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Plutarch's
Lives
Plutarch,
Bernadotte Perrin
ef
4
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sore
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4.0.8
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᾿
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
EDITED BY
T. E. PAGE, M.A., AND W. H. Ὁ. ROUSE, Lirt.D
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
II
Digitized by Google
PLUTARCH’S
" LIVES
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
BERNADOTTE PERRIN
IN TEN VOLUMES
I]
THEMISTOCLES AND CAMILLUS
ARISTIDES AND CATO MAJOR
CIMON AND LUCULLUS
LONDON : WILLIAM HEINEMANN
NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO.
MCMXIV
Say
@eave
307636
« ae wes
. . ᾿ς
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+ - πὰ
ἐν ᾿.
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PREFATORY NOTE
As in the first volume of this series, agreement
between the Sintenis (Teubner, 1873-1875) and
Bekker (Tauchnitz, 1855-1857) texts of the Parallel
Lives has been taken as the basis for the text.
Any preference of one to the other where they
differ, and any departure from both, have been in-
dicated. The more important ameliorations of the
text which have been secured by collations of Codex
Parisinus 1676 (F*) and Codex Seitenstettensis (S),
have been introduced. The relative importance of
these MSS. is explained in the Introduction to the
first volume. No attempt has been made, naturally,
to furnish either a diplomatic text or a full critical
apparatus. The reading which follows the colon in
the critical notes is that of the Teubner Sintenis,
and also, unless otherwise stated in the note, of
the Tauchnitz Bekker.
Among editions of special Lives included in this
volume should be noted that of Fuhr, Themistokles
und Pertkles, Berlin, 1880, in the Haupt-Sauppe
ν
PREFATORY NOTE
series of annotated texts; that of Blass, Themistokles
und Perikles, Leipzig, 1883, in the Teubner series of
annotated texts ; and the same editor’s Aristides und
Cato, Leipzig, 1898, in the same series. All these
editions bring F* and S into rightful prominence as
a basis for the text. This has been done also by
Holden, in his edition of the T’hemistocles (Macmillan,
1892).
The translations of the Themistocles, Aristides, and
Cimon have already appeared in my “ Plutarch’s
Themistocles and Aristides’’ (New York, 1901), and
““ Plutarch’s Cimon and Pericles” (New York, 1910),
and are reproduced here (with only slight changes)
by the generous consent of the publishers, the
Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons. The translations
of the Camillus, Cato, and Lucullus appear here for
the first time. All the standard translations of the
Lives have been carefully compared aud utilised,
including that of the Lucullus by Professor Long.
B. PERRIN.
New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A.
February, 1914.
vi
CONTENTS
PREFATORY NOTE Oeil we. tbe ἐδ
THEMISTOCLES
CAMILLUS... ἀν τῷ, as SE, ete ee ἀχῷ
ARISTIDES ........
MARCUS CATO. ....... 4...
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES AND CATO
CIMOUN. 2, 8-456) Eee we
LUCULLUS)E.. . ᾿ ae ee ee ee ae ΥΩ τὸ
COMPARISON OF CIMON AND LUCULLUS
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES .
PAGE
=
: : ]
δἰ ως, ae ἃ 93
Pw sake SOO
» «2... 884
Sate τς OS
469
νιν, 610
623
Vii
ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES IN THIS
EDITION IN THE CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE
OF THE GREEK LIVES.
ΜΟΙ ΜΕ I,
(1) Theseus and Romulus.
Comparison.
(2) Lycurgus and Numa.
Comparison.
(3) Solon and Publicola.
Comparison.
Vouume_E II.
(4) Themistocles and
Camillus.
(9) Aristides and Cato the
Elder.
Comparison.
(13) Cimon and Lucullus.
Comparison.
VoutvuMmeE III.
(5) Pericles and Fabius Max-
imus.
Comparison.
(14) Nicias and Crassus.
Comparison.
VouumRr IV.
(6) Alcibiades and Coriola-
nus.
Comparison.
(12) Lysander and Sulla.
Comparison.
VOLUME V.
(16) Agesilaus and Pompey.
Comparison.
(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.
Comparison.
Vili
|
i
Ι
VoLuME VI.
(22) Dion and Brutus.
Comparison.
(7) Timoleon and Aemilius
Paulus.
Comparison.
᾿ (20) Demosthenes and Cicero.
Comparison.
VotuME VII.
_ (17) Alexander and Julius
Cuesar.
(15) Sertorius and Eumenes.
Comparison.
VouumME VIII.
(18) Phocion and Cato the
Younger.
(21) Demetrius and’ Antony.
Comparison.
VoLumE IX.
(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.
(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and
Tiberius and Cains
Gracchus.
Comparison.
VoLuME X.
(10) Philopoemen and Flam-
ininus.
Comparison.
(23) Aratus.
(24) Artaxerxes.
(25) Galba.
(26) Otho.
THE TRADITIONAL ORDER OF THE
PARALLEL LIVES.
(1) Theseus and Romulus.
(2) Lycurgus and Numa.
(3) Solon and Publicola.
(4) Themistocles and Camillus.
(5) Pericles and Fabius Maximus.
(6) Alcibiades and Coriolanus.
(7) Timoleon and Aemilius Paulus.
(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.
(9) Aristides and Cato the Elder.
(10) Philopoemen and Flamininus.
(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.
(12) Lysander and Sulla.
(13) Cimon and Lucullus.
(14) Nicias and Crassus.
(15) Sertorius and Eumenes.
(16) Agesilaus and Pompey.
(17) Alexander and Julius Caesar.
(18) Phocion and Cato the Younger.
(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and Tiberius and Caius .
Gracchus.
(20) Demosthenes and Cicero.
(21) Demetrius and Antony.
(22) Dion and Brutus.
(23) Aratus.
(24) Artaxerxes.
(25) Galba.
(26) Otho.
Digitized by Google
VOL. II.
THEMISTOCLES
ΘΕΜΙΣΤΟΚΛΗΣ
I. Θεμιστοκλεῖ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἐκ γένους ἀμαυρότερα
πρὸς δόξαν ὑπῆρχε: πατρὸς γὰρ ἦν Νεοκλέους οὐ
τῶν ἄγαν ἐπιφανῶν ᾿Αθήνησι, Ppeappiov τῶν
δήμων ἐκ τῆς Λεοντίδος φυλῆς, νόθος δὲ πρὸς
μητρός, ὡς λέγουσιν"
᾿Αβρότονον Θρήϊσσα γυνὴ γένος" ἀλλὰ τεκέσθαι
τὸν μέγαν “EAAnoiv φημι Θεμιστοκλέα.
Φανίας μέντοι τὴν μητέρα τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους οὐ
Θρᾷτταν, ἀλλὰ Καρίνην, οὐδ᾽ ᾿Αβρότονον ὄνομα,
ἀλλ᾽. Εὐτέρπην ἀναγράφει. Νεάνθης δὲ καὶ
πόλιν αὐτῇ τῆς Καρίας ᾿Αλικαρνασσὸν προσ-
τίθησι.
Διὸ καὶ τῶν νόθων εἰς Κυνόσαργες συντελούν-
των (τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἔξω πυλῶν γυμνάσιον ρα-
κλέους, ἐπεὶ κἀκεῖνος οὐκ ἦν γνήσιος ἐν θεοῖς, ἀλλ᾽
ἐνείχετο νοθείᾳ διὰ τὴν μητέρα θνητὴν οὗσαν)
ἔπειθέ τινας ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς τῶν εὖ γεγονότων
/ .
νεανίσκων καταβαίνοντας εἰς τὸ Κυνόσαργες
’ a
ἀλείφεσθαι pet αὐτοῦ. Kal τούτου γενομένου
:
Paris I
Kdition,
a. 1624, 1
1120
ΤῊ EMISTOCLES
I. In the case of Themistaéice! his family was too
obscure to further his reputation. - His father was
Neocles,—no very conspicuous man at Athens,—a
Phrearrhian by deme, of the tribe Leontis; and
on his mother’s side he was an alien, as ber peeps
testifies :-—
« Abrotonon was I, and a woman of Thrace,. yee I
brought forth
That great light of the Greeks,—know! ’twas
Themistocles.”’ ?
Phanias, however, writes that the mother of
Themistocles was not a Thracian, but a Carian
woman, and that her name was not Abrotonon, but
Euterpe. And Neanthes actually adds the name of
her city in Caria,—Halicarnassus.
It was for the reason given, and because the aliens
were wont to frequent Cynosarges,—this is a place
outside the gates, a gymnasium of Heracles; for he
too was not a legitimate god, but had something
alien about him, from the fact that his mother was a
mortal,—that Themistocles sought to induce certain
well-born youths to go out to Cynosarges and exercise
with him ; and by his success in this bit of cunning
1 It is probable that one or more introductory paragraphs
of this biography have been lost. 3. Athenaeus, xiii. p. 576.
3
B 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δοκεῖ πανούργως τὸν τῶν νόθων καὶ γνησίων
διορισμὸν ἀνελεῖν.
8 Ὅτι μέντοι τοῦ Λυκομιδῶν γένους μετεῖχε
δῆλός ἐστι" τὸ γὰρ Φλυῆσι᾽ τελεστήριον, ὅπερ
ἦν Λυκομιδῶν κοινόν, ἐμπρησϑὲν ὑπὸ τῶν βαρ-
βάρων αὐτὸς ἐπεσκεύασε yeat γραφαῖς ἐκόσμησεν,
ὡς Σιμωνίδης ἱστόρηκεν. ᾿
II. Ἔτι δὲ παῖς: ὧν. ὁμολογεῖται φορᾶς μεστὸς
εἶναι, καὶ τῇ μὲν' φύσει συνετός, τῇ δὲ προαιρέσει
μεγαλοπρώγμων ᾿καὶ πολιτικός. ἐν γὰρ ταῖς
ἀνέσεσι. καὶ σχολαῖς ἀπὸ τῶν μαθημάτων γινό-
pevos ove ἔπαιζεν οὐδ᾽ ἐρρᾳθύμει, καθάπερ οἱ
λοιποὶ παῖδες, ἀλλ᾽ εὑρίακετο λόγους τινὰς μελε-
2 τῶν καὶ συνταττόμενος πρὸς ἑαυτόν. ἦσαν δ᾽ οἱ
ae - “λόγοι κατηγορία τινὸς ἢ συνηγορία τῶν παίδων.
= ὅθεν εἰώθει λέγειν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ διδάσκαλος ὡς
“Οὐδὲν ἔσῃ, παῖ, σὺ μικρόν, ἀλλὰ μέγα πάντως
ἀγαθὸν ἢ κακόν." ἐπεὶ καὶ τῶν παιδεύσεων τὰς
μὲν ἠθοποιοὺς ἢ πρὸς ἡδονήν τινα καὶ χάριν
ἐχευθέριον σπουδαζομένας ὀκνηρῶς καὶ ἀπρο-
θύμως ἐξεμάνθανε, τῶν δὲ εἰς σύνεσιν ἢ πρᾶξιν
λεγομένων δῆλος ἦν ὑπερορῶν ' παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν, ὡς
τῇ φύσει πιστεύων.
8 “OGev ὕστερον ἐν ταῖς ἐλευθερίοις καὶ ἀστείαις
λεγομέναις διατριβαῖς ὑπὸ τῶν πεπαιδεῦσθαι
δοκούντων χλευαζόμενος ἠναγκάξετο φορτικώ-
δ Ὅν ἀμύνεσθαι, λέγων, ὅτι λύραν μὲν ἁρμόσα-
1 ὑπερορῶν Sintenis* with the best MSS.; Sintenis' and
Bekker have οὐχ ὑπερορῶν, showed attentiveness.
4
=
THEMISTOCLES
he is thought to have removed the distinction
between aliens and legitimates.
However, it is clear that he was connected with
the family of the Lycomidae, for he caused the
chapel shrine at Phlya, which belonged to the
Lycomidae, and had been burned by the Barba-
rians, to be restored at his own costs and adorned
with frescoes, as Simonides has stated.
II. However lowly his birth, it is agreed on all
hands that while yet a boy he was impetuous, by
nature sagacious, and by election enterprising and
prone to public life. In times of relaxation and
leisure, when absolved from his lessons, he would
not play nor indulge his ease, as the rest of the boys
did, but would be found composing and rehearsing
to himself mock speeches. These speeches would be
in accusation or defence of some boy or other.
Wherefore his teacher was wont to say to him: “My
boy, thou wilt be nothing insignificant, but some-
thing great, of a surety, either for good or evil.”’
Moreover, when he was set to study, those branches
which aimed at the formation of character, or
ministered to any gratification or grace of a liberal
sort, he would learn reluctantly and sluggishly ; and
to all that was said for the cultivation of sagacity or
practical efficiency, he clearly showed an indifference
far beyond his years, as though he put his confidence
in his natural gifts alone.
Thus it came about that, in after life, at entertain-
ments of a so-called liberal and polite nature, when
he was taunted by men of reputed culture, he was
forced to defend himself rather rudely, saying that
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
σθαι καὶ μεταχειρίσασθαι ψαλτήριον οὐκ ἐπί-
σταται, πόλιν δὲ μικρὰν καὶ ἄδοξον παραλαβὼν
ἔνδοξον καὶ μεγάλην ἀπεργάσασθαι. καίτοι
Στησίμβροτος ᾿Αναξαγόρο διακοῦσαι τὸν
τὸν φυσικόν, οὐκ εὖ τῶν γων ἁπτόμενος"
Περικλεῖ γάρ, ὃς πολὺ νεώτερος ἦν Θεμιστο-
κλέους, Μέλισσος μὲν ἀντεστρατήγει πολιορκοῦντι
Σαμίους, ᾿Αναξαγόρας δὲ συνδιέτριβε.
Μᾶλλον οὖν ἄν τις προσέχοι τοῖς Μνησιφίλου
τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα τοῦ Ppeappiov ζηλωτὴν γενέ-
σθαι λέγουσιν, οὔτε ῥήτορος ὄντος οὔτε τῶν
φυσικῶν κληθέντων φιλοσόφων, ἀλλὰ τὴν τότεϊ
καλουμένην σοφίαν, οὖσαν δὲ δεινότητα πολι-
τικὴν καὶ δραστήριον σύνεσιν, ἐπιτήδευμα πε-
ποιημένου καὶ διασώξοντος ὥσπερ αἵρεσιν ἐκ
διαδοχῆς ἀπὸ Σόλωνος: ἣν οἱ μετὰ ταῦτα
δικανικαῖς μίξαντες τέχναις καὶ μεταγαγόντας
ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων τὴν ἄσκησιν ἐπὶ τοὺς λόγους,
σοφισταὶ προσηγορεύθησαν. τούτῳ μὲν οὖν ἤδη
πολιτενόμενος ἐπλησίαξεν.
Ἔν δὲ ταῖς πρώταις τῆς νεότητος ὁρμαῖς ἀνώ-
panos ἦν Kal ἀστάθμητος, ἅτε τῇ φύσει καθ'
αὑτὴν χρώμενος ἄνευ λόγου καὶ παιδείας ἐπ᾽
ἀμφότερα μεγάλας ποιουμένῃ μεταβολὰς τῶν
ἐπιτηδευμάτων καὶ πολλάκις ἐξισταμένῃ πρὸς τὸ
χεῖρον, ὡς ὕστερον αὐτὸς ὡμολόγει, καὶ τοὺς
τραχυτάτους πώλους ἀρίστους ἵππους γίνεσθαι
φάσκων, ὅ ὅταν ἧς προσήκει τύχωσι παιδείας καὶ
6 καταρτύσεως. ἃ δὲ τούτων ἐξαρτῶσιν ἔνιοι
διηγήματα πλάττοντες, ἀποκήρυξιν μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ
1 γὴν τότε Fuhr and Blass with S: τὴν,
6
THEMISTOCLES
tuning the lyre and handling the harp were no accom-
plishments of his, but rather taking in hand a city that
was small and inglorious and making it glorious and
great. And yet Stesimbrotus says that Themistocles
was a pupil of Anaxagoras, and a disciple of Melissus
the physicist; but he is careless in his chronology.
Jt was Pericles, a much younger man_ than
Themistocles, whom Melissus opposed at the siege
of Samos,! and with whom Anaxagoras was intimate.
Rather, then, might one side with those who say
that Themistocles was a disciple of Mnesiphilus the
Phrearrhian, a man who was neither a rhetorician
nor one of the so-called physical philosophers, but a
cultivator of what was then called sophia, or wisdom,
although it was really nothing more than cleverness
in politics and practical sagacity. Mnesiphilus
received this sophia, and handed it down, as though
it were the doctrine of a sect, in unbroken tradition
frgm Solon. His successors blended it with forensic
arts, and shifted its application from public affairs to
language, and were dubbed “ sophists.” It was this
man, then, to whom Themistocles resorted at the
very beginning of his public life.
But in the first essays of his youth he was uneven
and unstable, since he gave his natural impulses free
course, which, without due address and training, rush
to violent extremes in the objects of their pursuit,
and often degenerate; as he himself in later life con-
fessed, when he said that even the wildest colts
made very good horses, if only they got the proper
breaking and training. What some story-makers
add to this, however, to the effect that his
father disinherited him, and his mother took her
1 440 B,C,
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πατρὸς αὐτοῦ, θάνατον δὲ τῆς μητρὸς ἑκούσιον
ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀτιμίᾳ περιλύπον γενομένης,
δοκεῖ κατεψεῦσθαι: καὶ τοὐναντίον εἰσὶν οἱ
λέγοντες, ὅτι τοῦ Ta! κοινὰ πράττειν ἀποτρέπων
αὐτὸν ὁ πατὴρ ἐπεδείκνυε πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ τὰς
παλαιὰς τριήρεις “ἐρριμμένας καὶ ᾿παρορωμένας,
ὡς δὴ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς δημαγωγούς, ὅ ὅταν ἄχρηστοι"
φαίνωνται, τῶν πολλῶν ὁμοίως ἐχόντων.
III. Ταχὺ μέντοι καὶ νεανικῶς ἔοικεν ἅψασθαι
τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους τὰ πολιτικὰ πράγματα καὶ
σφόδρα ἡ πρὸς δόξαν ὁρμὴ κρατῆσαι. δι’ ἣν
εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρ cis τοῦ πρωτεύειν ἐφιέμενος ἰταμῶς
ὑφίστατο τε ς πρὸς τοὺς δυναμένους ἐν τῇ πόλει
καὶ πρωτεύοντας ἀπεχθείας, μάλιστα δὲ ᾿Αρι-
στείδην τὸν “Αυσιμάχου, τὴν ἐναντίαν ἀεὶ πορευό-
μενον * αὐτῷ. καίτοι δοκεῖ παντάπασιν ἡ πρὸς
τοῦτον ἔχθρα μειρακιώδη λαβεῖν ἀρχήν' ἠράσθη-
σαν γὰρ ἀμφότεροι τοῦ καλοῦ Στησίλεω, Κείου
τὸ γένος ὄντος, ὡς ᾿Αρίστων ὁ φιλόσοφος ἱστό-
ρηκεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου διετέλουν καὶ περὶ τὰ
δημόσια στασιάξοντες. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τῶν βίων
καὶ τῶν τρόπων ἀνομοιότης ἔοικεν αὐξῆσαι τὴν
δια opay. πρᾷος γὰρ ὧν φύσει καὶ καλοκαγα-
θικὸς τὸν τρόπον ὄ ᾿Αριστείδης, καὶ πολετευό-
μένος οὐ πρὸς χάριν οὐδὲ πρὸς δόξαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ
τοῦ βελτίστου μετὰ ἀσφαλείας καὶ δικαιοσύνης,
ἠναγκάζετο τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ πολλὰ
κινοῦντι καὶ μεγάλας ἐπιφέροντι καινοτομίας
ἐναντιοῦσθαι πολλάκις, ἐνιστάμενος αὐτοῦ πρὸς
τὴν αὔξησιν.
1 τοῦ τὰ Fuhr and Blass with FaS: ra.
? πορευόμενον with Bekker and the MSS.: wopevduevos.
8
113
THEMISTOCLES
own life for very grief at her son’s ill-fame, this
I think is false. And, in just the opposite vein,
there are some who say that his father fondly tried
to divert him from public life, pointing out to him
old triremes on the sea-shore, all wrecked and
neglected, and intimating that the people treated
their leaders in like fashion when these were past
service.
III. Speedily, however, as it seems, and while he
was still in all the ardour of youth, public affairs
laid their grasp upon Themistocles, and __his
impulse to win reputation got strong mastery
over him. Wherefore, from the very beginning, in
his desire to be first, he boldly encountered the
enmity of men who had power and were already first
in the city, especially that of Aristides the son of
Lysimachus, who was always his opponent. And
yet it is thought that his enmity with this man
had an altogether puerile beginning. They were
both lovers of the beautiful Stesilaiis, a native
of Ceos, as Ariston the philosopher has recorded, and
thenceforward they continued to be rivals in public
life also. However, the dissimilarity in their lives
and characters is likely to have increased their
variance. Aristides was gentle by nature, and 4
conservative in character. He engaged in public
life, not to win favour or reputation, but to secure
the best results consistent with safety and righteous-
ness, and so he was compelled, since Themistocles
stirred the people up to many novel enterprises and
introduced great innovations, to oppose him often,
and to take a firm stand against his increasing
influence.
3
~ PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Λέγεται yap οὕτω παράφορος πρὸς δόξαν
9 4 , ς Ν ’ 9
εἶναι καὶ πράξεων μεγάλων ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας ἐρα-
στής, ὥστε νέος ὧν ἔτι τῆς ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχης
πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους γενομένης καὶ τῆς Μιλτιά-
δου στρατηγίας διαβοηθείσης σύννους ὁρᾶσθαι
τὰ πολλὰ πρὸς ἑαυτῷ καὶ τὰς νύκτας ἀγρυπνεῖν
καὶ τοὺς πότους παραιτεῖσθαι τοὺς συνήθεις, καὶ
λέγειν πρὸς τοὺς ἐρωτῶντας καὶ θαυμάζοντας τὴν
\ \ ’ ’ ς 4 9 Ἁ 9
περὶ τὸν βίον μεταβολήν, ὡς καθεύδειν αὐτὸν οὐκ
ἐῴη τὸ τοῦ Μιλτιάδου τρόπαιον. οἱ μὲν γὰρ
&
ἄλλοι πέρας ῴοντο τοῦ πολέμου THY ἐν Μαραθῶνι
τῶν βαρβάρων ἧτταν εἷναι, Θεμιστοκλῆς δὲ
ἀρχὴν μειζόνων ἀγώνων, ἐφ᾽ ods ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς
ὅλης “Ελλάδος ἤλειφε καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἤσκει πόρ-
ρωθεν ἔτι! προσδοκῶν τὸ μέλλον.᾿
IV. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὴν Λαυρεωτικὴν πρόσοδον
9 Ν A 3 ’ , Mv 9
ἀπὸ τῶν ἀργυρείων μετάλλων ἔθος ἐχόντων
9 , 7 , 9 an 49 4
Αθηναίων διανέμεσθαι, μόνος εἰπεῖν ἐτόλμησε
παρελθὼν εἰς τὸν δῆμον, ὡς χρὴ τὴν διανομὴν
ἐάσαντας ἐκ τῶν χρημάτων τούτων κατασκευά-
’᾽ 9 Ἁ \ AN 93 [4 t
σασθαι τριήρεις ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Αἰγινήτας πόλεμον.
ἤκμαξε γὰρ οὗτος ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι μάλιστα καὶ
κατεῖχον οἱ νησιῶται 5 πλήθει νεῶν τὴν θάλασ-
σαν. 4 καὶ ῥᾷον Θεμιστοκλῆς συνέπεισεν, οὐ
Δαρεῖον οὐδὲ Πέρσας (μακρὰν γὰρ ἦσαν οὗτοι
1 ἔτι Fuhr and Blass with ΕᾺΝ : ἤδη.
? νησιῶται Fuhr and Blass with FS: Αἰγινῆται.
19
THEMISTOCLES
It is said, indeed, that Themistocles was so carried
away by his desire for reputation, and such an
ambitious lover of great deeds, that though he was
still a young man when the battle with the Barbar-
ians at Marathon ! was fought and the generalship of
Miltiades was in everybody’s mouth, he was seen
thereafter to be wrapped in his own thoughts for
the most part, and was sleepless οὐ nights, and
refused invitations to his customary drinking parties,
ne
Miltiades would not suffer him to sleep. the
rest of his countrymen thought that the defeat ἃ
the Barbarians at Marathon was the end of the
war; bit Themistocles thought it to be only the
beginning of greater contests, and for these he
anointed himself, as it were, to be the champion of
all Hellas, and put his city into training, because,
while it was yet afar off, he expected the evil that
was to come.
IV. And so, in the first place, whereas the Athe-
nians were wont to divide up among themselves the
revenue coming from the silver mines at Laureium,
he, and he alone, dared to come before the people
with a motion that this division be given up, and
that with these moneys triremes be constructed. for
the war against Aegina.? This was the fiercest war
then troubling Hellas, and the islanders controlled
the sea, owing to the number of their ships.
Wherefore all the more easily did Themistocles
carry his point, not by trying to terrify the citizens
with dreadful pictures of Darius or the Persians—
1 490 B.C, ὁ 484-483 B.c,
II
™~
ΡΙΕΠΤΑΒΟΗ 5 LIVES
Λέγεται γὰρ οὕτω παράφορος πρὸς δόξαν
εἶναι καὶ πράξεων μεγάλων ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας ἐρα-
στής, ὥστε νέος ὧν ἔτι τῆς ἐν Μαραθῶνι μαχῆς
πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους γενομένης καὶ τῆς Μειλτιά-
δου στρατηγίας διαβοηθείσης σύννους ὁρᾶσθαι.
τὰ πολλὰ πρὸς ἑαυτῷ καὶ τὰς νύκτας ἀγρυπὶ
ἼΣΗ
- \ ’ ΨΥ
καὶ τοὺς πότους παραιτεῖσθαι τοὺς συνήθειδι
\ fo \ / -
λέγειν πρὸς τοὺς ἐρωτῶντας καὶ θαυμάξοντ
ont
περὶ Tov βίον μεταβολήν, ws καθεύδειν av
, ‘a 7 “
ἐῴη τὸ τοῦ Μιλτιάδου τρόπαιον. 88
> a / \ π΄ ν
ἄλλοι πέρας οντο τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ἐν
τῶν βαρβάρων ἧτταν εἶναι, ΘΕβι
, >, «Ξ
ἀρχὴν μειζόνων ἀγώνων, ἐφ᾽ ods ἐξ
ε » \
ὅλης Ελλάδος ἤλειφε καὶ τὴν
lal f ᾿
ρωθεν Ett! προσδοκῶν τὸ eA
IV. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὴν Λαῦβ
- , . fp
ἀπὸ τῶν ἀργυρείων peta? v
᾿Αθηναίων διανέμεσθαι, μόνο
\ ἢ \ 7 oe
παρελθὼν eis τὸν δῆμον,
Z ,
ἐάσαντας ἐκ τῶν χρημάτῷ
\
σασθαι τριήρεις ἐπὶ τὸν
» \ z >
ἤκμαζε yap οὗτος
κατεῖχον οἱ νησιῶτο
σαν. % καὶ ῥᾷον
‘ ω
-" \ /
Δαρεῖον οὐδὲ Πέρ
' ἔτι Fuhr and
9
2 ynowwra Ful
19
THEMISTOCLES
It is said, indeed, that Then istocles was so carried
away by desire fo A@tion, and such an
ambitio grea at though he was
still α΄ whe with the Barbar-
ians at vas he generalship of
Miltias ve uth, he was seen
here ὃ thou
μ-.-:- e
ν ; »", ’
. -} .
0
vil that
the-
the
an
&
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καὶ δέος οὐ πάνυ βέβαιον ὡς ἀφιξόμενοι παρεῖ-
3 ’ 3 λὰ An N 3 4 9 A A
yov) ἐπισείων, ἀλλὰ TH πρὸς Αἰγινήτας ὀργῇ Kal
φιλονεικίᾳ τῶν πολιτῶν ἀποχρησάμενος εὐκαίρως
ἐπὶ τὴν παρασκευήν. ἑκατὸν γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν χρη-
μάτων ἐκείνων ἐποιήθησαν τριήρεις, αἷς καὶ
πρὸς Ἐξέρξην ἐναυμάχησαν.
Ἔκ δὲ τούτου κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπάγων καὶ κατα-
βιβάξων τὴν πόλιν πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν, ὡς τὰ
mela μὲν οὐδὲ τοῖς ὁμόροις ἀξιομάχους ὄντας,
τῇ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἀλκῇ καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους
ἀμύνασθαι καὶ τῆς “Ελλάδος ἄρχειν δυναμένους,
3 \ 4 e A Ψ e ,
ἀντὶ μονίμων οπλιτῶν, ὥς φησιν o Ἰήλαάτων, vav-
βάτας καὶ θαλαττίους ἐποίησε, καὶ διαβολὴν
καθ᾽ αὑτοῦ παρέσχεν, ὡς ἄρα Θεμιστοκλῆς τὸ
δόρυ καὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα τῶν πολιτῶν παρελόμενος
εἰς ὑπηρέσιον καὶ κώπην συνέστειλε τὸν ᾿Αθη-
ναίων δῆμον. ἔπραξε δὲ ταῦτα Μιλτιάδου
κρατήσας ἀντιλέγοντος, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Στησίμ-
βροτος.
Εἰ μὲν δὴ τὴν ἀκρίβειαν καὶ τὸ καθαρὸν τοῦ
πολιτεύματος ἔβλαψεν ἢ μὴ ταῦτα πράξας, ἔστω
φιλοσοφώτερον ἐπισκοπεῖν" ὅτι δὲ ἡ τότε σωτη-
/ a_ Cc 3 a / e a
pia τοῖς “EXAnow ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης ὑπῆρξε καὶ
N 3 ’ὕ 4 g 9 VA e 4
τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων πόλιν αὖθις ἀνέστησαν αἱ τριήρεις
9 a 4 > \ 3 Ἁ 3 ’
ἐκεῖναι, τά T ἄλλα καὶ Ἐξέρξης αὐτὸς ἐμαρτύρησε.
τῆς γὰρ πεζικῆς δυνάμεως ἀθραύστου διαμενού-
σης ἔφυγε μετὰ τὴν τῶν νεῶν ἧτταν, ὡς οὐκ ὧν
ἀξιόμαχος, καὶ Μαρδόνιον ἐμποδὼν εἶναι τοῖς
1 αἷς Fuhr and Blass with §: at,
12
THEMISTOCLES
these were too far away and inspired no very
serious fear of their coming, but by making
opportune use of the bitter jealousy which they
cherished toward Aegina in order to secure the
armament he desired. The result was that with
those moneys they built a hundred triremes, with —__
which they actually fought at Salamis! against
Xerxes.
And after this, by luring the city on gradually and
turning its progress toward the sea, urging that
with their infantry they were no match even for
their nearest neighbours, but that with the power
they would get from their ships they could not only
repel the Barbarians but also take the lead in Hellas,
he made them, instead of “ steadfast hoplites ’—to
quote Plato’s words,” sea-tossed mariners, and brought
down upon himself this accusation: ““ Themistocles
robbed his fellow-citizens of spear and shield, and
degraded the people of Athens to the rowing- --
pad and the oar.” And this he accomplished in
triumph over the public sepposuen of Miltiades, as
Stesimbrotus relates. -
Now, whether by accomplishing this he did injury
to the integrity and purity of public life or not, let
the philosopher rather investigate. But that the
salvation which the Hellenes achieved at that time
came from the sea, and that it was those very tri-
remes which restored again the fallen city of Athens,
Xerxes himself bore witness, not to speak of other
proofs. For though his infantry remained intact, he
took to flight after the defeat of his ships, because
he thought he was not a match for the Hellenes,
and he left Mardonius behind, as it seems to me,
( ᾿ 480 Bac. 2 Laws, iv. p. 706.
z 13
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
“Ἕλλησι τῆς διώξεως μᾶλλον ἢ δουλωσόμενον
αὐτούς, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, κατέλιπεν.
V. Σύντονον δὲ αὐτὸν γεγονέναι χρηματιστὴν 114
e / / 3 , \ \
οἱ μέν τινές φασι δι’ ἐλευθεριότητα" καὶ yap
θ ’ “ \ \ > a \ \
φιλοθύτην ὄντα καὶ λαμπρὸν ἐν ταῖς περὶ τοὺς
, ὃ 4 3 [4 ὃ aA θ , e δὲ
ξένους δαπάναις ἀφθόνου δεῖσθαι χορηγίας" οἱ δὲ
τοὐναντίον γλισχρότητα πολλὴν καὶ μικρολογίαν
κατηγοροῦσιν, ὡς καὶ τὰ πεμπόμενα τῶν ἐδωδί-
a /
2 μων πωλοῦντος. ἐπεὶ δὲ Φιλίδης ὁ ἱπποτρόφος
3 \ e 3 3 A n 9 Ν 3 ,
αἰτηθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πῶλον οὐκ ἔδωκεν, ἠπείλησε
τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ ταχὺ ποιήσειν δούρειον ἵππον,
αἰνιξάμενος ἐγκλήματα συγγενικὰ καὶ δίκας τῷ
ἀνθρώπῳ πρὸς οἰκείους τινὰς ταράξειν.
Τῇ δὲ φιλοτιμίᾳ πάντας ὑπερέβαλεν, ὥστ᾽ ἔτι
\ A A \ ? \ 2 4 \ ᾽ ¢e f
μὲν νέος ὧν Kal ἀφανὴς ’Emixréa τὸν ἐξ ᾿ Ἑρμιόνης
A / e \ a > ,
κιθαριστὴν σπουδαζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
ἐκλιπαρῆσαι μελετᾶν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ, φιλοτιμούμενος
πολλοὺς τὴν οἰκίαν ζητεῖν καὶ φοιτᾶν πρὸς αὐτόν.
8 εἰς δ᾽ ᾽Ολυμπίαν ἐλθὼν καὶ διαμιλλώμενος τῷ
Ki \ ὃ a \ Ν \ Ἄ wv.
ίμωνι περὶ δεῖπνα καὶ σκηνὰς καὶ τὴν ἄλλην
λαμπρότητα καὶ παρασκευήν, οὐκ ἤρεσκε τοῖς
“Ἑλλησιν. ἐκείνῳ μὲν γὰρ ὄντε νέῳ καὶ ἀπ᾽
> » 4 » Aa A a)
οἰκίας μεγάλης ῴοντο δεῖν τὰ τοιαῦτα συγχωρεῖν"
e \ / , , 3 δ Ὁ 2
ὁ δὲ μήπω γνώριμος “γεγονώς, ἀλλὰ δοκῶν ἐξ
/ .
οὐχ ὑπαρχόντων καὶ παρ᾽ ἀξίαν ἐπαίρεσθαι
4 προσωφλίσκανεν ἀλαζονείαν. ἐνίκησε δὲ καὶ
χορηγῶν τραγῳδοῖς, μεγάλην ἤδη τότε σπουδὴν
4 A A
καὶ φιλοτιμίαν τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἔχοντος, καὶ πίνακα
14
THEMISTOCLES
rather to obstruct their pursuit than to subdue
them.
V. Some say that Themistocles was an eager
money-maker because of his liberality ; for since he
was fond of entertaining, and lavished money
splendidly on his guests, he required a generous
budget. Others, on the contrary, denounce his
great stinginess and parsimony, claiming that he
used to sell the very food sent in to him as a gift.
When Philides the horse-breeder was asked by him .
for a colt and would not give it, Themistocles threat-
ened speedily to make his house a wooden horse ;
thereby darkly intimating that he would stir up
accusations against him in his own family, and
lawsuits between the man and those of his own
household.
In his ambition he surpassed all men. For instance,
while he was still young and obscure, he prevailed
upon Epicles of Hermione, a harpist who was eagerly
sought after by the Athenians, to practise at his
house, because he was ambitious that many should
seek out his dwelling and come often to see him.
Again, on going to Olympia, he tried to rival Cimon
in his banquets and booths and other brilliant
appointments, so that he displeased the Hellenes.
For Cimon was young and of a great house, and
they thought they must allow him in such extrava-
gances; but Themistocles had not yet become
famous, and was thought to be seeking to elevate
himself unduly without adequate means, and so
was charged with ostentation. And still again, as
choregus,.or theatrical manager, he won a victory
with tragedies, although even at that early time this
contest was conducted with great eagerness and
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τῆς νίκης ἀνέθηκε τοιαύτην ἐπιγραφὴν ἔχοντα"
“ Θεμιστοκλῆς Φρεάρριος ἐχορήγει, Φρύνιχος
ἐδίδασκεν, ᾿Αδείμαντος 7 ἦρχεν."
Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐνήρμοττε, τοῦτο
μὲν ἑκάστου τῶν πολιτῶν τοὔνομα λέγων ἀπὸ
στόματος, τοῦτο δὲ κριτὴν ἀσφαλῆ περὶ τὰ
συμβόλαια παρέχων ἑαντόν, ὥστε που καὶ πρὸς
Σιμωνίδην τὸν Κεῖον εἰπεῖν, αἰτούμενόν τι τῶν
οὐ μετρίων παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ στρατηγοῦντος, ὡς οὔτ᾽
ἐκεῖνος ἂν γένοιτο ποιητὴς ἀγαθὸς ἄδων παρὰ
μέλος οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀστεῖος ἄρχων παρὰ νόμον
χαριζόμενος. πάλιν δέ ποτε τὸν Σιμωνίδην ἐπι-
σκώπτων ἔλεγς νοῦν οὐκ ἔχειν, Κορινθίους μὲν
λοιδοροῦντα μεγάλην. οἰκοῦντας πόλιν, αὑτοῦ δὲ
ποιούμενον εἰκόνας οὕτως ὄντος αἰσχροῦ τὴν
ὄψιν. αὐξόμενος δὲ καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀρέσκων
τέλος κατεστασίασε καὶ μετέστησεν ἐξοστρα-
κισθέντα τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην.
VI. Ἤδη δὲ τοῦ Μήδου caTvaPalverros ἐπὶ τὴν
Ἑλλάδα καὶ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων βουλευομένων περὶ
στρατηγοῦ, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἑκόντας ἐκστῆναι
τῆς στρατηγίας λέγουσιν ἐκπεπληγμένους τὸν
κίνδυνον, ᾿Επικύδην δὲ τὸν Εὐφημίδου, δη-
μαγωγὸν ὄντα δεινὸν “μὲν εἰπεῖν, μαλακὸν δὲ
τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ χρημάτων ἥττονα, τῆς ἀρχῆς
ἐφίεσθαι καὶ κρατήσειν ἐπίδοξον εἶναι τῇ Ζει-
ροτονίᾳ. τὸν οὖν Θεμιστοκλέα δείσαντα, μὴ τὰ
πράγματα διαφθαρείη παντάπασι τῆς ἡγεμονίας
εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἐμπεσούσης, χρήμασι τὴν φιλοτιμίαν
ἐξωνήσασθαι παρὰ τοῦ ᾿Επικύδους.
τό
THEMISTOCLES
ambition, and set up a tablet commemorating his
victory with the following inscription: “Themis-
tocles the Phrearrhian was Choregus; Phrynichus
was Poet ; Adeimantus was Archon.” !
However, he was on good terms with the common
folk, partly because he could call off-hand the name
of every citizen, and partly because he rendered the
service of a safe and impartial arbitrator in cases of
private obligation and settlement out of court; and
so he once said to Simonides of Ceos, who had made
an improper request from him when he was magis-
trate : “ You would not be a good poet if you should
sing contrary to the measure; nor I a clever magis-
trate if I should show favour contrary to the law.”
And once again he banteringly said to Simonides
that it was nonsense for him to abuse the Corinthians,
who dwelt in a great and fair city, while he had
portrait figures made of himself, who was of such an
ugly countenance. And so he grew in power, and
pleased the common folk, and finally headed a success-
ful faction and got Aristides removed by ostracism.?
VI. At last, when the Mede was descending
upon Hellas and the Athenians were deliberating
who should be their general, all the rest, they say,
voluntarily renounced their claims to the generalship,
so panic-stricken were they at the danger; but
Epicydes, the son of Euphemides, a popular leader
who was powerful in speech but effeminate in spirit
and open to bribes, set out to get the office,
and was likely to prevail in the election; so Themis-
tocles, fearing lest matters should go to utter ruin in
case the leadership fell to such a man, bribed and
bought off the ambition of Epicydes.
1 476 B.C. 2 483-482 B.c. _
=
17
VOL. II, c
-_
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
2 Σ;παινεῖται δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸν δύγλωττον
ἔργον ἐν τοῖς πεμφθεῖσιν ὑπὸ βασιλέως ἐπὶ γῆς
καὶ ὕδατος αἴτησιν. ἑρμηνέα γὰρ ὄντα συλλα-
βὼν διὰ ψηφίσματος ἀπέκτεινεν ὅτι φωνὴν
Ἑλληνίδα βαρβάροις προστάγμασιν ἐτόλμησε
8 χρῆσαι. ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ "Αρθμιον τὸν
Ζελείτην' Θεμιστοκλέους γὰρ εἰπόντος καὶ τοῦ-
τον εἰς τοὺς ἀτίμους καὶ παῖδας αὐτοῦ καὶ γένος
ἐνέγραψαν, ὅτι τὸν ἐκ Μήδων χρυσὸν εἰς τοὺς
“Ἕλληνας ἐκόμισε. μέγιστον δὲ πάντων τὸ κατα-
λῦσαι τοὺς “Ελληνικοὺς πολέμους καὶ διαλλάξαι
τὰς πόλεις ἀλλήλαις, πείσαντα τὰς ἔχθρας διὰ
τὸν πόλεμον ἀναβαλέσθαι πρὸς ὃ καὶ Χείλεων
τὸν ᾿Αρκάδα μάλιστα συναγωνίσασθαι λέγουσι.
VII. Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐθὺς μὲν
ἐπεχείρει τοὺς πολίτας ἐμβιβάζξειν εἰς τὰς τριή- 115
ρεις, καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔπειθεν ἐκλιπόντας ὡς προ-
σωτάτω τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀπαντᾶν τῷ βαρβάρῳ
κατὰ θάλατταν. ἐνισταμένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐξή-
γαγε πολλὴν στρατιὰν εἰς τὰ Τέμπη μετὰ Λακε-
δαιμονίων, ὡς αὐτόθι προκινδυνευσόντων τῆς
2 Θετταλίας οὔπω τότε μηδίζειν δοκούσης" ἐπεὶ
δ᾽ ἀνεχώρησαν ἐκεῖθεν ἄπρακτοι καὶ Θετταλῶν
βασιλεῖ προσγενομένων ἐμήδιζε τὰ μέχρι Βοιω-
τίας, μᾶλλον ἤδη τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ προσεῖχον οἱ
᾿Αθηναῖοι περὶ τῆς θαλάσσης, καὶ πέμπεται μετὰ
νεῶν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον τὰ στενὰ φυλάξων.
