jewish philosophy on 
Christian scholasticism, Manuel * Joel and Jacob * Guttmann, 
did not even bother to analyze Eckhart s writings. However, 
in 1928, Josef Koch advanced the thesis that Eckhart was in- 
fluenced by Jewish philosophy, in particular by *Maimonides. 
According to Koch, Eckhart first came into contact with the 
writings of Jewish philosophers in 1313, when he began to 
prepare a comprehensive collection of doctrinal statements 
to serve as authorities for his own interpretation of religious 
doctrines. Koch suggests that Maimonides' method of biblical 
exegesis, found in the Guide of the Perplexed, influenced Eck- 
hart to change the direction of his work and to begin to write 
biblical commentaries instead of the collection of doctrinal 
statements he had originally begun. Maimonides' doctrine 
of negative attributes had a profound influence on Eckhart, 
in that it showed him that it was possible for man to describe 
God without obliterating the distinction between God and 
His creatures, a distinction which Eckhart regarded as fun- 
damental. While it was a matter of routine by the last decades 
of the 13 th century for Christian philosophers to refer to Mai- 
monides, Eckhart was more dependent on Maimonides than 

other Christian philosophers of the period. It should be em- 
phasized that Eckhart's interest in Judaism always remained 
purely intellectual, and that he was not at all interested in the 
social role of the Jews in a Christian society. 

bibliography: Meister Eckhart, Die deutschen und latein- 
ischen Werke, ed. Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (1936); J.M. 
Clark (ed. and tr.), Meister Eckhart: an Introduction to the Study of his 
Works (1957); R.B. Blakney (ed. and tr.), Meister Eckhart, A Modern 
Translation (1941); N. Smart, in: Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2 (1967), 
s.v.; J. Koch, in: Jahresbericht der Schlesischen ndb, 4 (1959), s.v.; E. 
Gilson, Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages (1955), index. 

[Hans Liebeschutz] 

ECKMAN, JULIUS (1805-1877), U.S. rabbi. Eckman was 
born in Rawicz, Posen. He began a mercantile career in Lon- 
don at the age of 14, but after three years left for Berlin to re- 
sume his studies. In 1846 he was appointed rabbi in Mobile, 
Alabama, and subsequently in New Orleans, Richmond, and 
Charleston. In 1854 he was appointed rabbi of Congregation 
Emanu-El, San Francisco, but his appointment was terminated 
after one year. A man of high principles and constant devotion 
to scholarship, Eckman was in demand on account of his abil- 
ity to preach in English as well as in German, but the reclusive 
bachelor lacked the temperament to cope with the conditions 
of congregational life in pioneer America. Eckman remained 
in San Francisco for the greater part of his life. He took over 
the congregational school as a private venture and devoted 
himself to the education of Jewish children. In 1856 he estab- 
lished a periodical The Gleaner, which he published until 1862 
and resumed in 1864. Shortly thereafter he merged it with the 
Hebrew Observer. Eckman served as rabbi of congregations in 
Portland, Oregon, during 1863-66 and 1869-72. 

bibliography: J. Voorsanger, Chronicles of Emanu-El (1900), 
141-51; O.P. Fitzgerald, California Sketches (1880). add. bibliog- 
raphy: F. Rosenbaum, Visions of Reform (2000). 

[Sefton D. Temkin / Fred S. Rosenbaum (2 nd ed.)] 

ECOLOGY. This survey deals with those Jewish sources 
which have particular reference to environmental matters, 
and the restrictions upon the actions of the individual both 
in his own private domain and in public places, to the extent 
that they affect his nearest neighbors and the community in 
general. Four general observations may be made: 

(1) According to the Bible, the earth has not been given 
over to man's absolute ownership to use and abuse as he 
wishes; he merely acts as a custodian to maintain and preserve 
it for the benefit of his contemporaries and future generations; 
stress is laid on the influence exerted by the environment on 
the mind and spirit of man. The special talmudic approach 
to the individual's duty to protect and preserve public prop- 
erty is illustrated by the story told in the Tosefta of the man 
who threw boulders from his land onto the public highway. A 
pious person (hasid) chided him: "Dolt, why are you throw- 
ing stones from a place which does not belong to you to one 
which does?" The man was scornful of the hasid. Eventually, 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


the man sold his land. One day, as he walked along the high- 
way adjoining the land, he stumbled over the boulders. Only 
then did he realize the wisdom of what the hasid had told him 
(Tosef. bk 11:10; bk 50b). 

(2) Protection of the public is a constant motive. 

(3) Although the regulations in the Talmud are cast in 
typical casuistic form, a number of general principles or basic 
guiding rules maybe inferred, which are capable of extended 
application in the light of existing conditions. 

(4) Although many of the rules fall within the specific 
context of what may be termed tort concepts, such as private 
nuisance, they have clear public law projections because of the 
religious character of Jewish law. 

The Protection of Nature 

the fallow year. The idea of preserving nature clearly 
inspires the biblical command concerning the fallow year 
(Lev. 25:1-5). 

Maimonides in his Guide of the Perplexed (3:39) explains 
as one of the reasons for the fallow year "that the earth shall 
increase its yield and recover its potency." The clearly religious 
nature of the commandment extends its immediate utilitarian 
purpose and turns it into a general overriding principle of the 
widest application to the natural environment as a whole. 

the prohibition of waste. The peculiarly Jewish reli- 
gious attitude towards nature is also to be seen in the rule 
forbidding the purposeless destruction of things from which 
human beings may derive benefit. The prohibition covers the 
destruction of animal and vegetable life as well as inanimate 

The reason for the prohibition in connection with fruit- 
bearing trees (see below) is given by the author of Sefer ha- 
Hinnukh in the following words: "to inculcate in our hearts a 
love of the good and the beneficial so that it becomes part of 
us and we separate ourselves from evil and destructiveness. 
That is the way of the pious, of those who observe religious 
practice - they love peace and rejoice in the well-being of 
their fellow-men, not even a mustard seed will they destroy" 
(Commandment 529). 

hibits the felling of fruit-bearing trees in time of war (Deut. 
20:19), an d the halakhic Midrash to this verse extends the pro- 
hibition to failing to irrigate the trees. The rule, however, is 
not confined to destruction in time of war, but is of more gen- 
eral application. Maimonides states it in the following terms: 
"Fruit- bearing trees growing in the countryside are not to be 
cut down, nor are they to be deprived of water so that they 
dry up and wither. Whoever cuts down (such trees) is liable 
to the penalty of flogging, and this not only during times of 
siege, but whenever they are wantonly destroyed. They may, 
however, be cut down if they damage other trees or a neigh- 
bor's land, or because it is too costly to maintain them. The 
Torah only forbids wanton destruction" (Yad, Melakhim 6:18; 
cf. Tcdmudic Encyclopaedia^ s.v. Bal Tashhit). 

The rule is further extended to all objects, including 
buildings, unless their demolition is necessary for essential 
human needs. A case of the destruction of trees in the Bible 
which appears to contradict the clear proscription contained 
in Deuteronomy (11 Kings 3:19) is regarded by Rashi and 
Kimhi as exceptional in view of the special circumstances, in 
which higher national considerations were involved. 


Mishnah proscribes the breeding of small cattle except in Is- 
rael (bk vii 7), and the Talmud comments that it refers to 
"small cattle, but not to large, since intolerable restrictions are 
not imposed on the community, and whereas small cattle can 
be imported, large cattle cannot" (bk 79b). Rashi ad locum ex- 
plains the prohibition by saying that the purpose of the regu- 
lation was to encourage settlement of Erez Israel, and small 
cattle crop the soil so closely that it is impaired; they are also 
inclined to stay and trespass on the land of others. 

The seriousness with which the prohibition was regarded 
from a religious (public) viewpoint is illustrated by the follow- 
ing incident related in the Talmud: There was once a pious 
person who suffered from heart disease. His doctors advised 
him to drink warm milk each morning, and for this purpose 
he acquired a goat which he tied to his bedpost. Some days 
later, friends came to visit him and when they saw the goat 
tied to the bedpost they said: "An armed robber is in the house 
of this man. How can we go in to him?" When on the point 
of death, he himself declared: "I know that I have not sinned 
except as regards the goat, when I transgressed against what 
my colleagues had said." Further it is reported that R. Ish- 
mael said: "My fathers family belonged to the landowning 
class in Upper Galilee. Why were they ruined? Because they 
pastured their cattle in the forest. . . but there was also a small 
field nearby (belonging to another) and they led their cattle 
on to it." In the talmudic period the regulation was extended 
to the Jewish settlement in Babylon (bk 80a). 

Environmental Pollution 


Human waste. The injunction of the Bible providing for the 
sanitary disposal of human waste (Deut. 23:13, 14) is formu- 
lated in a more comprehensive fashion by Maimonides: "It 
is forbidden to withdraw within the camp or to any chance 
place in the open fields, but it is a positive precept to set aside 
a special place for the purpose. . . . Likewise it is a positive pre- 
cept that each one shall have with him a spade as part of his 
military equipment so that he can dig a hole for his needs and 
thereafter cover it up" (Yad, Melakhim 6:14, 15). In his com- 
ment upon this command, the author of Sefer ha-Hinnukh 
stresses in a still wider perspective the importance of cleanli- 
ness as a means for promoting the life of the spirit. "It is very 
well known that cleanliness is one of the virtues that conduces 
to holiness of mind" (Commandment 566). The precept is not 
confined to military camps, but applies to all human settle- 
ments (tj Eruvin 5:1). Within the context of the Jewish law of 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



torts, there is an injunction against the construction of priv- 
ies too close to human habitation, and their removal may be 

Sewage. The rabbis were stringent about public places being 
made insalubrious. They distinguished between summer and 
winter. "Nobody has the right to open up his drains or clear 
his cesspits in the summertime; that may only be done dur- 
ing winter" (bk 6a). Rashi explains that during summer it is 
pleasant out of doors and therefore wrong to make the place 
unsightly and malodorous, whereas this consideration does 
not apply to the rainy season. 

The same passage also provides that although the disposal 
of sewage may be permitted, any injury caused thereby must 
be compensated for. The same rule is laid down by the Codes 
(Maim., Yad, Nizke Mammon 13:13; Sh. Ar., hm 104:31). 

The Mishnah also prohibits pollution by industrial ef- 
fluent. "Flax water must be kept away from vegetables" (bb 
11:10), and the principle underlying it is naturally of general 

Odors. The ruling of the Mishnah (bb 2:9) that "carrion, 
graves, and tanneries must be 50 cubits from a town" is as- 
cribed to the bad odor which they emit, and for the same rea- 
son the Mishnah states that a tannery may be sited only on the 
east of a town, since the winds prevailing in Israel are north- 
westerly. The odors of privies are also included (bb 23a). These 
instances given by the Talmud are merely examples, and all 
like instances are comprehended in the prohibition. Thus R. 
Asher b. Yehiel (1250-1327, Germany- Spain), replying - inter 
alia - upon a geonic responsum regarding water pollution, 
gave a ruling about stagnant water which penetrated a neigh- 
bor's house and gave off an offensive smell (Responsa 108:10; 
cf. Tur hm 155:20-26; Sh. Ar. 155:20). 

On the other hand, the rabbis composed a special bene- 
diction on fragrant odors "which give enjoyment to the soul 
and not to the body" (Ber. 34b). 

air pollution. Air pollution is also the subject of a number 
of mishnaic provisions. "A permanent threshing floor must be 
kept at a distance of 50 cubits from a town. One should not 
set up a permanent threshing floor on his own property un- 
less there is a space of 50 cubits in every direction" (Mishnah 
bb 2:8). Rashi explains that the prohibition is because of the 
chaff which is injurious to humans and is also liable to affect 
sown fields. The same applied to all industrial waste, and Mai- 
monides states that it applies to any operations which create 
dust, whatever the direction of the prevailing winds (Yad, 
Shekhenim 11:1). 

smoke. Among the ten regulations enacted on entering Erez 
Israel is one which, in order to preserve the amenities of Je- 
rusalem, proscribed the erection of kilns which emit smoke 
and blacken the surrounding buildings (bk 82b). R. Nathan in 
the Tosefta generalized this rule by providing that kilns must 
be kept 50 cubits from any town (bb 1:7), and smoke damage 
is included among those injurious acts to which no legal ti- 

tle can be acquired by prescription (bb 23a). The geonim later 
did not prescribe a specific minimum distance for removal, 
but insisted that kilns must always be kept at such a distance 
that the smoke will not be a source of injury or give rise to 
any nuisance or annoyance (cf. S. Assaf, Teshuvot ha-Geonim 

The particular significance of smell, smoke and similar 
sources of damage are explained by Nahmanides in the 13 th 
century: "Since they cause injury to the person no prescrip- 
tive right can arise, for that only applies to pecuniary damage. 
Pools of water, lime, stones, and debris will affect only the fab- 
ric of a person's house and he may well acquiesce therein, even 
if real damage is done. Smoke, however, and privies give rise 
to damage and annoyance to the person, and no prescriptive 
right can be acquired" (Novellae to bb 59b). 

water pollution. According to the Tosefta, a person who 
digs a cistern or water hole for public use may wash his face 
and hands and feet there, unless there is mud or excrement on 
his feet. If the cistern and water hole, however, provide drink- 
ing water, he may not wash himself at all (Tosef. bm 11:31). 

The fear of polluted drinking water is also manifested in 
the talmudic prohibition against drinking water which has 
been left uncovered for any length of time, since insects or 
other harmful matter may have contaminated it (az 12b; see 
also 30a and b). 

The protection of water from pollution served as a cause 
of action against anyone who dug a cesspit close to a neighbor's 
well. The geonic responsa cite an instance which came before 
R. Samuel bar Hofni of Sura in the early tenth century. Re- 
uven had a well adjoining the boundary of his land. Shimon 
came along and built a privy nearby at the prescribed distance 
of three tefahim. Reuven sued Shimon for the damage caused 
to his well water. Shimon defended by claiming that in accor- 
dance with rabbinical precept his privy did not adjoin the pit. 
R. Samuel was asked whether Shimon came along and built a 
privy nearby at the prescribed distance of three tefahim. Re- 
uven sued Shimon for the privy must be removed from the 
well to a distance even up to 20 amot y at which the well water 
would not be affected. It was no argument, he added, that the 
privy had already been built, since no prescriptive right can 
be acquired when serious damage is suffered. 

noise. Noise is an actionable civil wrong. According to the 
Talmud, millstones which create noise and vibrations must be 
kept at a prescribed distance (bb 18a and 20b). The Shulhan 
Arukh extends the principle by making the distance vary with 
the size of the millstones, and making it apply to noises from 
other sources (hm 155:7). 

An exception is made in the case of a school where the 
convenience of neighbors must give way to the needs of edu- 
cation (ibid.). This exception is again extended by the Shulhan 
Arukh to all activities connected with the performance of re- 
ligious precepts. In the case of a large school having at least 
50 pupils, Rashi and Nahmanides would, however, enable 
neighbors to prevent its continuance on account of excessive 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


noise, when it is possible to moderate the noise by conduct- 
ing the school in smaller classes (Rashi to bb 21a; Nahmanides 
Novellae, ibid.). 

amenities of prospect. The Bible prescribes for an open 
space to be left surrounding the levitical cities (Num. 35:1-5). 
Maimonides, in summarizing the law, adds that it applies 
equally to other towns and cities in Erez Israel (Yad, Shemit- 
tah 13:1-2, 4-5). Rashi explains that the reason for this open 
space, uncultivated, without trees or buildings, is to allow for 
free passage of air (Sotah 27b). The Sefer ha-Hinnukh suggests 
that since the levitical cities served national requirements 
(the levites were chosen to conduct divine services and peo- 
ple always came to consult them), they were to be kept pleas- 
ant and attractive to add to the luster of the people as a whole 
(Commandment 342). The same consideration lies behind the 
mishnaic rule that trees generally are to be kept at a distance 
of 25 cubits from a town, and carob and sycamore trees up to 
50 cubits. R. Solomon b. Adret went further and introduced the 
rule that townspeople cannot forgo or waive anything which 
has been prohibited in the interest of the town's amenities. 


Major environmental protection problems which concern us 
today are dealt with extensively in old Jewish sources. They 
indicate various ways in which spoiling of the environment 
in its various aspects may be prevented. Rules are laid down 
with some degree of particularity to control and inhibit the 
abuse of private rights to the detriment of others, both neigh- 
bors and local inhabitants. 

Biblical passages dealing with the preservation of nature 
were elaborated in the Mishnah and Talmud to circumscribe 
and even remove possible sources of environmental damage. 
Its importance was emphasized by the fact that the rabbis were 
not merely content to rely upon the sanctions of the general 
law, as the law of torts but promulgated enactments specifically 
devoted to the environment and its protection, such as regula- 
tions relating to Jerusalem because of its special status, which 
were subsequently in part given wider application. Of utmost 
significance in this regard was the rule that while a particular 
injury might not be actionable according to the letter of the 
law, it was, nevertheless, forbidden. Equally important was the 
rule that no prescriptive right could be acquired in respect of 
any environmental tort of a serious nature which resulted in 
injury to the person, individual or collective, as distinct from 
injury to property, on the basis that no real acquiescence ob- 
tains in such cases. 

The precise standards imposed by the Talmud to mea- 
sure and control the injurious effects of the various sources 
of environmental injury were treated not as absolutes, but 
according to prevailing conditions, and thus were (and still 
are) adaptable, as times change. Injury to the environment in- 
cluded not only cases of proximate causation, but also those 
in which conditions were created which might reasonably 
give rise to nuisance. 

[Nahum Rakover] 

For the Jewish contribution to the environmental sci- 
ences, see * Environmental Sciences. See also * Conservation. 

bibliography: E.C. Freudenstein, in Judaism, 19, 406; N. 
Lamm, Faith and Doubt (1971), ch. 6; Talmudic Encyclopaedia, s.v. 
Bal Tashhit, Behemah Dakah, Gilui, Harhakat Nezikin; B. Yashar, 
Ha-Torah v'ha-Medinah, 2 (1950) 59-64; M.Z. Neriah, Shevilin, 1 
(1962), 47-49. 


This article is arranged according to the following outline: 

First Temple Period 
Exile and Restoration 
Second Temple Period 
Talmudic Era 
Muslim Middle Ages 
Medieval Christendom 
Economic Doctrines 
Early Modern Period 











Transition Period 
Modern Period 












First Temple Period 

Reconstruction of ancient Jewish economic conditions is 
greatly hampered by the paucity of available documenta- 
tion. The main source of information still is the Bible; but its 
general orientation is either normative in the legal sections, 
exhortatory in the prophetic enunciations, or romanticizing 
in some of the historical descriptions. Thus a great deal may 
be learned of what the leaders believed the economic condi- 
tions ought to be rather than what they really were, the Sollen 
rather than the Sein. Archaeology, on the other hand, which 
has greatly enriched our knowledge about such realia as the 
utensils employed in agricultural and industrial production, 
the size and shape of buildings, sudden devastations by earth - 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



quakes or wars, and the like, has proved wholly inadequate 
in reflecting the daily economic relationships or the dynam- 
ics of economic evolution. More informative have been the 
documents found in the archaeological mounds, such as the 
el-Amarna and the Lachish Letters and the Samarian ostraca. 
But these documents are too few and limited to certain locali- 
ties which may not warrant generalization from them to other 
areas and periods. Much can also be learned, however, from 
the vaster accumulation of materials in the neighboring civi- 
lizations (including the more recently explored Mari, Nuzi, 
and Ugaritic collections), provided one does not lose sight of 
the great differences prevailing between the respective coun- 
tries and the many unique features which characterized the 
economy of ancient Israel as also Israelite society and culture 
at large. Utilizing these and other sources, as well as the com- 
bined results of many generations of intensive research by 
scholars, often of high competence, one may perhaps obtain 
some approximation of the actual economic evolution of an- 
cient Israel after its entry into Canaan and the formation of 
its monarchy. 

One conclusion which seems clearly to emerge from the 
state of knowledge today is that we must abandon the long- 
held assumption of both traditionalists and critical scholars 
that the historic evolution of ancient Israel must be explained 
in terms of a gradual emergence of a nomadic people into an 
agricultural society which was later combined with an urban 
civilization characterized by an increasing division of labor. 
This evolution, it was believed, required several centuries of 
slow growth. Such gradualism was used to explain not only 
the changing economic trends but also the general societal and 
religious transformations; it supposedly proved helpful even in 
the dating of biblical sources. It is now known, however, that 
the ancient Middle East, including the land of Canaan, had a 
fairly advanced civilization more than 2,000 years before the 
appearance of Israel on the historical scene. Even according 
to the biblical narratives, the first patriarch, Abraham - now 
widely accepted as an historic personality of prime magni- 
tude - combined in his career an intimate acquaintance with 
his native Babylonian city of * Ur (the excavation of which has 
revealed its rich and ramified social stratification at the be- 
ginning of the second millennium b.c.e.) with that of Egypt, 
which he visited for a time and of Canaan, in which he settled. 
The segment of the Canaanite people which appears under 
the name of Phoenicians was soon drawn into the orbit of a 
maritime empire extending all the way to Spain. Hence even 
a primitive, nomadic tribe conquering one Canaanite city af- 
ter another could quickly learn its methods of production 
and adopt its mode of living, skipping many stages of the ac- 
cepted economic evolution. 

It may be assumed, therefore, that very early Israel re- 
placed nomadic cattle raising by agriculture as its dominant 
source of livelihood. Settlers in the formerly Canaanite cit- 
ies also turned to crafts and even commerce as their primary 
occupation. With the establishment of a monarchy and the 
building of the Temple in Jerusalem there also arose a sub- 

stantial royal and priestly bureaucracy. The new capitals of 
Jerusalem and Samaria, especially, revealed many character- 
istics of major urban centers where upper classes indulged in 
considerable luxuries in dwellings and personal attire, such 
as are described by Isaiah in his censure of the ladies of Jeru- 
salem (Isa. 3:18 ff.). At the same time, the old occupations of 
cattle raising and even the still more "primitive" activities of 
fishing and hunting - the latter was never a mere sport even 
among the Israelite kings - were never completely given up. 
They flourished particularly in the peripheral areas of the 
south and Transjordan. 

This great diversity of pursuits was aided by both climatic 
and hydrographic conditions in the country. Despite its rela- 
tively small size, it has been found that ancient Palestine con- 
sisted of no less than 40 distinct geographic units, each with 
a different set of natural conditions, which not only affected 
the type of production but also colored the entire system of 
political and social life by promoting local independence, 
even tribalism. That is also why throughout the First Tem- 
ple period Israel continued to share its land with Edomites, 
Moabites, Ammonites, Philistines, and some Arameans, while, 
beginning with a sort of "amphictyonic" alliance, its own 12 
tribes gradually built up whatever unity existed later in their 
divided kingdom. 

Although the country was dotted with many localities 
called cities (arim), these settlements did not resemble, as 
has often been assumed, the medieval and modern cities in 
being primarily centers of industry and commerce. While 
no less than 400 such "cities" existed in the territory of Israel 
and Judah, their population, as a rule, numbered no more 
than 1,000 persons and consisted principally of farmers who 
had banded together to live behind city walls for protection 
against raiders. Their livelihood was derived from cultivat- 
ing their fields, vineyards, and orchards, for the most part lo- 
cated outside the city walls, to which they proceeded in the 
morning and from which they returned in the evening (note 
this sequence in Ps. 121:8; 11 Kings 19:27). Beyond their fields 
and vineyards there also were some pastures where the farm- 
ers could maintain some sheep and goats, particularly for the 
purpose of producing milk. 

Nutrition of the ancient Palestinian population was about 
equally divided between grain and fruit. Barley was a par- 
ticularly important staple which, if the prices are deduced 
from better known Babylonian parallels, was at times more 
in demand, and even more costly, than dates. Among the 
fruits grapes, dates, olives, and figs loomed very large in the 
popular diet. Meat was always considered a luxury and was 
consumed by the majority of the population only on festive 
occasions. The cultivation of vineyards and orchards often 
required intensive irrigation - already practiced in the pre- 
Israelitic period - and years of waiting for actual production, 
further aggravated by certain ritualistic taboos and imposts 
(orlahy kilayim, bikkurim). This system presupposed invest- 
ment of much capital and human labor. But the ultimate re- 
turns were quite rewarding in produce yielded by small plots 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


of land. The quality of some ancient Israel fruits seems to have 
been as high as that of similar products of the Second Temple 
era (see below). 

Industrial production, on the other hand, was usually 
in the hands of artisans who were often organized in clans or 
guilds or both. We know of villages dedicated to single crafts 
(i Chron. 4:14). Entire families or clans served as scribes. 
While there is no evidence of guild monopolies, it appears 
that admission to certain crafts depended on a fairly long ap- 
prenticeship and hence was beyond the reach of ordinary la- 
borers. At the same time we also learn about royal enterprises 
employing, for instance, numerous potters. The frequent oc- 
currence of potsherds bearing the imprint of la-melekh ("to 
the king") suggests that it might have been a trademark of 
royal potteries. Some scholars, however, interpret that mark 
as a fiscal receipt for a certain quantity of wine or oil delivered 
to the royal treasury in payment of taxes. No final decision 
can be made on this score, since the entire subject of ancient 
Jewish taxation is shrouded in obscurity, deepened by many 
unresolved controversies. 

A certain number of Israelites also entered mercantile 
occupations. Some of them did this as "the king's merchants," 
especially in the days of King Solomon (1 Kings 10:28). At 
that time the international trade of ancient Israel made rapid 
strides both because it was fostered by the concentrated royal 
power and because, ever since David s conquest of Edomite 
territory, Israel had gained access to Ezion-Geber-Eloth on 
the Red Sea (1 Kings 9:26). The new open route to the Indian 
Ocean made Israel a very welcome ally to Hiram, king of Tyre. 
Even earlier some northern Israelites seem to have hired them- 
selves out as sailors to Phoenician shipowners (this seems to 
be the meaning of "Dan, why doth he sojourn by the ships?" in 
the Song of Deborah; Judg. 5:17). But now the two kings could 
collaborate in sending ships both to the Indian Ocean and the 
western Mediterranean where the Phoenicians had long been 
exploiting the copper mines of Sardinia and were ultimately 
to establish a colony in Tartessus, Spain. A combined Phoe- 
nician-Israelite expedition to Ophir, probably located on the 
west coast of India or even further east, was a landmark in the 
history of eastern navigation. 

This condition did not last, however. After Solomons 
death and the ensuing partition of the country into two king- 
doms, Israel lost its overlordship over the Edomites, not to re- 
gain it except for a short time under Jehoshaphat. Nor could 
Israel any longer exploit the copper mines and use the refinery 
built by Solomon in Ezion-Geber. These losses contributed to 
the overall decline in both the commercial and political activi- 
ties of Northern Israel and Judah, which often became tribu- 
tary to foreign monarchs and occasionally indulged in inter- 
necine struggles. As a result, most of the country's mercantile 
activities were now conducted by strangers, mainly Phoeni- 
cians and other Canaanites. The term kenaani now became a 
synonym for merchant in popular parlance. 

All through that period Israelite commerce was abetted 
by a more or less stable system of weights and measures which 

the country shared with other Middle Eastern nations. There 
was also an increasing demand for money to facilitate mercan- 
tile transactions, and even in his day Abraham purchased the 
cave of Machpelah for "four hundred shekels of silver, current 
money with the merchant" (Gen. 23:16). At first the currency 
circulated in the form of silver bars which had to be weighed, 
but soon their weight was standardized and officially marked. 
By the end of the First Temple era regular coins, whether first 
introduced in Lydia or in Babylonia, gained the ascendancy. 
Curiously, gold never became the main instrument of ex- 
change. Down to the Roman period it was often considered 
a mere commodity, valued at so-and-so many silver shekels, 
although its price was steadily gaining. 

Another effect of the political weakness of the two king- 
doms was the relative absence of * slaves from the produc- 
tive processes in the country. Even Solomon's ambitious pub- 
lic works, including the building of the royal palace and the 
Temple, required more manpower than could be supplied by 
slaves. Hence the royal imposition of corvee labor on hun- 
dreds of thousands of free Israelites. After Solomon's death 
the supply of unfree labor must have further dried up, since 
the country now was rarely victorious in battle and thus could 
recruit only a small number of slaves from among prisoners of 
war. On the other hand, to purchase slaves in the Phoenician 
slave market became increasingly unremunerative. As early as 
the early days of the Book of the Covenant (ninth century or 
before) the indemnity for a male or female slave was set at 30 
shekels of silver (Ex. 21:32). Later on the price seems to have 
gone up to 50 or more shekels. With the prevailing high rates 
of interest throughout the ancient Middle East, which ranged 
from a minimum of 20-25% on cash loans and of 33 1 /3% on 
grain loans, up to 100% and more for more risky credit or in 
periods of scarcity of capital, it simply did not pay for a land- 
owner or craftsman to acquire a slave and maintain him to 
the end of his life while free day laborers were readily avail- 
able at very low cost. "Hebrew" slaves probably originated 
only from debt bondage or a condemned criminal's inability 
to pay the fine. But the legal restrictions on the treatment of 
Hebrew slaves, the enforced manumission at the end of a six- 
year term, and the (probably Utopian) demand of the Deu- 
teronomist that a manumitted slave should be provided by 
his master with means for earning a living (Deut. 15:13-14), 
made the possession of a Hebrew slave very irksome. It was, 
therefore, not for productive purposes but rather for domes- 
tic service or concubinage that a few slaves were acquired by 
better situated masters. However, unemployment among free 
labor was often so great that one or another Hebrew slave may 
have chosen voluntarily to forego freedom and stay on after 
the expiration of the six-year term. 

Surplus of free labor must have grown toward the end 
of the First Temple period as a result of the sharp inequalities 
which the prophets denounced. At that time many small farm- 
ers fell into debt and, unable to earn enough to pay the high 
rates of interest (probably collected under some subterfuge to 
avoid the even more far-reaching laws against usury), lost their 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



land. Isaiah was not alone in exclaiming: "Woe unto them that 
join house to house, that lay field to field, till there be no room 
and ye be made to dwell alone in the midst of the land" (5:8; 
see also Hos. 5:10; Micah 2:1-2). The ensuing social unrest gave 
rise to the immortal calls for social justice by the great Israelite 
prophets. It also stimulated much idealistic social legislation 
(see below), the practical implementation of which left much 
to be desired. The rumblings of discontent among the masses 
helped to undermine the existing social order, particularly in 
Northern Israel with its constant revolts and assassinations of 
reigning monarchs. Of its ten ruling dynasties in the relatively 
short period of 931-721 b.c.e. all but two were replaced after 
the reign of one or two kings. Such instability was also ruin- 
ous for the country's economy and helped to bring about the 
disastrous fall of Samaria in 721 and of Jerusalem in 586 b.c.e. 
which spelled the end of the First Temple period. 

Exile and Restoration 

The fall of Jerusalem marked a turning point also in the eco- 
nomic history of the Jews. Not only was Palestine severely 
devastated - the reservations voiced by some modern schol- 
ars were disproved by the widespread desolation evidenced 
by archaeological diggings - but a large segment, perhaps the 
majority, of the Jewish population either perished during the 
war, was deported by the Babylonians, or emigrated volun- 
tarily. The removal of the most active members of the com- 
munity, including the royal house, the priests, the great land- 
owners, and the artisans, further aggravated the effects of the 
depopulation and material destruction. Like the Philistine 
overlords of the early Israelite tribes, many ancient conquer- 
ors saw in the exile of smiths, the main suppliers of weapons 
as well as of industrial and agricultural tools, the best method 
of disarming the conquered population. Deprived of their 
leadership, the Israelites who remained behind were prone to 
adopt some of the more primitive ways of life and thought of 
their pagan neighbors. 

On the other hand, the exiles to Babylonia joined the 
ever-growing Jewish dispersion. There are reasons to believe 
that a number of those deported from Northern Israel by 
the Assyrians in 733-719 b.c.e. had continued to profess their 
ancestral religion on the foreign soil. Their descendants, as 
well as those of the Judeans deported by Sennacherib in 702, 
now joined the groups of the new arrivals to form a power- 
ful new community. (Only thus can we explain why those re- 
turning from the exile half a century later included descen- 
dants of families who had lived in Northern Israelite localities 
before the fall of Samaria; see Ezra 2:2 ff. and the commentar- 
ies thereon.) They developed a new center in and around Nip- 
pur, the second largest city in Babylonia, which was located on 
the "river" Chebar, or rather the canal connecting the Euphra- 
tes and the Tigris. Here, both the new and old settlers now 
enjoyed the distinguished leadership of Ezekiel and many 
former Palestinian elders. They were also supported by sur- 
viving members of the royal family after Amel Marduk ("Evil- 
Merodach") released the imprisoned king of Judah, Jehoi- 

achin, and restored him to a high position at the royal court 
of Babel. This release, narrated in the Bible (11 Kings 25:27 ff.) 
and confirmed also by Babylonian sources (E.F. Weidner 
in Melanges Dussaud, 2 (1939), 923-35), seems to have laid 
the foundation for the development of the exilarchate, a re- 
markable institution which lent the dispersed Jews a focus of 
leadership, with few interruptions, for the following 2,000 

Besides Babylonia, Egypt also accommodated a num- 
ber of Jewish communities; the best known being the Jewish 
military colony of * Elephantine in Upper Egypt, established 
perhaps as early as the seventh century by Psammetichus 1 
to help defend the southern frontier of Egypt against Nu- 
bian raiders. Before long, Jewish settlers spread throughout 
the Middle East, especially after 549 b.c.e. when Cyrus and 
his successors founded the enormous Persian Empire, terri- 
torially exceeding in size even the later Roman Empire at the 
height of its grandeur. The author of the Book of Esther did 
not hesitate to place in the mouth of Haman, the anti- Jewish 
courtier in the capital of Susa, the accusation against "a cer- 
tain people scattered abroad and dispersed among the peo- 
ples in all the provinces of thy kingdom; and their laws are 
diverse from those of every people" (3:8). Nor was Deutero- 
Isaiah guilty of vast exaggeration when he prophesied that "I 
[God] will bring thy seed from the east and gather thee from 
the west; I will.. . bring My sons from far and My daughters 
from the end of the earth" (Isa. 43:5-6). 

This multitude of Jewish settlers appears to have been 
rather speedily integrated into the environmental economic 
structures. Despite their vivid messianic expectations, their 
majority followed Jeremiahs advice and built houses, took 
wives, and generally established themselves in their new coun- 
tries on a semipermanent basis. In Babylonia, particularly, 
which at that time marched in the vanguard of a semicapital- 
istic civilization, Jews entered the stream of advanced mer- 
cantile exchanges. The people who at home had devoted itself 
largely to agriculture and small crafts now assumed an impor- 
tant role in ^banking and far-flung commerce. Whether or not 
Jacob, the founder of the leading banking house of Egibi, was 
Jewish - there is some support for this hypothesis in the fact 
that loans were formally extended without interest, though 
the bankers collected the revenues from the mortgaged prop- 
erties including slaves and cattle - there is no question that 
some Jewish landowners and businessmen wrote significant 
contracts with leading Babylonian capitalists. In the archives 
of the House of *Murashu, an important banking and ware- 
housing firm, no less than 70 Jewish names have been identi- 
fied. Some of the Jewish contracting parties, to be sure, merely 
undertook to raise sheep and goats in return for a specified 
annual delivery of cattle, butter, wool, and hides. Others ob- 
ligated themselves to deliver to the firm 500 good fish within 
20 days if they were provided with five nets and permits to 
fish in the firm's waters. But some major contracts were signed 
by wealthy Jewish landowners in their own right who traded 
with the Murashu Sons on a basis of equality. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


In contrast, the Aramaic papyri of the Elephantine col- 
ony include business contracts representing rather small 
amounts, as was to be expected from a typical soldiers' camp 
which derived its main livelihood from cultivating the soil. 
Other Egyptian localities, particularly Migdol, Taphanhes, 
and Noph - mentioned by Jeremiah (44:1) and identified by 
scholars with Magdalos, Daphne, and Memphis in Lower 
Egypt - doubtless offered the Jewish settlers and other arriv- 
als from the Asiatic mainland much wider business oppor- 
tunities. Certain glimpses of such "higher" activities may be 
obtained from a number of other papyri which have come to 
light in recent decades. 

In short, by acclimatizing themselves to their surround- 
ings many Jews, especially those living in Babylonia, acquired 
considerable wealth and extensive political as well as business 
contacts with the ruling classes in the empire. They now could 
undertake the ambitious program of resettling thousands of 
their coreligionists in Palestine and to secure from the friendly 
Persian regime charters guaranteeing full autonomy to the re- 
established community. In his original proclamation, *Cyrus 
himself provided that the Jews remaining behind should 
equip the returning exiles "with silver, and with gold, and 
with goods, and with beasts, beside the freewill offering for 
the house of God which is in Jerusalem" (Ezra 1:4). As a result, 
some 50,000 Jews, including approximately 7,000 slaves, left 
with Zerubbabel and another 5,000 later on under Ezra. 

Not surprisingly, the returning Jews found the country 
in a chaotic state; they also encountered considerable hostil- 
ity on the part of their new neighbors. To begin with, those 
families which, on the basis of their excellently kept genealogi- 
cal records, started reclaiming the landed possessions of their 
ancestors evoked, as has often been the case elsewhere, the 
staunch resistance of the new owners. Before very long their 
"theocratic" leadership (a term later coined by Josephus to de- 
scribe the new form of government in the Second Temple pe- 
riod) had to fight a protracted battle to stave off both the hostile 
actions of neighbors and excessive assimilation to them. For 
several centuries the Jewish autonomous area covered no more 
than some 1,200 square miles in and around Jerusalem. Cut off 
from the coastal region occupied by Phoenicians (as evidenced 
by the so-called Eshmunazarid inscriptions), they engaged in 
small-scale farming and petty trade and crafts. The socioeco- 
nomic difficulties encountered in the First Temple period now 
returned with increased severity because of the greater yoke 
of taxation imposed by the Persian bureaucracy, made doubly 
burdensome by the numerous gifts, bribes, and other "volun- 
tary" contributions extracted by the Persian officials. 

Once again the economic shortcomings brought about 
a state of unrest which boded ill for the future of the coun- 
try. The complaints of the masses to the new governor, Nehe- 
miah, were eloquently restated by him in his memoirs. They 

"We, our sons and our daughters, are many; let us get for them 
corn, that we may eat and live." Some also there were that said: 
"We are mortgaging our fields, and our vineyards, and our 

houses; let us get corn, because of the dearth." There were also 
that said: "We have borrowed money for the king's tribute upon 
our fields and our vineyards. Yet now our flesh is as the flesh of 
our brethren, our children as their children; and, lo, we bring 
into bondage our sons and our daughters to be servants, and 
some of our daughters are brought into bondage already; nei- 
ther is it in our power to help it; for other men have our fields 
and our vineyards" (Neh. 5:2-5). 

We are told, to be sure, that Nehemiah succeeded in per- 
suading the upper classes to renounce their claims, to restore 
the fields to their rightful owners, and thus to reestablish for 
a while the social equilibrium. But the activities of this dis- 
interested high official, who emphasized that he "demanded 
not the bread of the governor, because the service was heavy 
upon the people" (5:18), undoubtedly could offer but tempo- 
rary relief. The conditions in the city of Jerusalem were no 
more satisfactory. Nehemiah actually had to take measures 
to prevent the flight of Jerusalemites, particularly the Temple 
personnel, to the countryside. Yet, the prolonged era of peace 
within the borders of the Persian Empire made life more or 
less bearable in the long run, and the country could look for- 
ward to better times. 

Second Temple Period 

The boundaries of the autonomous Jewish state, as established 
under Ezra and Nehemiah, did not expand, but there was a 
possibility for some Jews to settle in other parts of the coun- 
try on both sides of the Jordan. While fertile Galilee was still 
called the gelil ha-goyim ("the district of gentiles"), the Jewish 
minority there was becoming a substantial factor. Transjor- 
dan, too, had a growing number of Jewish settlers. Alexander 
the Greats conquest of western Asia and the replacement of 
the Persian domination by that of Ptolemies and Seleucids 
opened up vast new opportunities for both Palestinian and 
Diaspora Jews. The new pervasive Hellenistic civilization 
greatly encouraged exchanges between the various provinces, 
including those between the Jews of Palestine and their ever 
growing Diaspora. Legally, too, under Alexander, Ptolemy 1, 
and Antiochus the Great, Jewish self-government, with its im- 
plied economic freedoms, received a favorable interpretation. 
If, in time, the new Hellenistic culture began attracting many 
Jewish individuals, fostered their assimilation to Greek ways 
of life, and thereby created deep internal cleavages within the 
Jewish people, the ultimate result was the Hasmonean revolt 
and the establishment of a new and enlarged sovereign Jewish 
state. In the century between 165 and 63 b.c.e. the Hasmo- 
neans conquered all of Palestine and Transjordan, converted 
most of the subject population to Judaism, and established a 
strong and populous Jewish country with but a few enclaves 
of Samaritans and Hellenistic city-states along the coast and 
in Transjordan. 

Because the Temple of Jerusalem now served as a focal 
point for millions of dispersed Jews, the country benefited 
greatly from the influx of the half- shekels, imposed annually 
upon all adult male Jews, and from additional gifts volun- 
tarily added by benefactors in various lands. A wealthy Egyp- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



tian Jew by the name of Nicanor, for example, provided the 
Temple with a brass gate named after him which allegedly re- 
quired 20 men to open or close. In addition, thousands upon 
thousands of pilgrims from all lands considered it a high re- 
ligious duty to visit the Temple and offer their sacrifices there 
at least once in a lifetime. Even Egyptian Jewry, which, for 
historic reasons, had built an independent Jewish "Temple 
of Onias" in the district of Leontopolis after the outbreak of 
the Maccabean revolt, continued to send to Palestine groups 
of pilgrims, including their spiritual leaders such as the Al- 
exandrine philosopher Philo. Some pilgrims brought along 
with them substantial funds they had collected for Palestine 
in their home communities. Naturally, the coins collected by 
these cosmopolitan groups, as well as those spent by them 
during their stay in the Holy Land, greatly differed from one 
another in weight and value since many municipalities issued 
currencies of their own. To facilitate exchanges, the Palestin- 
ian authorities arranged for the opening of money- changing 
establishments in all parts of Palestine, including the Temple 
Mount, several weeks before Passover at the height of the pil- 
grim season. When Jesus "overthrew the tables of the money 
changers" in the Temple precincts (Matt. 21:12), he merely re- 
moved a facility which the visitors from many lands greatly 

Not surprisingly some large collections aroused the cu- 
pidity of Roman officials. One of them, Lucius Valerius *Flac- 
cus, governor of Apamea, confiscated a local collection of 100 
pounds of gold on the excuse that gold was not to be trans- 
ferred to what in 59 B.C. e. still was a foreign country (despite 
Pompey s conquest of Palestine four years before). But in 
fact he merely sought to line his own pocket with the seized 
amount. However, he was promptly accused before the Roman 
senate of having committed a "sacrilege" on property belong- 
ing to a temple. He escaped severe punishment only after an 
effective defense by Cicero, whose eloquent plea, mixing Jew- 
baiting with purely legal arguments, still serves as a Latin text- 
book in many schools today. Later, Roman legislation, how- 
ever, clarified the issue by placing all funds destined for the 
Jerusalem Temple, and later for the Palestinian patriarchs, un- 
der the protection of the laws governing sacrilege. 

Domestically, too, the economy was surging upward. Ag- 
riculture still was the mainstay of the entire social structure. 
Benefiting from the accumulated energies of many genera- 
tions, irrigation systems were installed in new areas, stimu- 
lating the annual output. True, in time, the needs of a quickly 
expanding population forced the farmers to put many mar- 
ginal lands under cultivation. Probably for this reason R. Yose 
(second century) spoke of the seed yielding on the average a 
fivefold return in finished products (Ket. 112a), which con- 
trasted with much higher yields in earlier periods. But some 
areas still produced the ten- or fifteenfold return characteris- 
tic of ancient Italy and even higher than ones recorded both 
in the First Temple era and in the talmudic period (see the 
exaggerations cited ibid.). Once again it was barley rather 
than wheat which was the mainstay of the bread diet. Dates, 

grapes, olives, and figs continued to furnish major ingredients 
for both domestic consumption and the export of surpluses. 
Remarkably, despite the growing population and the exces- 
sive costs of transportation, Palestine was able to export both 
cereals and fruits. Some of its choice fruits were served at the 
imperial tables in Rome, notwithstanding the competition of 
Italy, Spain, and Greece, all of which yielded similar products. 
A rarer plant was the papyrus grown in the Negev, the high 
price of which, however, maintained by the Egyptian state mo- 
nopoly, made it noncompetitive as writing material with the 
far less expensive parchment, and still less costly ostracon. For 
its part Palestine had a sort of monopoly on the balsam tree, 
the growing of which was largely limited to the "fat lands of 
Jericho." Balsam was often sold for its weight in gold. During 
the Roman- Jewish War of 66-70, Pliny informs us, the Jew- 
ish defenders cut down the balsam trees lest they fall into the 
hands of the enemy; and "there have been pitched battles in 
defense of a shrub" (Historia naturalis y 12, 54:113). 

It is small wonder that plants were considered a vital so- 
cial asset of the country and cutting them down wantonly was 
treated as a serious crime. The term for cutting down plants 
was extended metaphorically to cover infringement on the 
fundamentals of the Jewish law and religion. To be called a 
"cutter, son of a cutter" became a superlative insult. The vine, 
palm, and olive trees were often used as symbols of the Jew- 
ish people; they still adorn many extant Jewish graves in an- 
cient cemeteries and catacombs. Compared with agriculture, 
cattle raising played a rather minor role. While sheep were 
still needed to provide wool and milk products, meat was a 
relatively minor article of consumption. According to a sec- 
ond-century rabbi, "a man who owns 100 shekels shall buy 
a pound of vegetables for his stew; 1,000 shekels, shall buy a 
pound offish; 5,000 shekels, a pound of meat [it is later ex- 
plained: for the Sabbath]. Only if he owns 10,000 shekels, he 
may put his pot on the stove every day" (Hul. 84a). A major 
consumer of cattle was the Temple with its sacrificial worship, 
particularly on Passover when thousands of families lined 
up to offer their paschal lambs. However, the total produc- 
tion could probably be provided by the outlying steppes in 
Transjordan and the south, where more intensive cultivation 
was impeded by the shortage of water. With this geographic 
differentiation also went a cultural disparity, since the cattle- 
raising areas were removed from the main center of learning. 
As a result we may understand the transition from the high 
esteem of the shepherd in the First Temple period to the low 
status he held before and after the second fall of Jerusalem. 
Although conscious that in the Hebrew Bible God Himself 
was often compared to the "good shepherd," the rabbis now 
deprecated the shepherd not only as an illiterate person but 
also as a man untrustworthy to testify in court. Pigeon fanci- 
ers were likewise rejected as witnesses because they often en- 
gaged in aleatory games which were very popular throughout 
the Greco- Roman world. 