Ἔνθα δὴ τῶν μὲν Ἑλλήνων Εὐρυβιάδην καὶ
18
THEMISTOCLES
Praise is given to his treatment of the linguist in
the company of those who were sent by the King to
demand earth and water as tokens of submission :
this interpreter he caused to be arrested, and had
him put to death by special decree, because he
dared to prostitute the speech of Hellas to Barbarian
stipulations. Also to his treatment of Arthmius of
Zeleia: on motion of Themistocles this man was
entered on the list of the disfranchised, with his
children and his family, because he brought the gold
of the Medes and offered it to the Hellenes. But
the greatest of all his achievements was his putting
a stop to Hellenic wars, and reconciling Hellenic
cities with one another, persuading them to_postpone
their mutial hatreds because οἱ the foreign war.
To which end, they say, Cheileos the Arcadian most
seconded his efforts. |
VII. On assuming the command, he straightway
went to work to embark the citizens on their tri-
remes, and tried to persuade them to leave their city
behind them and go as far as possible away from
Hellas to meet the Barbarians by sea. But many
opposed this plan, and so he led forth a large army to
the vale of Tempe, along with the Lacedaemonians,
in order to make a stand there in defence of Thessaly,
which was not yet at that time supposed to be medis-
ing. But soon the army came back from this position
without accomplishing anything, the Thessalians
went over to the side of the King, and everything
was medising as far as Boeotia, so that at last the
Athenians were more kindly disposed to the naval
policy of Themistocles, and he was sent with a fleet
to Artemisium, to watch the narrows.
It was at this place that the Hellenes urged
19
c 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Λακεδαιμονίους ἡγεῖσθαι κελευόντων, τῶν δ᾽
᾿Αθηναίων, ὅτι πλήθει τῶν νεῶν σύμπαντας ὁμοῦ
τι τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπερέβαλλον, οὐκ ἀξιούντων
ἑτέροις ἕπεσθαι," συνιδὼν τὸν κίνδυνον ὁ Θεμι-
στοκλῆς αὐτός τε τὴν ἀρχὴν τῷ Εὐρυβιάδῃ
παρῆκε καὶ κατεπράῦνε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, ὑπισχ-
νούμενος, ἂν ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ γένωνται πρὸς τὸν
πόλεμον, ἑκόντας αὐτοῖς παρέξειν εἰς τὰ λοιπὰ
πειθομένους τοὺς “Ἕλληνας. διόπερ δοκεῖ τῆς
σωτηρίας αἰτιώτατος γενέσθαι TH ᾿Βλλάδι καὶ
μάλιστα τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους “προαγαγεῖν εἰς δόξαν,
ὡς ἀνδρείᾳ μὲν τῶν πολεμίων, εὐγνωμοσύνῃ δὲ
τῶν συμμάχων περιγενομένους.
Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῖς ᾿Αφεταῖς τοῦ βαρβαρικοῦ. στόλου
προσμίξαντος ἐκπλαγεὶς ὁ Εὐρυβιάδης τῶν κατὰ
στόμα νεῶν τὸ πλῆθος, ἄλλας δὲ πυνθανόμενος
διακοσίας ὑ ὑπὲρ Σκιάθου περιπλεῖν, ἐβούλετο τὴν
ταχίστην εἴσω τῆς Ἑλλάδος κομισθεὶς ἅψασθαι.
Πελοποννήσου καὶ τὸν πεζὸν στρατὸν ταῖς ναυσὶ
προσπεριβαλέσθαι, παντάπασιν ἀπρόσμαχον
ἡγούμενος τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν ἀλκὴν βασιλέως,
δείσαντες οἱ Εὐβοεῖς, μ μὴ σφᾶς οἱ “ἕλληνες πρό-
@YTAL, ae TO Θεμιστοκλεῖ διελέγοντο, Πελά-
yovta perc χρημάτων πολλῶν “πέμψαντες. ἃ
λαβὼν ἐκεῖνος, ὡς Ἡρόδοτος ἱστόρηκε, τοῖς περὶ
τὸν Εὐρυβιάδην ἔδωκεν.
᾿Εναντιουμένου δ᾽ αὐτῷ μάλιστα τῶν πολιτῶν
᾿Αρχιτέλους, ὃς ἦν μὲν ἐπὶ “τῆς ἱερᾶς νεὼς ,Τρι-
ἤραρχος, οὐκ" ἔχων δὲ χρήματα τοῖς ναύταις
χορηγεῖν ἔσπευδεν ἀποπλεῦσαι, παρώξυνεν ἔτι
μᾶλλον ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς τοὺς τριηρίτας ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν,
20
THEMISTOCLES
Eurybiades and the Lacedaemonians to take the lead,
but the Athenians, since in the number of their ships
they surpassed all the rest put together, disdained
to follow others,—a peril which Themistocles at once
comprehended. He surrendered his own command
to Eurybiades, and tried to mollify the Athenians
with the promise that if they would show themselves
brave men in the war, he would induce the Hellenes
to yield a willing obedience to them thereafter. -
Wherefore he is thought to have been the man most
instrumental in achieving the salvation of Hellas,
and foremost in leading the Athenians up to the
high repute of surpassing their foes in valour and
their allies in magnanimity.
Now Eurybiades, on the arrival of the Barbarian
armament at Aphetae, was terrified at:the number of
ships that faced him, and, learning that two hundred
ships more were sailing around above Sciathus to cut
off his retreat, desired to proceed by the shortest
route down into Hellas, to get into touch with Pelo-
ponnesus and encompass his fleet with his infantry
forces there, because he thought the power of the
King altogether invincible by sea. Therefore the
Euboeans, fearing lest the Hellenes abandon then
to their fate, held secret conference with Themisto-
‘cles, and sent Pelagon to him with large sums of
money. This money he took, as Herodotus relates,!
and gave to Eurybiades.
Meeting with most opposition among his fellow-
citizens from Architeles, who was captain on the
sacred state galley, and who, because he had no
money to pay the wages of his sailors, was eager to
sail off home, Themistocles incited his crew all the
1 viii. 5.
21
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
6 ὥστε TO δεῖπνον ἁρπάσαι συνδραμόντας. τοῦ δ᾽
᾿Αρχιτέλους ἀθυμοῦντος ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ βαρέως
φέροντος, εἰσέπεμψεν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἐν κίστῃ δεῖπνον ἄρτων καὶ κρεῶν, ὑποθεὶς κάτω
τάλαντον ἀργυρίου καὶ κελεύσας αὐτόν τε δει-
πνεῖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπιμεληθῆναι
τῶν τριηριτῶν' εἰ δὲ μή, καταβοήσειν αὐτοῦ
πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ὡς ἔχοντος ἀργύριον παρὰ
τῶν πολεμίων. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Φανίας ὁ Λέσβιος
εἴρηκεν.
VIII. Αἱ δὲ γενόμεναι τότε πρὸς τὰς τῶν
βαρβάρων ναῦς περὶ τὰ στενὰ μάχαι κρίσιν μὲν
εἰς τὰ ὅλα μεγάλην οὐκ ἐποίησαν, τῇ δὲ πείρᾳ
μέγιστα τοὺς “Ελληνας ὥνησαν, ὑπὸ τῶν ἔργων
παρὰ τοὺς κινδύνους διδαχθέντας, ὡς οὔτε πλήθη
νεῶν οὔτε κόσμοι καὶ λαμπρότητες ἐπισήμων
οὔτε κραυγαὶ κομπώδεις ἢ βάρβαροι παιᾶνες
ἔχουσι τι δεινὸν ἀνδράσιν ἐπισταμένοις εἰς χεῖρας
ἰέναι καὶ μάχεσθαι τολμῶσιν, ἀλλὰ δεῖ τῶν
τοιούτων καταφρονοῦντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ τὰ σώματα
φέρεσθαι καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνα διαγωνίξεσθαι συμ-
2 πλακέντας. ὃ δὴ καὶ Πίνδαρος οὐ κακῶς
ἔοικε συνιδὼν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐν ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ μάχης
εὐπεῖν'
“OO: παῖδες ᾿Αθαναίων ἐβάλοντο φαεννὰν
κρηπῖδ᾽ ἐλευθερίας"
ἀρχὴ γὰρ ὄντως τοῦ νικᾶν τὸ θαρρεῖν.
Ἔστι δὲ τῆς Εὐβοίας τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ὑπὲρ
τὴν Ἑστίαιαν αἰγιαλὸς εἰς βορέαν ἀναπεπτα-
μένος, ἀντιτείνει δ᾽ αὐτῷ μάλιστα τῆς ὑπὸ
1 παρόντας Fuhr and Blass with ΕΝ ; πολίτας.
22
THEMISTOCLES
more against him, so that they made a rush upon
him and snatched away his dinner. Then, while
Architeles was feeling dejected and indignant over
this, Themistocles sent him a dinner of bread and
meat in a box at the bottom of which he had put a
talent of silver, and bade him dine without delay,
and on the morrow satisfy his crew; otherwise he
said he would denounce him publicly as the receiver
of money from the enemy. At any rate, such is the
story of Phanias the Lesbian.
VIII. The battles which were fought at that time
with the ships of ‘the Barbarians in the narrows were
not decisive of the main issue, it is true, but they
were of the greatest service to the Hellenes in giving
them experience, since they were thus taught by
actual achievements in the face of danger that riei-
ther multitudes of ships nor brilliantly decorated
figure-heads nor boastful shouts or barbarous battle-
hymns have any terror for men who know how to
come to close quarters and dare to fight there; but
that they must despise all such things, rush upon
the very persons of their foes, grapple with them,
and fight it out to the bitter end. Of this Pindar
seems to have been well aware when he said of the
battle of Artemisium :—
‘Where Athenians’ valiant sons set in radiance
eternal
Liberty's corner-stone.’’!
For verily the foundation of victory is courage.
Artemisium is a part of Euboea above Hestiaea,
—a sea-beach stretching away to the north,—and
just about opposite to it lies Olizon, in the territory
1 Bergk, Frag. 77.
e 23
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Φιλοκτήτῃ γενομένης χώρας ‘Orlov. ἔχει δὲ
ναὸν οὐ μέγαν ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἐπίκλησιν ἸΙροσηφας,
καὶ δένδρα περὶ αὐτῷ πέφυκε καὶ στῆλαι κύκλῳ
λίθου λευκοῦ πεπήγασιν: ὁ δὲ λίθος τῇ χειρὶ
τριβόμενος καὶ χρόαν καὶ ὀσμὴν κροκίξουσαν
ἀναδίδωσιν. ἐν μιᾷ δὲ τῶν στηλῶν ἐλεγεῖον ἦν
τόδε γεγραμμένον'
Παντοδαπῶν ἀνδρῶν γενεὰς ᾿Ασίας ἀπὸ χώρας
παῖδες ᾿Αθηναίων τῷδέ ποτ᾽ ἐν πελάγει
ld 4 3 \ Ν ΝΜ
ναυμαχίῃ δαμάσαντες, ἐπεὶ στρατὸς WAETO
Μήδων,
σήματα ταῦτ᾽ ἔθεσαν παρθένῳ ᾿Αρτέμιδι.
δείκνυται δὲ τῆς ἀκτῆς τόπος ἐν πολλῇ τῇ πέριξ
θινὴ κόνιν τεφρώδη καὶ μέλαιναν ἐκ βάθους
ἀναδιδούς, ὥσπερ πυρίκαυστον, ἐν ᾧ τὰ νανάγια
καὶ νεκροὺς καῦσαι δοκοῦσι.
IX. Τῶν μέντοι περὶ Θερμοπύλας εἰς τὸ
᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἀπαγγελλόντων ' πυθόμενοι Λεω-
νίδαν τε κεῖσθαι καὶ κρατεῖν Ἐξέρξην τῶν κατὰ
γῆν παρόδων, εἴσω τῆς Ελλάδος ἀνεκομίζοντο,
τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπὶ πᾶσι τεταγμένων δι᾽ ἀρετὴν
Kal μέγα τοῖς πεπραγμένοις φρονούντων. παρα-
πλέων δὲ τὴν χώραν ὃ Θεμιστοκλῆς, , ἧπερ
κατάρσεις ἀναγκαίας καὶ καταφυγὰς ἑώρα τοῖς
πολεμίοις, ἐνεχάραττε κατὰ τῶν λίθων ἐπιφανῆ
γρώμματα, τοὺς μὲν εὑρίσκων ἀπὸ τύχης, τοὺς δ᾽
1 ἀπαγγελλόντων Fuhr and Blass with F8S : ἀπαγγελθέντων.
24
116
THEMISTOCLES
once subject to Philoctetes. It has a small temple
_ of Artemis surnamed Proseoea, which is surrounded
by trees and enclosed by upright slabs of white
marble. This stone, when you rub it with your
hand, gives off the colour and the odour of saffron.
On one of these slabs the following elegy was
inscribed :—
“ Nations of all sorts of men from Asia’s boundaries
coming,
Sons of the Athenians once, here on this arm of
the sea,
Whelmed in a battle of ships, and the host of the
Medes was destroyed ;
These are the tokens thereof, built for the Maid
Artemis.” !
And a place is pointed out on the shore, with sea
sand all about it, which supplies from its depths a
dark ashen powder, apparently the product of fire,
and here they are thought to have burned their
wrecks and dead bodies.
IX. However, when they learned by messengers
from Thermopylae to Artemisium that Leonidas was
slain and that Xerxes was master of the pass, they
withdrew further down into Hellas, the Athenians
bringing up the extreme rear because of their
valour, and greatly elated by their achievements.
As Themistocles sailed along the coasts, wherever
he saw places at which the enemy must necessarily
put in for shelter and supplies, he inscribed con-
spicuous writings on stones, some of which he found
to his hand there by chance, and some he himself
caused to be set near the inviting anchorages and
1 Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graect, iii.4 p. 480.
25
PLUTARCRH’S LIVES
αὐτὸς ἱστὰς περὶ τὰ ναύλοχα καὶ τὰς ὑδρείας,
ἐπισκήπτων Ἴωσι διὰ τῶν γραμμάτων, εἰ μὲν
οἷόν τε, μετατάξασθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς πατέρας
ὄντας καὶ προκινδυνεύοντας ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνων
ἐλευθερίας, εἰ δὲ μή, κακοῦν τὸ βαρβαρικὸν ἐν
ταῖς μάχαις καὶ συνταράττειν. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἤλ-
πιζεν ἢ μεταστήσειν τοὺς Ἴωνας ἢ ταράξειν
ὑποπτοτέρους τοῖς βαρβάροις γενομένους.
Ξέρξου δὲ διὰ τῆς Δωρίδος ἄνωθεν ἐμβα-
λόντος εἰς τὴν Φωκίδα καὶ τὰ τῶν Φωκέων ἄστη
πυρπολοῦντος οὐ προσήμυναν οἱ “Ἕλληνες,
’ Aa 3 4 4 > ‘ ’ὕ
καίπερ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων δεομένων εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν
ἀπαντῆσαι πρὸ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, ὥσπερ αὐτοὶ κατὰ
θάλατταν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἐβοήθησαν. μηδενὸς
δ᾽ ὑπακούοντος αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ τῆς Πελοποννήσου
περιεχομένων καὶ πᾶσαν ἐντὸς ᾿Ισθμοῦ τὴν
δύναμιν ὡρμημένων συνάγειν, καὶ διατειχιζόντων
Ν 3 A 2 lA 3 4 [4 \
tov ᾿Ισθμὸν εἰς θάλατταν ἐκ θαλάττης, ἅμα μὲν
? A , 4 sy 9 , @
ὀργὴ τῆς προδοσίας εἶχε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, ἅμα
δὲ δυσθυμία καὶ κατήφεια μεμονωμένους. μά-
χεσθαι μὲν γὰρ οὐ διενοοῦντο μυριάσι στρατοῦ
τοσαύταις" ὃ δ᾽ ἣν μόνον ἀναγκαῖον ἐν τῷ παρόν-
\ , 3 ’ 2 A a“ ’ e
Tl, THY πολιν ἀφέντας ἐμφῦναι ταῖς ναυσίν, οἱ
a Ν ς 4 [4 ’
πολλοὶ χαλεπῶς ἤκουον, ὡς μήτε νίκης δεόμενοι
μήτε σωτηρίαν ἐπιστάμενοι θεῶν τε ἱερὰ καὶ
πατέρων ἠρία προϊεμένων.
X. Ἔνθα δὴ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἀπορῶν τοῖς ἀνθρω-
πίνοις λογισμοῖς προσάγεσθαι τὸ πλῆθος, ὥσπερ
26
THEMISTOCLES
watering places. In these writings he solemnly
enjoined upon the Ionians, if it were possible, to
come over to the side of the Athenians, who were
their ancestors, and who were risking all in behalf
of their freedom ; but if they could not do this,
to damage the Barbarian cause in battle, and
bring confusion among them. By this means he
hoped either to fetch the Ionians over to his side,
or to confound them by bringing the Barbarians into
suspicion of them.
Although Xerxes had made a raid up through
Doris into Phocis, and was burning the cities of the
Phocians, the Hellenes gave them no succour. The
Athenians, it is true, begged them to go up into
Boeotia against the enemy, and make a stand there
in defence of Attica, as they themselves had gone
up by sea to Artemisium in defence of others. But
no one listened to their appeals. All clung fast to
the Peloponnesus, and were eager to collect all the
forces inside the Isthmus, and went to running a
wall through the Isthmus from sea to sea. Then
the Athenians were seized alike with rage at this
betrayal, and with sullen dejection at their utter
isolation. Of fighting alone with an army of so
many myriads they could not seriously think ; and as
for the only thing left them todo in their emergency,
namely, to give up their city and stick to their ships,
most of them were distressed at the thought, saying
that they neither wanted victory nor understood what
safety could mean if they abandoned to the enemy
the shrines of their gods and the sepulchres of their
fathers.
X. Then indeed it was that Themistocles, despair-
ing of bringing the multitude over to his views by
27
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐν τραγῳδίᾳ μηχανὴν ἄρας, σημεῖα δαιμόνια καὶ
χρησμοὺς ἐπῆγεν αὐτοῖς" σημεῖον μὲν λαμβάνων
τὸ τοῦ δράκοντος, ὃς ἀφανὴς ἐκείναις ταῖς
ἡμέραις ἐκ τοῦ σηκοῦ δοκεῖ γενέσθαι" καὶ τὰς
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν αὐτῷ προτιθεμένας ἀπαρχὰς εὑρί-
ϑ , 4 e a 9g / 4
σκοντες ἀψαύστους οἱ ἱερεῖς, ἐξήγγελλον εἰς
τοὺς πολλούς, τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους λόγον διδόντος,
ὡς ἀπολέλοιπε τὴν πόλιν ἡ θεὸς ὑφηγουμένη
Ν - Ἃ 4 ϑ ἴω fo δὲ ”“
πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν αὐτοῖς. τῷ δὲ χρησμῷ
πάλιν ἐδημαγώγει, λέγων μηδὲν ἄλλο δηλοῦσθαι
ξύλινον τεῖχος ἢ τὰς ναῦς" διὸ καὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα
θείαν, οὐχὶ δεινὴν οὐδὲ σχετλίαν καλεῖν τὸν θεόν,
ὡς εὐτυχήματος μεγάλου τοῖς “EXAnow ἐπώ-
νυμον ἐσομένην. κρατήσας δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ Ψψή-
φισμα γράφει, τὴν μὲν πόλιν παρακαταθέσθαι
τῇ Αθηνᾷ τῇ ᾿Αθηνάων μεδεούσῃ, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν
ἡλικίᾳ πάντας ἐμβαίνειν εἰς τὰς τριήρεις, παῖδας
δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ ἀνδράποδα σώξειν ἕκαστον
e ," , \ A ,ὔ
ὡς δυνατόν. κυρωθέντος δὲ τοῦ ψηφίσματος
οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ὑπεξέθεντο γενεὰς }
καὶ γυναῖκας εἰς Τροιζῆνα, φιλοτίμως πάνυ τῶν
Τροιζηνίων ὑποδεχομένων" καὶ γὰρ τρέφειν ἐψη-
’ , \s 9 \ ς, ,
φίσαντο δημοσίᾳ, δύο ὀβολοὺς ἑκάστῳ διδόντες,
καὶ τῆς ὀπώρας λαμβάνειν τοὺς παῖδας ἐξεῖναι
1 γενεὰς Madvig’s correction, adopted by Blass: γονέας
parents,
28
117
THEMISTOCLES
any human reasonings, set up machinery, as it were,
to introduce the gods to them, as ἃ theatrical
manager would for a tragedy, and brought to bear
upon them signs from heaven and oracles. As a
sign from heaven he took the behaviour of the
serpent, which is held to have disappeared about
that time from the sacred enclosure on the Acropolis.
When the priests found that the daily offerings
made to it were left whole and untouched, they
proclaimed to the multitude,—Themistocles putting
the story into their mouths,—that the goddess
had abandoned her city and was showing them their
way to the sea. Moreover, with the well-known
oracle! he tried again to win the people over to
his views, saying that its “wooden wall’’ meant
nothing else than their fleet; and that the god in
this oracle called Salamis “ divine,’ not “ dreadful ”’
nor “cruel,” for the very reason that the island
would sometime give its name to a great piece of
good fortune for the Hellenes. At last his opinion
prevailed, and so he introduced a bill providing
that the city be entrusted for safe keeping “ to
Athena the patroness of Athens,’ but that all
the men of military age embark on the triremes,
after finding for their children, wives, and servants,
such safety as each best could. Upon the passage
of this bill, most of: the Athenians bestowed their
children and. wives in Troezen, where the Troe-
zenians very eagerly welcomed them. They actually
voted to support them at the public cost, allowing
two obols daily to each family, and td permit the
boys to pluck of. the vintage fruit everywhere, and
1 Herod., vii. 141.
δ
-PLUTARCH’S: LIVES
πανταχόθεν, ἔτι δ᾽ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν διδασκάλοις τελεῖν
μισθούς. τὸ δὲ ψήφισμα Νικαγόρας ἔγραψεν.
Οὐκ ὄντων δὲ δημοσίων χρημάτων τοῖς ᾿Αθη-
ναίοις, ᾿Αριστοτέλης μέν φησι τὴν ἐξ ᾿ΑΔρείου
πάγου βουλὴν πορίσασαν ὀκτὼ δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ
τῶν στρατευομένων αἰτιωτάτην γενέσθαι τοῦ
πληρωθῆναι τὰς τριήρεις, Κλείδημος δὲ καὶ
τοῦτο τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους ποιεῖται στρατήγημα.
καταβαινόντων γὰρ εἰς Πειραιᾶ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων,
φησὶν ἀπολέσθαι τὸ Γοργόνειον ἀπὸ τῆς θεοῦ
τοῦ ἀγάλματος: τὸν οὖν Θεμιστοκλέα προσ-
ποιούμενον ζητεῖν καὶ διερευνώμενον ἅπαντα
χρημάτων ἀνευρίσκειν πλῆθος ἐν ταῖς ἀπο-
σκευαῖς ἀποκεκρυμμένον, ὧν εἰς μέσον κομισ-
θέντων εὐπορῆσαι τοὺς ἐμβαίνοντας εἰς τὰς ναῦς
ἐφοδίων.
᾿Ἐκπλεούσης δὲ τῆς πόλεως τοῖς μὲν οἶκτον
τὸ θέαμα, τοῖς δὲ θαῦμα τῆς τόλμης παρεῖχε,
γενεὰς μὲν ἄλλῃ προπεμπόντων, αὐτῶν δ᾽ ἀκάμ-
TTWY πρὸς οἰμωγὰς καὶ δάκρυα γονέων καὶ
περιβολὰς διαπερώντων εἰς τὴν νῆσον. καίτοι
πολλοὶ μὲν διὰ γῆρας ὑπολειπόμενοι τῶν πολιτῶν
ἔλεον εἶχον: ἦν δέ τις καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἡμέρων καὶ
συντρόφων ἕῴων ἐπικλῶσα γλυκυθυμία, μετ᾽
ὠρυγῆς καὶ πόθου συμπαραθεόντων ἐμβαίνουσι
τοῖς ἑαυτῶν τροφεῦσιν. ἐν οἷς ἱστορεῖται κύων
Ξανθίππου τοῦ Περικλέους πατρὸς οὐκ ἀνα-
σχόμενος τὴν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ μόνωσιν ἐναλέσθαι τῇ
θαλάττῃ καὶ τῇ τριήρει παρανηχόμενος ἐκπεσεῖν
30
THEMISTOCLES
besides to hire teachers for them. The bill was
introduced by a man whose name was Nicagoras.
Since the Athenians had no public moneys in hand,
it was the Senate of Areiopagus, according to Aristotle,
which provided each of the men who embarked with
eight drachmas, and so was most instrumental in man-
ning the triremes; but Cleidemus represents this too as
the result of an artifice of Themistocles. He says
that when the Athenians were going down to the
Piraeus and abandoning their city, the Gorgon’s head
was lost from the image of the goddess; and,then
Themistocles, pretending to search for it, and
ransacking everything, thereby discovered an
abundance of money hidden away in the baggage,
which had only to be confiscated, and the crews
of the ships were well provided with rations and
wages.
When the entire city was thus putting out to sea,
the sight provoked pity in some, and in others
astonishment at the hardihood of the step; for they
were sending off their families in one direction,
while they themselves, unmoved by the lamentations
and tears and embraces of their loved ones, were
crossing over to the island where the enemy was to
be fought. Besides, many who were left behind
on account of their great age invited pity also,
and much affecting fondness was shown by the
tame domestic animals, which ran along with
yearning cries of distress by the side of their
masters as they embarked. A story is told of one
of these, the dog of Xanthippus the father of
Pericles, how he could not endure to be abandoned
by his master, and so sprang into the sea, swam
across the strait by the side of his master’s trireme,
31
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
εἰς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα καὶ λιποθυμήσας ἀποθανεῖν
εὐθύς" οὗ καὶ τὸ δεικνύμενον ἄχρι νῦν καὶ καλού-
μενον Κυνὸς σῆμα τάφον εἶναι λέγουσι.
ΧΙ. Ταῦτά τε δὴ μεγάλα τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους,
καὶ τοὺς πολίτας αἰσθόμενος ποθοῦντας ᾿᾽Αρι-
στείδην καὶ δεδιότας, μὴ δι’ ὀργὴν τῷ βαρβάρῳ
προσθεὶς ἑαυτὸν ἀνατρέψῃ τὰ πράγματα τῆς
Ἑλλάδος (ἐξωστράκιστο γὰρ πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου
καταστασιασθεὶς ὑπὸ Θεμιστοκλέους), γράφει
ψήφισμα, τοῖς ἐπὶ χρόνῳ μεθεστῶσιν ἐξεῖναι
κατελθοῦσι πράττειν καὶ λέγειν τὰ βέλτιστα τῇ
“BAAS: μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν.
Εὐρυβιάδου δὲ τὴν μὲν ἡγεμονίαν τῶν νεῶν
ἔχοντος διὰ τὸ τῆς Σπάρτης ἀξίωμα, μαλακοῦ
δὲ περὶ τὸν κίνδυνον ὄντος, αἴρειν δὲ βουλομένου
Ἁ a > ἊΝ 3 ’ Ψ \ Ν \
καὶ πλεῖν ἐπὶ tov ᾿Ισθμόν, ὅπου καὶ τὸ πεζὸν
ἤθροιστο τῶν Πελοποννησίων, ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς
ἀντέλεγεν: ὅτε καὶ τὰ μνημονευόμενα λεχθῆναί
φασι. τοῦ γὰρ Εὐρυβιάδου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰ-
πόντος" “Ὦ Θεμιστόκλεις, ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι τοὺς
προεξανισταμένους ῥαπίζουσι," “Ναὶ, εἶπεν 0
Θεμιστοκλῆς, “ ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἀπολειφθέντας οὐ
στεφανοῦσιν." ἐπαραμένου δὲ τὴν βακτηρίαν ὡς
πατάξοντος, ὁ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἔφη" “ Πάταξον μέν,
ἄκουσον δέ." θαυμάσαντος δὲ τὴν πρᾳότητα
τοῦ Εὐρυβιάδου καὶ λέγειν κελεύσαντος, O μὲν
Θεμιστοκλῆς ἀνῆγεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸν λόγον. εἰ-
πόντος δέ τινος, ὡς ἀνὴρ ἄπολις οὐκ ὀρθῶς
διδάσκει τοὺς ἔχοντας ἐγκαταλιπεῖν καὶ προέσθαι
32
THEMISTOCLES
and staggered out on Salamis, only to faint and die
straightway. They say -that the spot which is
pointed out to this day as “ Dog’s Mound” is his
tomb.
XI. These were surely great achievements of
Themistocles, but there was a greater still to come.
When he saw that the citizens yearned for Aristides,
and feared lest out of wrath he might join himself to
the Barbarian and so subvert the cause of Hellas,—he
had been ostracized before the war in consequence of
political defeat at the hands of Themistocles,!—he
introduced a bill providing that those who had been
removed for a time be permitted to return home and
devote their best powers to the service of Hellas
along with the other citizens.
When Eurybiades, who had the command of the
fleet on account of the superior claims of Sparta, but
who was faint-hearted in time of danger, wished to
hoist sail and make for the Isthmus, where the
infantry also of the Peloponnesians had been assem-
bled, it was Themistocles who spoke against it, and
it was then, they say, that these memorable sayings
of his were uttered. When Eurybiades said to him,
“‘ Themistocles, at the games those who start too
soon get a caning,” “ Yes,” said Themistocles, “ but
those who lag behind get no crown.” And when
Eurybiades lifted up his staff as though to smite him,
Themistocles said: “Smite, but hear me.” Then
Eurybiades was struck with admiration at his calm-
ness, and bade him speak, and Themistocles tried to
bring him back to his own position. But on a
certain one saying that a man without a city had no
business to advise men who still had cities of their own
1 Cf. chap. v. jin.
33
VOL, 11. D
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
\ 4 bf aA 2 , A
τὰς πατρίδας, ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἐπιστρέψας τὸν
χόγον" “Ἡμεῖς rot,” εἶπεν, “ ὦ μοχθηρέ, τὰς μὲν
> » A ’ ’ 3 >
οἰκίας Kal Ta τείχη καταλελοίπαμεν, οὐκ ἀξι-
οῦντες ἀψύχων ἕνεκα δουλεύειν, πόλις δ᾽ ἡμῖν
” ae A ε , e ἢ
ἔστε μεγίστη τῶν «ἙἙλληνίδων, αἱ διακόσιαι
τριήρεις, αἱ νῦν μὲν ὑμῖν παρεστᾶσι βοηθοὶ
σώζεσθαι δι αὐτῶν βουλομένοις, εἰ δ᾽ ἄπιτε᾽
δεύτερον ἡμᾶς προδόντες, αὐτίκα πεύσεταί τις Ἕλ-
λήνων ᾿Αθηναίους καὶ πόλιν ἐλευθέραν καὶ χώραν
οὐ χείρονα κεκτημένους ἧς ἀπέβαλον." ταῦτα
τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους εἰπόντος ἔννοια καὶ δέος ἔ ἔσχε
τὸν Εὐρυβιάδην τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, μὴ σφᾶς ἀπο-
λείποντες οἴχφνται. τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Ερετριέως πειρω-
μένου τί λέγειν πρὸς αὐτόν, ὉἸῊ γάρ, ᾿ ἔφη, “ καὶ
ὑμῖν περὶ πολέμου τίς ἐστι λόγος, οἱ καθάπερ αἱ
τευθίδες μάχαιραν μὲν ἔχετε, καρδίαν δὲ οὐκ
ἔχετε; "
XII. Λέγεται δ᾽ ὑπό τένῶν τὸν μὲν Θεμέστο-
κλέα περὶ τούτων ἀπὸ τοῦ καταστρώματος
ἄνωθεν τῆς νεὼς διαλέγεσθαι, γλαῦκα δ᾽ ὀφθῆναι
διαπετομένην ἀπὸ δεξιᾶς τῶν νεῶν καὶ τοῖς
καρχησίοις ἐπικαθίζουσαν' διὸ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα
προσέθεντο τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ παρεσκευάξοντο vav-
μαχήσοντες. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ τῶν πολεμίων ὅ τε
στόλος τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ κατὰ τὸ Φαληρικὸν προσ-
φερόμενος τοὺς πέριξ ἀπέκρυψεν αἰγιαλούς,
αὐτός τε βασιλεὺς μετὰ τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατοῦ
καταβὰς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν ἄθρους ὦὥφθη, τῶν
δὲ δυνάμεων ὁμοῦ γενομένων, ἐξερρύησαν οἱ τοῦ.
Θεμιστοκλέους λόγοι τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ πάλεν
ἐπάπταινον οἱ Ἰ]εἐλοποννήσιοι πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ισθμόν,
34
118
THEMISTOCLES
to abandon and betray them, Themistocles addressed
his speech with emphasis to him, saying: “ It is true,
thou wretch, that we have left behind us our houses
and our city walls, not deeming it meet for the sake
of such lifeless things to be in subjection; but
we still have a city, the greatest in Hellas, our two
hundred triremes, which now are ready to aid you if
you choose to be saved by them; but if you go off
and betray us for the second time, straightway many
a Hellene will learn that the Athenians have won for
themselves a city that is free and a territory that is
far better than the one they cast aside.” When
Themistocles said this, Eurybiades began to reflect,
and was seized with fear lest the Athenians go away
and abandon him. And again, when the Eretrian tried
to argue somewhat against him, “Aha!” said he,
“what argument can ye make about war, who, like
the cuttle-fish, have a long pouch in the place where
your heart ought to be?”’
XII. Some tell the story that while Themistocles
was thus speaking from off the deck of his ship, an ᾿
owl was seen to fly through the fleet from the right
and alight in his rigging; wherefore his hearers
espoused his opinion most eagerly and prepared to
do battle with their ships. But soon the enemy’s
armament beset. the coast of Attica down to the
haven of Phalerum, so as to hide from view the
neighbouring shores ; then the King in person with
his infantry came down to the sea, so that he could
be seen with all his hosts; and presently, in view of
this junction of hostile forces, the words of Themis-
tocles ebbed out of the minds of the Hellenes, and
the Peloponnesians again turned their eyes wistfully
towards the Isthmus and were vexed if any one spake
35
p 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
εἴ τις ἄλλο τι λέγοι χαλεπαίνοντες, ἐδόκει δὲ τῆς
νυκτὸς ἀποχωρεῖν καὶ παρηγγέλλετο πλοῦς τοῖς
κυβερνήταις, ἔνθα δὴ βαρέως φέρων ὁ Θεμι-
στοκλῆς, εἰ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου καὶ τῶν στενῶν
4 4 egw ’ὔ’
προέμενοι βοήθειαν οἱ “Ελληνες διαλυθήσονται
\ 4 3 ’ Ἁ ’ A ἃ
κατὰ πόλεις, ἐβουλεύετο καὶ συνετίθει τὴν περὶ
τὸν Σίκιννον πραγματείαν.
4 δὲ A \ , 4 e , 3 ,
Hv δὲ τῷ μὲν γένει Πέρσης ὁ Σίκιννος, αἰχμά-
λωτος, εὔνους δὲ τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ καὶ τῶν τέκνων
αὐτοῦ παιδαγωγός. ὃν ἐκπέμπει πρὸς τὸν
ἘΞξέρξην κρύφα, κελεύσας λέγειν, ὅτι Θεμιστοκλῆς
ὁ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων στρατηγὸς αἱρούμενος τὰ βα-
σιλέως ἐξαγγέλλει πρῶτος αὐτῷ τοὺς “Ελληνας
ἀποδιδράσκοντας, καὶ διακελεύεται μὴ παρεῖναι
φυγεῖν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ᾧ ταράττονται τῶν πεζῶν
χωρὶς ὄντες ἐπιθέσθαι καὶ διαφθεῖραι τὴν ναυτι-
κὴν δύναμιν. ταῦτα δ᾽ ὁ Ἐξέρξης ὡς ἀπ᾽ εὐνοίας
λελεγμένα δεξάμενος ἥσθη, καὶ τέλος εὐθὺς
ἐξέφερε πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῶν νεῶν, τὰς μὲν
Ν a ᾽ ς ’ 4 9
ἄλλας πληροῦν καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν, διακοσίαις ὃ
> / Μ 4 \ ’ 4
ἀναχθέντας ἤδη περιβαλέσθαι τὸν πόρον ἐν
κύκλῳ πάντα καὶ διαζῶσαι τὰς νήσους, ὅπως
ἐκφύγοι μηδεὶς τῶν πολεμίων.
Τούτων δὲ πραττομένων ᾿Αριστείδης ὁ Λυσι-
μάχου πρῶτος αἰσθόμενος ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν
τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους, οὐκ ὧν φίλος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ov
ἐκεῖνον ἐξωστρακισμένος, ὥσπερ εἴρηται" προελ-
θόντι δὲ τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ φράζει τὴν κύκλωσιν.
ὁ δὲ τήν τε ἄλλην καλοκαγαθίαν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς
36
THEMISTOCLES
of any other course; nay, they actually decided to
withdraw from their position in the night, and orders
for the voyage were issued to the pilots. Such was
the crisis when Themistocles, distressed to think that
the Hellenes should abandon the advantages to be
had from the narrowness of the straits where they
lay united, and break up into detachments by cities,
planned and concocted the famous affair of Sicinnus.
This Sicinnus was of Persian stock, a prisoner of
war, but devoted to Themistocles, and the paeda-
gogue of his children. This man was sent to Xerxes
secretly with orders to say : “ Themistocles the Athe-
nian general elects the King’s cause, and is the first
one to announce to him that the Hellenes are trying
to slip away, and urgently bids him not to suffer
them to escape, but, while they are in confusion and
separated from their infantry, to set upon them and
destroy their naval power.”” Xerxes received this as
the message of one who wished him well, and was
delighted, and at once issued positive orders to the
captains of his ships to man the main body of the
fleet at their leisure, but with two hundred ships to
put out to sea at once, and-encompass the strait
round about on every side, including the islands in
their line of blockade, that not one of the enemy
might escape.
While this was going on, Aristides the son of
Lysimachus, who was the first to perceive it, came to
the tent of Themistocles, who was no friend of his,
nay, through whom he had even been ostracized, as
I have said ; and when Themistocles came forth from
the tent, Aristides told him how the enemy sur-
rounded them. Themistocles, knowing the tried
nobility of the man, and filled with admiration for
37
a
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
290 \ A , ’ 3 4 4
εἰδὼς καὶ τῆς τότε παρουσίας ἀγάμενος λέγει
τὰ περὶ τὸν Σίκιννον αὐτῷ καὶ παρεκάλει τῶν
Ἑλλήνων συνεπιλαμβάνεσθαι καὶ συμπροθυμεῖ-
σθαι πίστιν ἔχοντα μᾶλλον, ὅπως ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς
7 ναυμαχήσωσιν. ὁ μὲν οὖν ᾿Αριστείδης ἐπαινέσας
\ \ Ν 3 ,
τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπήει στρα-
τηγοὺς καὶ τριηράρχους ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην παρο-
4 ΝΜ > oo > 4, 4 4 4
ξύνων. ἔτι δ᾽ ὅμως ἀπιστούντων ἐφάνη Τηνία
τριήρης αὐτόμολος, ἧς ἐναυάρχει Παναίτιος,
ἀπαγγέλλουσα τὴν κύκλωσιν, ὥστε καὶ θυμῷ
τοὺς “Ελληνας ὁρμῆσαι μετὰ τῆς ἀνάγκης πρὸς
τὸν κίνδυνον.
XIII. “Apa δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ Ἐξέρξης μὲν ἄνω καθῆστο
τὸν στόλον ἐποπτεύων καὶ τὴν παράταξιν, ὡς
μὲν Φανόδημός φησιν, ὑπὲρ τὸ Ἡράκλειον, 7
βραχεῖ πόρῳ διείργεται τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἡ νῆσος,
ὡς δ᾽ ᾿Ακεστόδωρος, ἐν μεθορίῳ τῆς Μεγαρίδος
ὑπὲρ τῶν καλουμένων Κεράτων, χρυσοῦν δίφρον
θέμενος καὶ γραμματεῖς πολλοὺς παραστη-
σάμενος, ὧν ἔργον ἦν ἀπογράφεσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν
μάχην πραττόμενα.
2 Θεμιστοκλεῖ δὲ παρὰ τὴν ναυαρχίδα τριήρη
σφαγιαζομένῳ τρεῖς προσήχθησαν αἰχμάλωτοι,
κάλλιστοι μὲν ἰδέσθαι τὴν ὄψιν, ἐσθῆσι δὲ καὶ
χρυσῷ κεκοσμημένοι διαπρεπῶς. ἐλέγοντο δὲ
’ “ 4 a / 3 “
Σανδαύκης παῖδες εἶναι τῆς βασιλέως ἀδελφῆς
\ » A 4 OA > / e
καὶ ᾿Αρταὔκτου. τούτους ἰδὼν Εὐφραντίδης ὁ
μάντις, ὡς ἅμα μὲν ἀνέλαμψεν ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν
μέγα καὶ περιφανὲς πῦρ, ἅμα δὲ πταρμὸς ἐκ 119
38
THEMISTOCLES
his coming at that time, told him all about the
Sicinnus matter, and besought him to join in this
desperate attempt to keep the Hellenes where they |
were,—admitting that he had the greater credit
with them,—in order that they might make their
sea-fight in the narrows. Aristides, accordingly,
after bestowing praise upon Themistocles for his
stratagem, went round to the other generals and
trierarchs inciting them on to battle. And while
they were still incredulous in spite of all, a Tenian
trireme appeared, a deserter from the enemy, in
command of Panaetius, and told how the enemy |
surrounded them, so that with a courage born of |
necessity the Hellenes set out to confront the danger. ἡ
XIII. At break of day, Xerxes was seated on a
high place and overlooking the disposition of his
armament. This place was, according to Phanode-
mus, above the Heracleium, where only a narrow
passage separates the island from Attica ; but accord-
ing to Acestodorus, it was in the border-land of
Megara, above the so-called “Horns.” Here a
gilded throne had been set for him at his command,
and many secretaries stationed near at hand, whose.
task it was to make due record of all that was done
in the battle. ὶ
But Themistocles was sacrificing alongside the
admiral’s trireme. There three prisoners of war
were brought to him, of visage most beautiful to
behold, conspicuously adorned with raiment and with
gold. They were said to be the sons of Sandaucé,
the King’s sister, and Artayctus. When Euphran-
tides the seer caught sight of them, since at one and
that same moment a great and glaring flame shot up
from the sacrificial victims and a sneeze gave forth
39
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δεξιῶν ἐσήμηνε, τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα δεξιωσάμενος
ἐκέλευσε τῶν νεανίσκων κατάρξασθαι καὶ καθιε-
ρεῦσαι πάντας ὠμηστῇ Διονύσῳ προσευξάμενον'"
οὕτω γὰρ ἅμα σωτηρίαν τε καὶ νίκην ἔσεσθαι
τοῖς “EXAnow. ἐκπλαγέντος δὲ τοῦ Θεμίστο-
κλέους ὡς μέγα τὸ μάντευμα καὶ δεινόν, οἷον
εἴωθεν ἐν μεγάλοις ἀγῶσι καὶ πράγμασι χαλε-
ποῖς, μᾶλλον ἐκ τῶν παραλόγων ἢ τῶν εὐλόγων
τὴν σωτηρίαν ἐλπίζοντες οἱ πολλοὶ τὸν θεὸν ἅμα
κοινῇ κατεκαλοῦντο φωνῇ καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους
τῷ βωμῷ προσαγαγόντες ἠνάγκασαν, ὡς ὁ μάντις
ἐκέλευσε, τὴν θυσίαν συντελεσθῆναι. ταῦτα
μὲν οὖν ἀνὴρ φιλόσοφος καὶ γραμμάτων οὐκ
ἄπειρος ἱστορικῶν Φανίας ὁ Λέσβιος εἴρηκε.
XIV. Περὶ δὲ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν βαρβαρικῶν
νεῶν Αἰσχύλος ὁ ποιητὴς ὡς ἂν εἰδὼς καὶ διαβε-
βαιούμενος ἐν τραγῳδίᾳ ἹΠέρσαις λέγει ταῦτα:
Ἐέρξῃ δέ, καὶ γὰρ οἶδα, χιμὰς μὲν ἦν
ὧν Hye! πλῆθος" αἱ δ᾽ ὑπέρκομποι τάχει
ἑκατὸν δὶς ἦσαν ἑπτά 0: ὧδ᾽ ἔχει λόγος.
τῶν δ᾽ ᾿Αττικῶν ἑκατὸν ὀγδοήκοντα τὸ πλῆθος
οὐσῶν ἑκάστη τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ καταστρώματος
μαχομένους ὀκτωκαίδεκα εἶχεν, ὧν τοξόται τέσ-
σαρες ἦσαν, οἱ λοιποὶ δ᾽ ὁπλῖται.
Δοκεῖ δ᾽ οὐκ ἧττον εὖ τὸν καιρὸν ὁ Θεμι-
στοκλχῆς ἢ τὸν τόπον συνιδὼν καὶ φυλάξας
μὴ πρότερον ἀντιπρῴρους καταστῆσαι ταῖς
βαρβαρικαῖς τὰς τριήρεις, ἢ τὴν εἰωθυῖαν
1 ὧν ἦγε Fuhr and Blass with Aeschylus: νεῶν τὸ.
40
THEMISTOCLES
its good omen on the right, he clasped Themistocles
by the hand and bade him consecrate the youths,
and sacrifice them all to Dionysus Carnivorous, with
prayers of supplication ; for on this wise would the
Hellenes have a saving victory. Themistocles was
terrified, feeling that the word of the seer was mon-
strous and shocking; but the multitude, who, as is
wont to be the case in great struggles and severe
crises, looked for safety rather from unreasonable
than from reasonable measures, invoked the god
with one voice, dragged the prisoners to the altar,
and compelled the fulfilment of the sacrifice, as the
seer commanded. At any rate, this is what Phanias
the Lesbian says, and he was a philosopher, and well
acquainted with historical literature.
XIV. As regards the number of the Barbarian
ships, Aeschylus the poet, in his tragedy of “ The
Persians,’ as though from personal and_ positive
knowledge, says this :—
“ But Xerxes, and I surely know, had a thousand
ships :
In number under him ; those of surpassing speed
Were twice five score beside and seven; so stands
the count.” 1
The Attic ships were one hundred and eighty in
number, and each had eighteen men to fight upon
the decks, of whom four were archers and the rest
men-at-arms.
Themistocles is thought to have divined the best
time for fighting with no less success than the best
place, inasmuch as he took care not to send his tri-
remes bow on against the Barbarian vessels until the
1 Verses 341-343 (Dindorf).
41
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὥραν παραγενέσθαι, TO πνεῦμα λαμπρὸν ἐκ
πελάγους ἀεὶ καὶ κῦμα διὰ τῶν στενῶν κατά-
youoay ὃ τὰς μὲν Ἑλληνικὰς οὐκ ἔβλαπτε ναῦς
ἁλιτενεῖς οὔσας καὶ ταπεινοτέρας, τὰς δὲ βαρβα-
ρικὰς ταῖς τε πρύμναις ἀνεστώσας καὶ τοῖς κατα-
στρώμασιν ὑψορόφους καὶ βαρείας ἐπιφερομένας
ἔσφαλλε προσπῖπτον καὶ παρεδίδου πλαγίας
τοῖς “EdAnow ὀξέως προσφερομένοις καὶ τῷ
Θεμιστοκλεῖ προσέχουσιν, ὡς ὁρῶντι μάλιστα
τὸ συμφέρον, καὶ ὅτι κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ὁ ἘΞέρξου
ναύαρχος ᾿Αριαμένης ναῦν ἔχων μεγάλην ὥσπερ
ἀπὸ τείχους ἐτόξευε καὶ ἠκόντιζεν, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς
ὧν καὶ τῶν βασιλέως ἀδελφῶν πολὺ κράτιστός
τε καὶ δικαιότατος. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ᾿Αμεινίας ὁ
Δεκελεὺς καὶ Σωκλῆς ὁ Παιανιεὺς 1 ὁμοῦ πλέοντες,
ὡς αἱ νῆες ἀντίπρῳροι προσπεσοῦσαι καὶ συνε-
ρείσασαι τοῖς χαλκώμασιν ἐνεσχέθησαν, ἐπι-
Baivovta τῆς αὐτῶν τριήρους ὑποστάντες καὶ
τοῖς δόρασι τύπτοντες εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ἐξέ-
βαλον: καὶ τὸ σῶμα per ἄλλων διαφερόμενον
ναυαγίων ᾿Αρτεμισία γνωρίσασα πρὸς ἘΞέρξην
ἀνήνεγκεν.
XV. Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ὄντος φῶς μὲν
ἐκλάμψαι μέγα λέγουσιν ᾿Ελευσινόθεν, ἦχον δὲ
καὶ φωνὴν τὸ Θριάσιον κατέχειν πεδίον ἄχρι
θαλάττης, ὡς ἀνθρώπων ὁμοῦ πολλῶν τὸν μυστι-
κὸν ἐξαγόντων ΐακχον. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ πλήθους
τῶν φθεγγομένων κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπὸ γῆς ἀναφε-
ρόμενον νέφος ἔδοξεν αὖθις ὑπονοστεῖν καὶ κατα-
σκήπτειν εἰς τὰς τριήρεις. ἕτεροι δὲ φάσματα
1 Παιανιεὺς correction of Blass; Πεδιεὺς,
42.
THEMISTOCLES
hour of the day had come which always brought the
breeze fresh from the sea and ἃ swell rolling
through the strait. This breeze wrought no harm
to the Hellenic ships, since they lay low in the
water and were rather small; but for the Barbarian
ships, with their towering sterns and lofty decks and
sluggish movements in getting under way, it was
fatal, since it smote them and slewed them round
broadside to the Hellenes, who set upon them
sharply, keeping their eyes on Themistocles, because
they thought he saw best what was to be done, and
because confronting him was the admiral of Xerxes,
Ariamenes, with a great ship, and just as if he were
on a city-wall he kept shooting arrows and javelins,
—brave man that he was, by far the strongest and
justest of the King’s brothers. It was upon him
that Ameinias the Deceleian and Socles the Paeanian
bore down,—they being together on one ship,—and
as the two ships struck each other bow on, crashed
together, and hung fast by their bronze beaks, he
tried to board their trireme ; but they faced him,
smote him with their spears, and hurled him into
the sea. His body, as it drifted about with other
wreckage, was recognised by Artemisia, who had it
‘carried to Xerxes.
XV. At this stage of the struggle they say that a
great light flamed out from Eleusis, and an echoing
cry filled the Thriasian plain down to the sea, as of
multitudes of men together conducting the mystic
Iacchus in procession. Then out of the shouting
throng a cloud seemed to lift itself slowly from the
earth, pass out seawards, and settle down upon the
triremes. Others fancied they saw apparitions and
43
PLUTARCH'S LIVES
καὶ εἴδωλα καθορᾶν ἔδοξαν ἐνόπλων ἀνδρῶν ἀπ᾽
Αὐγίνης τὰς χεῖρας ἀνεχόντων πρὸ τῶν ᾿ΕἸλληνικῶν
τριηρῶν' ods εἴκαξον Αἰακίδας εἶναι παρακεκλη-
μένους εὐχαῖς πρὸ τῆς μάχης ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν.
Πρῶτος μὲν οὖν λαμβάνει ναῦν Λυκομήδης,
ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος τριηραρχῶν, ἧς τὰ παράσημα
περικόψας ἀνέθηκεν ᾿Απόλλωνι δαφνηφόρῳ Φλυ-
jaw. οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐξισούμενοι
τὸ πλῆθος ἐν στενῷ κατὰ μέρος προσφερομένους
καὶ περιπίπτοντας ἀλλήλοις ἐτρέψαντο, μέχρι
δείλης ἀντισχόντας, ὡς εἴρηκε Σιμωνίδης, τὴν
καλὴν ἐκείνην καὶ περιβόητον ἀράμενοι νίκην,
ἧς οὔθ᾽ “ἄλλησιν οὔτε βαρβάροις ἐνάλιον ἔργον
εἴργασται λαμπρότερον, ἀνδρείᾳ μὲν καὶ προθυμίᾳ
κοινῇ τῶν ναυμαχησάντων, γνώμῃ δὲ καὶ δεινό-
τητι TH! Θεμιστοκλέους.
XVI. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ναυμαχίαν Ἐέρξης μὲν ἔτι
θυμομαχῶν πρὸς τὴν ἀπότενξιν ἐπεχείρει διὰ
χωμάτων ἐπάγειν τὸ πεζὸν τοῖς “Ἕλλησιν εἰς
Σαλαμῖνα, ἐμφράξας τὸν διὰ μέσου πόρον" Θεμισ-
τοκλῆς δ᾽ ἀποπειρώμενος ᾿Αριστείδου λόγῳ
γνώμην ἐποιεῖτο λύειν τὸ ζεῦγμα ταῖς ναυσὶν
ἐπιπλεύσαντας εἰς Ἑλλήσποντον, “Ὅπως,
ἔφη, “τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ λάβωμεν."
oe δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αριστείδου καὶ λέγοντος
“Nov μὲν τρυφῶντι τῷ βαρβάρῳ πεπολεμή-
awe, ay δὲ κατακλείσωμεν εἰς τὴν “Ἑλλάδα
καὶ καταστήσωμεν εἰς ἀνώγκην ὑπὸ δέους ἄνδρα
/ ᾽ὔ , »» , ;
τηλικούτων δυνάμεων κύριον, οὐκέτε καθήμενος
1 δεινότητι τῇ Fuhr and Blass with S: δεινότητι.
44
120
THEMISTOCLES
shapes of armed men coming from Aegina with their
hands stretched out to protect the Hellenic triremes.
These, they conjectured, were the Aeacidae, who
had been prayerfully invoked before the battle to
come to their aid.!
Now the first man to capture an enemy’s ship was
L s, an Athenian captain, who cut off its
gure-head and dedicated it to Apollo the Laurel-
bearer at Phlya. Then the rest, put on an equality
in numbers with their foes, because the Barbarians
had to attack them by detachments in the narrow
strait and so ran foul of one another, routed them,
though they resisted till the evening drew on, and
thus “ bore away,” as Simonides says,? “ that fair and
notorious victory, than which no more brilliant ex-
ploit was ever performed upon the sea, either by
Hellenes or Barbarians, through the manly valour
and common ardour of all who fought their ships, ἡ
but through the clever judgment of Themistocles.”’
XVI. After the sea-fight, Xerxes, still furious at
his failure, undertook to carry moles out into the sea
on which he could lead his infantry across to Salamis
against the Hellenes, damming up the intervening
strait. But Themistocles, merely by way of sound-
ing Aristides, proposed, as though he were in
earnest, to sail with the fleet to the Hellespont and
break the span of boats there, “in order,’ said he,
“that we may capture Asia in Europe.” Aristides,
however, was displeased with the scheme and said :
“ Now indeed the Barbarian with whom we have
fought consults his ease and pleasure, but should we
shut up in Hellas and bring under fearful compul-
sion a man who is lord of such vast forces, he will
1 Herod. viii.64. 2 Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graeci, iii.‘ p. 423.
45
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὑπὸ σκιάδι χρυσῇ θεάσεται τὴν μάχην ἐφ᾽
ἡσυχίας, ἀλλὰ πάντα τολμῶν καὶ πᾶσιν αὐτὸς
παρὼν διὰ τὸν κίνδυνον ἐπανορθώσεται τὰ παρει-
μένα καὶ βουλεύσεται βέλτιον ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων"
οὐ τὴν οὖσαν οὖν," ἔφη, “δεῖ γέφυραν, ὦ Θεμι-
στόκλεις, ἡμᾶς ἀναιρεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτέραν, εἴπερ. οἷόν
τε, προσκατασκευάσαντας ἐκβαλεῖν διὰ τάχους
τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης." «“ Οὐκοῦν,"
εἶπεν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς, ““ εἶ δοκεῖ ταῦτα συμφέρειν,
ὥρα σκοπεῖν καὶ μηχανᾶσθαι πάντας ἡμᾶς,
ὅπως ἀπαλλαγήσεται τὴν ταχίστην ἐκ τῆς
Ἑλλάδος."
᾿Επεὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἔδοξε, πέμπει τινὰ τῶν βασιλε-
κῶν εὐνούχων ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἀνευρών,
᾿Αρνάκην ὄνομα, φράξειν βασιλεῖ κελεύσας, ὅτι
τοῖς μὲν * Ἕλλησι δέδοκται τῷ ναυτικῷ κεκρατη-
κότας ἀναπλεῖν els TOV Ἑλλήσποντον. ἐπὶ τὸ
ζεῦγμα καὶ λύειν τὴν γέφυραν, Θεμιστοκλῆς δὲ
κηδόμενος βασιλέως παραινεῖ σπεύδειν ἐπὶ τὴν
ἑαυτοῦ θάλατταν καὶ περαιοῦσθαι, μέ μέχρις αὐτὸς
ἐμποιεῖ τινας, διατριβὰς τοῖς συμμάχοις καὶ
μελλήσεις πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν. ταῦθ᾽ ὁ βάρβαρος
ἀκούσας καὶ γενόμενος περίφοβος. διὰ “τάχους
ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἀναχώρησιν. καὶ πεῖραν ἡ Θεμιε-
στοκλέους καὶ ᾿Αριστείδου φρόνησις ἐν Μαρδονίῳ
παρέσχεν, εἴγε πολλοστημορίῳ τῆς Ξέρξου δυνά-
μεως διαγωνισάμενοι Πλαταιᾶσιν εἰς τὸν περὶ
τῶν ὅλων κίνδυνον κατέστησαν.
XVI. Πόλεων μὲν οὖν τὴν Αἰγινητῶν ἀριστεῦ-
σαί φησιν Ἡρόδοτος, Θεμιστοκλεῖ δέ, καύπερ
46
THEMISTOCLES
no longer sit under a golden parasol to view the
spectacle of the battle at his ease, but he will. dare
all things, and, superintending everything in person,
because of his peril, will rectify his previous remiss-
ness and take better counsel for the highest issues
thus at stake. We must not, then,” said he, “ tear
down the bridge that is already there, Themistocles,
nay rather, we must build another alongside it, if
that be possible, and cast the fellow out of Europe
in a hurry.” “ Well, then,” said Themistocles, “ if
that is what is thought for the best, it is high time
for us all to be studying and inventing a way_to get
him out of Hellas by the speediest route.”
As soon as this policy had been adopted, he sent a
certain royal eunuch whom he discovered among the
prisoners of war, by name Arnaces, with orders to
tell the King that the Hellenes had decided, since
their fleet now controlled the sea, to sail up into the
Hellespont, where the strait was spanned, and
destroy the bridge; but that Themistocles, out of
regard for the King, urged him to hasten into home
waters and fetch his forces across; he himself, he
said, would cause the allies all sorts of delays and
postponements in their pursuit. No sooner did the
Barbarian hear this than he was seized with ex-
ceeding fear and speedily began his retreat. This
thoughtful prudence on the part of Themistocles and
Aristides was afterwards justified by the campaign
with Mardonius, since, although they fought at
Plataea with the merest fraction of the armies of
Xerxes, they yet staked their all upon the issue.
XVII. Among the cities, now, Herodotus! says
that Aegina bore away the prize of valour; but
1 viii. 93.
47
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
» ς \ , Ν a 3
ἄκοντες ὑπὸ φθόνου, τὸ πρωτεῖον ἀπέδοσαν
ἅπαντες. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἀναχωρήσαντες εἰς τὸν
id | θ Ἁ 3 Ν a a \ a ΝΜ e
σθμὸν ἀπὸ tov βωμοῦ τὴν ψῆφον ἔφερον ot
στρατηγοί, πρῶτον μὲν ἕκαστος ἑαυτὸν ἀπέ-
φαινεν ἀρετῇ, δεύτερον δὲ μεθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν Θεμιστο-
ὔ 4 δ᾽ 3 Ἁ > 4, > \
κλέα. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δ᾽ εἰς THY Σπάρτην αὐτὸν
καταγαγόντες Εὐρυβιάδῃ μὲν ἀνδρείας, ἐκείνῳ
δὲ σοφίας ἀριστεῖον ἔδοσαν θαλλοῦ στέφανον,
καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἁρμάτων τὸ πρωτεῦον
ἐδωρήσαντο καὶ τριακοσίους τῶν νέων πομποὺς
Ν A ψΨ ’ , . 9
ἄχρι τῶν ὅρων συνεξέπεμψαν. λέγεται ὃ
Ὀλυμπίων τῶν ἐφεξῆς ἀγομένων καὶ παρελ-
θόντος εἰς τὸ στάδιον τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους, ἀμελή-
σαντας τῶν ἀγωνιστῶν τοὺς παρόντας ὅλην τὴν
ἡμέραν ἐκεῖνον θεᾶσθαι καὶ τοῖς ξένοις ἐπιδει-
κνύειν ἅμα θαυμάξοντας καὶ κροτοῦντας, ὥστε
\ 2 \ ς , Ν \ , ς aA
καὶ αὐτὸν ἡσθέντα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ὁμολογῆσαι
\ δ 3 / A e \ A €. ,
τὸν καρπὸν ἀπέχειν τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος
αὐτῷ πονηθέντων.
XVIII. Καὶ γὰρ ἦν τῇ φύσει φιλοτιμότατος,
εἰ δεῖ τεκμαίρεσθαι διὰ τῶν ἀπομνημονενομένων.
αἱρεθεὶς γὰρ ναύαρχος ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως οὐδὸν
οὔτε τῶν ἰδίων οὔτε πῶν κοινῶν κατὰ μέρος ἐ ἐχρη-
μάτιξεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπανεβάλλετο 1 τὸ προσπῖπτον
εἰς τὴν ἡμέραν ἐ ἐκείνην, καθ᾽ ἣν ἐκπλεῖν ἔμελλεν,
ἵν᾽ ὁμοῦ πολλὰ πράττων πράγματα καὶ παντο-
δαποῖς ἀνθρώποις ὁμιλῶν μέγας εἶναι δοκῇ καὶ
πλεῖστον δύνασθαι.
1 ἀλλ᾽ ἐπανεβάλλετο Fuhr and Blass with FS: ἀλλὰ πᾶν
ἀνεβάλλετο every duty.
48
_ THEMISTOCLES
among individuals, all virtually awarded the first
place to Themistocles, though their envy made them
unwilling to do this directly. For when the generals
withdrew to the Isthmus and solemnly voted on this
question, taking their ballots from the very altar of
the god there, each one declared for himself as first
in valour, but for Themistocles as second after him-
self. Then the Lacedaemonians brought him down
to Sparta, and while they gave Eurybiades the prize
for valour, to him they gave one for wisdom,—a
crown of olive in each case,—and they presented
him with the best chariot there was in the city, and
sent three hundred picked youth along with him to
serve as his escort to the boundary. And it is said
that when the next Olympic festival was celebrated,
and Themistocles entered the stadium, the audience
neglected the contestants all day long to gaze on
him, and pointed him out with admiring applause to
visiting strangers, so that he too was delighted, and
confessed to his friends that he was now reaping
in full measure the harvest of his toils in behalf of
Hellas.
XVIII. And indeed he was by nature very fond
of honour, if we may judge from his memorable
sayings and doings. When, for example, the city
had chosen him to be admiral, he would not perform
any public or private business at its proper time,
but would postpone the immediate duty to the day
on which he was to set sail, in order that then,
because he did many things all at once and had
meetings with all sorts of men, he might be thought
to be some great personage and very powerful.
49
VOL. II. E
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
A \ A ‘ 3 , 2 A
2 Τῶν δὲ νεκρῶν τοὺς ἐκπεσόντας ἐπισκοπῶν
παρὰ τὴν θάλατταν, ὡς εἶδε περικειμένους
ψέλια χρυσᾶ καὶ στρεπτούς, αὐτὸς μὲν
παρῆλθε, τῷ δ᾽ ἑπομένῳ φίλῳ δείξας εἶπεν" 12]
fe) a a 7
“᾽᾿Ανελοῦ σαυτῷ" σὺ yap οὐκ εἶ Θεμιστοκλῆς.
\ ’ a “A ’ > /
πρὸς δέ τινα τῶν καλῶν γεγονότων, ᾿Αντιφάτην,
ὑπερηφάνως αὐτῷ κεχρημένον πρότερον, ὕστερον
δὲ θεραπεύοντα διὰ τὴν δόξαν, ““Ὦ μειράκιον,"
εἶπεν, “ ὀψὲ μέν, ἀμφότεροι δ᾽ ἅμα νοῦν ἐσχή-
8 καμεν." ἔλεγε δὲ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους οὐ τιμᾶν αὐτὸν
οὐδὲ θαυμάξειν, GAN ὥσπερ πλατάνῳ χειμαζο-
Ν
μένους μὲν ὑποτρέχειν κινδυνεύοντας, εὐδίας δὲ
περὶ αὐτοὺς γενομένης τίλλειν καὶ κολούειν. τοῦ
\ > , δ a > 7 e > 5 ᾽ ς ν"
δὲ Σεριφίου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος, ὡς οὐ du αὑτὸν
ἔσχηκε δόξαν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν πόλιν, “᾿Αληθῆ
λέγεις, εἶπεν, “GAN οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ Σερίφιος ὧν
3 , ΝΜ v \ 9 a 32
ἐγενόμην ἔνδοξος, οὔτε σὺ ᾿Αθηναῖος.
« , 4 A aA e Ν [4
4 ‘Etépou δέ τινος τῶν στρατηγῶν, ὡς ἔδοξέ τι
χρήσιμον διαπεπρᾶχθαι τῇ πόλει, θρασυνομένου ᾿
πρὸς τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα καὶ τὰς ἑαυτοῦ ταῖς
2 ’ / » , ” a
ἐκείνου πράξεσιν ἀντιπαραβάλλοντος, ἔφη τῇ
e A \ e M4 2 » 4 e 3 ,
ἑορτῇ τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἐρίσαι λέγουσαν, ws ἐκείνη
μὲν ἀσχολιῶν τε μεστὴ καὶ κοπώδης ἐστίν, ἐν
αὐτῇ δὲ πάντες ἀπολαύουσι τῶν παρεσκευα-
σμένων σχολάζοντες: τὴν δ᾽ ἑορτὴν πρὸς ταῦτ᾽
εἰπεῖν: “᾿Αληθῆ λέγεις: ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοῦ μὴ γενομένης
δὺς ἢ > 6.2 δ , » » -ς t
σὺ οὐκ av ἧσθα' κἀμοῦ τοίνυν," ἔφη, “τότε
\ , A 4 a e a 5») \ eN
5 μὴ γενομένου, ποῦ ἂν ἦτε νῦν ὑμεῖς; τὸν δὲ υἱὸν
50
| 'THEMISTOCLES
Surveying once the dead bodies of the Barbarians
which had been cast up along the sea, he saw that
they were decked with golden bracelets and collars,
and yet passed on by them himself, while to a friend
who followed he pointed them out and said: “ Help
thyself, thou art not Themistocles.” Again, to one
who had once been a beauty, Antiphates, and who
had at that time treated him disdainfully, but after-
wards courted him because of the reputation he had
got, “ Young man,” said he, “’tis late, ’tis true, but
both of us have come to our senses.” Also he used
to say of the Athenians that they did not really
honour and admire him for himself, but treated him
for all the world like a plane-tree, running under
his branches for shelter when it stormed, but when
they had fair weather all about them, plucking and
docking him. And when he was told by the
Seriphian that it was not due to himself that he had
got reputation, but to his city, “ True,’ said he,
‘but neither should I, had I been a Seriphian, have
achieved reputation, nor wouldst thou, hadst thou
been an Athenian.”
Again, when one of his fellow-generals who thought
he had done some vast service to the city, grew bold
with Themistocles, and began to compare his own
services with his, “ With the Festival-day,” said he,
‘the Day After once began a contention, saying:
‘Thou art full of occupations and wearisome, but
when I come, all enjoy at their leisure what has
been richly provided beforehand’; to which the
Festival-day replied: ‘True, but had I not come -
first, thou hadst not come at all.’ So now,” said he,
“ had I not come at that day of Salamis, where would
thou and thy colleagues be now?” Of his son, who
51
E 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐντρυφῶντα TH μητρὶ καὶ δι’ ἐκείνην αὐτῷ σκώ-
πτων ἔλεγε πλεῖστον τῶν “Ελλήνων δύνασθαι"
τοῖς μὲν γὰρ “Ελλησιν ἐπιτάττειν ᾿Αθηναίους,
᾽ Α θ ’ δ᾽ > " » A δὲ \ > 7 /
ηναίοις δ᾽ αὐτόν, αὐτῷ δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου μητέρα,
τῇ μητρὶ δ᾽ ἐκεῖνον’ ἴδιος δέ τις ἐν πᾶσι βουλό-
μενος εἶναι χωρίον μὲν πιπράσκων ἐκέλευε κηρύτ-
τειν, ὅτι καὶ γείτονα χρηστὸν ἔχει: τῶν δὲ
μνωμένων αὐτοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα τὸν ἐπιεικῆ τοῦ
πλουσίου προκρίνας ἔφη ζητεῖν ἄνδρα χρημάτων
’ a a , 3 / ἢ \ 4
δεόμενον μᾶλλον ἢ χρήματα ἀνδρός. ἐν μὲν οὖν
τοῖς ἀποφθέγμασι τοιοῦτός τις ἦν.
XIX. Γενόμενος δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων ἐκείνων
εὐθὺς ἐπεχείρει τὴν πόλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖν καὶ τει-
χίξζειν, ὡς μὲν ἱστορεῖ Θεόπομπος, χρήμασι
πείσας μὴ ἐναντιωθῆναι τοὺς ἐφόρους, ὡς δ᾽ οἱ
πλεῖστοι, παρακρουσάμενος. ἧκε μὲν γὰρ εἰς
4
Σπάρτην ὄνομα πρεσβείας ἐπιγραψάμενος" ἐγκα-
λούντων δὲ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν, ὅτι τειχίζουσι τὸ
ἄστυ, καὶ ἸΠολυάρχου κατηγοροῦντος ἐπίτηδες
3 » 2 ’ > a \ ,
ἐξ Αἰγίνης ἀποσταλέντος, ἠρνεῖτο καὶ πέμπειν
> μΜ 3 3 ’ Ἁ ’ σ \
ἐκέλευεν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας τοὺς κατοψομένους, ἅμα μὲν
ἐμβάλλων τῷ τειχισμῷ χρόνον ἐκ τῆς διατριβῆς,
ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενος ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοὺς πεμπομένους
ς / a_? , , ἤ
ὑπάρχειν τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις. ὃ καὶ συνέβη" γνόντες
\ e , ἃ 3 XN 3 207
γὰρ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸ ἀληθὲς οὐκ ἠδίκησαν
αὐτόν, GAN ἀδήλως χαλεπαίνοντες ἀπέπεμψαν.
"ER de 4 \ al 4 A
KC τούτου τὸν Ilepara κατεσκεύαξε, τὴν
A 3 ’ \ ,
τῶν λιμένων εὐφυΐαν κατανοήσας καὶ τὴν πόλιν
52
THEMISTOCLES
lorded it over his mother, and through her over
himself, he said, jestingly, that the boy was the most
powerful of all the Hellenes ; for the Hellenes were
commanded by the Athenians, the Athenians by ¥
himself, himself by the boy’s mother, and the mother
by her boy. Again, with the desire to be somewhat
peculiar in all that he did, when he offered a
certain estate for sale, he bade proclamation to be
made that it had an excellent neighbour into the
bargain. Of two suitors for his daughter’s hand, he
chose the likely man in preference to the rich man,
stying that he wanted a man without money rather
than money without a man. Such were his striking
sayings.
XIX. After the great’ achievements now described,
he straightway undertook to rebuild and fortify the +
city, — as Theopompus relates, by bribing the
Spartan Ephors not to oppose the project; but as
the majority say, by hoodwinking them. He came
with this object to Sparta, ostensibly on an embassy,
and when the Spartans brought up the charge that
the Athenians were fortifying their city, and Poly-
archus was sent expressly from Aegina with the
same accusation, he denied that it was so, and bade
them send men to Athens to see for themselves, not
only because this delay would secure time for the
building of the wall, but also because he wished the
Athenians to hold these envoys as hostages for his
own person. And this was what actually happened.
When the Lacedaemonians found out the truth they
did him no harm, but concealed their displeasure and
sent him away.
After this he equipped the Piraeus, because he
had noticed the favourable shape of its harbours, and
53
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὅλην ἁρμοττόμενος πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν, καὶ
τρόπον τινὰ τοῖς παλαιοῖς βασιλεῦσι τῶν ᾿Αθη-
ναίων ἀντιπολιτευόμενος. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γάρ, ὡς
λέγεται, πραγματευόμενοι τοὺς πολίτας ἀπο-
σπάσαι τῆς θαλάττης καὶ συνεθίσαι ζῆν μὴ
πλέοντας, ἀλλὰ τὴν χώραν φυτεύοντας, τὸν περὶ
τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς διέδοσαν λόγον, ὡς ἐρίσαντα περὶ
τῆς χώρας τὸν Ποσειδῶ δείξασα τὴν μορίαν τοῖς
δικασταῖς ἐνίκησε. Θεμιστοκλῆς δ᾽ οὐχ, ὡς
᾿Αριστοφάνης ὁ κωμικὸς λέγει, τῇ πόλει τὸν
Πειραιᾶ προσέμαξεν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐξῆψε
τοῦ Πειραιῶς καὶ τὴν γῆν τῆς θαλάττης' ὅθεν
καὶ τὸν δῆμον ηὔξησε κατὰ τῶν ἀρίστων καὶ
θράσους ἐνέπλησεν, εἰς ναύτας καὶ κελευστὰς
καὶ κυβερνήτας τῆς δυνάμεως ἀφικομένης. διὸ
καὶ τὸ βῆμα τὸ ἐν Πνυκὶ πεποιημένον ὥστ᾽
ἀποβλέπειν πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν ὕστερον οἱ
τριάκοντα πρὸς τὴν χώραν ἀπέστρεψαν, οἰόμενοι
τὴν μὲν κατὰ θάλατταν ἀρχὴν γένεσιν εἶναι
δημοκρατίας, ὀλιγαρχίᾳ δ᾽ ἧττον δυσχεραίνειν
τοὺς γεωργοῦντας.
ΧΧ. δὴν adhe δὲ καὶ μεῖζόν τι περὶ τῆς
ναυτικῆς ενοήθη δυνάμεως. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ὁ τῶν
Ἑλλήνων στόλος ἐὐβ Ἡμι sta Ξέρξου κατῆρεν
εἰς Παγασὰς καὶ διεχείμαξε, δημηγορῶν ἐν τοῖς
᾿Αθηναίοις ἔφη τινα πρᾶξιν ἔχειν ὠφέλιμον μὲν
αὐτοῖς κα σωτήριον, ἀπόρρητον δὲ πρὸς τοὺς
πολλούς. τῶν δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ᾿Αριστείδῃ φράσαι
μόνῳ κελευόντων, κἂν ἐκεῖνος δοκιμάσῃ περαΐί-
54
12,
THEMISTOCLES
wished to attach the whole city to the sea; thus in
a certain manner counteracting the policies of the
ancient Athenian kings. For they, as it is said, in
their efforts to draw the citizens away from the sea
and accustom them to live not by navigation*but by
agriculture, disseminated the story about Athena,
how when Poseidon was contending with her for
possession of the country, she displayed the sacred
olive-tree of the Acropolis to the judges, and so won
the day. But Themistocles did not, as Aristophanes ἢ
the comic poet says, “knead the Piraeus on to the
city,’ nay, he fastened the city to the Piraeus,
and the land to the sea. And so it was that he ,
increased the privileges of the common people as |
against the nobles, and filled them with boldness,
since the controlling power came now into the hands
of skippers and boatswains and pilots. Therefore it
was, too, that the bema in Pnyx, which had stood so
as to look off toward the sea, was afterwards turned
by the thirty tyrants so as to look inland, because
they thought that maritime empire was the mother of
democracy, and that oligarchy was less distasteful to
tillers of the soil.
XX. But Themistocles cherished yet greater de-
signs even for securing the naval supremacy. When
the fleet of the Hellenes, after the departure of
Xerxes, had put in at Pagasae and was wintering
there, he made a harangue before the Athenians, in '
which he said that he had a certain scheme in mind
which would be useful and salutary for them, but
which could not be broached in public. So the
Athenians bade him impart it to Aristides alone, and
if he should approve of it, to put it into execution.
1 Knights, 815.
55
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
νειν, ὁ μὲν Θεμιστοκλῆς ἔφρασε τῷ ᾿Αριστείδῃ,
τὸ νεώριον ἐμπρῆσαι διανοεῖσθαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων"
ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδης εἰς τὸν δῆμον παρελθὼν ἔφη τῆς
πράξῳυς, ἣν διανοεῖται πράττειν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς,
μηδεμίαν εἶναι μήτε λυσιτελεστέραν μήτ᾽ ἀδικω-
τέραν. οἱ μὲν οὖν ᾿Αθηναῖοι διὰ ταῦτα παύσα-
σθαι τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ προσέταξαν.
"Ev δὲ τοῖς ᾿Αμφικτυονικοῖς συνεδρίοις τῶν
Λακεδαιμονίων εἰσηγουμένων, ὅπως ἀπείργωνται
τῆς ᾿Αμφικτυονίας ai μὴ συμμαχήσασαι κατὰ
τοῦ Μήδου πόλεις, φοβηθείς, μὴ Θετταλοὺς καὶ
᾿Αργείους, ἔτει δὲ Θηβαίους ἐκβαλόντες τοῦ
συνεδρίου παντελῶς ἐπικρατήσωσι τῶν ψήφων
καὶ γένηται τὸ δοκοῦν ἐκείνοις, συνεῖπε ταῖς
πόλεσι καὶ μετέθηκε τὰς γνώμας τῶν πυλαγόρων,
διδάξας, ὡς τριάκοντα καὶ μία μόναι πόλεις
εἰσὶν αἱ μετασχοῦσαι τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ τούτων
αἱ πλείους παντάπασι μικραί: δεινὸν οὖν, εἰ
τῆς ἄλλης “Ἑλλάδος ἐκσπόνδου γενομένης ἐπὶ
ταῖς μεγίσταις δυσὶν ἢ τρισὶ πόλεσιν ἔσται τὸ
συνέδριον. ἐκ τούτου μὲν οὖν μάλιστα τοῖς
pee al προσέκρουσε' διὸ καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα
προῆγον ταῖς τιμαῖς, ἀντίπαλον ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ
τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ καθιστάντες.
ΧΧΙ. Ἢν δὲ καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐπαχθὴς
περιπλέων τε τὰς νήσους καὶ χρηματιξόμενος
an αὐτῶν" οἷα καὶ πρὸς ᾿Ανδρίους ἀργύριον
αἰτοῦντά φησιν αὐτὸν Ἡρόδοτος εἰπεῖν τε καὶ
ἀκοῦσαι. δύο γὰρ «ἥκειν ἔφη θεοὺς κομίζων,
Πειθὼ καὶ Βίαν' οἱ δ᾽ ἔφασαν εἶναι καὶ παρ᾽
56
THEMISTOCLES
Themistocles accordingly told Aristides that he
purposed to burn the fleet of the Hellenes where it
lay ; but Aristides addressed the people, and said of
the scheme which Themistocles purposed to carry
out, that none could be either more advantageous or
moresiniquitous. The Athenians therefore ordered
Themistocles to give it up.
At the Amphictyonic or Holy Alliance conven-
tions, the Lacedaemonians introduced motions that
all cities be excluded from the Alliance which had
not taken part in fighting against the Mede. So
Themistocles, fearing lest, if they should succeed in
excluding the Thessalians and the Argives and the
Thebans too from the convention, they would control
the votes completely and carry through their own
wishes, spoke in behalf of the protesting cities, and
changed the sentiments of the delegates by showing
that only thirty-one cities had taken part in the war,
and that the most of these were altogether small ;
it would be intolerable, then, if the rest of Hellas
should be excluded and the convention be at the
mercy of the two or three largest cities. It was for
this reason particularly that he became obnoxious to
the Lacedaemonians, and they therefore tried to
advance Cimon in public favour, making him the
political rival of Themistocles.
XXI. He made himself hateful to the allies also,
by sailing round to the islands and trying to exact
‘money from them. When, for instance, he demanded
money of the Andrians, Herodotus! says he made a
speech to them and got reply as follows: he said he
came escorting two gods, Persuasion and Compulsion ;
and they replied that they already had two great
1 viii, 111.
57
»"
φ'
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
αὐτοῖς θεοὺς μεγάλους δύο, ἸΠενίαν καὶ ᾿Απορίαν,
2 ud ὧν κωλύεσθαι δοῦναι χρήματα ἐκείνῳ
χρήματα ἐκείνῳ.
VA 3 ς ς 7 Ν 3 φ
Τιμοκρέων δ᾽ ὁ “Ρόδιος μελοποιὸς ἐν ἄσματι
καθάπτεται πικρότερον τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους, ὡς
wv \ 9. δ 4 4 /
ἄλλους μὲν ἐπὶ χρήμασι φυγάδας διαπραξαμένου
κατελθεῖν, αὐτὸν δὲ ξένον ὄντα καὶ φίλον προε-
4 > 3 4 lA 3 [τὰ
μένου δι’ ἀργύριον. λέγει δ᾽ οὕτως"
"ANN εἰ τύγε Παυσανίαν ἢ καὶ τύγε Ἐάνθιπ-
πον αἰνεῖς
ἢ τύγε Λευτυχίδαν, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδαν ἐπαινέω
ΝΜ x ¢ aA > 99 A
ἄνδρ᾽ tepav am’ ᾿Αθανᾶν
ἐλθεῖν Eva λῷστον' ἐπεὶ Θεμιστοκλῆ ἤχθαρε
Λατώ,
4
8 ψεύσταν, ἄδικον, προδόταν, ὃς Τιμοκρέοντα
ξεῖνον ἔοντ᾽
3 / a \ 3 A
ἀργυρίοις σκυβαλικτοῖσι πεισθεὶς ov κατᾶγεν
εἰς πάτραν Ἰαλυσόν,
λαβὼν δὲ τρί᾽ ἀργυρίου τάλαντ᾽ ἔβα πλέων εἰς
ὄλεθρον,
A \ 4 > 4 \ 3 3 ’
τοὺς μὲν κατάγων ἀδίκως, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκδιώκων,
τοὺς δὲ καίνων,
Ul 3 a
apyupiwv ὑπόπλεως, ᾿Ισθμοῖ δ᾽' ἐπανδόκευε
γελοίως ψυχρὰ κρέα παρέχων"
e > ν 3 \ [4 le)
οἱ δ᾽ ἤσθιον κηὔχοντο μὴ ὥραν Θεμιστοκλεῦς
7 :
γενέσθαι.
4 πολὺ δ᾽ ἀσελγεστέρᾳ καὶ ἀναπεπταμένῃ μᾶλλον
εἰς τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα βλασφημίᾳ κέχρηται μετὰ
53
THEMISTOCLES
gods, Penury and Powerlessness, who hindered them
from giving him money.
Timoereon, the lyric poet of Rhodes, assailed
Themistocles very bitterly in a song, to the effect
that for bribes he had secured the restoration of
other exiles, but had abandoned him, though a host
and a friend, and all for money. The song runs
thus 1 :—
‘Come, if thou praisest Pausanias, or if Xan-
thippus,
Or if Leotychidas, then I shall praise Aristides,
The one best man of all
Who came from sacred Athens; since Leto
loathes Themistocles,
“ The liar, cheat, and traitor, who, though Timocreon
was his host,
By knavish moneys was induced not to bring
him back
Into his native Ialysus,
But took three talents of silver and went cruising
off,— to perdition,
“ Restoring some exiles unjustly, chasing some away,
and slaying some,
Gorged with moneys; yet at the Isthmus he
played ridiculous host with the stale meats
set before his guests ;
Who ate thereof and prayed Heaven ‘no happy
return of the day for Themistocles !’”’
Much more wanton and extravagant was the raillery
which Timocreon indulged in against Themistocles
1 No attempt is made in the translations of Timocreon to
imitate the metre of the original.
59
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
\ A 3 [ον Ἁ J e ,
τὴν φυγὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν καταδίκην ὁ Τιμοκρέων
dopa ποιήσας, οὗ ἐστιν ἀρχή"
Μοῦσα τοῦδε τοῦ μέλεος
κλέος ἀν᾽ “Ἑλλανας τίθει,
ὡς ἐοικὸς καὶ δίκαιον.