In trade and industry the changes created by the new 
opportunities consisted in the main of the intensification of 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


existing trends rather than of any change of direction or ba- 
sic innovation. During most of the period the Jewish popula- 
tion remained cut off from the coastal area, the old Philistines 
and Phoenicians having been replaced by the Hellenistic city- 
states. Josephus' observation, "Ours is not a maritime coun- 
try; neither commerce nor the intercourse which it promotes 
with the outside world has any attraction for us" (Against Ap- 
ioriy 1:60) was generally true, in spite of the Maccabeans' de- 
termined drive to the sea, which was blocked by the Roman 
conquest, and the presence of substantial Jewish minorities in 
Jaffa and Caesarea, the harbor newly founded by Herod. Yet 
some Jews engaged in maritime commerce, owned ships, and 
even participated in Mediterranean piracy. During the Jew- 
ish War of 66-70, the pirates actually threatened to reduce the 
supplies to the Roman legions by blockading the port of Jaffa. 
But the majority of Jewish merchants consisted of shopkeep- 
ers, agents, and other petty traders. 

Industry, too, was conducted on a very small scale. As be- 
fore, Jews often organized guilds of their own. This movement 
was stimulated by the growth of Greco-Roman guilds which 
were often endowed with special privileges by the adminis- 
tration. As before, some crafts were concentrated in special 
villages or had assigned to them special quarters in the cities. 
In the battle for Jerusalem, the Romans stormed "that dis- 
trict of the new town, where lay the wool shops, the braziers' 
smithies, and the clothes market" (Jos., Wars, 5:331). While 
the country was poor in metals, almost all of which had to be 
imported, it distinguished itself in the production of textiles, 
particularly linen. In the later price list of Emperor Diocle- 
tian the highest price was assigned to the linen produced at 
Beth-Shean (Scythopolis). The Dead Sea region supplied the 
country with a variety of minerals; it was renamed by the Ro- 
mans the "Lacus Asphaltitis." Another series of industrial op- 
portunities was created by the Temple. Because of its holiness 
and partial inaccessibility to laymen some tasks had to be per- 
formed by priests, so that we hear of 1,000 priests serving as 
skilled craftsmen at one time. 

In general, the economic situation in the country might 
have been tolerable, were it not for the excessive fiscal exploi- 
tation by both Herodians and Romans and their corrupt bu- 
reaucracies. Ancient governments usually placed the main 
tax burdens on the farmers. As a major concession Caesar re- 
duced the states share in the farm produce from one-third to 
one -quarter. However, in actual practice the publicans, who 
farmed the taxes against lump sums, as a rule exacted more 
than their due. In Jewish Palestine, moreover, according to 
biblical law, the farmer was also expected to set aside a first 
tithe to the levite, a heave offering averaging 2% to the priests, 
and an additional second tithe to be consumed in two out of 
three years in Jerusalem, and to be distributed among the poor 
every third year. Through the observance of the year of fallow - 
ness the farmer not only lost the crop of the seventh year but 
often had no incentive to cultivate the soil in the preceding 
year. There also was much chicanery in the collection of tithes. 
The total number of priests and levites seems not to have ex- 

ceeded 3% of the population - it may not have exceeded 1% of 
the world Jewish population - and hence the 12% of the pro- 
duce should have provided sufficient income for all of them. 
Yet the powerful priestly families used their political power 
to the disadvantage of their fellow priests. Josephus states that 
the servants of High Priest Ananias (47-59 c.e.) "went to the 
threshing floors and took away tithes that belonged to the 
priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as 
would not give these tithes to them ... so that priests that of 
old were wont to be supported with those tithes died for want 
of food" (Ant., 20:181). 

As a result many farmers, crushed by these combined 
burdens and unable to resist the state-supported publicans, of- 
ten disregarded the law of tithing altogether. In consequence, 
they appeared suspect to the orthodox leadership. Because of 
the prohibition on consuming untithed food there was prac- 
tically no conviviality between observant Pharisees (or Sad- 
ducees) and the am ha-arez ("people of the land"), creating an 
almost unbridgeable class division (see Ber. 47b, and the ex- 
aggerations in Pes. 49b). Economically, too, the farmers were 
often unable to meet their obligations and lost their proper- 
ties to better situated neighbors. Although Palestine never de- 
veloped latifundia comparable with those existing in contem- 
porary Italy, the number and size of "large estates" grew from 
generation to generation. The concomitant evils of absentee 
landlordism became even more manifest now, since after the 
Maccabean expansion the capital, Jerusalem, was located at a 
considerable distance from those estates. 

The great difficulties confronting the small farmer and 
his ensuing migration to the cities resulted in a rapid increase 
of the urban proletariat. Although many small towns contin- 
ued to engage in a mixed economy in which agriculture still 
played a predominant role, the larger cities, especially Jeru- 
salem, developed into centers of trade, industry, and govern- 
mental bureaucracy. Into such cities streamed thousands of 
landless peasants seeking employment as unskilled laborers 
at below-subsistence wages. Understandably, the role of slav- 
ery constantly diminished. Not being a conquering country, 
Palestine had few prisoners of war, while purchasing slaves 
at the prevailing high prices was even less remunerative now 
that a vast army of underpaid free laborers was readily avail- 
able. Hebrew slavery, in particular, hedged around by a variety 
of legal restrictions, to all intents and purposes disappeared 
completely. The rabbis phrased it metaphorically: "The He- 
brew slave existed only when the Jubilee Year was in force" 
(Kid. 20a, 69a). Gentile slavery, too, played a small role in the 
agricultural and industrial production and was largely limited 
to domestic service. 

Once again economic disarray combined with other so- 
cioreligious and political conflicts to bring about a social tur- 
moil in the country which prepared the ground for its ultimate 
downfall. The great Roman- Jewish War of 66-70 was an al- 
most unavoidable consequence. With it came the destruction 
of the Temple and the end of its hierarchy as well as of what- 
ever residua of national independence had still remained after 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



6 c.e. when Judea was incorporated into the Roman Empire 
as a mere subdivision of the Syrian province. Thenceforth the 
center of gravity of the whole people shifted more and more 
to the Diaspora lands. 

Talmudic Era 

Before the fall of Jerusalem the majority of the Jewish peo- 
ple had long lived outside Palestine. Yet the course of Jewish 
history was largely determined by the Palestinian leadership 
and society. Only Egypt acted in a more independent way and 
Alexandria, its great emporium of trade and culture, served 
as Jerusalem's counterpart, as it was designated by the Pales- 
tinian leaders in their letter to Judah b. Tabbai (tj, Hag. 2:2). 
Even Babylonia, upon which soon descended the mantle of 
leadership of the whole people, was rather inarticulate about 
its Jewish life until the third century c.e., when it came under 
the neo- Persian domination. Outside these two centers there 
is some information about the Jews of *Rome, owing to the 
preservation of numerous catacomb inscriptions, as well as 
occasional references, mostly in an anti-Jewish vein, in con- 
temporary Latin letters. As to the multitude of Jews inhabit- 
ing Syria, Asia Minor, the Balkans, and North Africa west of 
Egypt, we are limited to stray flashes of light thrown by a few 
surviving inscriptions, the Pauline Epistles, and other sporadic 
sources. Before long, the distinction between Palestine Jewry 
and those of other countries became increasingly blurred as 
the former gradually lost their position as a majority of the 
Palestinian population. 

Minority status understandably affected also the Jewish 
economic structure. Many Mediterranean communities may 
have owed their origin to Jewish prisoners of war taken by the 
Romans and sold into slavery. This was particularly true of the 
capital itself. To be sure, the Jews did not long remain in bond- 
age. Because many Jewish slaves insisted upon observing the 
Sabbath rest commandment and abstained from consuming 
ritually forbidden food, they must have been uncomfortable 
workers and domestic servants. On the other hand, Jewish 
families and communities bent every effort to redeem cap- 
tives, a commandment placed high in the hierarchy of values 
by the ancient rabbis. Roman law facilitated manumission in- 
asmuch as freedmen retained certain connections with their 
patrons - whose family names they usually assumed - and 
performed important economic services for them. According 
to law, moreover, freedmen enjoyed a limited Roman citizen- 
ship, while their descendants were treated as full-fledged citi- 
zens with rights far superior to those of other citizens in the 
complex political structure of the empire before 312 c.e. Eco- 
nomically, however, such privileged citizens at first joined only 
the vast group of landless proletarians. Especially in Rome 
many of them joined the estimated 200,000 welfare clients 
(about a fourth of the population). In fact, Augustus singled 
out the Jewish welfare recipients for special favors. Taking into 
account their religious scruples, he allowed them to demand 
a double portion of the grain due them on Friday so that they 
would not have to violate the Sabbath. He also gave them the 

option of refusing oil, the other major article of consumption 
given away free, and to ask for money instead. In this way the 
Roman emperor decided a question still controversial among 
Palestinian rabbis as to whether "the oil of gentiles" was pro- 
hibited for Jewish consumption. 

Nevertheless some former slaves and many free immi- 
grants found ultimate employment in agriculture. Most of 
them had been engaged in farming at home and, wherever 
given the opportunity, they tilled the soil either as small farm- 
ers or as hired hands. In the major countries of their settle- 
ment, particularly Egypt and Babylonia, many of them cul- 
tivated vineyards, which they and the Greeks seem to have 
introduced into Egypt, and olive groves, in the planting of 
which their ancestors appear to have pioneered in Babylonia. 
They also helped produce dates and other fruits, as well as 
grain. Dates were particularly plentiful and inexpensive. The 
Palestinian rabbi Ulla upon arriving in Babylonia exclaimed: 
"A whole basket of dates for a zuz [28 cents] and yet the Bab- 
ylonians do not study the To rah!" But after overindulging in 
dates, which caused him a stomach upset, he varied his epi- 
gram by saying: "A whole basket of poison for a zuz> and yet 
the Babylonians study the Torah!" (Pes. 88a). To facilitate their 
coreligionists' agricultural pursuits in competition with non- 
Jewish farmers, the Babylonian sages quite early suspended the 
obligation of Diaspora Jews to observe the years of fallowness 
and even the payment of levitical tithes. They included these 
requirements among "commandments dependent on the land" 
of Israel, that is, as being binding only for Palestine. Later on, 
under the pressure of Roman taxation and particularly after 
the reform of Diocletian (who instituted the collection in kind 
of the land tax from territorial groups (so-called iugera) re- 
gardless of the ethnic or religious differences among the own- 
ers of particular parcels of land) R. Yannai ordered even the 
Palestinian farmers to "go out and sow during the Sabbatical 
Year because of the tax" (Sanh. 26a). 

Certain industrial activities, such as the brewing of beer, 
were also connected with * agriculture. Unlike Palestine, whose 
population preferred table wines, Babylonia had from ancient 
times consumed much beer, one variety being brewed from a 
mixture of barley and dates. No less than three distinguished 
Babylonian rabbis, *Huna, *Hisda, and *Papa, are recorded 
as having amassed considerable wealth from brewing. Jews 
were also active in many other crafts, and at times organized 
specific Jewish guilds. The crafts of tanners (see ^Leather), col- 
lectors of dog dung, and copper miners were, however, con- 
sidered so malodorous that the law permitted wives to sue for 
divorce on this ground. Nevertheless everybody knew that 
they were socially necessary and all that Judah ha-Nasi could 
say was that "the world cannot get along without either a per- 
fumer or a tanner. Happy is he whose occupation is perfum- 
ing. Woe unto him who must earn a living as a tanner" (Kid. 
4:14; 82a-b). Complaints of unethical practices by craftsmen 
were also heard; an example of such prejudices was the pop- 
ular adage that "the best of surgeons belongs to Hell, and the 
most conscientious of butchers is a partner of Amalek." Judah 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


bar Ilai, who reported this saying, also drew a line of demar- 
cation between different types of transport workers. He con- 
tended that "most of the donkey drivers are evildoers, most 
of the camel drivers are honest, most of the sailors are pious." 
The latter s reputation may have been owing to the fact that 
* shipping had now become an even more important occupa- 
tion than in earlier centuries. The Alexandrian Jewish guild 
of navicularii had become so important that even the hostile 
Roman administration had to extend it important privileges 
in 390 c.e. (Codex Theodosianus, 13, 5, 8). 

Perhaps the most significant economic change, result- 
ing from the transfer of the center of gravity to the disper- 
sion, occurred in the much larger Jewish participation in 
commerce. It is a well-known sociological phenomenon that 
alien immigrants often turn to mercantile endeavors because 
they have no attachment to the foreign soil, shun isolated liv- 
ing among native majorities, are familiar with two or more 
languages and cultures, and hence are able the better to me- 
diate between distant localities. If, as seems to have been the 
case, a large number of former Phoenicians and Carthagin- 
ians had joined the Jewish community via conversion, they 
must have brought some of their commercial skills and con- 
tacts into their new communities. Jewish slaves, if employed 
in their masters' businesses, must also have acquired certain 
aptitudes which they put to good use upon obtaining freedom. 
For all these reasons the number of Jewish traders, ranging 
from peddlers to big merchants, must have greatly increased. 
Yet their ratio in the Jewish population of the Diaspora need 
not have greatly exceeded the general mercantile ratios among 
the majority of peoples. 

Even banking began to assume a certain role in Jewish 
economic life. True, would-be Jewish moneylenders faced the 
tremendous obstacles of the traditional Jewish anti-usury laws. 
In fact, some rabbis tried, on segregationist grounds, to for- 
bid their coreligionists to lend money with or without interest 
even to gentiles, unless they found absolutely no other means 
of earning a living (bm 70b). However, there were always legal 
subterfuges which made loans profitable, such as high con- 
ventional fines for missing the repayment date, intervening in 
utilization of mortgaged properties, and the like (see, e.g., The 
Tebtunis Papyri, 3, 1902, ed. by B.P Grenfell et al., 315ft., nos. 
817-8; E.N. Adler, introd. to his ed. of The Adler Papyri, 1939, 
5f.). In Alexandria Jewish banking may have played a certain 
role even in nurturing the anti- Jewish animus of the popula- 
tion. This is, at least, the interpretation given by some scholars 
to an Alexandrian merchant's warning to a friend "to beware 
of the Jews" recorded in a single papyrus dated 41 c.e. (Ae- 
gyptische Urkunden aus... Berlin, Griechische Urkunden, 2, no. 
1079). But this explanation has been cogently disputed. There 
is no question, however, that Philo's relatives, Alexander and 
Demetrius, holding the high position of alabarchs (the mean- 
ing of this term is still controversial), could enter banking on 
a large scale. For example, Alexander extended to Agrippa 1 
the substantial loan of 200,000 sesterces (about $30,000), the 
bulk of which he paid out to the Jewish king from his Italian 

branch office in Putoli-Dikaerchia (Jos., Ant., 18:160). But 
these were exceptions confirming the rule that the majority of 
Jews were still very poor and eking out a living by hard work 
in various occupations. 

On the other hand, in the talmudic age Jewish slavery 
played even less of a role than before. Jewish masters, rigidly 
circumscribed by law, did not enjoy employing coreligionists 
as slaves. A popular adage had it that "he who buys a Hebrew 
slave acquires a master unto himself" (Kid. 20a). Certainly, as 
aids in production, even gentile slaves could not compete with 
the readily available free laborers. The Roman colonate with 
half- free sharecroppers tilling the soil for the landlords only 
developed toward the end of antiquity. Characteristically, the 
new Christian empire after Constantine 1, which totally out- 
lawed Jewish ownership of Christian slaves and encouraged 
pagan slaves to obtain freedom by conversion to Christianity, 
was prepared to tolerate the employment of Christian coloni 
by Jewish farmers (Gregory i,Epistolae, 4:21, 9:38). Even Jew- 
ish slave trading (see ^Slavery and the *Slave Trade), which 
was to play a certain role in the early Middle Ages still, was 
quite insignificant. 

In all these activities Jews depended even more than 
before on the general economic transformations which took 
place during the first centuries of the Christian era. The Roman 
Empire's semicapitalistic economy of the first two centuries 
increasingly gave way to a semifeudal system. The Sassanian 
Empire never reached the stage of relative economic freedom 
of the early Roman Empire. Jews, as well as their intellectual 
leaders, had to make constant adjustments to both economic 
systems through the adaptation of traditional laws by way of 
interpretation. As a consequence of this pliability, rabbinic 
legislation was to prove quite useful to the Jewish communi- 
ties in their medieval pioneering. One result of the growing 
state controls in both empires was a certain regimentation in 
occupations and price structures, which also induced the Jews 
to organize their own zoning tariffs in transportation, super- 
vision of weights and measures, and even setting maximum 
prices. Even the unfriendly Theodosius 1 decreed in 396 that 
"no one outside the Jewish faith should fix prices for Jews" - a 
principle upheld by his successors (Codex Theodosianus, 16, 8, 
10). On the other hand, because of the ensuing commercial 
restrictions, customs barriers, and innumerable official fees, 
the exchanges between the provinces of the Roman Empire 
were now severely hampered. This reduction in imperial and 
international commerce greatly stimulated the local and re- 
gional autarky and helped to create in many parts of the em- 
pire highly diversified occupational structures, providing for 
most of the needs of the local populations. These develop- 
ments account also for the greater diversity of occupations 
among Jews from the third century onward. 

Economically perhaps even more important was the 
sharp decline in the class struggle within the Jewish commu- 
nity. Confronted with indiscriminate hostility on the part of 
many neighbors, Jews, whether rich or poor, employers or em- 
ployees, had to close ranks. Since the hostile state legislation 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



often interfered with their ability to earn a livelihood, many 
Jews now depended on the ramified Jewish welfare system. 
The economic effects of anti- Jewish riots also were quite sig- 
nificant. Although far from resembling medieval massacres, 
the occasional anti-Jewish outbreaks in the Middle Eastern 
cities seriously interfered with Jewish business activities. The 
first major anti-Jewish riot, staged by the Alexandrian mob 
with the support of the Roman governor Avilius Flaccus, is 
well described by Philo, an eyewitness. In his indictment of 
Flaccus, the philosopher wrote: 

But cessation of business was a worse evil than plundering. The 
provision merchants had lost their stores, and no one was al- 
lowed, either farmer or shipper or trader or artisan, to engage 
in his normal occupation. Thus poverty was brought about 
from both quarters, both from plunder, for in one day they 
were dispossessed and stripped of their property, and from 
inability to earn a living from their normal occupations (In 
Flaccum, 7:57). 

Even in less stormy periods the Jewish masses required the 
intercession of their leaders to counteract inimical measures 
by unfriendly officials. Under these harsh conditions the old 
ritualistic animosities between the learned and the illiterate 
am ha-arez paled into insignificance. In any case, the main 
obstacle to rapprochement between the two classes was elimi- 
nated when the levitical tithes were discontinued in the Di- 
aspora. Differences in the study of To rah were likewise toned 
down by the leading Palestinian rabbi Johanan's declaration 
(in the name of R. Simeon b. Yohai) that the biblical com- 
mandment, "This book of the law shall not depart out of thy 
mouth" (Josh. 1:8), could be fulfilled by the mere recitation of 
the Shema in the morning and evening. If, because of fear that 
the disclosure of this statement might discourage study, the 
rabbis forbade its being given wide currency; the fourth-cen- 
tury Babylonian Raba, however, insisted that it be divulged to 
the public (Men. 99b; see also the anecdote about Judah ha- 
Nasi's reconsideration in bb 8a). In short, even illiterate Jews 
could now fulfill their religious duties to the satisfaction of 
their more learned brethren. 

Muslim Middle Ages 

After the rise of Islam and its speedy expansion from south- 
ern France to India, Jewish economic life took a drastic turn. 
Together with the simultaneous developments in Christian 
Europe, * Islam's perennial antagonist, the new political and 
socioeconomic evolution for the first time converted a pre- 
dominantly agricultural Jewish population into a people of 
merchants, moneylenders, and artisans. This lopsided eco- 
nomic stratification carried over into the modern period and 
was only slightly rectified in the emancipation era. 

A major cause of this epochal change was the new treat- 
ment of Jews by the host nations as primarily an indispens- 
able source of fiscal revenue for the respective governments 
and bureaucracies. In the declining Roman Empire and, still 
more, in Sassanian ^Persia, Jews were often considered impor- 
tant objects of fiscal exploitation. This, however, was largely 

done by administrative chicanery within the generally oppres- 
sive taxation systems in the two empires. Jews and pagans in 
the Christian Roman Empire and Byzantium, and Jews and 
Christians in Zoroastrian *Iran may have been mere defense- 
less victims of arbitrary acts by rapacious officials; or, for spe- 
cial historic reasons, they may have been forced after the fall 
of Jerusalem to pay for a time a special tax, the so-called fis- 
cus judaicus (in lieu of the old Jewish Temple tax); but they 
were not singled out, as a matter of principle, as a separate 
class of taxpayers on whose shoulders was supposed to rest 
the main burden of financially maintaining the existing gov- 
ernmental structures. 

It was left to the founder of Islam to enunciate the broad 
general commandment: "Fight those who do not practice 
the religion of truth from among those to whom the Book 
has been brought, until they pay the tribute by their hands, 
and they be reduced low" (Quran 9:29). Later Muslim jurists 
and statesmen, constantly invoking this injunction of their 
messenger, interpreted it to mean that Jews, Christians, and 
for a time also Zoroastrians, as "people of the book," that 
is as adherents of scriptural religions, be tolerated in Mus- 
lim countries, provided they pay "tribute," that is taxes of 
all kinds, and are kept in a low social status without exercising 
any control over faithful Muslims. The latter provision (sim- 
ilar to Christian Rome's denial to Jews of the honos militiae 
et administrationis) was supposed to entrust all responsibil- 
ity for the defense of the country and its administration to 
the Muslims, while delegating the entire fiscal burden and 
the task of keeping the economy alive to the infidel or "pro- 
tected" peoples. Though *Muhammad himself left the details 
open, some extremists, such as Ash-Shafi c I, founder of one 
of the four influential schools of Muslim jurisprudence, con- 
tended that a Muslim state could exact tribute to the extent 
of two-thirds of all his possessions from a Jewish or Chris- 
tian subject. 

The prevailing practice was to collect from these religious 
minorities a land tax of 25% of the crops and a poll tax from 
adult and able-bodied males. According to Abu Yusuf, Caliph 
Harun al-Rashids chief fiscal expert, the Christians and Jews 
were divided into three income classes and paid 1 dinar, 2 di- 
nars, and 4 dinars, respectively (Kitab al-Kharaj y 69 ft. (Ar.), 
187 ff. (Fr.); a dinar was valued about $4 by its weight in gold, 
but had many times that value in purchasing power). Despite 
the great inflationary changes in the following three centuries, 
*Obadiah (Johannes), the Norman proselyte, recorded an in- 
crease by only half a dinar for each of these classes. He added 
that if a delinquent Jewish taxpayer died his body could not be 
buried unless his family or the Jewish community paid up all 
tax arrears (Fragment, ed. by A. Scheiber, in: ks, 30 (1954/55), 
98). These basic imposts were augmented by a variety of lo- 
cal and individual taxes, enforced "gifts" and loans, and other 
services which made the life of the Jewish masses very diffi- 
cult. But at least in periods of rapid economic progress, as in 
the ninth century, some Jews of the upper classes were able to 
amass sizable fortunes. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Methods of tax collection aggravated the generally arbi- 
trary and unpredictable forms of fiscal exploitation. They were 
also designed to demonstrate the taxpayers' inferiority A de- 
scription preserved in an old papyrus gives an inkling of the 
deliberately humiliating ceremony accompanying the delivery 
by a representative Jew or Christian of a sum collected from 
his community "Then the emir," we are told, "gives him a blow 
on the neck, and a guard, standing upright before the emir, 
drives him roughly away . . The public is admitted to enjoy this 
show" (J. Karabacek, in Mitteilungen aus der Sammlung der 
Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, 2-3, 1962, 178). Occasionally, follow- 
ing an old Babylonian custom, the tax receipt was stamped on 
the taxpayer s neck in a more or less indelible form. Needless 
to say, the Jews resented such excesses. However, they realized 
that their special taxation was the main justification for their 
being allowed to live in Muslim countries altogether. A Jewish 
family chronicle mentions that the prominent Baghdad Jewish 
banker, Netira, on being told by Caliph Al-Mutadid (c. 892) 
that the administration wished to eliminate all special Jewish 
taxes, allegedly dissuaded the ruler from such drastic action. 
He agreed that a reduction of the tax to its original size would 
be a blessing for his community, but he added, "Through the 
tax the Jew insures his existence. By eliminating it, you would 
give free rein to the populace to shed Jewish blood" (A. Har- 
kavy, in: Festschrift Berliner (1903), 36 (Ar.), 39 (Heb.)). In the 
back of Netira's mind may also have loomed the danger that 
anyone of Al-Mutadid's successors might not only reinstate 
the taxes but also demand from the Jews the instantaneous 
repayment of all arrears thus accrued. 

One effect of this discriminatory fiscal pressure was 
the constant diminution of the Jewish share in agriculture. 
Even after the extension of the land tax to the growing Mus- 
lim majority, many farmers were unable to meet their obliga- 
tions to the state. Jewish farmers had the additional burden of 
the heavy poll tax paid in produce at a price arbitrarily set by 
the tax collector. The requirements of Jewish law, too, par- 
ticularly the Sabbath rest commandment, which was much 
more stringent than the rest precepts of the Muslim Friday 
and Christian Sunday, generally made Jewish agricultural en- 
deavor less competitive. There is evidence that in the days of 
Harun al-Rashid (766-809) the land flight of Palestinian farm- 
ers was so severe that the government was forced to appeal 
for their return under the promise of permanent tax abate- 
ment. The chances are that fewer Jews returned after having 
found shelter in one or another urban Jewish community. The 
growing disorders in the great caliphate from the tenth cen- 
tury on must also have induced many Jewish villagers, whose 
defenselessness invited attacks by marauders, to leave their 
landed properties - despite their great attachment to their 
ancestral soil attested by some geonic sources - and settle in 
a somewhat more secure urban Jewish quarter. Beginning 
in the 12 th century the increasingly powerful trends toward 
semifeudalism throughout the Middle East further militated 
against Jewish farming as they did, on a larger scale, in con- 
temporary Christian Europe. 

On the other hand, new opportunities beckoned to Jews 
in the commercial area. The general upsurge of the Middle 
East economy during the first centuries of Muslim rule, the 
rise of great metropolitan areas such as ^Baghdad and * Cairo, 
and, for a time, uniformity and stability of currency and rela- 
tive security in travel and transportation, all stimulated the 
expansion of mercantile activities on the part of merchants 
of various nationalities. Commerce was generally held in 
higher esteem than agriculture among Middle Eastern Mus- 
lims, Christians, and Jews. Al-*Farabi voiced the prevailing 
notions that "villages are in the service of cities." While in the 
internal exchanges within the caliphate the Jews encountered 
severe competition on the part of several equally gifted mer- 
cantile groups, including Greeks, Armenians (increasingly 
muslimized), Syrians, and even Arabs - a popular Middle 
Eastern adage was to state later that one Greek could cheat 
two Jews, and one Armenian could cheat two Greeks - Jew- 
ish merchants had certain advantages in domestic and, even 
more, in international trade. 

In the first place their competitors often came from re- 
gions of diverse legal systems. Most of the Christian mer- 
chants followed deep-rooted customs and traditions of the 
former provinces of the Byzantine Empire. The Muslims, too, 
were divided in their mercantile and other civil laws through 
the disparate teachings of their four major schools of Muslim 
jurisprudence and the great variations of local and regional 
customs. These factors were far less pronounced in the case of 
Jews. Although the Babylonian and Palestinian laws often dif- 
fered in many significant details, a growing majority of Jews, 
settled in the great caliphate and adjoining countries, increas- 
ingly came under the sway of the Babylonian Talmud and its 
official interpretation by the geonic academies of Babylonia. At 
the same time the presence of Jewish communities through- 
out the far-flung empire and in many neighboring countries, 
both east and west, assured Jewish merchant travelers a broth- 
erly reception and help in emergencies wherever they went. 
They could also readily establish branch offices, and engage a 
number of dependable local agents. Examples like those re- 
corded in the documents preserved in the Cairo *Genizah 
have shown the vast geographic extension of the mercantile 
dealings of certain Cairo-Fostat firms. In 1115-17 one Abu 
Imran gave a power of attorney to an agent surnamed "the 
candle maker" to look after all his business undertakings in 
Sicily, ^Morocco, and other localities, as well as to manage his 
houses in Spain and Sicily. Another businessman, Halfon b. 
Nethanel, after returning to * Aden in 1134 from a prolonged 
stay in India, soon thereafter traveled to Cairo. In the follow- 
ing year we find him in Morocco and * Spain before his return 
home (H. Hirschfeld, in: jqr, 16 (1925/26), 280 f.; S.D. Goitein, 
Speculum, 29 (1954), 186 f.) 

An even greater advantage accrued to Jewish merchants 
in the burgeoning international trade with Western Europe. 
Although the Carolingian Empire and its successor states 
were still economically quite backward, their growing landed 
aristocracy furnished many customers for the luxury articles 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



imported from Eastern lands. Here Jewish traders served as 
important mediators in a world divided between Islam and 
Christendom. Few Western merchants traveled to the Mid- 
dle East, despite occasional Christian pilgrimages to the Holy 
Land, while even fewer Arabs dared to enter the hostile Chris- 
tian countries for any length of time. Jews were tolerated un- 
der both civilizations. The legal advantages arising from the 
uniformity of their law were even greater in this area, since 
Christian and Muslim laws diverged very greatly and famil- 
iarity with each other's legal systems was extremely rare. The 
Jews also had a linguistic advantage in being able to commu- 
nicate with one another, whereas few Christians knew Ara- 
bic and still fewer Arabs could converse in Latin or any lo- 
cal dialect. But a few polyglot individuals could occasionally 
serve as interpreters. We hear of a ninth-century Jewish lin- 
guist named Sallam, apparently a native of Spain or Khazaria, 
who in 845 reached the "wall of Gog and Magog" in China 
and who allegedly was able to converse in 30 languages. Mul- 
tilingual documents were also found in the Cairo Genizah. 
When Charlemagne decided to send an embassy to Harun 
al-Rashid he had to add a Jewish interpreter, named Isaac, to 
the mission. It turned out that the chief noble envoys died on 
the journey and Isaac alone returned from Baghdad, bearing 
gifts from the Eastern potentate to the Western emperor. In 
general, however, Hebrew could easily serve as the regular 
medium of communication among Jewish merchants under 
both Islam and Christendom, and by the ninth century it had 
become a leading international language. 

In his oft-cited Kitab al-Masalik ("Book of Routes"), writ- 
ten in 846 and revised some 40 years later, Ibn Khurdadhbah, 
who held in the caliphate an office approximating that of a 
modern postmaster general, described the routes taken by the 
Jewish *Radaniya (Radhanites; a word of uncertain etymology 
and meaning) from northern France and southern Morocco 
to India and China. He wrote: 

These merchants speak Arabic, Persian, Roman [Greek and 
Latin], the Frank, Spanish, and Slav languages. They journey 
from West to East, from East to West, partly on land, partly by 
sea. They transport from the West eunuchs, female slaves, boys, 
brocade, castor, marten and other furs, and swords. They take 
ship from Firanja [France] on the Western Sea, and make for 
Farama [Pelusium]... On their return from China they carry 
back musk, aloes, camphor, cinnamon, and other products of 
the Eastern countries... Some make sail for Constantinople to 
sell their goods to the Romans; others go to the palace of the 
King of Franks to place their goods... These different journeys 
can also be made by land (pp. 153 ff.; E.N. Adler, Jewish Trav- 
ellers, 1966, p. 2). 

There is some reason to believe that Western Jewish merchants 
quite early reached even Korea and Japan. 

Ibn Khurdadhbahs statement helped support what soon 
became a Christian ecclesiastical myth, adopted by some mod- 
ern historians, about an extensive Jewish slave trade in the 
Middle Ages. Medieval and modern controversialists from 
St. Agobard, archbishop of Lyons, onward, often pointed a 

finger at the medieval Jews as the main slave traders who 
transported Christian slaves, especially from Slavonic coun- 
tries, to the ever more manpower-hungry Middle East and 
Muslim Spain. They readily overlooked the staggering legal 
barriers erected against that trade by both Jewish and gentile 
laws. Islam and Christendom severely outlawed the posses- 
sion by Jews of Muslim or Christian slaves respectively. On its 
part, the Talmud had long demanded that a slave acquired by 
a Jewish master should be circumcised, made to observe the 
seven Noachide commandments, and live an essentially Jew- 
ish life. If a slave refused to be converted within 12 months, 
he was to be freed or sold to a gentile master. Female slavery, 
mainly intended to serve sexual purposes, was made difficult 
for Jewish slaveholders by the strict prohibition on sexual re- 
lations with slave girls. Typical of the provisions of Jewish law 
was the following statement by the ninth -century Babylonian 
teacher Natronai Gaon: "If a son of Israel is caught with his 
slave. . . she is to be removed from him, sold, and the purchase 
price distributed among Israel's poor. We also flog him, shave 
his hair, and excommunicate him for 30 days" (Shaarei Zedek, 
fol. 25a, attributed to Amram Gaon). The trade in eunuchs, so 
much in demand for Oriental harems, depended on whether 
the Jewish slave trader could acquire castrated males. Other- 
wise talmudic law had long included castration among the 
physical mutilations which entitled the slave to seek immedi- 
ate release. Responsibility for a slaves hidden blemishes, both 
mental and physical, was greatly delimited by talmudic law 
and hence anyone acquiring a slave ran considerable risks. If 
some Jews, defying these legal difficulties, were attracted to 
this extremely lucrative commercial branch, they must have 
constituted but a minority among the international slave trad- 
ers and doubtless played an even smaller role in the various 
domestic slave markets throughout the world of Islam. It is 
not surprising, therefore, to find that in the vast, populous, 
and affluent North African lands, hardly any reference to 
Jewish slave traders appears in the extant Muslim and Jewish 
sources of the time. 

Under the rule of medieval Islam Jews also entered the 
money trade in all its ramifications in an important way. 
Some of them played a considerable role in the very ^minting 
of coins. Under Caliph Abd al-Malik (695-96), for example, 
one Sumeir helped set up a very important monetary reform 
which so impressed a Jewish homilist that he placed it among 
the signs of the approaching Messiah (pdr, xxix, ed. by Mi- 
chael Higger, in: Horeb, 10 (1948) 193 f; in G. Friedlanders 
English trans., p. 221). Other Jewish minters are recorded in 
various Muslim and Christian countries, though not in Byz- 
antium where minting was an effective state monopoly. Some 
of the first coins issued by Poland in the 11 th and 12 th centuries 
bore inscriptions in the Hebrew alphabet, probably because 
the minter was most familiar with that script. Money chang- 
ing likewise became a very widespread and profitable trade, 
particularly after the dissolution of the caliphate when diverse 
coins from various lands began appearing in all large mercan- 
tile centers. Considerable expertise was required in order to 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


recognize defects, whether inflicted by coin clippers or by the 
admixture of undue amounts of alloy Here, too, internation- 
ally experienced Jewish dealers were often in a favored posi- 
tion. Deposit banking also assumed a major economic role. 
Unlike the ancient temples and medieval churches, neither 
mosques nor synagogues ever served as important deposi- 
tories of funds. Because of the relative absence of expulsions 
and large-scale massacres of Jews in Muslim countries, Jew- 
ish bankers were considered a fairly secure outlet for surplus 
funds which, if profitably invested, could yield substantial 
profits to both depositors and depositaries. To be sure, in un- 
stable periods an arbitrary official (for instance, Al-Baridi, 
governor of Al-Ahwaz) could seize the bankers' possessions, 
including deposits held by them for other accounts, without 
compensation. But the depositors running afoul a dignitary's 
personal greed or whim found keeping their funds at home 
no less risky. In general, however, the frequency and useful- 
ness of the new methods were so great that the rabbis had to 
relax some ancient restrictions and alter the areas of respon- 
sibility on the part of the depositaries in order to facilitate 
their operations. 

Similarly, the transfer of large amounts from one prov- 
ince to another in the vast empire and beyond its boundar- 
ies became the more imperative as carrying cash to a distant 
locality by land or sea became increasingly hazardous. Gangs 
of robbers on land were far exceeded in number and effi- 
ciency by both Mediterranean and Indian Ocean pirates. The 
North African coast and the extended coastline of the Ara- 
bian Peninsula served as particularly useful hideouts for cor- 
sairs. If the Talmud had objected to the method of transfer- 
ring money through a deed called dioqni (derived from sign), 
and some medieval rabbis still opposed the bearer instrument 
called suftaja in Arabic (which Jews apparently helped develop 
jointly with the Arabs), the economic realities were such that 
the geonim had to yield and recognize its employment as a 
legitimate mercantile usage, "lest the commercial transac- 
tions of the people be nullified" (Teshuvot ha-Gebnim y 1887, 
ed. by A.E. Harkavy, nos. 199, 423, 467). Ultimately, Samuel b. 
Hophni, head of the academy of Sura, felt impelled to write a 
special legal monograph on "Letters of Authorization" (Sefer 
ha-Harshabt). Nor did the * Kairouan scholar Nissim b. Jacob 
hesitate to use a suftaja in forwarding a gift for the support of 
the Babylonian academies. 

Even more important, of course, was the large-scale Jew- 
ish participation in the increasingly vital credit system. Al- 
though all three major religions tried to outlaw usury - the 
Muslim riba being even more broadly defined than the Chris- 
tian usura or the Jewish ribbit - the economic needs of credit 
became overwhelming. Since most loans were now extended 
not to impoverished farmers but rather to businessmen or 
government officials for use in trade or public administration, 
the outlawry of any kind of increment over the amounts lent 
lost its moral justification. Jews were in a strategic position to 
overcome the legal obstacles, as they were the relatively small- 
est group in the population and, even if observing the prohi- 

bition of charging interest to coreligionists, could engage in 
profitable *moneylending with the large majority of borrowers 
of other denominations. All sorts of legal evasions, moreover, 
were conceived by jurists of all groups, although this system 
was never quite so refined as it was to become in medieval Eu- 
rope. One of the simplest expedients appeared to be a fictitious 
sale of income-producing property with the right of repur- 
chase which gave the lender the opportunity of collecting the 
revenue of that property during the interim. The widespread 
commenda contract, in which the investor appeared as a part- 
ner in the enterprise, likewise offered him the opportunity of 
exacting the pledge that he would participate in the ultimate 
sale with a specified profit regardless of possible losses. It was 
this form of purported silent partnership with a guaranteed 
revenue which was most widely used to secure for the lender 
an income agreed upon in advance. Until today, some pious 
Jews still enter on a bond of indebtedness the words al zad 
hetter iska (often in abbreviated form, see * Usury) to indicate 
their mental reservation against the transgression of the bib- 
lical commandment. 

During periods of quiet, profits derived from banking 
could be enormous. As a result there emerged a number of 
wealthy Jewish bankers, especially in the metropolitan areas 
of Baghdad, Cairo, * Alexandria, Kairouan, *Fez, and *C6r- 
doba. These banking firms did not limit their activities to 
loans but usually engaged in related businesses such as trade 
in jewelry and precious metals, investment in real estate, and 
the like. They often had at their disposal large funds deposited 
with them by high government officials secreting away illicit 
income from briberies. Ibn al-Furat, a leading vizier of early 
tenth-century Baghdad, admitted having had large deposits 
with the two Jewish bankers Aaron b. Amram and Joseph b. 
Phinehas. In return, the bankers had to perform services for 
these officials which went much beyond ordinary business 
risks. For example, c Ali ibn Tsa, Ibn al-Furat s more virtu- 
ous rival, did not hesitate to force his Jewish banker to ad- 
vance him monthly the equivalent of $40,000 in gold for the 
wages of the imperial infantry. This loan was to be covered by 
the banker's revenue from tax farming in the province of Al- 
Ahwaz. Another Jewish tax farmer, Ibn 'Allan al-Yahudi of 
Basra, who had lent both the sultan and the famous Persian 
statesman Nizam al-Mulk the equivalent of $100,000, was as- 
sassinated in 1079. Sometimes the whole Jewish community 
was held responsible for a banker's refusal to lend money to a 
dignitary. In one such case, in 996, the mob attacked the en- 
tire Jewish quarter. 

Less dramatic, but equally significant, was the expan- 
sion of Jewish activities in the traditional fields of handicrafts 
and professions. Needless to say, these occupations offered 
vast opportunities to many more Jews than did commerce 
and banking. Regrettably no exact occupational statistics can 
be offered, but a few extant lists show that the proportion of 
craftsmen considerably exceeded that of merchants, even 
including the petty shopkeepers and peddlers. Three such 
genizah lists show percentages ranging from 38.4 to 52.1 for 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



industrial occupations, compared with 17.3 to 37.5 for com- 
merce and banking. According to Al-Jahiz, Jews predomi- 
nated in the industries of dyeing and tanning in Egypt, Syria, 
and Babylonia and formed the majority among the Persian 
and Babylonian barbers, cobblers, and butchers. Another con- 
temporary Arab observer, Muqaddasi, contended that "for the 
most part the assayers of corn, dyers, bankers, and tanners are 
Jews; while it is usual for physicians and scribes to be Chris- 
tian" (J. Finkel, ed., in: Journal of the American Oriental So- 
ciety, 47, 311-34; Muqaddasi, K. Ahsam at-taqasim, p. 183; in 
Le Strange's English trans, in his Description of Syria, p. 77). 
In fact no less than 265 different crafts are mentioned in the 
genizah records, showing both the extensive Jewish participa- 
tion in industrial occupations and their great specialization. 
Gradually Jews also penetrated the medical profession, some 
of them achieving considerable fame as medical theorists and 
writers (Asaph, Israeli, *Maimonides, and others). One must 
add, of course, a considerable number of Jews who were em- 
ployed by their own communities as rabbis, teachers, cantors, 
shohatim, sextons, and in administrative capacities, forming 
a sort of Jewish civil service. 

This occupational diversification was greatly facilitated 
by the openness of Muslim society and the relatively large 
measure of economic equality for subjects of all faiths. The 
latter included much freedom of movement, except in Egypt 
where the traditional state-capitalistic order presupposed gov- 
ernmental controls over the influx of foreigners and the exit 
of natives. Only Egypt enacted strict regulations concerning 
passports. In industry, too, there was much freedom of choice. 
Even where industrial ^guilds existed, they were neither so 
monopolistic nor so discriminatory in the admission of Jewish 
members as their counterparts in Europe. It was also possible 
for the autonomous Jewish communal organs to use consid- 
erable discretion in enforcing their own price controls when- 
ever needed, supervising weights and measures, and generally 
policing the markets in the Jewish quarters. 

It was unfortunate for the Jews and non-Jews alike that 
this flourishing commercial-industrial civilization sharply de- 
clined after the tenth century as a result of the caliphates dis- 
solution and its constant foreign and civil wars. By the time of 
the i3 th -century ^Mongolian invasions much of the grandeur 
of that great civilization had given way to a slow process of 
decay. Coming on top of the Christian *Crusades, these inva- 
sions dealt further severe blows to both the international and 
local commerce of the eastern lands. While Christian Europe 
was marching ahead on the road toward a flourishing eco- 
nomic structure, the eastern lands began to stagnate. Among 
the numerous departures were Jews, fleeing from foreign in- 
vaders as well as domestic enemies and seeking whatever un- 
certain shelter they could secure in Western lands. The center 
of world commerce now began shifting westward, with the 
various Italian merchant republics taking over the offensive, 
establishing colonies in the eastern Mediterranean and later 
in the Indian Ocean, and ultimately displacing the East even 
in the Levantine trade. 

Medieval Christendom 

At first, to be sure, far fewer Jews lived under Christendom. 
Only from the 13 th century on, as a result of the general up- 
surge of the Western nations, the Spanish reconquest, and the 
simultaneous sharp decline of the Eastern countries, did the 
center of gravity of the Jewish people slowly move to the Euro- 
pean area. Here the far better accumulation and preservation 
of archival materials and the concerted efforts of generations 
of scholars have yielded much reliable and detailed informa- 
tion about general and Jewish economic developments. Jewish 
documents, too, such as the "starrs" of England, the records of 
the Laurenz parish in Cologne, the vast collection of Arabic 
and Hebrew documents in Toledo and other parts of Spain, 
the numerous notarial records, and even occasional private 
archives of Jewish firms, have made the study of economic 
Jewish history much more reliable and concrete. 

Clearly, the existing trends toward the alienation of Jews 
from agriculture were much stronger in Europe than in the 
Muslim Middle East and North Africa. In certain areas the 
insecurity of Jewish life and the ever-present danger of mas- 
sacres, expulsions, and forced conversions made landholdings 
far less attractive for Jews. Whenever a landowner had to de- 
part suddenly or was otherwise obliged to dispose of his prop- 
erty within a very short time, forced liquidation, if not total 
confiscation, resulted in enormous losses. For example, two 
years after the expulsion of Jews from France in 1306 a Chris- 
tian landlord was able to acquire 50 Jewish houses in the old 
and venerable community of Narbonne for the mere pittance 
of 3,957 livres. This transaction so aroused the ire of both the 
viscount and the archbishop, each of whom had special feudal 
rights in the city, that, to appease them, the purchaser gave an 
additional 5,000 livres, two houses, and a plot of land to the 
viscount and an unspecified, but undoubtedly large, amount 
to the archbishop (S. Luce, rej, 2 (1881). Of course, the Jew- 
ish exiles received nothing. Similarly, according to the court 
historian Andres Bernaldez, after the promulgation of the 
Spanish decree of expulsion in March 1492, anyone could ac- 
quire a Jewish vineyard for a piece of cloth or linen (Historia 
de los Reyes Catolicos (1870), 338 f.). In addition to such coun- 
trywide expulsions, there were local and regional forced ex- 
iles of varying frequency. For instance, the city of *Speyer, to 
which Jews had originally been admitted in 1084 by Bishop 
Ruediger-Huozmann "in order to enhance the city's honor," 
subsequently often ousted them on short notice. To mention 
only the events of the 15 th century: Jews were expelled from 
Speyer in 1405, readmitted in 1421, banished again in 1430, 
and allowed to return in 1434, to be once more evicted a year 
later. Yet they were there again in 1465. They became objects 
of renewed Episcopal legislation in 1468-72. 

The first major blow of this kind came to the Jews of Byz- 
antium as a result of Emperor *Heraclius' decree of 632 forc- 
ing all Jews to become Christians. Although incompletely car- 
ried out even in the areas which remained Byzantine after the 
expansion of Islam soon after, such Byzantine decrees were 
repeated in the following three centuries. It was truly amaz- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


ing, therefore, that during his visit to the Balkans in the 1160s 
Benjamin of Tudela found an entire Jewish community of 200 
families in the village of Crissa who "sow and reap on their 
own land" (Travels, pp. 12 (Heb.), 10 (Eng.)). Similar forced 
conversions occurred in Visigothic Spain, Merovingian Gaul, 
and Langobard Italy in 613-61, and were replaced in Spain by 
many sharply discriminatory laws against the Jews who sur- 
vived or were allowed to return before the Muslim conquest 
of 711-2. To all intents and purposes these hostile actions put 
an end to all forms of organized Jewish life there and only a 
small Jewish remnant remained under Catholic domination 
in central and southern Italy. Even if not all the Jews left these 
countries, their ownership and cultivation of land must have 
practically ceased, while returning Jews may have had little 
incentive or opportunity to acquire new agricultural prop- 
erty. Similar effects were later produced by the successive ex- 
pulsions of Jews from royal France, England, Spain, Portugal, 
various Italian states, and other parts of Christian Europe be- 
tween 1182 or 1290 and 1600. 

An equally important factor was the growth of European 
feudalism. Land now not only became the source of economic 
power but also the mainstay of political and military force. He 
who owned land exercised dominion over a multitude of peas- 
ants whether they tilled the soil as half- free sharecroppers so 
long as the Roman colonate persisted, or as villeins furnish- 
ing parts of their produce and corvee labor to their masters. 
While since Pope Gregory the Great the Church had allowed 
Jews to maintain Christian coloni on their land, it became in- 
creasingly awkward for Jews to be either vassals taking oaths 
of fealty to Christian lords, or seigneurs administering such 
oaths to Christian barons. Remarkably, this system persisted 
in Provence up to the 12 th century and beyond. In Angevin 
England, kings also protected Jewish feudal holdings through 
decrees such as that issued by Richard the Lion Heart in 1190 
in favor of one Isaac, son of R. Joce, and his sons or, more 
broadly, through the generic decree by John Lackland in 1201. 
It was in the royal interest to protect the Jewish holding of a 
"baronial state, claiming for themselves wardships, escheats, 
and advowsons," as did Henry in. Even the antagonistic Ed- 
ward 1 had to allow Jews to acquire feudal possessions if their 
noble owners defaulted on the payment of their debts. But the 
antagonisms aroused in such cases contributed to the baro- 
nial revolt against the crown in 1264-66. The barons argued 
that the kings selfishly promoted feudal acquisitions by Jews 
because through the royal overlordship over Jews noble prop- 
erty was thus indirectly transferred to the royal domain. Ulti- 
mately, beginning in 1269, the kings themselves had to oblige 
Jewish creditors to dispose of such foreclosed estates to Chris- 
tian owners within a year. In short, feudalism and Jewish land- 
holdings appeared incompatible in the long run and it was the 
weaker Jewish side which had to yield ground. 

On the other hand, unlike under Islam, Jewish landown- 
ers were not subjected to a special land tax. "In our entire 
realm," declared *Meir b. Baruch of Rothenburg, "[Jews] pay 
not tax on land. Sometimes capitalists have tried to change 

this system, but when the matter was brought before us, we 
disallowed it" (Responsa (Prague, 1607), 50c no. 452). In other 
areas, however, the general land taxes became so burdensome 
that the Barcelona rabbi Solomon b. Abraham *Adret com- 
plained that "frequently the very best fields yield insufficient 
harvests to pay the royal taxes" (Responsa, 3 (Leghorn, 1778), 
no. 148). More universal and irksome was the ecclesiastical 
drive to force the Jews to pay tithes on property they acquired 
from Christian owners, lest the parish priests or monasteries 
lose the income from such lands. Finally, the Fourth Lateran 
^Council of 1215 insisted that these contributions be univer- 
sally collected from Jews, riding roughshod over the religious 
scruples of some Jewish pietists who saw in such payments 
subsidies for the erection of churches and monasteries devoted 
to the worship of another faith. 

Employment of Christian agricultural workers by Jews 
became another important issue, anti-Jewish agitators of all 
kinds clamoring that Jews be forced to cultivate the land with 
their own hands. The nobles, on the other hand, even in Medi- 
terranean countries, often tried to eliminate Jewish landhold- 
ings altogether. Such a proposal was advanced, for instance, 
by the Castilian Cortes in 1329. These opponents readily over- 
looked the early medieval Jewish pioneering contributions 
to European agriculture. Coming from the more advanced 
Eastern countries, Jewish groups settling in the West are of- 
ten still remembered in such names as Terra Hebraeaorum, 
Judendorf, Zydaczow, and the like. Even a Spanish name like 
Aliud is probably a derivative of Al-Yahud. As late as 1138 three 
Jews of Aries bought from Abbot Pontius of Montmajour the 
entire output of kermes of the district of Miramar, thus stim- 
ulating the farmers to produce that dyestuff. They were also 
very active in introducing the silkworm into Sicily and other 
Mediterranean countries. 

Yet it was only the opposition of the crown which pre- 
vented general prohibitions of Jewish land ownership. Wher- 
ever such were enacted, they usually bore a local character 
and even these were not always fully implemented. Even 
in fervently anti- Jewish Germany after the *Black Death of 
1348-49, the assertion of the author of the Rechtsbuch nach 
Distinctionen (iii. 17, 1) that "Jews are not allowed to own real 
property in this country" was a clear exaggeration. In the 
Mediterranean lands, especially, Jews continued to own and 
cultivate landed properties; this they did to the very end of 
their sojourn in Spain, Portugal, Provence, Sicily, and Naples. 
Their endeavors were particularly flourishing in those areas 
where extensive orchards and vineyards, located in the neigh- 
borhood of towns, enabled them to combine fruit produc- 
tion with other occupations. Queen Maria of Aragon was not 
wrong when in 1436 she upheld the right of *Huesca Jewry to 
dispose of the grain and wines produced on its property, "since 
the Jews of the said city for the most part live as workers and 
cultivators of fields and vineyards and derive a living from the 
latter s produce" (Baer, Urkunden, 1 (1929), pt. 1, 858 f. no. 535). 
The city council of Haro (Faro), close to the Navarrese border, 
complained that Jewish and Muslim landowners in the district 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



had in 1453 signed a covenant not to sell any land to Christians. 
In the council's opinion this created a threat that before long 
the entire land of the area would fall into the hands of infidels 
(N. Hergueta, in: Boletin de la Real Academla de Historia> 26, 
4671!.). Less exaggeratedly, a modern scholar of the rank of 
F. de Bofarull y Sans claimed (in his Los Judios en el territorio 
de Barcelona) that between the 10 th and 12 th centuries one- 
third of all the land around Barcelona was owned by Jews. In 
short, Jewish agriculture never completely disappeared from 
the European scene and the alleged complete outlawry of Jew- 
ish landholdings throughout medieval Europe is another ex- 
ample of a widely accepted historical myth. 

Jewish land ownership was particularly frequent in urban 
settlements, particularly in Jewish quarters. Understandably, 
wherever the Jewish population grew rapidly and its quarter 
could not enlarge its area, the real estate owned by a family 
was often subdivided into small parcels by the numerous prog- 
eny. In the Laurenz parish of Cologne a Jewish couple sold in 
1322 a one-eighth and one-96 th portion of "a large house" in 
which two other coreligionists owned another quarter and 
one-i6 th part. Thirteen years later another Jewish couple ac- 
quired a share of one-third and one-6o th minus one-70o th of a 
house from a Christian neighbor. For the most part, however, 
in Europe north of the Alps and the Loire Jews were rarely al- 
lowed to live long enough to create many such subdivisions 
over several generations. 

In Europe, too, Jewish industrial occupations were far 
more significant. In this area early Jewish immigrants from the 
Middle East and North Africa, often in possession of an ad- 
vanced technology, could perform many pioneering services. 
In 1147 Roger 11 of Naples attacked Byzantine Thebes, a major 
center of the silk industry, and evacuated "all" Jews to southern 
Italy, where they helped establish a flourishing silk industry. 
Another trade in which Jews played a considerable role since 
ancient times was that of dyeing. When Benjamin of Tudela 
arrived in Brindisi he found there ten Jewish dyers. A partic- 
ular "Jewish" dye existed in the Neapolitan kingdom. Weav- 
ing, too, had long been a prominent Jewish craft. It was partly 
stimulated by the biblical prohibition on *shaatnez (mixing 
wool and linen) which, carried down through the ages, be- 
came an important factor in preserving Jewish tailoring and 
other branches of the clothing industry in many lands. An- 
other religiously stimulated industrial craft was that of slaugh- 
tering animals according to the Jewish ritual. Even where, as 
in most German areas, the Christian guilds tried to suppress 
Jewish competition, they had to make some exceptions in fa- 
vor of Jewish butchers and tailors who were permitted to pro- 
duce such ritually restricted goods for the Jewish customers. 
Many Jewish crafts were stimulated by Jewish pawnbroking. 
Since most pledges consisted of articles of clothing, furniture, 
or jewelry which, upon the debtors default, became the prop- 
erty of the pawnbroker, it was natural for him to try to refur- 
bish the pawns for sale to the public at a higher price. 

In fact, many restrictive ordinances inspired by Chris- 
tian merchants made a special allowance for Jewish trade in 

used articles (see ^Secondhand Goods). For instance, in Rome 
during the Counter-Reformation Jews performed a major 
service by acquiring secondhand clothing from the luxury- 
loving high clergy and nobility for resale to the masses of the 
population. Indirectly, such business furnished employment 
also to tailors, dyers, and other craftsmen. 

Beyond these specially Jewish areas there were also Jew- 
ish craftsmen in almost all domains of industry, although spe- 
cialization here was far less developed than in the contempo- 
rary Islamic world. In Cologne, for example, where the guilds 
succeeded in ultimately barring Jews from almost all industrial 
occupations, they still allowed them to become glaziers, prob- 
ably because no other qualified personnel was available. This 
exception was reminiscent of the Greek glassblowers in sev- 
enth-century France who claimed to be able to produce glass 
as well as the Jews did. The few extant Spanish occupational 
statistics are very enlightening indeed. For example, the 20 
Jewish families in the small town of Valdeolivas near Cuenca 
embraced, in 1388, six shoemakers, three tailors, one weaver, 
one smith, and one itinerant artisan. Some of the wealthiest of 
the 168 Jewish taxpayers in Talavera de la Reina shortly before 
the expulsion in 1492 consisted of 13 basketmakers and three 
goldsmiths. Jewish cobblers, tailors, blacksmiths, and harness 
makers also seem to have made a reasonable living there. True, 
in 1412-13 Castile and Aragon, in sharply anti- Jewish decrees, 
forbade Jews to serve as veterinarians, ironmongers, shoemak- 
ers, tailors, barbers, hosiers, butchers, furriers, rag pickers, or 
rag dealers for Christians. Yet the very man who inspired that 
legislation, Anti-Pope Benedict xin, himself employed a Jew- 
ish bookbinder, two Hebrew scribes, and even a Jewish seam- 
stress-laundress for his ecclesiastical vestments. A Roman list 
of 1527 recorded the presence of 1,738 Jews in a population of 
55,035 in the city. The more than 80 Jewish families whose oc- 
cupations were recorded included about 40 Jewish tailors and 
a substantial number of other craftsmen. Twelve years earlier 
Cardinal Giulio de' Medici had urged his cousin Lorenzo to 
attract some of the Jewish manufacturers of saltpeter from 
Rome to Florence or Pisa, since "such opportunities do not 
occur everyday." Although similar detailed data are not read- 
ily available elsewhere, it appears that wherever Jews lived in 
larger numbers their majority derived a livelihood from one 
or another craft. 

In some Spanish cities there were enough Jewish crafts- 
men to form independent guilds. The statutes of the Jewish 
cobblers' guild in *Saragossa, approved by Pedro iv in 1336, 
offer mute testimony to the continuity of Jewish craftsman- 
ship from the ancient associations of Jewish master artisans. 
When the Spanish decree of expulsion was extended to Sicily 
on June 18, 1492, the Christian leaders of Palermo and other 
cities protested that "in this realm almost all the artisans are 
Jews. If all of them will suddenly depart there will be a short- 
age of many commodities, for the Christians are accustomed 
to receive from them many mechanical objects, particularly 
iron works needed both for the shoeing of animals and for 
cultivating the soil; also the necessary supplies for ships, gal- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


leys, and other maritime vessels." In the north, of course, there 
was no opportunity for Jews to organize guilds of their own, 
whereas the Christian guilds in their constant drive for mo- 
nopolistic control of their trades and political power in their 
municipalities not only sought to suppress Jewish competition 
but, if possible, to get rid of the Jews completely. 

At the same time Jewish commercial activities played an 
ever-increasing role in Western Europe. There are relatively 
few records of Jewish *peddlers. Apart from the insecurity 
of roads in most European countries, aggravated by the hos- 
tility toward Jews on the part of many peasants and towns- 
folk - even hostile legislators often freed Jews from wearing 
their badges on journeys for this reason - the majority of the 
villeins had little cash available to purchase goods from itiner- 
ant merchants. Most of their needs were provided for by their 
own agricultural production and the home work of their wives 
and daughters in spinning, weaving, and tailoring. With the 
growth of the urban centers, Jewish shopkeepers increased in 
number wherever Jews were tolerated at all. Of course, there 
was a constant struggle with the growing burghers' class which 
wanted to monopolize whatever trade was available locally or 
regionally. In many cities these commercial rivals sooner or 
later succeeded in ousting Jews completely and even in obtain- 
ing from the royal power, whose self-interest dictated protec- 
tion of Jewish tradesmen, special privileges de non tolerandis 
Judaeis. In England, for instance, where Henry in s exorbitant 
fiscal exploitation depended on the presence of a prosperous 
Jewry, there was a wave of such enactments in favor of many 
cities in the 1230s and 1240s. In many continental localities the 
law restricted Jewish shopkeeping to the Jewish quarter and 
often forced the Jewish merchants to abstain from displaying 
their wares on Sundays and Christian holidays - a major bur- 
den indeed for observant Jewish shopkeepers who kept their 
stores closed on the Sabbath and Jewish festivals. Neverthe- 
less economic necessity forced Jews to use all means at their 
disposal to earn a living from merchandising. 

Jewish international trade, which in the Carolingian age 
had been a major incentive for Christian regimes to invite Jew- 
ish settlers, later suffered greatly from the competition of the 
Italian merchant republics, the prevalence of Mediterranean 
piracy, highway robbery on land routes, discriminatory tolls 
at the multitude of feudal boundaries, and special Jewish taxa- 
tion. Nevertheless, many rulers still tried to maintain freedom 
of movement and trading for their Jewish "serfs." The major 
imperial privileges for German Jewry often repeated, with 
minor variations, the provision in the 1090 privilege for the 
Jews of Speyer given by Emperor Henry iv: that they "should 
have the freedom to trade their goods in just exchange with 
any persons, and that they may freely and peacefully travel 
within the confines of Our kingdom, exercise their commerce 
and trade, buy and sell, and no one shall exact from them any 
toll or impost, public or private" (Aronius, Regesten, 71 ff., no. 
170, etc.). Similar sweeping provisions were enacted by John of 
England in 1201 and other monarchs (J.M. Rigg, Select Pleas, 
2). If in practice Jews often suffered from attacks and despo- 

liation by local barons and arbitrary officials, this was the ef- 
fect of the poorly organized governmental systems in most 
European countries rather than of the rulers' intent. In this 
respect Jews had plenty of fellow sufferers among their gen- 
tile competitors. 

International fairs in particular (see ^Markets and Fairs) 
offered many opportunities for Jewish traders to profitably 
exchange goods with other merchants, Jewish and non-Jew- 
ish. Even in the less hospitable northern lands they played a 
considerable role in the famous Champagne fairs and those 
of Cologne. When in the last three medieval centuries most of 
these fairs lost their international character and catered more 
to regional needs, Jews still appeared as welcome visitors even 
in areas from which they were generally barred. They enjoyed 
the special protective devices developed by many communi- 
ties seeking to attract foreign trade without discriminating 
among the visitors according to their faith or country of ori- 
gin. One important concession generally granted at fairs was 
the suspension of the group responsibility of merchants of 
the same origin for each other's misdeeds or insolvency. Such 
mutual responsibility affected non- Jewish burghers as well as 
Jews, but the process of generalization in blaming all Jews for 
the misconduct of any coreligionist was generally much more 
prevalent. Even in Mediterranean commerce, where group re- 
sponsibility was less strongly stressed, Pedro in of Aragon felt 
obliged to intervene in 1280 on behalf of many Jewish Levant 
traders, when one of their coreligionists, Isaac Cap of Barce- 
lona, had been accused of unethical business dealings in the 
Middle East. The main argument advanced by the king in his 
epistle addressed to the Templars and Hospitalers in Jeru- 
salem, the consuls of Pisa and Venice, and the representative 
of the king of Cyprus was not that other Jews should not be 
held responsible for Cap's actions, but that Cap had long since 
left Aragon. It so happened that in time Cap was able to return 
to Barcelona, settle his debts, and again become an honored 
member of his community. 

Another major concession to Jewish traders was the ac- 
ceptance by many regimes of the prevailing Jewish practice in 
respect to the so-called law of concealment. In the talmudic 
age the rabbis had already come to the conclusion that a mer- 
chant who had unwittingly acquired some stolen object was 
not to suffer complete loss in returning that object to its legiti- 
mate owner. They provided, "for the benefit of the market," that 
if the acquisition was proved to have been made in good faith, 
the owner had to compensate the merchant to the full amount 
of his investment. The more primitive Teuton laws, which 
dominated many European legislative systems, had made no 
such provisions in favor of the bona fide merchant. Jews, es- 
pecially in areas where they were largely restricted to dealing 
in secondhand merchandise or lending on used pledges, could 
not carefully investigate the title of each seller or borrower. At 
times fraudulent borrowers might actually scheme to offer, 
through impecunious intermediaries, pledges for loans and 
subsequently as owners reclaim these objects without paying 
their debts. There were antecedents for such protection of le- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



gitimate merchants in other laws. Yet Jewish traders were in 
the vanguard of those clamoring for redress. Ultimately, this 
provision, which German antisemites often denounced as a 
Hehlerecht (privilege for "fences"), became a widely accepted 
principle in most modern mercantile laws. 

Despite these and other legal safeguards, the general in- 
security of Jewish life affected the Jewish merchants as well. A 
remarkable illustration is offered by the business ledgers kept 
during the years 1300-18 by the important mercantile firm 
of Heliot (Elijah) of Vesoul in Franche-Comte. These extant 
ledgers reveal both the firm's effective method of bookkeep- 
ing and its far-flung business interests. Principally a banking 
establishment endowed with vast resources, it also bought 
and sold merchandise of all kinds either through commenda 
agreements with Christian or Jewish traders, or by direct ship- 
ment of its own. It dealt in cloth, linen, and wine produced in 
its own vineyards. Heliot also served as a tax collector for the 
government. Characteristically, the ledgers also include entries 
relating to horses and carriages used by members of the firm 
for business travel as far as Germany and Flanders. Heliot was 
also very precise in delivering the ecclesiastical tithes to the 
churches, notwithstanding scruples he may have had in thus 
contributing to the upkeep of non- Jewish religious institu- 
tions. His career was cut short, however, when in 1322 Philip 
the Tall extended his decree of expulsion of the Jews from 
France to Burgundy as well. Two years later Heliot s house was 
given away to a lady-in-waiting of the queen. 

In spite of all these difficulties Jewish commerce, partic- 
ularly in the more friendly Mediterranean lands, frequently 
flourished and became another mainstay of the Jewish econ- 
omy. In the 12 th century a German rabbi, Eliezer b. Nathan, 
could assert that "nowadays we are living on commerce only" 
(Sefer Even ha-Ezer (Prague, 1610), 53d no. 295). 

Commerce included money trade in its various ramifi- 
cations, particularly moneylending. Because of their general 
insecurity and frequently enforced mobility, Jews under Chris- 
tendom were not good risks for deposits. Unlike the Jews un- 
der Islam, they could not compete with the stability of deposits 
in churches or such major banks as the Banco di San Gior- 
gio in i2 th -century Genoa. Their rabbis, therefore, fell back 
on the talmudic regulation that treasures should be buried in 
the soil, which was not always feasible in the crowded Jewish 
quarters. Burying them out of town subjected the owner to 
the risk of some stranger accidentally discovering the place 
of burial and appropriating the treasure trove. Moreover, 
even accumulations of savings by Jewish communal bod- 
ies were subject to seizure by unfriendly rulers. In 1336 King 
John of Bohemia not only confiscated the communal "trea- 
sure trove" kept in the old synagogue of Prague but also fined 
the Bohemian elders for concealing its presence from him. 
Minting could occasionally help support a Jewish individual, 
especially in backward areas. But generally the manufacture 
of coins was a governmental enterprise, even if exercised by 
some local baron or city council (there were, indeed, many 
kinds of coins and even scrip circulated by such local rulers). 

On the other hand, coin clipping, whether for the purpose of 
reminting or for that of using the gold or silver in the fabrica- 
tion of some industrial objects, was considered a major crime 
if indulged in by private individuals, although it was accepted 
as a perfectly legitimate performance on the part of govern- 
ments. One such accusation of coin clipping, real or alleged, 
supposedly resulted in 1278-79 in the execution of 293 English 
Jews and was partially responsible for the decree of expulsion 
of 1290 (H.G. Richardson, English Jewry, 218 ff.). Finally, not- 
withstanding the great variety of coins in circulation, money 
changing likewise seems to have been only a minor sideline 
of Jewish banking, if we are to judge from the paucity of ref- 
erences thereto in the extant sources. 

Moneylending, however, increasingly became the life- 
blood of the Jewish economy at large. It was abetted by the 
increasing Christian prohibition on usury which was broadly 
defined by Richard, son of Nigel, as "receiving, like the Jews, 
more than we have lent of the same substance by virtue of a 
contract" (Dialogus de Scaccario, trans, by C. Johnson, 99 f.). 
It was an uphill struggle for the Church because, down to the 
12 th century, the clergy themselves often indulged in mon- 
eylending on interest, a practice surreptitiously pursued by 
some priests even later. Jews also encountered stiff compe- 
tition from Lombards and Cahorsins, often styled the papal 
usurers for their major services in transferring ecclesiasti- 
cal dues to Rome. However, Jews had the advantage of being 
able openly to engage in this legally obnoxious business; as a 
matter of fact they did it as a rule with considerable govern- 
mental support. 

In fact, kings considered Jewish gains via moneylending 
as an increase of their own resources. This was basically the 
meaning of "belong to the imperial chamber," a stereotype 
phrase referring to Jews found in many imperial privileges in 
German, implying that the Jews were the "king's treasure," as 
they were designated in Spanish decrees. When in 1253 Elias 
of Chippenham left England and took along his own bonds, 
Henry in prosecuted him because he had "thievishly carried 
off Our proper chattels." This nexus did not escape the atten- 
tion of hostile observers who often blamed the princes for 
the excesses of their Jewish usurers. In his letter of 1208 to the 
count of Nevers the powerful Pope Innocent in complained 
that while certain princes "themselves are ashamed to exact 
usury, they receive Jews into their hamlets [villis] and towns 
and appoint them their agents for the collection of usury" (S. 
Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the 13 th Century, i26f.). Al- 
though in a special pamphlet De regimine judaeorum Thomas 
Aquinas tried to appease the conscience of Princess Aleyde (or 
Margaret) of Brabant for deriving benefits from Jewish taxa- 
tion largely originating from usurious income, one of his most 
distinguished commentators, Cardinal Tommaso Vio Cajetan, 
sweepingly declared that "the gain accruing to a prince from 
a usurer's revenue makes him an accessory to the crime." The 
better to control Jewish revenues, the English administration 
introduced in 1194 the system of public chests (*archae) into 
which all bonds had to be deposited, supposedly to avoid con- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


troversies between lenders and debtors. Philip n in France 
tried in 1206 and 1218 to emulate the English example, as did 
Alfonso iv of Aragon in 1333, and in a somewhat different 
way Alfonso xi of Castile in 1348. But outside of England this 
system broke down, apparently because neither lenders nor 
debtors wished to comply In any case, the Protestant clergy 
of Hesse was not wrong when, in its memorandum of 1538 
to the landgrave, it compared the role of Jewish moneylend- 
ing with that of a sponge, used by the rulers to suck up the 
wealth of the population via usury ultimately to be squeezed 
dry by the treasury 

Despite all opposition, Jewish moneylending was an im- 
perative necessity in many areas. Because of the prevailing 
high rates of interest it also was a lucrative business. Emperor 
Frederick n's Sicilian constitution of Melfi of 1231 restricting 
the permissible interest rate to 10% remained a dead letter even 
in his own kingdom. Somewhat more effective were the max- 
imum rates of 20% set by certain Aragonese kings and Ital- 
ian republics. But for the most part the accepted rates ranged 
between 33 M$ and 43 H%, although sometimes they went up 
to double and treble those percentages, or more. Upon their 
readmission to France in 1359-60, Jews were specifically al- 
lowed to charge up to S6 2 A%. Even some Silesian princes are 
recorded to have paid 54% to their Jewish moneylenders. In 
the case of the innumerable small loans by petty pawnbro- 
kers, these high rates were justified by the lenders' overhead 
in receiving weekly interest payments, slow amortization, and 
much bookkeeping. But the Lombards who, for the most part, 
dealt in large credit transactions nevertheless likewise charged 
what the trade could bear. 

So long as the economy was on the upswing the resent- 
ment against these high rates of interest was moderate. But 
when the European economy entered a period of decelera- 
tion in the late 13 th century, further aggravated by recurrent 
famines and pestilences, such exorbitant charges, though ec- 
onomically doubly justified because of the increased risks, 
created widespread hostility. They were an important factor 
in the growing intolerance aimed at the English, French, and 
German Jews. Of course, expelling the Jews from the country, 
as England did in 1290 and France in 1306, merely meant re- 
placing one set of moneylenders by another. Christian credi- 
tors, as a rule, charged even higher rates, partly to compensate 
for the increased opprobrium and sinfulness connected with 
their trade. As a result, Philip iv's successor, Louis x, in 1315 
revoked the decree of expulsion and called the Jews back to 
the country as he claimed, in response to "the clamor of the 
people." Yet when the Jews returned under the royal pledge 
that they would be tolerated for at least 12 years, the popu- 
lar outcry became so vehement that Philip the Tall broke his 
predecessors promise and banished the Jews again in 1322. 
At the same time in neighboring Italy, where the grandeur 
of the Florentine and Genoese bankers was on the decline, 
Jews began to be invited by various republics to settle in their 
midst and to provide credit "to the needy population." These 
condottas y resembling formal treaties between the govern- 

ments and groups of Jewish bankers, extended to the latter a 
variety of privileges for specified periods of time, subject to 
renewals. The city of Reggio (Emilia) went so far as to guar- 
antee to the incoming Jewish bankers that, if they ever were 
to sustain losses from a popular riot, the city would fully in- 
demnify them. This significant chapter in Jewish economic 
history, however, began drawing to a close in the latter part of 
the 15 th century on account of the emergence of the new, rival- 
ing institution of monti dipieta. These charitable loan banks 
were supposed to extend credit to the poor without any inter- 
est and thus make Jews wholly expendable. In itself this was a 
laudable idea and spread quickly into countries such as France 
from which Jews had long disappeared. At times the monti 
were supported by Jewish bankers themselves (for instance, 
by Isaac b. Jehiel of Pisa). But most of them assumed from the 
outset a strongly antisemitic character. They were propagated 
by outspoken anti- Jewish agitators and rabble rousers, espe- 
cially ^Bernardino da Feltre. Only in Venice, which refused 
admission to Da Feltre, did the Serenissima reach a compro- 
mise with the Jews by persuading them to establish the so- 
called banchi del ghetto which, financed entirely by Jews, were 
to serve an exclusively Christian clientele at nominal rates of 
interest. These institutions lasted until the emancipation era 
when, upon the entry of the French army into Venice in 1797, 
the Jewish community voluntarily transferred the assets of its 
five banks to the new republic. 

Connected in many ways with banking was Jewish public 
service. As under Islam, the Christian rulers could not scru- 
pulously adhere to the demands of their religious leaders to 
keep "infidels" out of any public office lest they exercise do- 
minion over the faithful. Governments often had to rely on 
the religious minorities to provide fiscal experts whose spe- 
cific experiences as taxpayers as well as businessmen could be 
put to good use by the treasuries for tax collection and nec- 
essary cash advances. In his petition to Alfonso iv of Aragon 
(before 1335), requesting the king's assistance in the collec- 
tion of loans from Hospitalers, the Navarrese Jewish banker, 
Ezmel b. Juceph de Ablitas, boasted that Alfonso "had never 
received so great a service from either a Christian or a Jew as 
you have received from me at a single stroke" (M. Kayserling, 
"Das Handelshaus Ezmal in Tudela," in: Jahrbuchfuer Israel- 
iteriy i860, 40-44). 

Most widespread was the Jewish contribution to tax 
farming. The medieval regimes, as a rule, aided by only small, 
inefficient, and unreliable bureaucracies, often preferred to 
delegate tax collection to private entrepreneurs who, for a 
specified lump sum they paid the treasury, were prepared to 
exact the payments due from the taxpayers. Of course, the 
risks of undercollection were, as a rule, more than made up by 
considerable surpluses obtained, if need be, by ruthless meth- 
ods. So indispensable were the Spanish Jewish tax farmers that 
the Catholic Monarchs signed such four-year contracts with 
Jewish entrepreneurs as late as 1491, only a year before the ex- 
pulsion. Among their most prominent collectors was Abra- 
ham Seneor, officially the "rabbi of the court" or chief rabbi 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



of Castilian Jewry, and Don Isaac b. Judah *Abrabanel. In the 
early days of the Christian reconquest, the services of able Jew- 
ish financiers and administrators were even more indispens- 
able. Members of the Cavalleria and Ravaya families were par- 
ticularly prominent in i3 th -century Aragon. For one example, 
Judah b. Labi de la Cavalleria served from 1257 on as bailiff of 
Saragossa, from 1260 on as chief treasurer to whom all royal 
bailiffs had to submit regular accounts, and finally in 1275 also 
as governor of Valencia. Jews were also active in diplomatic 
service, for which their familiarity with various lands and 
languages made them especially qualified. In vain did Pope 
Honorius 11 address a circular letter to the kings of Aragon, 
Castile, Navarre, and Portugal, warning them against dispatch- 
ing to Muslim courts Jewish envoys who were likely to reveal 
state secrets to the Muslim enemies, since "y ou cannot expect 
faithfulness from infidels." Yet his successor, Gregory ix, gen- 
erally even more insistent on the observance of all canonical 
provisions, conceded in 1231 and 1239 that the Portuguese and 
Hungarian monarchs had no workable alternative. 

In other countries Jews exerted political influence more 
indirectly. Even in some antagonistic German principalities of 
the 14 th and 15 th centuries some Jews were called upon to pro- 
vide the necessary funds for raising mercenary forces as well 
as to supply them with food, clothing, and other necessities. 
Such a combination of large-scale financing and contracting 
was performed, for example, by a Jewish banker, Jacob Dan- 
iels, and his son Michael for the archbishop -elector Baldwin of 
Trier in 1336-45. This adumbration of the future role of *Court 
Jews in helping build up the modern German principality 
was cut short, however, by the recurrent waves of intolerance 
which swept Germany in the last medieval centuries and re- 
sulted in the expulsion of the Jews from most German areas. 

Economic Doctrines 

Notwithstanding these constant changes in the Jewish eco- 
nomic structure and the vital role played by the Jewish eco- 
nomic contributions for the general society, no ancient or 
medieval Jewish scholar devoted himself to the detailed in- 
terpretation of these economic facts and trends. No Jew wrote 
economic tracts even of the rather primitive kind current in 
Hellenistic and early Muslim letters. All Jewish rationales must 
therefore be deduced indirectly from the legal teachings. Even 
Maimonides who, in his classification of sciences, recognized 
the existence of a branch of science styled domestic economy, 
or rather the "government of the household" (a literal trans- 
lation of the Greek oikonomia), did not feel prompted to 
produce a special monograph on the general or Jewish eco- 
nomic life. Speaking more broadly of political science which 
included that branch of learning, he declared: "On all these 
matters philosophers have written books which have been 
translated into Arabic, and perhaps those that have not been 
translated are even more numerous. But nowadays we no lon- 
ger require all this, namely the statutes and laws, since man's 
conduct is [determined] by the divine regulations" (Treatise 
on Logic [Millot ha-Higgayon] y Arabic text, with Hebrew and 

English translations, by Israel Efros, 1937, 18 f.). In consonance 
with this conception, the great codifier devoted the last three 
sections of his Mishneh Tor ah to economic matters regulated 
by civil law. He also often referred to economic aspects in the 
other 11 books, following therein the example of both Bible 
and Talmud. None of these normative sources, however, which 
always emphasized what ought to be rather than what is or 
was, can satisfactorily fill the lacuna created by the absence of 
dispassionate analytical, theoretical, and historical economic 
studies. From the outset we must, therefore, take account of 
the idealistic slant of our entire documentation. The empha- 
sis upon ethics and psychology far outweighs that of realistic 
conceptualism. Only indirectly, through the use of the extant 
subsidiary factual source material, can we balance that nor- 
mative slant by some realistic considerations. 

Typical of such idealistic approaches is the biblical legis- 
lation. For example, the commandment of a year of fallowness 
may have resulted from the practical observation that land 
under constant cultivation was bound to deteriorate and to 
yield progressively less produce. Similar experiences led other 
agricultural systems to adopt the rotation of crops and other 
methods. But there is no hint to such a realistic objective in 
the biblical rationales. The old Book of the Covenant justifies 
the commandment by stating that in this way "the poor of 
the people may eat" (Ex. 23:11). The more religiously oriented 
Book of Leviticus, on the other hand, lays primary stress on 
the land keeping "a Sabbath unto the Lord" (25:2) so that it 
provide "solemn" rest for servants, foreign settlers, and even 
cattle. Similarly, the Jubilee Year was conceived as a measure 
of restoring the landed property to the original clan, envis- 
aging a more or less static agricultural economy, at variance 
with the constantly changing realities of the then increasingly 
dominant urban group. No less idealistic were the provisions 
for the poor, particularly widows and orphans. We also recall 
the extremely liberal demand that, upon manumitting his 
Hebrew slave, the master should also provide him with some 
necessaries for a fresh start in life. 

That these and other idealistic postulates did not repre- 
sent the living practice in ancient Israel we learn from the re- 
verberating prophetic denunciations of the oppression of the 
poor by the rich and other social disorders. But here again we 
deal with even more extravagant idealistic expectations than 
had been expressed by the lawgivers. In the main, the Bible 
reflects in part the "nomadic ideals" carried down from the 
patriarchal age and in part the outlook of the subsequently 
predominant agricultural population. But the landowning 
aristocracy, as well as the priesthood and royal bureaucracy 
often residing in Jerusalem and Samaria, and the impact of 
foreign relations, especially wars, shaped the actual affairs of 
the people to a much larger extent than normative provisions 
or prophetic denunciations, although the latter s long-range 
effects far transcended in historic importance the immedi- 
ate realities. 

Even the far more realistic legal compilations of the 
Mishnah, the Talmud, and other rabbinic letters are still in the 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


main ethically and psychologically oriented. This remains true 
for most periods of Jewish history until the emancipation era. 
Certain economic factors are simply taken for granted. Not 
even Maimonides, who tried to find rationales for many bib- 
lical rituals, considered it necessary to offer any justification 
for such a fundamental economic fact as private versus pub- 
lic ownership. There only was common agreement that good 
fortune is bestowed upon man by God's inscrutable will, while 
poverty is to be borne with patience and submission to fate. 
Asceticism never became a major trend in Jewish socioreli- 
gious life, although certain groups and individuals practiced it 
as a matter of supererogation. Similarly, the postulates of com- 
munal ownership raised by the *Rechabites in the days of Jer- 
emiah and the *Essenes toward the end of the Second Temple 
period were only part of their rejection of alleged departures 
from the purity of the old law. But they remained rather inef- 
fectual fringe movements. 

At the same time the "normative" Judaism of the major- 
ity subjected private ownership to severe limitations because 
of ethical requirements. From the restatement by Maimonides 
of talmudic law, as modified by the subsequent rabbinic litera- 
ture, the following categories of property clearly emerge: "(1) 
public property belonging to no one and accessible to every- 
body for free use, e.g., deserts; (2) public property belonging 
to a corporate group, but open to general use, e.g., highways; 
(3) potentially private property belonging to no one, but avail- 
able for free appropriation, namely all relinquished and some 
lost objects; 4) private grounds belonging to the ownerless es- 
tate of a deceased proselyte, equally open to free appropria- 
tion; (5) private grounds not yet taken over by a Jew from a 
gentile, open to appropriation against compensation; (6) pri- 
vate grounds in a walled city, open to everybody's use but not 
to appropriation." To these must be added the "sacred prop- 
erty" (*hekdesh) of the Temple of Jerusalem, which, however, 
did not apply to the later synagogues; objects placed outside 
ordinary use or sale by ritualistic law; as well as the theoreti- 
cal claim of every Jew in the world to the possession of four 
ells of land in Palestine. Based on the assumption that forc- 
ible deprivation of land never eliminates the rights of the real 
owner, the latter legal fiction was of practical significance only 
in connection with certain technical restrictions on the for- 
mal transfer of property. 

With all their emphasis on private ownership the rabbis 
recognized its limitations necessary for the common good. 
To begin with, they did not acknowledge the riparian rights 
of owners, but considered four ells along all shores as belong- 
ing to the community at large. They also accepted the right 
of expropriation for purposes of roadbuilding, the erection 
of city walls, and other necessary public works. A city also 
had a right to banish certain odiferous trades, such as that 
of tanning, outside its walls. Even individuals trying to sell 
land had to respect the neighbors' right of preemption at the 
price offered by strangers. In general, referring to an old tra- 
dition going back to the agricultural economics of Palestine 
and Babylonia, Jewish leaders placed land outside the range 

of ordinary commodities. During the very era of semicapital- 
istic prosperity under Islam, they still believed in the stabil- 
ity of land ownership as against the fluctuations in the value 
of any other property. Going beyond the advice of talmudic 
sages that prudent men should invest one-third of their funds 
in land, one-third in commerce, and keep one-third in ready 
cash, Maimonides, perhaps inspired by the severe business 
losses sustained by his own family on account of his brother 
David's shipwreck on a voyage to India, counseled his read- 
ers not to sell a field and purchase a house, or to sell a house 
and acquire a movable object. They should rather generously 
"aim to acquire wealth by converting the transitory into the 
permanent." The rabbis also greatly stressed the responsibility 
of relatives for one another, not only in such dire emergencies 
as the redemption of captives but they also generally taught 
that "a relative may prove to be extremely wicked, but he nev- 
ertheless ought to be treated with due compassion." 

Other ethical and psychological criteria were employed 
in the rabbinic approximation of the doctrine of the just price, 
later extensively debated by the medieval Christian scholastics. 
No one questioned the community's right to supervise weights 
and measures. Any deficiency, if purely accidental, called for 
restitution, but if it was premeditated it was to be punished 
severely. Maimonides waxed rhetorical on this subject: "The 
punishment for [incorrect] measures is more drastic than 
the sanction on incest, because the latter is an offense against 
God, while the former affects a fellow man. He who denies the 
law concerning measures is like one who denies the Exodus 
from Egypt which was the beginning of this commandment" 
(Yad, Genevah 7:1-3, 12; 8:1, 20 with reference to bb 89b). The 
community also had the right as well as the duty to set maxi- 
mum prices whenever conditions demanded it. Of course, 
under the general rabbinic doctrine of dina de-malkhuta dina 
("the law of the kingdom is law") all market regulations by 
the state, including the maximum prices set by it, were to be 
respected by the Jews too, except when they specifically con- 
flicted with the divinely revealed To rah. Conversely, in many 
areas (for instance in Majorca in 1344) the government spe- 
cifically forbade the local market supervisors to interfere in 
any business dealings in the Jewish quarter. In any case, with 
their inveterate conservatism the rabbis were reluctant to ac- 
cept the law of supply and demand as the determining factor 
in controlling prices. 

A convenient psychological expedient was found in the 
theory of "misrepresentation" (*ondah). To prevent over- 
charges by sellers and, to a lesser extent, the taking of exces- 
sive advantage of an existing "buyers' market," the ancient 
sages had already established the principle that if the price 
paid for an object exceeded or was below its market value by 
one- sixth, the sale could be nullified by the injured party. This 
rabbinic doctrine of "misrepresentation," which seems to have 
inspired some related teachings of the Church Fathers and, 
through them, the Code of Justinian, could prove to be a se- 
rious obstacle under the freer economy of medieval Islam or 
modern Europe. An escape clause was opened by the rabbis, 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



however, through their emphasis on psychology. They taught 
that if a seller openly declared to the purchaser that he had 
overcharged him by so and so much and the purchaser ac- 
cepted the deal, there was no redress. Also by removing such 
important areas as land, slaves, and commercial deeds - the 
latter particularly important in transferring properties from 
one individual to another - from the operation of this prin- 
ciple, the economic realities could reassert themselves with- 
out formally altering the law. The same exception facilitated 
barter trade. A man could trade, for example, a needle for a 
coat of mail if, for some psychological reason, he preferred the 
needle. This was particularly true in the case of jewelry where 
emotional preferences might well have outweighed purely 
market considerations. 

Among the transactions also not subject to the law of 
"misrepresentation" was free labor. Although the economic 
importance of hired workers was much greater than that of 
slaves, there was no comprehensive labor legislation in rab- 
binic law (see Tabor Law). Generally, the leaders preferred the 
employment of Jewish workers as a matter of ethnoreligious 
policy. Typical of the rabbinic attitude was Maimonides' con- 
tention that "he who increases the number of his slaves from 
day to day increases sin and iniquity in the world, whereas 
the man who employs poor Jews in his household increases 
merits and religious deeds" (Yad, Mattenot Aniyyim 10:17). 
This doctrine implied a general right to work for Jewish la- 
borers, just as it conversely stressed everybody's duty to work 
in order to make a living. "Skin a carcass on the streets [the 
lowest type of labor] , rather than be dependent on other peo- 
ple" was an old rabbinic watchword. Because of the primarily 
psychological interpretations, an employer could overtly ar- 
range with a free laborer to do work which he could not im- 
pose upon a slave, since this was but a voluntary agreement 
on both sides. Similarly, the ancient protective regulation in 
the Bible that the payment of a daily workers wages must not 
be delayed overnight could be modified by mutual agreement 
if a labor contract extended over a longer period. On his part, 
the employee was obliged to do an honest piece of work and 
not waste any time. Following ancient precedents, however, 
the rabbis allowed agricultural workers to partake of some of 
the grapes or grain on which they were working, though not 
of the fruit from orchards or vegetables from truck gardens. 
There also were many specific regulations concerning differ- 
ent categories of labor, such as shepherds. Each category had 
its own regulations, largely derived from age-old customs pre- 
vailing in particular localities. 

The most difficult problem confronting the Jewish lead- 
ers was that of moneylending on interest. From biblical times 
there existed the outright prohibition, "Unto thy brother 
thou shalt not lend upon interest" (Deut. 23:21). Once again 
the approach of the ancient and medieval interpreters to that 
passage was based on ethics and psychology rather than 
economics. We are told in the same verse that "unto a for- 
eigner [or stranger] thou mayest lend upon interest," but it did 
not occur to any of these interpreters to look for an economic 

rationale for this distinction. Under the conditions of ancient 
Palestine, lending money to a fellow Israelite usually meant 
extending credit to a needy farmer or craftsman for whom 
the return of the original amount plus the prevailing high 
interest was an extreme hardship. At the same time the for- 
eigner, that is, the Phoenician- Canaanite merchant, as a rule 
borrowed money to invest it in his business for profit. Such 
a productive form of credit fully justified the original lender 
to participate in some form or other in the profits derived by 
the borrower. 

Instead, the interpretation was always purely moralis- 
tic, namely a demand that lending to a fellow Jew had to be 
purely charitable, while extending credit to a non-Jew could 
be a businesslike proposition. Without going to the extreme 
of St. Ambrose who considered lending to a stranger a legiti- 
mate hostile act against an enemy (ubi ius belli ibi ius usurae) y 
nor sharing the equally extreme view of some Jewish jurists 
who considered the biblical phrase, la-nokhri tashikh a com- 
mandment: "thou shalt," rather than "thou mayest," lend on 
interest to a stranger, most rabbis followed the talmudic rule 
that for segregationist reasons all but well informed scholars 
should abstain from moneylending to gentiles altogether. Yet 
they admitted that many Jews could not make a living any 
other way. Remarkably, not even the medieval Jewish Aristote- 
lian philosophers quoted, as did their Christian counterparts, 
Aristotle's doctrine of the essential sterility of money. What- 
ever the theoretical justification of this point of view was, it 
ran counter to the daily experience of most Jewish sages that 
money could, in fact, earn greater increments than did land 
or any other movable property. 

In their extremist ethico -psychological bent of mind 
the rabbis even outlawed such external forms of "usury" as 
nonmonetary gains. They taught, for example, that, unless 
the borrower used to do so before securing the loan, he was 
not entitled to greet the lender first or even to teach him the 
Torah. Echoing talmudic teachings Maimonides insisted that 
"it is forbidden for a man to appear before, or even to pass 
by, his debtor at a time when he knows that the latter can- 
not pay. He may frighten him or shame him, even if he does 
not ask for repayment" (Yad, Malveh ve-Loveh 1:1-3). Need- 
less to say, only a few pietistic moneylenders could live up to 
these high expectations. On the other hand, economic reali- 
ties, particularly in countries like medieval England, France, 
northern Italy, and Germany, where banking became the very 
economic foundation of many Jewish communities, forced the 
Jews to make some theoretical concessions. In his apologetic 
tract, Milhemet Mitzvah of 1245, Meir b. Simon of Narbonne 
argued that "divine law prohibited usury, not interest... Not 
only the peasant must borrow money, but also the lords, and 
even the great king of France. . . The king would have lost many 
fortified places, if his faithful agent, a Jew of our city, had not 
secured for him money at a high price" (cited by Adolph Neu- 
bauer from a manuscript in Archives des missions scientifiques, 
3d ser., 16, 556). Addressing his own coreligionists, a German 
rabbi, Shalom b. Isaac Sekel, insisted that "the reason why the 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Torah holds a higher place in Germany than in other coun- 
tries is that the Jews here charge interest to gentiles and need 
not engage in a [time-consuming] occupation. On this score 
they have time to study the Torah. He who does not study 
uses his profits to support the students of the Torah" (cited 
by Israel Isserlein's disciple, Joseph b. Moses of Hoechstadt, 
in his halakhic collection, Leket Yosher, ed. by J. Freimann 
(1903-10), 1, 118 f.). 