9 e 4 > A A ry
λέγεται δ᾽ ὁ Τιμοκρέων ἐπὶ μηδισμῷ φυγεῖν
A e
συγκαταψηφισαμένου τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους. ὡς
rol a 3
οὖν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς αἰτίαν ἔσχε μηδίζειν, ταῦτ
ἐποίησεν εἰς αὐτόν'
Οὐκ ἄρα Τιμοκρέων μοῦνος Μήδοισιν ὁρκια-
τομεῖ,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐντὶ κἄᾶλλοι δὴ πονηροί: οὐκ ἐγὼ μόνα
κόλουρις"
ἐντὶ καὶ ἄλλαι ἀλώπεκες. ,
XXII. Ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν διὰ τὸ φθο-
a eg / \ , 2 /
νεῖν ἡδέως τὰς διαβολὰς προσιεμένων ἠναγκάζετο
λυπηρὸς εἶναι τῶν αὑτοῦ πράξεων πολλάκις ἐν
τῷ δήμῳ μνημονεύων' καὶ πρὸς τοὺς δυσχεραί-
νοντας “Τί κοπιᾶτε, εἶπεν, “ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν
4 Φ ’ὔ > 2) / A \
πολλάκις εὖ TaaxoVTEs;” ἠνίασε δὲ τοὺς πολ-
\ \ \ aA
λοὺς Kal τὸ τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερὸν εἱσάμενος, ἣν
3 4
Αριστοβούλην μὲν προσηγόρευσεν, ὡς ἄριστα
a a_¢
τῇ πόλει καὶ τοῖς “EAXAnot βουλευσάμενος, πλη-
σίον δὲ τῆς οἰκίας κατεσκεύασεν ἐν Μελίτῃ τὸ
ἱερὸν, οὗ νῦν τὰ σώματα τῶν ,θανατουμένων οἱ
δήμιοι προβάλλουσι καὶ τὰ ἱμάτια καὶ τοὺς
ϑρόχους τῶν ἀπαγχομένων καὶ καθαιρεθέντων
3 ΝΜ \ \ A 4
ἐκφέρουσιν. ἔκειτο δὲ καὶ Tod Θεμιστοκλέους
60
1
THEMISTOCLES
after the latter’s own exile and condemnation. Then
he composed the song beginning :—
“QO Muse, grant that this song
Be famed throughout all Hellas,
As it is meet and just.”
It is said that Timocreon was sent into exile on a
charge of Medising, and that ‘Themistocles concurred
in the vote of condemnation. - Accordingly, when
Themistocles also was accused of Medising, Timo-
creon composed these lines upon him :—
“Not Timocreon alone, then, made compacts with
the Medes,
But there are other wretches too; not I alone am
brushless,
There are other foxes too.”
XXII. And at last, when even his fellow-citizens
were led by their jealousy of his greatness to welcome
such slanders against him, he was forced to allude
to his own achievements when he addressed the
Assembly, till he became tiresome thereby, and he
once said to the malcontents: “ Why are ye vexed
that the same men should often benefit you?”
He offended the multitude also by building the
temple of Artemis, whom he surnamed Aristoboulé,
or Best Counsellor, intimating thus that it was he
who had given the best counsel to the city and to
the Hellenes. This temple he established near his
house in Melité, where now the public officers cast
out the bodies of those who have been put to death,
and carry forth the garments and the nooses of
those who have dispatched themselves by hanging.
A portrait-statue of Themistocles stood in this
. 61
—
a
-
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
εἰκόνιον ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς ᾿Αριστοβούλης ἔτι Kab
ἡμᾶς: καὶ φαίνεταί τις οὐ τὴν ψυχὴν μόνον,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ὄψιν ἡρωϊκὸς γενόμενος.
Τὸν μὲν οὖν ἐξοστρακισμὸν ἐποιήσαντο κατ᾽
αὐτοῦ κολούοντες τὸ ἀξίωμα καὶ τὴν ὑπεροχήν,
ὥσπερ εἰώθεσαν ἐπὶ πάντων, ods ῴοντο τῇ
δυνάμει βαρεῖς καὶ πρὸς ἰσότητα δημοκρατικὴν
ἀσυμμέτρους εἶναι. κόλασις γὰρ οὐκ ἣν ὁ ἐξο-
στρακισμός, ἀλλὰ παραμυθία φθόνον καὶ κου-
φισμὸς ἡδομένου τῷ ταπεινοῦν τοὺς ὑπερέχοντας
καὶ τὴν δυσμένειαν εἰς ταύτην τὴν ἀτιμίαν
ἀποπνέοντος.
XXIII. ᾽᾿Εκπεσόντος δὲ τῆς πόλεως αὐτοῦ καὶ
διατρίβοντος ἐν ἔΑργει τὰ περὶ Παυσανίαν συμ-
πεσόντα Kat ἐκείνου παρέσχε τοῖς ἐχθροῖς
ἀφορμάς. ὁ δὲ γραψάμενος αὐτὸν προδοσίας
Λεωβώτης ἦν ὃ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος ᾿Αγραυλῆθεν, ἅμα
συνεπαιτιωμένων τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν. ὁ γὰρ Παυ-
σανίας πράττων. ἐκεῖνα δὴ τὰ περὶ τὴν προδοσίαν
πρότερον μὲν ἀπεκρύπτετο τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα,
καίπερ, ὄντα φίλον' ὡς δ᾽ εἶδεν ἐκπεπτωκότα τῆς
πολιτείας καὶ φέροντα χαλεπῶς ἐθάρσησεν ἐπὶ
τὴν κοινωνίαν τῶν πραττομένων παρακαλεῖν,
γράμματα τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιδεικνύμενος αὐτῷ
καὶ παροξύνων ἐπὶ τοὺς “Ἕλληνας ὡς πονηροὺς
καὶ ἀχαρίστους. ὄ δὲ τὴν μὲν δέησιν ὠπετρίψατο
τοῦ Ἰ]αυσανίου καὶ τὴν κοινωνίαν ὅλως ἀπείπατο,
πρὸς οὐδένα δὲ τοὺς λόγους ἐξήνεγκεν οὐδὲ κατε-
μήνυσε τὴν πρᾶξιν, εἴτε παύσεσθαι προσδοκῶν
1 γράμματα Fuhr and Blass with F988: τὰ γράμματα.
62
THEMISTOCLES
temple of Aristoboulé down to my time, from which
he appears to have been a man not only of heroic
spirit, but also of heroic presence.
Well then, they visited him with ostracism,!
curtailing his dignity and pre-eminence, as they
were wont to do in the case‘ of all whom they
thought to have oppressive power, and to be incom-
mensurate with true democratic equality. For |
ostracism was not a penalty, but a way of pacifying } .
and alleviating that jealousy which delights to .
humble the eminent, breathing out its malice into
this disfranchisement. --
XXIII. After he had been thus banished from x
the city, and while he was sojourning at Argos, ’
circumstances connected with the death of Pausanias
gave his enemies at Athens ground for proceeding
against him. The one who actually brought in the
indictment against him for treason was Leobotes the
son of Alemeon, of the deme Agraulé, but the
Spartans supported him in the accusation. Pau-
sanias, while engaged in his grand scheme of
treachery, at first kept it concealed from Them-
istocles ; but when he saw him thus banished from
his state and in great bitterness of spirit, he made
bold to invite him into partnership in his own under-
takings, showing him a letter he had received from
the King, and inciting him against the Hellenes as
‘a base and thankless people. Themistocles rejected
the solicitation of Pausanias, and utterly refused the
' proffered partnership; and yet he disclosed the
propositions to no one, nor did he even give informa-
tion of the treacherous scheme, because he expected
either that Pausanias would give it up of his own
1 About 472 B.c.
63
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
9 , yw 9 3 A 4 A
αὐτόν, εἴτ᾽ ἄλλως καταφανῆ γενήσεσθαι σὺν
οὐδενὶ λογισμῷ πραγμάτων ἀτόπων καὶ παρα-
βόλων ὀρεγόμενον.
Οὕτω δὴ τοῦ Παυσανίου θανατωθέντος ἐπι-
στολαί τινες ἀνευρεθεῖσαι καὶ γράμματα περὶ
A 2 e J > 9 XN ,
τούτων εἰς ὑποψίαν ἐνέβαλον Tov Θεμιστοκλέα"
καὶ κατεβόων μὲν αὐτοῦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, κατηγό-
ρουν δ᾽ οἱ φθονοῦντες τῶν πολιτῶν, οὐ παρόντος, .
3 Ἁ ΄ 3 / a ᾿
ἀλλὰ διὰ γραμμάτων ἀπολογουμένου μάλιστα
ταῖς προτέραις κατηγορίαις. διαβαλλόμενος γὰρ
ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ἔγραφεν, ὡς
ἄρχειν μὲν ἀεὶ ζητῶν, ἄρχεσθαι δὲ μὴ πεφυκὼς
\ 4 3 M” , e eA
μηδὲ βουλόμενος, οὐκ av ποτε βαρβάροις αὑτὸν
οὐδὲ πολεμίοις ἀποδόσθαι μετὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος.
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ συμπεισθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν κατηγορούντων
δ δῆμος sls be ἄνδρας, οἷς εἴρητο συλλαμβάνειν
καὶ ἀνάγειν 3 αὐτὸν κριθησόμενον ἐ ἐν τοῖς “Ἑλλησιν.
XXIV. Προαισθόμενος δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ets Κέρκυραν
διεπέρασεν, οὔσης αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν εὐεργεσίας.
Γενόμενος γὰρ αὐτῶν κριτὴς πρὸς ἹΚορινθίους
3 4 / » \ Lg 3
ἐχόντων διαφοράν, ἔλυσε τὴν ἔχθραν εἴκοσι
τάλαντα κρίνας τοὺς Κορινθίους καταβαλεῖν καὶ
Λευκάδα κοινῇ νέμειν ἀμφοτέρων ἄ ἄποικον. ἐκεῖθεν
δ᾽ εἰς Ἤπειρον ἔφυγε' καὶ διωκόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν
᾿Αθηναίων καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἔρριψεν αὑτὸν
εἰς ἐλπίδας ; χαλεπὰς καὶ ἀπόρους καταφυγὼν τ
"Αδμητον, ὃ ὃς βασιλεὺς μὲν ἦν Μολοττῶν, Sen els
δέ τι τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ προπηλακισθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ
1 αὑτὸν οὐδὲ πολεμίοις Fuhr and Blass with F@S: καὶ πολε-
μίοις αὑτὸν. 2 ἀνάγειν Fuhr and Blass with S: ἄγειν.
64
THEMISTOCLES
accord, or that in some other way he would be found
out, since he was so irrationally grasping after such
strange and desperate objects.
And so it was that, when Pausanias had been put
to death, certain letters and documents regarding
these matters were discovered which cast suspicion
on Themistocles. The Lacedaemonians cried him
down, and his envious fellow-citizens denounced
him, though he was not present to plead his cause,
but defended himself in writing, making particular
use of earlier accusations brought against him. Since
- he was once slanderously accused by his enemies
before his fellow-citizens—so he wrote, as one who
ever sought to rule, but had no natural bent nor
even the desire to be ruled, he could never have
sold himself with Hellas to Barbarians, much less to
foemen. The people, however, were overpersuaded
by his accusers, and sent men with orders to arrest
him and bring him up in custody to stand trial
before a Congress of Hellenes.
XXIV. But he heard of this in advance, and
crossed over to Corcyra, where he had been recog-
nized as a public benefactor of the city. For he had
served as arbiter in a dispute between them and the
Corinthians, and settled the quarrel by deciding
that the Corinthians should pay an indemnity of
twenty talents, and administer Leucas as a common
colony of both cities. Thence he fled to Epirus, and
being pursued by theAthenians and Lacedaemonians,
he threw himself upon grievous and desperate
chances of escape by taking refuge with Admetus,
who was king of the Molossians, and who, since he
had once asked some favour of the Athenians and
65
VOL. II. F
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Θεμιστοκλέους, ὅτ᾽ ἤκμαζεν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ, bu
ὀργῆς εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἀεὶ καὶ δῆλος ἦν, εἰ λάβοι,
τιμωρησόμενος. ἐν δὲ. τῇ τότε τύχῃ μᾶλλον ὁ
Θεμιστοκλῆς φοβηθεὶς συγγενῆ καὶ πρόσφατον
φθόνον ὀργῆς παλαιᾶς καὶ βασιλικῆς, ταύτῃ
φέρων ὑπέθηκεν ἑαυτόν, ἱκέτης τοῦ ᾿Αδμήτου
καταστὰς ἴδιόν τινα καὶ παρηλλαγμένον τρόπον.
ἔχων γὰρ. αὐτοῦ τὸν υἱὸν ὄντα παῖδα πρὸς τὴν
ἑστίαν προσέπεσε, ταύτην μεγίστην καὶ μόνην
σχεδὸν ἀναντίρρητον ἡγουμένων ἱκεσίαν τῶν
Μολοσσῶν. ἔνιοι μὲν οὖν Φθίαν τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ
βασιλέως λέγουσιν ὑποθέσθαι τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ τὸ
ἱκέτευμα τοῦτο καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑστίαν
καθίσαι μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ" τινὲς δ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν "Αὗμητον,
ὡς ἀφοσιώσαιτο πρὸς τοὺς διώκοντας τὴν
ἀνάγκην, δι᾽ ἣν οὐκ ἐκδίδωσι τὸν ἄνδρα, διαθεῖναι
καὶ συντραγῳδῆσαι τὴν ἱκεσίαν.
"Exet δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας
ἐκκλέψας ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν ᾿"πικράτης ὁ ᾿Αχαρνεὺς
ἀπέστειλεν: ὃν ἐπὶ τούτῳ Κίμων ὕστερον κρίνας
ἐθανάτωσεν, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Στησίμβροτος. εἶτ᾽ οὐκ
οἶδ᾽ ὅπως ἐπιλαθόμενος τούτων ἢ τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα
ποιῶν ἐπιλαθόμενον πλεῦσαί φησιν εἰς Σικελίαν
καὶ παρ᾽ “Ἰέρωνος αἰτεῖν τοῦ τυράννου τὴν θυγα-
τέρα πρὸς γάμον, ὑπισχνούμενον. αὐτῷ τοὺς
Ἕλληνας ὑπηκόους ποιήσειν᾽ ἀποτριψαμένου! δὲ
τοῦ “Ἱέρωνος, οὕτως εἰς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἀπᾶραι.
1 ἀποτριψαμένου Fuhr and Blass with S: ἀπυστρεψαμένου.
66
124
THEMISTOCLES
had been insultingly refused it by ‘Themistocles, then
at the height of his political. influence, was angry
with him ever after, and made it plain that he would
take vengeance on him if he caught him. But in
the desperate fortune of that time Themistocles was
more afraid of kindred and recent jealousy than of
an anger that was of long standing and royal, and
promptly cast himself upon the king’s mercy, mak-
ing himself the suppliant of Admetus in a way quite
peculiar and extraordinary. That is to say, he took
the young son of the king in his arms and threw him-
self down at the hearth; a form of supplication
which the Molossians regarded as most sacred, and
as almost the only one that might not be refused.
Some, it is true, say that it was Phthia, the wife of
the king, who suggested this form of supplication to
Themistocles, and that she seated her son on the
hearth with him; and certain others that Admetus
himself, in order that he might give a religious sanc-
tion to the necessity that was upon him of not
surrendering the man, arranged beforehand and
solemnly rehearsed with him the supplication scene.
Thither his wife and children were privily removed
from Athens and sent to him by Epicrates of the
deme Acharnae, who, for this deed, was afterwards
convicted by Cimon and put to death, as Stesimbro-
tus relates. Then, somehow or other, Stesimbrotus
forgets this, or makes Themistocles forget it, and
says he sailed to Sicily and demanded from Hiero
the tyrant the hand of his daughter in marriage,
promising as an incentive that he would make the
Hellenes subject to his sway; but that Hiero re-
pulsed him, and so he set sail ΤῸ Asia.
67
F 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
XXV. Ταῦτα δ᾽ οὐκ εἰκός ἐστιν οὕτω γενέσθαι.
Θεόφραστος γὰρ ἐν τοῖς Περὶ βασιλείας ἱ ἱστορεῖ
τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα πέμψαντος εἰς - Ὀλυμπίαν
“Ἱέρωνος -ἵππους ἀγωνιστὰς καὶ σκηνήν τινα
κατεσκευασμένην πολυτελῶς στήσαντος, εἰπεῖν
ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι λόγον, ὡς χρὴ τὴν σκηνὴν
διαρπάσαι τοῦ τυράννου καὶ κωλῦσαι τοὺς ἵππους
ἀγωνίσασθαι. Θουκυδίδης δέ φησι καὶ πλεῦσαι
αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν καταβάντα θάλασσαν ἀπὸ
Πύδνης, οὐδενὸς εἰδότος ὅ ὅστις εἴη τῶν πλεόντων,
μέχρι οὗ πνεύματι τῆς ὁλκάδος εἰς Νάξον
καταφερομένης ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίων πολιορκουμένην
τότε φοβηθεὶς ἀναδείξειεν ἑ ἑαυτὸν τῷ τε ναυκλήρῳ
καὶ τῷ κυβερνήτῃ, καὶ τὰ μὲν δεόμενος, τὰ δ᾽
ἀπειλῶν καὶ λέγων, ὅτι κατηγορήσοι καὶ κατα-
ψεύσοιτο πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, ὡς οὐκ ἀγνοοῦν-
τες, ἀλλὰ χρήμασι πεισθέντες ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ἀναλάβ-
οἱεν αὐτόν, οὕτως ἀναγκάσειε παραπλεῦσαι καὶ
λαβέσθαι. τῆς ᾿Ασίας. τῶν δὲ χρημάτων αὐτῷ
πολλὰ μὲν ὑπεκκλαπέντα διὰ τῶν φίλων εἰς
᾿Ασίαν. ἔπλει" τῶν δὲ φανερῶν γενομένων καὶ
συναχθέντων εἰς τὸ δημόσιον Θεόπομπος μὲν
ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, Θεόφραστος δὲ ὀγδοήκοντά φησι
γενέσθαι τὸ πλῆθος, οὐδὲ τριῶν ἄξια ταλάντων
κεκτημένου τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους πρὶν ἅπτεσθαι
τῆς πολιτείας.
ΧΧΥῚ. Ἐπεὶ δὲ κατέπλευσεν εἰς Κύμην καὶ
πολλοὺς ἤσθετο τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ παραφυλάτ-
τοντας αὐτὸν λαβεῖν, μάλιστα δὲ τοὺς περὶ
᾿Εργοτέλη καὶ Πυθόδωρον (ἦν γὰρ ἡ θήρα
λυσιτελὴς τοῖς τὸ κερδαίνειν ἀπὸ παντὸς ἀγαπῶσι,
68
THEMISTOCLES
XXV. But it is not likely that this was so. For
Theophrastus, in his work “On Royalty,” tells how,
when Hiero sent horses to compete at Olympia, and
set up a sort of booth there with very costly decora-
tions, Themistocles made a speech among the
assembled Hellenes, urging them to tear down the
booth of the tyrant and prevent his horses from
competing. And Thucydides! says that he made
his way across the country to the sea, and set sail
from Pydna, no one of the passengers knowing who
he was until, when the vessel had been carried by
astorm to Naxos, to which the Athenians at that
time were laying siege,? he was terrified, and dis-
closed himself to the master and the captain of the
ship, and partly by entreaties, partly by threats,
actually declaring that he would denounce and vilify
them to the Athenians as having taken him on
board at the start in no ignorance but under bribes,
—in this way compelled them to sail by and make
the coast of Asia. Of his property, much was secretly
abstracted for him by his friends and sent across the
sea to Asia; but the sum total of that which was
brought to light and confiscated amounted to one
hundred talents, according to Theopompus,—Theo-
phrastus says eighty,—and yet Themistocles did
not possess the worth of three talents before he
entered political life.
XXVI. After landing at Cymé, and learning that
many people on the coast were watching to seize
him, and especially Ergoteles and Pythodorus,—for
the chase was a lucrative one to such as were fond
of getting gain from any and every source, since
1 i, 187. 2 About 469 B.c.
69
2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
διακοσίων ἐπικεκηρυγμένων αὐτῷ ταλάντων ὑπὸ
τοῦ βασιλέως), ἔφυγεν εἰς Αὐγάς, Αἰολικὸν
πολισμάτιον, ὑπὸ πάντων ἀγνοούμενος πλὴν τοῦ
ξένου Νικογένους, ὃς Αἰολέων πλείστην οὐσίαν
ἐκέκτητο καὶ τοῖς ἄνω δυνατοῖς γνώριμος ὑπῆρχε.
παρὰ τούτῳ κρυπτόμενος ἡμέρας ὀλίγας διέτριψεν'
εἶτα μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον ἐκ θυσίας τινὸς "Ολβιος
ὁ τῶν τέκνων τοῦ Νικογένους παιδαγωγὸς ἔκφρων
γενόμενος καὶ θεοφόρητος ἀνεφώνησεν ἐν μέτρῳ
ταυτί:
Νυκτὶ φωνήν, νυκτὶ βουλήν, νυκτὶ τὴν νίκην
δίδου.
Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κοιμηθεὶς ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ὄναρ
ἔδοξεν ἰδεῖν δράκοντα κατὰ τῆς γαστρὸς αὐτοῦ
περιελεττόμενον καὶ προσανέρποντα τῷ τραχήλῳ"
γενόμενον δ᾽ ἀετόν, ὡς ἥψατο τοῦ προσώπου,
περιβαλόντα τὰς πτέρυγας ἐξᾶραι καὶ κομίζειν
πολλὴν ὁδόν, εἶτα χρυσοῦ τινὸς κηρυκείου
φανέντος, ἐπὶ τούτου στῆσαι βεβαίως αὐτὸν
ἀμηχάνου δείματος καὶ ταραχῆς ἀπαλλαγέντα.
Πέμπεται δ᾽ οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ Νικογένους μηχανη-
σαμένου τι τοιόνδε.Σ τοῦ βαρβαρικοῦ γένους τὸ
πολὺ καὶ μάλιστα τὸ Περσικὸν εἰς ζηλοτυπίαν
τὴν περὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἄγριον φύσει καὶ χαλεπόν
ἐστιν. οὐ γὰρ μόνον τὰς γαμετάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς
ἀργυρωνήτους καὶ παλλακευομένας ἰσχυρῶς
παραφυλάττουσιν, ὡς ὑπὸ μηδενὸς ὁρᾶσθαι τῶν
ἐκτός, ἀλλ᾽ οἴκοι μὲν διαιτᾶσθαι κατακεκλεισ -
μένας, ἐν δὲ ταῖς ὁδοιπορίαις ὑπὸ σκηνὰς κύκλῳ
1 ἀνεφώνησεν ἐν μέτρῳ Fuhr and Blass with S: ἀνεφώνησε
μέτρῳ. 2 τοιόνδε Fuhr and Blass with ΕᾺΝ - τοιοῦτον, :
70
125
THEMISTOCLES
two hundred talents had been publicly set upon his
head by the King,—he fled to Aegae, a little Aeolic
citadel. Here no one knew him except his host
Nicogenes, the wealthiest man in Aeolia, and well
acquainted with the magnates of the interior. With
him he remained in hiding for a few days. During
this time, after the dinner which followed a certain
sacrifice, Olbius, the paedagogue of the children of
Nicogenes, becoming rapt and inspired, lifted up his
voice and uttered the following verse :—
“ Night shall speak, and night instruct thee, night
shall give thee victory.”
And in the night that followed, Themistocles, as
he lay in bed, thought he saw in a dream that
a serpent wound itself along over his body and
crept up to his neck, then became an eagle as
soon as it touched his face, enveloped him with
its wings and lifted him on high and bore him a
long distance, when there appeared as it were a
golden herald’s wand, on which it set him securely
down, freed from helpless terror and distress.
However that may be, he was sent on his way by
Nicogenes, who devised the following scheme for his
safety. Most barbarous nations, and the Persians in
particular, are savage and harsh in their jealous
watchfulness over their women. Not only their
wedded wives, but also their boughten slaves and
concubines are strictly guarded, so that they are
seen by no outsiders, but live at home in complete
seclusion, and even on their journeys are carried in
tents closely hung round about with curtains and set
7!
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
An A > a
περιπεφραγμένας ἐπὶ τῶν ἁρμαμαξῶν ὀχεῖσθαι.
a a ,
τοιαύτης τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ κατασκευασθείσης
᾿ἀπήνης καταδὺς ἐκομίζετο, τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀεὶ
τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι. καὶ πυνθανομένοις λεγόντων,
“ vA € Ἁ A ? 4.» ’
ὅτι γύναιον ᾿Εἰλληνικὸν ἄγουσιν ἀπ᾽ ᾿Ιωνίας πρός
τινα τῶν ἐπὶ θύραις βασιλέως.
XXVII. Θουκυδίδης μὲν οὖν καὶ Χάρων ὁ
Λαμψακηνὸς ἱστοροῦσι τεθνηκότος Ξέρξου πρὸς
τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ γενέσθαι τὴν
ἔντευξιν Ἔφορος δὲ καὶ Δείνων καὶ Κλείταρχος
καὶ Ἡρακλείδης, ἔτι δ᾽ ἄλλοι πλείονες, πρὸς
3.ϑ N 3 A N 4 , - \ a
αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι τὸν ἘΞξέρξην. τοῖς δὲ χρονικοῖς
δοκεῖ μᾶλλον ὁ Θουκυδίδης συμφέρεσθαι, καίπερ
οὐδ αὐτοῖς ἀτρέμα συνταττομένοις. ὁ δ᾽ οὗν
A 4 Q
Θεμιστοκλῆς γενόμενος wap αὐτὸ τὸ δεινὸν
ἐντυγχάνει πρῶτον ᾿Αρταβάνῳ τῷ χιλιάρχῳ
λέγων, “Ἕλλην μὲν εἶναι, βούλεσθαι δ᾽ ἐντυχεῖν
βασιλεῖ περὶ μεγίστων πραγμάτων καὶ πρὸς ἃ
τυγχάνει μάλιστα σπουδάζων ἐκεῖνος. ὁ δέ
φησιν: “Ὦ, ξένε, νόμοι διαφέρουσιν ἀνθρώπων'
ἄλλα δ᾽ ἄλλοις καλά: καλὸν δὲ πᾶσι τὰ οἰκεῖα
κοσμεῖν καὶ σώζειν. ὑμᾶς μὲν οὖν ἐλευθερίαν
/ 4 \ 3 7 , . e nN \
μάλιστα θαυμάζειν καὶ ἰσότητα λόγος" ἡμῖν δὲ
A , A ;
πολλῶν νόμων Kal καλῶν ὄντων κάλλιστος οὗτός
ἐστι, τιμᾶν βασιλέα, καὶ προσκυνεῖν ὡς εἰκόνα
θεοῦ τοῦ τὰ πάντα σώξοντος. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐπαινῶν
τὰ ἡμέτερα προσκυνήσεις, ἔστι σοι καὶ θεάσασθαι
/ a > > ΝΜ) "
βασιλέα καὶ προσειπεῖν" εἰ δ᾽ ἄλλο τι φρονεῖς,
72
THEMISTOCLES
upon four-wheeled waggons. Such a vehicle was
made ready for Themistocles, and safely ensconced in
this he made his journey, while his attendants replied
in every case to those who met them with enquiries,
that they were conducting a Hellenic woman, fair
but frail, to one of the King’s courtiers.
XXVIL. Now Thucydides! and Charon of Lampsacus
relate that Xerxes was dead, and that it was his son
Artaxerxes with whom Themistocles had his inter-
view ; but Ephorus and Dinon and Clitarchus and
Heracleides and yet more besides have it that it was
Xerxes to whom he came. With the chronological
data Thucydides seems to me more in accord,
although these are by no means securely established.
Be that as it may, Themistocles, thus at the
threshold of the dreadful ordeal, had audience first
with Artabanus the Chiliarch, or Grand Vizier, and
said that he was a Hellene, and that he desired to
have an audience with the King on matters which
were of the highest importance and for which the
monarch entertained the most lively concern.
Whereupon the Chiliarch replied : “O Stranger,
men’s customs differ ; different people honour differ-
ent practices; but all honour the exaltation and
maintenance of their own peculiar ways. Now you
Hellenes are said to admire liberty and equality
above all things; but in our eyes, among many fair
customs, this is the fairest of all, to honour the King,
and to pay obeisance to him as the image of that
god who is the preserver of all things. If, then,
thou approvest our practice and wilt pay obeisance,
it is in thy power to behold and address the King ;
but if thou art otherwise minded, it will be needful
τι, 137.
ς
73
~PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀγγέλοις ἑτέροις χρήσῃ πρὸς αὐτόν. βασιλεῖ
γὰρ οὐ πάτριον ἀνδρὸς ἀκροᾶσθαι μὴ προσκυνή-
4 σαντος." ταῦτα ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἀκούσας λέγει
πρὸς αὐτόν “᾿Αλλ᾽ ἔγωγε τὴν βασιλέως, ὦ
ok 7 ’ Ἁ ὃ 4 3 ’ 3 a
ρτάβανε, φήμην καὶ δύναμιν αὐξήσων ἀφῖγμαι,
καὶ αὐτός τε πείσομαι τοῖς ὑμετέροις νόμοις,
3 Ἁ A a ’ὕ [ή [2 al \
ἐπεὶ θεῷ τῷ μεγαλύνοντι Πέρσας οὕτω δοκεῖ, καὶ
δι’ ἐμὲ πλείονες τῶν νῦν βασιλέα προσκυνήσουσιν.
μ ή
ef a 3 \ » a
ὥστε τοῦτο μηδὲν ἐμποδὼν ἔστω τοῖς λόγοις, ods
͵ Ly δ > mn 9. ogg TEV 29 9
5 βούλομαι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εἰπεῖν." “Τίνα δ᾽," εἶπεν
ὁ ᾿Αρτάβανος, “Ἑλλήνων ἀφῖχθαί σε φῶμεν; οὐ
γὰρ ἰδιώτῃ τὴν γνώμην ἔοικας." καὶ ὁ Θεμι-
στοκλῆς" “Τοῦτ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ay,” ἔφη, “πύθοιτό τις,
3 / ’ ’ 33
Αρτάβανε, πρότερος βασιλέως.
Οὕτω μὲν ὁ Φανίας φησίν. ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Ερατοσθένης
ἐν τοῖς Περὶ πλούτου προσιστόρησε, διὰ γυναικὸς
᾿Ερετρικῆς, ἣν ὁ χιλίαρχος εἶχε, τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ
τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔντευξιν γενέσθαι καὶ σύστασιν.
XXVIII. ᾿Επεὶ δ᾽ οὖν εἰσήχθη πρὸς βασιλέα
καὶ προσκυνήσας ἔστη σιωπῇ, προστάξαντος
τῷ ἑρμηνεῖ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐρωτῆσαι, τίς ἐστι,
καὶ τοῦ ἑρμηνέως ἐρωτήσαντος, εἶπεν: ““ἥκω
σοι, βασιλεῦ, Θεμιστοκλῆς ὁ ᾿Αθηναῖος ἐγὼ
φυγὰς ὑφ᾽ Ἑλλήνων διωχθείς, ᾧ πολλὰ μὲν
ὀφείλουσι Πέρσαι κακά, πλείω δὲ ἀγαθὰ κωλύ-
σαντι τὴν δίωξιν, ὅτε τῆς “Ελλάδος ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ.
γενομένης παρέσχε τὰ οἴκοι σωζόμενα χαρίσασθαί
2 τι καὶ ὑμῖν. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν πάντα πρέποντα ταῖς
74
THEMISTOCLES
for thee to employ messengers to him in thy stead,
for it is not a custom of this country that the King
give ear to a man who has not paid him obeisance.”’
When Themistocles heard this, he said to him:
“ Nay, but I am come, Artabanus, to augment the
King’s fame and power, and I will not only myself
observe your customs, since such is the pleasure of
the god who exalts the Persians, but I will induce
more men than do so now to pay obeisance to the
King. Therefore let this matter by no means stand
in the way of the words I wish to speak to him.”
“« And what Hellene,” said Artabanus, “shall I say
thou art who hast thus come? Verily, thou dost not
seem to be a man of ordinary understanding.” And
Themistocles said: “This, Artabanus, no one may
learn before the King.”
So indeed Phanias says, and Eratosthenes, in his
book “ On Wealth,” adds the statement that it was
through a woman of Eretria, whom the Chiliarch
had to wife, that Themistocles obtained interview
and conference with him.
XXVIII. That may or may not be so. But when
he was led into the presence of the King and had
made him obeisance, and was standing in silence,
the King ordered the interpreter to ask him who he
was, and, on the interpreter’s asking, he said: “ I
who thus come to thee, O King, am Themistocles
the Athenian, an exile, pursued by the Hellenes;
and to me the Persians are indebted for many ills,
but for more blessings, since I hindered the pursuit
of the Hellenes, at a time when Hellas was brought
into safety, and the salvation of my own home gave
me an opportunity for showing some favour also to.
you. Now, therefore, I may look for any sequel to
75
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
παρούσαις συμφοραῖς ἐστι, Kal παρεσκευασμένος
ἀφῖγμαι δέξασθαί τε χάριν εὐμενῶς διαλλαττο-
μένον καὶ παραιτεῖσθαι μνησικακοῦντος ὀργῆν'"
σὺ δὲ τοὺς ἐμοὺς ἐχθροὺς μάρτυρας θέμενος ὧν
εὐεργέτησα Πέρσας, νῦν ἀπόχρησαι ταῖς ἐμαῖς
τύχαις πρὸς ἐπίδειξιν ἀρετῆς μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς
ἀποπλήρωσιν ὀργῆς. σώσεις μὲν γὰρ ἱκέτην σόν,
ἀπολεῖς δ᾽ “Ελλήνων πολέμιον γενόμενον." ταῦτ᾽
εἰπὼν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἐπεθείασε τῷ λόγῳ προσ-
διελθὼν τὴν ὄψιν, ἣν εἶδεν ἐν Νικογένους, καὶ τὸ
μάντευμα τοῦ Δωδωναίου Διός, ὡς κελευσθεὶς
πρὸς τὸν ὁμώνυμον τοῦ θεοῦ βαδίζειν συμ-
φρονήσειε πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀναπέμπεσθαι" μεγάλους
γὰρ ἀμφοτέρους εἶναί τε καὶ λέγεσθαι βασιλέας.
᾿Ακούσας δ᾽ ὁ Πέρσης, ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐδὲν ἀπε-
κρίνατο, καίπερ θαυμάσας τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν
τόλμαν αὐτοῦ: μακαρίσας δὲ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους
ἑαυτόν, ὡς ἐπ᾽ εὐτυχίᾳ μεγίστῃ, καὶ κατευξάμενος
ἀεὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις τοιαύτας φρένας διδόναι τὸν
᾿Αριμάνιον, ὅπως ἔλαύνωσι τοὺς ἀρίστους ἐξ ἑαυ-
τῶν, θῦσαί τε τοῖς θεοῖς λέγεται καὶ πρὸς πόσιν
εὐθὺς τραπέσθαι καὶ νύκτωρ ὑπὸ χαρᾶς διὰ μέσων
τῶν ὕπνων βοῆσαι τρίς" “Ἔχω Θεμιστοκλέα τὸν
᾿Αθηναῖον."
XXIX. “Apa 8 ἡμέρᾳ συγκαλέσας τοὺς φίλους
εἰσῆγεν αὐτὸν οὐδὲν! ἐλπίζοντα χρηστὸν ἐξ ὧν
ἑώρα τοὺς ἐπὶ θύραις, ὡς ἐπύθοντο τοὔνομα πα-
ρόντος αὐτοῦ, χαλεπῶς διακειμένους καὶ κακῶς
1 οὐδὲν Fuhr and Blass with ΕᾺΒ : μηδὲν.
76
126
THEMISTOCLES
my present calamities, and I come prepared to re-
‘ceive the favour of one who benevolently offers
reconciliation, or to deprecate the anger of one who
cherishes the remembrance of injuries. But do
thou take my foes to witness for the good I wrought
the Persians, and now use my misfortunes for the
display of thy virtue rather than for the satisfaction
of thine anger. For it is a suppliant of thine whom
thou wilt save, but an enemy of the Hellenes whom
thou wilt destroy.’’ After these words Themistocles
spoke of divine portents in his favour, enlarging
upon the vision which he saw at the house of
Nicogenes, and the oracle of Dodonaean Zeus, how
when he was bidden by it to proceed to the name-
sake of the god, he had concluded that he was
thereby sent to him, since both were actually “ Great
Kings,” and were so addressed.
On hearing this the Persian made no direct reply
to him, although struck with admiration at the bold-
ness of his spirit; but in converse with his friends
it is said that he congratulated himself over what he
called the greatest good fortune, and prayed Arima-
nius ever to give his enemies such minds as to drive
their best men away from them; and then sacrificed
to the gods, and straightway betook himself to his
cups; and in the night, in the midst of his slumbers,
for very joy called out thrice: “ I have Themistocles
the Athenian.”
XXIX. At daybreak he called his friends together
and bade Themistocles to be introduced, who
expected no favourable outcome, because he saw that
the guards at the gates, when they learned the name
of him who was going in, were bitterly disposed and
77
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
λέγοντας. ἔτι δὲ “Ῥωξάνης ὁ χιλίαρχος, ὡς κατ᾽
αὐτὸν ἦν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς προσιών, καθημένου
βασιλέως καὶ τῶν ἄλλων σιωπώντων, ἀτρέμα
/ 4 “εν “ ε , ς
στενάξας εἶπεν: ““Οφις “ἕλλην ὁ ποικίλος, ὁ
βασιλέως σε δαίμων δεῦρο ἤγαγεν. οὐ μὴν
ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ πάλιν προσ-
κυνήσαντος, ἀσπασάμενος καὶ προσειπὼν φιλο-
, e 4 5 \ Μ 3 A ,
φρόνως ὁ βασιλεύς, ἤδη μὲν ἔφησεν αὐτῷ διακόσια
/ 3 / , \ e \ > ’
τάλαντα οφείλειν: κομίσαντα yap αὑτὸν ἀπολῆη-
ψεσθαι δικαίως τὸ ἐπικηρυχθὲν τῷ ἀγαγόντι'
aA Ἁ ’ 4 e aA \ 7
πολλῷ δὲ πλείω τούτων ὑπισχνεῖτο καὶ παρεθάρ-
puve καὶ λέγειν ἐδίδου περὶ τῶν ᾿Ελληνικῶν, ἃ
βούλοιτο, παρρησιαζόμενον.
ὋὉ δὲ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἀπεκρίνατο, τὸν λόγον ἐοικέ-
ναι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τοῖς ποικίλοις στρώμασιν: ὡς
yap ἐκεῖνα καὶ τοῦτον ἐκτεινόμενον μὲν ἐπιδείκνυ-
θ \ rh λλό δὲ 4 \ ὃ
σθαι τὰ εἴδη, συστελλόμενον δὲ κρύπτειν καὶ δια-
φθείρειν' ὅθεν αὐτῷ χρόνου δεῖν. ἐπεὶ δέ, ἡσθέντος
τοῦ βασίλέως τῇ εἰκασίᾳ καὶ λαμβάνειν κελεύ-
σαντος, ἐνιαυτὸν αἰτησάμενος καὶ τὴν Περσίδα
γλῶτταν ἀποχρώντως ἐκμαθὼν ἐνετύγχανε βα-
σιλεῖ δι’ αὑτοῦ, τοῖς μὲν ἐκτὸς δόξαν παρέσχε
περὶ τῶν ᾿Ελληνικῶν πραγμάτων διειλέχθαι,
πολλῶν δὲ καινοτομουμένων περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν καὶ
τοὺς φίλους ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ
καιρῷ, φθόνον ἔσχε παρὰ τοῖς δυνατοῖς, ὡς καὶ
κατ᾽ ἐκείνων “παρρησίᾳ χρήσασθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἀποτετολμηκώς. οὐδὲν yap ἦσαν αἱ τιμαὶ ταῖς
τῶν ἄλλων ἐοικυῖαι ξένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ κυνηγεσίων
βασιλεῖ μετέσχε καὶ τῶν οἴκοι διατριβῶν, ὥστε
78
THEMISTOCLES
spoke insultingly to him. And _ besides, Roxanes
the Chiliarch, when Themistocles came along opposite
him,—the King being seated and the rest hushed in
silence,—said in an angry undertone: “ Thou subtle
serpent of Hellas, the King’s good genius hath
brought thee hither.” However, when he had come
into the King’s presence, and had once more paid
him obeisance, the King welcomed him and spake
him kindly, and said he already owed him two hundred
talents, for since he had delivered himself up it was
only just that he himself should receive the reward
proclaimed for his captor. And he promised him
much more besides, and bade him take heart, and gave
him leave to say whatever he wished concerning the
affairs of Hellas, with all frankness of speech.
But Themistocles made answer that the speech of
man was like embroidered tapestries, since like them
this too had to be extended in order to display its
patterns, but when it was rolled up it concealed and
distorted them. Wherefore he had need of time.
The King at once showed his pleasure at this com-
parison by bidding him take time, and so Themistocles
asked for a year, and in that time he learned the
Persian language sufficiently to have interviews with
the King by himself without interpreters. Outsiders
thought these conferences concerned Hellenic matters
merely ; but since about that time many innovations
were introduced by the King at court and among his
favourites, the magnates became jealous of The-
mistocles, on the ground that he had made bold to
use his freedom of speech with the King to their
harm. For the honours he enjoyed were tar beyond
those paid to other foreigners; nay, he actually took
part in the King’s hunts and in his household diver-
79
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καὶ μητρὶ τῇ βασιλέως εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν καὶ γενέ-
σθαι συνήθης, διακοῦσαι δὲ καὶ τῶν μαγικῶν
λόγων τοῦ βασιλέως κελεύσαντος. ἐπεὶ δὲ Δη-
μάρατος ὁ Σπαρτιάτης αἰτήσασθαι δωρεὰν κελ-
ευσθεὶς ἠτήσατο τὴν κίταριν, ὥσπερ οἱ βασιλεῖς,
ἐπαράμενος εἰσελάσαι διὰ Σάρδεων, Μιθροπαύο-
τῆς μὲν ἀνεψιὸς ὧν βασιλέως εἶπε τοῦ Δημαρά-
του τῆς τιάρας ἁψάμενος" “Αὕτη μὲν ἡ κίταρις
οὐκ ἔχει ἐγκέφαλον, ὃν ἐπικαλύψει" σὺ δ᾽ οὐκ
ἔσῃ Ζεὺς ἂν λάβῃς κεραυνόν' 7 ἀπωσαμένου δὲ
τὸν Δημάρατον ὀργῇ διὰ τὸ. αἴτημα τοῦ βασι-
λέως καὶ δοκοῦντος ἀπαραιτήτως. ἔχειν πρὸς
αὐτόν, ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς δεηθεὶς ἔπεισε καὶ
διήλλαξε.