Like their Muslim and Christian colleagues, the rabbis 
had to legitimize many practices aimed at evading the pro- 
hibition of usury. The ingenuity of businessmen and jurists 
invented a variety of legal instruments which, formally not 
reflecting borrowings, nevertheless secured sizable profits 
for the capitalist advancing cash to a fellow Jew. Called in 
Europe the contractus trinus, contractus mohatrae (the pur- 
chase of rents, and the like), these instruments were also em- 
ployed by Jewish lenders with telling effect. It was also easy 
to circumvent the law by the purchase of bonds. Since deeds 
were generally exempted from the prohibition of usury and 
could be discounted below their nominal value, a lender could 
extend a profitable loan to a third party by using an interme- 
diary. Agents, too, were entitled to charge a commission for 
securing credit for any borrower. Most importantly, the vari- 
ous forms of the commenda contract, which enabled a lender 
to appear as a silent partner in the enterprise, opened the gate 
very widely for "legitimate" profits by the "investor." The per- 
mission of that type of iska ("deal") became quite universal 
and served as the major instrument for credit transactions 
among Jews. 

These examples of the rabbis' economic teachings, which 
can readily be multiplied, must suffice here. They give an in- 
kling of the great power of halakhic exegesis which made 
it possible for scholars to read into the established texts of 
Bible and Talmud provisions, as well as limitations, to suit the 
changing needs of Jewish society. In this way the people's intel- 
lectual leaders were able to preserve a measure of continuity 
within a bewildering array of diverse customs and usages. At 
the same time ample room was left for individual opinions, 
which often sharply differed. Some interpretations were de- 
rived from the simple operation of juristic techniques which 
had an autonomous vitality of their own. However, in many 
cases the communal leaders, rabbinic and lay, often person- 
ally immersed in a variety of economic enterprises and thus 
acquiring much practical experience, consciously made inter- 
pretive alterations to reflect genuine social needs. Since the 
entire system of Jewish law operated through inductive rea- 
soning on the basis of cases rather than the deduction from 
juristic principles, as advanced by Roman jurists and their 
medieval disciples, the sages of various countries and gen- 
erations were able to maintain a certain unity of purpose and 
outlook among the different segments of the Jewish disper- 
sion. They thus lent the Jewish economic rationales the same 
kind of unity within diversity that permeated the entire Jew- 
ish socioreligious outlook on life. 

[Salo W. Baron] 

Early Modern Period 

The variety of place, social condition, and economic develop- 
ment puts any review of the economic aspects of Jewish life 
since the end of the 15 th century beyond the reach of a simple 
unified framework. For this variety to be seen in a meaning- 
ful way, for an analysis of the leading features of the subject, 
there must be some preliminary, if crude, divisions of the sub- 
ject. Yet even a simple temporal division of the developments 
of almost 500 years is not free from difficulty. The pace and 
pattern of Western economic development differed markedly 
from country to country and from region to region, and as a 
matter of course the economic situation and activities of the 
Jews in those countries and regions differed widely also. The 
striking event, the momentous date, that might symbolize a 
qualitative change in Western economic structure is not to be 
found. If there is some basis for separating the early modern 
economic history of the Jews from the later modern develop- 
ments, it must be sought in other criteria: the basic structure 
and leading characteristics of the economy and the goals of 
the society. 

If we accept these criteria, it is not difficult to divide the 
whole period into two phases. During the first, economic 
development and economic policy were clearly and rigidly 
subordinated to noneconomic considerations of the society, 
and there was relatively little room for activity prompted by 
considerations of economic rationality as determined by the 
individuals concerned. In the second phase economic inter- 
ests were articulated more openly and clearly, and the idea of 
freedom of economic activity was accepted as leading to re- 
sults generally beneficial to the community as a whole. The 
transitional period between the two phases saw fundamental 
changes occurring throughout society: the legal and social 
framework had to be adjusted to the new demands, as sym- 
bolized by the substitution of the voluntary contract for tra- 
ditional, customary relationships or for relationships hitherto 
determined and regulated by the usage of special privileges 
and governmental orders. Equality before the law was estab- 
lished as a principle that overrode the predominant institu- 
tionally ingrained system of legal and social inequality. 

This transformation took place slowly and unevenly. 
Decades and even centuries apart in the various regions of 
Europe, the process nevertheless was continued and was ac- 
companied by major differences in the legal status, pattern of 
employment, and other characteristics of the various Jewish 
communities at each point in time. Thus, the study of the eco- 
nomic aspects of Jewish life over the 500 years is basically the 
study of the participation of the Jews in the process of eco- 
nomic change and of the impact of the changing conditions 
upon the economic and social structure of the Jews. Even 
within the first period, which for reasons of convenience and 
convention will be called the early modern one, the conditions 
of the Jews living in the economically advanced regions must 
be distinguished from conditions in the economically less de- 
veloped regions of Europe. Examples of the advanced regions 
are the city-states and major commercial centers of Italy and 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



the Low Countries; examples of less developed regions are the 
countries of Central and Eastern Europe. 

The discussion here of the early modern period will be 
confined almost exclusively to Europe because most Jews 
lived there (although Jews of course lived within the bound- 
aries of the Ottoman Empire, in the Middle East, and other 
areas). Although the variety and heterogeneity of the Euro- 
pean situation make generalization hazardous, much of what 
was done in one part of the continent to the Jews was more 
or less emulated in other parts, because of the cultural affini- 
ties within Christian Europe. 

sephardim and ashkenazim. The Jewish communities in 
Europe at the end of the 15 th century were not homogeneous in 
the cultural sense. The two mainstreams or dominant groups 
were the *Sephardim, originating from the Spanish- Portu- 
guese Jews, and the ^Ashkenazim, originating from the French 
and German Jews. These two branches grew apart, especially 
from the time of the Crusades. By the end of the 15 th and be- 
ginning of the 16 th century, when the Sephardi Jews were 
finally expelled from the Iberian Peninsula, the two major 
"tribes" of European Jewry came into a much closer con- 
tact, one resulting not in integration of the two, but in toler- 
able coexistence and peripheral cross-cultural interchange. 
The intellectual impact of the Sephardim was noticeable 
primarily in one area, namely that of religious mysticism. 
In other areas the Ashkenazim excelled the Sephardim in 
the creative development of what could be termed Jewish 

In the area of economic and social activity, the difference 
between the Sephardim and Ashkenazim was profound. The 
Sephardim were on the average much more affluent, skilled, 
and better educated (at least in the secular sense) than the 
Ashkenazim. In comparison the Ashkenazim were not only 
less prosperous but less culturally influenced by the gentile 
environment and less successful in any attempts at finding an 
intellectual symbiosis between their own and the surrounding 
culture. Therefore, the elements of the resource endowment 
of the Sephardi Jews made them the more attractive group 
of the two for settlement and employment in any European 
country. The Sephardi Jews were able to bring into the new ar- 
eas of their settlement highly developed skills and craftsman- 
ship in the areas of luxury consumption and were therefore 
highly valued by the influential consumers of such products 
and services, by the nobility, gentry, and patricians - the rul- 
ing classes of the contemporary societies. From available di- 
rect and circumstantial evidence it becomes clear that some 
of the Sephardi Jews were able to transfer portions of their 
capital out of Spain and Portugal, and thus their settlement 
in an area was accompanied by a capital import. It is interest- 
ing to note that in most cases, as far as the Christian coun- 
tries are concerned, the Sephardi Jews were attracted to and 
sought opportunities in the more economically advanced re- 
gions, areas with both developed trade and crafts and with a 
legal framework that did not hinder the economic activities 

of a developed money economy. These were areas actively en- 
gaged in foreign commerce in which the knowledge of com- 
modity and money markets possessed by Sephardi Jewish 
merchants could be profitably utilized. An additional asset of 
some Sephardi Jews was their knowledge gained from fam- 
ily and former business connections in the Iberian Peninsula 
and the overseas empires of Spain and Portugal. The Jewish 
participation in trade with Spain, Portugal, and their colonies 
never ceased, contrary to the myth of a worldwide Jewish boy- 
cott of the Iberian Peninsula. 

economic environment. Thus it could be roughly as- 
sumed that the "territory" of the Sephardim, at least during 
the 16 th and 17 th centuries, was the city-states and commer- 
cial centers of Europe, while the "territory" of the Ashkena- 
zim was the interior, the landmass or hinterland of Central 
and Eastern Europe. 

The economy of city-states like Genoa, Venice, and Du- 
brovnik (Ragusa), or of commercial centers like Antwerp, 
Amsterdam, and Hamburg, was based on international and 
interregional trade and the exploitation of politically depen- 
dent territories where trade was carried on or which were ad- 
ministered by corporate bodies either in the form of trading 
companies or governmental agencies acting on behalf of or- 
ganized mercantile interests. The main problem for the Jews, 
as for any group of outsiders, and even more so because of 
some peculiar restrictions or prejudices, was to gain entry 
into the organized institutions of economic activity, whether 
registered partnerships, trading companies, or later the com- 
modity and money exchanges. It was difficult, if not impos- 
sible, for the Jews as newcomers to operate outside the insti- 
tutional framework except in areas where their specialized 
skills or professions (such as medicine or science) would be 
recognized as exceptionally useful for the polity or economy. 
Thus, each outsider, including the Jews as individuals, had to 
fit into the preexisting economic structure and social fabric, 
upon neither of which he could expect to make any signifi- 
cant impact. The process by which the Jews were economi- 
cally integrated in the city-states and commercial centers was 
therefore primarily the sum total of adjustments by individ- 
uals in these occupations and activities. Much depended on 
individual skill or wealth, with very limited room left for the 
collectivity of the Jews, the autonomous and organized Jewish 
community, to influence significantly the pattern of economic 
activity of its members. 

The economic environment of the majority of the Ashke- 
nazi Jews in the areas of Central and Eastern Europe differed 
from that in the city-states and in the major commercial ar- 
eas. In the latter the Jews were restricted in terms of num- 
bers, place of habitat, and areas of gainful employment, and 
formed almost exclusively an urban element concentrated in 
the major cities and confined largely to trade, some special- 
ized skills, and money and lending operations. The situation 
of the Jews in Central and Eastern Europe, by contrast, can 
be described as characterized by both greater opportunities 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


and more severe constraints. The peculiar combination is a 
paradox of underdevelopment and discrimination, both op- 
erating simultaneously. 

There is an inherent conflict in societies with a high 
propensity to have rigid institutional arrangements in their 
economic sphere, even if within the institutions there may 
be provisions and conditions enabling the exercise of individ- 
ual initiative. This is the conflict between such a propensity 
for institutional stability and the need to innovate, for it is 
only through innovation that the economy can grow. Within 
such societies it is particularly difficult for newcomers, who 
have to be integrated and accepted, to innovate. Outsiders are 
often forced to follow a circuitous road and assume greater 
risks to achieve their objectives. An interesting case in point 
is presented by the penetration of the Jews into the interna- 
tional *sugar trade. Apparently finding it initially difficult 
to enter via trade activity, Jews of Amsterdam entered the 
sugar plantation business in Brazil, Surinam, and the West 
Indies. The result was beneficial for many parties: for Am- 
sterdam, a widening of its foreign trade; for the Jews, entrance 
into sugar production and sugar trade; for Europe, presum- 
ably a decrease in the price of sugar as a result of a rapid in- 
crease in supply. 

In the predominantly agrarian economies of this period, 
a very large sector of the population was on a subsistence level 
and for all practical purposes outside the exchange and money 
economy. The money economy included the court, the nobil- 
ity, gentry, and the urban classes, but only to a very limited 
extent the majority of the rural population, the peasants or 
serfs. While the areas of traditional or routine economic activ- 
ity were circumscribed and regulated to an extent that made it 
virtually impossible for the Jews to enter the established insti- 
tutions, there was a relatively wide spectrum of activities that 
were not institutionalized or controlled and that broadened 
the market or money economy. This presented a range of op- 
portunities for individuals who possessed or were forced to 
have a lesser- than-average risk aversion for activities in which 
returns proved to be higher and for whom accordingly the 
returns could be higher than average. 

The Jews suffered from discriminatory legislation; very 
seldom did their legal or social status as individuals depend 
upon their individual skills or the size of their personal wealth. 
There was no institutional arrangement by which a Jew could 
be integrated into his economic class or professional group. 
In a sense, he was the eternal outsider regardless of the eco- 
nomic function he performed, operating under conditions 
of discrimination and extreme uncertainty, dependent upon 
the arbitrary decisions of the rulers, and paying a high price 
(in the form of high taxes, bribes, ransom, etc.) for his right 
to be employed. Thus with the environmental conditions dif- 
fering between the more advanced and less advanced coun- 
tries, the ranges of opportunities and the areas of economic 
activity of the Jews differed, which in turn influenced the 
patterns of utilization of their resource endowment and their 
social structure. 

Jewish migration. One of the chief characteristics of Jew- 
ish economic activities in Europe during the early modern 
period was the relative (for this period) mobility of both 
capital and labor of the Jews. Even if we could consider 
exclusively voluntary mobility, the two other outstanding 
groups, the Italians and the Dutch, are in quite a different 
class when compared with the Jews. Thus, the migration 
phenomenon can be considered as one of the most signifi- 
cant dynamic elements of the economic and social history of 
the Jews. Jewish migration from the end of the 15 th century 
was from Western to Central and Eastern Europe; this con- 
tinued as the main vector until the second half of the 19 th cen- 
tury. The eastward movement overshadowed in its intensity 
the "return" of the Jews to the countries of Western Europe 
from which they were exiled in the earlier centuries and to 
which they gradually returned between the 17 th and 19 th cen- 

The process of migration did not take the form of an 
even, continuous flow but proceeded through spurts and 
movements differing in intensity, with interruptions, rever- 
sals, and resumptions that defied regularity. It is also difficult 
to ascertain, apart from the general vector of the migration 
movement and the main routes, the average distances and 
time periods of the earlier phases of the migration. For the 
Sephardi Jews two general directions can be established: one 
from the Iberian Peninsula to the areas adjacent to the Medi- 
terranean toward Italy, the Balkans, and Asian Turkey; the 
other toward southern France, the Netherlands, Hamburg, 
and England. For the Ashkenazim the direction of migration 
was from Western Germany over Austria toward Bohemia 
and Hungary, with another branch through Bohemia lead- 
ing toward Poland, Lithuania, Belorussia, and the Ukraine, 
while the Jewish population of eastern and northern Ger- 
many consisted of primarily Austrian and Bohemian Jews 
and to a lesser extent of western German Jews. Many aspects 
of Jewish migration still await thorough investigation. Nev- 
ertheless, certain generalizations can be made on the basis of 
available evidence: 

(1) By and large the eastward migration was in fact a 
movement of labor and capital from more highly developed 
to less economically developed countries and regions, from 
areas of greater availability of skilled labor and capital to areas 
of greater scarcity of these factors of production. 

(2) The mobility of labor and capital and thereby the mi- 
gration process was facilitated not only by religious identity 
but also by the cultural affinity of common customs and lan- 
guage, by the availability of established and organized Jewish 
communities not far from the destination of the migration 
route, and by the relatively high level of liquidity of capital on 
the part of capital owners. 

(3) The significance of the migration process for the 
economy of the Jews was due to a large extent to the fact that 
through migration and mobility a more remunerative distri- 
bution of human and capital resources could be achieved over 
a large territory, while both cultural and economic intercourse 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



could be maintained thanks to the continuing ties between 
the older and newer communities. 

(4) Some of the benefits of the process of mobility ac- 
cruing to the Jewish communities were congruent with the 
benefits to the economies of countries that absorbed the Jew- 
ish migrants, namely the import of skilled labor and capital 
resources to meet a strong demand. 

(5) The migration process of the Jews in the eastward di- 
rection, although caused to a very large extent by economic 
considerations, even by the differential of economic well-be- 
ing or differences in the rates of return to skills, had signifi- 
cant effects in other areas as well. It became a part of the "strat- 
egy for survival" either in cases of mass expulsions and exile 
or under conditions of a clear worsening of the legal status. 
Moreover, the absence of effective internal barriers supported 
the prevailing notion of a single, general Jewish community in 
Central and Eastern Europe. Leading schools drew students 
from far afield; famous scholars and rabbis were not bound to 
a particular locale; mystics and messianic claimants attracted 
multitudes from all over the continent. 

The first reversal of the direction on a larger scale in the 
eastward migration took place around the middle of the 17 th 
century during the times of the *Chmielnicki massacres in the 
Ukraine, the Swedish and Muscovite invasions of Poland, and 
the subsequent worsening of the economic situation there. The 
flow of refugees from Eastern Europe reached western Ger- 
many and even the Netherlands. From the middle of the 18 th 
century, there was a small but continuous flow of Central and 
Eastern European Jews trying to settle in Western Europe and 
North America. But this early ebb of migration had a minimal 
effect upon the economic life of the communities that they left 
or the ones that they joined. It only indicated that change was 
possible if not imminent. 

patterns of employment. Any systematic insight into 
the economic activities of the Jewish population in Europe 
during this period requires an examination of the patterns of 
employment. If the chief economic characteristic of Jewish 
migration was the movement from more developed to less 
developed countries one would expect the Jews to be em- 
ployed primarily not in areas of an abundant labor supply but 
in the economic sectors with a scarcity of labor and capital, 
namely trade and highly skilled crafts. Only when the employ- 
ment in such areas had reached a level of saturation or was 
encountering barriers would we expect the migrants to turn 
to less remunerative employment. The great majority of the 
Jews was employed in sectors of the economy that were di- 
rectly connected with the market. Very few operated outside 
the exchange and money economy, while most derived their 
incomes from the production and sales of goods and serv- 
ices. It is true that the markets differed, but it is important to 
bear in mind that the market psychology affected the activi- 
ties of the great majority. It is therefore appropriate to begin 
the review of the patterns of employment with the type of 
employment and activity most intimately connected with the 

organized markets and also yielding the highest returns. The 
"big business" of that period was carried on by a small group 
of enterprising individuals who either combined or fulfilled 
separately the functions of wholesale merchants, bankers, and 
industrial entrepreneurs. Such individuals in the economically 
advanced countries acted mostly in their private capacity, in 
the economically backward countries mostly in conjunction 
with the government, and were termed *Court Jews. 

It is impossible to measure directly the volume of inter- 
national trade carried on by Jewish wholesale merchants from 
the 16 th to the 18 th century, or the share of Jewish trade in the 
countries they inhabited, or even the share of these countries 
in the total volume of international trade. Such data are not 
as yet available, but it should be clear that, for example, a 10% 
share in the Dutch trade would probably be more than a 50% 
share in Poland's international trade, because of the relative 
sizes of the trade volume of the two countries. Direct and indi- 
rect evidence indicates that the Jews were involved in the trade 
of precious metals, the colonial trade, and trade of products 
possessing a high value per unit. Only later, with the improve- 
ment of shipping technology and cheapening of transportation 
costs, did Jews enter the trade in grain and other bulk prod- 
ucts, thus expanding the trade with the agrarian economies 
of Central and Eastern Europe. 

As bankers and bill brokers in the economically devel- 
oped countries, their operations did not differ from others of 
the profession. The two advantages that they might have pos- 
sessed over some of their competitors were their ability to 
transfer money rapidly from one locality to another, as they 
had either family or business connections with members of 
other Jewish communities, and the extension of credits by 
using the savings deposited with them by members of the 
community. Jewish bankers' preference for short-term over 
long-term credit could perhaps be explained by the desire 
for a quicker turnover of their capital and the unwillingness 
to accept land or real estate as security for loans outstanding. 
Industrial entrepreneurship of the Jews in the developed ar- 
eas was due to the availability of technical skills and business 
expertise in a number of craft and industry branches that the 
incoming Jews had brought with them. 

In the less developed countries the Court Jews played a 
significant role, and the gradual transformation of their func- 
tions reflected the economic development of such countries 
as well as the contribution such individuals made to the de- 
velopment process. The shortage of money and the low credit 
standing of most European rulers and their governments were 
notorious. Accordingly, the initial role of the Court Jews, as 
the title implies, was to serve the rulers in a double capacity, 
as lenders of money and as suppliers of precious metals to the 
mint, precious stones, and other luxury items for consump- 
tion of the court. The form of payment and security given 
were often tax farming, toll collection, and other privileges 
that provided for the principal and interest of the transaction. 
Thus the Court Jews not only provided credit for the rulers 
but also performed functions in the revenue collection of the 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


states. Two major factors contributed to the transformation 
of the nature of the service of the Court Jews. The first were 
the wars of the 17 th and 18 th centuries which called not only 
for greater monetary outlays and thus expanding demand for 
credits, but also for the organizational talent to supply the nu- 
merous armies in the field with weapons, ammunition, cloth- 
ing, food, and fodder. The need to contract and pay for, and 
to deliver large bulks of necessary supplies at great distance, 
called for new and substantial organizational talents. The 
Court Jews performed well when requested to carry out the 
above tasks, and in the process of doing so gained new knowl- 
edge in large-scale operations requiring greater efficiency in 
mobilizing vast resources in relatively backward economies. 
In so doing the Court Jews were assisting the political inter- 
ests of the rulers or of the state. 

Another factor contributing to the transformation of 
their service was the entry of the Jews into the ranks of in- 
dustrial entrepreneurs. The setting-up of mining and manu- 
facturing industries in the economically backward countries 
was not a market response to a demand for such products. It 
was in most cases either a direct result of government action 
or an indirectly induced development as a result of a conscious 
government policy. Government policies in those countries 
pursued two goals: first, to develop armament industries to 
strengthen the countries militarily and politically in their 
struggles for hegemony or for the restoration of a power bal- 
ance in Europe; secondly, to develop industry branches that 
produced import-substitutes, which meant primarily prod- 
ucts used by the wealthy upper classes of society. The military 
needs on the one hand and the maintenance of a positive bal- 
ance of payments on the other were mainly responsible for the 
state initiative and support given to early mining and manu- 
facturing industries. Given the government financial or tax 
support for the industrial establishments, the critical factors 
were skilled labor and entrepreneurial and managerial talents. 
In providing technical skills the contribution of the Jews was 
probably inferior to the possibilities of importing skills from 
the advanced countries, so the primary area of their contri- 
bution, by no means exclusively Jewish, was that of entrepre- 
neurial and managerial talent. Their previous experience in 
large-scale banking, military contracting, etc., provided the 
necessary background. The involvement in previous services 
for the state gave them the knowledge and political connec- 
tions necessary for obtaining licenses, privileges, and often 
the labor force for the budding industrial enterprises. Thus 
the former Court Jew became an industrial entrepreneur, con- 
tinuing social innovation, creating new types of economic or- 
ganization, and helping to break old patterns and traditional 
systems. The economic significance for the Jewish community 
of this group of wholesale merchants, bankers, and industrial 
entrepreneurs consisted not only in their role in the accumu- 
lation of capital, but also and primarily in their collective role 
in creating employment opportunities for other Jews. The 
relatively large-scale operations of this entrepreneurial class 
gave rise to a demand for services that could be performed by 

other members of the community. For example, in such enter- 
prises as supply-contracting, a system of subcontracting was 
established that provided income for a relatively large num- 
ber of smaller- scale merchants, and even the administration 
of large landed estates provided employment for many inn- 
keepers, alcohol distillers, and other self-employed members 
of the Jewish community. 

A second area of employment, which was represented by 
a massive participation of the members of the Jewish commu- 
nity, was that of smaller- scale and retail trade and of commer- 
cial intermediaries operating with limited capital resources, in 
many cases not their own. In the economically more advanced 
centers the economic activities of this employment group were 
rather specialized, with heavy concentration in limited areas 
of the retail trade and specialized services as commercial and 
financial intermediaries. Here too their activities were lim- 
ited by the existing institutional structure of the commercial 
centers. In order to compete with the more established firms 
or individuals, the Jewish merchants tried to deviate from the 
standards of goods being marketed and provided a greater va- 
riety in terms of quality for a broader range of prices. The eco- 
nomic effect of such - for that period - unorthodox behavior 
was a broadening of the market and an increase in the num- 
ber of consumers attracted by a wider range of quality. In the 
less advanced economies of that period, the Jewish merchants 
had to overcome both the power of the urban guilds and the 
customary location of actual markets in the cities. Therefore 
a major area of the trade of the Jewish merchants consisted 
in reaching the social circle beyond the orbit of the exchange 
economy, the peasants. The merchants sought out the areas of 
a marketable surplus of agricultural products. By increasing 
the size of shipments from the outlying areas it was possible to 
decrease the costs of transportation that previously had made 
it unprofitable to bring these products to market. 

A number of varied and interesting phenomena attended 
this Jewish mercantile activity. First, through their penetration 
of the rural areas Jewish merchants and peddlers supplied both 
the manor and the peasant huts with manufactured goods 
that were in demand, and simultaneously collected the mar- 
ketable surplus of grains, flax, wool, and livestock. This two- 
way trade enabled the Jews to compete relatively successfully 
with the local merchants who conducted their trade at fixed 
points, primarily in the cities, and were relatively protected 
by their status as city dwellers and merchants. Secondly, the 
penetration of Jewish peddlers and merchants into the coun- 
tryside enabled them to organize early, still primitive forms of 
a putting-out system, making use of and helping in the further 
development of cottage industries in the rural areas, and thus 
organizing and supporting a form of production in compe- 
tition with the urban crafts controlled and protected by the 
city guilds (see * Peddling). Thirdly, the employment of Jews in 
innkeeping, alcohol distilling, and livestock production in the 
rural areas helped further to inject into the agricultural sector 
the elements of an exchange and money economy. The result 
of the activity of the Jewish small merchants in the rural areas 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



was to encourage the production of an agricultural surplus, to 
stimulate the consumption of nonagricultural goods, and to 
foster the alienation of some part of the former agricultural 
labor force from the land and to channel it into the cottage 
industries and into transportation services, thus helping to 
create a nonagricultural labor force in the rural areas that de- 
pended upon wages rather than upon returns from land. 

The second largest employment group within the Jewish 
community was that of the artisans. Given the limited size of 
the market and the degree of organization of the craft guilds, 
the Jewish artisans faced a constant struggle for the right to 
compete. Since they were refused admittance to the craft 
guilds, they suffered from the constraints imposed on non- 
members of the guilds and at best could count on a compro- 
mise that would allow them to continue their activity at the 
price of compensatory payments to the guilds. The alternative 
was to be restricted to the very narrow market for craft pro- 
duction provided by the Jewish community. Faced with this 
choice, the Jewish artisans accepted the conditions of higher 
costs of production, including the payment of compensation 
to the guilds, until such time as the burden of discrimination 
could be lessened or alternative arrangements could create 
new opportunities. The range of Jewish crafts was very wide, 
beginning with highly specialized gold- and silversmiths and 
jewelers, ranging to masons, carpenters, and blacksmiths, but 
with a heavy concentration in the clothing crafts like tailoring, 
cap -making, furriery, and shoemaking. This concentration 
indicates a reliance upon a mass market. Through this orien- 
tation toward an expanding market the survival of Jewish ar- 
tisans was guaranteed and new arrangements for production 
and marketing were developed. The new arrangements took 
the form of what amounts to a putting- out system organized 
by Jewish merchants who provided the artisans with raw ma- 
terials and occasionally with advance payments for their work. 
Thus, the artisans were converted almost into wage laborers. 
The arrangement, however, freed them from the necessity of 
having their own or borrowed capital tied up in stocks of raw 
material or finished goods and also from involvement in the 
process of distribution, these functions being performed by 
the merchants. From the end of the 16 th century the artisans 
started to organize Jewish craft guilds. Although there is still 
much debate about the actual effectiveness of these Jewish 
guild activities, there is no doubt that their establishment was 
a response to a deeply felt need for collective action and for 
articulating their interests at least within the Jewish commu- 
nities. Under such arrangements Jewish artisans were better 
able to survive at least until the time when modern industry 
posed new threats to the positions of small crafts and the put- 
ting-out system. 

A description of the various employment categories 
within the Jewish milieu would be incomplete if it did not note 
that a certain part of the economically active population was 
employed within the Jewish community itself. This general 
area of employment can be divided into two groups: (1) the 
occupations that served the Jewish community exclusively; 

(2) those providing services for which an assured demand ex- 
isted within the Jewish community but of which outsiders also 
could avail themselves. Among the first category were rabbis, 
schoolteachers, ritual slaughterers, scroll scribes, employees of 
the ritual bathhouse, and keepers of synagogues and cemeter- 
ies. The demand for the services of this group was determined 
largely by religious laws and customs and therefore was not 
very flexible. Among the other category were butchers, candle- 
makers, bookdealers, and prayer-shawl weavers. The demand 
for their employment could have been a joint demand since 
they were capable of providing services for non-Jews as well. 
Nevertheless the Jewish community had to sustain the costs of 
maintaining the bulk of their services when outside demand 
proved insufficient. The percentage of all these intracommu- 
nity services in the total of gainful employment varied for the 
particular communities according to their size; but there was 
less variation if the Jewish population of each of the countries 
was viewed as a unit. While smaller communities could have 
shared in some of the services that none alone could afford, the 
combined percentage of intracommunity employment, when 
standardized for size, was not much different from that of the 
larger communities. As a rule of thumb it would probably be 
correct to assume that at least 10% of total employment was 
devoted to the internal community services. 

These various categories of employment constituted a 
wide spectrum within the Jewish communities and absorbed 
much of the energy of its members. In terms of the percent- 
age of gainful employment or actual volume of labor input 
within the year they were probably greater than the average 
for the population at large for whom seasonality of agricul- 
ture reduced the volume of labor input. Apart from them, 
however, there existed a numerous group of unemployed or 
unemployable members of the community. It would be fair 
to assume that the primary responsibility for the support and 
maintenance of the unemployed or unemployable rested with 
the extended family which was the basic social unit within 
the community. Whenever the family was unable to provide 
such support, the community accepted such people as public 
charges. The three major ways in which the community met 
its responsibilities were through private charity; institution- 
alized voluntary associations organized for the purposes of 
providing assistance through institutions, such as hospitals, 
homes for incurables or the aged, and loan-societies; and 
through direct community support out of the taxation levied 
upon the tax-paying members. In accord with traditional be- 
liefs, private charity was not only considered a responsibility 
but also an opportunity for the more prosperous members of 
the community. The activities of voluntary associations con- 
cerned with this type of welfare and social services prevented 
a full bureaucratization of functions, which would otherwise 
have been taken over entirely by the community authorities, 
and left thus much room for individual initiative and energy. 
Needless to say, neither private charity nor the work of the 
voluntary associations sufficed to meet the problem. Since 
the number of unemployed and unemployable also depended 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


upon general economic conditions, in times of relative pros- 
perity the economy would tend to absorb the unemployed and 
the community would be in a better condition to support the 
unemployable, while the reverse was true during periods of 
economic decline. Thus the role of community taxation in- 
creased at times when the tax burden was already felt most 
heavily Nevertheless, the communities accepted this "welfare 
responsibility" either out of a sense of moral obligation or in 
order to mitigate the social friction and conflicts that a refusal 
would have entailed. It is difficult to estimate the proportion 
of unemployed or paupers within the Jewish communities for 
this period, but depending upon the economic and legal con- 
ditions of the Jews, it would be no exaggeration to estimate 
their number as between 15 and 25%, with a secular tendency 
to rise since the second half of the 17 th century. 

It is likewise difficult to document the employment dis- 
tribution within the Jewish communities for countries scat- 
tered all over the map of Europe, although there are data for 
separate local communities either for irregular intervals or 
for single years. The employment distribution for the larg- 
est Jewish community in Europe - Poland- Lithuania - in the 
middle of the 18 th century can roughly be reconstructed. The 
employment distribution differed markedly among the Jews 
settled in the larger cities, among those inhabiting the small 
towns, and among those scattered in the rural areas. In addi- 
tion, the peculiarity of the settlement pattern of the Jews in 
Poland- Lithuania during this period was the large propor- 
tion of Jews living in rural areas, about one-third of the total 
Jewish population. While in the rural areas leaseholding (see 
*arenda) y innkeeping, alcohol distilling, and ancillary agri- 
culture were the main occupations, the mass of Jewish arti- 
sans inhabited the larger cities and smaller towns. The social 
structure which emerges from the approximate data reflects 
the following employment distribution of the Polish Jews by 
the middle of the 18 th century: wholesale merchants, finan- 
ciers, etc. - about 2-3%; small traders, including leasehold- 
ers and innkeepers - less than 40%; artisans and other urban 
wage earners - more than 33%; employed in intracommunity 
services - about 10%; unemployed and paupers - at least 15%. 
The most obvious conclusions that could be drawn from this 
employment distribution is that the vast majority of the Jews 
earned their livelihood from physical labor and that a substan- 
tial proportion of the population was either already living on 
charity or on the threshold of poverty. 


consideration of the employment distribution within the Jew- 
ish community sheds some light on the problem of the sources 
of Jewish income and on one particularly interesting aspect, 
that of resource endowment and returns to labor and capital, 
the factors of production. For a long time the prevailing view 
among historians of the period has been that capital was the 
more important component of the resource endowment of the 
Jewish community and that returns to capital were also quanti- 
tatively the more significant component of the income earned 

by the Jews. Needless to say, this view was more congruent 
with popular images than with documentary calculations. 
Both progress in historical research and increased sophistica- 
tion of economic analysis have led to serious questioning of 
this view. There is no doubt that a substantial part of the capital 
with which the Jews operated was borrowed from non-Jews, 
as evidenced by the bankruptcy of the Jewish communities 
in Poland during the 18 th century and their large debts to the 
nobility and clergy. It is also increasingly clear that the return 
to skills in the pre -industrial period was relatively higher than 
was initially assumed. If first the labor income derived from 
the goods produced by Jewish artisans and craftsmen is cal- 
culated and then the labor component of the earning in retail 
trade is added, the result arrived at would be a very substantial 
share of the total income earned by all employed. The vast ma- 
jority of the Jews during this period earned the bulk of their 
income from labor services. The profit rate of owners of capi- 
tal could be maintained only by using capital in new areas of 
trade and industry, thus counteracting the secular tendency 
of the profit rate to decline while capital was becoming rela- 
tively more abundant. The capital earnings of the members of 
the Jewish community were in part used, through a process of 
income redistribution, to maintain intracommunity services 
and to aid the poorer members of the community. 

The income position and income level of the Jewish com- 
munity depended upon prevailing economic conditions and 
their changes. If the Jewish community is considered as being 
involved in an exchange of goods and services with the com- 
munity at large, the economic well-being of the Jewish com- 
munity would depend not only upon its employment compo- 
sition and resource endowment, but also upon the "terms of 
trade" of its production of goods and services with the prod- 
ucts for which it traded with the community at large. If, for 
simplicity's sake, it is assumed that the Jews were producing 
manufactured goods and consuming food and raw materi- 
als, their prosperity or lack of it would depend to some extent 
upon the terms of trade between manufactured goods and 
raw materials. In fact, the income of the Jews depended upon 
the economic situation of the various countries and particu- 
larly upon conditions in the agrarian sector which provided 
the bulk of the consumers of the products and services pro- 
duced and marketed by the Jews. Since the goods sold by the 
Jews were more sensitive to the income position of consumers 
and since prices tended to vary with regard to relatively small 
changes in the demand or supply of such goods, their income 
probably fluctuated even more than that of the primary prod- 
uct producers. At the same time the volume of consumption of 
the Jews was less liable to fluctuate, thus tending to underscore 
even more the vulnerability of their net income position. 

The secular trend of the economic well-being of the Jew- 
ish community in Europe varied from country to country, 
making it difficult to establish a general trend that would fit 
all countries during identical periods. The most general trend 
in the economic conditions of the Jews, and one that helps 
to explain the historical direction of the migration process, 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



is the continuous improvement of their economic status and 
income level in Eastern Europe until the middle of the 17 th 
century when the decline set in. About the same time, actu- 
ally after the recovery following the Thirty Years' War in Ger- 
many (1618-48), a slow process of improvement of the eco- 
nomic conditions favorable to the Jews started in Central and 
Western Europe. While the 18 th century reinforced the two 
diametrically opposed tendencies, the reversal of the migra- 
tion pattern became discernible. The dependence of the Jews 
upon the economic conditions of the country and the par- 
ticular society is self-explanatory. What is less clear, however, 
is the existence of significant differences in the attitude of dif- 
ferent social groups toward the Jews behind the facade of a 
generalized "attitude." 


large. The pattern of economic and especially social rela- 
tions between Jews and non-Jews remained almost unchanged 
throughout most of the early modern period. These relations 
were initially established to a very large extent upon the basis 
of the expected or actual utility of the Jews to the interests of 
particular social groups. The similarities and differences of 
economic interests of the social groups and their relative po- 
litical strength played a decisive role in shaping the constraints 
upon the economic activity of the Jews. The following social 
groups might be differentiated: the crown and the nobility; 
the gentry; the merchants, with differentiation between the 
more advanced and backward countries; the craftsmen; and 
the peasants. From the outset it should be noted that the Jews 
had no economic counterpart to some of the social groups 
(crown and nobility, gentry, peasants) and thus no problem of 
economic competition could enter into the relationship. In the 
cases of the craftsmen and merchants, however, the problem 
of direct competition created almost an a priori presumption 
of an antagonistic relationship. 

For the crown, the Jews were either a source of revenue 
or a vehicle of economic development in the areas of foreign 
trade, money and credit, and later manufacturing industry. 
The dependence of the Jews upon the crown allowed them 
to be considered both as a pliable instrument of government 
policies and as an important source of money income, fully 
compensating for the distaste or religious resentment gener- 
ally felt toward the Jews. In the countries where the upper no- 
bility shared in the power of the government, the economic 
convenience and money incomes from the Jews derived by 
the nobles employing them on the large private estates or in 
the discharge of the nobility's public offices rivaled the gains 
derived by the crown. The attitudes of the gentry toward the 
Jews were somewhat more ambiguous than that of the nobil- 
ity. The Jews served the gentry as middlemen in the sale of 
their agricultural surplus and as suppliers of manufactured 
goods on terms more favorable than other merchants would 
customarily offer. In addition they often served as a source 
of credit for the money- hungry, debt-ridden gentry. Like the 
nobility, the gentry preferred in many cases to have the Jews 

act as a buffer between them and the peasantry, so that for 
the opportunity of employment and income the Jews often 
assumed the role of the gentry's agent in the economic exploi- 
tation of the peasantry and in effect became the scapegoat of 
the justified wrath of the peasants. The presence of the Jews 
as a threat of competition to the urban dwellers was useful to 
the gentry in resisting the merchants' demands for economic 
and political privileges, which the gentry were loathe to give 
up or to share. The gentry, therefore, appeared as a defender 
of the Jews and of their activities as traders and craftsmen. The 
ambiguity in the gentry's position arose mainly in connection 
with their role as debtors who were quite unwilling to live up 
to their obligations. 

With respect to the merchants, a distinction has to be 
made between the advanced and the economically backward 
countries. In the economically advanced countries, the mer- 
chants during this period had already given up many of their 
special privileges in exchange for the legal protection of the 
business contract. The existing institutions and organizational 
forms of trade allowed a certain degree of competition; and 
the merchants as a group did not feel terribly threatened by 
an influx of newcomers, as long as the newcomers subscribed 
to the generally accepted rules of business conduct, were sub- 
ject to the common jurisdiction, and were contributing to the 
expansion of trade. Therefore, even if the Jewish merchants 
were not socially accepted, they were tolerated as perform- 
ing the same social function as the merchants in general. In 
contrast, the merchants in the economically backward coun- 
tries were hostile for a number of reasons: (1) the occupation 
of merchants was circumscribed by sets of special privileges 
and regulated by the guild organizations in the areas of entry, 
business behavior of the guild members, and the nature of the 
markets; (2) the merchants in those countries subscribed very 
strongly to the erroneous notion that there is at each point in 
time a given volume of business, and the admission of more 
people into the profession will only reduce the share everyone 
already enjoys; (3) the fear of competition, which might lead 
to a decrease of the profit rate, made the merchants hostile to 
newcomers in general and particularly to the Jews who were 
outside their jurisdiction; (4) many of the merchants in the 
less developed countries were themselves ethnically of foreign 
stock and by keeping the conspicuous Jews out they tried to 
mollify the popular impression that trade was almost exclu- 
sively in the hands of foreigners. Thus the merchants in such 
countries did their best, wherever they could, to limit the oc- 
cupations of the Jews, trying to eliminate competition from 
the most lucrative areas of trade and from the conventional 
channels of trade. 

The social group that felt subjectively most threatened 
by competition from the Jews were the artisans who relied 
even more than the merchants upon benefits derived from 
old privileges and the guild organization. They tried to aug- 
ment their incomes by following monopolistic practices, by 
regulating entry into guilds, setting a long time period for 
apprenticeship, prescribing the production process in detail, 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


and trying to control the market. The artisan guilds in urban 
areas were relatively powerful, closed corporate bodies, quite 
effective in controlling urban crafts. As a social group the ar- 
tisans had a much narrower outlook than the merchants, were 
much more under the influence of the Church, and resent- 
ful and suspicious of outsiders. During this period the Jewish 
artisans did not succeed in being incorporated into the gen- 
eral guilds and had to operate outside the Christian guild or- 
ganization. Attempts to set up guilds of Jewish artisans were 
numerous and always argued for on the basis of the need for 
organization for successful competition or income mainte- 
nance. Needless to say, the artisans, the plebeian masses of 
the cities, quite often linked their struggle against competi- 
tion from Jewish craftsmen and traders to the social struggle 
against the gentry and urban patricians. Thus anti- Jewish sen- 
timent often accompanied particular forms of the class strug- 
gle of the urban plebeians. 

The attitudes of the peasantry to the Jews did not mat- 
ter in terms of the policies toward the Jews, except in cases of 
peasant wars and uprisings. Nor could the peasants prevent 
Jews from acting on behalf of the crown, gentry, and nobility. 
Nevertheless they affected some of the economic activities of 
the Jewish traders and artisans and were of importance in the 
social sphere since the peasants constituted the vast majority 
of the population. There is no doubt that in the situations in 
which the Jews acted as economic agents for the landowners 
they were strongly resented by the peasants. But even in the 
many instances when the Jews helped to bring the peasants 
into the money economy the attitude was not one of unquali- 
fied gratitude. This was due to the fact that the peasants' entry 
into and participation in the money economy was accompa- 
nied by rising demands for incomes on the part of both the 
landowners and the state at the expense of the peasants. In a 
sense, with peasant incomes rising, rents and taxes tended to 
rise accordingly. It would probably not be incorrect to con- 
clude that in spite of tangible benefits provided for the peas- 
ants by some economic activities of the Jews, the peasants did 
not differentiate among the various roles played by the Jews in 
the rural economy. They were certainly either unable or un- 
willing to distinguish between different categories of Jews, a 
trait which they share with other social groups. The Jew was 
the stranger who, in the eyes of the peasants (as well as of the 
artisans), was suspected of undermining the traditional order. 
That old order was one that the peasants did not like, but they 
were too conservative to substitute another for it because of 
all the accompanying uncertainties. The Jews, in turn, espe- 
cially those that settled in the rural areas, were perhaps only 
a notch above the peasants economically, but they were sepa- 
rated from the peasants by a cultural gulf that could not be 
bridged. Thus suspicion on the one side was reciprocated by 
contempt from the other. 


the extent that the relations between some groups of the gen- 
eral community and various social groups within the Jewish 

community appeared to the contemporaries as antagonistic, 
and to the extent that the legal framework and policies of 
many European states were discriminatory, there existed 
a strong tendency within the Jewish community to engage 
in self-defense. In addition, there manifestly existed a desire 
to free themselves of the fetters of restrictions and controls 
imposed by the state, guilds, and other existing corporate 
bodies. But the latter attitude did not lead necessarily to a 
laissez-faire attitude even in areas of autonomous choice. 
The Jews' demand for freedom of trade or for the free exercise 
of one's skills in crafts and manufacturing did not include a 
demand for the abolition of regulations by the Jewish com- 
munity itself of the economic activity of its members. The 
adoption of such an attitude would clearly clash with existing 
economic realities and with the basic tenet of governmental 
policy toward the Jews, which was accepted, willingly or un- 
willingly, by the Jewish communities. The point of departure 
of governmental policies was the principle, explicitly stated 
or implicitly assumed, of collective responsibility of the com- 
munity for the acts of its members. In order for the Jewish 
community to discharge this responsibility at least a modi- 
cum of autonomy had to be granted in areas of taxation and 
civil law. 

Seen in historical perspective, the measures of self- regu- 
lation and control by the autonomous authorities of the Jew- 
ish community over the economic activities of their members 
were perhaps only minor alterations in the general framework 
of the economic life of the Jews, which was determined largely 
by the conditions of the economy and major policies of the 
state. Nevertheless, the details and alterations seem to have 
been important since they apparently influenced the well-be- 
ing of many and helped minimize some effects of discrimi- 
nation. In general the spirit in which particular adjustments 
and arrangements were made was one of pragmatic realism. 
Broadly it coincided with the abolition of the restriction upon 
Jews charging interest to their coreligionists, a move that of- 
ficially sanctioned a usage originating much earlier than the 
beginning of the 17 th century. The basic criteria for commu- 
nity control appear to be in the same spirit: (1) maximum eco- 
nomic effectiveness for the community, the collectivity as the 
sum of its members; (2) conformity with traditional standards 
of justice and welfare; (3) minimal interference with individual 
initiative; and (4) continuity of religious traditions and main- 
tenance of the existing authority structure, social order, and 
economic stratification. 

Among the most outstanding examples of community 
activity as a self- regulatory agency influencing the economic 
life of its members, the following may be mentioned: (1) The 
right to accept new settlers enabled communities at least to 
some extent to regulate and direct the flow of migration. By 
granting or refusing the "right of entry" in the community 
(which was tantamount to the right of habitat and employ- 
ment in a certain locality; see * Her em ha-Yishuv), the commu- 
nal authorities were able to exercise a degree of control upon 
the supply of labor and the extent of competition for employ- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



ment and business opportunities. (2) The community had the 
right of enforcing the principle of *hazakah - of seniority or 
preferential option granted in the bidding or negotiation of 
a new contract to the previous partner over his competitors. 
This was a rule that benefited the previous or current party 
over any new entrant and effectively limited competition 
among Jewish businessmen. (3) There was a right and obliga- 
tion to guarantee the solvency of the members of the commu- 
nity in business transactions whenever such guarantee were 
required or requested. In practice such guarantees helped 
members of the community avail themselves of business op- 
portunities and strengthen their credit position, but in some 
cases the community, by indicating the limits of credit, was 
both protecting itself and preventing its members from engag- 
ing in high-risk operations. (4) There was a right to distribute 
the tax burden of the community among its members both for 
the purposes of poll tax payments and for its intracommunity 
needs (see ^Taxation). 

The paradox of the situation is that most of the cited ex- 
amples appear to be in conflict with the liberal idea of grant- 
ing freedom of economic activity to individuals. It is, however, 
congruent with the conviction that for a minority to survive as 
a distinct group it has to place the interests of group survival 
above the short-run interests of the individual members. It 
is also plausible that when the state was regulating economic 
life and practicing economic discrimination, an autonomous 
group could not afford a laissez-faire practice and still main- 
tain its identity and internal cohesion. In fact, when during a 
later period the state started to withdraw from the positions 
of control and regulation, the Jewish communities also had 
to give up most of their regulatory functions under the pres- 
sure of the individual members in order to survive at least as 
voluntary associations. But during the period under consider- 
ation the Jewish community organization was still very strong 
in enforcing its control over an economically heterogeneous 
and socially stratified population. 

NITY. Since the Jewish community was differentiated in re- 
spect to economic functions, it would be well to inquire into 
the pattern of social stratification among the Jews during this 
period. The society at large was hierarchically organized, and 
the social conditions of its members were largely predeter- 
mined either by birth (by hereditary status) or by the role 
and functions assigned to them by prevailing custom or by 
the state. There was no perfect identity, however, between the 
stratification of the society at large and the Jewish community 
for the simple reason that the Jews were excluded from land 
ownership and were therefore lacking the equivalent of the 
nobility, gentry, and serf-peasantry Within the Jewish com- 
munity there was the equivalent of three large groups which 
had their counterparts in the society at large, namely: the 
equivalent of the urban patricians, the equivalent of the small 
producers (craftsmen) and middlemen (merchants), and the 
wage earners and paupers. 

The first group, in terms of wealth, was represented by 
rich merchants and entrepreneurs engaged in international 
and interregional trade, in ownership of industrial establish- 
ments, in banking and moneylending, as court factors, tax 
farmers, etc. In terms of social prestige this group also in- 
cluded famous rabbinical scholars and book publishers, al- 
though the last two categories were far inferior in terms of 
wealth. The second group, representing the majority of the 
Jewish population, included all the owners of some capital, 
in the form of tools or stocks of goods, to which their own or 
family labor was applied and who employed a small number 
of workers. They were the ones who, like the vast majority of 
the first group, came into direct contact with the market and 
were exposed to all the irregularities of the early, imperfect 
markets of the time. Although social mobility from this group 
into the upper stratum was not prevented by any legal means, 
the dichotomy between the two groups was noticeable both in 
the economic and the social spheres, and the grievances voiced 
by this group against the upper stratum are a clear witness to 
the cleavage existing between them. The third group included 
wage earners engaged in crafts, trade, transportation, services 
(including domestics), and a large number of unemployables 
for whom the community had to provide a livelihood. While 
social mobility from the third group into the second was a 
possibility, the "plebs" of the community constituted a distinct 
group, inferior not only in terms of income, but also in educa- 
tion and skills and separated by many social and cultural bar- 
riers from the ones who were economically independent. 

While the intergroup mobility was limited by economic 
factors and perhaps also by some cultural factors, intragroup 
mobility was much more free and frequent; and in this respect 
the Jewish community was ahead of its times in comparison 
with the society at large. There were also special reasons why 
the tensions among the various groups and social classes were 
dampened and less explosive than in the society at large. Two 
reasons were especially significant: first, the generally oppres- 
sive attitudes of the society at large, which apart from excep- 
tional cases and special situations was hardly in a mood to 
differentiate among the various categories and groups within 
the Jewish community; secondly, the institutionalized system 
of welfare within the Jewish community acted as a form of in- 
come redistribution and provided for the most basic needs of 
its indigent members. But even this mitigation of the inter- 
nal tensions could not eliminate the intensity of the discord 
and the deep resentment that existed among the various so- 
cial groups within the community, contrary to the superficial 
impressions of casual outside observers who were convinced 
that the Jewish community was a model of internal harmony 
and solidarity. The internal conflicts were at times so intense 
that external, governmental authorities were called upon to 
take sides and intervene either to strengthen the forces of 
authority within the community or to curb the arbitrariness 
of the decisions and limit the authority of the ruling bodies. 
The various intellectual and religious movements within the 
Jewish community also exhibited strong social overtones and 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


in some cases revealed the strength of subterranean resent- 
ments and open protest on the part of the lower classes of the 

The real power in the community was located in the 
hands of the upper social group, and the wealthy occupied 
offices of consequence and social prestige. Although Jewish 
communities strongly resented the appointment of officers 
by government authorities - which guaranteed office-holding 
for the wealthiest - as an interference in community affairs, 
the system of electing officers (who were often personally re- 
sponsible for the fiscal obligations of the community) no less 
favored the election of the rich, the ones who could afford the 
burden of office. Wealth became almost a prerequisite for of- 
fice and could be augmented by holding office, since offices 
provided access to information and opportunities that could 
be turned to business advantage by their holders. In part, some 
of the power of the wealthy elite was exercised because of the 
economic dependence of members of the community directly 
employed or indirectly influenced by the elite. The relatively 
large-scale business operations by the members of the elite 
provided employment opportunities for agents, salesmen, do- 
mestics, etc., which assured the elite of the support of the de- 
pendents in community affairs. The symbol of the autonomy 
of the Jewish communities was their right to elect their spiri- 
tual leaders, the rabbis. The communities viewed any attempt 
by governmental authority to appoint rabbis as an assault on 
their right of religious autonomy. Nonetheless, the power of 
the spiritual leaders was more important in maintaining the 
continuity of tradition and is to be seen more in their role as 
mitigators in internal conflicts than in the internal policies or 
the routine economic activities of the community. It was left 
to the business elite to regulate and supervise the economic 
activities of the community. In cases where a conflict arose be- 
tween the spiritual leaders and the upper stratum in the com- 
munity, the real power, that of the elite, usually asserted itself. 
In the communities in which the power of office was shared by 
the upper stratum with representatives of the middle group, 
the important decisions were usually left to the "patrician" 
families. An important result of the existing social stratifica- 
tion during this period was the degree of stability provided 
by community leadership recruited basically from one social 
group. In a period when all other societies were hierarchically 
organized, the Jewish community could hardly afford to be 
organized according to any other principle. 

Transition Period 

The transition between the "old" conditions and the "new" 
was neither smooth nor short. It spanned two distinct periods, 
which differed markedly from one another in respect to the 
general framework of economic activity, the prevailing ideolo- 
gies, and the social groups that made the important decisions. 
The transition reflected the change in social and economic 
development, in this sense exhibiting both its revolutionary 
aspects regarding some institutions and individuals and its 
evolutionary aspects of piecemeal transformation of other in- 

stitutions, habits, and activities. The major characteristics of 
the transition in the economic sphere included acceleration 
in the accumulation of tangible assets (capital) as well as the 
possibility and willingness to transfer increasing amounts of 
capital from one area of economic activity to another. This 
phenomenon was accompanied by the development of tech- 
nology, which provided labor-saving mechanical devices for 
the production of goods, and in turn became a strong force in 
creating the demand for new capital and for new skills. 

Concurrent with these economic changes were new de- 
velopments in generally held beliefs and opinions. Among the 
many, some must be singled out for their significance. Espe- 
cially important was the rise of secularism at the expense of 
traditional religious and theological views. The turn toward 
secularism put man in the center of the universe and assumed 
that he was able and willing to subordinate the forces of na- 
ture to serve him. This led both to the development of a more 
generalized utilitarian approach and, with the weakening of 
earlier dogmatic attitudes, to the development and penetra- 
tion of scientific thought, thus providing the basis for innova- 
tions and inventions in the field of technology. The spread of 
the idea of egalitarianism was another important element in 
the change of social thought. While not a characteristic fea- 
ture of the period, the fact that man in the abstract was now 
at the center of the universe, led egalitarianism to challenge 
the basic premises of a hierarchical society in which the ac- 
cidents of birth largely determine the social position of indi- 
viduals. Though egalitarianism was not yet successful during 
the period of transition in securing the political and social 
participation of a broad spectrum of the populace, it at least 
achieved the legitimization of merit and achievement rather 
than birth as the leading criteria for joining the social elite. 
The change of criteria was of utmost importance, while the 
implementation of the principle could proceed only slowly if 
the social fabric was not to be torn by revolution. If ideas of 
secularism and egalitarianism are to be intellectually tenable 
and socially effective, equality before the law is perhaps the 
first necessary step. Thus the establishment of a new legal- 
ity based not upon divine law or the will of the sovereign but 
upon the consensus of the governed led to new forms of in- 
dividual freedom and to social responsibilities or disciplines 
being shared by all citizens or inhabitants of the particular 
countries. That social discipline required the resolution of 
conflicts within a legal framework was obvious, and for the 
framework to be effective it had to approach universality and 
offer equitable treatment to all. 

The transition period in Western Europe dates from 
about the middle of the 18 th century until after the Napoleonic 
Wars, and in Eastern Europe runs from the Napoleonic Wars 
until the third quarter of the 19 th century. The distinction and 
the lack of overlap in time is important to the extent that the 
Western European experience could have been considered as a 
model of the future economic and social development of East- 
ern Europe. However, if a comparison were made of the situa- 
tion in Western Europe with that of Eastern Europe during a 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



particular point in time, more striking contrasts than similari- 
ties would be found. At a time when the economies of Western 
Europe were caught up in the process of economic growth, 
those of Eastern Europe during the same period were in a state 
of relative stagnation in which the process of economic devel- 
opment either did not get off the ground or was arrested by 
the prevailing political regime. While in the West the end of 
the 18 th and the beginning of the 19 th century witnessed new 
economic opportunities for its indigenous population and for 
immigrants, the Jews included, the wholesale bankruptcy of 
the Jewish community organizations of Poland in the second 
half of the 18 th century and the economic plight of the major- 
ity of the Polish and Russian Jews around the turn of the 19 th 
century were examples of the different situations of the Jewish 
communities in various countries at those times. 

How did the Jews fare under the conditions which were 
denned as the transition period? There is no doubt that the 
initial benefits were considerable since they signified the 
changed status of the Jews. Even in the absence of equal civil 
rights or true emancipation they meant an increased sense of 
personal security, a decrease in arbitrariness, and a greater 
recourse to the prevailing law of the land. It is possible to de- 
scribe, rather than measure, the economic effects of these tran- 
sitional changes upon the activities of the Jews in two distinct 
areas, labor and capital. 

The loosening of restrictions affecting places of habi- 
tat or work made it possible for labor to move more freely in 
search of markets with higher earnings. Thanks to the relax- 
ation of restrictions, on entering particular professions Jews 
could avail themselves of training opportunities or enter ed- 
ucational institutions with hopes for upward social mobility 
and higher incomes. The rising demand for new types of em- 
ployment, spurred by the accelerated pace of economic de- 
velopment, provided possibilities for absorption of at least a 
part of the relatively large groups of unemployed members 
of the Jewish communities in the labor market. The greater 
degree of personal safety and security of their assets had a 
number of effects upon Jewish owners of capital. There was a 
reduction of the size of reserves previously kept as personal 
insurance against various emergencies. The size of such re- 
serves for Jewish merchants was variously estimated as up to 
a third of their wealth. By reducing the reserve it was possible 
to devote a larger part of the total wealth to productive use. 
The improvement of the legal position of the Jews increased 
the amount of credit that could be extended to them without 
excessive risks on the part of the lenders. This development 
in turn probably led to a decrease in the rates of interest at 
which Jews could borrow. Added security and new opportuni- 
ties enabled the Jewish owners of capital to use it in a number 
of areas (real estate, industry) hitherto closed to them, thus 
increasing both the returns and effectiveness of capital. The 
removal of some discriminatory regulations (such as double 
taxation), which previously increased the costs for Jews of 
carrying on economic activities and affected the size of their 
income, had the effect of increasing their disposable income 

and could have led to simultaneous growth in, or to a redis- 
tribution of the shares of, consumption and savings. In some 
cases an increase of savings (or investment) could be expected; 
in other cases an increase of consumption or an increase in 
family size could follow. With regard to the last, it is clear that 
even partial removal of some discriminatory rules applied to 
the Jews, like restriction on settlement, on marriage, and the 
like (see, e.g., *Familiants Laws), resulted in an increase in the 
birth rate and population growth. 

The transition period can be characterized as the begin- 
nings of consideration of the "Jewish problem" as a matter of 
social and national policies for the states and societies in Eu- 
rope, in contradistinction to earlier preoccupation with fiscal 
interests, Church concerns, or narrowly defined group com- 
petition. The growing concern of the state with the economic 
activity of the Jews was exhibited in various attempts by gov- 
ernments to influence such activity. Some attempts could be 
classified as representing a policy of "productivization" of Jews 
and attempts to change the social composition of the Jewish 
population. Interesting examples of such policies, perhaps in 
part also inspired by physiocratic thought, were the attempts 
to settle Jews on the land by "enlightened absolutist" regimes 
such as those of * Joseph 11 in Austria and Alexander 1 in Rus- 
sia. It is immaterial here that such attempts were completely 
unsuccessful, either because the schemes were insufficiently 
prepared and financed or because they were sabotaged by the 
bureaucracy that was to administer them. The disappoint- 
ments of tens of thousands of Jews and the sufferings of thou- 
sands who participated in the failing experiments are also not 
at issue. The important feature was the clearer realization that 
in part, at least, government policies were responsible for the 
peculiarities of Jewish economic activities or social struc- 
ture and that state policies - as a part of the social and legal 
framework of Jewish activity - had to be brought in line with 
or adjusted to the economic changes that were taking place. 
Therefore, while during the transition period, government- 
sponsored agricultural colonization in southern Russia re- 
sulted in settling on land only a few thousand Jewish families 
and failed abysmally in Austria, it nevertheless raised by im- 
plication the problem of legal tenancy and ownership of land 
for Jews. This in turn resulted in the subsequent development 
of a small but socially diverse farming element in the Jewish 
communities of Eastern Europe during the 19 th century. 

Whatever the impact of the changing economic and so- 
cial conditions on the economic activities of the Jews, during 
the transition period the Jewish communities had to face an 
imminent, fundamental change. For the Jewish communities 
the problem was how to continue as a distinct group in the 
general society, not under conditions of forced separation 
but under those of free choice by their members. For the first 
time within the general period under consideration, it be- 
came possible for larger numbers of Jews to break away cul- 
turally and socially from the Jewish community, even while 
maintaining their religious beliefs, and to be accepted by the 
community at large. Social acceptance was offered to a small 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


but influential minority of the Jews as remuneration for cul- 
tural assimilation. The price to pay was basically severance of 
their relations with the rest of the Jewish community and the 
abandonment of the active desire to perpetuate this commu- 
nity Under the circumstances, the offer of social acceptance 
was a tempting one since it involved social advancement by 
the criteria of the community at large. That not every social 
group would accept its Jewish counterpart even at the price 
of cultural assimilation was obvious, but during the transition 
period personal or narrow group interests were strong and the 
fight for universal civil rights still very much ahead. The situa- 
tion presented a challenge to the Jewish communal authority 
and called for surrender of its traditional power of exclusive 
representation of the Jews and of its power of "taxation. The 
weakening of the authority of the Jewish community organiza- 
tion could also be traced to the growing unwillingness of the 
more affluent groups in the community to subject themselves 
to income redistribution in favor of the poor. Poor relief was 
"scaled down" from a duty concept to one of discretionary 
charity, and paupers were "encouraged" to find employment. 
Although the full impact of the newly created situation of de- 
fining one's identity, under conditions of relatively free choice, 
was to be felt during a later period, the difficulties and prob- 
lems thus created - psychological and social - were already 
becoming apparent during the transition period. 

Modern Period 

The main features of the development of the economy of the 
Jews during the modern period are patterns of migration, pen- 
etration into areas of industry, maintenance of a strong posi- 
tion in the area of services, and very limited involvement in 
agriculture. Decades ago economic historians were engaged in 
a debate about the role of the Jews in the development of capi- 
talism, some trying to define the historically objective role of 
the Jews as active agents of capitalist development. Now with 
historical hindsight the discussion would probably be con- 
ducted and conclusions reached within a different framework. 
The implicit notion that capital was abundant in the Jewish 
sector of the economy would now be refuted and therefore the 
logic of portraying the Jews as "objectively acting" on behalf of 
a capitalist order would be rejected. It would probably be ac- 
cepted, however, that an order of economic liberalism is one 
that provides greater opportunities for any minority, the Jews 
included, than an alternative economic system based upon a 
different ideology and set of political principles. An imper- 
sonal market and a high degree of division of labor may create 
alienation and other social ills, but by not requiring that the 
commodities produced have any other labels than the price 
tag, the free market works against discrimination. A competi- 
tive market may injure high-cost producers or cause unem- 
ployment, but its principles were compatible with the ideas of 
social and cultural pluralism. The relatively favorable response 
of Jews and other minorities to the liberalization of the eco- 
nomic order was based primarily on an expected reduction in 
discrimination. However, while a liberal economic order pro- 

vided the Jews with opportunities, it could not provide them 
with a right to work, to compete on equal terms, to the same 
extent that such a "right" was traditionally enjoyed by the vari- 
ous classes of the majority population. In addition, the phase 
of economic liberalism as a chief characteristic of the capital- 
ist system was neither a permanent feature nor a very long- 
lasting one, nor even one universally followed in all countries 
experiencing the capitalist type of economic growth. 

In most countries of Eastern Europe the capitalist stage 
of development coincided with a rise of nationalism, which at 
various points exhibited a discriminatory attitude toward the 
Jews in general or toward some social groups within the Jewish 
community, in attempts to promote the interests of the ethnic 
majority. Tariff policies against foreign goods were accom- 
panied not infrequently by discriminatory taxation imposed 
upon "foreigners" within the country, meaning national mi- 
norities. In the multi-national states of Eastern Europe there 
were ample opportunities for labeling various minorities as 
"foreign," "alien," and so on. Under such conditions it could 
hardly be expected that the Jewish masses, who were adversely 
affected by discriminatory policies, would consider the capi- 
talist economic system as more desirable or attractive than an 
alternative promising them the "right to work." 

Jewish migration. It is against the background of insuffi- 
cient employment opportunities and discrimination that the 
process of migration has to be viewed. The pattern of Jewish 
migration, of spatial mobility of labor, during the modern pe- 
riod differed in many respects from previous migration pat- 
terns. The general direction was westward, from Eastern Eu- 
rope to the West, and from Europe overseas. As a matter of 
fact, the migration from Western Europe overseas was more 
than made up for by an influx of Jews from the East. This gen- 
eral direction of the migration was significant as a movement 
from less rapidly developing countries to more rapidly devel- 
oping ones. In terms of its time dimension the inter-country 
migration was intensified during the 19 th century and reached 
its peak during the decade prior to World War 1. But apart 
from the inter-country migration, of very considerable signif- 
icance was the intra-country migration from the less urban- 
ized areas to the more urbanized areas, a development that 
increased the degree of concentration of the Jewish population 
in large urban and metropolitan areas, with their developed 
industry, trade, and other social or cultural characteristics. 
Both the domestic and international migration and the pattern 
of settlement of the Jews contributed to urban concentration 
and had an impact upon the social and economic structure 
of the Jewish population. While it is tempting to assign the 
role of prime mover in Jewish migrations to purely economic 
causes, it would be erroneous to omit political elements such 
as discriminatory legislation, violent antisemitism, pogroms, 
and revolutions. Political upheavals and governmental poli- 
cies influenced the pace of the migration process, but could 
not stop it for any appreciable length of time (the case of the 
Soviet Union being an exception). 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



What were the characteristic features and effects of the 
migration process as a whole and of its various forms? The mi- 
gration process started as soon as the Jewish population could 
rise above the level of poverty and isolation to which it had de- 
teriorated in Eastern Europe by the end of the 18 th and first half 
of the 19 th century and regain its age-old habits of mobility In 
terms of numbers, the migration stream from continental Eu- 
rope during the 100 years preceding World War 11 accounted 
for approximately 4,000,000 individuals, of which over 70% 
went to the United States, about 10% each to South America 
and Palestine, and the rest to Britain, Canada, South Africa, 
Australia, and other countries. Thus, in view of the fact that 
the North American continent absorbed three-quarters of the 
total international (or overseas) migration, the characteristics 
of this migration may be assumed as the most typical. 

The available data indicate that the migration was a 
family one (of whole families, even if separated by a one- or 
two-year period) rather than of single individuals; that it was 
a migration for settlement and not for work, saving, and re- 
turn; and that it was a migration involving a relatively very 
high percentage of skilled workers. With respect to the last 
characteristic, only the data can be relied upon and little in- 
vestigation beyond these can be done: the explanation of this 
phenomenon can only be surmised. It is logical to assume that 
the process of overseas migration required payment of trans- 
portation costs, in other words some amount of savings, and 
thus could not involve paupers. Therefore, it is logical to as- 
sume that the migrants were either members of the industrial 
labor force, or entrants into the labor force who already had 
acquired skills, or individuals who acquired particular skills 
in anticipation of their migration, having made an investment 
over and above their transportation costs or borrowed in an- 
ticipation of future returns. It was in large measure due to the 
industrial skills and some working habits of the migrants that 
their future relative success can be explained. 

Three further points need to be emphasized in connec- 
tion with the migration problem. First, given the nature of 
the family ties within the Jewish community, the financing of 
migration took place within the extended family of the im- 
migrants and was later also subsidized by the earnings of the 
immigrants, often virtually out of their first savings. Secondly, 
prior to the end of the 19 th century there were already in op- 
eration well- organized voluntary associations that assisted 
in the migration process. In their absence the economic and 
psychological costs of migration would have been consid- 
erably higher. Thirdly, by organizing voluntary associations 
of mutual assistance, in part copying the models from East- 
ern Europe, the immigrants were able to help the new arriv- 
als more effectively. Some relatively small part, probably not 
more than about 3% of the total of the migration movement, 
was financed and assisted by funds donated or collected on 
behalf of the migration, especially in the presence of an ideo- 
logical or programmatic background. The two most outstand- 
ing examples were Palestine and the agricultural settlements 
in Argentina. 

The primary effect of both the intraregional and interna- 
tional migration of the Jews was to decrease the competition 
for employment opportunities where such were scarce and 
provide a higher return for the migrants where their labor 
and skills were in greater demand. Thus while the income 
of the migrants increased in comparison with their previ- 
ous income level, the income level of those who remained 
behind did not fall. However, it must be admitted that the 
movement of millions of people within a few generations de- 
prived the established Jewish communities of a young, enter- 
prising, and skilled element. This movement had a number 
of demographic, economic, and cultural repercussions on the 
European Jewish communities. It is difficult to pinpoint such 
effects, but it certainly affected the age structure of the Euro- 
pean communities by removing some of the middle groups 
(age groups 20-40 in particular). It also perhaps affected ad- 
versely the growth rate of the Jewish population in Europe, 
although it would be difficult to predict what that rate would 
have been under worse economic conditions in the absence 
of migration. In terms of its impact upon the social structure, 
it probably increased the economic polarization within the 
Jewish communities since neither the rich nor the very poor 
contributed to the migration stream. In another sense the mi- 
gration movement contributed to a greater stability within the 
Jewish communities since it absorbed much of the unruly and 
nontraditionally inclined element of the community. Last but 
not least, the migration movement contributed to an activated 
exchange among Jewish communities, with a money transfer 
to Eastern Europe that not only subsidized further migration 
but supported relatives and community institutions, and that 
was in part compensated by an export of cultural and spiritual 
services from Europe to the areas of new settlement. 

penetration into industrial employment. Some as- 
sessment must be made of the conditions that enabled Jews 
to penetrate into industrial employment and maintain their 
position in the areas of services under conditions of modern 
industrialization. What adjustment was required on their 
part to attain their goals? Here we are concerned with en- 
trepreneurial activities in the industrial sector as well as the 
transformation of handicraft employment into small-scale 
and larger- scale industrial employment. This entrepreneur- 
ial activity is not being considered here in terms of "Jewish 
contributions" to the development of this or that country, or 
the amassing of wealth by individuals of Jewish descent. It is 
beyond the purview of this account to dwell upon the Roth- 
schilds in England and France, on the German- Jewish bank- 
ers, or on mining magnates in Africa or South America. In 
addition, a distinction should be made between large-scale 
and small-scale entrepreneurs. While a few Jews entered in- 
dustrial entrepreneurship via high finance, the banking sys- 
tem, etc., the multitude consisted of small-scale industrial 
entrepreneurs who were recruited mostly from the ranks of 
craftsmen and merchants, previously engaged in the putting- 
out system. They were subordinate to and dependent upon 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


the large-scale industrial establishments because they could 
hardly compete with large-scale industrial firms in the pro- 
duction of goods and had therefore either to become suppli- 
ers to the large firms of some specialized goods or producers 
of market goods that were outside the assortment manufac- 
tured by large-scale industry. Given the scarcity of capital in 
the social milieu from which the small-scale producers or en- 
trepreneurs were recruited, their proximity to industrial cent- 
ers and markets was absolutely crucial. Small-scale industrial 
firms did not possess the capital to carry large stocks, and a 
quick turnover was their only mode of survival. A great deal 
of flexibility in product-mix and in assuring sources of de- 
mand was required to keep the enterprises in operation. They 
also required a labor force skilled but not overly specialized 
and with relatively few employment alternatives to accept a 
less- than- regular employment. This was a typical solution for 
economic branches that operated with a basically backward 
technology at low levels of productivity, low wages, and long 
hours of work, in what were fringes of the consumer goods 
industries. It was due to the declining role of handicraft pro- 
duction, which was suffering from industrial competition, that 
this type of industrial employment was acceptable to Jewish 
industrial job seekers. 

Jewish entrepreneurs did, however, play an important 
role in providing gainful employment for large numbers of 
Jews. It may be assumed that for a Jewish entrepreneur there 
existed a "psychological income" in providing employment for 
other Jews, whether he did so for reasons of greater familiar- 
ity and cultural affinity or because it was considered a "good 
deed" in cases when discrimination in favor of Jewish employ- 
ees increased his operational costs. Those costs, in turn, de- 
pended upon the nature of the labor supply and the distribu- 
tion of skills within the Jewish labor force and within the total 
population. If the costs of hiring Jewish labor were less than 
or equal to those of hiring other members of the labor force, 
it can be assumed that there were no costs in the discrimina- 
tion in favor of employing Jews. As will be seen from a num- 
ber of examples, the employment pattern of Jewish labor by 
Jewish entrepreneurs did not in fact impose additional costs 
upon the employers. There were, however, two other obstacles 
that had to be overcome in order to have the employment of 
a Jewish labor force reach a significant level. The first con- 
straint was the assumed or real strength of the religious taboo 
against work on the Sabbath, regardless of whether the taboo 
was expressed in the behavior of workers or in the attitudes 
of the entrepreneurs. The second constraint was the assumed 
animosity of non- Jewish workers and foremen toward Jew- 
ish co-workers. There is no doubt that such constraints upon 
the entrepreneurs were real, especially in the later part of the 
19 th century in Eastern Europe. 

The cases of a few industries in Europe and one in the 
U.S. are instructive since they provide a broad spectrum of 
employment opportunities created by Jewish entrepreneurs 
for Jewish workers. One is the ^textile industry in Russian 
Poland in which Jewish spinners, weavers, and other textile 

workers were predominantly employed in the smaller- scale 
enterprises, while the larger- scale factories refrained from 
employing them. Second is the case of the forestry trade, in 
which few Jewish workers and laborers could compete suc- 
cessfully with the low-paid peasants seeking off-season em- 
ployment in lumbering. Therefore, thousands of Jews were 
employed in this industry by Jewish firms as overseers in the 
forests, sawmills, and transportation of the products, much of 
the output being destined for export or railroad construction. 
Thus, the demand for trained personnel with a degree of fa- 
miliarity with the operation and quality standards in forestry 
and with some clerical skills attracted many Jewish workers 
and employees. While such a combination of skills was rare in 
the general labor force, and the wages and salaries accepted by 
the Jewish workers were generally low, there was hardly any 
cost of discriminating in favor of Jewish employment in the 
forestry trade. In the third case, the sugar and oil industries 
may be subsumed under one type of employment. Neither in 
sugar-beet growing nor in the processes of sugar refining were 
Jews represented. The same is true for the oil industry located 
outside the Jewish * Pale of Settlement. The Jews could com- 
pete neither with the peasants and local oil-workers nor with 
the highly skilled specialists in sugar and oil refining. The ar- 
eas of employment for Jews provided for them by Jewish en- 
trepreneurs were those of distribution and trade. Thus, thou- 
sands of Jews were employed as clerical personnel, salesmen, 
and sales agents in the trade networks of both the sugar and 
oil industries. The outstanding case of industrial employment 
provided by Jewish entrepreneurs for Jewish workers in the 
U.S. is the garment industry. The levels of skill brought over 
by the Jewish immigrants, the relatively low wage schedule 
of the garment industry, and the relatively small scale of the 
operations of the firms led to a high concentration of Jewish 
workers, with the industry as a whole serving as a massive 
source of employment. 

The above examples illustrate some of the patterns of 
the penetration by Jews into areas of industrial employment. 
They are indicative of the manner in which masses of former 
artisans and pauperized elements of the Jewish community 
could join the ranks of industrial workers and employees. As 
in other societies, child labor and long-term apprenticeship 
were the chief means of skill-acquisition for the poor. Al- 
though the capital-goods industries were virtually closed for 
both Jewish entrepreneurs and workers alike, industrial em- 
ployment concentrated in consumer goods industries signified 
the adjustment to modern, industrial society and injected a 
new dynamism both in the social relations within the Jewish 
communities and with the community at large. 


the economy. The service sector includes employment in 
trade, transportation and communication, public and private 
services, and the liberal professions. For the huge segment of 
the Jewish population previously employed in it, largely in 
trade and particularly commodity trade, the problem of eco- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



nomic survival within this sector became absolutely essential. 
During the early period of industrialization when massive 
investments are made in the build-up of physical industrial 
capital - primarily in construction and equipment and in 
some of the services of the social overhead type such as rail- 
road and road building - the majority of the services are not 
recipients of capital. It is only when the basic capital in indus- 
try is created, and both the producers' goods and consumers' 
goods branches are producing at relatively high levels of pro- 
ductivity, that the demand for services increases on the part 
of a population whose general level of income has risen very 
substantially. The fact that Jews were heavily concentrated in 
the service sector in countries whose pace of development 
was slow, whose market growth was sluggish, and whose lev- 
els of personal income were among the lowest in Europe, did 
not augur well for service employees. It was, therefore, not so 
much a matter of historical foresight but a lack of viable alter- 
natives that kept large masses of Jews within this sector during 
the early stages of industrialization. It was the gradual process 
of commercialization of agriculture that provided outlets for 
the commodity trade and thus for service employment for the 
Jews who were living in rural areas or small towns. Urbani- 
zation provided other opportunities for employment in trade 
and also in other services; but paradoxically the process of ur- 
banization and the development of service opportunities in 
the large cities significantly undercut or substituted the service 
functions previously performed in small towns. The process of 
urbanization was accompanied by the development of a more 
dense transportation network which created direct links be- 
tween the big cities and the hinterland, decreasing transpor- 
tation and travel costs and making the big city and rural ar- 
eas accessible to one another. The result was that many of the 
services concentrated in the small towns could no longer be 
performed at the prices offered in the big cities where econo- 
mies of scale were more likely; and the decline of small towns 
under the conditions of a competitive market followed. The 
problem for Jewish service employment was whether the op- 
portunities available to Jews in the big cities were sufficient to 
compensate or substitute for the disappearance of such oppor- 
tunities in the small towns and also allow for the rate of Jewish 
population increase. The answer for Eastern Europe appears 
to have been negative, for Western Europe positive. In the U.S. 
there was a secular trend of employment growth in the service 
sector for the Jews. In Eastern Europe the crisis of the small 
towns remained a continuous problem, especially exacerbat- 
ing for the Jews when coupled with discriminatory policies 
of limiting access or prohibiting the influx of Jewish service 
employees in such branches as the civil service, central gov- 
ernment or municipal services, and public transportation. In 
countries that did not openly follow discriminatory policies, 
the solution of the service employment problem for the Jews 
became very much dependent upon both the general pace of 
economic development and the urbanization process. 

The diversity of service employment makes it very dif- 
ficult to estimate the degree of substitution of one type of 

employment for another or the mobility of individuals from 
one category to another within this sector. The required edu- 
cational background differed substantially; and substitution 
or transfers were possible probably at the lower levels of skills 
in which literacy could be considered the predominant, if not 
the universally sufficient, prerequisite. Internal mobility within 
the service sector was much less frequent at higher levels of 
specialization and especially when the specific training pre- 
supposed a higher level of schooling. The explanation of the 
continuity of a high proportion of Jewish employment in the 
area of services would be incomplete if two other factors were 
overlooked. The first was the opening up of opportunities in 
the liberal professions; the second was the continued demand 
for special services generated within and performed expressly 
for the Jewish communities. The first phenomenon, entry into 
the free professions, was a result of the reduced effectiveness 
of discriminatory policies toward Jews in the area of second- 
ary and higher education relative to the areas of the public 
services. Educational opportunities that provided employ- 
ment possibilities in the free professions became attractive 
avenues of social and economic advancement for the Jewish 
middle class, previously employed primarily in commodity 
trade. Therefore, with employment in the public sector and in 
the civil service very much restricted and curtailed for eligible 
Jewish candidates, the typical employment pattern was in the 
private service sector, including health services, educational 
services, and legal services. In addition, the private service sec- 
tor provided employment opportunities for a certain number 
of educated individuals as salaried employees, such as book- 
keepers, legal clerks, and pharmacist's assistants. 

The demand for services by and for the Jewish commu- 
nities continued during this period, although the process of 
secularization tended to shift the demand from the purely re- 
ligious areas to those of education, health, and social services. 
Attempts to maintain a general cultural and not only an ex- 
clusively religious identity helped to sustain the demand for 
educational services. Meanwhile, the pattern of settlement in 
urban and metropolitan areas created a demand for the de- 
velopment of a communication network by which some of 
the cultural needs could be met and thus supported the activi- 
ties of the press, theater, literary activities, and the like. Given 
the fact that public services in the area of health for the total 
population were highly inadequate and that the Jewish popu- 
lation received even less than a proportionate share of those, 
the demand for health and social services provided within 
and by the Jewish community was very strong. This stimulus 
was instrumental in the provision of such services either on 
a private basis or as a part of the welfare activities carried on 
by the community authorities for needy members. 


played a very subordinate role in the employment structure of 
the Jewish population during this period and its share in total 
employment was relatively small. It is not difficult to provide 
an explanation for this phenomenon. During the 19 th cen- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


tury and later, agriculture in Europe was a declining industry, 
releasing rather than attracting labor. In addition, previous 
discriminatory policies prevented land ownership and re- 
stricted land tenure for Jews to the extent that farming as a 
skill did not develop within the Jewish milieu. Although the 
lifting of some of the most severe restrictions rendered farm- 
ing a plausible alternative to the precarious positions of small- 
town traders or artisans, a number of circumstances mitigated 
against a mass influx of Jews into farming. Land was becom- 
ing relatively expensive in Eastern Europe, and the returns 
to both capital and labor in agriculture were relatively small. 
Settlement on large land tracts and the establishment of col- 
onies required sizable capital outlays and a degree of organi- 
zational effort beyond the available resources and authority 
of the organized Jewish communities. The pattern of individ- 
ual settlement in a dispersed manner was discouraged on the 
one hand by religious and traditional attitudes, since it typi- 
cally involved a high degree of cultural isolation, and on the 
other hand by an often hostile rural environment, suspicious 
of any aliens settling in its midst. Within the Jewish milieu or 
as part of Jewish folklore, the stigma of boorishness or coarse- 
ness was associated with Jewish farmers, characteristics of a 
low prestige status, not so much in economic terms as in gen- 
eral cultural ones. 

Outside of Europe, however, two types of development 
have to be considered: (1) countries of rapidly developing ag- 
riculture in which the employment of Jews in this sector of the 
economy was not significant, the United States and Canada 
being prime examples; (2) countries in which the employment 
share of agriculture was higher than in most of Europe, the 
specific cases being Palestine and Argentina. 

With respect to the first group, two factors might explain 
the relatively low share of agriculture in the employment dis- 
tribution. The foremost was the greater attraction that employ- 
ment opportunities had for immigrants in the industrial and 
service sectors coupled with the preference for urban settle- 
ment, which provided additional security to the immigrants 
as members of their own ethnic communities. The second was 
the timing of the large migration streams, which took place 
after the closing of the so-called "agricultural frontier." In the 
case of Palestine and Argentina there was an induced process 
in which some noneconomic variables were of utmost impor- 
tance. In Palestine the ideological aspect, the Zionist idea, mo- 
tivated a relatively high percentage of the immigrants to settle 
on land, beginning with the last decades of the 19 th century; 
farming became as much a way of life as a profession. In Ar- 
gentina a substantial segment of the immigration was spon- 
sored by adherents of agricultural colonization schemes who 
induced agricultural employment by paying the transportation 
costs and providing land for agricultural group settlement in 
the name of ideas of "productivization" of unskilled and un- 
employed members of the Jewish community. However, the 
long-term trend both in Palestine, later the State of Israel, and 
in Argentina was the relative decrease of farm employment 
under the impact of industrialization and urbanization. 

income. Given the employment structure of the Jewish pop- 
ulation during the modern period, what could be said about 
the level and distribution of income within this population? 

At the beginning of the period, and in a number of coun- 
tries during most of the period, the average income of the Jews 
was below that of the population at large, including the peas- 
ants. However, the level of income increased both as a result 
of the total increase of incomes in Europe in general and be- 
cause of the impact of migration, which, given its direction 
from economically less prosperous areas to economically more 
prosperous ones, had a net impact of increasing the average 
income level of the Jewish population. In addition, because of 
its composition as an increasingly urbanized population and 
one concentrated in the industrial and service sectors of the 
economy, its income during the 100 years preceding World 
War 11 probably increased at a higher rate than the average 
income of the total population of the countries they lived in. 
As a rule of thumb it would not be incorrect to assume that 
the average income level of the Jewish population by the end 
of the period reached a level that was higher than the aver- 
age for farmers and industrial workers, although probably not 
above the level of the skilled stratum of industrial workers and 
salaried employees. Another way of saying this is that Jewish 
income was at about the average level of the urban population. 
The level of Jewish income fluctuated around the general up- 
ward trend. The fluctuations were pronounced, first because 
of the relatively large proportion of self-employed, a social 
group whose income is less stable than that of salaried work- 
ers and employees; secondly, because of the impact of exog- 
enous factors such as wars and major upheavals during which 
the property of the Jews was much more vulnerable than that 
of other population groups (e.g., the forced mass exile of Rus- 
sian Jews from the war zones in World War 1 and the wave of 
pogroms in the Ukraine (1918-21), during which property was 
either destroyed, expropriated, or simply taken away by force 
from its rightful owners). Thirdly, during the downturns of 
the business cycle, Jews as a minority group usually suffered 
more than the average member of the society at large. But 
notwithstanding such fluctuations, the general trend of Jew- 
ish income growth on a global scale was upward. 

How was this income distributed, and what were the 
basic determinants of its distribution? Both tendencies to in- 
crease and to decrease the income inequality were at work, 
and it would be very difficult to measure the separate effects 
with any degree of precision. Following intuitive judgment it 
would be sensible to assume that in the countries in which the 
impact of discrimination against Jews was the strongest, in- 
come inequality within the Jewish community was probably 
more pronounced than in the countries that followed a more 
liberal policy toward the Jews. That income inequality within 
the Jewish community led to tensions, internal struggle, and 
organized activities of one social group against the other is 
obvious. That the divergency of interests led to the develop- 
ment of different ideologies and as such intensified the divisive 
tendencies in the community is no surprise, being a reflection 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



within the Jewish milieu of what was taking place within the 
population at large. It is also true that the internal struggles 
within the Jewish communities during the last decades of the 
19 th century and beginning of the 20 th century made a con- 
siderable contribution toward reforming the community au- 
thorities toward their democratization and modernization. 
They thereby became much more responsive to the needs of 
their members. But whatever generalizations are attempted in 
order to bring under a common denominator the economic 
and social trends prevailing during the modern period, the 
significant differences of the developmental patterns of the 
Jewish communities can be better understood only upon a 
closer examination of at least the major Jewish communities. 
The ones selected for further scrutiny are the Western Euro- 
pean, the Eastern European, the U.S., and the Palestine Jew- 
ish communities. 

western Europe. The economic development of Western 
European Jewish communities during the modern period 
can be generally characterized by their successful attempt 
to join the middle class. Their problems roughly paralleled 
the problems of the middle class in Europe, in the sense that 
they enjoyed apparent well-being and security under nor- 
mal conditions and discovered the precariousness of their 
position in times of crisis. Western Europe, following the 
example of England, experienced the industrial revolution 
around the middle of the 19 th century and was busily involved 
in adjusting its institutional structure to fit the new economic 
order. Since the institutional adjustment was more compli- 
cated while vestiges of the older order had to be destroyed, 
eliminated, or transformed, and the state played a much more 
decisive role in the process of economic transformation on 
the European continent than in England, there was a greater 
degree of politization of economic issues than in England. 
The politization of economic issues provided a specific impe- 
tus for the activities of the middle class and had a profound 
impact upon the activities and attitudes of the Western Eu- 
ropean Jews. 

At a time when new economic opportunities were being 
created in Western Europe, the Jewish population of those 
countries was relatively sparse and the Jews constituted a neg- 
ligible percentage of the total population. Therefore, there was 
within the Jewish communities very little of the fierce com- 
petition for relatively scarce economic opportunities which 
characterized the situation of the Eastern European Jews. 
The process of urbanization and concentration of the Jewish 
population in Western and Central Europe started relatively 
early, but proceeded gradually, largely undisturbed by out- 
side political factors. Migration, both internal and overseas, 
by the less prosperous members of the Jewish communities 
helped to achieve the aims of both the migrants as economic 
opportunities in the new centers of industry and the drive to 
penetrate into the middle class. The gradualism of the pro- 
cess of economic growth resulted in strengthening commerce, 
helped to develop among the Western European Jews a pref- 

erence for independent economic activity. Economic integra- 
tion of the Jews in Western European society meant self-em- 
ployment in trade, finance, industry, and the free professions 
and not in manual labor. This process was facilitated by their 
utilization of the opportunities provided by the educational 
system and the marked decrease in discriminatory attitudes 
and policies. 

The groundwork for the development of more liberal at- 
titudes toward the Jews and for the readiness of the Jews to 
take advantage of the new economic and social opportuni- 
ties was laid by the Enlightment (*Haskalah) and its impact 
on the Jewish milieu. Originally the new opportunities and 
social acceptance were offered to the upper strata of Jewish 
communities for the price of language assimilation and sev- 
erance of their ties with the Jewish community. The upper 
strata of the Jews found the conditions acceptable and acted 
accordingly. When the opportunities to join the middle class 
became available to a larger number of Western European 
Jews and after they joined the political struggle of the middle 
class for broader suffrage, the problem of emancipation and 
of their civil rights was raised by the members of the Jewish 
middle class. Emancipation and civil rights for Jews meant 
a further integration of the Jews with the society, not within 
the concept of a Christian state but within a modern, secular- 
ized state. In the latter case language assimilation of the Jews 
was considered an insufficient prerequisite. The existence of 
Jewish Orthodoxy both as a symbol and major characteristic 
of their culture was considered a serious obstacle to real inte- 
gration. Thus at the roots of the religious Reform movement 
which spread from Germany, there were both the changing 
patterns of employment among the Jews and the desire for 
cultural assimilation. As a result the gradual adjustment of 
religious rituals to modern conditions and some relaxation 
of the Orthodox law, which previously supported the exclu- 
siveness and guarded the separation of the Jews from their 
environment, gained in appeal to the majority of the Western 
European Jews. An interesting by-product of the changes in 
the social position and cultural attitudes was the growing gulf 
between the Western European and East European Jews. The 
cultural ties were becoming looser and the sense of a com- 
mon destiny weaker. 