Λέγεται δὲ καὶ τοὺς ὕστερον βασιλεῖς, ἐφ᾽ ὧν
μᾶλλον αἱ Περσικαὶ πράξεις ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς
ἀνεκράθησαν, ὁσάκις δεηθεῖεν ἀνδρὸς "ἡ Ἕλληνος,
ἐπαγγέλλεσθαι καὶ γράφειν ἕκαστον, ὡς μείζων
ἔσοιτο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ Θεμιστοκλέους. αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν
Θεμιστοκλέα φασὶν ἤδη μέγαν ὄντα καὶ θεραπευό-
μενον ὑπὸ πολλῶν λαμπρᾶς ποτε τραπέξης αὐτῷ
παρατεθείσης ᾿ πρὸς τοὺς παῖδας εἰπεῖν. “Ὦ
παῖδες, ἀπωλόμεθα ἄ ἄν, εἰ μὴ ἀπωλόμεθα." πόλεις
δ᾽ αὐτῷ τρεῖς μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι δοθῆναι λέγουσιν
εἰς ἄρτον καὶ οἶνον καὶ ὄψον, Μαγνησίαν καὶ
Λάμψακον καὶ Μυοῦντα: δύο δ᾽ ἄλλας προστί-
θησιν ὁ Κυζικηνὸς Νεάνθης καὶ Φανίας, Περ-
κώτην καὶ αλαίσκηψιν εἰς στρωμνὴν καὶ
ἀμπεχόνην.
XXX. Καταβαίνοντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς ᾿Ελ-
ληνικὰς πράξεις ἐπὶ θάλατταν Πέρσης ἀνὴρ
1 αὐτῷ παρατεθείσης Bekker, Fuhr with F*S: παρατεθείσης.
80
127
THEMISTOCLES
sions, so far that he even had access to the queen-
mother and became intimate with her, and at the
King’s bidding heard expositions also of the Magian
lore. And when Demaratus the Spartan, being
bidden to ask a gift, asked that he might ride in
state through Sardis, wearing his tiara upright after
the manner of the Persian kings, Mithropaustes the
King’s cousin said, touching the tiara of Demaratus :
‘ This tiara of thine hath no brains to cover; indeed
thou wilt not be Zeus merely because thou graspest
the thunderbolt.”. The King also repulsed Demaratus
in anger at his request, and was minded to be in-
exorable towards him, and yet Themistocles begged
and obtained a reconciliation with him.
And it is said that later kings also, in whose reigns
Persia and Hellas came into closer relations, as often
as they asked for a Hellene to advise them, promised
him in writing, every one, that he should be more
influential at court than Themistocles. And The-
mistocles himself, they say, now become great and
courted by many, said to his children, when a
splendid table was once set for him: “ My children,
we should now have been undone, had we not been
undone before.’’! Three cities, as most writers say,
were given him for bread, wine, and meat, namely :
Magnesia, Lampsacus, and Myus; and two others
are added by Neanthes of Cyzicus and by Phanias,
namely: Percoté and Palaescepsis; these for his
bedding and raiment.
XXX. Now as he was going down to the sea on
his commission to deal with Hellenic affairs, a
| 1 Thuc. i. 138.
81
VOL. II. α
ΡΙΟΤΑΒΟΗΒ LIVES
᾿Επιξύης ὄνομα, σατραπεύων τῆς ἄνω Φρυγίας,
ἐπεβούλευσε, παρεσκευακὼς ἔκπαλαι Πισίδας
τινὰς ἀποκτενοῦντας, ὅταν ἐν τῇ καλουμένῃ κώμῃ *
Λεοντοκεφάλῳ γενόμενος καταυλισθῇ. τῷ δὲ
λέγεται καθεύδοντι μεσημβρίας τὴν μητέρα τῶν
θεῶν ὄναρ φανεῖσαν εἰπεῖν: ““Ὦ Θεμιστόκλεις,
ὑστέρεε κεφαλῆς λέοντων, ἵνα μὴ λέοντι περιπέσης.
ἐγὼ δὲ ἀντὶ τούτου σε αἰτῶ θεράπαιναν Μνη-
συπτολέμαν." διαταραχθεὶς οὖν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς
προσευξάμενος τῇ θεῷ τὴν μὲν λεωφόρον ἀφῆκεν,
ἑτέρᾳ δὲ περιελθὼν καὶ παραλλάξας τὸν τόπον
ἐκεῖνον ἤδη νυκτὸς οὔσης κατηυλίσατο.
Τῶν δὲ τὴν σκηνὴν κομιζόντων ὑποζυγίων ἑνὸς εἰς
τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμπεσόντος, οἱ τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους
οἰκέται τὰς αὐλαίας διαβρόχους γενομένας ἐκπε-
τάσαντες ἀνέψυχον. οἱ δὲ Πισίδαι τὰ ξίφη λα-
βόντες ἐν τούτῳ προσεφέροντο, καὶ τὰ ψυχόμενα
πρὸς τὴν σελήνην οὐκ ἀκριβῶς ἰδόντες φήθησαν
εἶναι τὴν σκηνὴν τὴν Θεμιστοκλέους κἀκεῖνον
ἔνδον εὑρήσειν ἀναπανόμενον. ὡς δ᾽ ἐγγὺς γενό-
μενοι τὴν αὐλαίαν ἀνέστελλον, ἐπιπίπτουσιν
αὐτοῖς οἱ παραφυλάσσοντες καὶ συλλαμβάνουσι.
διαφυγὼν δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον οὕτω καὶ θαυμάσας τὴν
ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς θεοῦ ναὸν κατεσκεύασεν ἐν Μαγ-
νησίᾳ Δινδυμήνης καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα Μνησιπτο-
λέμαν ἱέρειαν ἀπέδειξεν.
ΟΧΧΧΙ. ‘Os δ᾽ ἦλθεν εἰς Σάρδεις καὶ σχολὴν
1 κώμῃ Fuhr and Blass with FS: πόλει city.
82 .
THEMISTOCLES
Persian, Epixyes by name, satrap of Upper Phrygia,
plotted against his life, having for a long time kept
certain Pisidians in readiness to slay him whenever
he should reach the village called Lion’s Head, and
take up his night’s quarters there. But while Themi-
stocles was asleep at midday before, it is said that the
Mother of the Gods! appeared to him in a dream and
said: “O Themistocles, shun a head of lions, that
thou mayest not encounter a lion. And for this
service to thee, I demand of thee Mnesiptolema to
be my handmaid.”” Much disturbed, of course,
Themistocles, with a prayer of acknowledgment to
the goddess, forsook the highway, made a circuit by
another route, and passing by that place, at last, as
night came on, took up his quarters.
Now, since one of the beasts of burden which
carried the equipage of his tent had fallen into the
river, the servants of Themistocles hung up the
curtains which had got wet, and were drying them
out. The Pisidians, at this juncture, sword in hand,
made their approach, and since they could not see
distinctly by the light of the moon what it was that
was being dried, they thought it was the tent of
Themistocles, and that they would find him reposing
inside. But when they drew near and lifted up the
hanging, they were fallen upon by the guards and
apprehended. Thus Themistocles escaped the peril,
and because he was amazed at the epiphany of the
goddess, he built a temple in Magnesia in honour of
Dindymené, and made his daughter Mnesiptolema
her priestess,
XXXI. When he had come to Sardis and was
1 Rhea, or Cybele, Magna Mater, called also Dindymené,
from Mount Dindymon, in Phrygia.
83
a 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἄγων ἐθεᾶτο τῶν ἱερῶν THY κατασκευὴν καὶ τῶν
3 7 \ [4] 93 N δ. κ“«ς
ἀναθημάτων τὸ πλῆθος, εἶδε δὲ ἐν μητρὸς ἱερῷ
τὴν καλουμένην ὑδροφόρον κόρην χαλκῆν, μέγεθος
δίπηχυν, ἣν αὐτὸς ὅτε τῶν ᾿Αθήνησιν ὑδάτων
3 4 ς \ \ e VA \ [2
ἐπιστάτης ἦν, ἑλὼν τοὺς ὑφαιρουμένους τὸ ὕδωρ
καὶ παροχετεύοντας, ἀνέθηκεν ἐκ τῆς ζημίας
ποιησάμενος, εἴτε δὴ παθών τι πρὸς τὴν αἶχμα-
, nw + 4 Ν , > ’
λωσίαν τοῦ ἀναθήματος εἴτε βουλόμενος ἐνδείξα -
σθαι τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις, ὅσην ἔχει τιμὴν καὶ δύναμιν
3 a / / / A ’
ἐν τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασι, λόγον τῷ Λυδίας
σατράπῃ προσήνεγκεν αἰτούμενος ἀποστεῖλαι τὴν
κόρην εἰς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. χαλεπαίνοντος δὲ τοῦ
βαρβάρου καὶ βασιλεῖ γράψειν φήσαντος ἐπι-
στολήν, φοβηθεὶς ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς εἰς τὴν γυναικω-
νῖτιν κατέφυγε καὶ τὰς παλλακίδας αὐτοῦ
θεραπεύσας χρήμασιν ἐκεῖνόν τε κατεπράΐνε τῆς
ὀργῆς καὶ πρὸς τὰ ἄλλα παρεῖχεν ἑαυτὸν εὖλα-
βέστερον, ἤδη καὶ τὸν φθόνον τῶν βαρβάρων
εδοικώς. οὐ γὰρ πλανώμενος περὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν,
Ψ , 3 3.,. [4 \ > A .
ὥς φησι Θεόπομπος, adr ἐν Μαγνησίᾳ μὲν οἰκῶν,
καρπούμενος δὲ δωρεὰς μεγάλας καὶ τιμώμενος
ὅμοια ἹΠερσῶν τοῖς ἀρίστοις, ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον
ἀδεῶς διῆγεν, οὐ πάνυ τι τοῖς Ελληνικοῖς Tpay-
pact βασίλέως προσέχοντος ὑπ᾽ ἀσχολιῶν περὶ
τὰς ἄνω πράξεις.
e
Ὡς δ᾽ Alyurros te ἀφισταμένη βοηθούντων
: 4
᾿Αθηναίων καὶ τριήρεις Ελληνικαὶ μέχρι Κύπρου
καὶ Κιλικίας ἀναπλέουσαι καὶ Κίμων θαλαττο-
κρατῶν ἐπέστρεψεν αὐτὸν ἀντεπιχειρεῖν τοῖς
“Ἕλλησι καὶ κωλύειν αὐξανομένους ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν, ἤδη
84
THEMISTOCLES
viewing at his leisure the temples built there and the
multitude of their dedicatory offerings, and saw in
the temple of the Mother the so-called Water-
carrier,—a maid in bronze, two cubits high, which he
himself, when he was water commissioner at Athens,
had caused to be made and dedicated from the fines
he exacted of those whom he convicted of stealing
and tapping the public water,—whether it was
because he felt some chagrin at the capture
of the offering, or because he wished to show
the Athenians what honour and power he had in the
King’s service, he addressed a proposition to the
Lydian satrap and asked him to restore the maid to
Athens. But the Barbarian was incensed and threat-
ened to write a letter to the King about it ; whereat
Themistocles was afraid, and so had recourse to the
women’s chambers, and, by winning the favour of the
satrap’s concubines with money, succeeded in assuag-
ing his anger. Thereafter he behaved more circum-
spectly, fearing now even the jealousy of the Bar-
barians. For he did not wander about over Asia, as
Theopompus says, but had a house in Magnesia, and
gathered in large gifts, and was honoured like the
noblest Persians, and so lived on for a long time with-
out concern, because the King paid no heed at
all to Hellenic affairs, owing to his occupation with
the state of the interior.
But when Egypt revolted with Athenian aid,}
and Hellenic triremes sailed up as far as Cyprus
and Cilicia, and Cimon’s mastery of the sea forced
the King to resist the efforts of the Hellenes
and to hinder their hostile growth; and when at
last forces began to be moved, and generals were
1 459 B.O.
85
"ἢ.
nr
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δὲ καὶ δυνάμεις ἐκινοῦντο καὶ στρατηγοὶ διεπέμ-
ποντο καὶ κατέβαινον ἀγγελίαι πρὸς Θεμιστο-
κλέα, τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἐξάπτεσθαι κελεύοντος
βασιλέως καὶ βεβαιοῦν τὰς ὑποσχέσεις, οὔτε δε
ὀργήν τινα παροξυνθεὶς κατὰ τῶν πολιτῶν οὔτε
ἐπαρθεὶς τιμῇ τοσαύτῃ καὶ δυνάμει πρὸς τὸν
πόλεμον, GAN laws μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐφικτὸν ὃ ἡγούμενος
τὸ ἔργον, ἄλλους τε μεγάλους τῆς Ελλάδος ἐχού-
σης στρατηγοὺς τότε καὶ Κίμωνος ὑπερφυῶς
εὐημεροῦντος ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον
αἰδοῖ τῆς τε δόξης τῶν πράξεων τῶν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ
τῶν τροπαίων ἐκείνων, ἄριστα βουλευσάμενος
ἐπιθεῖναι τῷ βίῳ τὴν τελευτὴν πρέπουσαν, ἔθυσε
τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ τοὺς φίλους συναγαγὼν καὶ δεξιω-
σάμενος, ὡς μὲν ὁ πολὺς λόγος, αἷμα ταύρειον
πιών, ὡς δ᾽ ἔνιοι, φάρμακον ἐφήμερον προσενεγ-
κάμενος, ἐν Μαγνησίᾳ κατέστρεψε πέντε πρὸς
τοῖς ἑξήκοντα βεβιωκὼς ἔτη καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τού-
των ἐν πολιτείαις καὶ ἡγεμονίαις. τὴν δ᾽ αἰτίαν
τοῦ θανάτου καὶ τὸν τρόπον πυθόμενον βασιλέα
λέγουσιν ἔτι μᾶλλον θαυμάσαι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ
τοῖς φίλοις αὐτοῦ καὶ οἰκείοις χρώμενον διατελεῖν
φιλανθρώπως.
XXXII. ᾿Απέλιπε δὲ Θεμιστοκννῆς παῖδας ἐκ
μὲν ᾿Αρχίππης τῆς Λυσάνδρου τοῦ ᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν
᾿Αρχέπτολεν καὶ Πολύευκτον καὶ Κλεόφαντον,
οὗ καὶ Πλάτων ὁ φιλόσοφος ὡς ἱππέως ἀρίστου,
τἄλλα δ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἀξίου γενομένον μνημονεύει.
1 κατέβαινον Fuhr and Blass with ΕὰΒ : κατέβαινον εἰς
Μαγνησίαν.
3 οὐδ᾽ ἐφικτὸν Fuhr and Blass with FS : οὐκ ἐφικτὸν.
86
128
THEMISTOCLES
despatched hither and thither, and messages came
down to Themistocles saying that the King com-
manded him to make good his promises by applying
himself to the Hellenic problem, then, neither
embittered by anything like anger against his former
fellow-citizens, nor lifted up by the great honour and
power he was to have in the war, but possibly think-
ing his task not even approachable, both because
Hellas had other great generals at the time, and
especially because-Cimon was so marvellously success-
ful in his campaigns; yet most of all out of regard
for the reputation of his own achievements and the
trophies of those early days ; having decided that his
best course was to put a fitting end to his life,
he made a sacrifice to the gods, then called his
friends together, gave them a farewell clasp of his
hand, and, as the current story goes, drank bull's
blood, or as some say, took a quick poison, and so
died in Magnesia, in the sixty-fifth year of his life,!
most of which had been spent in political leader-
ship. They say that the King, on learning the cause
and the manner of his death, admired the man yet
more, and continued to treat his friends and kindred
with kindness. |
XXXII. Themistocles left three sons by Archippé,
the daughter of Lysander, of the deme Alopecé,
namely: Archeptolis, Polyeuctus and Cleophantus,
the last of whom Plato the philosopher mentions
as a capital horseman, but good for nothing else.’
1 Thuo. i. 138, 2 Meno, p. 93.
87
a
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτάτων Νεοκλῆς μὲν ἔτι παῖς ὧν
ὑφ᾽ ἵππου δηχθεὶς ἀπέθανε, Διοκλέα δὲ Λύσαν-
Spos ὁ πάππος υἱὸν ἐποιήσατο. θυγατέρας δὲ
πλείους ἔσχεν, ὧν Μνησιπτολέμαν μὲν ἐκ τῆς
ἐπιγαμηθείσης γενομένην ᾿Αρχέπτολις ὁ ἀδελφὸς
οὐκ ὧν ὁμομήτριος ἔγημεν, ᾿Ιταλίαν δὲ Πανθοίδης
ὁ Χῖος, Σύβαριν δὲ Νικομήδης ὁ ᾿Αθηναῖος"
Νικομάχην δὲ Φρασικλῆς ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς Θεμιστο-
κλέους, ἤδη τετελευτηκότος ἐκείνου, πλεύσας εἰς
Μαγνησίαν ἔλαβε παρὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν, νεωτάτην
δὲ πάντων τῶν τέκνων ᾿Ασίαν ἔθρεψε.
Καὶ τάφον μὲν αὐτοῦ λαμπρὸν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ
Μάγνητες ἔχουσι' περὶ δὲ τῶν λειψάνων οὔτ᾽
᾿Ανδοκίδῃ προσέχειν ἄξιον ἐν τῷ Πρὸς τοὺς
ἑταΐρους λέγοντι, φωράσαντας τὰ λείψανα διαρ-
ρῖψαι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους (ψεύδεται γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸν
δῆμον παροξύνων τοὺς ὀλιγαρχικούς), ὅ τε Φύ-
λαρχος, ὥσπερ ἐν τραγῳδίᾳ τῇ ἱστορίᾳ μονονοὺ
μηχανὴν ἄρας καὶ προαγαγὼν Νεοκλέα τινὰ καὶ
Δημόπολιν, υἱοὺς Θεμεστοκλέους, ἀγῶνα βού-
λεταῦ κινεῖν καὶ πάθος, ὃ οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὁ τυχὼν ἀγνοή-
σείεν ὅτι πέπλασται. Διόδωρος δ᾽ ὁ περιηγητὴς
ἐν τοῖς Περὶ μνημάτων εἴρηκεν ὡς ὑπονοῶν μᾶλ-
λον ἢ γινώσκων, ὅτι περὶ τὸν μέγαν λιμένα τοῦ
Πειραιῶς ἀπὸ τοῦ κατὰ τὸν ΓΑλκιμον ἀκρωτη-
ρίου πρόκειταί τις οἷον ἀγκών, καὶ κάμψαντι
τοῦτον ἐντός, 7) τὸ ὑπεύδιον τῆς θαλάττης, κρηπίς
ἐστιν εὐμεγέθης καὶ τὸ περὶ αὐτὴν βωμοειδὲς
88
THEMISTOCLES
One of his two oldest sons, Neocles, died in boy-
hood from the bite of a horse, and Diocles was
adopted by his grandfather Lysander. He had
several daughters, of whom Mnesiptolema, born of his
second wife, became the wife of Archeptolis her
half-brother, Italia of Panthoides the Chian, and
Sybaris of Nicomedes the Athenian. Nicomaché was
given in marriage by her brothers to Phrasicles, the
nephew of Themistocles, who sailed to Magnesia
after his uncle’s death, and who also took charge of
Asia, the youngest of all the children.
The Magnesians have a splendid tomb of 'Themisto-
cles in their market place; and with regard to his
remains, Andocides is worthy of no attention when
he says, in his Address to his Associates, that the
Athenians stole away those remains and scattered
them abroad, for he is trying by his lies to incite
the oligarchs against the people; and Phylarchus,
too, when, as if in a tragedy, he all but erects a
theatrical machine for this story, and brings into the
action a certain Neocles, forsooth, and Demopolis,
sons of Themistocles, wishes merely to stir up
tumultuous emotion ; his tale even an ordinary person
must know is fabricated. Diodorus the Topographer,
in his work “ On Tombs,” says, by conjecture rather
than from actual knowledge, that near the large
harbour of the Piraeus a sort of elbow juts out from
the promontory opposite Alcimus, and that as you
round this and come inside where the water of the
sea is still, there is a basement of goodly size,
and that the altar-like structure upon this is the
89
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
5 τάφος τοῦ Θεμισκοκλέους. οἴεται Se καὶ Π|λά-
τωνα τὸν κωμικὸν αὐτῷ μαρτυρεῖν ἐν τούτοις"
Ὁ σὸς δὲ τύμβος ἐν καλῷ κεχωσμένος
τοῖς ἐμπόροις πρόσρησις ἔσται πανταχοῦ,
UA 2712 ’ὔ 3 ’ 4 >
tous τ᾽ | ἐκπλέοντας εἰσπλέοντάς τ᾽ ὄψεται,
3 4 Ψ 9 a a θ /
χωπόταν ἀμιλλα“ τῶν νεὼν θεάσεται.
Τοῖς δ᾽ ἀπὸ γένους τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ
τιμαί τινες ἐν Μαγνησίᾳ φυλαττόμεναι μέχρι
τῶν ἡμετέρων χρόνων ἦσαν, ἃς ἐκαρποῦτο Θεμε-
a 3 a ς fs 4 A ,
στοκλῆς ᾿Αθηναῖος, ἡμέτερος συνήθης καὶ φίλος
3.»ἷἢ ’ A , ,
Trap ᾿Αμμωνίῳ τῷ φιλοσόφῳ yevopevos.
1 robs τ᾿ corrected by Bekker to obs.
2 ἅμιλλα Bekker has ἅμιλλ᾽ J after Porson.
-
THEMISTOCLES
tomb of Themistocles. And he thinks that the
comic poet Plato is a witness in favour of his view
when he says :—
«Thy tomb is mounded in a fair and sightly place ;
The merchantmen shall ever hail it with glad cry ;
It shall behold those outward, and those inward
bound,
And all the emulous rivalry of racing ships.”
For the lineal descendants of Themistocles there
were also certain dignities maintained in Magnesia
down to my time, and the revenues of these were
enjoyed by a Themistocles of Athens, who was my
intimate and friend in the school of Ammonius the
philosopher.
ΟΙ
Digitized by Google
CAMILLUS
ΚΑΜΙΛΛΟΣ
I. Περὶ δὲ Φουρίου Καμίλλου πολλῶν καὶ 129
UL 4 ν 9 a ,
μεγάλων λεγομένων ἴδιον εἶναι δοκεῖ μάλιστα
καὶ παράδοξον, ὅτι πλεῖστα μὲν ἐν ἡγεμονίαις
καὶ μέγιστα κατορθώσας, δικτάτωρ δὲ πεντάκις
e , 4 \ 4 / \
aipeOeis, θριαμβεύσας δὲ τετράκις, κτίστης δὲ
a “Ὁ 2 \ , »O. Ὁ
τῆς Ῥώμης ἀναγραφεὶς δεύτερος, οὐδὲ ἅπαξ
ὑπάτευσε. τούτου δ᾽ αἴτιον ἡ τῆς τότε πολιε-
τείας κατάστασις, ἐκ διαφορᾶς τοῦ δήμον πρὸς
τὴν σύγκλητον ὑπάτους μὲν ἐρίσαντος μὴ ἀπο-
δείκνυσθαι, χιλιάρχους δὲ χειροτονοῦντος ἐπὶ
τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ὧν, καίπερ ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας καὶ
δυνάμεως ὑπατικῆς ἅπαντα πραττόντων, ἧττον
ἣν ἐπαχθὴς ἡ ἀρχὴ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος. τὸ γὰρ ἕξ
w” 3 Ἁ A A 4 3 4
ἄνδρας, ἀλλὰ μὴ δύο, τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐφιστάναε,
παρεμυθεῖτο τοὺς βαρυνομένους τὴν ὀλιγαρχίαν.
Κατὰ τοῦτο δὴ καιροῦ μάλιστα τῇ δόξῃ καὶ τοῖς
’ 3 4 e 4 Ψ 3
πράγμασιν ἀκμάσας ὁ Κάμιλλος ὕπατος μὲν οὐκ
ἠξίωσεν ἄκοντι τῷ δήμῳ γενέσθαι, καΐπερ ἐν τῷ
διὰ μέσου δεξαμένης ὑπατικὰς ἀρχαιρεσίας τῆς
πολιτείας πολλάκις, ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἡγεμονίαις
94
CAMILLUS
I. Turnine now to Furius Camillus, among the
many notable things that are told of him, this seems
the most singular and strange, namely, that although
in other offices of command he won many and great
successes, and although he was five times chosen
dictator, four times celebrated a triumph, and was
styled a Second Founder of Rome, not even once was
he consul. The reason for this lay in the political
conditions of his time. The common people, being
at variance with the Senate, strove against the
appointment of consuls, and elected military tribunes
to the command instead. These, although they
always acted with consular authority and power,
were less obnoxious in their sway because of their
number. For the fact that six men instead of two
stood at the head of affairs, was some comfort to
those who were bitterly set against the rule of the
few.
Now it was at this period that Camillus came to
the height of his achievements and fame, and he
would not consent to become consul over a reluctant
people, although during his career the city tolerated
consular elections many times. But in the many
other and varied offices which he held, he so con-
ducted himself that even when the authority rightly
95
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πολλαῖς καὶ παντοδαπαῖς γενομέναις τοιοῦτον᾽
αὑτὸν παρέσχεν, ὥστε τὴν μὲν ἐξαυσίαν καὶ
μοναρχοῦντος εἶναι κοινήν, τὴν δὲ δόξαν ἰδίαν
καὶ μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων στρατηγοῦντος: ὧν τοῦ μὲν ἡ
μετριότης αἴτιον ἀνεπιφθόνως ἄρχοντος, τοῦ δ᾽ ἡ
φρόνησις, δι’ ἣν ὁμολογουμένως ἐπρώτενεν.
II. Οὔπω δὲ τότε περὶ τὸν τῶν Φουρίων οἶκον
οὔσης μεγάλης ἐπιφανείας αὐτὸς ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ πρῶ-
τος εἰς δόξαν προῆλθεν ἐν τῇ μεγάλῃ μάχῃ πρὸς
Aixavovs καὶ Οὐολούσκους ὑπὸ δικτάτορι 1οσ-
τουμίῳ Τουβέρτῳ στρατευόμενος. προϊππεύων
γὰρ τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ πληγῇ περιπεσὼν εἰς τὸν
μηρὸν οὐκ ἀνῆκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκείμενον τῷ τραύματι
παρέλκων τὸ ἀκόντισμα καὶ συμπλεκόμενος τοῖς
ἀρίστοις τῶν πολεμίων τροπὴν ἐποίησεν. ἐκ δὲ
τούτου τῶν T ἄλλων γερῶν ἔτυχε καὶ τιμητὴς
ἀπεδείχθη, μέγα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀξίωμα ταύτης ἐπὶ
τῶν τότε χρόνων ἐχούσης. μνημονεύεται δὲ
αὐτοῦ τιμητεύοντος καλὸν μὲν ἔργον τὸ τοὺς
ἀγάμους λόγοις τε πείθοντα καὶ ζημίαις ἀπει-
λοῦντα συγκαταζεῦξαι ταῖς χηρευούσαις γυναιξὶ
(πολλαὶ δ᾽ ἧσαν αὗται διὰ τοὺς πολέμους), ἀναγ-
καῖον δὲ τὸ καὶ τοὺς ὀρφανοὺς ὑποτελεῖς ποιῆσαι
πρότερον ἀνεισφόρους ὄντας. αἰτίαι δ᾽ ἦσαν αἱ
συνεχεῖς στρατεῖαι μεγάλων ἀναλωμάτων δεό-
μεναι, καὶ μάλιστα κατήπειγεν ἡ Οὐηΐων πολιορ-
κία. τούτους ἔνιοι Οὐηϊεντανοὺς καλοῦσιν.
"Hv δὲ πρόσχημα τῆς Τυρρηνίας ἡ πόλις, ὅπλων
ρόσχημα τῆς Τυρρηνίας ἡ ς,
μὲν ἀριθμῷ καὶ πλήθει τῶν στρατευομένων οὐκ
ἀποδέουσα τῆς Ρώμης, πλούτῳ δὲ καὶ βίων ἁβρό-
TnTt καὶ τρυφαῖς καὶ πολυτελείαις ἀγαλλομένη
96
CAMILLUS
belonged to him alone, it was exercised in common
with others; while the glory that followed such
exercise was his alone, even when he shared the
command. In the first case, it was his moderation
that kept his rule from exciting envy; in the second,
it was his ability that gave him the first place with
none to dispute it. |
II. At a time when the house of the Furii was not
yet very conspicuous, he, by his own efforts, was the
first of his clan to achieve fame. This he did in the
great battle with the Aequians and Volscians, serving
under Postumius Tubertus the dictator. Dashing out
on his horse in front of the army, he did not abate his
speed when he got a wound in the thigh, but drag-
ging the missile along with him in its wound, he en-
gaged the bravest of the enemy and put them to flight.
For this exploit, among other honours bestowed upon
him, he was appointed censor, in those days an
office of great dignity. //There is on record a noble
achievement of his censorship, that of bringing the
unmarried men, partly by persuasion and partly by
threatening them with fines, to join in wedlock with
the women who were living in widowhood, and these
were many because of the wars ;//likewise a necessary
achievement, that of making the orphans, who before
this had contributed nothing to the support of the —
state, subject to taxation. The continuous campaigns,
demanding great outlays of money, really required
this. Especially burdensome was the siege of Veii
(some call the people Veientani).
This city was the barrier and bulwark of Tus-
cany, in quantity of arms and multitude of soldiery
no whit inferior to Rome. Indeed, pluming her-
self on her wealth, and on the refinement, luxury,
97
VOL. Il. H
an
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πολλοὺς Kal καλοὺς ἀγῶνας ἠγωνίσατο περὶ δόξης
καὶ δυναστείας πολεμοῦσα Ῥωμαίοις. ἐν δὲ τῴ
τότε χρόνῳ τῆς μὲν φιλοτιμίας ἀφειστήκει συν-
τριβεῖσα μεγάλαις μάχαις" ἐπαράμενοι δὲ τείχη
μεγάλα καὶ καρτερὰ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὅπλων καὶ
βελῶν καὶ σίτου καὶ παρασκενῆς ἁπάσης ἐμπλή-
σαντες, ἀδεῶς ὑπέμενον τὴν πολιορκίαν, μακρὰν
μὲν οὖσαν, οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τοῖς πολιορκοῦσιν ἐρ-
γώδη καὶ χαλεπὴν γενομένην. εἰθισμένοι γὰρ οὐ
πολὺν χρόνον ἅμα ὥρᾳ θέρους ἔξω στρατεύειν,
οἴκοι δὲ διαχειμάζειν, τότε πρῶτον ἠναγκάσθησαν
ὑπὸ τῶν χιλιάρχων φρούρια κατασκευσάμενοι
καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τειχίσαντες ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ
χειμῶνα καὶ θέρος συνάπτειν, ἤδη σχεδὸν ἔτους
ἑβδόμου τῷ πολέμῳ τελευτῶντος. ὥστε καὶ
τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐν αἰτίᾳ γενέσθαι καὶ μαλακῶς
πολιορκεῖν δοκοῦντας ἀφαιρεθῆναι τὴν ἀρχήν,
ἑτέρων αἱρεθέντων ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον: ὧν ἦν καὶ
Κάμιλλος τότε χιλιαρχῶν τὸ δεύτερον. ἔπραξε
δὲ περὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν οὐδὲν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ χρόνῳ,
λαχὼν Φαλερίοις καὶ Καπηνάταις πολεμεῖν, οἱ
δι ἀσχολίαν τότε πολλὰ τὴν χώραν καθυβρί-
σαντες καὶ παρὰ πάντα τὸν Τυρρηνικὸν πόλεμον
ἐνοχλήσαντες ἐπιέσθησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καμίλλου καὶ
συνεστάλησαν εἰς τὰ τείχη πολλοὺς ἀποβα-
λόντες. |
111. ‘Ex τούτον τὸ περὶ τὴν ᾿Αλβανίδα λίμνην
πάθος ἀκμάξοντι τῷ πολέμῳ συνενεχθὲν οὐδενὸς
ἧττον τῶν ἀπίστων πυθέσθαι θαυμάτων αἰτίας
κοινῆς ἀποοίᾳ καὶ λόγου φυσικὴν ἔχοντος ἀρχὴν
ἐφόβησεν. ἣν μὲν γὰρ ὥρα μετοπωρινή, καὶ τὸ
οϑ
CAMILLUS
and sumptuousness in which her citizens lived
she had waged many noble contests for glory and
power in her wars with the Romans. At this
time, however, she had .been crushed in great
battles, and had given up her former ambitious pre-
tensions. But her people built their walls high and
strong, filled the city full of armour, missiles, grain,
and every possible provision, and confidently endured
their siege, which, though long, was no less laborious
and difficult for the besiegers. These had been
accustomed to short campaigns abroad as the summer
season opened, and to winters at home; but then
for the first time they had been compelled by their
tribunes to build forts and fortify their camp and
spend both summer and winter in the enemy’s
country, the seventh year of the war being now
nearly at anend. For this their rulers were held to
blame, and finally deprived of their rule, because
they were thought to conduct the siege without
energy. Others were chosen to carry on the war,
and one of these was Camillus, now tribune for the
second time. But for the present he had nothing to
do with the siege, since it fell to his lot to wage war
with the Falerians and the Capenates, who, while the
Romans had their hands full, had often harried their
territory, and during all the Tuscan war had given
them annoyance and trouble. These were over-
whelmed by Camillus in battle and shut up in their
fastnesses with great loss of life.
III. And now, when the war was at its climax,
the calamity of the Alban lake added its terrors. It
seemed (Ὁ most incredible prodigy, without familiar
cause or natural explanation. For the season was
autumn, and the summer just ended had, to all
99
H 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
θέρος ἔληγεν οὔτ᾽ ἔπομβρον οὔτε πνεύμασι νοτίοις
2 χαλεπὸν ἐπιδήλως γενόμενον" πολλὰς δὲ λίμνας
καὶ ποταμοὺς καὶ νάματα παντοδαπὰ τῆς Ἴτα-
λίας ἐχούσης τὰ μὲν ἐξέκιπε κομιδῇ, τὰ δ᾽ ἀντ-
έσχε γλίσχρως καὶ μόλις, οἱ δὲ ποταμοὶ πάντες
ὥσπερ ἀεὶ κοῖλοι καὶ ταπεινοὶ διὰ θέρους ἐ ἐρρύη-
σαν. τὸ δὲ τῆς ᾿Αλβανίδος λίμνης ἀρχὴν ἔχον
ἐν ἑαυτῷ καὶ τελευτήν, ὄρεσιν εὐγείοις περιεχό-
μενον, ἀπ᾽ οὐδενὸς αἰτίου, πλὴν εἴ τι θεῖον, αὐξό-
μενον ἐπιδήλως διωγκοῦτο καὶ προσίστατο ταῖς
ὑπωρείαις καὶ τῶν ἀνωτάτω λόφων ὁμαλῶς ἐπέ-
paver, ἄνευ σάλου καὶ κλύδωνος ἐξανιστάμενον.
3 καὶ “πρῶτον μὲν ἦν ποιμένων θαῦμα καὶ βοτήρων'
ἐπεὶ δέ, τοῦ διείργοντος ἀπὸ τῆς κάτω χώρας
οἷον ἰσθμοῦ τὴν λίμνην ὑπεκραγέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ
πλήθους καὶ βάρους, μέγα ῥεῦμα κατέβαινε διὰ
τῶν ἀρουμένων κα φυτευομένων ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατ-
ταν, οὐ μόνον αὐτοῖς παρεῖχε Ῥωμαίοις ἔκπληξιν,
ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσιν ἐδόκει τοῖς τὴν Ἰταλίαν κατοι-
κοῦσι μηδενὸς μικροῦ σημεῖον εἶναι. πλεῖστος
δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγος ἣν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῷ πολιορ-
κοῦντι τοὺς Οὐηΐους. ὥστε κἀκείνοις ἔκπυστον
γενέσθαι τὸ περὶ τὴν λέμνην πάθος.
IV. Ola δ᾽ ἐν πολιορκίᾳ διὰ χρόνου μῆκος
ἐπιμιξίας τε πολλὰς ἐχούσῃ καὶ κοινολογίας
πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐγεγόνει τινὶ Ῥωμαίῳ
συνήθεια καὶ παρρησία πρὸς ἕνα τῶν πολιτῶν,
ἄνθρωπον ἔμπειρόν τε λογίων παλαιῶν καί τι
καὶ πλέον εἰδέναι τῶν ἄλλων ἀπὸ μαντικῆς
δοκοῦντα. τοῦτον οὖν ὁ Ῥωμαῖος, @se ἤκουσε
τὴν ἐπίδοσιν τῆς λίμνης, ὁρῶν ὑπερηδόμενόν
τε καὶ καταγελῶντα τῆς πολιορκίας, οὐ ταῦτ᾽
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CAMILLUS
ΕΝ been neithey rainy nor vexed by south
winds. Of the lakes, rivers, and streams of all sizes
_ with which Italy abounds;.some had failed utterly,
others barely managed to hdld out, and all the rivers
ran low, between high banks, as was always the case
in summer. But the Alban lake, -which had its
source and outlet within itself, and was girt about
with fertile mountains, for no reasot, except it be
that heaven willed it, was observed to increase and
swell until it reached the skirts of the mourtains
and gradually touched their highest ridges: © All
this rise was without surge or billow. At first it was
a prodigy for neighbouring shepherds and herdsmen,’
But when the volume and weight of water broke "
away the barrier which, like an isthmus, had kept
the lake from the country lying below it, and a huge
torrent poured down through the fields and vine-
_ yards and made its way to the sea, then not only
were the Romans themselves dismayed, but all the
inhabitants of Italy thought it a sign of no small
evil to come. There was much talk about it in the
army that was besieging Veii, so that even the
besieged themselves heard of the calamity.
IV. As was to be expected in a long siege requir-
ing many meetings for conference with the enemy,
it fell out that a certain Roman became intimate and
confidential with one of the citizens of Veii, a man
versed in ancient oracles, and reputed wiser than the
rest from his being a diviner. The Roman saw that
this man, on hearing the story of the lake, was over-
joyed and made mock of the siege. He therefore told
IOI
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἔφη μόνον ἐνηνοχέναι θαυμαστὰ τὸν παρόντα
όνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἕτερα τούτων ἀτοπώτερα σημεῖα
Ῥωμαίοις γεγονένα!». πἰερὶ ὧν ἐθέλειν ἐκείνῳ
κοινωσάμενος, εἴ Te "δύναιτο, θέσθαι τῶν ἰδίων
2 ἄμεινον ἐν τοῖς κοἰνοῖς νοσοῦσιν. ὑπακούσαντος
3.
4
5
δὲ τοῦ ἀνθρώκτομ᾽ προθύμως καὶ διδόντος ἑαυτὸν
εἰς, κοινολογίαιψ,. ὡς ἀπορρήτων τινῶν ἀκροατὴν
ἐσόμενον, κατὰ “μικρὸν οὕτω διαλεγόμενος καὶ
ὑπάγων. αὐτόν, ὡς πορρωτέρω τῶν πυλῶν ἐγεγό-
νείσᾳν, αἴρει τε μετέωρον εὐρωστότερος ὧν καί
TWO .ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου π οσδραμόντων χειρω-
σάμένος καὶ κρατήσας παρέδωκε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς.
“ἐν "τούτῳ δ᾽ ἀνάγκης γεγονὼς ὁ ἄνθρωπος καὶ
«μαθὼν ἄ ἄρα τὸ πεπρωμένον ὡς ἄφυκτον εἴη, λόγια
, “προὔ αινεν ἀπόρρητα περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ “πατρίδος,
ὡς οὐκ οὔσης ἁλωσίμου πρότερον ἢ τὴν ᾽Αλβα-
νίδα λίμνην ἐκχυθεῖσαν καὶ φερομένην ὁδοὺς
ἑτέρας ὥὦσαντες ὀπίσω καὶ περισπάσαντες οἱ
πολέμιοι κωλύσουσι μίγνυσθαι τῇ θαλάττῃ.
Ταῦτα ; τῇ συγκλήτῳ πυθομένῃ καὶ διαπορούσῃ
καλῶς ἔχειν ἔδοξε πέμψαντας εἰς Δελφοὺς
ἐρέσθαι τὸν θεόν. οἱ δὲ πεμφθέντες ἄνδρες
ἔνδοξοι καὶ μεγάλοι, Κόσσος Λικίννιος καὶ Οὐαλ-
λέριος Ποτῖτος καὶ “Φάβιος ᾿Ἄμβουστος, πλῷ
τε χρησάμενοι καὶ τῶν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τυχόντες
ἧκον ἄλλας τε “μαντείας κομίζοντες, αἱ πατρίων
τινῶν περὶ τὰς καλουμένας Aarivas ἑορτὰς
ὀλιγωρίαν ἔφραζον αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ τῆς ᾿Αλβανίδος
ὕδωρ ἐκέλευον εἴργοντας ὡς ἀνυστόν ἐστι τῆς
θαλάσσης ἀνωθεῖν εἰς τὸν ἀρχαῖον πόρον, i)
τοῦτο μὴ δυναμένους ὀρύγμασι καὶ τάφροις
παράγειν els, τὸ πεδίον καὶ καταναλίσκειν.
192
¢
131
CAMILLUS
him this was not the only wonder which the passing
days had brought, but that other and stranger signs
than this had been given to the Romans, of which
he was minded to tell him, in order that, if possible,
he might better his own private case in the midst of
the public distresses. The man gave eager hearing
to all this, and consented to a conference, supposing
that he was going to hear some deep secrets. But
the Roman led him along little by little, conversing
as he went, until they were some way beyond the
city gate, when he seized him bodily, being a sturdier
man than he, and with the help of comrades who
came running up from the camp, mastered him com-
pletely and handed him over to the generals. Thus
constrained, and perceiving that fate’s decrees were
not to be evaded, the man revealed secret oracles
regarding his native city, to the effect that it could
not be captured until the Alban lake, after leaving
its bed and making new channels for itself, should
be driven back by the enemy, deflected from its
course, and prevented from mingling with the sea.