The penetration of the Jews into the middle class was a 
slow process which marked the second half of the 19 th century. 
Its success over the period was unmistaken, but not necessarily 
continuous and certainly not without problems. It was chal- 
lenged first by a wave of nationalism at the end of the century, 
when it became clear that the new social order in Europe could 
not guarantee the universal fulfillment of the rising expecta- 
tions in the short run. The new wave of nationalism exhibited 
antisemitic aspects which gained currency among members 
of the European middle class. The * Dreyfus affair and other 
manifestations of antisemitism had a profound impact upon 
some members of the Western European Jewish communities 
and forced them to rethink and revise their notions of social 
and cultural integration. Although the majority continued 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


to behave according to previously established patterns, a mi- 
nority turned to solutions of either cultural pluralism or Jew- 
ish nationalism as the more satisfactory for the long run. A 
greater need was also felt for the maintenance of Jewish cul- 
tural (including religious) continuity and for closer ties with 
other Jewish communities. The net result was a somewhat 
decreased atomization of the Western European Jewish com- 
munities and their activities as well as the development of 
new cultural and economic institutions which strengthened 
the sense of Jewish identity and were instrumental in the mo- 
ments of crises that lay ahead. 

eastern Europe. To explain the economic activities of the 
Jewish communities in Eastern Europe during the third quar- 
ter of the 19 th century and until World War 11 in purely eco- 
nomic terms, in terms of the market opportunities, demand 
for products, and labor supply would not only be a difficult 
task but provide incomplete and sometimes misleading an- 
swers. Since so much more is known about the economic 
conditions of this period, the interaction of the economic 
and extra- economic factors, be they political, legal, or psy- 
chological, is keenly felt. The outstanding characteristic of the 
other factors was the existence of a measure of discrimination 
against the Jews that was much more intense in this part of 
the world than elsewhere. Thus, in spite of the progress of a 
modern market economy, in spite of the process of industri- 
alization that took place there, there was a strong residue of 
discrimination that limited the benefits of economic progress 
for the Jews and affected their economic activities. One rather 
striking example is to be found in the exile of Jews from the 
rural areas of Russia in the 1880s. The process of urbaniza- 
tion that took place as a result of industrial development is a 
familiar phenomenon and one that affected Jews in the rural 
areas. But there is a qualitative difference between a process 
that creates new opportunities in urban areas and draws labor 
away from the rural areas, and a mass exile that uproots tens 
of thousands and forcibly transplants them in a new economic 
and social environment with no visible means for their eco- 
nomic survival and with no economic alternatives since the 
demand for their labor or service is absent. Apart from such 
major catastrophes, the conditions of discrimination included 
a whole chain of minor calamities which created an atmos- 
phere of uncertainty and determined the behavior of large 
masses of the Jewish population in Eastern Europe. Thus, the 
development of a capitalist society in Eastern Europe, while 
creating new economic opportunities was, as far as the Jews 
were concerned, accompanied by unsettling features that 
were constantly threatening to destroy the benefits bestowed 
by the economic progress. It is, therefore, proper to empha- 
size that the economic and social conditions of the majority 
of the Jews in Eastern Europe were influenced by a number 
of external constraints, one of which was the Pale of Settle- 
ment in Russia. The existence of the Pale limited the mobility 
of most of the Jews and virtually excluded them from some 
of the more important regions and dynamic centers of indus- 

try, trade, and public life and often forced them to accept op- 
portunities that could be described as second best. The exist- 
ence of legal and economic discrimination made the process 
of social mobility much more difficult and expensive for the 
Jews. The limitations on entering areas of employment, pro- 
fessions, public service, and education decreased their chances 
of fully contributing to the process of economic development 
and benefiting from it. While the advancement of the indus- 
trialization process destroyed some of the traditional areas of 
Jewish economic activity and created new ones, the process 
itself was erratic and did not allow for the formation of long- 
term expectations or less costly adjustments. Thus, while on 
the whole the Jewish population benefited from the process, 
growing in size and slowly improving in income position, 
the accompanying hardships were burdensome and unset- 
tling. Given the relatively slow pace of economic progress of 
the regions of concentrated Jewish population in Eastern Eu- 
rope (western part of the Russian Empire, northeastern part 
of the Hapsburg Empire, and Romania), coupled with the 
existence of discriminatory policies, these regions were pri- 
marily involved in the migration of Jews to Western Europe 
and America. But although emigration had the function of a 
safety valve, it could not counteract the impact of the indus- 
trialization process, which, while injecting a new dynamism in 
the economic and social sphere, affected the life of the Jewish 
communities by creating new areas of internal conflicts and 
threatening to destroy the traditional values built up through 
centuries of relative cultural isolation. To the extent that they 
represented breaks with previous traditions and emphasized 
the existence of new opportunities, the very processes of in- 
dustrialization and urbanization raised the level of expecta- 
tions of the Jewish masses and made them more aware of their 
relationship to the outer world. This led to the development 
of new patterns of thought, increased sensitivity to the condi- 
tions of discrimination, and a more intensive search for new 
solutions to the specific problems of the Jews. The awareness 
of common specific problems was demonstrated not only 
in the economic but also in the cultural sphere. In spite of 
some tangible returns to the cultural assimilation of groups 
of Jews, until the end of the period a cultural homogeneity of 
the Jewish population in Eastern Europe was preserved. This 
culture embraced the basic elements of traditional moral and 
religious values with an addition of modern elements devel- 
oped during the period following the Enlightenment in East- 
ern Europe. While the symbiosis of the elements of the tradi- 
tional culture with those of a secular, modern, and nationally 
oriented one was by no means harmonious, the tensions had 
a culturally stimulating effect. It was a period of very inten- 
sive cultural activity and creativity by the Eastern European 
Jews, marked by the revival and modernization of Hebrew lit- 
erature and development of modern Jewish literature in Yid- 
dish. Cultural activities, in addition to rudimentary religious 
training and bare literacy, penetrated and affected the Jewish 
lower classes which had previously been excluded from most 
of their cultural heritage. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



The period between the two world wars witnessed a 
number of new developments in Eastern Europe that were of 
major significance for the Jewish population. The most im- 
portant events were the Russian Revolution and the establish- 
ment of new national states in the region on the ruins of the 
two large empires that had long dominated the political scene 
in Eastern Europe prior to World War i. The positive effect of 
the political changes was the granting of citizenship and civil 
rights to the Jews in the new states. On the negative side were 
the growth of nationalism of the dominant ethnic groups and 
the continuation of de facto discrimination against the Jews 
in most countries. Coupled with the difficult economic con- 
ditions in those countries, which were even more aggravated 
by government interference in the economic sphere, the pre- 
carious power balance in Europe, and the impact of the eco- 
nomic depression of the late 1920s and 1930s, this worsened 
rather than improved the economic conditions of the Jewish 

In the Soviet Union, after an initial gain resulting from 
the granting of civil rights and the abolition of the Pale of 
Settlement by the democratic government of 1917, the pe- 
riod of the civil war inflicted heavy population losses upon 
the Jews, particularly in the Ukraine. The three outstanding 
features of Soviet policy toward the Jews were the following: 
(1) The isolation of Soviet Jews from the Jewish communities 
abroad and the slow but consistent policy of destruction of 
their cultural autonomy, institutions, and organized forms of 
communal life, leaving cultural assimilation as the solution to 
their problems as individuals. (2) The destruction of the small 
town, the former locus of economic activity of the majority of 
Russian Jews as a result of the forced industrialization drive 
and the mobilization of human resources to build up the in- 
dustrial base of the country. This policy led to a mass migra- 
tion from the western parts of the Soviet Union (Belorussia 
and the Ukraine) to the metropolitan areas and new centers 
of industrial activity. (3 ) Since education became one of the 
major vehicles of social advancement and was made available 
in the first instance to the urban population, a large propor- 
tion of the Jewish population took advantage of the opportu- 
nities and a marked shift in the employment pattern as well 
as in the professional composition took place. The Jews en- 
tered en masse into industrial employment and various ser- 
vice branches, all of which were nationalized and under the 
centralized control of the government. Although the social 
and economic advancement of the Jews in the Soviet Union 
should not be disputed, it raised two grave issues: one of cul- 
tural assimilation and the loss of group identity of the Jews, 
of their existence as a distinct cultural or religious entity; and 
the second, of their dependence as a group or as individuals 
upon the decisions lodged in the hands of the supreme policy 
makers of the country. The gravity of both issues arose, how- 
ever, in a later period, following World War 11. 

the united states. The chief characteristic of the develop- 
ment of the Jewish community in the United States during the 

late 19 th and early 20 th century was its rapid numerical growth 
by comparison with other Jewish communities. The growth 
occurred primarily as a result of the immigration of the Jews, 
rather than because of the birth rate of the Jewish population 
per se. The attraction of the U.S. for Jewish immigrants could 
be explained both in terms of a wage level relatively higher 
than in Europe as well as an open immigration policy, and the 
lack of specific anti- Jewish discrimination. However, the pace 
of immigration cannot be explained only in terms of increas- 
ing attraction. The impetus to immigration of the Jews can be 
traced to events in the European countries of their origin, and 
the influence of the turns of the business cycle in the United 
States on the size of the immigration stream can be demon- 
strated. During the modern period there were two streams 
of Jewish immigration, one of Western European Jews and 
the other involving almost entirely Eastern European ones. 
Each of these streams, although different in terms of its oc- 
cupational or professional endowment, was faced by similar 
problems of economic integration and general acculturation 
with the environment. 

While the German Jews arrived with the experience 
of language assimilation, a weakened sense of culture tradi- 
tions, and the articulated desire to join the middle class, the 
Eastern European Jews arrived with industrial skills and the 
expressed willingness to be employed in any sector of the 
economy where opportunities were available, but without the 
experience of previous cultural assimilation. In addition, they 
transferred some of their habits of group behavior from their 
European environment. There was, therefore, among Jew- 
ish immigrants from Eastern Europe a strong preference for 
settling in compact masses for reasons of economic and psy- 
chological security. At the time of the first waves of mass im- 
migration from Eastern Europe, the Western European Jews 
(mostly immigrants from Germany) had already acquired in 
the U.S. a basically middle-class or quasi- middle- class status 
and their pattern of employment reflected a high percentage of 
self-employment and concentration in the area of services. The 
mass influx of Eastern European Jews changed for at least two 
generations the social composition of the Jewish community 
in the United States. It became a predominantly industrial and 
labor-oriented community concentrated in major cities. The 
symbiosis of the two elements, the German and the East Euro- 
pean, was ridden by conflicts and prejudices, by distinctions in 
wealth and status, the latter being derived from the degree of 
"Americanization" or the duration of residence in the U.S. The 
German Jews, often in the role of employers of the recent im- 
migrants, especially in the garment industry, tried to maintain 
the social distance between themselves and the immigrants 
arriving from the culturally most backward areas of Europe. 
Faced with the model of success presented by the German 
Jews, the East European immigrants could not avoid aspiring 
to positions of social and economic advancement. While they 
accepted their status as manual workers and laborers as inevi- 
table, and drew from it a number of conclusions, expressed by 
their political orientation, trade union activities, and so on, 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


they actively sought an improvement in the economic posi- 
tion and status for their offspring. Thus, while the process of 
acculturation of the immigrants took time, the gradual social 
advancement of some was counterbalanced by the successive 
waves of immigration swelling the ranks of the Jewish indus- 
trial working population. It was not until after World War i 
and the harsh restrictions against East European immigration 
that the process of penetration into the service sector and self- 
employment category became much more visible. 

The rapid growth of the economy, the decline of agri- 
culture, and changes in industrial structure, accompanied by 
a sustained, relatively high level of income, made it possible 
for the service sector to develop. Aided by the availability of 
educational opportunities, the almost exclusively urban Jew- 
ish population found outlets for its employment in the service 
sector, and the percentage of employment as unskilled labor, 
domestic service, or low-paid industrial employment declined. 
It would be wrong to assume that the shift in employment and 
the resulting improvement in the income position of the Jews 
in the United States before World War n took place in the total 
absence of discrimination. There was in fact a whole range of 
discriminatory attitudes operating against the Jews, as against 
many other ethnic groups representing relatively recent im- 
migration. There was, however, a major difference between 
the U.S. and Europe in that discrimination was a de facto at- 
titude rather than a de jure, statutory, or legal arrangement; 
that it was a private matter rather than one of public policy. 
Like other groups of European origin, the Jews were relatively 
successful in minimizing the effects of discrimination, first by 
improving their economic position and second by using po- 
litical power derived from their numbers and concentration 
in some major urban centers of the country. In addition, dis- 
crimination was met by the Jews with an almost atavistic re- 
flex of communal activity. The Jewish community developed a 
time-honored self-defense mechanism against discrimination 
in the form of institutions designed to meet specific needs of 
individuals or groups within the community. In the absence 
of organized communal authorities, recognized either by the 
outside world or by the Jews themselves, or representing their 
collective interests, the role of voluntary associations and in- 
stitutions was even more significant for the discharge of group 
responsibilities and for the maintenance of whatever cohesion 
was possible within the Jewish community. 

The numerical growth and economic advancement of 
the United States' Jewish community resulted in a change in 
the relationships among Jewish communities in the world, 
the U.S. Jewish community becoming an important source 
of economic assistance for the others. In a certain sense the 
bonds between American and European Jews provided a 
community of interest and purpose for the various groups of 
American Jewry, giving expression to their Jewish identity. 
At a time when the process of language assimilation was in 
progress, and the commonalty of cultural concerns was di- 
minishing, the "foreign aid" of American Jews provided them 
with a much-needed psychological satisfaction and helped to 

maintain their identity. This process turned out to be of par- 
ticular importance for the subsequent developments during 
and after World War n. 

Palestine. While the first systematic attempts of organized 
mass colonization in Palestine go back to the 1870s and 1880s, 
a marked acceleration of the immigration stream occurred at 
the beginning of the 20 th century, primarily as a result of the 
growth of a modern nationalist movement making immigra- 
tion and settlement in Palestine the cornerstone of its ideol- 
ogy. The more organized manner of immigration and settle- 
ment, in part directed by a long-term national vision, led to 
the establishment of a social infrastructure within and for 
the Jewish population in Palestine, and to the establishment 
of modern social, economic, and educational institutions in 
an otherwise primitive and backward country. The introduc- 
tion of modern institutions was accompanied by a striking 
attempt to modernize agriculture, a successful undertaking 
that integrated the need for economic modernization with 
the ideological factor of the need to recover the land, produc- 
ing a sizable agricultural sector within the Jewish community 
in Palestine. The fact that the agricultural sector embraced a 
variety of organizational forms of production, that alongside 
private agriculture a cooperative and even a communal net- 
work of farms was created, was of considerable importance 
for the further development of the economy. The ideas of co- 
operation were also applied to other sectors of the economy: 
in industry, construction, and the services. Such enterprises 
had to reconcile private and social criteria in their decision- 
making and had to accept procedures for social control, ar- 
rangements that provided a particular atmosphere for eco- 
nomic activity within the Jewish community. 

The continuous numerical growth of the Jewish popula- 
tion, resulting from successive immigration waves and natural 
population increase, and the emotional intensity of the issues 
connected with its development and its role among Jewish 
communities in the world often obscured the interesting pat- 
tern of economic and social development of the Jewish com- 
munity in Palestine. An important feature of the Jewish pop- 
ulation in Palestine was its relatively homogeneous cultural 
background since the majority of immigrants came from East- 
ern Europe. It possessed or created a full array of industrial, 
agricultural, and service skills at various levels, coupled with 
a level of education that was compatible with, if not excessive 
of, the existing level of skills. The economic activities of the 
Jewish population were conducted under conditions of virtual 
absence of discriminatory policies, apart from restrictions on 
immigration, particularly during the interwar period. This in 
turn created a basically stable economic structure; the employ- 
ment distribution did not change drastically with time. There 
was relatively less income inequality than within other Jewish 
communities because skills were distributed differently. The 
level of income of the Jewish population in Palestine provided 
for the consumption needs of the population, with investment 
funds either imported by private investors from abroad, bor- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



rowed abroad, or provided as a form of nonreturnable trans- 
fers (gifts) from other Jewish communities to the Jewish com- 
munity in Palestine. 

While the above characteristics appear to portray the 
main features of economic and social conditions of the Jew- 
ish community in Palestine until World War n, they obviously 
do not convey the dynamics of the process of economic de- 
velopment per se. A more detailed treatment of this subject 
would have to include the economic relationships with the 
majority of the population, the Arabs; the extent of self-suffi- 
ciency achieved within the Jewish community; and the eco- 
nomic relations with the foreign markets to which some of 
the products of Jewish labor, land, and capital were exported 
and from which income was derived (see ""Israel, State of, 
Economic Affairs). 


The interwar period that ended with the catastrophe of World 
War ii, an event in the history of the Jews whose dimensions 
and consequences our present generation is still unable to 
perceive let alone define, was marked by the following char- 
acteristics: (1) the forced separation and isolation of one of 
the largest Jewish communities, namely that in the Soviet 
Union, from the rest of world Jewry; (2) the growth of the Jew- 
ish population in the United States and its relative economic 
strength in comparison with Jewish communities elsewhere 
created a new element in the balance and relationship between 
Jewish communities and indicated a future trend; (3) the eco- 
nomic situation of the European Jews, and especially of the 
East European communities, which worsened since economic 
and political uncertainty had become the norm even before 
the rise of Fascism and Nazism; (4) the rise of Nazism which 
created a direct danger to Jewish life and property in Central 
Europe, and the spread of discriminatory policies modeled 
upon the early legislation of Nazi Germany which became a 
real threat to a large part of European Jewry; given the lim- 
ited opportunities for migration, the European Jewish popu- 
lation did not possess any real alternatives; (5) the growth of 
the Jewish community in Palestine which became an impor- 
tant cultural factor in the life of other Jewish communities, 
but its small relative size and the severe limitations imposed 
by the British upon Jewish immigration kept it from having 
a larger impact and from contributing toward a solution of 
European Jews' distress. 

Therefore, prior to World War 11, the Jewish communities 
found themselves at a crossroad, with the direction of their 
future fate and development depending upon exogenous, pri- 
marily political forces. The tragic results of World War 11 have 
left most of Europe virtually without Jews. There are now two 
major communities: that of the United States and that of the 
State of Israel, to shape the future of the Jews as a national en- 
tity. This situation of the Jewish communities, recovering from 
the physical disaster and psychological shock of World War 11, 
made the economic relationship between the American Jew- 
ish community and the State of Israel one of the cornerstones 

of a policy of survival. The economics of the Jews, apart from 
the parochial interests of economists and economic histori- 
ans, was geared toward the survival of the group during most 

of its recorded history. 

[Arcadius Kahan] 

bibliography: general: Baron, Social 2 , with extensive 
documentation, first temple period - exile and restora- 
tion: M. Weber, Ancient Judaism (1952); A. Bertholet, A History of 
Hebrew Civilization (1926); M. Lurie, Studien zur Geschichte der wirt- 
schaftlichen und sozialen Verhaeltnisse im israelitisch-juedischen Rei- 
che (1927); D. Jacobson, The Social Background of the Old Testament 
(1942); Pedersen, Israel; E. Ginzberg, Studies in the Economics of the 
Bible (1932 = jqr, 22 (1910/11)); I. Mendelsohn, in: basor, 80 (1940), 
17-21; S. Daiches, The Jews in Babylonia in the Time of Ezra and Ne- 
hemiah (1910). second temple period-talmudic era: S. Yeivin 
(ed.), Ha-Mishar ve-ha-Taasiyyah (1937); V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic 
Civilization and the Jews (1966); L. Herzfeld, Handelsgeschichte der 
Juden des Altertums (1894 2 ); Juster, Juifs; A. Buechler, The Economic 
Conditions of Judaea after the Destruction of the Second Temple (1912); 
Krauss, Tal Arch; E. Lambert, in: rej, 51 (1906), 217-44; 52 (1906), 
24-42; D. Farbstein, Recht der unfreien und der freien Arbeiter nach 
juedisch-talmudischem Recht (1896); Neusner, Babylonia; J. New- 
man, The Agricultural Life of the Jews in Babylonia between the Years 
200 c.e. and 500 c.e. (1932). Muslim middle ages: S.D. Goitein, A 
Mediterranean Society, 1: Economic Foundations (1967); Fischel, Islam; 
Hirschberg, Afrikah; Ashtor, Toledot; Ashtor, Korot; M. Wischnitzer, 
A History of Jewish Crafts and Guilds (1965); R. Levy, An Introduc- 
tion to the Sociology of Islam, 2 vols. (1929-31); C. Cahen, in: Studia 
Islamica, 3 (1955), 93-115. medieval Christendom: G. Caro, So- 
zial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Juden im Mittelalter, 2 vols. (1908 
[19241-1920); Schiper, Yidishe Geshikhte, 4 vols. (1930); idem, Toledot 
ha-Kalkalah ha-Yehudit, 2 vols. (1935-36); idem, Wirtshaftsgeshikhte 
fun di Yidn in Poyln (1926); M. Hoffmann, Der Geldhandel der deut- 
schen Jude bis zum Jahre 1350 (1910); I. Abrahams et al. (eds.), Starrs 
and Jewish Charters Preserved in the British Museum, 3 vols. (1930-32); 
H.G. Richardson, English Jewry under Angevin Kings (i960); Baer, 
Spain; Roth, Italy; A. Milano, Vicende economiche degli Ebrei nellTta- 
lia meridionale ed insulare durante il medioevo (1954); J. Starr, Jews 
in the Byzantine Empire, 641-1204 (1939). economic doctrines: 
S.W. Baron (ed), in: Essays on Maimonides (1941, photo-offset, 1966), 
127-264; S. Bernfeld et al. (eds.), DieLehren des Judentums (excerpts 
from primary sources), 3 vols. (n. d.); S. Ejges, Das Geld im Talmud 
(1930); E. Cohn, in: Zeitschrift fuer vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, 
18 (1905), 37-72; S. Eisenstadt, Ein Mishpat (1931), lists numerous, 
economically relevant, juristic monographs. 

ECSTASY, from Greek ekstasis, "displacement," "movement 
outwards," "distraction of mind," "drunken excitement," "en- 
trancement," or secondarily, "astonishment." (See Mark 5:42.) 
In Greek religion two fundamental types of ecstasy, dionysiac 
and contemplative, are well attested; the former is induced by 
means of narcotics, alcohol, music, and dance; the latter by 
contemplation and prayer. Only the dionysiac is represented 
in the Bible. Several scholars have maintained that ecstasy was 
the fundamental experience of all prophecy. This view ulti- 
mately can be traced back to * Philo who maintained that no 
prophecy is without ecstasy (see Spec. 4:49). Some scholars 
have distinguished between two groups: the classical proph- 
ets, or literary prophets, allegedly did not surfer from loss of 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


identity, but maintained their consciousness and were aware 
of a divine encounter to which they responded. The second 
group, the pre-classical prophets, sometimes manifested group 
prophecy, which was ecstatic and contagious (cf. Num. 11:16 if., 
where the 70 elders "speak in ecstasy" after the spirit of the 
Lord rests upon them - the Hebrew verb used is hitnabbe). 
Thus, when Saul meets "a band of prophets coming down 
from the high place with harp, tambourine, and lyre before 
them," he, too, is overwhelmed: "A spirit of God came might- 
ily upon him and he spoke in ecstasy among them" (1 Sam. 
10). Similarly, when Saul sends men to capture David, who 
was staying with Samuel, they find Samuel at the head of a 
group of ecstatic prophets. The messengers are overcome by 
the spectacle and begin to rave. After this has happened to 
three sets of messengers, Saul goes himself, and, in a violent 
ecstatic fit, strips off his clothes and lies naked a whole day and 
night (1 Sam. 19:18-24). Both these incidents are cited as the 
origin of the proverbial expression "Is Saul among the proph- 
ets?" Scholars who maintain the pre-classical ecstatic/classical 
non-ecstatic distinction also cite 1 Kings 22, where some 400 
prophets rave in ecstasy before kings Jehoshaphat and Ahaz 
on the eve of their united attack against Ramoth-Gilead. They 
note, correctly, as well that this feature of collective dionysiac 
frenzy is not confined to early Israelite prophets. In 1 Kings 
18:28-29, 45° Canaanite prophets of Baal and 400 prophets 
of Asherah "cried aloud and cut themselves after their man- 
ner with swords and lances till the blood gushed out upon 
them . . . They prophesied in ecstasy until the time of the eve- 
ning offering. . . ." Individual prophets, too, might fall into an 
ecstatic trance. Thus, Elijah ran before Ahab's chariot when 
the hand of the Lord was upon him (1 Kings 18:46). An extra- 
biblical example, in addition to the Canaanite prophets of Baal 
just mentioned, is found in the n th -century Egyptian tale of 
Wen- Anion, which relates that while Zakar-Baal, king of By- 
blos, was offering a sacrifice, "the god seized one of his youths 
and made him possessed" (Pritchard, Texts, 26). In such a 
state the person turns into "another man" (e.g., Saul, 1 Sam. 
10:6) and may behave madly (1 Sam. 18:10 ff.). This is doubtless 
why a disciple of the prophets is referred to as "the madman" 
(11 Kings 9:11). But a careful reading of the classical prophets 
shows that they too manifested odd behavior. Jeremiah is re- 
ferred to as "madman" and "ecstatic" (mitnabbe) in the same 
breath (Jer. 29:26; cf. Hos. 9:7). Isaiah walked about barefoot 
and naked for three years (Isa. 20:3). Ezekiel lay on his left 
side for 390 days and 40 days on his right. From Zech. 13:4-6 
we learn that a prophet might be expected to wear a hairshirt 
and have sores on his back, perhaps from some ritual beat- 
ing. Indeed, the Hebrew word for madman, meshugga, may 
be a terminus technicus for a type of god-inspired individual 
who is called in the *Mari letters a muhhu (fern., muhhutum), 
"frenzied," "mad," "ecstatic." Such an ecstatic seizure may be 
induced by external means: music (cf. Elisha, 11 Kings 3:15, 
and the musical instruments carried by the bands of proph- 
ets, 1 Sam. 10:5 and 11 Chron. 35:15) or dancing (mentioned in 
connection with the prophets of Baal, 1 Kings 18:26). Some- 

times this ecstatic seizure is described as caused either by 
"the hand of God" (1 Kings 18:46; 11 Kings 3:15; Jer. 15:17) or 
by "the spirit of God" (1 Sam. 10:6, 10; 18:10; 19:23), an indica- 
tion that seizure and strange behavior might lend credibility 
to claims of prophecy. 

bibliography: G. Hoelscher, Die Propheten (1914); T.H. 
Robinson, Prophecy and the Prophets (1923); C.J. Lindblom, Proph- 
ecy in Ancient Israel (1962); A.J. Heschel, The Prophets (1962). add. 
bibliography: R. Wilson, in: jbl, 98 (1979), 329-37; G. Andre, 
Ecstatic Prophecy in the Old Testament (1982); S. Geller, Sacred Enig- 
mas (1996); J. Roberts, The Bible and the Ancient Near East (2002), 
95-101, 157-253- 

[Shalom M. Paul / S. David Sperling (2 nd ed.)] 

ECUADOR, South American republic; population 13,363,593 
(2005); Jewish population 900. 

Unlike most other Latin American countries it was only 
in the wake of the Nazi persecution in Europe that a consid- 
erable number of Jews arrived in Ecuador. With the Spanish 
conquerors Jews, too, had in fact come to Ecuador, but their 
number was small. Also after independence from Spain com- 
paratively few Sephardi Jews immigrated; these assimilated or 
at least did not practice their tradition in public. Certain fam- 
ily names among established Ecuadorian families attest until 
today to their Sephardi descent. At the end of the 19 th century, 
and in the 1920s and 1930s, Jews emigrated mainly from East- 
ern Europe and settled chiefly in Guayaquil but did not be- 
come visible as a group. It is related that the first meeting for 
a New Year's celebration took place in 1934 in a private apart- 
ment. In 1914 Vienna-born Julius Rosenstock was appointed 
by the Ecuadorian government to head the construction of 
the Sibambe- Quito highland railway. Because of his excel- 
lent connections in government circles he successfully fought 
for the entry of persecuted Jews to the country. The stream of 
refugees to Ecuador began in 1938, reaching its peak in 1939. 
On Rosenstock s initiative a hicem Committee was founded 
and the government negotiated the conditions of immigration 
with him. Because of his personal intervention, he succeeded 
in obtaining the repeal of the 1937 decree by the dictator Al- 
berto Enriquez Gallo ordering Jews who did not work in ag- 
riculture or industry to leave the country within 30 days. 

A relatively small number of Jews, 3,500-4,000, found 
refuge in Ecuador through 1942. Settlement projects from 
the mid-i930s, including the plan for long-term settlement of 
50,000 families in mostly remote areas, were supported nei- 
ther by the Ecuadorian public nor by the Jewish settlers and 
proved to be untrustworthy and impractical. For most of the 
Jews who found refuge in the country until 1942, Ecuador, 
with its three million inhabitants, was a second- choice place 
of exile, since they had failed to find asylum in another, pre- 
ferred country. The majority came from Germany and Austria 
after the pogrom of November 1938 (*Kristallnacht) having lost 
hope that they could stay in their native country. Part of them 
settled in Guayaquil, the biggest city of the country, which 
was a real trading center with a population of about 180,000. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 












> Ambato 



Cuenca .^* 




W / 
\ / - 

Major Jewish Concentration 

Major Jewish communities in Ecuador. 

Located near the Pacific coast, it had a tropical climate. The 
vast majority, however, preferred the capital, Quito, situated 
in the Andes at an altitude of 9,200 ft. (2,800 m.). Few settled 
in small towns like Ambato (100), Banos, Cuenca (30), and 
Riobamba, or in the jungle around Puyo. 

In Quito as in Guayaquil they were concentrated in sev- 
eral streets in the city center or not far from it. Quito with 
150,000 inhabitants had no industry and only one multi-story 
building. Compared to middle-class European standards the 
living conditions were cramped and primitive, with no infra- 
structure and with infectious diseases and a lack of hygiene 
threatening their health. Many of the immigrants had only 
meager financial means, though many of them had brought 
their household goods and other possessions. Since the au- 
thorities returned the deposits that the immigrants had made 
to receive their visas (a few hundred dollars each), most of 
them had money to invest. Many had to earn their livings 
in unfamiliar occupations. But wherever it was possible they 
tried to continue in their former professions or similar ones. 

Despite the regulations restricting immigration to in- 
dustrial or agricultural laborers, only a minority worked in 
agriculture. Because of the difficult living and working con- 
ditions and their lack of knowledge such onerous attempts 
were given up. The project of hicem and the Joint in 1937 to 
settle 60 families in the area of Ambato for chicken farming 
was among those failed attempts. A considerable number of 
the immigrants were active in trade, as peddlers, in retail and 
wholesale, and in the import and export trade. While the ma- 
jority of the enterprises in the first years required hard work 
by all family members to reach a subsistence level, some of 
the enterprises reached a considerable size by 1942 and ex- 
ist until today. The most successful were those that found a 
niche in the market, offering services and goods unknown in 
the country or absent from the market because of the war. In 
the field of food and textile production, in the metallurgical 
(El Arco, Ideal, Siderurgica sa.) and pharmaceutical indus- 

tries, in services and the hotel trade, they played an important 
role and brought a dynamic element into business life. Names 
like Rothschild, Seligmann, Neustatter, Di Capua, and Otto- 
lenghi stand out. 

The fact that the authorities as a rule did not enforce 
industrial or agricultural employment made it easier for the 
immigrants to integrate into the economic process but soon 
led to anti- Jewish pressure on the part of the local popula- 
tion. While the presidents Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra (1934-35, 
1944-47) and Carlos Arroyo del Rio (1940-44) approved the 
immigration of Jews, some circles espoused an antisemitic 
line with recourse to the German-based press and deep-seated 
Christian prejudices. Also textile merchants of Arab origin, es- 
pecially from Lebanon, who had lived in Ecuador for decades, 
considered the Jews undesirable competitors. In August 1944 
Velasco Ibarra rescinded the regulations that restricted immi- 
gration to industrial or agricultural employment, but already 
at the end of the 1940s the authorities stepped up the control 
of Jewish enterprises and in 1952 another law was passed re- 
quiring proof that a foreigner was engaged in the occupation 
stipulated in his entry visa. This legislation was counteracted 
by the intervention of the World Jewish Congress. Within 
these limited political and social limitations the immigrants 
were free to do whatever they wished. There was no bar to 
practicing their religion or founding associations. 

The biggest group among the refugees was in Quito. Its 
nucleus was the above-mentioned hicem Committee founded 
in 1938. In the same year the Asociacion de Beneficencia Is- 
raelita was founded, reaching its peak with over 540 mem- 
bers (heads of families) in 1945. Unlike most Latin American 
countries, where Jewish communities already existed and the 
newcomers founded their own separate organizations accord- 
ing to their countries of origin, the "Beneficencia" united Jews 
from Germany, Austria, Italy, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslova- 
kia, Romania, the Soviet Union, and the Baltic states. 

Though there was some religiously motivated separation 
this was of minor significance. While in Guayaquil differences 
of opinion about Zionism were a greater potential cause of dis- 
cord than in Quito, in religious matters the situation was quite 
the opposite. In Guayaquil the strongest organization, Comu- 
nidad de Culto, with more than 140 members, combined the 
Sociedad de Beneficencia, founded in 1939-40, and the Cen- 
tro Israelita, which had split off in 1944, both competing for 
cultural primacy. Under the impression of the foundation of 
the State of Israel all organizations in Quito united under the 
umbrella of the "Beneficencia" while in Guayaquil it took al- 
most 20 years more to reach such unity. 

The "Beneficencia" did a great deal to create a center of 
religious, social, and cultural life for its members. A bulletin 
called Informaciones para los Inmigrantes Israelitas, in the first 
period mainly written in German, informed readers about 
the community, the host country, and international affairs. 
Based on the model of their European countries a court of 
arbitration, a hevra kaddisha y a women's association, a coop- 
erative bank, Maccabi, and B'nai B'rith were established. In 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Quito and in Guayaquil Zionist organizations were founded 
that succeeded in winning the support of public figures in 
the host country for the objectives of Zionism. The Ecuador- 
ian representative cast his vote in the un General Assembly 
resolution of November 29, 1947, in favor of the partition of 
Palestine. Ecuador and Israel established diplomatic relations. 
From the late 1960s a network of technical cooperation and 
assistance was developed between the two countries, espe- 
cially in the fields of agriculture, water development, youth 
training, and technology. 

Jews achieved prominence in Ecuadorian society beyond 
the economic field. They contributed to cultural development 
in music, painting, theater, arts and crafts, architecture, litera- 
ture, science, journalism, and publishing. 

In the 1940s the Kammerspiele theater was established 
on a high artistic level, directed by Karl (Carl) Loewenberg, 
co-founder of the Juedischer Kulturbund of Berlin. In the 
1950s the theater continued to perform in Spanish before ap- 
preciative local audiences. An international reputation was 
achieved by the painter Olga Fisch-Anhalzer, co-founder of 
the Instituto Ecuatoriano de Folclor. The painter and sculp- 
tress Trude Sojka, who had survived Auschwitz, arrived in 
1946. Paul Engel, a physician and writer (pen name Diego 
Viega), who immigrated to Ecuador in 1950 from Colombia, 
became known as an endocrinologist. Benno Weiser (Benja- 
min Varon) made a name for himself as a journalist. Like his 
brother Max Weiser, who was the first Israeli consul to Ecua- 
dor, he entered the Israeli diplomatic service. 

As the majority of the immigrants had regarded their stay 
in Ecuador as a temporary episode, emigration after the end 
of the war was considerable. By 1948 about half the Jews in 
Quito had emigrated, mainly to the U.S. On the other hand, 
a considerable number of survivors of the Holocaust arrived 
in the early postwar years. Because of continuous emigration, 
mortality, and partial assimilation of the following genera- 
tion, which considered Spanish its mother tongue, the im- 
migrant organizations lost their pivotal role as preservers of 
social and cultural identity. However, the Jews continued to 
form a small middle-class group largely cut off from the strong 
Catholic upper class and the masses of mestizos and the in- 
digenous population. 

In 1972 the Informaciones ceased publication. Differ- 
ent attempts to revive tradition did not persevere. The small 
communities of Ambato and Cuenca disbanded. At the be- 
ginning of the 1970s, in the course of the oil boom and thanks 
to easier- to -obtain entry permits, Jewish families from other 
Latin American countries arrived. As a result of political de- 
velopments under the presidency of Salvador Allende a large 
number of families preferred to exchange Chile for Ecuador 
as a domicile. Towards the end of the 20 th century many Jews 
from Argentina settled in Quito. 

In 2005 the Jewish community (Comunidad Judia del 
Ecuador) of the city of Quito with its 2 million people num- 
bers 200 families, or 550-600 members (the community of 
Guayaquil has 20 families, or some 70 members). The com- 

munity has modern facilities for its social, recreational, and 
administrative needs. There is a synagogue and a rabbi for 
religious services. A hevra kaddisha and a home for the aged 
continue to function as well as the women's association as an 
independent organization. About 75 children go to the Colegio 
Alberto Einstein, a private school founded in 1973 by mem- 
bers of the community where the great majority of the pupils 
are non- Jews. The community is in contact with other Jewish 
organizations in Latin America and worldwide. 

bibliography: M.L. Kreuter, Wo liegt Ecuador? Exil in einem 
unbekannten Land 1938 bis zum Beginn der fuenfziger Jahre (1995); 
Donde queda el Ecuador? Exilio en un pais desconocido desde 1938 
hasta fines de los anos cincuentas (1997); Organizaciones Israelitas en 
el Ecuador, La Colonia Israelita en el Ecuador (1948). 

[Marie Luise Kreuter (2 nd ed.)] 

EDAH, U.S. grassroots organization comprised of rabbis, la- 
ity, intellectuals, and communal leaders who joined forces to 
revitalize a distinctive Modern American Orthodoxy. By the 
late 1960s, most observers had abandoned earlier predictions 
of the imminent demise of American Orthodoxy. Champions 
of Orthodoxy, as well as more neutral observers, pointed to 
the growth of day schools, the strength of the Orthodox fam- 
ily, and the intensity of Orthodox commitments as markers 
of sustained vitality. Generally, however, these commenta- 
tors pointed to Modern Orthodoxy as the wave of the future. 
Haredi Orthodoxy remained in retreat and on the defensive. 
Israel's victory in the 1967 war signaled the ascendancy of 
religious Zionism. Yeshiva University, the flagship institu- 
tion of Modern Orthodoxy, was experiencing unprecedented 
growth. High-profile Modern Orthodox intellectuals - notably 
Emanuel * Rackman, Irving *Greenberg, David *Hartman, and 
Eliezer * Berkovits - were eagerly probing the bold and excit- 
ing challenge of defining the shape of a Judaism that would 
wed modern values with the teachings of To rah. 

By the end of the 1980s, much had changed. Although 
increasingly vibrant, American Orthodoxy seemed decreas- 
ingly modern. Some pointed to a Haredi ascendancy. Others 
underscored the widespread Orthodox practice of attending 
year-long post-high school programs in Israel, which had in- 
tensified Orthodox commitment and attachment to Israel, but 
whose faculties loudly proclaimed the bankruptcy of Modern 
Orthodox culture and values. Historians pointed to a new 
wave of Ultra-Orthodox immigration to America. Survivors 
of the Holocaust, these individuals spared no effort to rebuild 
Ultra- Orthodoxy on American shores. Lastly, Modern Or- 
thodox parents, unlike their Haredi counterparts, generally 
failed to perceive Jewish education as a suitable profession for 
their children, thereby creating a vacuum that Haredi educa- 
tors eagerly filled. 

Thus, within short order, Modern Orthodoxy appeared 
to be more in danger of eclipse than on the cusp of renewal. 
Interdenominational programs, such as the Joint Chaplaincy 
Board and the Synagogue Council of America, were closed 
down in 1987 and 1994, respectively. The very nomenclature 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



"Modern Orthodoxy" was dropped in favor of the more neu- 
tral and less ideologic ally- charged "Centrist Orthodoxy," a 
change that Dr. Norman *Lamm, then president of Yeshiva 
University, for one, publicly regretted by the close of the cen- 

In this context, it was easily understandable that some 
sought to restore the "modern" in American Orthodoxy. In 
the late 1990s, a group of Orthodox intellectuals and lay lead- 
ers established Edah under the banner of "the courage to be 
modern and Orthodox." Launched initially as a grassroots 
initiative, with Rabbi Saul Berman as president, Edah's found- 
ing conference in February 1999 attracted over 1,500 partici- 
pants. At stake were the questions on which the founders of 
Edah maintained that Modern Orthodoxy has ceded leader- 
ship. These included the challenge of feminism and women's 
equality, the hijacking of religious Zionism by * Gush Emu- 
nim, the pursuit of secular education as a value in itself rather 
than purely for utilitarian or instrumental reasons, and the 
continuing need for cooperation with the non-Orthodox re- 
ligious movements and their leaders. More specifically, Edah 
hoped to redress women's inequality, notably in Jewish di- 
vorce law, to train a cadre of Modern Orthodox educators, to 
help define religious Zionism for the 21 st century, and, per- 
haps above all, nurture an atmosphere of open dialogue and 
freedom of exchange that was so sorely lacking in an Ortho- 
dox world dominated by rosheiyeshivah. Significantly, during 
these years, one of the most prominent of Yeshiva University 
Talmud faculty had pronounced Modern Orthodoxy to be the 
"Amalek of our time." 

Yet Edah's hope to reclaim Yeshiva University as Modern 
Orthodoxy's stronghold remained unfulfilled. For one thing, 
notwithstanding Edah's impressive turnout of supporters 
and intellectual leadership, Yeshiva University faculty gener- 
ally were absent. At best, Yeshiva University remained neu- 
tral towards Edah if not outright dismissive. Rabbi Aha- 
ron Lichtenstein wrote from Israel that he was certain that 
his late father-in-law, Rabbi Joseph B. *Soloveitchik, upon 
whose memory as Modern Orthodox scholar and commu- 
nal leader Edah had sought to build, would today have little 
identification with Edah and its program. More generally, 
Yeshiva University leadership dismissed Edah as unnecessary, 
pointing to y.u.'s Orthodox Forum which claimed the virtue 
of continuing dialogue between Orthodox intellectuals and 
roshei yeshivah. Nonetheless, Edah, under Rabbi Berman's 
leadership, persisted into the 21 st century. By 2005, it had 
held four national conferences and several regional ones. Five 
volumes of the Edah journal had appeared, containing im- 
pressive scholarship and dialogue on critical issues, e.g., aliyot 
for women, generally not found elsewhere in the Ortho- 
dox world. Other institutions, notably the Jewish Orthodox 
Feminist Alliance (jofa), Rabbi Avi Weiss' Yeshivat Cho- 
vevei Torah, proclaiming its commitment to an "open Ortho- 
doxy," and, in Israel, the Lavi Conference, all loosely aligned 
with Edah in an effort to spearhead a Modern Orthodox re- 

In the final analysis, however, the struggle for the Ortho- 
dox future remained open. Most observers agreed that Yeshiva 
University, given its enormous resources and prominence in- 
side the Jewish community, would continue to set the tone for 
Modern Orthodoxy in America. To be sure, Yeshiva's direc- 
tion, under the presidency of Richard Joel, who was appointed 
in 2003, remained unclear. Yet the purposes for which Edah 
had come into being in the late 1990s remained as compel- 
ling in the 21 st century. 

[Steven Bayme (2 nd ed.)] 

EDEL, YIZHAK (1896-1973), composer and teacher. Edel 
was born in Warsaw and from 1924 to 1927 he taught music 
in the orphanage of Janusz * Korczak, in Warsaw. In 1929 he 
immigrated to Palestine where he worked as a music teacher 
in teachers' colleges. His works include orchestral and piano 
music, quartets for strings and wind instruments, songs, and 
cantatas. His musical style shows the influence of Eastern 
European Jewish tradition. 

EDELMAN, GERALD MAURICE (1929- ), U.S. biochemist 
and immunologist, Nobel Prize laureate. Edelman was born 
in New York. He originally studied as a violinist but turned 
to biochemistry and received his M.D. from the University of 
Pennsylvania in 1954 and his doctorate from the Rockefeller 
University in i960, where he was appointed associate professor 
of biochemistry, and associate dean of graduate studies in 1963. 
One of the leading immunologists in the United States, he de- 
voted himself to research in the elucidation of the structure 
of antibody molecules and established the complete chemical 
structure of gamma globulin, which defends the body against 
foreign bodies and disease. In 1977 Edelman and his colleagues 
discovered cell adhesion molecules. Subsequently he turned 
his attention to neuroscience, becoming director of the Neu- 
rosciences Institute in San Diego, California. He has proposed 
a global brain theory called Neural Darwinism, which pro- 
vides the basis for understanding the origin of consciousness. 
Edelman is a member of numerous scientific bodies, including 
the National Academy of Sciences, the American Academy of 
Arts and Sciences, the American Association for the Advance- 
ment of Science, and the American Chemical Society. In 1972 
he was awarded the Nobel Prize for Medicine and Physiology 
together with Dr. Rodney Porter. 

EDELMAN, MAURICE (1911-1975), author and politician. 
Born in Cardiff and educated at Cambridge, Edelman was a 
Labour M.P. from 1945 until his death. He was president of the 
Anglo- Jewish Association in 1963. His works include France: 
The Birth of the Fourth Republic (1945); David Ben-Gurion 
(1964), a biography; and political and other novels, including 
A Trial of Love (1951), Who Goes Home and A Dream of Trea- 
son (both 1953), A Call on Kuprin (1959), The Fratricides (1963), 
The Prime Ministers Daughter (1964), and Shark Island (1967). 
Edelman's best-known work was probably the novel Disraeli 
in Love (1972). Although a Labourite, Edelman was such an 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


admirer of Disraeli that, in 1972, he leased and lived in a wing 
of Hughenden manor, Disraelis country house. Once a leftist 
supporter of the Soviet Union, by the end of his life Edelman 
was active in the movement for Soviet Jewry. 

bibliography: odnb online. 

[William D. Rubinstein (2 nd ed.)] 

EDELMANN, RAPHAEL (1902-1972), Danish scholar and 
librarian. Born in Latvia, Edelmann immigrated to Copen- 
hagen as a child. In 1933 at the recommendation of David 
*Simonsen he began working in the newly established Jewish 
department of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, which con- 
sisted of the rich library of Simonsen; from 1938 he headed the 
department. From 1948 he lectured at the University of Co- 
penhagen, where he was in charge of Judaic studies, includ- 
ing Yiddish. In 1955 he founded the Association of Libraries 
of Judaica and Hebraica in Europe and in this capacity orga- 
nized training courses for Jewish librarians. Edelmann pub- 
lished extensively in several scholarly fields and made impor- 
tant contributions to the dissemination of Jewish scholarship 
in Denmark. Among his works are Bestimmung, Heimat and 
Alter der synagogalen Poesie (1932), and Zur Fruehgeschichte 
des Machzor (1934), important works on the early history of 
liturgical poetry. He compiled the catalog of Hebrew incu- 
nabula of the library of L. * Goldschmidt, now at the Royal 
Library (in Fund ogForskning, 3 (1956), 82-90); edited the se- 
ries Corpus Codicum Hebraicorum Medii Aevi (1954- ); and 
edited the Subject Concordance to the Babylonian Talmud by 
L. Goldschmidt (1959). He also arranged successful exhibitions 
of the treasures of the Royal Library in Paris, Strasbourg, Mi- 
lan, and New York. 

[Menahem Schmelzer] 


1821-1893), Lithuanian Hebrew scholar. Edelmann was born 
in Vilna and studied at the Volozhin yeshivah. He tried his 
hand in various branches of Jewish scholarship, and also wrote 
poetry and was one of the first to "discover" J.L. *Gordon, 
whom he befriended. 

Among his published books are Shoshannim (i860); 
Ha-Mesillot (1875); Ha-Tirosh (1871), on Genesis Rabbah; and 
Doresh Reshumot (1893), on I.H. *Weiss' historical work Dor 
Dor ve-Doreshav, which Edelmann criticized for its liberal 
views. Edelmann also contributed to Hebrew periodicals. 
Part of his literary remains were used by A.D. Lebensohn and 
I. Benjacob in their edition of the Bible (1849-53) an d pub- 
lished by Edelmann's son Mordecai Isaac in his Mearat Adul- 
lam (1922) and Tovim ha-Shenayim (1913). An autobiographi- 
cal fragment was published by the son in his biography of his 
father, Hakham ve-Sar (1896). 

EDELMANN, ZEVI HIRSCH (1805-1858), Hebrew scholar, 
printer, and publisher. Edelmann, who was born in Svisloch, 
Belorussia, published books at Danzig, Koenigsberg, and 
London. In England, in particular, he carefully searched the 

libraries for Hebrew manuscript material. Edelmann pub- 
lished editions of hitherto unpublished medieval Hebrew lit- 
erature such as Estori Ha-Parhi's Kaftor va-Ferah (1851, repr. 
1959); Ginzei Oxford (translated into English by M.H. Bresslau 
and published in Treasures of Oxford, 1851), a collection (with 
L. Dukes) of liturgical and secular poetry by Spanish- Jewish 
poets; Derekh Tovim (also translated into English by M.H. 
Bresslau and published in Path of Good Men, 1852), varia by 
Maimonides, Judah ibn Tibbon and others; Hemdah Genu- 
zah (1856), an important collection of philosophical writings 
and letters, mainly by, to, or about Maimonides; Divrei Hefez 
(1853), another collection of philosophical and poetical ma- 
terial; and also M.H. Luzzatto's La-Yesharim Tehillah (1854). 
Edelmann also published a number of important liturgi- 
cal items: Seder Haggadah (1845), with critical notes; Hag- 
gadah Le-Leil Shimmurim (1845), with commentaries and 
notes; and Siddur Hegyon Lev (1854) containing Edelmann's 
critical notes and emendations, Noam Megadim by J. Teo- 
mim, and Mekor Berakhah by E. Landshuth. Edelmann's first 
publications, which were purely talmudic, were Haggahot 
u-VVurim li-Meirat Einayim (1839) and Alim le-Mivhan, in- 
cluding Megillat Sefer Iggeret ha-Purim (1844) on Esther. He 
also wrote an historical study on Saul *Wahl, the alleged one- 
day king of Poland, Gedullat Shdul (1854), with an appendix 
Mr David. His considerable publishing ventures were carried 
out under conditions of great financial stringency. Edelmann 
lived in Berlin from 1852 and died in the ward for the insane 
in a Berlin hospital. 

bibliography: Jewish Chronicle (1841-1941) (1949), 55; A. 
Berg, Birkat Avraham (1882); Kressel, Leksikon, 1 (1965), 24-25. 

(known as MaHaRShA - Morenu Ha-Rav Shemu'el Adels; 
1555-1631), one of the foremost Talmud commentators. Born 
in Cracow, he moved to Posen in his youth, where he married 
the daughter of Moses Ashkenazi Heilpern. His mother-in- 
law, Edel, by whose name he was later known, was a wealthy 
woman and supported him and his numerous disciples for a 
period of 20 years (1585-1605). After her death, Edels took up 
a rabbinic position in Chelm. In 1614 he was appointed rabbi 
of Lublin, and in 1625 of Ostrog, where he founded a large 
yeshivah. On the lintel of his house (burned down in 1889) was 
inscribed the verse: "The stranger did not lodge in the street; 
but I opened my doors to the traveler" (Job 31:32). His com- 
mentary on the Talmud is one of the classical works of talmu- 
dic literature included in almost every edition of the Talmud. 
The commentary is divided into two parts. In his Hiddushei 
Halakhot he explains the talmudic text with profundity and 
ingenuity. In his introduction to the work he writes that "out 
of love for terseness" he would refrain from elaboration. He 
ends most of his comments with the phrases: "And weigh care- 
fully" or "And the meaning is simple," although in reality it is 
far from clear and many later scholars often found difficulty 
in understanding his point. Often he poses a difficulty and 
says: "And this may be solved," leaving it to the students to 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



find the answer. He was fond of talmudic casuistry, and used 
to say: "No one can arrive at the root and depth of a talmudic 
problem without a master who teaches him pilpul"; but he 
vehemently opposed the kind of casuistry which, in his time, 
came to be known as hillukim y where students would engage 
in fruitless debate to try to demolish one another's arguments. 
In his Hiddushei Halakhot y Edels' explanations of talmudic 
problems are generally in accordance with the view of Rashi 
and the tosafists. His book gained such wide currency that an 
understanding of Edels' comments came to be regarded for 
many generations as one of the qualifications of the average 
talmudic scholar. The second part of his commentary is called 
Hiddushei Aggadot y in which he attempts to explain the diffi- 
cult talmudic aggadot in a rational manner, sometimes taking 
them as parables with interpretations which are at variance 
with their literal meaning. He criticized, however, the prevail- 
ing tendency of preachers to distort the plain sense of biblical 
and talmudical passages. Although censuring "those people 
who in the present generation give all their time to the study of 
Kabbalah," he nonetheless quotes extensively from kabbalistic 
literature. He also made use of his acquaintance with Jewish 
philosophy in his interpretation of talmudic aggadot. 

He adopted a positive attitude toward the secular sci- 
ences, considering them important for a fuller understanding 
of To rah, and their acquisition as vital for learned Jews in their 
disputations with non-Jews. His statements are sometimes 
marked by a spirit of critical inquiry. He decides, for exam- 
ple, that the Targum to the Pentateuch ascribed to Jonathan b. 
Uzziel is not by him. He senses that the tosafotto the tractate 
Yoma are different in style from those to other tractates. He 
established that some statements or passages in Rashi's com- 
mentary and in the tosafot had originated as marginal com- 
ments by students who had not understood the passage, and 
in the course of time these comments had come to be interpo- 
lated in the text. Edels reproved his contemporaries for mak- 
ing light of certain precepts, e.g., those who drink to excess at 
the melavveh malkah meal on Saturday night and so neglect 
the recitation of the Shema upon retiring, and rise too late 
the following morning for the statutory time for the reading 
of the Shema and the recital of the morning prayers. He was 
a sharp critic of social evils in the communities, such as the 
dishonesty and egotism of some richparnasim. He reproached 
the rabbis of his time with overawing their communities for 
motives which were not purely altruistic, and was irked by 
the fact that "in these times, whoever possesses wealth is ap- 
pointed to public office for a price and is in constant pursuit 
of honor." In 1590 he participated at a session of the ^Coun- 
cil of the Four Lands which pronounced a ban on those who 
purchase rabbinic office. Edels was held in high esteem by the 
scholars of his day. Joel *Sirkes in his address to the leaders of 
the Council of the Four Lands in Lublin, said: "You have in 
your midst the greatest man of the present generation . . . with 
whom to consult and deliberate." On his tombstone, Edels is 
described as "a holy man . . . exemplary in his generation . . . 
whose fame traveled far and wide. His great work was a light 

to the eyes of the Sages of Israel." He was also highly regarded 
by later generations. Jonah *Landsofer enjoined his sons to pay 
close attention to the works of Edels, "because his writings are 
amazingly terse and plumb the depths of Torah's truth . . . The 
spirit of God spoke through him, for without divine inspira- 
tion it would have been impossible for a man to write such 
a book." Edels' other works are Zikhron Devarim, novellae of 
the group of scholars at Posen (published by his mother-in- 
law in 1598); a penitential prayer beginning with the words: 
"El Elohai Dalfah Einai"; and a penitential prayer written in 
memory of the Warsaw martyrs (1597). 

His brother's son, whose name has not been preserved, 
made his way to Morocco, and apparently settled there. His 
work Shdarei Hokhmah, on aggadah and homiletics, is extant 
in many manuscripts. In it he quotes his uncle and many of the 
other great i7 th -century scholars of Poland, including Israel 
Spira, son of Nathan *Spira, whom he calls "my teacher," and 
Abraham Abele *Gombiner. He died before 1674. 

Modern rabbinic teachers lament the forsaking of Edels' 
talmudic commentary. In addition to the profundity of his 
ideas, Edels' work is instrumental in teaching the correct anal- 
ysis of the talmudic text. 

bibliography: Dubnow, Hist Russ, 1 (1916), 129-30; R. 
Margulies, Toledot Adam (1912); S.A. Horodezky, Le-Korot ha-Rab- 
banut (1914 2 ), 183-90; H.H. Ben-Sasson, Hagut ve-Hanhagah (1959), 
index; J.M. Toledano, Sarid u-Falit (1945), 74f. add. bibliogra- 
phy: Y. Barka'i, "Shitato ha-Parshanit shel ha-Maharsha be-Hiddushei 
Aggadot" dissertation, Hebrew University (1995). 

[Shmuel Ashkenazi] 

EDELSTADT, DAVID (1866-1892), Yiddish poet. Edel- 
stadt was born in Kaluga, the son of a cantonist. After the 
Kiev pogrom of 1881, he immigrated to the U.S. as part of the 
agricultural *Am Olam movement but settled in Cincinnati 
to work in the garment industry, joined the anarchist move- 
ment (which at the time wielded great influence among Jew- 
ish workers), and became one of the first Jewish socialist po- 
ets, initially composing radical poetry in Russian. In 1888 he 
moved to New York and continued working in sweatshops, 
writing increasingly in Yiddish. In works such as "In Kamf " 
("In Struggle"), "Vakht Uf " ("Awaken"), and "Mayn Tsavoe" 
("My Last Will and Testament"), Edelstadt called upon his 
working-class audience to revolt against the upper classes and 
seize the means of production. In 1890, he became a regular 
contributor to and, a year later, editor of the newly founded 
anarchist weekly Fraye Arbeter Shtime. His lyrics, sung in 
sweatshops and on picket lines, depict the world's imperfec- 
tions and the wondrous life to come after a social revolution. 
After he contracted tuberculosis in 1891, he traveled to Den- 
ver to recuperate but died there the following year at the age 
of 26, becoming a romantic legend to the young Jewish labor 
movement and a central figure, along with Joseph *Bovshover, 
Morris * Rosenfeld, and Morris *Vinchevsky, of the *Sweat- 
shop Poets. His collected works were published in London in 
1910 and in Moscow in 1935. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


bibliography: Rejzen, Leksikon, 2 (1927), 718-21; lnyl, 6 
(1965), 554-63; K. Marmor, Dovid Edelstadt (1950), incl. bibl.; B. Bi- 
alostotsky (ed.)> Dovid Edelstadt Gedenkbukh (1953); N.B. Minkoff, 
Pioneren fun Yidisher Poezye in Amerika (1956), 89-128; H. Leivick, 
Eseyen un Redes (1963), 195-207. add. bibliography: S. Liptzin, 
A History of Yiddish Literature (1972), 94-96; I. Howe, World of Our 
Fathers (1976), 420; O. Kritz, The Poetics of Anarchy (1997). 

[Sol Liptzin / Marc Miller (2 nd ed.)] 

EDELSTEIN, JACOB (d. 1944), Czech Zionist leader and 
head of the Theresienstadt ghetto. Born in Horodenka, Gali- 
cia, Edelstein went to Bohemia as a refugee during World 
War 1. He first joined the Social Democrat youth movement 
there, and then the Zionist movement. From the early 1930s 
he was one of the leaders of the Labor Zionist movement in 
Czechoslovakia, a member of the presidium of the nationwide 
Zionist Federation, and director of the Palestine Office of the 
Jewish Agency in Prague. After the invasion of Bohemia and 
Moravia by Nazi Germany in 1939, Edelstein became the cen- 
tral figure of the Zionist movement and of Jewish life in the 
Nazi Protectorate. In the autumn of 1939, he visited the group 
of Jewish deportees at Nisko, in the Lublin region, and reached 
the conclusion that in most cases deportation of Jews to the 
East meant their death. In order to avoid deportation of the 
Protectorate's Jews, he suggested establishing a labor camp for 
them within the Protectorate that would employ the Jews to 
further the economic needs of the occupying power. 

The establishment of the ghetto in Theresienstadt (Ter- 
ezin) was apparently due to Edelstein s initiative. He was ap- 
pointed its first Judenaeltester (Jewish Elder), serving in this 
post from December 1941. His courageous stand on behalf of 
the ghetto inmates made him the object of hatred of several 
heads of the *Gestapo. His jurisdiction was restricted, and in 
November 1943 he was arrested for having falsified the lists 
in order to rescue several inmates. He was sent to 'Auschwitz, 
where he was kept in a punishment cell and shot on June 20, 
1944, after having been forced to witness the execution of his 
wife and young son. He went proudly to his death. Opinions 
are divided in the evaluation of his activities during the Ho- 
locaust. Some (such as H.G. Adler) contend that Edelstein 
misunderstood the situation and thus engaged in a measure 
of cooperation with the Nazis; others, particularly survivors 
from the Zionist pioneering movement, see in him a tragic 
martyr, who fought the enemy for the rescue of Jews until his 
defeat. The liberated inmates of Bergen-Belsen named their 
camp school for him. 

bibliography: Y. Erez (ed.), Theresienstadt (Heb., 1947); 

H.G. Adler, Theresienstadt, 1941-45 (Ger., 1965); idem, Die verheim- 

lichte Wahrheit (1958); Ch. Yahil, Devarim al ha-Ziyyonut ha-Czek- 

hoslovakit (1967). add. bibliography: R. Bondy, Edelstein neged 

ha-Zeman (1981). 

[Chaim Yahil] 

British Conservative statesman, foreign secretary (1935-38, 
1940-45, 1951-55), secretary for war (1940), and prime min- 

ister (1955-57). Eden resigned in 1938 in protest against Nev- 
ille Chamberlains policy of "appeasement" to the Axis and 
became Churchill's right-hand man during World War 11. In 
1936 Eden signed the Anglo- Egyptian Treaty of Friendship and 
Alliance, which was unilaterally denounced by Egypt in 1951. 
During World War 11 he increasingly advocated Arab unity, 
which in 1945 took the form of the 'Arab League that eventu- 
ally turned against Britain. Eden was aware of the Holocaust 
and, indeed, made a famous statement in the House of Com- 
mons in 1942 confirming that the Nazis were exterminating 
Europe's Jews, but that Britain could do little or nothing to 
thwart it apart from winning the war. In 1955 Eden led Britain 
into the Baghdad Pact, an additional source of friction with 
Egypt. In November 1955 he suggested a compromise between 
the Arab demand that Israel withdraw to the boundaries of the 
un Partition Plan of 1947 and Israel's stand on the borders of 
the armistice agreements of 1949. In October 1956, after the 
nationalization of the Suez Canal by Egypt, he and Guy Mollet, 
the prime minister of France, mounted the Suez Expedition, 
the object of which was to gain control of the Canal. The Suez 
campaign had the secret backing and cooperation of David 
*Ben-Gurion and the Israeli government. (See *Sinai Cam- 
paign.) Under the extraordinary agreement reached between 
Britain, France, and Israel, Israeli forces were to take control 
of the Sinai - which they proceeded to do in short order - at 
which point Britain and France were to intervene to keep the 
belligerents apart but also to retake the Suez Canal for them- 
selves. The Suez Campaign failed, thanks in large measure 
to American opposition. It aroused fierce hostility from the 
British Labour party and left-wing sources, but also marked 
the first time in which Israel's military prowess was displayed 
successfully. Soon afterwards, Eden became seriously ill and 
retired from the prime ministership and from political life 
early in 1957. In retirement, he wrote Full Circle (i960), Fac- 
ing the Dictators (1962), and The Reckoning (1965). In 1961, 
Eden was given an earldom. He had been made a knight of 
the Garter in 1953 and was known as Sir Anthony Eden dur- 
ing his prime ministership. 

bibliography: R. Churchill, Rise and Fall of Sir Anthony 
Eden (1959). add. bibliography: R. Lamb, The Failure of the 
Eden Government (1987). 

[Sh.Be / William D. Rubinstein (2 nd ed.)] 

EDEN-TAMIR, Israeli piano duo. Bracha Eden was born 
in Jerusalem (1928) and Alexander Tamir (1931), a native of 
Vilna, settled in Jerusalem after World War 11. Both studied 
with Alexander Schroeder (a pupil of A. Schnabel) at the Ru- 
bin Academy of Music in Jerusalem. After graduating in 1952, 
they formed a piano duo. In 1955 they continued their studies 
with Vronsky and *Babin at Aspen. They made their debut 
in Israel in 1954 and appeared in New York (1955) and Rome 
(1956), where they won the 1957 Vercelli Competition. Eden 
and Tamir founded the Max Targ Music Center in Ein Kerem, 
near Jerusalem (1968), and taught as senior professors at the 
Rubin Academy. During the 1990s they began to perform and 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



teach regularly in China, Russia, and Poland, and in 1997 they 
became directors of the International Duo Piano Seminary. 
Well known for their artistry, virtuosity, and immaculate en- 
semble playing, the duo made an important contribution to 
the revival of works for two pianos and piano duet. 

Among their recordings are the complete works for 
two pianos and piano duet of Mozart, Schubert, and Rach- 
maninoff, and works by Bach, Brahms, Debussy, Ravel, Bartok, 
and Poulenc. They gave the American premiere of Luto- 
slawski's Paganini Variations (1955) and, at the suggestion of 
Stravinsky (1968), were the first to perform and record the 
piano duet version of The Rite of Spring. Tamir has made sev- 
eral transcriptions for piano duo and duet and has written a 
few works for piano duo. 

add. bibliography: Grove online. 

[Uri Toepliz, Yohanan Boehm / Naama Ramot (2 nd ed.)] 

EDER, MONTAGUE DAVID (1865-1936), Zionist leader, 
psychoanalyst, and physician. Born in London into an assim- 
ilated family, Eder devoted himself to the medical care of the 
poor in London's slums and mining villages, becoming a mem- 
ber of the Labour Party. One of the first British psychoanalysts 
and protagonists of Sigmund Freud, together with Ernest Jones 
he founded the Psychoanalytical Association in England in 
1913. Eder also established a children's clinic and founded and 
edited the journal School Hygiene. His interest in Jewish affairs 
was aroused by his cousin, Israel *Zangwill, and his brother- 
in-law, Joseph * Cowen. Eder joined the Jewish Territorialist 
Organization (jto) and participated in a mission on its behalf 
to Cyrenaica to evaluate the possibilities for Jewish settlement 
there. In 1918 he was invited by Chaim *Weizmann to join the 
* Zionist Commission for Palestine, as a representative of jto 
and as medical officer. He arrived there in 1918 and stayed for 
over four years, becoming an enthusiastic Zionist. He played a 
key role in the Commission, being its only member to extend 
his stay after 1918. He conducted the negotiations with the mili- 
tary and civil administration of Palestine and helped actively 
in the absorption of the first groups of immigrants of the Third 
* Aliyah, displaying great understanding for their pioneering 
spirit. Eder was a member of the Zionist Executive 1921-23 
and 1922-28, first in Jerusalem and later in London. His kin- 
ship with the Soviet diplomat Maxim *Litvinov (to whom he 
was related through his wife) enabled him to visit the Soviet 
Union in 1921, where he tried, unsuccessfully, to achieve some 
degree of legal status for the work of the Zionist Organization 
there. Upon his return to Britain, Eder was active on behalf of 
the Hebrew University, the Political Department of the Zionist 
Executive, and the British Zionist Federation, which he headed 
for a short time in 1930. An agricultural farm for the training 
of Palestine pioneers, established in 1935 in Ringelstone, Kent, 
was called the David Eder Farm. 

bibliography: David Eder, Memoirs of a Modern Pioneer 
(ed. by J.B. Hobman, with foreword by S. Freud, 1945). add. bibli- 
ography: odnb online. 

[Getzel Kressel] 

EDESSA, a city in the upper Euphrates Valley (today Urfa in 
Turkey). Archaeological remains are known in the area of the 
city going back to the second millennium b.c.e., and Edessa 
may very well have been a Hurrian city alternatively known 
as Orrhoe, Orhai, or Osrhoene. Until 11 c.e. Edessa was part 
of the border area that passed on various occasions from Par- 
thian to Roman hands. The city was conquered in August 116 
by Lusius Quietus, and remained a Roman possession until 
216, when it was officially incorporated into the Roman Em- 
pire. The suppression of the Parthian resistance against the 
Romans meant also the subjugation of the Jews of the city (see 
Segal). By the end of the second century c.e. Edessa had be- 
come the center of Christianity beyond the Euphrates, and this 
development suggests a Jewish influence in the area during 
that period. It is known, for instance, that the local king dur- 
ing the early second century, Abgar vn, was a son of *Izates of 
Adiabene, a monarchy already converted to Judaism. Eusebius, 
a primary source regarding the establishment of Christianity 
in Edessa, relates that Abgar v had corresponded with Jesus 
himself, and as a result immediately accepted the teachings of 
the first Christian disciple to arrive at Edessa, the preacher Ad- 
dai. The story is also given in the "Doctrine of Addai," which 
claims that the conversion involved, among others, Jewish silk 
merchants. The story is a Christian invention. The Palestinian 
Targum identifies the Erech of Genesis 10:10 with Edessa and 
refers to it, together with Ctesiphon and Nisibis, as one of the 
three Babylonian cities ruled by *Nimrod. In the Talmud the 
name of the community is Hadass. 

[Isaiah Gafni / Shimon Gibson (2 nd ed.)] 

The Edessa chronicles mention an order issued by the 
emperor in 411, to erect a convent on a spot occupied by a syn- 
agogue; other reliable sources, however, describe the bishop 
who was then in office, and was alleged to have built the con- 
vent, as a friend of the Jews (see Overbeck, Opera Selecta y 195; 
reports on Jews in Edessa are also available for the year 499: 
rej, 6 (1883), 137). The participation of Edessa Jews in the wars 
between Heraclius 1, the Byzantine emperor, and the Persians 
(610-42), on the side of the latter, gives reason to believe that 
their number was quite substantial. 

For a considerable period after its capture by the Arabs 
(who renamed it al-Ruha), the town remained predominantly 
Christian. Islam, of course, spread in the town, at the expense 
of Christianity and Judaism. There is a source about a false 
Messiah in c. 735, who was a native of Edessa. According to 
Bar-Hebraeus, Muhammad b. Tahir built a mosque in 825 on a 
site previously occupied by a synagogue. In the 9 th century the 
physician Yizhaq Ben Ali Al-Rohawi (Odessa man) was born 
in Edessa. In 1098 the town was conquered by the Crusaders 
and the Jews were expelled. There is a document from De- 
cember 1101 in Ruzafa (150 km. south of Edessa) which notes 
the Jews of the castle of Ruzafa (one of the names of Edessa); 
probably these Jews were the refugees from Edessa who had 
fled to Ruzapa. When Tmad al-DIn Zengi captured the town 
in 1144, he settled 300 Jewish families there; and in 1191 when 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


R. Samuel b. Ali, head of the Baghdad Academy, addressed a 
circular letter to the communities in northern Babylonia and 
Syria, he included the al-Ruha community among those ad- 
dressed. *A1-Harizi (13 th cent.) also mentioned the Jewish com- 
munity and noted that the local Jews were polite and cultured. 
He noted the Hazzan Joseph and another person, Hasan. He 
mentioned that the origin of the Jews in Ruha was from Al- 
Ein. Maybe he referred to the settlement of 300 Jewish families 
in Edessa two generations earlier which had been organized 
by the Mamluk Ruler Zengi 1 in 1144. From the 12 th century 
the Karaite scholar Yehuda Hadassi (from Edessa) is known. 
Jews continued to live there during the Ottoman rule, when 
the town's name was changed to Urfa. In the 17 th century, the 
traveler Pedro de Texeira found many Jews there. In 1834, 500 
Jews lived there and the general population was 50,000. *Ben- 
jamin 11, who visited the town in 1848, wrote of a community 
of 150 families, whose economic standard was very good, but 
their cultural standard was so low that only about a third was 
able to read the prayerbook. Benjamin also gave details of the 
local legends relating to biblical figures; the Syriac name of 
the town, Orhai, for some reason appears always to have been 
identified with Ur Kasdim (Ur of the Chaldees), and thus the 
town came to be regarded as the scene of various events in the 
life of Abraham. Among the sights pointed out to Benjamin 11 
was a cave which was regarded as Abrahams birthplace and 
the oven into which Nimrod had been thrown. These places 
were venerated by both Jews and Muslims. In 1876 the Jews 
of the place spoke A ramie. In 1880 the Jews survived a big fire 
that had spread in the city. In 1893, 1,000 Jewish families lived 
in Urfa. At the end of the 19 th century and the beginning of the 
20 th , the number of Jews in Urfa dwindled steadily; in 1904 
there were 322 Jews there, and thereafter their number was 
further reduced. Many of the town's Jews settled in Jerusalem, 
where they formed a separate community, that of the "Urfa- 
lis." During World War 1 most of the Jews in Urfa were mer- 
chants. Following a blood libel many of them were murdered 
and the survivors fled to Syria, Lebanon, Istanbul, and Erez 
Israel, where many of the immigrants settled in Jerusalem. 
There have been no Jews in Urfa since the late 1960s. 

[Eliyahu Ashtor / Leah Bornstein-Makovetsky (2 nd ed.)] 

bibliography: R. Duval, Histoire politique, religieuse et lit- 
teraire d'Edesse (1892); J.J. Benjamin, Acht Jahre in Asien und Afrika 
(1858), 49-53; H. Pognon, Inscriptions semitiques de la Syrie. . . (1907), 
7; Krauss, in: Zion Meassef, 3 (1929), 17-21; J. Obermeyer, Landschaft 
Babylonien (1929), 132 f., 261, 280 n. 1, 299 n. 4; A. Ben-Yaacov, Kehi- 
llot Yehudei Kurdistan (1961), 129-30; Neusner, Babylonia, 1 (1965), 
62 n. 1, 89, 166-9. add. bibliography: A. Sharf, Byzantine Jewry 
from Justinian to the Fourth Crusade (1971), 51, 133, 181; J.B. Segal, 
Edessa: The Blessed City (1970), 41-43, 100-5, 182; M. Gil, Be-Malkhut 
Yishma'el, 1 (1997) 42, 152, 209, 296, 367; M. Yona, Enzyklopedya shel 
Yehudei Kurdistan, 1 (2003), 70, 82. 

EDINBURGH, capital of * Scotland. No trace of Jews is to be 
found in medieval Scotland generally. Apart from individual 
Jews, a community possibly existed in Edinburgh at the close 
of the 18 th century, but the present congregation was estab- 

lished in 1816 with 20 families. The first minister was Moses 
Joel of London, who served in the office for 46 years. With the 
influx of Russian and Polish Jews at the close of the 19 th cen- 
tury, the community grew and many communal institutions 
were founded. For many years Salis * Daiches was the rabbi. 
In 1968 the community numbered approximately 1,100 out of 
a total population of 468,770. There was one synagogue and 
extensive communal and Zionist activity. In the mid-1990s the 
Jewish population numbered approximately 500. According 
to the 2001 British census, 763 Jews lived in Edinburgh. There 
is an Orthodox synagogue. 

bibliography: Daiches, in: Publications of the Scottish 

Church History Society (1929); C. Roth, Rise of Provincial Jewry (1950), 

57-59; Levy, in: jhset, 19 (i960), 129-62. add. bibliography: 

K.E. Collins, Scotland s Jews: A Guide to the History and Community 

of the Jews in Scotland (1999); jyb, 2004. 

[Cecil Roth] 

EDINGER, LUDWIG (1855-1918), German neuroanatomist 
and neurologist; considered the founder of modern neuro- 
anatomy. Edinger was born in Worms on the Rhine, Germany, 
and began his academic studies at Heidelberg University. He 
completed his medical studies at the University of Strasbourg 
and became a licensed physician in 1877. In 1879 he began 
teaching at the University of Giessen and in 1883 he moved 
to Frankfurt to practice neurology. That same year he started 
lecturing on the structure of the central nervous system. In 
1885 he joined the Senckenberg Research Institute in Frank- 
furt and conducted further studies in neurology, particularly 
in brain anatomy. That year marked the appearance of Zehn 
Vorlesungen ueber den Bau der nervoesen Zentralorgane, later 
translated into English as Twelve Lectures on the Structure of 
the Central Nervous System, his most famous text on the struc- 
ture of the nervous system. 

By 1907 his division had become one of the most modern 
neurological departments of the time and he became profes- 
sor of neurology at Frankfurt University. In his research Ed- 
inger described the ventral and dorsal spinocerebellar tract, 
clarified polioencephalon and neoencephalitis, as well as the 
paleo- cerebellum and the neo-cerebellum. His studies and re- 
search appeared in many publications, and his name became 
associated with several parts of the human brain that he elu- 
cidated, including "Edinger s nucleus," "the Edinger fibers," 
and "Edinger s tract." 

Edinger was also a gifted artist and achieved consider- 
able notoriety in the field of hypnosis. 

bibliography: S.R. Ka.gan, Jewish Medicine {1952), 38if.; Bi- 
ographisches Lexikon der hervorragenden Aerzte (1932), 349-50. 

[Suessmann Muntner / Ruth Rossing (2 nd ed.)] 

EDINGER, TILLY (1897-1967), vertebrate paleontologist. 
Born in Frankfurt on the Main, Edinger received her doctor- 
ate in paleontology from Frankfurt University. Her main re- 
search interest was brain development and she created the field 
of paleoneurology. She was fascinated by the disproportionate 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



growth of the forebrain in many mammals and the implica- 
tions for the emergence of Homo sapiens. She worked initially 
at Frankfurt University's Geological Institute but, under an- 
tisemitic pressure, left for London in 1939 before moving to 
the U.S. in 1940. She joined Harvard University's Museum of 
Comparative Zoology and became a research associate in pa- 
leontology. Her classic works are Fossil Brains (1929) and The 
Evolution of the Horse Brain (1948). 

[Michael Denman (2 nd ed.)] 

EDIRNE (Adrianople), town in Turkey located in eastern 
Thrace near the Turkish -Greek- Bulgarian frontier. Accord- 
ing to the 2000 census, the city's population was recorded as 
119,316. The city was named after the Roman emperor, Hadrian 
(125 c.e.). Individual Jews went to Adrianople even before 
the destruction of the Second Temple, but certain knowledge 
of a Jewish settlement comes only from the beginning of the 
*Byzantine period. The Adrianople Jews then traded in tex- 
tiles, leather goods, and wine. The community is mentioned 
in connection with the opposition to the messianic ferment in 
the Byzantine Empire at the time of the First Crusade (1096), 
and the synagogue of the Greeks (or Romaniots), burnt down 
in 1905, probably dated back to that period. After the Ottoman 
capture (1361) the city, now renamed Edirne, became the new 
Ottoman capital and the main administrative and military 
base from where the ^Ottomans set off to conquer the Bal- 
kans. The city maintained this latter position even after the 
capital moved to Constantinople/ ^Istanbul following the con- 
quest of the Byzantine city in 1453. The Ottomans populated 
Edirne with many immigrants; among them there were a large 
number of Jews arriving from the newly conquered lands in 
the Balkans. The community developed further following the 
influx of immigrants from Hungary after the expulsion of 1376 
and from France after 1394. R. Isaac Zarefati, the leader of the 
Ashkenazi community, issued an appeal to West European 
Jews to settle in the ^Ottoman Empire (after the capture of 
Constantinople in 1453). He and his descendants held office 
until 1722. The Ottomans transferred some of the local Jews 
to Constantinople. After 1492 many exiles from Spain came to 
Edirne followed by refugees from Portugal, and Italy as well. 
These new immigrants, who had different customs from the 
Romaniots, established their own congregations (kahal, pi. ke- 
halim) according to their place of origin. In 1656 there were 15 
different kehalim, most of them named after locations in Spain, 
Portugal, and Italy. On the basis of Ottoman fiscal registers, 
we can estimate that the city's population in 1580 was around 
30,000 inhabitants. During the second half of the 17 th century, 
the general population grew to about 100,000; many of them 
arrived in Edirne following the temporary transfer of the sul- 
tan's residence to the city (until 1703). At the time the Jewish 
population of the city grew from 2,500 people to about 5,000. 
* Shabbetai Zevi was brought to Edirne for questioning before 
the sultan in September 1666, and after his apostasy, some of 
his disciples in Edirne also converted to Islam. Shabbetai lived 
another ten years after his conversion, mostly in Edirne. His 

influence lingered in the city: Samuel *Primo (d. 1708), the 
leading rabbi of Edirne, was a secret adherent of Shabbatean 
mysticism, covertly giving instruction in it to small groups 
of followers. The decline of the Ottoman central authority 
brought new burdens on the local Jewish community, which 
had to accommodate itself to the changing local political cir- 
cumstances. Nineteenth-century developments, encouraged 
by the new policy of reforms (tanzimat) led to the emergence 
of a new bourgeoisie in the non-Muslim communities of Ed- 
irne. The Jewish economic elite was composed of moneylend- 
ers and traders. The 19 th century was also marked by a deteri- 
oration in the relations between the Jews and their Christian 
neighbors: the Jews suffered, for example, from *blood libels, 
spread by the Armenians (1871-72). The rise of nationalism 
in the Balkans was another and much more menacing threat 
to the community: when the Bulgarians temporarily occupied 
Edirne during the First Balkan War (March 1913), following 
a six-month siege, the Jews suffered and many of them found 
temporary shelter in Istanbul. 

The Ottoman census of 1831, which counted only the 
adult male population, registered 1,541 Jewish men in the city. 
In 1873 there were approximately 12,000 Jews in the city; a re- 
port submitted to the ^Alliance Israelite Universelle in Paris in 
1897 on the various handicrafts and occupations in the Jew- 
ish community mentioned some 815 workers in 47 different 
categories. The community developed further following the 
arrival of refugees from the newly established Balkan states. 
The Ottoman census of 1906-7 put the number of the Jews 
in Edirne at 23,839. They lived in various neighborhoods ac- 
cording to their professions. Each neighborhood maintained 
its own community organization, synagogue, and bet din un- 
der the general supervision of the city's chief rabbi (the first 
chief rabbi, hakham bashi, was appointed in 1836 as part of 
the formal recognition of the Ottoman Jewish community 
as an official one). Before World War 1 their numbers rose to 
28,000 but thereafter they declined in 1921-22 to 13,000, in 
1927 to 5,712 Jews, the community being reduced by 1943 to 
2,000. The decline can be explained in part by the changed 
status of the city which became a border town, in part by the 
impoverishment due to the wars, which resulted in immigra- 
tion to *Salonica, France, and America, and later to Palestine. 
Apart from the Rabbanite community there was also a *Kara- 
ite community dating from the Byzantine period; among its 
members was the * Bashyazi family which became famous in 
Karaite history. For a time, Edirne was one of the important 
Karaite centers in Europe. At the beginning of the 20 th cen- 
tury no trace of the Karaites remained. 

The Jews of Edirne played an important part in the city's 
economy. They traded with Jewish and Christian merchants in 
other countries, either directly or through the latter's Jewish 
agents in Edirne. Local Jews held at times the lease (iltizam) of 
the import taxes and manufactured glass. Government taxes 
were paid on the basis of a fixed assessment which took into 
account one hundred families, although the number of Jews 
had increased. These taxes were imposed on the 13 congrega- 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


tions. In accordance with a special firman of 1783, the Jewish 
community was allowed to collect the gabela, a tax on meat 
which covered the poll tax (*kharaj), the clothing of the poor, 
and other communal needs. Tax collectors appointed by the 
general body apportioned the taxes among the congregations 
making evaluations every three years. Edirne was long a cen- 
ter of learning. In the 15 th century Mordecai *Comtino lived 
there and at the beginning of the 16 th century R. Joseph *Caro 
wrote most of his famous Beit Ybse/commentary there. In the 
16 th century there lived in Edirne the *Ibn Verga family and 
the poet R. Avtalyon b. Mordecai (see Avtalyon *Modena). In 
the court of Sultan Mehmet 11 (1451-81) there was a famous 
Jewish physician, Hekim Ya'akub, with widespread diplomatic 
connections. He later converted to Islam. 

The printers Solomon and Joseph * Jabez set up a He- 
brew printing press in Edirne in 1554 when they fled from 
the plague in Salonica but returned a year later. During this 
short period they produced Sheer it Yosef by Joseph ibn Verga; 
Shevet Yehudah by Solomon ibn Verga; and Joseph Jabez s own 
commentary on Avot. A press reappeared in Edirne only in 
the late 19 th century. 

The last of the rabbis of the Zarefati family was Abraham 
(d. 1722). After his death the jurisdiction of the Edirne rabbin- 
ate was divided between Abraham Gheron, Zarefati's son-in- 
law, and Menahem b. Isaac Ashkenazi (Bekhemoharar), each 
of whom had his adherents; the Bekhemoharar family offici- 
ated for approximately 180 years and counted among its de- 
scendants halakhists and authors, and the Gheron family of- 
ficiated for approximately 170 years. Each family maintained 
its own * bet din. In the 18 th century R. Isaac Molkho, author 
of Shulhan Gavoha (1756), a popular handbook on the laws 
of shehitahy lived in Edirne. In the middle of the 19 th century, 
the haskalah movement penetrated Edirne through the phi- 
lologist Joseph *Halevy (1827-1917). While the role of Edirne's 
maskilim in diffusing these new ideas was only secondary 
when compared to the role of Istanbul or Salonica, we can still 
recognize some of their contributions: on the request of the 
maskilim y the ^Alliance Israelite Universelle opened a school 
for boys in 1867 and one for girls in 1870. The writer, histo- 
rian, and poet Baruch b. Isaac Mitrani (1847-1919) taught at 
the Alliance schools. He endeavored to implement new meth- 
ods of education. To achieve these aims he established a new 
school - Akedat Yitzhak - and published books on education 
in Hebrew and a grammar of spoken Judeo-Spanish. He ed- 
ited the first newspaper that was published in Edirne: Karmi 
(1871-81) and Kerem Sheli (1890; in Hebrew and Ladino), call- 
ing for Jewish colonization in Palestine and national revival. 
Abraham *Danon (1857-1925), a pupil of Joseph Halevy, es- 
tablished under the latter s influence the Doreshei Haskalah 
group and in 1888 edited the historical periodical Yosef Daat 
(in Hebrew and Ladino) in order to collect and publish Jew- 
ish historical studies. The periodical was closed down by the 
government after a short time. In 1891, Danon opened a rab- 
binical seminary that taught both secular and religious sub- 
jects. The teaching was partly in Turkish - a major innova- 

tion for the period. The seminary moved to Istanbul in 1898 
with its 11 students. In his writings, he attempted to reconcile 
traditional and Western knowledge. The Ladino press was 
the major printed product of the period: Joseph Barishak ed- 
ited the major political -literary Jewish journal of Edirne: La 
Boz de la Verdad ("The Voice of Truth") in 1911-22. Nissim 
Behar published the weekly L'Echo dAdrianople in French 
in 1921-22. Many of the graduates of the Alliance joined the 
newly founded alumni associations. A B'nai B'rith lodge was 
established in 1911. These associations - including reading 
clubs and mutual-aid fraternities - were chiefly meant to sup- 
port and propagate the new trends of modernization among 
the community's members. In this capacity they contributed 
to the Westernization and secularization of the local commu- 
nity. Following the great fire of 1905 in which all the 13 syna- 
gogues of Edirne were burned to the ground, the community 
constructed a new synagogue in 1907 which was modeled on 
the synagogue of Vienna. It could accommodate 1,200 wor- 
shipers - 900 men and 300 women - and was designated to 
demonstrate the community's achievements and modernity. 

[Simon Marcus / Eyal Ginio (2 nd ed.)] 

The demise of the Ottoman Empire and the foundation of the 
Turkish republic put unprecedented pressure on all the Jew- 
ish communities of Turkey. They were required to assimilate 
linguistically and culturally into Turkish society. This pressure 
must be seen as part of the overall anti-minority attitude in 
public opinion in the republic's first years. It seems that the 
lot of the Jewish community in Thrace (including Edirne) was 
the harshest. Living in a sensitive border area and remaining 
the only non- Muslim minority following the transfer of the 
Bulgarian, Greek, and Armenian populations, the Jews of Ed- 
irne suffered from verbal and sporadically physical assaults 
as well as from legal restrictions on their economic activities. 
The local Turkish press played a major role in inciting the lo- 
cal population against their Jewish neighbors. This reached 
its peak with the outbreak of assaults on Jews in the major 
towns of eastern Thrace in 1934. The agitation of mobs in Ed- 
irne, which involved physical attacks on the Jews and threats 
against the community, caused panic among Edirne Jewry. 
Thousands moved permanently to Istanbul, although the gov- 
ernment intervened to stop the attacks and assured the Jews of 
their safety. The community never recovered from this blow. 
The conscription to labor battalions and the imposition of a 
discriminatory head tax caused impoverishment and further 
decline in the community. The town suffered economic cri- 
ses after World War 11. The community diminished through 
migration to Israel and other countries and also to Istanbul. 
In 1948, 2,750 Jews remained in Edirne, while by i960 their 
number dwindled to 438, and in 1977 there were only 72 Jew- 
ish inhabitants in the city. In 1948 the community was still 
well organized and levied dues from its members. Its council 
maintained charitable institutions, a Bikkur Holim society 
(which then provided medical care for 730 patients), a Ma- 
hazikei Torah association (which provided Hebrew and reli- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



gious education), the c Ozer Dallim association (which cared 
for the needy), and several synagogues. By 1969 most of the 
institutions had closed and the community was left with only 
one synagogue. In 1971 the municipality prohibited the com- 
munity from using its cemetery and in 1975 it confiscated it 
altogether. Subsequently the cemetery was destroyed. The 
shrinking community used the synagogue until 1983. In 1998 
there were only three Jews living in Edirne. 

[Hayyim J. Cohen / Eyal Ginio (2 nd ed.)] 


Edirne was also a center of Jewish music. A choral society 
of Maftirim was founded in the seventh century. It sang ev- 
ery Sabbath at dawn from a book of religious hymns which 
were locally called jonk (the Persian-Arabic designation of 
"harp"). A great number of able cantors and assistant singers 
(maftirim, mezammerim) came from Edirne. Congregations 
from as far away as Bulgaria and Romania appealed to this 
community whenever there was need of a good synagogue 
singer. The activity and reputation of the Maftirim Society 
helped Edirne become a center for hymn writers. Among the 
best known were Aaron b. Isaac *Hamon (18 th century; pos- 
sibly the composer called Yahudi Harun by the Turks), Abra- 
ham Zemah (late 19 th century), and Joseph Danon (d. 1901). 
A large repertoire of Ladino folksongs from Edirne was col- 
lected and published by A. Danon in 1896. Danon contended 
that the proficiency of the local Jews in Eastern music had 
been stimulated by, and modeled after, the style of the Mus- 
lim Dervish brotherhoods. 

[Hanoch Avenary] 

bibliography: Rosanes, Togarmah, passim; A. Hananel 
and E. Eshkenazi, Fontes hebraici... balcanicarum..., 2 (i960), index 
(Hebrew text with Bulgarian translation, summaries in Russian and 
French); Nathan, in: jjso, 6 (1964), i8off.; Marcus, in: Sinai, 21 (1947), 
48-63; 29 (1951), 7-23, 318-44; 45 (1959), 376-86; idem, in: Mizrah 
u-Maarav, 5 (1930), 173-84; W. Reich, in: Oesterreichische Wochen- 
schrift, 30 (1913), 7-26; M.S. Goodblatt, Jewish Life in Turkey in the 
16 th Century (1952), index; Rosanes, in: B. Joseph (ed.), Shirei Yisrael 
be-Erez ha-Kedem (1921), preface; Danon, ibid., 8-10; Behar, in: yivo 
Bleter, 31-32 (1948), 400-5; Ch. D. Friedberg, Toledot ha-Defus ha-'Ivri 
(1956 2 ), 144; M. Benayahu, in: Reshumot, 2 (1946), 144-54; Cowen, in: 
Jewish Life (July- Aug. 1969), 24-30. add. bibliography: R. Bali, 
"Edirne Yahudileri," in: E.N. Isli and S. Koz (eds.), Edirne, Serhat- 
taki Payitaht (1998), 205-27; E. Benbassa and A. Rodrigue, Sephardi 
Jewry: A History of the Judeo -Spanish Community, i4 th -20 th Centuries 
(2000); R Dumont, "Jewish Communities in Turkey during the Last 
Decade of the Nineteenth Century in the Light of the Archives of the 
Alliance Israelite Universelle," in: B. Braude and B. Lewis, Christians 
and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, 1 (1982), 209-42; M.A. Epstein, The 
Ottoman Jewish Communities and their Role in the Fifteenth and Six- 
teenth Centuries (1980); H. Gerber, "Yehudim be-Edirne (Adrianople) 
ba-Mebt ha-Tet Zayin ve-ha-Yud Zayin? in: Sefunot, 18 (1985), 35-51; 
A. Levy, "The Siege of Edirne (1912-1913) as Seen by a Jewish Eyewit- 
ness: Social, Political, and Cultural Perspectives," in: A. Levy (ed.), 
Jews, Turks, Ottomans: A Shared History, Fifteenth Through the Twen- 
tieth Century (2002), 153-93; idem, The Sephardim in the Ottoman 
Empire (1992); A. Rodrigue, French Jews, Turkish Jews: Tlte Alliance 
Israelite Universelle and the Politics of Jewish Schooling in Turkey, 

1860-1925 (1990); S.J. Shaw, The Jews of the Ottoman Empire and the 
Turkish Republic (1991); A. Levy, "Ha-Prabt bi-Yehudei Trakya, 1934" 
in: Pe ( amim, 20 (1984), 111-32; Shaul Tuval, "Ha-Kehillot ha-Yehudi- 
yot be-Turkiyah ka-Yom" in: ibid., 12 (1982), 114-39; A. Yerolympos, 
"A Contribution to the Topography of 19 th Century Adrianople," in: 
Balkan Studies, 34:1 (1993), 49-72. 

EDMAN, IRWIN (1896-1954), U.S. philosopher. He was born 
in New York, earned his Ph.D. at Columbia in 1920, and taught 
there until his death. He was appointed full professor in 1935. 
Edman wrote poetry, essays, and philosophical works. He was 
greatly influenced by John Dewey and American naturalism, 
while drawn to the philosophical classics. He once called him- 
self "an empiricist homesick for Platonism." Edman was in- 
terested in aesthetics, social and political philosophy, and the 
philosophy of religion. He published many works, including 
Human Traits and Their Social Significance (1920); The Mind of 
Paul (1935), on St. Paul's religious outlook; Philosophers Holi- 
day (1938), a popular presentation of philosophical anecdotes 
from his own life; Arts and the Man (1939); and Philosophers 
Quest (1947). Edman also edited English editions of Plato, 
Boethius, Schopenhauer, and Santayana. An anthology of his 
writings, The Uses of Philosophy, was published in 1955. 