The Senate, on hearing this, was at great loss
what to do, and thought it well to send an embassy
to Delphi to consult the god. The envoys were
men of great repute and influence, Cossus Licinius,
Valerius Potitus, and Fabius Ambustus, who made
their voyage and came back with the responses of
the god. One of these told them that certain
ancestral rites connected with the so-called Latin
festivals had been unduly neglected ; another bade
them by all means to keep the water of the Alban
lake away from the sea and force it back into its
ancient bed, or, if they could not effect this, by
means of canals and trenches to divert it into the
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀπαγγελθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ μὲν ἱερεῖς τὰ περὶ
τὰς θυσίας ἔπραττον, ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐχώρει πρὸς
τὰ ἔργα καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐξέτρεπεν.
V. ‘H δὲ σύγκλητος εἰς τὸ δέκατον ἔτος τοῦ
πολέμου καταλύσασα τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς δικτά-
τορα Κάμιλλον ἀπέδειξεν: ἵππαρχον δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος
αὑτῷ προσελόμενος Κορνήλιον Σκηπίωνα, πρῶ-
τον μὲν εὐχὰς ἐποιήσατο τοῖς θεοῖς ἐπὶ τῷ
πολέμῳ τέλος εὐκλεὲς λαβόντι τὰς μεγάλας θέας
ἄξειν καὶ νεὼν θεᾶς, ἣν μητέρα Ματοῦταν
καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, καθιερώσειν.
Ταύτην ἄν τις ἀπὸ τῶν δρωμένων ἱερῶν
μάλιστα Λευκοθέαν νομίσειεν εἶναι. καὶ γὰρ
θεράπαιναν εἰς τὸν σηκὸν εἰσάγουσαι ῥαπίξουσιν,
εἶτ᾽ ἐξελαύνουσι καὶ τὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τέκνα πρὸ
τῶν ἰδίων ἐναγκαλίξονται καὶ δρῶσι περὶ τὴν
θυσίαν ἃ ταῖς Διονύσου τροφοῖς καὶ τοῖς διὰ τὴν
παλλακὴν πάθεσι τῆς ᾿Ινοῦς προσέοικε.
Μετὰ δὲ τὰς εὐχὰς ὁ Κάμιλλος εἰς τὴν
Φαλίσκων ἐνέβαλε, καὶ μάχῃ μεγάλῃ τούτους
τε καὶ Καπηνάτας προσβοηθήσαντας αὐτοῖς
ἐνίκησεν. ἔπειτα πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν τραπό-
μενος τῶν Οὐηΐων καὶ τὸν ἐκ προσβολῆς ἀγῶνα
χαλεπὸν καὶ δύσεργον ὁρῶν ὑπονόμους ἔτεμνε,
τῶν περὶ τὴν πόλιν χωρίων ἐνδιδόντων Τοῖς
ὀρύγμασι καὶ καταδεχομένων εἰς βάθος ἄγειν
ἄδηλον τοῖς πολεμίοις τὰ ἔργα. διὸ καὶ προϊούσης
ὁδῷ τῆς ἐλπίδος αὐτὸς μὲν ἔξωθεν προσέβαλλεν,
ἐκκαλούμενος ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη τοὺς πολεμίους,
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CAMILLUS
plain and dissipate it. On receipt of these responses
the priests performed the neglected sacrifices, and
the people sallied out into the fields and diverted the
course of the water.
V. In the tenth year of the war,! the Senate
abolished the other magistracies and appointed
Camillus dictator. After choosing Cornelius Scipio
as his master of horse, in the first place he made
solemn vows to the gods that, in case the war had a
glorious ending, he would celebrate the great games
in their honour, and dedicate a temple to a goddess
whom the Romans call Mater Matuta.
From the sacred rites used in the worship of this
goddess, she might be held to be almost identical
with Leucothea. The women bring a serving-maid
into the sanctuary and beat her with rods, then
drive her forth again; they embrace their nephews
and nieces in preference to their own children; and
their conduct at the sacrifice resembles thdt of the
nurses of Dionysus, or that of Ino under the afflic-
tions put upon her by her husband's concubine.
After his vows, Camillus invaded the country
of the Faliscans and conquered them in a great
battle, together with the Capenates who came
up to their aid. Then he turned to the siege of
Veii, and seeing that direct assault upon the city
was a grievous and difficult matter, he went to
digging mines, since the region round the city
favoured such works, and allowed their being
carried to a great depth without the enemy’s knowing
about it. So then, when his hopes were well on
their way to fulfilment, he himself assaulted the
city from the outside, and thus called the enemy
1 396 B.c.
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἄλλοι δ' ἀδήλως ὑποπορευόμενοι διὰ τῶν ὑπονό-
μων ἔλαθον ἐντὸς γενόμενοι τῆς ἄκρας κατὰ τὸ
ns “Hpas! ἱερόν, ὃ μέγιστον ἦν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ
τῆς “ρας ' ἱερόν, ὃ μέγ ἦν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ
μάλιστα τιμώμενον.
᾿Ενταῦθα λέγεται τυχεῖν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ
τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῶν Τυρρηνῶν ἐφ᾽ ἱεροῖς’ τὸν δὲ
μάντιν εἰς τὰ σπλάγχνα κατιδόντα καὶ μέγα
φθεγξάμενον εἰπεῖν, ὅτι νίκην ὁ θεὸς δίδωσι τῷ
κατακολουθήσαντι τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐκείνοις" ταύτης
δὲ τῆς φωνῆς τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὑπονόμοις “Ῥωμαίους
ἐπακούσαντας ταχὺ διασπάσαι τὸ ἔδαφος, καὶ
μετὰ βοῆς καὶ ψόφου τῶν ὅπλων ἀναδύντας,
ἐκπλαγέντων τῶν πολεμίων καὶ φυγόντων, ἁρπά-
σαντας τὰ σπλάγχνα κομίσαι πρὸς τὸν Καμιλ-
λον. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως ἐοικέναι δόξει
μυθεύμᾳσιν.
᾿Αλούσης δὲ τῆς πόλεως κατὰ κράτος καὶ τῶν
Ῥωμαίων ἀγόντων καὶ φερόντων ἄπειρόν τινα
πλοῦτον, ἐφορῶν ὁ Κάμιλλος ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας τὰ
πραττόμενα, πρῶτον μὲν ἑστὼς ἐδάκρυσεν, εἶτα
μακαρισθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων ἀνέσχε τὰς
χεῖρας τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ προσευ όμενος εἶπε: “ Ζεῦ
μέγιστε καὶ θεοὶ ἡστῶν ἐπίσκοποι καὶ Tovn -
ρῶν ἔργων, αὐτοὶ που σύνιστε Ῥωμαίοις, ὡς
οὐ παρὰ δίκην, ἀλλὰ Kat’ ἀνάγκην ἀμυνόμενοι
μετερχόμεθα δυσμενῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ παρανόμων
πόλιν. εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα τις," ἔφη, “" ‘wal ἡμῖν ἀντί-
στροῴφος ὀφείλεται τῆς παρούσης νέμεσις εὖπρα-
ξίας, εὔχομαι ταύτην ὑπέρ τε πόλεως καὶ
στρατοῦ Ρωμαίων εἰς ἐμαυτὸν ἐλαχίστῳ κακῷ
' τῆς Ἥρας with C and δ : Ἥρας,
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CAMILLUS
away to man their walls; while others secretly ©
made their way along the mines and reached un-
noticed the interior of the citadel, where the
temple of Juno stood, the largest temple in the
city, and the one most held in honour.
There, it is said, at this very juncture, the
commander of the Tuscans chanced to be sacrificing,
and his seer, when he beheld the entrails of the
victim, cried out with a loud voice nd said that
the god awarded victory to him who should fulfill
that sacrifice. The Romans in the mines below,
hearing this utterance, quickly tore away the
pavement of the temple and issued forth with
battle cries and clash of arms, whereat the enemy
were terrified and fled away. The sacrificial entrails
were then seized and carried to Camillus. But
possibly this will seem like fable.
At any rate the city was taken by storm, and
the Romans were pillaging and plundering its
boundless wealth, when Camillus, seeing from
the citadel what was going on, at first burst into
tears as he stood, and then, on being congratulated
by the bystanders, lifted up his hands to the
gods and prayed, saying: “O greatest Jupiter,
and ye gods who see and judge men’s good and
evil deeds, ye surely know that it is not unjustly,
but of necessity and in self-defence that we Romans
have visited its iniquity upon this city of hostile
and lawless men. But if, as counterpoise to this
our present success, some retribution is due to
come upon us, spare, I beseech you, the city and —
the army of the Romans, and let it fall upon my
own head, though with as little harm as may be.”
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τελευτῆσαι." ταῦτ᾽ εἰπών, καθάπερ ἐστὶ Ῥω-
μαίοις ἔθος ἐπευξαμένοις καὶ προσκυνήσασιν ἐπὶ
δεξιὰ ἐξελίττειν, ἐσφάλη περιστρεφόμενος. δια-
ταραχθέντων δὲ τῶν παρόντων πάλιν ἀναλαβὼν
ἑαυτὸν ἐκ τοῦ πτώματος εἶπεν, ὡς γέγονεν αὐτῷ
κατ᾽ εὐχὴν σφάλμα μικρὸν ἐπ᾽ εὐτυχίᾳ μεγίστῃ.
VI. Διαπορθήσας δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἔγνω τὸ ἄγαλ.-
μα τῆς Ἥρας μεταφέρειν εἰς Ῥώμην, ὥσπερ
εὔξατο. καὶ συνελθόντων ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῶν τεχνι-
τῶν, ὁ μὲν ἔθυε καὶ προσεύχετο τῇ θεῷ δέχεσθαι
τὴν προθυμίαν αὐτῶν καὶ εὐμενῆ γενέσθαι σύνοι-
κον τοῖς λαχοῦσι τὴν Ῥώμην θεοῖς, τὸ δ᾽ ἄγαλμά
φασιν ὑποφθεγξάμενον εἰπεῖν, ὅτε καὶ βούλεται
καὶ συγκαταινεῖ. Λιούϊος δέ φησιν εὔχεσθαι
μὲν τὸν Κάμιλλον ἁπτόμενον τῆς θεοῦ καὶ παρα-
καλεῖν, ἀποκρίνασθαι δέ τινας τῶν παρόντων, ὅτι
καὶ βούλεται καὶ συγκαταινεῖ καὶ συνακολουθεῖ
προθύμως.
Οἱ δ᾽ ἰσχυριζόμενοι καὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ βοηθοῦν-
τες μεγίστην μὲν ἔχουσι συνήγορον τὴν τύχην
τῆς πόλεως, ἣν ἀπὸ μικρᾶς καὶ καταφρονουμένης
ἀρχῆς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως προελ-
θεῖν δίχα θεοῦ πολλαῖς καὶ μεγάλαις ἐπιφανείαις
ἑκάστοτε συμπαρόντος ἀμήχανον" οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ
συνάγουσιν ὁμοειδῆ τινα, τοῦτο μὲν ἱδρῶτας ἀγαλ-
μάτων πολλάκις ἐκχυθέντας, τοῦτο δὲ στεναγμοὺς
ἀκουσθέντας ἀποστροφάς τε δεικνύντες καὶ κατα-
μύσεις ξοάνων, ἃς ἱστορήκασιν οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν
πρότερον. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἀκηκοό-
τες ἀνθρώπων λέγειν ἔχομεν ἄξια θαύματος, ὧν
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CAMILLUS
With these words, as the Romans’ custom is after
prayer and adoration, he wheeled himself about
to the right, but stumbled and fell as he turned.
The bystanders were confounded, but he picked
himself up again from his fall and said: “My
prayer is granted ! a slight fall is my atonement for
the greatest good fortune.”
VI. After he had utterly sacked the city, he
determined to transfer the image of Juno to Rome,
in accordance with his vows. The workmen were.
assembled for the purpose, and Camillus was sacrificing
and‘ praying the goddess to accept of their zeal
and to be a kindly co-dweller with the gods of
Rome, when the image, they say, spoke in low
tones and said she was ready and willing. But
Livy! says that Camillus did indeed lay his hand
upon the goddess and pray and beseech her, but
that it was certain of the bystanders who gave
answer that she was ready and willing and eager
to go along with him.
Those who insist upon and defend the marvel
have a most powerful advocate for their contention
in the fortune of the city, which, from its ‘small
and despised beginning, could never have come
to such a pinnacle of glory and power had God not
dwelt with her and made many great manifestations
of himself from time to time. Moreover, they
adduce other occurrences of a kindred sort, such
as statues often dripping with sweat, images uttering
audible groans, turning away their faces, and
closing their eyes, as not a few historians in the
past have written. And we ourselves might make
mention of many astonishing things which we
Big D2.
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
3 ΝΥ 9. A ᾽’ 3 A Κι
4 οὐκ ἂν τις εἰκῇ καταφρονήσειεν. ἀλλὰ τοῖς
4 \ \ 4 / N Ἁ a
τοιούτοις καὶ τὸ πιστεύειν σφόδρα καὶ τὸ λίαν
3 aA > 4 3 \ \ 3 [4
ἀπιστεῖν ἐπισφαλές ἐστι διὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην
ἀσθένειαν ὅρον οὐκ ἔχουσαν οὐδὲ κρατοῦσαν
ς “» 3 3 93 lA κά Ἁ 9
αὑτῆς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκφερομένην ὅπου μὲν εἰς δεισιδαι-
μονίαν καὶ τῦφον, ὅπου δ᾽ εἰς ὀλιγωρίαν τῶν θεῶν
\ ’ e > 9 4 \ N \
καὶ περιφρόνησιν: ἡ δ᾽ εὐλάβεια καὶ τὸ μηδὲν
ἄγαν ἄριστον.
VII. Ὁ δὲ Κάμιλλος εἴτε μεγέθει τοῦ ἔργου,
4 3 ’ A e , ” 4 a
πόλιν ἀντίπαλον τῆς Ῥώμης ἔτει δεκάτῳ. τῆς
πολιορκίας καθῃρηκώς, εἴτε ὑπὸ τῶν εὐδαιμονιζόν-
των αὐτὸν εἰς ὄγκον ἐξαρθεὶς καὶ φρόνημα νομί-
μου καὶ πολιτικῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπαχθέστερον, τά τε
ἄλλα σοβαρῶς ἐθριάμβευσε καὶ τέθριππον ὑπο-
ζευξάμενος λευκόπωλον ἐπέβη καὶ διεξήλασε τῆς
“Ῥώμης, οὐδενὸς τοῦτο ποιήσαντος ἡγεμόνος πρό-
3 ἴω a“
τερον οὐδ ὕστερον. ἱερὸν γὰρ ἡγοῦνται τὸ τοιοῦ-
τον ὄχημα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ πατρὶ τῶν θεῶν ἐπιπε-
2 φημισμένον. ἔκ τε δὴ τούτου διεβλήθη πρὸς τοὺς
πολίτας οὐκ εἰθισμένους ἐντρυφᾶσθαε, καὶ δευτέ-
> / 3 , / /
ραν ἔλαβεν αἰτίαν ἐνιστάμενος νόμῳ διοικίζοντι
τὴν πόλιν. εἰσηγοῦντο γὰρ οἱ δήμαρχοι τόν τε
δῆμον καὶ τὴν σύγκλητον ἴσα μέρη δύο νεμηθῆναι,
καὶ τοὺς μὲν αὐτόθι κατοικεῖν, τοὺς δὲ κλήρῳ
λαχόντας εἰς τὴν αἰχμάλωτον μεταστῆναι πόλιν,
ὡς εὐπορωτέρων ἐσομένων καὶ δυσὶ μεγάλοις καὶ
καλοῖς ἄστεσι τήν τε χώραν ὁμοῦ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην
8 εὐδαιμονίαν φυλαξόντων. ὁ μὲν οὖν δῆμος ἤδη
\ N
πολὺς γεγονὼς καὶ ἀχρήματος ἄσμενος ἐδέξατο,
110
CAMILLUS
have heard from men of our own time,—things
not lightly to be despised. But in such matters
eager credulity and excessive incredulity are alike
dangerous, because of the weakness of our human
nature, which sets no limits and has no mastery
over itself, but is carried away now into vain
superstition, and now into contemptuous neglect
of the gods. Caution is best, and to go to no
extremes.
VII. Whether it was due to the magnitude of his
exploit in taking a city which could vie with Rome
and endure a siege of ten years, or to the congratula-
tions showered upon him, Camillus was lifted up to
vanity, cherished thoughts far from becoming to a
civil magistrate subject to the law, and celebrated
a triumph with great pomp: he actually had four
white horses harnessed to a chariot on which he
mounted and drove through Rome, a thing which ‘
no commander had ever done before or afterwards did.
For they thought such a car sacred and devoted to
the king and father of the gods. In this way he
incurred the enmity of the citizens, who were not
accustomed to wanton extravagance. They had also.
a second grievance against him in that he opposed
himself to a law dividing the city. The tribunes
introduced a measure dividing the people and the
Senate into two parts, one to remain and dwell
there, and the one on which the lot fell to remove
into the city they had captured, on the ground that
they would thus be more commodiously bestowed,
and with two large and fair cities could better
protect their territory -as well as their prosperity
in general. Accordingly the people, which was now
become numerous and poor, welcomed the measure
Itt
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
‘ \ “a \ \ fol ᾽ > A
Kal συνεχὴς ἦν τοῖς περὶ τὸ βῆμα θορύβοις αἰτῶν
τὴν ψῆφον: ἡ δὲ βουλὴ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ κρά-
τιστοι πολιτῶν οὐ διαίρεσιν, GAN ἀναίρεσιν
ἡγούμενοι τῆς Ρώμης πολιτεύεσθαι τοὺς δημάρ-
χοὺυς καὶ δυσανασχετοῦντες ἐπὶ τὸν Κάμιλλον
κατέφυγον. κἀκεῖνος ὀρρωδῶν τὸν ἀγῶνα προ-
φάσεις ἐνέβαλλε τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ἀσχολίας, δι’ ὧν
ἀεὶ τὸν νόμον ἐξέκρουεν. ἣν μὲν οὖν διὰ ταῦτα
λυπηρός.
ς ὃ 4 4 a“ 3
H Se φανερωτάτη καὶ μεγίστη τῶν ἀπε-
χθειῶν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἐκ τῆς δεκάτης
τῶν λαφύρων ὑπῆρξεν, οὐκ ἄλογον, εἰ καὶ μὴ
πάνυ δικαίαν ἀρχὴν τῶν πολλῶν λαβόντων.
LA \ > \ Ἁ > e Ν ’
εὔξατο μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τοὺς Οὐηΐους, ὡς ἔοικε, βαδί.-
Sov, εἰ τὴν πόλιν ἕλοι, τῷ θεῷ τούτων τὴν
δεκάτην καθιερώσειν. ἁλούσης δὲ τῆς πόλεως
καὶ διαρπασθείσης, εἴτ᾽ ὀκνήσας ἐνοχλῆσαι τοῖς
πολίταις, εἴτε λήθη τις αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων
, A 2, A a 3 /
πραγμάτων ἔλαβε τῆς εὐχῆς, περιεῖδεν ὠφεληθέν-
τας. ὕστερον δὲ χρόνῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκεί ἤδη
πεπαυμένος ἀνήνεγκε περὶ τούτων eis! τὴν σύγ-
κλητον, οἵ τε μάντεις ἤγγελλον ἐπὶ τοῖς ἱεροῖς
προφαίνεσθαι θεῶν μῆνιν ἐλάσμοῦ καὶ χαριστη-
ρίων δεομένην.
VIII. Ψηφισαμένης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς τὴν μὲν
ὠφέλειαν (χαλεπὸν γὰρ ἦν) ἀνάδαστον μὴ γενέ-
Α \ , > Ἁ \ Ψ \
σθαι, τοὺς δὲ λαβόντας αὐτοὺς σὺν ὅρκῳ τὴν
δεκάτην παραφέρειν εἰς μέσον, ἐγίνετο πολλὰ
1 εἰς Bekker and Sintenis', with most MSS.: πρὸς.
112
133
CAMILLUS
with delight, and was for ever thronging tumultu-
ously about the rostra with demands that it be put
to vote. But the Senate and the most influential of
the other citizens considered that the measure pro-
posed by the tribunes meant not division but
destruction for Rome, and in their aversion to it
went to Camillus for aid and succour. He, dreading
the struggle, always contrived to keep the people
busy with other matters, and so staved off the
passage of the bill. For this reason, then, they
were vexed with him.
But the strongest and most apparent reason
why the multitude hated him was based on the
matter of the tenth of the spoil of Veii, and herein
they had a plausible, though not a very just ground
of complaint. He had vowed, as it seems, on
setting out against Veii, that if he should take
the city, he would consecrate the tenth of its
booty to the Delphian god. But after the city had
been taken and sacked, he allowed his soldiers full
enjoyment of their plunder, either because he shrank
from annoying them, or because, in the multitude of
his activities, he as good as forgot his vow. At a”
later time, when he had laid down his command, he
referred the matter to the Senate, and the seers
announced tokens in their sacrifices that the gods
were angry, and must be propitiated with due
offerings.
VIII. The Senate voted, not that the booty should
be redistributed, for that would have been a difficult
matter, but that those who had got it should, in
person and under oath, bring the tenth thereof to
the public treasury. This subjected the soldiers to
VOL. II. I
113
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
λυπηρὰ καὶ βίαια περὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἀνθρώ-
πους πένητας καὶ πολλὰ πεπονηκότας, ἀναγκαζο-
μένους ὧν ἐκέκτηντο καὶ κατεκέχρηντο μέρος
2 εἰσφέρειν τοσοῦτον. θορυβουμένῳ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν
τῷ Καμίλλφ. καὶ προφάσεως & ἀποροῦντι βελτίονος
εἰς τὸν ἀτοπώτατον τῶν λόγων συνέβαινε κατα-
φεύγειν, ὁμολογοῦντι ἐπιλαθέσθαι τῆς εὐχῆς. οἱ
δ᾽ ἐχαλέπαινον, εἰ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων δεκατεύσειν
εὐξάμενος τότε νῦν δεκατεύει τὰ τῶν πολιτῶν. οὐ
μὴν ἀλλὰ πάντων ὅσον ἔδει μέρος εἰσενεγκόντων
ἔδοξε κρατῆρα χρυσοῦν κατασκευάσαντας εἰς
8 Δελφοὺς ἀποστεῖλαι. χρυσίου δ᾽ ἣν σπάνις ἐν
τῇ πόλει: καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων ὅθεν ἂν πορισθείη
σκοπούντων, at γυναῖκες αὐταὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὰς βου-
λευσάμεναι τὸν ὄντα χρυσοῦν ἑκάστη περὶ τὸ
σῶμα κόσμον ἐπέδωκαν εἰς τὸ ἀνάθημα, σταθμῷ
χρυσίου γενόμενον ὀκτὼ ταλάντων. καὶ ταύταις
μὲν ἡ σύγκλητος ἀποδιδοῦσα τιμὴν πρέπουσαν
ἐψηφίσατο μετὰ θάνατον ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσε
καὶ ταῖς γυναιξὶ λέγεσθαι τὸν ἄξιον ἔπαινον" ov
γὰρ ἦν εἰθισμένον πρότερον ἐγκωμιάξεσθαι γυ-
4 ναῖκα δημοσίᾳ τελευτήσασαν' ἑλόμενοι δὲ τρεῖς
ἄνδρας ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων θεωροὺς καὶ ναῦν μακρὰν
εὐανδροῦντι πληρώματι καὶ κόσμῳ πανηγυρικῷ
κατασκευάσαντες ἐξέπεμψαν.
"Hp δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ χειμὼν κ καὶ γαλήνη θαλάσσης
ἀργαλέον, ὡς ἐκείνοις συνέτυχε τότε map οὐδὲν
ἐλθόντας ἀπολέσθαι διαφυγεῖν αὖθις ἀπροσ-
δοκήτως τὸν κίνδυνον. ἐπέπλευσαν γὰρ αὐτοῖς
Λιπαρέων τριήρεις περὶ τὰς Αἰόλου νήσους τοῦ
[14
CAMILLUS
many vexations and constraints. They were poor
men, who had toiled hard, and yet were now forced
to contribute a large share of what they had gained,
yes, and spent already. Beset by their tumultuous
complaints, and at loss for a better excuse, Camillus
had recourse to the absurdest of all explanations, and
admitted that he had forgotten his vow. The soldiers
were filled with indignation at the thought that it
was the goods of the enemy of which he had once
vowed a tithe, but the goods of his fellow citizens
from which he was now paying the tithe. However,
all of them brought in the necessary portion, and it
was decided to make a bowl of massive gold and send
it to Delphi. Now there was a scarcity of gold in
the city, and the magistrates knew not whence it
could be had. So the women, of their own accord,
determined to give the gold ornaments which they
wore upon their persons for the offering, and these
amounted to eight talents weight. The women were
fittingly rewarded by the Senate, which voted that
thereafter, when women died, a suitable eulogy
should be spoken over them, as over men. For it
was not customary before that time, when a woman
died, that a public encomium should be pronounced.
Then they chose three of the noblest citizens as
envoys, manned with its full complement of their
best sailors a ship of war decked out in festal array,
and sent them on their way.
Calm at sea has its perils as well as storm, it would
seem, at least so it proved in this case. Envoys and
crew came within an ace of destruction, and found
escape from their peril when they least expected it.
Off the Aeolian isles, as the wind died down, some
Liparian galleys put out against them, taking them
115
12
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
5 πνεύματος ἐκλιπόντος ὡς λῃσταῖς. δεομένων δὲ
καὶ προϊσχομένων χεῖρας ἐμβολῆς μὲν ἔσχοντο,
τὴν δὲ ναῦν ἀναψάμενοι καὶ καταγαγόντες
ἀπεκήρυττον, ἅμα καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὰ
σώματα, πειρατικὰ κρίναντες εἶναι. μόλις δ᾽
ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀρετῇ καὶ δυνάμει Τιμησιθέον τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ πεισθέντες μεθῆκαν. ὁ δὲ καὶ προσ-
καθελκύσας ἴδια πλοῖα παρέπεμψε καὶ συγκαθ.-
tépwoe τὸ ἀνάθημα: δι᾽ ὃ καὶ τιμὰς ἔσχεν, ἃς
εἰκὸς ἦν, ἐν Ρώμῃ.
IX. Τῶν δὲ δημάρχων αὖθις ἐπεγειρόντων τὸν
περὶ τοῦ διοικισμοῦ νόμον, ὁ πρὸς Φαλίσκους
πόλεμος ἐν καιρῷ παραφανεὶς ἔδωκε τοῖς πρώτοις
ἀνδράσιν ἀρχαιρεσιάσαι κατὰ γνώμην καὶ Κά-
μίλλον ἀποδεῖξαι μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων πέντε χιλίαρχον,
ὡς τῶν πραγμάτων ἡγεμόνος δεομένων ἀξίωμα
2 καὶ δόξαν per’ ἐμπειρίας ἔχοντος. ψηφισαμένου
δὲ τοῦ δήμου λαβὼν δύναμιν ὁ Κάμιλλος εἰς τὴν
Φαλίσκων ἐνέβαλε' καὶ πόλιν ἐρυμνὴν κατε-
σκευασμένην πᾶσιν εἰς πόλεμον καλῶς Φαλε-
ρίους ἐπολιόρκει, τὸ μὲν ἑλεῖν οὐ μικρὸν ἔργον
οὐδὲ χρόνου τοῦ τυχόντος ἡγούμενος, ἄλλως δὲ
τρίβειν τοὺς πολίτας καὶ περισπᾶν βουλόμενος,
ὡς μὴ σχολάζοιεν οἴκοι καθήμενοι δημαγωγεῖσθαι
καὶ στασιάζειν. ἐπιεικῶς γὰρ ἀεὶ φαρμάκῳ
τούτῳ χρώμενοι διετέλουν, ὥσπερ ἰατροί, τὰ
ταρακτικὰ πάθη τῆς πολιτείας ἔξω τρέποντες.
Χ. Οὕτως δὲ τῆς πολιορκίας κατεφρόνουν οἱ
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CAMILLUS
for pirates. The enemy had sufficient regard to
their prayers and supplications not to run their
vessel down, but they took it in tow, brought it to
land, and proclaimed their goods and persons for
sale, adjudging them piratical. At last, and with
much ado, through the brave intercession of a single
man, Timesitheus, their general, the Liparians were
persuaded to let the captives go. This man then
launched boats of his own, convoyed the suppliants
on their way, and assisted them in the dedication
of their offering. For this he received suitable
honours at Rome.
IX. Once more the tribunes of the people urged
the passage of the law for the division of the city,
but the war with the Faliscans came on opportunely
and gave the leading men occasion to hold such
elective assemblies as they wished, and to appoint
Camillus military tribune, with five others. The
emergency was thought to demand a leader with the
dignity and reputation which experience alone could
give. After the people had ratified the election,
Camillus, at the head of his army, invaded: the
territory of the Faliscans and laid siege to Falerii, a
strong city, and well equipped with all the munitions
of war. It was not that he thought its capture would
demand slight effort or short time, but he wished to
turn the thoughts of the citizens to other matters
and keep them busy therein, that they might not be
able to stay at home and become the prey of seditious
leaders. This was a fitting and sovercign remedy
which the Romans used, like good physicians, thereby
expelling from the body politic its troublesome
distempers.
X. The Falerians, relying on the great strength of
11
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Φαλέριοι τῷ πανταχόθεν ἐξωχυρῶσθαι πιστεύ-
-OVTES, ὥστε πλὴν: τῶν τὰ τείχη φυλαττόντων τοὺς
ἄλλους ἐν ἱματίοις κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀναστρέ-
φεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ παῖδας αὐτῶν εἴς τε τὰ διδα-
σκαλεῖα φοιτᾶν καὶ παρὰ τὰ τείχη περιπα-
τήσοντας καὶ γυμνασομένους ὑπὸ τοῦ διδασκάλου
καταβιβάξεσθαι. κοινῷ γὰρ ἐχρῶντο τῷ διδα-
σκάλῳ, ὥσπερ “Ἕλληνες, οἱ Φαλέριοι, βουλό-
μενοι συντρέφεσθαι καὶ συναγελάξεσθαι per’
ἀλλήλων εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς τοὺς παῖδας. οὗτος
οὖν ὁ διδάσκαλος ἐπιβουλεύων τοῖς Φαλερίοις
διὰ τῶν παίδων ἐξῆγεν αὐτοὺς ἡμέρας ἑκάστης
ὑπὸ τὸ τεῖχος ἐγγὺς τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτ᾽ ἀπῆγεν
αὖθις εἴσω γυμνασαμένους. ἐκ δὲ τούτον κατὰ
μικρὸν ὑπάγων εἴθισε θαρρεῖν ὡς πολλῆς οὔσης
ἀδείας, καὶ τέλος ἔχων ἅπαντας εἰς τοὺς προφύ-
λακας τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐνέβαλε καὶ παρέδωκεν,
ἄγειν κελεύσας πρὸς τὸν Κάμιλλον. ἀχθεὶς δὲ
καὶ καταστὰς εἰς μέσον ἔλεγε παιδευτὴς μὲν εἶναι
καὶ διδάσκαλος, τὴν δὲ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον χάριν ἀντὶ
τούτων ἑλόμενος τῶν δικαίων, ἥκειν αὐτῷ τὴν
πόλιν ἐν τοῖς παισὶ κομίζων. δεινὸν οὖν ἀκού-
σαντι τὸ ἔργον ἐφάνη Καμίλλῳ: καὶ πρὸς τοὺς
παρόντας εἰπών, ὡς χαλεπὸν μέν ἐστι πόλεμος
καὶ διὰ πολλῆς ἀδικίας καὶ βιαίων περαινόμενος
ἔργων, εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ πολέμων ὅμως τινὲς νόμοι τοῖς
ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσι, καὶ τὸ νικᾶν οὐχ οὕτω δεω-
Ke τέον, ὥστε μὴ φεύγειν τὰς ἐ ἐκ κακῶν καὶ ἀσεβῶν
ἔργων χάριτας (ἀρετῇ γὰρ οἰκείᾳ τὸν μέγαν
στρατηγὸν, οὐκ ἀλλοτρίᾳ θαρροῦντα κακίᾳ
χρῆναι στρατεύειν), προσέταξε τοῖς “ὑπηρέταις
τοῦ μὲν ἀνθρώπου καταρρηγνύναι τὰ ἱμάτια καὶ
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184
Φ
CAMILLUS
their city at all points, made so light of the siege
that, with the exception of the defenders of the
walls, the rest went up and down the city in their
garb of peace. The boys went to school as usual,
and were brought by their teacher along the walls
outside to walk about and get their exercise. For
the Falerians, like the Greeks, employed one teacher
in common, wishing their boys, from the very start,
to herd with one another and grow up together.
This teacher, then, wishing to betray Falerii by
means of its boys, led them out every day beyond the
city walls, at first only a little way, and then brought
them back inside when they had taken their exercise.
Presently he led them, little by little, farther and
farther out, accustomed them to feel confident that
there was no danger at all, and finally pushed in
among the Roman outposts with his whole company,
handed them over to the enemy, and demanded to
be led to Camillus. So led, and in that presence, he
said he was a boys’ school-teacher, but chose rather
to win the general’s favour than to fulfil the duties
of his office, and so had come bringing to him the
city in the persons of its boys. It seemed to Camillus,
on hearing him, that the man had done a monstrous
deed, and turning to the bystanders he said: “ War
is indeed a grievous thing, and is waged with much
injustice and violence ; but even war has certain laws
which good and brave men will respect, and we must
not so hotly pursue victory as not to flee the favours
of base and impious doers. The great general will
wage war relying on his own native valour, not on
the baseness of other men.” Then he ordered his
attendants to tear the man’s clothing from him, tie
119g
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Tas χεῖρας ὀπίσω περιώγειν, τοῖς δὲ παισὶ
διαδοῦναι ῥάβδους καὶ μάστιγας, ὅπως κολά-
ζοντες τὸν προδότην ἐλαύνωσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν.
Ν Ν “A , 3 ’ \ σι
Αρτι δὲ τῶν Φαλερίων ἠσθημένων τὴν τοῦ
διδασκάλου προδοσίαν καὶ τὴν μὲν πόλιν, οἷον
εἰκός, ἐπὶ συμφορᾷ τηλικαύτῃ θρήνου ' κατέ-
χοντος, ἀνδρῶν 8 ὁμοῦ καὶ γυναικῶν ἐπὶ τὰ
τείχη καὶ τὰς πύλας σὺν οὐδενὶ “λογισμῷ φερο-
μένων, προσῆγον οἱ παῖδες τὸν διδάσκαλον
γυμνὸν καὶ δεδεμένον προπηλακίζοντες, τὸν δὲ
Κάμιλλον σωτῆρα καὶ πατέρα καὶ θεὸν ἀνακα-
λοῦντες, ὥστε μὴ μόνον τοῖς γονεῦσι τῶν παίδων,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις πολίταις ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶσι
θαῦμά τε καὶ πόθον ἐμπεσεῖν τῆς τοῦ Καμίλλου
δικαιοσύνης. καὶ συνδραμόντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν
πρέσβεις ἔπεμψαν ἐκείνῳ τὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ἐπι-
τρέποντες, os ὁ Κάμιλλος ἀπέστειλεν εἰς
“Ῥώμην. ἐν δὲ τῇ βουλῇ καταστάντες εἶπον, ὅτι
Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς νίκης τὴν δικαιοσύνην προτιμή-
σάντες ἐδίδαξαν αὐτοὺς τὴν ἧτταν ἀγαπῆσαι
πρὸ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, οὐ τοσοῦτον τῇ δυνάμει
λείπεσθαι δοκοῦντας, ὅσον ἡττᾶσθαι τῆς ἀρετῆς
ὁμολογοῦντας. ἀποδούσης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς πάλιν
ἐκείνῳ τὸ κρῖναι καὶ διαιτῆσαι ταῦτα, χρήματα
λαβὼν παρὰ τῶν Φαλερίων καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς
ἅπαντας Φαλίσκους θέμενος ἀνεχώρησεν.
XI. Οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται διαρπάσειν προσδοκή-
σαντες τοὺς Φαλερίους, ὡς ἐπανῆλθον εἰς Ῥώμην
κεναῖς χερσί, κατηγόρουν τοῦ Καμίλλου πρὸς
τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας ὡς μισοδήμον καὶ φθονή-
σαντος ὠφεληθῆναι τοῖς πένησιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸν
περὶ τοῦ διοικισμοῦ νόμον οἱ δήμαρχοι προθέντες
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CAMILLUS
his arms behind his back, and put rods and scourges
in the hands of the boys, that they might chastise
the traitor and drive him back into the city.
The Falerians had just become aware of the
teacher's treachery, and the whole city, as was
natural, was filled with lamentation over a calamity
so great. Men and women alike rushed distractedly
to the walls and gates, when lo! there came the
boys, bringing their teacher back stripped, bound,
and maltreated, while they called Camillus their
saviour, their father, and their god. On this wise
not only the parents of the boys, but the rest of the
citizens as well, when they beheld the spectacle,
were seized with admiration and longing for the
righteousness of Camillus. In haste they held an
assembly and sent envoys to him, entrusting him
with their lives and fortunes. These envoys Camillus
sent to Rome. Standing in the Senate, they declared
that the Romans, by esteeming righteousness above
‘victory, had taught them to love defeat above
freedom ; not so much because they thought them-
selves inferior in strength, as because they confessed
themselves vanquished in virtue. On the Senate’s
remanding to Camillus the decision and disposition
of the matter, he took a sum of money from the
Falerians, established friendship with all the Faliscans,
and withdrew. |
XI. But the soldiers thought to have had the
sacking of Falerii, and when they came back to
Rome empty-handed, they denounced Camillus to
the rest of the citizens as a hater of the common
people, and as begrudging to the poor the enjoyment
of their rightful booty. And when the tribunes once
more put forward the law for the division of the city
121
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἐκάλουν τὸν δῆμον, ὁ δὲ
Κάμιλλος οὐδεμιᾶς ἀπεχθείας οὐδὲ παρρησίας
φεισάμενος ἐφάνη μάλιστα πάντων ἐκβιαζό-
μενος τοὺς πολλούς, τὸν μὲν νόμον ἄκοντες
ἀπεψηφίσαντο, τὸν δὲ Κάμιλλον δι᾽ ὀργῆς εἶχον,
ὥστε καὶ δυστυχήσαντος αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα
(τῶν γὰρ υἱῶν ἀπέβαλε τὸν ἕτερον νοσήσαντα)
μηδὲν οἴκτῳ τῆς ὀργῆς ὑφέσθαι. καίτοι τὸ
πάθος οὐ μετρίως ἤνεγκεν ἀνὴρ ἥμερος φύσει καὶ
χρηστός, ἀλλὰ τῆς δίκης προγεγραμμένης αὐτῷ
διὰ πένθος οἰκούρει καθειργμένος μετὰ τῶν
γυναικῶν.
XII. ‘O μὲν οὖν κατήγορος ἦν Λεύκιος ᾿Απου-
λήϊος, ἔγκλημα δὲ κλοπῆς περὶ τὰ Τυρρηνικὰ
χρήματα. καὶ δῆτα καὶ θύραι τινὲς ἐλέγοντο
χαλκαῖ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ φανῆναι τῶν αἰχμαλώτων. ὁ
δὲ δῆμος ἐξηρέθιστο καὶ δῆλος ἣν ἐκ πάσης"
προφάσεως κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ. τῇ ψήφῳ χρησόμενος.
οὕτως οὖν συναγαγὼν τούς τε φίλους καὶ τοὺς
συστρατευσαμένους οὐκ ὀλίγους τὸ πλῆθος ὄντας,
3 “Ὁ ‘ o A > \ 350. 9. 9 > »
ἐδεῖτο μὴ περιϊδεῖν αὐτὸν ἀδίκως ἐπ᾽ αἰτίαις 135
aA , A
πονηραῖς ὀφλόντα καὶ καταγέλαστον ὑπὸ τῶν
ἐχθρῶν γενόμενον. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οἱ φίλοι βουλευσά-
μενοι καὶ διαλεχθέντες ἑαυτοῖς ἀπεκρίναντο, πρὸς
\ \ ’ 2 A A ΝΜ / \
μὲν τὴν κρίσιν αὐτῷ μηδὲν οἴεσθαι βοηθήσειν, τὴν
δὲ ζημίαν ὀφλόντι συνεκτίσειν, οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος
ἔγνω μεταστῆναι καὶ φυγεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως πρὸς
ὀργήν. ἀσπασάμενος οὗν τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὸν
υἱὸν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας προήει σιωπῇ μέχρι τῆς
πύλης" ἐκεῖ δὲ ἐπέστη, καὶ μεταστραφεὶς ὀπίσω
122.
CAMILLUS
and summoned the people to vote upon it, then
Camillus, shunning no hatred nor any boldness of
utterance, was manifestly the chief one in forcing the
multitude away from its desires. Therefore, they
did indeed reject the law, much against their will,
but they were wroth with Camillus, so that even
when he met with domestic affliction and lost one
of his two sons by sickness, their wrath was in no
wise softened by pity. And yet he set no bounds
to his sorrow, being by nature a gentle and kindly
man, but even after the indictment against him had
been published, he suffered his grief to keep him at
home, in close seclusion with the women of his
household.
XII. Well, then, his accuser was Lucius Apuleius,
and the charge was theft of Tuscan goods. It was
said, forsooth, that certain bronze doors belonging
to the booty had been seen at his house. But the
people were exasperated, and would plainly lay
hold of any pretext whatever for condemning him.
So then he assembled his friends and comrades in
arms, who were many in number, and begged them
not to suffer him to be convicted on base charges
and to be made a laughing-stock by his foes. When
his friends had laid their heads together and dis-
cussed the case, they answered that, as regarded his
trial, they thought they could be of no help to him;
but if he were punished with a fine, they would help
him pay it. This he could not endure, and in his
wrath determined to depart the city and go into exile.
Accordingly, after he had kissed his wife and son
good-bye, he went from his house in silence as far
as the gate of the city. There he stopped, turned
himself about, and stretching his hands out towards
123
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας πρὸς τὸ Καπιτώλιον
ἐπεύξατο τοῖς θεοῖς, εἰ μὴ δικαίως, ἀλλ᾽ ὕβρει
δήμου καὶ φθόνῳ προπηλακιζόμενος ἐκπίπτει,
ταχὺ Ῥωμαίους μετανοῆσαι καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις
φανεροὺς γενέσθαι δεομένους αὐτοῦ καὶ ποθοῦντας
Κάμιλλον.
ΧΙ]. ᾿Εκεῖνος μὲν οὗν, ὥσπερ O ᾿Αχιλλεύς,
ἀρὰς θέμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολίτας καὶ μεταστὰς
ὦφλε τὴν δίκην ἐρήμην, τίμημα μυρίων καὶ
πεντακισχιλίων. ἀσσαρίων ἔχουσαν.
Ὃ γίνεται πρὸς ἀργυρίου λόγον χίλιαι δραχμαὶ
καὶ πεντακόσιαι" ἀσσάριον γὰρ ἣν τὸ ἀργύριον,
καὶ τὸ δεκάχαλκον οὕτως ἐκαλεῖτο δηνάριον.
Οὐδεὶς δ᾽ ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίων, ὃς οὐ νομίζει τὰς
εὐχὰς τοῦ Καμίλλου ταχὺ τὴν Δίκην ὑπολαβεῖν,
καὶ γενέσθαι τιμωρίαν αὐτῷ τῆς ἀδικίας οὐκ
ἡδεῖαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνιαράν, ὀνομαστὴν δὲ καὶ περι-
βόητον' τοσαύτη περιῆλθε τὴν Ῥώμην “νέμεσις,
καὶ τοσοῦτον ἄγων φθόρον καὶ κίνδυνον ἅ ἅμα μετ᾽
αἰσχύνης ἐφάνη καιρὸς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν, εἴτε τῆς
τύχης οὕτω συνελθούσης, εἴτε καὶ θεῶν τίνος
ἔργον ἐστὶ μὴ παραμελεῖν ἀρετῆς ἀχαριστου-
μένης.
XIV. Πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἔδοξε σημεῖον γεγονέναι
κακοῦ μεγάλου προσιόντος ἡ Ἰουλίου τοῦ τιμητοῦ
τελευτή" μάλιστα γὰρ δὴ Ῥωμαῖοι σέβονται καὶ
νομίζουσιν ἱερὰν τὴν τῶν τιμητῶν ἀρχήν. δεύ-
τερον δὲ πρὸ τῆς Καμίλλου φυγῆς ἀνὴρ οὐκ
ἐπιφανὴς μὲν οὐδὲ ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς, ἐπιεικὴς δὲ καὶ
χρηστὸς εἶναι δοκῶν, Μάρκος Καιδίκιος, ἀνήνεγκε
πρὸς τοὺς χιλιάρχους πρᾶγμα φροντίδος ἄξιον.
124
CAMILLUS
the Capitol, prayed the gods that, if with no justice,
but through the wantonness of the people and the
abuse of the envious he was now being driven from
his country, the Romans might speedily repent, and
show to all men that they needed and longed for
Camillus.
XIII. After he had thus, like Achilles,’ invoked
curses upon his fellow citizens, he removed from out
the city. His case went by default, and he was fined
fifteen thousand asses.
This sum, reduced to our money, is fifteen hundred
drachmas. For the as was the current copper cuin,
and the silver coin worth ten of these pieces was for
that reason called the denarius, which is equivalent
to the drachma.
Now there is no Roman who does not believe that
justice followed hard upon the imprecations of
Camillus, and that he received a requital for his
wrongs which was not pleasing to him, but painful ;
certainly it was notable and famous. For a great
retribution encompassed Rome, and a season of dire
destruction and peril not unmixed with disgrace
assailed the city, whether fortune so brought things
to pass, or whether it is the mission of some god not
to neglect virtue that goes unrequited.
XIV. In the first place, then, it seemed to be a
sign of great evil impending when Julius the censor
died. For the Romans specially revere and hold
sacred the office of censor. In the second place,
before Camillus went into exile, a man who was not
conspicuous, to be sure, but who was esteemed
honest and kindly, Marcus Caedicius, informed the
military tribunes of a matter well worth their atten-
‘1 Thad i. 407-412.
125
2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἔφη yap ἐν τῇ παρφχημένῃ νυκτὶ καθ᾽ ὁδὸν
βαδίζων, ἣν Καινὴν ὀνομάζουσι, κληθεὶς ὑπό τινος
φθεγξαμένον μεταστραφῆναι, καὶ θεάσασθαι μὲν
οὐδένα, φωνῆς δὲ μείξονος ἢ κατ᾽ ἀνθρωπίνην
ἀκοῦσαι τάδε λεγούσης" «“Ave, Μάρκε Καιδίκιε,
λέγε πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἕωθεν ἐλθὼν ὀλίγου
χρόνου Γαλάτας προσδέχεσθαι." ταῦτ᾽ ἀκού-
σαντες οἱ χιλίαρ οἱ γέλωτα καὶ παιδιὰν ἐποιοῦν-
το. καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον συνέβη τὰ περὶ Κάμιλλον.
ΧΥ. Οἱ δὲ Γαλάται τοῦ Κελτικοῦ γένους ὄντες
ὑπὸ πλήθους λέγονται τὴν αὑτῶν ἀπολιπόντες,
οὐκ οὖσαν αὐτάρκη τρέφειν ἅπαντας, ἐπὶ γῆς
ζήτησιν ἑτέρας ὁρμῆσαι" μυριάδες δὲ πολλαὶ
γενόμενοι νέων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μαχίμων, ἔτι δὲ
πλείους παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἄγοντες, οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ
τὸν βόρειον Ωκεανὸν ὑπερβαλόντες τὰ ‘Purraia
ὄρη ῥνῆναι καὶ τὰ ἔσχατα τῆς Εὐρώπης κατα-
σχεῖν, οἱ δὲ μεταξὺ Πυρρήνης ὄρους καὶ τῶν
Λλπεων ἱδρυθέντες ἐγγὺς Σενώνων καὶ Κελτο-
ρίων κατοικεῖν χρόνον πολύν" ὀψὲ δ᾽ οἴνου γευσά-
μενοι τότε πρῶτον ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας διακομισθέντος
οὕτως ἄρα θαυμάσαι τὸ πόμα καὶ πρὸς τὴν
καινότητα τῆς ἡδονῆς ἔκφρονες γενέσθαι πάντες,
ὥστε ἀράμενοι τὰ ὅπλα καὶ γενεὰς ἀναλαβόντες
ἐπὶ τὰς ἼΑλπεις φέρεσθαι καὶ ζητεῖν ἐκείνην τὴν
γῆν, ἣ τοιοῦτον καρπὸν ἀναδίδωσι, τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην
ἄκαρπον ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ ἀνήμερον.
Ὁ δ᾽ εἰσαγαγὼν τὸν οἶνον πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ
παροξύνας ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν μάλιστα καὶ πρῶτος
“Appov λέγεται γενέσθαι Τυρρηνός, a ἀνὴ ἐπιφανὴς
καὶ φύσει μὲν οὐ πονηρός, συμφορᾷ é τοιαύτῃ
χρησάμενος. ἣν ἐπίτροπος παιδὸς ὀρφανοῦ
126
CAMILLUS
tion. He said that during the night just passed, as
he was going along the so-called New Street, he
was hailed by someone in clear tones, and turned,
and saw no man, but heard a voice louder than
man’s saying: “ Hark thou! Marcus Caedicius, early
in the morning go and tell the magistrates that
within a little time they must expect the Gauls.”
At this story the tribunes mocked and jested. And
a little while after, Camillus suffered his disgrace.
XV. The Gauls were of the Celtic stock, and their
numbers were such, as it is said, that they abandoned
their own country, which was not able to sustain
them all, and set out in quest of another. They
were many myriads of young warriors, and they took
along with them a still greater number of women
and children. Some of them crossed the Rhipaean
mountains, streamed off towards the northern ocean,
and occupied the remotest parts of Europe; others
settled between the Pyrenees and the Alps, near
the Senones and the Celtorians, and dwelt there a
long time. But at last they got a taste of wine,
which was then for the first time brought to them
from Italy. They admired the drink so much, and
were all so beside themselves with the novel pleasure
which it gave, that they seized their arms, took
along their families, and made off to the Alps, in
quest~of the land which produced such fruit, con-
sidering the rest of the world barren and. wild.
The man who introduced wine to them, and was
first and foremost in sharpening their appetite for
Italy, is said to have been Arron,a Tuscan. He was
a man of prominence, and by nature not prone to
evil, but had met with the following misfortune.
He was guardian of an orphan boy who was heir to
127
PLUTARCH’S LIVES ;
πλούτῳ TE πρώτου τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ θαυμαΐζο-
μένου κατ᾽ εἶδος, ὄνομα Λουκούμωνος. οὗτος ἐκ
νέου παρὰ τῷ "Αρρωνι δίαιταν εἶχε, καὶ μειράκιον
ὧν οὐκ ἀπέλιπε τὴν οἰκίαν, ἀλλὰ προσεποιεῖτο
χαίρειν συνὼν ἐκείνῳ. καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἐλάνθανε
διεφθαρκὼς αὐτοῦ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ διεφθαρμένος
ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης" ἤδη δὲ πόρρω τοῦ πάθους ἀμφοτέρων
γεγονότων καὶ μήτ᾽ ἀφεῖναι τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν μήτε
κρύπτειν ἔτι δυναμένων, ὁ ὁ μὲν νεανίσκος ἐ ἐπεχείρει
φανερῶς ἀποσπάσας ἔχειν τὴν ἄνθρωπον, ὁ δ᾽
ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ δίκην ἐλθὼν καὶ κρατούμενος πλήθει
φίλων καὶ χρημάτων δαπάναις ὑπὸ τοῦ Λουκού-
μωνος ἐξέλιπε τὴν ἑαυτοῦ: καὶ πυθόμενος τὰ τῶν
Γαλατῶν ἧκεν εἰς αὐτοὺς καὶ καθηγήσατο τῆς εἰς
τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν στρατείας. -
XVI. Οἱ δ᾽ ἐμβαλόντες εὐθὺς ἐκράτουν τῆς
ώρας ὅσην τὸ παλαιὸν οἱ Τυρρηνοὶ κατεῖχον,
ἀπὸ τῶν ᾿Αλπεων ἐπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρας καθήκουσαν. τὰς
θαλάσσας, ὡς καὶ τοὔνομα μα τυρεῖ τῷ λόγῳ.
τὴν μὲν γὰρ βόρειον θάλατταν Αδρίαν καλοῦσιν
ἀπὸ Τυρρηνικῆς πόλεως ᾿Αδρίας, τὴν δὲ πρὸς
νότον κεκλιμένην ἄντικρυς Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος.
πᾶσα δ᾽ ἐστὶ δενδρόφυτος αὕτη καὶ θρέμμασιν
εὔβοτος καὶ κατάρρυτος ποταμοῖς. καὶ πόλεις
εἶχεν ὀκτωκαίδεκα καλὰς καὶ μεγάλας καὶ κατε-
σκευασμένας πρός τε χρηματισμὸν ἐργατικῶς καὶ
πρὸς δίαιταν πανηγυρικῶς, ἃς οἱ Γαλάται τοὺς
Τυρρηνοὺς ἐκβαλόντες αὐτοὶ κατέσχον. ἀλλὰ
ταῦτα μὲν ἐπράχθη συχνῷ τινι χρόνῳ πρότερον.
XVII. Οἱ δὲ Γαλάται τότε πρὸς πόλιν Τυρρη-
νίδα Κλούσιον στρατεύσαντες ἐπολιόρκουν. οἱ
δὲ Κλουσῖνοι καταφυγόντες ἐπὶ τοὺς Ρωμαίους
128
136
CAMILLUS
the greatest wealth in the city, and of amazing
beauty, Lucumo by name. This Lucumo from his
youth up. had lived with Arron, and when he came
to man’s estate, did not leave his house, but pre-
tended to take delight in his society. He had,
however, corrupted Arron’s wife, and been corrupted
by her, and for a long time kept the thing a secret.
But at last the passions of both culprits increased
upon them so that they could neither put away their
desires nor longer hide them, wherefore the young
man made open attempt to remove the woman and
have her to wife. Her husband brought the case
to trial, but was defeated by Lucumo, owing to the
multitude of his friends and his lavish outlays of
money, and forsook the city. Learning about the
Gauls, -he betook himself to them, and led them on
their expedition into Italy.
XVI. The Gauls burst in and _straightway
mastered all the country which the Tuscans occupied
of old, namely, that stretching from the Alps down
to both seas, the names of which bear witness to the
story. For the northern sea is called Adria, from the
Tuscan city of Adria; the southern is called out-.
right the Tuscan Sea. This whole country is studded
with trees, has excellent pasturage for flocks and
herds, and an abundance of rivers. It had also
eighteen cities, large and fair, well equipped for
profitable commerce and for sumptuous living. These
the Gauls took away from the Tuscans and occupied
themselves. But this happened long before the
time of which I speak.
XVII. Atthis time the Gauls had marched against
the Tuscan city of Clusium and were laying siege -
to it. The Clusians applied for assistance to the
129
VOL. II.
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἡτήσαντο πρέσβεις Tap αὐτῶν Kal γράμμαϊτὰ
ἃ \ 4 9 ’ θ Ν lal
πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους. ἐπέμφθησαν δὲ τοῦ
Φαβίων γένους τρεῖς ἄνδρες εὐδόκιμοι καὶ τιμὰς
, ΝΜ > A J ’ 4
μεγάλας ἔχοντες ἐν τῇ πόλει. τούτους ἐδέξαντο
\ a
μὲν οἱ Ταλάται φιλανθρώπως διὰ τὸ τῆς Ῥώμης
ὄνομα, καὶ παυσάμενοι τῆς πρὸς τὰ τείχη μάχης
εἰς λόγους συνῆλθον. πυνθανομένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν,
Ψ ’ e Ν ’ Cd > \ \
ὅ τι παθόντες ὑπὸ Κλουσίνων ἥκοιεν ἐπὶ τὴν
πόλιν, γελάσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Γαλατῶν Βρέννος,
“᾿Αδικοῦσιν ἡμᾶς," ἔφη, “ Κλουσῖνοι γῆν καὶ
χώραν ὀλίγην μὲν γεωργεῖν δυνάμενοι, πολλὴν δὲ
A \ a
κατέχειν ἀξιοῦντες καὶ μὴ μεταδιδόντες ἡμῖν
ξένοις οὖσι καὶ πολλοῖς καὶ πένησι. ταῦτα δ᾽
ἄρα καὶ ὑμᾶς ἠδίκουν, ὦ “Ρωμαῖοι, πρότερον μὲν
a 3 A fe)
᾿Αλβανοὶ καὶ Φιδηνᾶται καὶ ᾿Αρδεῶται, viv δὲ
Οὐήϊοι καὶ Καπηνᾶται καὶ πολλοὶ Φαλίσκων καὶ
> “Ὁ
Οὐολούσκων: ἐφ᾽ ods ὑμεῖς στρατεύοντες, ἐὰν μὴ
μεταδιδῶσιν ὑμῖν τῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἀνδραποδίζεσθε
καὶ λεηλατεῖτε καὶ κατασκάπτετε τὰς πόλεις
3 A IO\ > e A ‘\ > v
αὐτῶν, οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ὑμεῖς ye δεινὸν οὐδὲ ἄδικον
ποιοῦντες, ἀλλὰ τῷ πρεσβυτάτῳ τῶν νόμων
ἀκολουθοῦντες, ὃς τῷ κρείττονι τὰ τῶν ἡττόνων
δίδωσιν ἀρχόμενος ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τελευτῶν
εἰς τὰ θηρία. καὶ γὰρ τούτοις ἐκ φύσεως ἔνεστι
τὸ ζητεῖν πλέον ἔχειν τὰ κρείττονα τῶν ὑποδε-
εστέρων. Κλουσίνους δὲ παύσασθε πολιορκου-
μένους οἰκτείροντες, ws μὴ καὶ Ταλάτας διδάξητε
χρηστοὺς καὶ φιλοικτίρμονας γενέσθαι τοῖς ὑπὸ
Ῥωμαίων ἀδικουμένοις."
9 ’ Ὁ ’ δ 4ζἐ n
Ex τούτων τῶν λόγων ἔγνωσαν ot ‘Pwpatoe
τὸν Βρέννον ἀσυμβάτως ἔχοντα, καὶ παρελ-
130
CAMILLUS
Romans, and begged them to send ambassadors in
their behalf with a letter to the Barbarians. So
there were sent three men of the Fabian gens who
were of great repute and honour in the city. The
Gauls received them courteously, because of the
name of Rome, ceased their attacks upon the city
walls, and held conference with them. When they
were asked what wrong they had suffered at the
hands of the Clusians that they had come up against
their city, Brennus, the king of the Gauls, burst into
a laugh and said: “ The Clusians wrong us in that,
being able to till only a small parcel of earth, they
yet are bent on holding a large one, and will not
share it with us, who are strangers, many in number
and poor. This is the wrong which ye too suffered,
O Romans, formerly at the hands of the Albans,
Fidenates, and Ardeates, and now lately at the
hands of the Veientines, Capenates, and many of
the Faliscans and Volscians. Ye march against these
peoples, and if they will not share their goods with
you, ye enslave them, despoil them, and raze their
cities to the ground; not that in so doing ye are in
any wise cruel or unjust, nay, ye are but obeying
that most ancient of all laws which gives to the
stronger the goods of his weaker neighbours, the
world over, beginning with God himself and ending
with the beasts that perish. For these too are so
endowed by nature that the stronger seeks to have
more than the weaker. Cease ye, therefore, to pity
the Clusians when we besiege them, that ye may
not teach the Gauls to be kind and full of pity
towards those who are wronged by the Romans.”
From this speech the Roman envoys saw that there
was no coming to terms with Brennus, and so they
‘ 131
κ 2
΄
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
θόντες εἰς τὸ Κλούσιον ἐθάρρυνον καὶ παρώρ-
μων τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπεξελθεῖν τοῖς βαρβάροις
pet αὐτῶν, εἴτε τὴν ἐκείνων ἀλκὴν κατα-
μαθεῖν εἴτε τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἐπιδείξασθαι θέλοντες.
ἐκδρομῆς δὲ τῶν Κλουσίνων καὶ μάχης. παρὰ τὰ
τείχη γενομένης εἷς τῶν Φαβίων, Κόϊντος "Ap-
Bovotos, ἵππον ἔχων ἐλήλασεν ἀντίος ἀνδρὶ
μεγάλῳ καὶ καλῷ Γαλάτῃ πολὺ προϊππεύοντι
τῶν ἄλλων, ἀγνοηθεὶς ἐ ἐν ἀρχῇ διὰ τὸ τὴν σύνοδον
ὀξεῖαν γενέσθαι καὶ τὰ ὅπλα περιχλάμποντα τὴν
ὄψιν ἀποκρύπτειν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐπικρατήσας τῇ μάχη
καὶ καταβαλὼν ἐσκύλευε τὸν ἄνθρωπον, γνωρίσας
0 Βρέννος αὐτὸν ἐπεμαρτύρατο θεούς, ὡς παρὰ
τὰ κοινὰ καὶ νενομισμένα πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὅσια
καὶ δίκαια πρεσβευτοῦ μὲν ἥκοντος, πολέμια, δὲ
εἰργασμένου. καταπαύσας δὲ τὴν μάχην αὐτίκα
Κλουσίνους μὲν εἴα χαίρειν, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην
τὸν στρατὸν ἦγεν. οὐ βουλόμενος δὲ δόξαι τὴν
ἀδικίαν αὐτοῖς ὥσπερ ἀσμένοις γεγονέναι καὶ
δεομένοις προφάσεως, ἔπεμψεν ἐξαιτῶν ἐπὶ τι-
μωρίᾳ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ προῆγεν ἅμα σχολαίως.
XVIII. ᾿Εν δὲ Ῥώμῃ τῆς βουλῆς συναχθείσης
ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ τοῦ Φαβίου κατηγόρουν, καὶ
τῶν ἱερέων οἱ “καλούμενοι Φητιαλεῖς ἐνῆγον
ἐπιθειάξοντες καὶ κελεύοντες τὸ τῶν Tem pary-
μένων ἄγος τὴν σύγκλητον εἰς ἕνα τὸν αἴτιον
τρέψασαν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἄλλων ἀφοσιώσασθαι.
Τούτους τοὺς Φητιαλεῖς ἸΠομπίλιος Νομᾶς,
βασιλέων ἡμερώτατος γενόμενος καὶ δικαιότατος,
μον ἀν τς φύλακας μὲν εἰρήνης, ἐπιγνώμονας δὲ
βεβαιωτὰς αἰτιῶν, αἱ σὺν δίκῃ πόλεμον
συνάπτουσι.
132
13
| aad
CAMILLUS
slipped into Clusium, and emboldened and incited
its citizens to sally out against the Barbarians with
them, either because they wished to discover the
prowess of those warriors or to display their own.
The Clusians made a sally, and in the fight which
raged along the walls one of the Fabii, Quintus
Ambustus, drove his horse straight at a stately and
handsome Gaul who was riding far out in front of the
rest. At first he was not recognized, because the
conflict came swiftly to pass and his dazzling armour
hid his face. But when he had conquered and un-
horsed his foe and was stripping his arms from him,
then Brennus recognized him, and called upon the
gods to witness how, contrary to the general practice
of all mankind, which was deemed just and holy,
he had come as an ambassador, but had wrought as
-an enemy. Then, putting a stop to the battle, he
straightway let the Clusians alone, and led his host
against Rome. But not wishing to have it thought
that his people were rejoiced at the outrage, and
only wanted some pretext for war, he sent and
demanded the offender for punishment, and in the
meantime advanced but slowly.
XVIII. When the Senate convened in Rome,
many denounced the Fabii, and especially the priests
called Fetiales were instant in calling upon the
Senate in the name of all the gods to turn the curse
of what had been done upon the one guilty man,
and so to make expiation for the rest.
These Fetiales were instituted by Numa Pompilius,
‘gentlest and justest of kings, to be the guardians of
peace, as well as judges and determiners of the
grounds on which war could justly be made.
133
2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Τῆς δὲ βουλῆς ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀνενεγκαμένης
τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ τῶν ἱερέων ὅμοια τοῦ Φαβίου
κατηγορούντων, οὕτω περιὔύβρισαν οἱ πολλοὶ τὰ
εἶα καὶ κατεγέλασαν, ὥστε καὶ χιλίαρχον
ἀποδεῖξαι τὸν Φάβιον μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν. οἱ δὲ
Κελτοὶ πυθόμενοι ταῦτα καὶ χαλεπῶς φέροντες
οὐδὲν ἐμποδὼν ἐποιοῦντο τῆς σπουδῆς, ἀλλ᾽
ἐχώρουν παντὶ τάχει" καὶ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῶν
καὶ τὴν λαμπρότητα τῆς παρασκευῆς καὶ βίαν
καὶ θυμὸν ἐκπεπληγμένων τῶν διὰ μέσου, καὶ
τήν TE χώραν ἀπολωλέναι πᾶσαν ἤδη καὶ τὰς
πόλεις εὐθὺς ἀπολεῖσθαι δοκούντων, παρ᾽ ἐλ-
; πίδας οὐδὲν ἠδίκουν οὐδ᾽ ἐλάμβανον ἐκ τῶν
ἀγρῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τὰς πόλεις ἐγγὺς παρεξ-
ἰόντες ἐβόων ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην πορεύεσθαι καὶ
μόνοις πολεμεῖν Ῥωμαίοις, τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους φί-
λους ἐπίστασθαι.
Τοιαύτῃ δὲ χρωμένων ὁρμῇ τῶν βαρβάρων
ἐξῆγον οἱ χιλίαρχοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐπὶ τὸν
ἀγῶνα, ere μὲν οὐκ ἐνδεεῖς (ἐγένοντο γὰρ
ὁπλῖται τετρακισμυρίων οὐκ ἐλάσσους), ἀνα-
σκήτους δὲ τοὺς τ ΤΣ καὶ τότε πρῶτον
ἁπτομένους ὅπλων. ἔτι ἐξημέλητο τὰ τῶν
θεῶν αὐτοῖς οὔτε πο ὰ: οὔτε μάντεις
ἃ πρὸ κινδύνου καὶ μάχης εἰκὸς ἦν ἐρομένοις.
οὐδενὸς δὲ ἧττον ἐπετώραττεν ἡ πολυαρχία
τὰ πραττόμενα. καΐτοι πρότερόν γε καὶ πρὸς
ἐλάττονας ἀγῶνας εἵλοντο πολλάκις μονάρχους,
obs Δικτάτορας καλοῦσιν, οὐκ ἀγνοοῦντες, ὅσον
ἐστὶν εἰς ἐπισφαλῆ καιρὸν ὄφελος μιᾷ χρωμένους
γνώμῃ πρὸς ἀνυπεύθυνον ἀρχὴν ἐν χερσ τὴν
δίκην ἔχουσαν εὐτακτεῖν. οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ καὶ
184
CAMILLUS
The Senate referred the matter to the people, and
although the priests with one accord denounced
Fabius, the multitude so scorned and mocked at
religion as to appoint him military tribune, along
with his brothers. The Gauls, on learning this, were
wroth, and suffered nothing to impede their haste,
but advanced with all speed. What with their
numbers, the splendour of their equipment, and
_their furious violence, they struck terror wherever
they came. Men thought the lands about their
cities lost already, and their cities sure to follow at
once. But contrary to all expectation the enemy
did them no harm, nor took aught from their fields,
but even as they passed close by their cities shouted
out that they were marching on Rome and warred
. only on the Romans, but held the rest as friends.
Against this onset of the Barbarians the military
tribunes led the Romans forth to battle. They were
not inferior in numbers, being no fewer than forty
thousand men-at-arms, but most of them were un-
trained, and δὰ never handled weapons before.
Besides, they had neglected all religious rites, having -
neither sacrificed with good omens, nor consulted the
prophets as was meet before the perils of battle.
But what most of all confounded their undertakings
was the number of their commanders. And yet before
this, and on the brink of lesser struggles, they had
often chosen a single commander, with the title of
Dictator, not unaware how great an advantage it is,
when confronting a dangerous crisis, to be of one
mind in paying obedience to an authority which is
absolute, and holds the scales of justice in its own
hands. Moreover, their unfair treatment of Camillus
135
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Κάμιλλος ἀγνωμονηθεὶς ἔβλαψε τὰ πράγματα,
τοῦ μὴ πρὸς χάριν μηδὲ κολακεύοντας ἄρχειν
φοβεροῦ γενομένου.
Προελθόντες οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως σταδίους
ἐνενήκοντα παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αλίαν ποταμὸν ηὐλί-
σθησαν, οὐ πόρρω τοῦ στρατοπέδου τῷ Θύμβριδι
συμφερόμενον. ἐνταῦθα δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων
ἐπιφανέντων αἰσχρῶς ἀγωνισάμενοι δὲ ἀταξίαν
\
ἐτράποντο. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀριστερὸν κέρας εὐθὺς
ἐμβαλόντες εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν οἱ Κελτοὶ διέ-
φθειραν' τὸ δὲ δεξιὸν ὑπεκκλῖναν τὴν ἐπιφορὰν
ἐκ τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς τοὺς λόφους ἧττον ἐξεκόπη:
καὶ διεξέπεσον ἀπὸ τούτων εἰς τὴν πόλεων οἱ
πολλοί. τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις, ὅσοι τῶν πολεμίων
ἀπειπόντων. πρὸς τὸν φόνον ἐσώθησαν, εἰς
Οὐηΐους αἱ φυγαὶ διὰ νυκτὸς ἦσαν, ὡς τῆς
Ῥώμης οἰχομένης καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πάντων ἀπο-
λωλότων.
ΧΙΧ. ᾿Εγένετο δ᾽ ἡ μάχη μετὰ τροπὰς θερινὰς
περὶ τὴν πανσέληνον, ἡ καὶ πρότερον ἡμέρᾳ μέγα
πάθος συνέβη τὸ περὶ τοὺς Φαβίους' τριακόσιοι
γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ “γένους ἄνδρες ὑ ὑπὸ Τυρρηνῶν ἀνῃρέθη-
σαν. ἐκράτησε δὲ τὴν ἡμέραν ἀπὸ τῆς δευτέρας
ἥττης ᾿Αλιάδα μέχρι νῦν καλεῖσθαι διὰ τὸν
ποταμόν.
Περὶ ὁ δ᾽ ἡμερῶν ἀποφράδων, εἴτε χρὴ τίθεσθαί
τινας, εἴτε ὀρθῶς ‘H ράκλειτος ἐπέπληξεν Ἡσιόδῳ
τὰς μὲν ἀγαθὰς ποιουμένῳ, τὰς δὲ φαύλας, ὡς
ἀγνοοῦντι φύσιν ἡμέρας ἁπάσης μίαν οὖσαν,
ἑτέρωθι διηπόρηται. τῇ δ᾽ ὑποκειμένῃ γραφῇ τὸ
μνημονεῦσαι παραδειγμάτων ὀλίγων ἴσως ἂν
136
138
CAMILLUS
was in no slight degree fatal to discipline, since it
was now dangerous to hold command without paying
regard to the pleasure and caprice of the people.
They advanced from the city about eleven miles,
and encamped along the river Allia, not far from its
confluence with the Tiber. There the Barbarians
came suddenly upon them, and after a disorderly and
shameful struggle, they were routed. Their left
wing was at once driven into the river by the Gauls
and destroyed; their right wing was less cut up,
because it withdrew before the enemy’s onset from
the plain to the hills, from which most of them made
their way back to the city. The rest, as many as
escaped the enemy’s hands, which were weary with
slaughter, fled by night to Veii. They thought that
Rome was lost and all her people slain.
XIX. The battle! took place just after the summer
solstice when the moon was near the full, on the very
day of a former great disaster, when three hundred
men of the Fabian gens had been cut to pieces by
the Tuscans. But the second defeat was so much
the worse that the day on which it fell is called
down to the present time “dies Alliensis,” from the
river.
Now concerning “ dies nefasti,’ or unlucky days,
whether we must regard some as such, or whether
Heracleitus was right in rebuking Hesiod for calling
some days good and some bad, in his ignorance that
the nature of every day is one and the same,—this
question has been fully discussed elsewhere. Still,
even in what I am now writing, the mention of a few
1 390 B.C.
>
137
3
PLUTARCH’S UIVES
appocere. τοῦτο μὲν τοίνυν Βοιωτοῖς Ἱπποδρο-
pio μηνός, ὡς δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καλοῦσιν ‘Exarop-
βαιῶνος, ἱ ἱσταμένου πέμπτῃ δύο λαβεῖν συνέβη
νίκας ἐπι νεστάτας, αἷς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἠλευθέ-
ρωώσαν, τὴν τε περὶ Λεῦκτρα καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Κερησσῷ
ταύτης πρότερον ἔτεσι πλείοσιν ἢ διακοσίοις, ὅ ὅτε
Λατταμύαν καὶ Θεσσαλοὺς ἐνίκησαν. τοῦτο δ᾽
αὖ πάλιν Πέρσαι “μηνὸς Βοηδρομιῶνος ἕ ἕκτῃ μὲν
ἐν Μαραθῶνι, τρίτῃ δ᾽ ἐν Πλαταιαῖς ἅμα καὶ
περὶ Μυκάλην ἡττήθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων,
πέμπτῃ δὲ φθίνοντος ἐν ᾿Αρβήλοις. οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Αθη-
ναῖοι καὶ τὴν περὶ Νάξον ἐ ἐνίκων ναυμαχίαν, ἧς
Χαβρίας ἐ ἐστρατήγει, τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος περὶ τὴν
πανσέληνον, ἐν δὲ Σαλαμῖνι περὶ τὰς εἰκάδας,
ὡς ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡμερῶν ἀποδέδεικται. ἐνή-
νόοχε δὲ καὶ δ Θαργηλεὼν μὴν τοῖς βαρβάροις
ἐπιδήλως ἀτυχίας" καὶ γὰρ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐπὶ
Τρανικῷ τοὺς βασιλέως στρατηγοὺς Θαργηλιῶνος
ἐνίκησε, καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι περὶ Σικελίαν ὑπὸ
Τιμολέοντος ἡ ἡττῶντο τῇ ἑβδόμῃ φθίνοντος, περὶ
ἣν δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ Ἴλιον ἁλῶναι, Θαργηλιῶνος 1 ὡς
"Edopos καὶ Καλλισθένης καὶ Δαμάστης καὶ
Φύλαρχος ἱ ἱστορήκασιν. ἀνάπαλιν δ᾽ ὁ Μεταγειτ-
νιών, ὃ ὃν Βοιωτοὶ Πάνεμον καλοῦσιν, τοῖς Ἕλ-
λησιν οὐκ εὐμενὴς γέγονε. τούτου γὰρ τοῦ μηνὸς
ἑβδόμῃ καὶ τὴν ἐν Κρανῶνι μάχην ἡττηθέντες ὑ ὑπ᾽
᾿Αντιπάτρου τελέως ἀπώλοντο, καὶ πρότερον ἐν
Χαιρωνείᾳ μαχόμενοι πρὸς Φίλιππον ἠτύχησαν.
τῆς δ᾽ αὐτῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης ἐν τῷ Μεταγειτνιῶνι
κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐνιαυτὸν οἱ μετ᾽ ᾿Αρχιδάμου δια-
βάντες εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖ βαρβάρωμ
' Θαργηλιῶνος deleted by Bekker, after Reiske.
a 38
CAMILLUS
examples may not be amiss. To begin with, then, it
was on the fifth day of the month of Hippodromius
(which the Athenians call Hecatombaeon) that the
Boeotians won two illustrious victories which set the
Greeks free: that at Leuctra, and that at Ceressus
more than two hundred years earlier, when they
conquered Lattamyas and the Thessalians. Again,
on the sixth day of the month of Boedromion the
Greeks defeated the Persians at Marathon, on the
third day at Plataea and Mycale together, and on the
twenty-sixth day at Arbela. Moreover, it was about
full moon of the same month that the Athenians won
their sea-fight off Naxos, under the command of
Chabrias, and about the twentieth, that at Salamis,
as has been set forth in my treatise “On days.”
Further, the month of Thargelion has clearly been a
disastrous one for the Barbarians, for in that month
the generals of the King were conquered by Alex-
ander at the Granicus, and on the twenty-fourth of the
month the Carthaginians were worsted by Timoleon
off Sicily. On this day, too, of Thargelion, it appears
that Ilium was taken, as Ephorus, Callisthenes,
Damastes, and Phylarchus have stated. Contrary-
wise, the month of Metageitnion (which the Boeotians
call Panemus) has not been favourable to the Greeks.
On the seventh of this month they were worsted by
Antipater in the battle of Crannon, and utterly un-
done ; before this they had-fought Philip unsuccess-
fully at Chaeroneia on that day of the month ; and in
the same year, and on the same day of Metageitnion,
Archidamus and his army, who had crossed into
Italy, were cut to pieces by the Barbarians there.
139
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
6 διεφθάρησαν. Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ τὴν ἐνάτην φθί-
νοντος ὡς τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ μέγιστα τῶν ἀτυχημά-
των αὐτοῖς ἀεὶ φέρουσαν παραφυλάττουσιν.
Οὐκ ἀγνοῶ δ᾽ ὅτι περὶ τὸν τῶν μυστηρίων καιρὸν
αὖθις Θῆβαί τε κατεσκάφησαν ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου,
καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα φρουρὰν ᾿Αθηναῖοι Μακεδόνων
ἐδέξαντο περὶ αὐτὴν τὴν εἰκάδα τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶ-
7 νος, ἧ τὸν μυστικὸν Ἴακχον ἐξάγουσιν. ὁμοίως
δὲ “Ρωμαῖοι τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρας πρότερον μὲν ὑπὸ
Κίμβρων τὸ μετὰ Καιπίωνος ἀπέβαλον στρατό-
πεδον, ὕστερον δὲ Λουκούλλον στρατηγοῦντος
᾿Αρμενίους καὶ Τιγράνην ἐνίκησαν. Ατταλος δ᾽
ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Πομπήϊος Μάγνος ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτῶν
γενεθλίοις ἀπέθανον. καὶ ὅλως ἐστὶ πολλοὺς ἐπ᾽
ἀμφότερα ταῖς αὐταῖς χρησαμένους ἀποδεῖξαι
περιόδοις. ᾿
8 ᾿Αλλὰ Ῥωμαίοις αὕτη μία τῶν μάλιστα ἀπο-
φράδων ἐστί, καὶ δι’ αὐτὴν ἑκάστου μηνὸς ἕτεραι
δύο, τῆς πρὸς τὸ συμβὰν εὐλαβείας καὶ δεισιδαι-
μονίας ἐπὶ πλεῖον, ὥσπερ εἴωθε, ῥνείσης. ταῦτα
μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ Περὶ αἰτιῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν ἐπιμελέ-
στερον Sinpnras.
XX. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην ἐκείνην εἰ μὲν εὐθὺς
ἐπηκολούθησαν οἱ Γαλάται τοῖς φεύγουσιν, οὐδὲν
ἂν ἐκώλυσε τὴν Ῥώμην ἄρδην ἀναιρεθῆναι καὶ
πάντας ἀπολέσθαι τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ καταλειφθέντας"
τοσοῦτον οἱ φεύγοντες ἐνειργάξζοντο δεῖμα τοῖς
ὑποδεχομένοις, καὶ τοσαύτης πάλιν ἐνεπίμπλαντο
2 ταραχῆς καὶ παραφροσύνης. νυνὶ δ᾽ ἀπιστίᾳ τοῦ
μεγέθους οἱ βάρβαροι τῆς νίκης καὶ πρὸς εὐπάθει-
140
CAMILLUS
The Carthaginians also regard with fear the twenty-
second of this month, because it has ever brought upon
them the worst and greatest of their misfortunes.
I am not unaware that, at about the time when
the mysteries are celebrated, Thebes was razed to
the ground for the second time by Alexander, and
that afterwards the Athenians were forced to receive
a Macedonian garrison on the twentieth of Βοε-
dromion, the very day on which they escort the
mystic Iacchus forth in procession. And likewise
the Romans, on the self-same day, saw their army
under Caepio destroyed by the Cimbri, and later,
when Lucullus was their general, conquered Tigranes
and the Armenians. Both King Attalus and Pompey
the Great died on their own birth-days. In short,
one can adduce many cases where the same times
and seasons have brought opposite fortunes upon the
same men.
But this day of the Allia is regarded by the
Romans as one of the unluckiest, and its influence
extends over two other days of each month through-
out the year, since in the presence of calamity,
timidity and superstition often overflow all bounds.
However, this subject has been more carefully treated
in my “ Roman Questions.”’ !
XX. Now had the Gauls, after this battle, followed
hard upon the fugitives, naught would have hindered
Rome from being utterly destroyed and all those who
‘remained in her from perishing, such was the terror
which the fugitives infused into the occupants of the
city, and with such confusion and delirium were they
themselves once more filled. But as it was, the
Barbarians could not realize the magnitude of their
1 Morals, pp. 269 f.
14!
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
av ἐκ τοῦ περιχαροῦς ἅμα Kal νεμήσεις τῶν
a ,
ἑαλωκότων ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ χρῃμάτων τραπό-
μενοι, τῷ μὲν ἐκπίπτοντι τῆς πόλεως ὄχλῳ
φ ’ A 4 bf , 3 » Ἁ
ῥᾳστώνην φυγῆς παρέσχον, ἐλπίσαι δ᾽ ἔτι καὶ
A 4
παρασκευάσασθαι τοῖς ὑπομένουσι. τὴν yap
’
ἄλλην πόλιν προέμενοι τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἐφράξαντο
, ἃ 4 > f \ a
3 βέλεσι καὶ διατειχίσμασιν. ἐν πρώτοις δὲ τῶν
ἱερῶν ἃ μὲν εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀνεσκευάσαντο,
ἴω nA € nA
τὸ δὲ πῦρ τῆς ᾿Εστίας at παρθένοι μετὰ τῶν
e A ” e U4
ἱερῶν ἔφευγον ἁρπασάμεναι. ‘ 139
Καίτοι τινὲς οὐδὲν εἶναι τὸ φρουρούμενον ὑπ᾽
4 A a A “A ΝΜ e la) la!
αὐτῶν ἕτερον ἢ πῦρ ἄφθιτον ἱστοροῦσι, Nopa
ἴον ’ὔ
τοῦ βασιλέως καταστήσαντος ὡς ἀρχὴν ἁπάντων
, ’ 3 A / A
4 σέβεσθαι. κινητικώτατον yap ἐν νῇ φύσει τοῦτο"
/ A ’ ΄
κίνησις δέ τις ἢ σύν τινι κινήσει πάντως ἡ γένε-
\ b Ν a Φ ,
σις: τὰ δ΄. ἄλλα τῆς ὕλης μόρια θερμότητος
\ ’ \ a :
ἐπιλιπούσης ἀργὰ κείμενα καὶ νεκροῖς ἐοικότα
ζω \ A
ποθεῖ τὴν τοῦ πυρὸς δύναμιν, ὡς ψυχήν, καὶ
προσελθούσης ἁμῶς γέ πως ἐπὶ τὸ δρᾶν τι καὶ
πάσχειν τρέπεται. τοῦτ᾽ οὖν ἅτε δὴ περιττὸν
Ν \ A \ , ” -“" ’
ἄνδρα τὸν Νομᾶν καὶ λόγον ἔχοντα ταῖς Μούσαις
a \ J 3 a \ a
συνεῖναι διὰ σοφίαν ἐξοσιῶσαι καὶ φρουρεῖν
’ > / A
ἀκοίμητον ἐν εἰκόνι τῆς TA πάντα κοσμούσης
PeO / s e \ ἃ “Ὁ [4 3
ὅ ἀϊδίου δυνάμεως. οἱ δὲ τὸ μὲν πῦρ, ὥσπερ παρ
a
Ἕλλησι, πρὸ ἱερῶν αἴθεσθαι καθάρσιον, ἄλλα
\ \ a
δὲ τὰ ἐντὸς ἀθέατα κρύπτεσθαι πᾶσι, πλὴν ταύ-
a ’ὔ a ε 4 3 ΄,
ταῖς ταῖς παρθένοις, ἃς “Ἑστιάδας ἐπονομάζουσι.
142
CAMILLUS
victory, and in the excess of their joy, turned to
revelry and the distribution of the good things
captured in their enemy’s camp. For this reason the
throngs who were for abandoning the city had ample
time for flight, and those who were for remaining
plucked up hope and prepared to defend themselves.
Abandoning the rest of the city, they fenced the
Capitol with ramparts and stocked it. with missiles.