[Richard H. Popkin] 

EDMONTON, capital of Alberta, Canada. Edmonton was first 
incorporated as a town in 1892. At that time, there were about 
700 permanent residents. Founded on the banks of the North 
Saskatchewan River on the site of the former Hudson's Bay 
Company's Fort Edmonton, it gradually began to attract set- 
tlers. Abraham and Rebecca Cristall, Edmonton's first Jews, ar- 
rived in 1893. Their children, George and Rose, were the town's 
first Jewish-born children. Abe became a successful business- 
man and encouraged Jews from his native Bessarabia to come. 
By 1901, there were 17 Jews in Edmonton. In 1904, Edmonton 
became incorporated as a city, and in 1905 Alberta officially be- 
came a province and the Canadian Pacific Railway arrived. 

In 1905, William "Boss" Diamond came to Edmonton 
from Calgary, where his businessman brother Jacob had been 
Alberta's first Jewish citizen. William set up in the clothing 
business in competition with Abe Cristall, but the two compet- 
itors worked together to establish Edmonton's Jewish commu- 
nity. Together with eight other men they formed the Edmon- 
ton Hebrew Association in 1906. They hired Rabbi Hyman 
Goldstick of Pilton, Latvia, to be rabbi, shohet, and mohel to 
serve both the Edmonton and Calgary Jewish communities. 

In 1907, Abe Cristall purchased land on the south side 
for a Jewish cemetery and the hevra kaddisha was formed. In 
1912, the foundations were laid for the Orthodox Beth Israel 
Synagogue. Cristall served as its first president, and William 
Diamond its second president, a position he held for 31 years. 
In 1912, the newly founded Edmonton Talmud Torah Society 
organized classes in the synagogue basement. In 1925, the So- 
ciety erected its own building and in 1933 it was incorporated 
as the first Hebrew day school in Canada. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


In 1928, a second congregation was started in the base- 
ment of the Talmud To rah building, which in 1932 became the 
Conservative Beth Shalom Congregation and engaged Rabbi 
Jacob Eisen, who became one of the first English-speaking 
rabbis west of Winnipeg. Also at that time, the Peretz or New 
Yiddish School was organized and opened its own building. 
An offshoot of the Arbeiter Ring, which started in Edmonton 
in 1922, it had its heyday in the early 1930s, but had to close in 
1939 due to declining enrollment. By 1941, Edmontons pop- 
ulation had increased to 93,817, and the Jewish population 
stood at 1,449. Of the 120 men and women from Edmontons 
Jewish community who served during World War 11, 11 were 
killed in action. 

The postwar years saw rapid growth in both the Jewish 
and general population of Edmonton. With prosperity and 
a shift by Jews into the city's West End, a new Beth Shalom 
Synagogue was built in 1951. A new Beth Israel Synagogue 
building was also constructed as well as a new Talmud To rah 
building. In 1954, the Edmonton Jewish Community Council 
was formed as a community- wide umbrella organization and 
served as such for 28 years. On September 20, 1982, the Com- 
munity Council merged with the Edmonton United Jewish 
Appeal to become the Jewish Federation of Edmonton. 

Alberta's booming oil-based economy brought increased 
immigration to Edmonton including that of Jews from other 
provinces in Canada, as well as from Hungary, Russia, and 
South Africa. From a Jewish population of 1,748 in 1951, the 
community grew to 2,910 in 1971 and 5,430 in 1991. In 2001 it 
stood at about 6,000. 

All these new immigrants contributed to Edmonton's 
vibrant Jewish community life. Local branches of prominent 
Jewish organizations thrive, including the Canadian Zionist 
Federation, Edmonton Hadassah-wizo, chapters of ort and 
Na'amat, B'nai B'rith and Emunah, all of which are actively 
working for the welfare of the State of Israel. Local offices of 
the Jewish National Fund are located at the Edmonton Jew- 
ish Community Centre, founded in 1970. The now defunct 
Edmonton chapter of the National Council of Jewish Women 
was responsible for founding the city's Jewish Seniors' Drop- 
in Centre (formerly the Golden Age Club) in 1954, as well as 
Jewish Family Services. 

The community's third congregation, Temple Beth Ora 
Reform Congregation, was founded in 1979, and incorporated 
in 1980. It rented space at the Jewish Community Centre. In 
1996 Congregation Beth Tzedec, a breakaway from Beth Sha- 
lom, incorporated and began to hold services at the Talmud 
To rah. Chabad Lubavitch arrived in Edmonton in 1991, and 
in 1993 a second Hebrew day school, the Orthodox Menorah 
Academy, was founded. In 1999, a new building for Edmon- 
ton Talmud Torah was erected and the next year a new Beth 
Israel Synagogue was opened reflecting a further westward 
shift in population. 

In the fall of 2004, Edmonton elected its first Jewish 
mayor, Stephen Mandel. Mandel had previously served as a 
city councilor, continuing a long tradition of Jewish city coun- 

cilors, including Dr. Morris Weinlos, Helen Paull, Mel Binder, 
Tooker Gomberg, and former mla Karen Leibovici. There has 
also been a strong tradition of Jewish civic involvement in the 
larger Edmonton community, with members serving on the 
boards and executives of many local arts, cultural, educational, 
and fundraising organizations, as well as on the judiciary. 

The Jewish Archives and Historical Society of Edmon- 
ton and Northern Alberta (jahsena) was founded in 1996 
to preserve and promote the history of this vibrant Jewish 

bibliography: U. Rosenzweig (ed.), The First Century of Jew- 
ish Life in Edmonton and Northern Alberta, 1893-1993 (2000). 

[Debby Shoctor and Ed Mickelson (2 nd ed.)] 

EDOM (Heb. Di"TK), a land in the south of eastern Transjor- 
dan, the southeastern neighbor of Palestine. 

The Country 

"The land of Edom" is the most common name for the Edomite 
territory. It had, however, other names and appellations, both 
prosaic and poetic, i.e., "the field of Edom" (Judg. 5:4), "Seir" 
(ibid.), "Mount Seir" (Deut. 1:2), "the land of Seir" (Gen. 36:30, 
"the lands of Seir," cf. mdtdti d se-e-ri k '\ in el-Amarna letter no. 
288, line 26; Pritchard, Texts, 488; J.A. Knudtzon, Die El-Ama- 
rna-Tafeln, 2 (1915), 1340), and a combined name, "the land of 
Seir the field of Edom" (Gen. 32:3). There are also in Egyptian 
sources the equivalents of two names: Seir (Pritchard, Texts, 
262) and Edom (Papyrus Anastasi vi, Pritchard, Texts, 259). It 
is possible to establish, according to the Egyptian and Akka- 
dian sources, that the name Seir is chronologically first, since 
it is mentioned at the beginning of the 14 th century b.c.e. in 
the Tell el-Amarna document, as well as in an Egyptian list 
from the time of Ramses 11, i.e., from the first half of the 13 th 
century b.c.e. On the other hand, the first mention of the 
name Edom in Egyptian sources occurs only at the end of 
the 13 th century b.c.e. 

The name Seir is apparently related to the Horites; this is 
especially evidenced by Genesis 36:20: "These were the sons of 
Seir the Horite, who were settled in the land" (cf. Deut. 2:12). 
The name Edom is related to the Western Semitic settlers who 
came after them. 

It appears that the Edomite territory consisted of the 
mountain which extends from the Dead Sea in the north to 
the Red Sea in the south. The northern border of Edom was 
the Zered River (Wadi al-Hesa), which was also the southern 
border of Moab (Deut. 2:13). Its eastern border was the desert 
and its inhabitants were the Kedemites. Its southern border 
was Elath and Ezion-Geber (Deut. 2:8), i.e., the gulf of Elath. 
There was probably no fixed western boundary; during the 
Exodus from Egypt, the Israelites who requested permission 
to pass through Edom said to the king of Edom: "Now we are 
in *Kadesh, the town on the border of your territory" (Num. 
20:16). Another place mentioned as being on its western bor- 
der is "Mount Hor on the boundary of the land of Edom" 
(Num. 20:23). Th e western border is described more compre- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



hensively as "the boundary of Edom to the wilderness of Zin at 
the farthest south" (Josh. 15:1), and in an abbreviated manner 
as "south, toward the boundary of Edom" (Josh. 15:21). 

In later periods there was an Edomite expansion be- 
yond Mount Seir, especially after the fall of the kingdom of 
Judah (see below). Ezekiel thus terms the Edomite territory 
"Mount Seir and all Edom" (Ezek. 35:15). The capital of Edom 
was probably Bozrah (see especially Amos 1:12, "the palaces 
of Bozrah," similar to the palaces of other capital cities men- 
tioned in this prophecy). Bozrah was the principal city, the 
other cities of Edom being called Bozrah's cities: "For I have 
sworn by myself, says the Lord, that Bozrah shall become a 
horror, a taunt, a waste, and a curse; and all her cities shall be 
perpetual wastes" (Jer. 49:13). Among the other cities of Edom 
mentioned in the Bible are Teman, which is used as a paral- 
lel for Bozrah (Amos 1:12), and Dedan (Jer. 49:8). The prin- 
cipal cities of Edom, which were also the royal cities, can be 
learned from the list of kings, who reigned "before any king 
reigned over the Israelites" (Gen. 36). In this list, Bozrah and 
Teman are mentioned with other towns such as Avith, Re- 
hob oth Hanahar, Masrekah, and Pau, about which nothing is 
known from the Bible or from other sources. 

The People 

In the biblical tradition about the origin of the Edomites or, 
more precisely, in accounts about the eponym "Esau who is 
Edom" (Gen. 36:1), the Edomites are related to the Hebrews. 
Esau was the grandson of Abraham the Hebrew and the son of 
Isaac. The close relationship of *Esau to Israel is especially em- 
phasized in the narratives which point out his closeness with 
Jacob- Israel, and describe their birth as twins. In parenthetical 
narrative comments and especially in genealogical lists, the 
complexity of the Edomites' ethnic composition is demon- 
strated. In the accounts of Esau's marriages, which should be 
viewed as etiological-ethnological stories, it is told that Esau 
married Canaanite-Hittite women (Gen. 26:34; cf. 36:2). It is 
likewise told that he married Ishmaelite women (Gen. 28:9; cf. 
36:3). He also took Hivite wives (Gen. 36:2). These parentheti- 
cal narrative remarks substantiate and confirm the contents 
of the genealogical lists of Edom. The ethnic composition ap- 
pears to be even more heterogeneous when in addition to the 
Canaanite-Hittite, Hivite, and Ishmaelite elements, Kenazite 
(Gen. 36:15), Amalekite (36:16), and especially Horite (36:20, 
21, 29, 30) elements are found in the genealogical list of Es- 
au's descendants and in the list of the chiefs of Esau. A similar 
picture is reflected in the names appearing in the genealogi- 
cal lists of Edom. West- Semitic names are listed side by side 
with Horite names. It is possible to distinguish earlier and 
later elements in the ethnic composition of Edom. Traditions, 
whose authenticity is beyond doubt, have been preserved in 
the Bible about the antiquity of the Horites in Edom. In the 
Deuteronomic tradition about the ancient settlers of eastern 
Transjordan before the advent of the Hebrews, it is stated: "Seir 
was formerly inhabited by the Horites; but the descendants of 
Esau dispossessed them, wiping them out and settling in their 

place" (Deut. 2:12). This tradition is reported in brief also in 
the chapter specifically dealing with Edom, Genesis 36, where 
a parenthetical remark is made: "these were the sons of Seir 
the Horite, who were settled in the land" (36:20). Thus, the 
ancient ethnic element of Edom is the Horites, to whom were 
later added those descendants of Esau who were from a West- 
ern-Semitic origin. This is corroborated by epigraphic sources 
and archaeological findings. From Akkadian and Egyptian 
epigraphic sources it is known that toward the first half of the 
second millennium b.c.e. "Horite" (Akk. hurru) tribes pen- 
etrated all the areas of the Ancient East and settled in these 
areas including Canaan and eastern Transjordan. There is also 
information about waves of migration of Western-Semitic el- 
ements who infiltrated western Asia, including Transjordan, 
and apparently conquered these territories and defeated the 
Horite population. According to biblical tradition, Esau and 
his descendants first inhabited the land of Canaan (Gen. 36:5), 
and when "the land in which they sojourned could not sup- 
port them because of their livestock," Esau, together with Jacob 
and his children, "took ... all the members of his household . . . 
[and] settled in the hill country of Seir" (36:6-8). From the 
archaeological survey of eastern Transjordan conducted by 
Nelson Glueck the same picture emerges. It appears that the 
settlement which existed from the 23 rd to the 20 th centuries 
b.c.e. was highly civilized, but the 19 th century b.c.e. saw a 
steep decline and the total extinction of all the great fortresses 
and settlements. The blow was final and the destruction, total. 
The cities were not rebuilt and most of Transjordan became a 
camping spot for shepherds and nomads until the end of the 
14 th century b.c.e. The archaeological survey demonstrated 
that at the end of the 14 th and the beginning of the 13 th centu- 
ries b.c.e., there was a revival of an agricultural civilization 
among the Edomites, the Moabites, the Ammonites, and the 
Amorites, who quickly divided into national groups within 
defined territorial boundaries. Thus, Transjordan was divided 
into the kingdoms of Edom, Ammon, and Moab, which were 
separated mainly by the deep and wide natural boundaries of 
the Zered, Arnon, and Jabbok rivers. These kingdoms under- 
went a fast development of prosperity and growth, primarily 
material, from the 13 th to the 8 th centuries b.c.e. There fol- 
lowed a period of decline which ended in utter destruction in 
the sixth century b.c.e. 

Biblical Sources 

These latter comments would have exhausted our knowledge 
about Edom had the Bible not preserved much information 
about this kingdom, more so than about any of the other king- 
doms neighboring Israel. This great amount of material in the 
Bible is very valuable from both the historical and historio- 
graphical points of view. Biblical information about Edom may 
be divided into two types, which are distinctly separable. The 
first type is the original and authentic material, which appar- 
ently originated in Edom itself and somehow made its way to 
Israel, and which is found mainly in Genesis 36. The second 
type is information about Edom which is connected with the 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


history of Israel. These two types of material give a chrono- 
logical coverage of the two periods of Edom's history (see be- 
low). The original and authentic material about Edom is from 
the period before the monarchy was established in Israel (it is 
not intended here to discuss R.H. Pfeiffer's Edomite-Seirite, 
or Southern source (s); for its scope, character, and time see 
^Pentateuch). This material describes the history of Edom 
until its conquest by David. On the other hand, the material 
about Edom which is contained in the Israelite history cov- 
ers the period of the monarchy in Israel and Judah, and, in 
fact, beginning with the time of David, the history of Edom 
is contained within the history of Israel. 

History until Its Conquest by David 

From the information contained in Genesis 36, it may be 
learned that the Edomites were governed by chiefs (allufim) 
and kings in the period which preceded its conquest by David. 
The question arises as to whether chiefs and kings ruled at 
one and the same time, the kings being only the most pow- 
erful of the chiefs, or whether there were two periods, a first 
of chiefs and a subsequent one of kings. It appears that 
two periods should be distinguished, the "period of the chiefs" 
and the "period of the kings," typologically paralleling the 
"period of the judges" and the "period of the monarchy" in 

the period of the chiefs (Allufim). It appears that the 
chiefs were the heads of the thousands (alafim), which were 
tribes or clans (in the broad sense of the word), and later, 
heads of regions. This form of organization was prevalent 
among nomadic tribes. Actually, only 11 chiefs of Edom are 
mentioned, but there is reason to accept the opinion that a 12 th 
name, which is found in the Septuagint, was left out. The tradi- 
tion of the 12-fold organization in Edom is based on, and con- 
firmed by, the organization of other tribes which are closely 
related to Edom in terms of race and origin. This 12-fold or- 
ganization is found among the Nahorites (Gen. 22:20-24), the 
Ishmaelites (25:13-15), and the Israelites, and it is M. Noth's 
opinion that this system is based on "principles such as were 
customary in tribal societies which were still lacking settled 
political institutions" (Noth, Hist Isr, 87; for details). Taking as 
a starting point the conclusion of Nelson Glueck's survey that 
the Edomites arrived in Edom at the end of the 14 th and the be- 
ginning of the 13 th century B.C. e., it may then be assumed that 
the rule of the chiefs lasted approximately 150 years, until the 
middle of the 12 th century B.C. e. Actually, the Bible appears to 
contain information to the contrary, since in the narrative on 
the Exodus from Egypt and the penetration of Canaan it is told 
that the Israelites had dealings with the king of Edom (Num. 
20:14; if it is assumed, as is the accepted opinion today, that the 
Exodus was during the second half of the 13 th century B.C. e.). 
It is known, however, that the source for the narrative (Num. 
20) is late and "the king of Edom" is an anachronism. More 
authentic evidence from a very early poetic source, the Song of 
the Sea, testifies that at the time of the Exodus the chiefs were 

ruling in Edom: "Now are the chiefs of Edom dismayed" (Ex. 
15:15). There are also sources outside the Bible which confirm 
this. In the Papyrus Anastasi vi from the time of Merneptah 
(end of the 13 th century B.C. e.) the population of Edom and its 
adjuncts is divided into "tribes" or shasu: "[We] have finished 
letting the Shasu (ssw) of Edom (*idm) pass the Fortress [of] 
Merneptah" (in Pritchard, Texts, 259). Ramses 111 (beginning 
of the 12 th century b.c.e.) boasts: "I destroyed the people of 
Seir among the nomad tribes. I razed their tents: their people, 
their property, and their cattle as well, without number, pin- 
ioned and carried away in captivity, as the tribute of Egypt" 
(see Papyrus Harris 1, in: Pritchard, Texts, 262). In any event, 
it becomes evident from these two Egyptian sources that there 
was a tribal organization, the population was nomadic, and 
there was no monarchy. 

the period of the monarchy. The genealogy of Edom 
in Genesis 36 contains a list of the kings of Edom who ruled 
"before any Israelite king reigned" (probably meaning "before 
any Israelite king ruled over Edom"). It is not certain whether 
"kings" were merely judges or tribal chiefs, or whether they 
were literally kings. Those scholars who hold that they were 
judges point to the following supporting evidence: the absence 
of succession, the absence of a fixed capital city, the parallelism 
of melekhl shofet ("king"/ "judge") in Ugaritic and the Bible, as 
well as the formula "in those days there was no king over the 
Israelites," which recurs repeatedly in the Book of Judges in 
reference to the period of the judges. Thus, king here means 
judge (this opinion has been expressed by S. Talmon). It ap- 
pears that the second opinion is the correct one, however, and 
that kings is meant literally. 

The list of the Edomite kings (36:31-39) resembles a 
"royal chronicle" in that it includes various details found in 
the Judean and Israelite chronicles contained in Kings and 
Babylonian Chronicles. Details given in this list - though not 
all the details are given for every king - are the name of the 
king, his father's name, the name of his city (or place of origin), 
and an informative comment. This list includes eight kings. 
The names of the fathers of four of them are given, and the 
city (or place of origin) of seven out of the eight is mentioned. 
An informative comment is made about two of them. The in- 
formative comment about Hadad son of Bedad is distinctly 
historical. It is stated that he "defeated the Midianites in the 
country of Moab" (36:35), while the comment about Hadar, the 
last king, refers to his wife's genealogy: "and his wife's name 
was Mehetabel daughter of Matred daughter of Me-Zahab" 
(36:39). This list has been analyzed by numerous scholars in 
an attempt to derive from it information about the history 
of Edom, its chronology and the possibility of synchroniza- 
tion, its monarchy, and its character. It is clear from this list 
that the monarchy in Edom was not dynastic. Not one of the 
kings of Edom is said to be son of the former king. However, it 
should not be deduced from this, as has been done by several 
scholars, that the monarchy was not consistent. The formula: 
"when . . . died, . . . succeeded him as king" attests to the con- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



sistency and continuity of the monarchy Further, it should be 
pointed out that there was no central authority based in one 
capital city The fact that the king's capital or place of origin is 
mentioned shows that there was no common ruling city for 
even two of the kings (cf. the absence of a regular capital city 
in the kingdom of Israel until the establishment of Samaria 
by Omri). The two informative statements were variously in- 
terpreted by scholars. From the statement about Hadad son 
of Bedad E. Meyer tried to establish a synchronistic connec- 
tion with events in Israel, namely that Hadad, who defeated 
the Midianites, was a contemporary of Gideon who defeated 
the Midianites. On the basis of this they attempted to derive 
chronological conclusions with regard to the history of the 
kings of Edom. There is no certainty, however, about Gideon's 
time, and even less about the time of the kings of Edom, con- 
cerning whom there is no chronological information. From 
the information about Hadar's wife's lineage on her mother's 
side, and from the naming of her mother and grandmother, 
W.F. Albright attempted to deduce the existence of a royal dy- 
nasty in Edom which passed in succession on the side of the 
mother and not the father. Thus, the king's son-in-law because 
he marries the queen's daughter is heir to the throne. A gen- 
eral conclusion of this nature, derived from a single comment, 
is, however, difficult to maintain. Moreover, there are no ex- 
amples of such a custom in the ancient Near East to support 
this hypothesis (the example of Saul-Michal-David cannot be 
explained in this way). 

It is most difficult to assess the dating of Edom's kings 
since, as has been stated, there is no chronological information 
given in regard to this period. It is only known that it ended 
at the time of David's conquest of Edom. If this assumption 
is correct, namely, that at the time of the Exodus, Edom was 
ruled by chiefs and not by kings, then the period of these kings 
can be set from the middle of the 12 th century to the end of 
the 11 th century b.c.e., i.e., a period of around 150 years, and 
an average of approximately 20 years per king. 

During this period of chiefs and kings, Edom was strong 
and its borders well- fortified by a series of border fortresses 
which prevented the penetration of nomadic tribes from the 
desert. A series of fortresses was discovered during the archae- 
ological survey in eastern and southern Edom, and some also 
in western Edom. (In the north, Edom shared a common bor- 
der with Moab, with which it apparently had close and good 
neighborly relationships.) There is almost no biblical informa- 
tion in regard to contacts between Israel and Edom during this 
period, except that Edom is listed among the nations oppress- 
ing Israel which Saul defeated at the end of this period (1 Sam. 
14:47; it is possible that this refers to Amalek which is related 
to Edom). In Psalm 83, which is assumed by B. Mazar and S. 
Feigin to be from the period of the judges, Edom (as well as 
Amalek and Gebal which belong to Edom) is also mentioned 
as joining with Israel's other neighbors against Israel. It ap- 
pears, however, that these two mentions are schematic and it 
is difficult to arrive at historically valid conclusions from the 
appearance of Edom in these lists. 

From David until the Destruction of Judah 

the time of david and solomon. In David's wars of ex- 
pansion, Edom was conquered after a decisive defeat in the 
Valley of Salt. This is echoed in three biblical sources - actu- 
ally three accounts of the same battle. According to 11 Samuel 
8:13 it was David who defeated Edom (this should be read in- 
stead of Aram) in the Valley of Salt, slaying 18,000 Edomites. 
According to 1 Chronicles 18:12, "Abishai son of Zeruiah slew 
18,000 Edomites in the Valley of Salt," while according to 
Psalm 60:2, it was Joab who defeated Edom, and here there 
is a different number given for Edom's casualties - 12,000. 
While a few scholars held that these are accounts of battles 
led by the different people mentioned, it appears that they are, 
in fact, different accounts of the same event, and the numbers 
are schematic. In any event, in order to clarify the historical 
aspects, it appears that the original historical version is that 
Joab defeated Edom. The introduction of Abishai in Chroni- 
cles is aimed against Joab and is based on the wars in eastern 
Transjordan in which Joab and Abishai led the armies. The war 
was attributed to David because it appears that the victories 
of Joab, his military commander, were credited to the king, 
David, as was the case in the defeat of Rabbath-Benei-Ammon 
(11 Sam. 12:26-31). Edom suffered a decisive defeat, apparently 
after a difficult battle. Contrary to his custom with regard to 
the other nations of Transjordan, David did not leave the 
Edomite monarchy in power but made Edom into an Israelite 
province ruled by appointed governors (11 Sam. 8:14; 1 Chron. 
18:13). There is additional information about this battle in 
1 Kings 11:15-16 which states that "For six months did Joab 
remain there with all Israel, until he had cut off every male in 
Edom." His reasons for turning Edom into a province which 
rendered tribute and was ruled by governors were probably 
primarily economic, since Edom controlled the trade routes, 
both overland - the "King's Highway" - and maritime - the 
port of Ezion-Geber-Elath. Israel's rule of Edom by means of 
governors lasted throughout David's reign and apparently also 
through most of Solomon's time, until Hadad, a descendant of 
the last Edomite king, rebelled against Solomon. (It is difficult 
to determine whether Hadad was the son or the grandson of 
the last king of Edom. Actually, this was the introduction of a 
dynastic monarchy in Edom. In the opinion of Edward Meyer 
the Edomites were loyal to their last king.) This Hadad, who 
fled to Egypt during the conquest of Edom, received personal 
aid and political support in Egypt, and returned to Edom after 
David's death (1 Kings 11:14-22). According to the Septuagint, 
what is said about Aram in 1 Kings 11:25 refers to Edom, and 
it thus turns out that this Hadad rebelled at the beginning of 
Solomon's reign and ruled Edom. It is difficult to accept this 
version, however, since it would mean that at the beginning 
of his reign, a time of prosperity and growth, of the develop- 
ment of the Negev and Arabah, and of maritime and inland 
trade, Solomon did not have absolute control over Edom and 
over the routes which crossed its territory. It would therefore 
appear that Edom's liberation was possible only at the end of 
Solomon's reign. 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


from jehoshaphat to ahaz. There is no informa- 
tion about Edom from the end of Solomons reign until Je- 
hoshaphat's, either from the Bible or from other sources. It 
maybe assumed that after the collapse of Solomons kingdom 
and its division, and especially after Shishak's campaign in 
Judah and Israel, Edom finally overthrew the yoke of Israel's 
rule and established an independent kingdom, which lasted 
around 50 years, until the time of Jehoshaphat. With the ex- 
pansion of Judah southward in the time of Jehoshaphat, the 
submission of the Arabian tribes (11 Chron. 17:11), and the in- 
stitution of a mercantile fleet at Ezion-Geber (1 Kings 22:49), 
Edom was probably conquered. In fact, there is an explicit 
statement in this regard from which it can be understood that 
not only was Edom conquered by Jehoshaphat but he dealt 
with it as did David and turned it into a province ruled by 
governors. Chronicles writes in connection with Jehoshaphat 
that "there was no king in Edom; a deputy was king" (1 Kings 
22:48 (47)). The conquest of Edom probably stemmed from 
the same economic motivations which existed at the time of 
David and Solomon. Edom became subject to Judah, and, 
during the period of subjection, "the king of Edom" (prob- 
ably the "deputy" mentioned above) joined the campaign of 
Joram king of Israel and Jehoshaphat king of Judah against 
Mesha, the rebellious king of Moab, which passed "through 
the wilderness of Edom" (11 Kings 3:8). The participation of 
the "king of Edom" angered the king of Moab, who attempted 
first and foremost "to break through opposite the king of 
Edom" (3:26). The failure of this campaign led to the weak- 
ening of the rule of Judah and Israel in eastern Transjordan, 
as well as Judah's rule in Edom. It is explicitly stated that dur- 
ing the time of Joram, Edom rebelled against Judah: "In his 
days Edom revolted from under the hand of Judah, and made 
a king over themselves" (11 Kings 8:20). Joram attempted at 
the beginning of his reign (probably in 848 b.c.e.) to reinstate 
Israel's hegemony over Edom in a great campaign including 
"all the chariots" (8:21-22), which apparently failed (the bibli- 
cal text is corrupt here), and Edom was completely liberated 
from the domination of Judah. Edom maintained its indepen- 
dence for about 60 years, until the middle of Amaziah's reign. 
At the time of Amaziah, Judah recovered from the pressure of 
Aram, to which it paid heavy taxes. This recovery is expressed 
in the undertaking of a military campaign against Edom in 
order to renew the rule of Israel there. It is said of Amaziah 
that "He slew of Edom in the Valley of Salt 10,000, and took 
Sela by war, and called the name of it Joktheel unto this day" 
(11 Kings 14:7). The battle was waged in northern Edom, the 
Valley of Salt (as in David's time), and in Sela. Amaziah (like 
Joab) treated the Edomites with cruelty, as is recounted in 
11 Chronicles 25:11-12: "...and [Amaziah] smote 10,000 men 
of Seir. The men of Judah captured another 10,000 alive and 
took them to the top of a rock and threw them down from the 
top of the rock; and they were all dashed to pieces." It seems 
that the changing of Sela's name can be interpreted not only 
as a symbol of renewed domination but perhaps also as the 
introduction of Judahite settlers in the new important town 

Joktheel which "on account of its geographic conditions, its 
distinctly strategic location, its close proximity to the capital 
Bozrah which lay south of it, and its control over the approach 
to the mines of the Arabah, . . . was subject to a violent contro- 
versy between Israel and Edom" (S. Abramsky). With the con- 
quest of Sela, Amaziah assured Judah of control over north- 
ern Edom and the copper mines of the Punon area. It appears 
that Uzziah son of Amaziah completed his father's activity by 
conquering Edom. Uzziah, who expanded his kingdom in the 
direction of south and the Negev, "built Elath and restored it 
to Judah" (11 Kings 14:22); this was the climax of his activity 
in the Negev and the Arabah, in developing agriculture, in- 
dustry, and commerce, which has been confirmed by archae- 
ological excavations and surveys. Apparently, in the days of 
Jotham son of Uzziah as well, Judah ruled over Edom. The 
"DIV 1 ?" (lytm) seal found at Ezion-Geber may have belonged 
to Jotham. This period of Judah's rule over Edom did not last 
long, and ended with the establishment of the Aramean-Isra- 
elite coalition between Rezin king of Aram and Pekah king 
of Israel: "At that time the king of Edom recovered Elath for 
Edom (the m t text reads Aram instead of Edom) and drove 
the men of Judah from Elath; and the Edomites came to Elath, 
where they dwell to this day" (11 Kings 16:6). The Edomites 
took the opportunity to penetrate Judah itself: "For again the 
Edomites had come and smitten Judah, and carried away cap- 
tives" (11 Chron. 28:17). There was probably a final attempt on 
the part of Judah, during the time of Hezekiah, to renew its 
hegemony over Edom. In the genealogical list of Simeon's de- 
scendants, it is stated parenthetically that "some of them, 500 
men of the Simeonites, went to Mount Seir ... and they de- 
stroyed the remnant of the Amalekites that had escaped, and 
they have dwelt there to this day" (1 Chron. 4:42-43). This 
attempt, however, was probably limited to the western bor- 
der district of Edom and had no real results since Edom, like 
Judah, was subjugated by Assyria. 


the time of Ahaz, Edom became an Assyrian vassal state, 
like the other nations of Palestine and Syria. Tiglath-Pile- 
ser in (745-727 b.c.e.) mentions, together with the kings of 
Palestine and Syria, Qosmalaku, king of Edom, who surren- 
dered to him (Pritchard, Texts, 282). Sennacherib mentions 
the king of Edom, Aiarammu (ibid. y 287), who surrendered 
to him in his campaign against Jerusalem (701 b.c.e.). Esar- 
haddon (680-669 b.c.e.) mentions Qosgabri king of Edom 
together with the 22 vassal kings whom he swore to loyalty at 
Nineveh (ibid. y 291). In addition to its subjugation to Assyria, 
Edom was, beginning with the eighth century b.c.e., under 
pressure from the Arabian tribes that impoverished the land 
and brought about its decline in material culture. Toward the 
end of the kingdom of Judah (beginning of the sixth cen- 
tury b.c.e.), when Judah was rising up against Babylonian 
rule, Edom was among the peoples preparing to rebel against 
the Babylonian king. The king of Edom sent messengers to 
a meeting of rebels called in Jerusalem by Zedekiah king of 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



Judah (Jer. 27). Later, however, during the destruction itself, 
Edom was on the other side, sending its troops against Judah 
(11 Kings 24:1; "the bands of Edom" should be read in place of 
"the bands of Aram"), and even participating in its destruc- 
tion. This is verified from the recently discovered Arad letters, 
in which Judah is guarding itself against Edom s penetration 
into the land (Y. Aharoni). Edom's participation in the destruc- 
tion of Judah aroused the great anger and strong condemna- 
tion of the poets (Ps. 137; Lam. 4:21-22) and prophets (Isa. 34, 
which is to be dated to this period; Jer. 49; Obad.) of Judah. 
The anger and condemnation continued in the following gen- 
eration in the prophecies of Deutero-Isaiah (Isa. 63). 

Edom, too, was subject to destruction in the sixth century 
b.c.e. Nomadic tribes infiltrated Edom and exerted pressure 
on the Edomites, who turned toward Judah and settled in its 
southern region. This settlement was long known in Hellenis- 
tic sources as * Idumea. 

Religion and Culture 

The gods of Edom were mainly fertility gods, as is evidenced by 
the numerous clay figures found in Edom. Like Ammon and 
Moab, Edom had one chief god, Qos. This name is known to 
be a theophoric element, both from the names of the Edomite 
kings mentioned in the inscriptions of the Assyrian kings (see 
above) and from names which are preserved in the Bible (e.g., 
Barkos, Neh. 7:55). This name also appears as a first name in a 
seal in Hebrew- Edomite script on oil jugs from the eighth and 
seventh centuries b.c.e. which were found at Tell al-Khalayfa 
""l^ttn 7237 'TOOlp'?," "lqws c nl servant of the king." There are 
some scholars who read instead of the unclear name Alqum 
in Proverbs 30:31, Alqus, on the assumption that the name is 
included here in the context of Edomite wisdom. Although 
Edom had one national god, it cannot be described even as 
monolatry. Biblical evidence emphasizes Edomite polythe- 
ism. It is told of Amaziah after "he came from the slaughter 
of the Edomites, he brought the gods of the men of Seir, and 
set them up as his gods, and worshipped them, making offer- 
ings to them" (11 Chron. 25:14). 

Apparently there was an early connection between the 
religion of the men of Seir and the early religion of Israel, a 
connection deduced from an Egyptian list from the time of 
Ramses 11 (13 th century b.c.e.) from a statement in which 
there is the unusual juxtaposition "the land of the Shasu of 
jhw" (see Herrmann in bibl.). In the same list there is the 
equivalent juxtaposition "the land of the Shasu of Seir." (The 
connection between yhwh and Seir can be learned from a 
number of early biblical verses, e.g., Deut. 33:2; Judg. 5:4.) Of 
course, one cannot speak of the identification in this period 
of this name with yhwh but rather about the origin of yhwh 
from the same area and ancient contacts between the people 
of Israel in its early period and the sons of Seir. In this way the 
biblical tradition is confirmed. 

From the archaeological excavations and surveys in 
Edom it appears that its material culture was developed. The 
only evidence with regard to its spiritual culture is biblical. 

The wisdom of Edom was held in esteem by the prophets. 
Jeremiah asked in amazement: "Is wisdom no more in Te- 
man? has counsel perished from the prudent? has their wis- 
dom vanished?" (49:7); Obadiah 8 repeats the same idea: "de- 
stroy the wise men out of Edom, and understanding out of 
the mount of Esau." 

In Second Temple Times 

The geographical conception of Edom during the Second 
Temple period differs radically from that at the time of the 
First Temple. Following the movement of Edomites from 
southern Transjordan and into southern Palestine, across the 
Arabah, in the late seventh and early sixth centuries b.c.e. (ii 
Kings 24:2; Ezek. 35:6), the area to the south of the territory of 
Judah came to be referred to as Edom/Idumea. The territory 
of "Darom" ("south") in Talmudic literature usually refers to 
Idumea. Idumea in Second Temple times was further north 
than in the previous period and covered a considerable part 
of the territory of the tribe of Judah, including Hebron. The 
border with Judea passed south of Beth-Zur. This change came 
about on the one hand in consequence of the invasion of Old 
Edom by new tribes from the desert and the establishment 
there, in the course of time, of the Nabatean kingdom; and 
secondly through the weakening of Jewish resistance during 
the time of the destruction of the Temple and the Babylonian 
exile. The return only changed the situation slightly; in general 
the returning exiles did not settle south of Beth-Zur. Even in 
the list of those who built the walls of Jerusalem in the days 
of Nehemiah, there is no mention of men from places south 
of the line Tekoa-Beth-Zur-Keilah-Zanoah. 

During the Hellenistic period the Idumean region 
formed a separate administrative district and is mentioned 
as such by Diodorus in connection with the period of the Di- 
dache (Bibliotheca Hi$torica y 19, 98, 1). Marissa and Adorah 
were the main Idumean settlements in the Hellenistic era. 
Marissa became an important junction during the Ptolemide 
era and served, as can be inferred from one of the Zenon pa- 
pyri (C.C. Edgar, Catalogue general des antiquites egyptiennes 
du Musee de Caire y 1 (1925), 34, no. 59015 verso)> as the seat of 
the government administration. From the inscriptions and 
painted designs in one of the tombs, it is possible to follow in 
great measure the process of Hellenization of Marissa during 
the Ptolemide era. Among other things, a Phoenician settle- 
ment, which was the standard-bearer of the Hellenistic move- 
ment in Idumea, existed in the town, and had organized it- 
self as apoliteuma of Sidonians in Marissa (W. Dittenberger, 
Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae y 2 (1905), 284-5 no - 593)- 
The Ptolemide government of the country also helped in the 
migration of many Idumeans to Egypt. Hostile relations be- 
tween the Idumeans and the Jews persisted throughout the 
Hellenistic period. Ben Sira enumerates the Edomites among 
the "nations whom his soul abhorred" (50, 25-26). The same 
enmity is reflected in the quotation from the Greek writer 
Mnaseas given by Josephus (Apion 2:112 ff.) describing how 
Zabidus of Dorii fooled the people of Jerusalem. During the 


ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 


Hasmonean wars the Idumeans assisted the Seleucids against 
the Jews. Judah Maccabee fought the Idumeans, and was par- 
ticularly active against Hebron (i Mace. 5:65). 

A decisive change in the relations between the two na- 
tions took place in the days of John *Hyrcanus (end of second 
century B.C. e.). Hyrcanus conquered the whole of Idumea and 
undertook the forced conversion of its inhabitants to Juda- 
ism (Jos., Ant., i3:257ff.). Thenceforth the Idumeans became 
a section of the Jewish people, Idumea becoming one of the 
ordinary administrative districts of the Hasmonean state. It 
appears that the Hasmonean dynasty used some of the re- 
spected families of Idumea to establish its dominion in that 
country. During the reigns of Alexander Yannai and his wife 
Alexandra Salome, *Antipas, who was an Idumean, served as 
ruler of Idumea on behalf of the Hasmoneans (Ant., 14:10). 
*Herod, appointed king of Judea by the Romans in 40 B.C. e., 
was his grandson. During the reign of Herod, Idumea served 
in general as the firm basis of his authority. He considered the 
Idumeans to be much more loyal to him than the Jews, and 
also depended upon them for the military settlement in Trans- 
jordan; three thousand Edomites being settled in Terakhan 
(Ant., 16:285). Despite this, even during his reign, an attempt 
was made to sever the link between Idumea and Judea. The 
king's brother-in-law, Costobar, entered into a conspiracy with 
Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, for the purpose of annexing Edom 
directly to Egypt, but the plot was foiled by Herod. After the 
death of Herod in 4 b.c.e. Idumea was included with Judea 
and Samaria in the ethnarchy of Archelaus. When the latter 
was deposed in 6 c.e., Idumea became part of the Roman 
province of Judea. Furthermore Gaza was severed from any 
administrative connection with Idumea and added to the 
province of Syria. Consequently, the size of Idumea was re- 
duced - and in view of the fact that by degrees the differences 
between the Idumeans and their northern neighbors became 
blurred - the Roman government decided to abolish the 
separate status of Idumea as an administrative district equal 
in status to Judea or Samaria. Toward the end of the Second 
Temple era, Idumea appears as one of the 11 ordinary topar- 
chies of Judea (Jos., Wars, 3:55). 

The Idumeans participated in the Roman War of 66- 
70 c.e. They were organized into their own detachments and, 
at the time of the fratricidal war in Jerusalem between the 
Zealots and their opponents under the leadership of Anan 
b. Anan, hastened to the help of the Zealots, on the assump- 
tion that Anan and his associates intended to deliver the city 
into the hands of the Romans. The Idumeans were led by four 
commanders. They penetrated into Jerusalem on a rainy night 
and freed the Zealots who were besieged in the Temple, thus 
triumphing over their enemies. During the siege of Jerusalem 
by Titus they constituted a special division, numbering 5,000 
men. They were led by ten officers, the most prominent among 
them being * Jacob b. Sosas and Simeon b. Katala. They acted 
under the high command of Simeon b. Giora (Jos., Wars, 
5:249). Johanan, the brother of Jacob, was killed during the 
siege (6:290), and the Idumeans were prominent in the defense 

of Jerusalem (9:358-6:92, 148). Titus, too, regarded them as an 
important element of the Judean military force (8:379). It is 
not known which were the most important Idumean centers 
of settlement at the end of the days of the Second Temple. At 
the time of the Parthian invasion in 40 b.c.e., Marissa had 
already been destroyed, and Adorah no longer appears in the 
sources of the period. On the other hand Hebron is men- 
tioned (4:529, 554). 

Idumea is frequently mentioned in Latin poems of the 
period, usually as a synonym for Judea. 

[Isaac Avishur] 

In the Aggadah 

Edom appears sometimes in the aggadah as referring to the 
actual Edomites and sometimes to the Romans, who are iden- 
tified with them (see *Esau aggadah). 

the historical edom. The historical Edom is chiefly dis- 
cussed from the point of view of its relations with the Israelite 
people as these are reflected in the books of the Bible. Beside 
the enmity and hatred already stressed there, the aggadah em- 
phasizes that Edom oppressed the people most closely akin 
to him. There are interesting aggadot which discuss, for ex- 
ample, the legal aspects of Israel-Edom relations in the time 
of King David (Gen. R. 74:15; ed. Theodor-Albeck, p. 8726°.), 
and also attempt to justify David s wars against Edom despite 
the biblical command laying down that Edom was not to be 
a heritage of the people of Israel (Deut. 2:5). 

edom as rome. The identification of Edom with Rome is 
never found in the literature of the Second Temple period. 
It appears for the first time close to the Bar Kokhba revolt 
(cf. Margolioth, p. 610/2). R. Meir even connects it with the 
verse (Isa. 21:11), "The vision of Dumah" = the vision of Dome 
('ttll = "'EH, Rome, tj, Ta'an. 1:1, 64a see ed. princ); also "The 
reemim [wild-oxen] shall come down with them" (Isa. 34:7) 
is read as "The Romans shall come down with them" (pdRK 7, 
11, ed. Mandelbaum, p. 134). The previous verses (5-6) speak 
of Edom (cf. also Targ. Jon. ed. Sperber, Isa. 9, "The streams 
thereof shall be turned into pitch": "The streams of Rome shall 
be turned into pitch"). Many scholars are of the opinion that 
the source of this identification lies in the connection between 
*Herod, a descendant of Edomite proselytes, whose evil rule 
over Judea left a harsh impression and the intensification of 
Roman rule in Judea, especially as Herod was virtually a vas- 
sal of Rome. However these conjectures cannot be accepted. 
Not only are substantial proofs lacking, but the identification 
appears only in the second quarter of the second century c.e., 
more than four generations after the death of Herod. It seems, 
therefore, that its source is to be sought elsewhere. 

In the Bible Edom is described as the eternal enemy of 
Israel (and Judah, Amos 1:11; Ezek. 35:5) who not only always 
oppressed Israel, but at the time of the destruction of the First 
Temple took advantage of the situation and seized control of 
parts of Judah (Ezek. 25:12; 35:5, 10, 2; Obad. 11-16), and it is 
hinted that Edom also took part in the destruction of Jeru- 

ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 6 



salem (Ps. 137:7; Obad. 11) and even in that of the Temple it- 
self (Obad. 16). In consequence, during the Second Temple 
period there spread a belief that it was actually the Edomites 
who burned the First Temple (1 Esdras 4:45; Ethiopian Enoch 
89:66), and also interfered with the building of the Second 
Temple (ibid., 72). Hence the intense enmity toward Edom 
which grew stronger in the course of time (Ecclus. 50:25-26), 
until the conquest of Edom and its conversion to Judaism in 
the time of John Hyrcanus - a conquest which is the back- 
ground to the descriptions of the wars of Jacob and his sons 
with Esau and his sons in the Book of Jubilees (37-38) and in 
the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs (Judah 9). Edom is 
even compared to a black boar (1 En. 89:12, 42-43, 49, 66; Jub. 
37:20, 24). The intense hatred of Rome after the cruel crush- 
ing of the revolt of the Diaspora in the time of Trajan and still 
more after the harsh suppression of the Bar Kokhba revolt 
and the decrees of persecution in Hadrians days; the fact that 
Rome, like Edom, had destroyed the Temple; the similarity of 
Edom, compared to a pig, with Rome, for whom the pig (or, 
more correctly, the sow) was a most important symbol; the 
allusions to Edom dwelling on high like an eagle and the fact 
that the eagle, too, was an important Roman symbol; and per- 
haps finally even the similarity to the name Rome and Romans 
in several verses that speak of Edom, Seir, and Esau - all these 
apparently combined to cause the application to Rome of the 
biblical references to Edom, the eternal enemy of Israel. 

At the end of the tannaitic period, and still more in the 
amoraic, the identification became very widespread, and the 
overwhelming majority of homilies about Edom speak ex- 
plicitly of Rome. Thus it was stated that Rome was founded 
by the children of Esau, and Rome was identified as one of 
the cities of the chiefs of Esau enumerated at the end of Gen- 
esis 36 (these identifications occur not only in the Midrashim 
and the Talmuds but also in the Palestinian * Targums of the 
To rah and in the Tar gums to Lamentations and Esther). At 
a still later period the term became a synonym for Christian 
Rome and thence for Christianity in general, and allusions 
were even found to * Constantinople among the cities of Edom 
(and see *Caesarea). 

[Moshe David Herr / Carl Stephen Ehrlich (2 nd ed.)] 

bibliography: F. Buhl, Geschichte der Edomiter (1893); M. 
Noth, Das System der Zwoelf Staemme Israels (1930); N. Glueck, The 
Other Side of the Jordan (1940); R.H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old 
Testament (1952 2 ), 159-67 (on the S. Document); S. Abramsky, Me- 
sillah ba-Aravah (1959); J. Liver (ed.), in: Historyah Zeva'it shel Erez 
Yisrael... (1964), 190-205; S. Herrmann, in: Fourth World Congress 
of Jewish Studies, Papers, 1 (1967), 213-6 (Ger.); Y. Aharoni, in: Eretz 
Israel, 9 (1969), 10-21 (Heb. pt.), 134 (Eng. summ.). second tem- 
ple period: Klausner, Bayit Sheni, index; S. Klein, Erez Yehudah 
(1939), 249