But their first care was for their sacred things, most
of which they carried away to the Capitol; the fire
of Vesta, however, was snatched up and carried off
by the vestal virgins in their flight, along with the
other sacred things entrusted to their care.
However, some writers state that these virgins
have watch and ward over nothing more than the
ever-living fire, which Numa the King appointed to
be worshipped as the first cause of all things. For
fire produces more motion than anything else in
nature, and all birth is a mode of motion, or is
accompanied by motion. All other portions of
matter, in the absence of heat, lie inert and dead,
yearning for the force of fire to inform them, like a
spirit, and on its accession in any manner soever,
they become capable of acting and being acted upon.
This principle of fire, then, Numa, who was an extra-
ordinary man, and whose wisdom gave him the
repute of holding converse with the Muses, is said to
have hallowed and ordered to be kept sleepless, that
it might image forth the ever-living force which
orders the universe aright. Others say that this fire
is kept burning before the sacred things by way of
purification, as among the Greeks, and that other
objects within the temple are kept hidden from the
gaze of all except these virgins, whom they call
143
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
\ “a \ / a) \ oo =A
Kat πλεῖστος μὲν λόγος κατεῖχε TO Tpwikor
ἐκεῖνο Παλλάδιον ἀποκεῖσθαι δι’ Αἰνείον κομι-
σθὲν εἰς Ἰταλίαν. εἰσὶ δ᾽ οἱ τὰ Σαμοθρᾷκια
μυθολογοῦντες Δάρδανον μὲν εἰς Τροίαν ἐξενεγ-
κάμενον ὀργιάσαι καὶ καθιερῶσαι κτίσαντα τὴν
πόλιν, Αἰνείαν δὲ περὶ τὴν ἅλωσιν ἐκκλέψαντα
διασῶσαι μέχρι τῆς ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ κατοικήσεως. οἱ
δὲ προσποιούμενοι πλέον ἐπίστασθαί τι περὶ
4 4 3 4 9 n /
τούτων δύο φασὶν οὐ μεγάλους ἀποκεῖσθαι πί-
θους, ὧν τὸν μὲν ἀνεῳγότα καὶ, κενόν, τὸν δὲ
πλήρη καὶ κατασεσημασμένον, ἀμφοτέρους δὲ
ταῖς παναγέσι μόναις παρθένοις ὁρατοὺς εἶναι.
ἄλλοι δὲ τούτους διεψεῦσθαι νομίζουσι τῷ τὰ
A A 4
πλεῖστα τῶν ἱερῶν τότε τὰς κόρας ἐμβαλούσας
2 4 4 4 A e \ \ Ἁ a
εἰς πίθους δύο κρύψαι κατὰ γῆς ὑπὸ τὸν νεὼν τοῦ
, / A A a
Κυρίνου, καὶ τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῶν
Πιθίσκων φέρεσθαι τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν.
XXI. Τὰ δὲ κυριώτατα κδὶ μέγιστα τῶν ἱερῶν
αὗται λαβοῦσαι φυγῇ παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐποι-
A \ 2 , > Ὁ 4 3 ld
odvTo τὴν ἀποχώρησιν. ἐνταῦθα Λεύκιος ᾿Αλῥβί-
νιος ἀνὴρ δημοτικὸς ἐν τοῖς φεύγουσιν ἔτυχε
τέκνα νήπια καὶ γυναῖκα μετὰ χρημάτων ἀναγ-
, > e 4 e ’ὔ ς 9 \
καίων ἐφ᾽ ἁμάξης ὑπεκκομίξων. ὡς δ᾽ εἶδε τὰς
παρθένους ἐν τοῖς κόλποις φερούσας τὰ τῶν
θεῶν ἱερὰ θέἐραπείας ἐρήμους trapatropevopévas
καὶ κακοπαθούσας, ταχὺ τὴν γυναῖκα μετὰ τῶν
παίδων καὶ τῶν χρημάτων καθελὼν ἀπὸ τῆς
ἁμάξης ἐκείναις παρέδωκεν ἐπιβῆναι καὶ δια-
1 "AABlnos S and Livy, v. 40: ᾿Αλβῖνος.
144
CAMILLUS
Vestals. And a very prevalent story had it that the
famous Palladium of Troy was hidden away there,
having been brought to Italy by Aeneas. There are
some who say that it is the Samothracian images
which are hidden there, and they tell the tale of
Dardanus bringing these to Troy, after he had
founded that city, and consecrating them there with
celebration of their rites; and of Aeneas, at the
capture of Troy, stealing them away and preserving
them until he settled in Italy. Others still, pretend-
ing to have larger knowledge in these matters, say
that-two small jars are stored away there, of which
one is open and empty, and the other full and sealed
up, and that both are visible only to the holy virgins.
But others think that these knowing ones have been
led astray by the fact that the virgins, at the time of
which 1 am now speaking, cast the most of their
sacred treasures into two jars, and hid them under-
ground in the temple of Quirinus, whence that place,
down to the present time, has the name of “ Doliola,”
or “ Jars.”
XXI. However that may be, these virgins took
the choicest and most important of the sacred objects
and fled away along the river. There it chanced
that Lucius Albinius, a man of the common people,
was among the fugitives, carrying off his wife and
little children, with the most necessary household
goods, upon a waggon. When he saw the virgins
with the sacred symbols of the gods in their bosoms,
making their way along unattended and in great
distress, he speedily took his wife, with the children
and the household goods, down from the waggon,
and suffered the virgins to mount upon it and make
7 145
VoL. 11. I.
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
2 φυγεῖν εἴς τινα τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων. τὴν
μὲν οὖν ᾿Αλβινίου πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐλάβειαν καὶ
τιμὴν ἐν τοῖς ἐπισφαλεστάτοις καιροῖς ἐκφανῆ
γενομένην οὐκ ἄξιον ἣν a ἀμνημόνευτον παρελθεῖν.
Οἱ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν ἱερεῖς οἵ τε γηραιοὶ τῶν
ὑπατικῶν καὶ θριαμβικῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν μὲν πόλιν
ἐκλιπεῖν οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἱερὰς δὲ καὶ λαμπρὰς
ἀναλαβόντες ἐσθῆτας, ἐξηγουμένου Φαβίου τοῦ
ἀρχιερέως, ἐπευξάμενοι τοῖς θεοῖς, ὡς ἑαυτοὺς
ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος τῷ δαίμονι καθιεροῦντες, ἐπὶ
τῶν ἐλεφαντίνων δίφρων ἐν ἀγορᾷ ἐκάθηντο *
κεκοσμημένοι, τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν τύχην ὑπομένοντες.
XXII. Τρίτῃ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἡμέρᾳ παρῆν
δ Βρέννος ἄ ἄγων ἐπὶ “τὴν πόλιν τὸ στράτευμα' καὶ
τάς τε πύλας εὑρὼν “ἀνεῳγμένας καὶ τὰ τείχη
φυλάκων ἔρημα, “πρῶτον μὲν ἔδεισεν ἐνέδραν
καὶ δόλον, ἀπιστῶν οὕτω παντάπασιν ἀπειρη-
κέναι τοὺς “Ρωμαίους. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἔγνω τὸ ἀληθές,
εἰσελάσας διὰ τῆς Κολλίνης πύλης εἷλε τὴν
Ῥώμην ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων ἐτῶν πλείονα
βραχὺ χρόνον ἀπὸ τῆς κτίσεως ἔχουσαν, εἴ τῳ
πιστὸν ἀποσώξεσθαί τίνα τῶν χρόνων ἀκρίβειαν,
οἷς καὶ περὶ νεωτέρων ἄλλων ἀμφισβήτησιν ἡ
2 σύγχυσις ἐκείνη παρέσχε. τοῦ μέντοι πάθους
αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἁλώσεως ἔοικεν ἀμυδρά τις εὐθὺς
εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα φήμη. διελθεῖν. Ἡρακλείδης γὰρ 14(
ὁ Ποντικὸς οὐ πολὺ τῶν χρόνων ἐκείνων ἀπολει- |
πόμενος ἐν τῇ Περὶ ψυχῆς συγγράμματί φησιν
ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας λόγον κατασχεῖν, ὡς στρατὸς
ἐξ Ὕπε τα ων ἐλθὼν ἔξωθεν ἡρήκοι πόλιν
“Ἑλληνίδα “Ῥώμην, ἐκεῖ που κατῳκημένην περὶ
1 ξκάθηντο with all MSS. and editors: καθῆντο.
146:
CAMILLUS
their escape to a Greek city. This pious act of
Albinius,and the conspicuous honour which he showed
the gods in a season of the greatest danger, could
not well be passed over in silence.
But the priests of the other gods, and the aged
men who had been consuls and celebrated triumphs,
could not endure to leave the city. So they put on
their robes of state and ceremony, following the lead
of Fabius, the pontifex maximus, and vowed the gods
that they would devote themselves to death in their
country’s behalf. Then they sat themselves down,
thus arrayed, on their ivory chairs in the forum, and °
awaited their fate.
XXII. On the third day after the battle, Brennus
came up to the city with hisarmy. Finding its gates
open and its walls without defenders, at first he feared
a treacherous ambush, being unable to believe that
the Romans were in such utter despair. But when
he realised the truth, he marched in by the Colline
gate, and took Rome. This was a little more than
three hundred and sixty years from her foundation,
if one can believe that any accurate chronology has
been preserved in this matter, when that of even
later events is disputed, owing to the confusion
caused by this very disaster. However, it would
seem that some vague tidings of the calamity and
capture of the city made their way at once to Greece.
For Heracleides Ponticus, who lived not long after
that time, in his treatise “On the soul,” saysthat out of
the West a story prevailed, how an army of Hyper-
boreans had come from afar and captured a Greek
city called Rome, situated somewhere on the shores
147
L 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
3 τὴν μεγάλην θάλασσαν. οὐκ ἂν οὖν θαυμά-
σαιμε μυθώδη καὶ πλασματίαν ὄντα τὸν ‘Hpa-
κλείδην ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ τῷ περὶ τῆς ἁλώσεως
ἐπικομπάσαι τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους καὶ τὴν μεγάλην
θάλατταν. ᾿Αριστοτέλης δὲ ὁ φιλόσοφος τὸ μὲν
ἁλῶναι τὴν TOMY ὑπὸ Κελτῶν ἀκριβῶς δῆλός
ἐστιν ἀκηκοώς, τὸν δὲ σώσαντα Λεύκιον εἶναί
φησιν ἦν δὲ Μάρκος, οὐ Λεύκιος, ὁ Κάμιλλος.
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰκασμῷ λέλεκται. :
4 Κατασχὼν δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην ὁ Βρέννος τῷ μὲν
Καπιτωλίῳ φρουρὰν περιέστησεν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατα-
* βαίνων δι᾽ ἀγορᾶς eOavpate TOUS προκαθημένους
ἄνδρας ἐν κόσμῳ καὶ σιωπῇ θεώμενος, ὡς οὔθ᾽
ὑπεξανέστησαν ἐπιόντων πολεμίων οὔτ᾽ ὄψιν ἢ
χρόαν ἔτρεψαν, ἀλλὰ ῥᾳθύμως καὶ ἀδεῶς ἐγκε-
κλεμένοι τοῖς σκίπωσιν, ‘ods ἐφόρουν, ' καὶ προσ-
5 βλέποντες ἀλλήλοις ἡσύχαζον. ἦν οὖν θαῦμα
τοῖς Γαλάταις πρὸς τὴν ἀτοπίαν, καὶ πολὺν
χρόνον ὀκνοῦντες ἅψασθαι καὶ προσελθεῖν ὡς
κρείττοσι διηπόρουν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τολμήσας τις ἐξ
αὐτῶν ἐγγὺς παρέστη Παπειρίῳ᾽ Μάρκῳ καὶ
προσαγαγὼν τὴν χεῖρα πράως ἥψατο’ τοῦ γενείου
καὶ κατῆγε τὴν ὑπήνην βαθεῖαν οὗσαν, ὁ μὲν
Παπείριος τῇ βακτηρίᾳ τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ
πατάξας συνέτριψεν, ὁ ὁ ὃ βάρβαρος σπασάμενος
6 τὴν μάχαιραν ἀπέκτεινεν ἐκεῖνον. ἐκ ὃ τούτου
καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀνήρουν προσπεσόντες, καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων ὅσοις ἐπιτύχοιεν διεχρῶντο, καὶ τὰς οἰκίας
ἐπόρθουν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας πολλὰς ἄγοντες καὶ φέ-
ροντες, εἶτα κατεπίμπρασαν καὶ κατέσκαπτον
ὀργιζόμενοι τοῖς ἔχουσι τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ὅτι
1 ἐφόρουν with S: ἔφερο».
148
CAMILLUS
of the Great Sea. Now I cannot wonder that so
fabulous and fictitious a writer as Heracleides should
deck out the true story of the capture of Rome with
his “ Hyperboreans”’ and his “Great Sea.” But
Aristotle the philosopher clearly had accurate tidings
of the capture of the city by the Gauls, and yet he
says that its saviour was Lucius, although the fore-
name of Camillus was not Lucius, but Marcus. How-
ever, these details were matters of conjecture.
When he had occupied Rome, Brennus surrounded
the Capitol with a guard. He himself went down
through the forum, and was amazed to see the men
sitting there in public state and perfect silence.
They neither rose up to meet their enemies when
they approached, nor did they change countenance
or colour, but sat there quietly, at ease and without
fear, leaning on their staves and gazing into one
another’s faces. The Gauls were amazed and per-
plexed at the unwonted sight, and for a long time
hesitated to approach and touch them, regarding
them as superior beings. But at last one of them,
plucking up his courage, drew near Papirius Marcus,
and stretching out his hand, gently grasped his chin
and stroked his long beard, whereupon Papirius,
with his staff, smote him a crushing blow on the
head. Then the Barbarian drew his sword and
killed him. After that, they fell upon the rest and
slew them, made away with every one else they met,
sacked and plundered the houses of the city for many
days together, and finally burned them down and
levelled them with the ground, in their wrath at the
defenders of the Capitol. For these would not
149
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
N
καλούντων αὐτῶν οὐχ ὑπήκουον, ἄλλὰ καὶ προσ-
βάλλουσι πληγὰς ἔδοσαν ἀπὸ τοῦ διατειχίσμα-
τος ἀμυνόμενοι. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐλυμήναντο
τὴν πόλιν καὶ προσδιέφθειραν τοὺς ἁλισκομένους,
ὁμοίως μὲν ἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας, ὁμοίως δὲ πρεσ-
βύτας καὶ παῖδας.
XXIII. Τῆς δὲ πολιορκίας μῆκος λαμβανούσης
ἐπισιτισμοῦ τοῖς Γαλάταις ἔδει" καὶ διελόντες
ἑαυτοὺς οἱ μὲν τῷ βασιλεῖ παραμένοντες ἐφρού-
ρουν τὸ Καπιτώλιον, οἱ δὲ τὴν χώραν περιϊόντες
ἐλεηλάτουν καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐπόρθουν προσπί-
πτοντες, οὐχ ὁμοῦ πάντες, ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἄλλῃ καθ᾽
ἡγεμονίας καὶ συντάγματα, τῷ μέγα φρονεῖν
ὑπὸ τῶν εὐτυχημάτων καὶ δεδιέναι μηδὲν ἀπο-
σκιδνάμενοι. τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον αὐτῶν καὶ μάλιστα
συντεταγμένον ἐχώρει πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αρδεατῶν πόλιν,
ἐν ἡ διέτριβε Κάμιλλος ἀργῶν ταῖς πράξεσι
μετὰ τὴν φυγὴν καὶ ἰδιωτεύων, ἐλπίδας δὲ
λαμβάνων καὶ διαλογισμοὺς οὐχὶ τὸ λαθεῖν καὶ
διαφυγεῖν τοὺς. πολεμίους ἀγαπῶντος ἀνδρός,
ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως, εἰ παραγένοιτο καιρός, ἀμυνεῖται
σκοποῦντος. διὸ καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αρδεάτας ὁ ὁρῶν πλήθει
μὲν ἱκανοὺς ὄντας, ἐνδεεῖς δὲ τόλμης δι᾿ ἀπειρίαν
καὶ μαλακίαν τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐνέβαλε λόγον
εἰς τοὺς νέους πρῶτον, ὡς οὐ χρὴ τὴν “Ρωμαίων
ἀτυχίαν ἀνδρείαν Κελτῶν νομίξειν, οὐδ᾽ ἃ κακῶς
φρονήσασι συνέβη παθεῖν ἐκείνοις ἔργα τῶν
οὐδὲν εἰς τὸ νικῆσαι παρασχόντων, ἀλλὰ τύχης
ἐπίδειξιν ἡγεῖσθαι. καλὸν μὲν οὖν εἶναι καὶ
διὰ κινδύνων ἀπώσασθαι πόλεμον ἀλλόφυλον
καὶ βαρβαρικόν, ᾧ τοῦ κρατεῖν πέρας, ὥσπερ τῷ
πυρί, διαφθαρῆναι τὸ νικώμενον" οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
150
CAMILLUS
surrender at their summons, but when they were
attacked, actually repulsed their foes from the
ramparts with loss. Therefore the Gauls inflicted
every outrage upon the city, and put to the sword
all whom they captured, men and women, old and
young alike.
XXIII. The siege lasted a long time, and the Gauls
began to lack provisions. They therefore divided
their forces. Some remained with their king and
watched the Capitol, others ravaged the country
round about, falling upon the villages and sacking
them, not all together in one body, but scattered
about by commands and companies, some here, some
there, moved by their successes to great confidence
and the fear of nothing. The largest and best
disciplined body of them marched upon the city of
Ardea, where Camillus was staying since his exile.
He lived in complete retirement and privacy, it is
true, but cherished the hopes and plans not of a man
who eagerly desired to escape the notice and hands
of the enemy, but of one who sought to avenge him-
self upon them if occasion offered. Wherefore, see-
ing that the Ardeans were of sufficient numbers, but
lacked courage, through the inexperience and effemi-
nacy of their generals, he began to reason with the
young men first, to the effect that the mishap of the
Romans ought not to be laid to the valour of the
Gauls, nor the sufferings of that infatuated people
to the prowess of men who did not deserve their
victory, but rather to the dictates of fortune. It was
a fine thing, he said, even at dangerous risks, to repel
the attack of an alien and barbarous folk, whose only
end in getting the mastery was, as in the work of
fire, the utter destruction of what it conquered. But
11
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καὶ θαρροῦσι καὶ ileal αὐτοῖς ἀκίν-
δυνον ἐν καιρῷ ° τὴν νίκην παρέξειν.
Τούτους τοὺς λόγους τῶν νέων δεξαμένων ἐπὶ τοὺς
ἄρχοντας ἤξει καὶ τοὺς “προβούλους τῶν ᾿Αρδεατῶν
ὁ Κάμιλλος. ὡς δὲ κἀκείνους συνέπεισεν, ὥπλισε
τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ πάντας καὶ συνεῖχε, τοῦ τείχους
ἐντός, ἀγνοεῖσθαι βουλόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων
ἐγγὺς ὄντων. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν χώραν ἱππασάμενοι
καὶ βαρεῖς ὄντες ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν ἀγομένων καὶ
φερομένων ἀμελῶς καὶ ὀλιγώρως ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ
κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ἐκ δὲ τούτου νὺξ ἐπῆλθε
μεθύουσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ σιωπὴ κατέσχε τὸ στρατό-
πεδον, πυθόμενος ταῦτα παρὰ τῶν. κατασκόπων
δ Κάμιλλος ἐξῆγε τοὺς ᾿Αρδεάτας' καὶ διελθὼν
καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν τὸν μεταξὺ τόπον περὶ μέσας
νύκτας προσέμιξε τῷ χάρακι κραυγῇ τε ὦμενος
πολλῇ καὶ ταῖς σάλπιγξι “πανταχόθεν κταράτ-
των ἀνθρώπους κακῶς ὑπὸ μέθης καὶ μόλις ἐκ
τῶν ὕπνων ἀναφέροντας πρὸς τὸν θόρυβον.
ὀλίγοι μὲν οὖν ἀνανήψαντες. ἐν τῷ φόβῳ καὶ
διασκευασάμενοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Κάμιλλον ὑπέ-
στησαν, ὥστ᾽ ἀμυνόμενοι πεσεῖν' τοὺς δὲ πλεί-
στους ἔτι κρατουμένους ὕπνῳ καὶ οἴνῳ καταλαμ-
βάνοντες ἀνόπλους ἔκτεινον. ὅσοι δὲ νυκτὸς
ἀπέδρασαν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος οὐ πολλοί, τούτους
μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν σποράδας ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ διαφερομένους
ἐπελαύνοντες ἱππεῖς διέφθειρον.
XXIV. Ἢ δὲ φήμη ταχὺ διαγγέλλουσα τὴν
πρᾶξιν ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐξεκαλεῖτο πολλοὺς τῶν
ἐν ἡλικίᾳ συνισταμένους, μάλιστα δὲ Ῥωμαίων
ὅσοι διαφυγόντες ἐκ τῆς ἐπ’ "Ada μάχης ἐν
Οὐηΐοις ἦσαν: καὶ ὠδύροντο κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς,
152
141.
CAMILLUS
in the present case, if they were bold and zealous, he
would find occasion to give them a victory without
any danger.
After gaining the support of the young men,
Camillus went to the rulers and councillors of
Ardea, and when he had won them over also, he
armed all who were of age for service and kept
them together within the walls, that they might not
be perceived by the enemy, who were near. These
had scoured the country round about, and encamped
in the plain, without care or concern, and heavily
encumbered with their abundant booty. When night
had fallen upon them, putting an end to their
carousals, and silence reigned throughout their
camp, Camillus, acquainted with this by his scouts,
led forth the Ardeans. Passing quietly over the
intervening space, they reached the camp about
midnight, and with shouts and trumpet blasts on
every hand confounded the men, who were scarcely
brought to their senses by the din, heavy as they
were with drunkenness and sleep. A few of them
were sobered by fear, armed themselves, and made
resistance to Camillus and his men, so that they fell
fighting ; but most were still mastered by sleep and
wine when they were fallen upon and slain without
their arms. <A few only ran from the camp, under
cover of darkness, and when day came, were
seen straggling about the fields, but horsemen
pursued them and cut them to pieces.
XXIV. Rumour quickly carried news of this ex-
ploit to the neighbouring cities, and called to arms
many of those who were of age for service, particu-
larly the Romans who had made their escape from
the battle on the Allia, and were in Veii. These
153
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
“Οἷον ἡγεμόνα τῆς Ῥώμης ὁ δαίμων ἀφελόμενος
3 ’ > 7 a , 4
Αρδεάτας ἐκόσμησε τοῖς Καμίλλου κατορθώ-
μασιν, ἡ δὲ γειναμένη καὶ θρέψασα τοιοῦτον
Ν ’ » Ἁ 3 ς A 43
ἄνδρα πόλις οἴχεται καὶ ἀπόλωλεν. ἡμεῖς ὃ
ἀπορίᾳ στρατηγῶν ἀλλότρια τείχη περιβαλό-
4 / [4 N 3 ’ 4
μένοι καθήμεθα προέμενοι τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν. φέρε,
πέμψαντες ᾿Αρδεάτας ἀπαιτῶμεν τὸν ἑαυτῶν
4 A ’ 3 \ ef Ν
στρατηγόν, ἢ λαβόντες αὐτοὶ τὰ ὅπλα πρὸς
9 A 4 3 / ,ὕ 2 Ἁ 909
ἐκεῖνον βαδίζωμεν: οὐκέτι γάρ ἐστι φυγὰς ovd
ἡμεῖς πολῖται πατρίδος οὐκ οὔσης, ἀλλὰ κρατου-
μένης ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων. ταῦτ᾽ ἔδοξε καὶ
πέμψαντες ἐδέοντο τοῦ Καμίλλου δέχεσθαι τὴν
ἀρχήν. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἔφη πρότερον ἢ τοὺς ἐν τῷ
Καπιτωλίῳ πολίτας ἐπιψηφίσασθαι κατὰ τὸν
νόμον. ἐκείνους γὰρ ἡγεῖσθαι πατρίδα σωξο-
μένους, καὶ κελεύουσι μὲν ὑπακούειν προθύμως,
ἀκόντων δὲ μηδὲν πολυπραγμονήσειν. τῆς μὲν
οὖν εὐλαβείας καὶ καλοκαγαθίας τὸν Κάμιλλον
ἐθαύμασαν. ἦν δ᾽ ἀπορία τοῦ ταῦτα διαγγε-
λοῦντος εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον: μᾶλλον δ᾽ ὅλως
ἀδύνατον ἐδόκει τῶν πολεμίων ἐχόντων τὴν πόλεν
ἄγγελον εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν παρελθεῖν.
XXV. Ἦν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς νέοις Πόντιος Ko-
μίνιος, τῶν μέσων κατὰ γένος πολιτῶν, δόξης δὲ
καὶ τιμῆς ἐραστής: οὗτος ὑπέστη τὸν ἦθλον
ἑκούσιος. καὶ γράμματα μὲν οὐκ ἔλαβε πρὸς
τοὺς ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ, μὴ ληφθέντος αὐτοῦ
φωράσωσιν οἱ πολέμιοι δι᾿ αὐτῶν τοῦ Καμίλλου
τὴν διάνοιαν, ἐσθῆτα δὲ φαύλην ἔχων καὶ
\ e 3 3 aA , A \ » fC QN
φελλοὺς ὑπ᾿ αὐτῇ κομίζων τὴν μὲν ἄλλην ὁδὸν
ς ᾽ 2 A A 3 \ a ,
ἡμέρας ἀδεῶς διῆλθεν, ἐγγὺς δὲ τῆς πόλεως
154
CAMILLUS
lamented among themselves, saying: “Of what a
leader has heaven robbed Rome in Camillus, only
to adorn Ardea with his victories! The city which
bore and reared such a hero is dead and gone, and
_ we, for lack of generals, sit pent up within alien
walls, and see Italy ruined before our very eyes.
Come ! let us send to Ardea and demand our own
general, or take our arms and go ourselves to him!
For he is no longer an exile, nor are we citizens, now
that our country is no more, but is mastered by the
enemy.” So said, so done, and they sent and asked
Camillus to take the command. But he refused
to do so before the citizens on the Capitol had
legally elected him. They were preserving the
country, as he thought, and if they had commands
for him, he would gladly obey, but against their
wishes he would meddle with nothing whatsoever.
This noble restraint on the part of Camillus was
much admired, but it was hard to see how the
matter could be referred to the Capitol. Nay
rather, it seemed utterly impossible, while the enemy
held the city, fora messenger to elude them and
reach the acropolis.
XXV. But there was a certain young man, Pontius
Cominius by name, who was, in spite of his ordinary
birth, a lover of glory and honour. He volunteered
to attempt the task. He took no letter with him
to the defenders of the Capitol, lest this, in the
event of his capture, should help the enemy to
discover the purpose of Camillus; but under the
coarse garments which he wore, he carried some
pieces of cork. The greater part of his journey
was made by daylight and without fear; but as
night came on he found himself near the city.
155
2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
γενόμενος ἤδη σκοταῖος, ἐπεὶ κατὰ γέφυραν οὐκ
ἣν τὸν ποταμὸν περᾶσαι τῶν βαρβάρων παρα-
φυλαττόντων, τὴν μὲν ἐσθῆτα τῇ κεφαλῇ περι-
’ ᾽ \ QA a ry \
σπειράσας ov πολλὴν οὐδὲ βαρεῖαν, τοῖς δὲ
a 3 Ν \ a \ / Al
φελλοῖς ἐφεὶς TO σῶμα καὶ συνεπικουφίζων τῷ
“A N \ ’ gf
περαιοῦσθαι πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἐξέβη. καὶ παραλ-
λάττων ἀεὶ τοὺς ἐγρηγορότας, τοῖς φέγγεσι καὶ
A ’ 7 - 3 4 \ 4
τῷ θορύβῳ τεκμαιρόμενος, ἐβάδιζε πρὸς τὴν
Καρμεντίδα πύλην, ἣ πλείστην εἶχεν ἡσυχίαν,
\ 4 3 > A Ν e ἴω ’
καὶ μάλιστα κατ᾽ αὐτὴν ὄρθιος ὁ τοῦ Καπιτωλίου
λόφος. ἀνέστηκε καὶ πέτρα κύκλῳ πολλὴ καὶ
τραχεῖα περιπέφυκε' δι’ ἧς ἀνέβη λαθὼν καὶ
προσέμιξε τοῖς φυλάττουσι τὸ διατείχισμα
χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλες κατὰ τὸ λαγαρώτατον.
ἀσπάσαμενος δὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ φράσας ἑ ἑαυτὸν
ἐξ ὁ ὀνόματος, ἀναληφθεὶς ἐ ἐχώρει πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τέλει
τῶν Ῥωμαίων. ταχὺ δὲ συγκλήτου γενομένης
παρελθὼν τήν τε νίκην ἀπήγγειλε τοῦ Καμίλλου
πρότερον οὐ πυθομένοις, καὶ τὰ δοκοῦντα τοῖς
στρατιώταις διηγεῖτο" καὶ παρεκάλει τῷ Ka-
μίλλῳ βεβαιῶσαι τὴν ἀρχήν, ὡς μόνῳ πεισο-
μένων ἐκείνῳ τῶν ἔξω πολιτῶν. οἱ δ' ἀκού-
σαντες καὶ βουλευσάμενοι τόν τε Κάμιλλον ἀπο-
δεικνύουσι δικτάτορα, καὶ τὸν Πόντιον αὖθις
ἀποπέμπουσι τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ὁ ὁμοίως ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ
χρησάμενον. ἔλαθε γὰρ τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ τὰ
παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπήγγειλε τοῖς ἔξω Ῥωμαίοις.
ΧΧΥῚ. Ἐκείνων δὲ δεξαμένων προθύμως ἀφι-
κόμενος ὁ Κάμιλλος ἤδη μὲν ἐν ὅπλοις δισμυρίους
κατέλαβε, πλείονας δὲ συνῆγεν ἀπὸ τῶν συμ-
1 τῷ Bekker supplies ἐν with Bryan.
156
142
CAMILLUS
He could net cross the river by the bridge, since
the Barbarians were guarding it, so he wrapped
his light and scanty garments about his head,
fastened the corks to his body, and thus supported,
swam across, came out on the other side, and
went on towards the city. Always giving a wide
berth to those of the enemy who were watchful
and wakeful, as he judged by their fires and
noise, he made his way to the Carmental gate,
where there was the most quiet, at which the
Capitoline hill was most sheer and steep, and
which was girt about by a huge and jagged cliff.
Up this he mounted unperceived, and __ finally
reached, with great pains and difficulty, the sentries
posted where the wall was lowest. Hailing them, ©
and telling them who he was, he was pulled up
over the wall, and taken to the Roman magistrates.
The Senate quickly convening, he appeared before
it, announced the victory of Camillus, about which
they had not heard, and explained to them the
will and pleasure of his fellow-soldiers. He exhorted
them to confirm Camillus in his command, since
he was the only man whom the citizens outside
would obey. When the Senate had heard his
message and deliberated upon it, they appointed
Camillus dictator, and sent Pontius back again
by the way he had come, wherein he repeated
his former good fortune. For he eluded the enemy’s
notice and brought the Senate's message to the
Romans outside the city.
XXVI. These gave eager welcome to the tidings,
so that when Camillus came, he found twenty
thousand men already under arms. He collected
157
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
μάχων καὶ παρεσκευάζετο πρὸς τὴν ἐπίθεσιν.
Ὁ \ ¢ ἢ 4 ς , Ν ,
οὕτω μὲν ἡρέθη δικτάτωρ ὁ Κάμιλλος τὸ δεύ-
τερον καὶ πορευθεὶς εἰς Οὐηΐους ἐνέτυχε τοῖς
στρατιώταις καὶ συνῆγε πλείους ἀπὸ τῶν συμ-
μάχων ὡς ἐπιθησόμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις.ἷ
Ἔν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ τῶν βαρβάρων τινὲς ἐκείνῃ
κατὰ τύχην παρεξιόντες, ἧ διὰ νυκτὸς ὁ Πόντιος
προσέβη τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ, καταμαθόντες πολλαχῆ
μὲν ἴχνη ποδῶν καὶ χειρῶν, ὡς ἀντελαμβάνετο καὶ
περιεδράττετο, πολλαχῆ δὲ τῶν ἐπιπεφυκότων
τοῖς κρημνοῖς ἀποτριβὰς καὶ περιολισθήσεις τῶν
A ᾽ὔ A An > Ὁ 3
γεωδῶν, φράζουσι τῷ βασιλεῖ. κἀκεῖνος ἐπελ-
θὼν καὶ θεασάμενος τότε μὲν ἡσύχαζεν, ἑσπέρας
δὲ τοὺς ἐλαφροτάτους τοῖς σώμασι καὶ πεφυκότας
ὀρειβατεῖν μάλιστα τῶν Κελτῶν συναγαγών,
ἐς Ἁ \ eqs 3 ¢ ce fA 9,9 ¢ ‘\ >
Τὴν μὲν ὁδόν," εἶπεν, “ ἡμῖν ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ayvoov-
μένην οἱ πολέμιοι δεικνύουσιν ὡς οὔτ᾽ ἀπόρευτος
» ν ᾽ ,΄. 3 ΄ \ ΄ \
οὔτε ἄβατος ἀνθρώποις ἐστιν, αἰσχύνη δὲ πολλὴ
\ 3 \ ΝΜ 4 \ \ aN Ἁ
τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχοντας ἐλλείπειν πρὸς τὸ τέλος καὶ
προέσθαι τὸν τόπον ὡς ἀνάλωτον, αὐτῶν τῶν
πολεμίων ἡ ληπτός ἐστι διδασκόντων. ἡἧ γὰρ
ey A e / > Aa 3 Ψ
ἑνὲ προσβῆναι ῥάδιον, οὐδὲ πολλοῖς καθ᾽ ἕνα
δύσκολον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥώμη καὶ βοήθεια πολλὴ
μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἐπιχειροῦσι. δωρεαὶ δὲ καὶ
τιμαὶ πρέπουσαι τῆς ἀνδραγαθίας ἑκάστῳ δοθή-
σονται."
XXVII. Τοιαῦτα τοῦ βασιλέως διαλεχθέντος
ὑπέστησαν οἱ Γαλάται προθύμως, καὶ περὶ
μέσας νύκτας ἐπιβάντες ἅμα πολλοὶ τῆς πέτρας
1 Οὕτω... πολεμίοις deleted by Bekker, after Reiske.
158
CAMILLUS
still more from the allies, and made preparations
for his attack. Thus Camillus was chosen dictator
for the second time, and proceeding to Veii, he
put himself at the head of the soldiers there,
and collected more from the allies, with the
purpose of attacking the enemy.
But in Rome, some of the Barbarians chanced
to pass by the spot where Pontius had made his way
by night up to the Capitol, and noticed in many
places the marks made by his hands and feet in clam-
bering up, and many places also where the plants
that grew upon the rocks had been torn away, and
the earth displaced. They advised their king of
this, and he too came and made inspection. At
the time he said nothing, but when evening came,
he assembled the nimblest men and the _ best
mountain-climbers of the Gauls and said to them:
“The enemy have shown us that there is a way
up to them of which we knew not, and one which
men can traverse and tread. It would be a great
shame for us, after such a beginning as we have
made, to fail at the end, and to give the place
up as impregnable, when the enemy themselves
show us where it can be taken. For where it
is easy for one man to approach it, there it will
be no difficult matter for many to go one by
one, nay, they will support and aid one another
greatly in the undertaking. Gifts and honours
befitting his valour shall be given to every
man.” |
XXVII. So spake their king, and the Gauls
eagerly undertook to do his will. About midnight
a large band of them scaled the cliff and made
159
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐχώρουν ἄνω μετὰ : σιωπῆς, ἐμφυόμενοι τοῖς
χώριοις ὠποτόμοις οὖσι vat χαλεποίς, οὐ μὴν
ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἢ προσεδοκήθη πειρωμένων αὐτῶν
προσιεμένοις καὶ παρείκουσιν, ὥστε τοὺς πρώ-
τους ἁψαμένους τῶν ἄκρων καὶ διασκενασα-
μένους ὅσον οὐκ ἤδη τοῦ προτειχίσματος ἅπ-
τεσθαὶ καὶ τοῖς φύλαξιν ἐπιχειρεῖν κοιμωμένοις"
ἤσθετο γὰρ οὔτ᾽ ἄνθρωπος οὔτε κύων. ἀλλὰ
χῆνες ἦσαν ἱεροὶ περὶ τὸν νεὼν τῆς “Ηρας τρεφό-
μενοι τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἀφθόνως, τότε δὲ τῶν
σιτίων ἤδη γλίσχρως καὶ μόλις αὐτοῖς διαρ-
κούντων ἀμελούμενοι κακῶς ἔπραττον. ἔστι μὲν
οὖν καὶ φύσει πρὸς αἴσθησιν ὀξὺ καὶ ψοφοδεὲς
τὸ ζῷον: ἐκεῖνοι δὲ καὶ διὰ λιμὸν ἀγρυπνητικοὶ
καὶ θορυβώδεις γεγονότες ταχὺ τὴν ἔφοδον 7-
σθοντο τῶν Γαλατῶν, καὶ μετὰ δρόμου καὶ
κλαγγῆς φερόμενοι πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπήγειραν
ἅπαντας, ἤδη καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων διὰ τὸ μὴ
λανθάνειν ἀφειδούντων θορύβου καὶ βιαιότερον
ἐπιτιθεμένων. ἁρπάσαντες οὖν ὑπὸ σπουδῆς
ᾧ τίς ἕκαστος ὅπλῳ προσετύγχανεν, ἐκ τοῦ
παρόντος ἐβοήθουν. πάντων δὲ πρῶτος Μάλλιος,
ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς, TO τε σῶμα ρωμαλέος Kat φρο-
νήματι ψυχῆς ἐπιφανής, ἀπαντήσας δυσὶν ομοῦ
τῶν πολεμίων τοῦ μὲν ἔφθασε διῃρμένου κοπίδα
τῷ ξίφει τὴν δεξιὰν ἀποκόψας, τὸν δὲ τῷ θυρεῷ
πατάξας εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον ἔωσεν ὀπίσω κατὰ τῆς
πέτρας. ἐπιστὰς δὲ τῷ τείχει μετὰ τῶν συνδρα-
μόντων καὶ γενομένων on αὐτὸν ἀπέστρεψε
τοὺς ἄλλους, οὔτε πολλοὺς ἄνω γενομένους οὔτε
πράξαντάς τι τῆς τόλμης ἄξιον. οὕτω δὲ τὸν
κίνδυνον ἐκφυγόντες ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν μὲν ἄρχοντα
160
143
CAMILLUS
their way upward in silence. They climbed on
all fours over places which were precipitous and
rough, but which yielded to their efforts better
than they had expected, until the foremost of
them reached the heights, put themselves in array,
and had all but seized the outwork and _ fallen
upon the sleeping watch. Neither man nor dog
was aware of their approach. But there were
some sacred geese near the temple of Juno, which
were usually fed without stint, but at that time,
since provisions barely sufficed for the garrison
alone, they were neglected and in evil plight.
The creature is naturally sharp of hearing and
afraid of every noise, and these, being specially wake-
ful and restless by reason of their hunger, perceived
the approach of the Gauls, dashed at them with loud
cries, and so waked all the garrison. At once
the Barbarians, now that they were detected, spared
no noise, and came on more impetuously to the
attack. The defenders, snatching up in haste
whatever weapon came to hand, made the best
shift they could. Manlius first of all, a man of
consular dignity, mighty in body and exceeding
stout of heart, confronting two of the enemy at
once, cut off the right hand of one of them with
his sword as he was lifting his battle-axe, and
dashing his shield into the face of the other,
tumbled him backwards down the cliff. Then
taking his stand on the wall with those who ran
to his aid and formed about him, he repulsed the
rest of the enemy, who had reaehed the top in
no great numbers, and showed no prowess to
match their daring. So the Romans escaped out
of their peril. At break of day, they east the
161
VOL, II. M
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τῶν φυλάκων ἔρριψαν eis τοὺς πολεμίους κατὰ
τῆς πέτρας, τῷ δὲ Μαλλίῳ τῆς νίκης ἀριστεῖα
πρὸς τιμὴν μεγάλην! μᾶλλον ἢ χρείαν ψηφισά-
μενοι συνήνεγκαν ὅσον ἡμέρας ἕκαστος ἐλάμ-
βανεν εἰς τροφήν, σίτου μὲν ἡμίλειτρον ἐπιχωρίου
(οὕτω γὰρ καλοῦσιν αὐτό), οἴνου δὲ κοτύλης
“Ἑλληνικῆς τέταρτον.
XXVIII. Ἔκ τούτου τὰ τῶν Κελτῶν ἦν
ἀθυμότερα. καὶ γὰρ ἐπιτηδείων ἐσπάνιζον εἰργό-
μενοι προνομῆς φόβῳ τοῦ Καμίλλου, καὶ νόσος
ὑποικούρησεν αὐτοὺς ἐν νεκρῶν πλήθει χύδην
καταβεβλημένων σκηνοῦντας ἐν ἐρειπίοις, τό τε
βάθος τῆς τέφρας ἀέρα ξηρότητι καὶ δριμύτητι
φαῦλον ὑπὸ πνευμάτων καὶ καυμάτων ἀναθυ-
μιώσης ἐλυμαίνετο τὰ σώματα διὰ τῆς ἀναπνοῆς.
μάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ μεταβολὴ τῆς συντρόφου διαίτης
ἐκ τόπων σκιερῶν καὶ θέρους καταφυγὰς ἀλύπους
ἐχόντων ἐμβαλόντας εἰς χώραν ταπεινὴν καὶ
κεκραμένην ἀφυῶς πρὸς τὸ μετόπωρον ἐκίνησεν
αὐτούς, ἥ τε πρὸς τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ καθέδρα καὶ
σχολὴ γενομένη χρόνιος. ἕβδομον γὰρ ἐκεῖνον
οἰκούρουν μῆνα πολιορκοῦντες. ὥστε φθορὰν
εἶναι πολλὴν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ μηδὲ θάπτε-
σθαι διὰ πλῆθος Ere τοὺς ἀποθνήσκοντας.
Οὐ μὴν παρὰ" τοῦτο τὰ πράγματα βελτίω τοῖς
πολιορκουμένοις ἣν. ἐπέτεινε γὰρ ὁ λιμός, ἥ τε
τῶν περὶ Κάμιλλον ἄγνοια παρεῖχε δυσθυμίαν"
οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐφοίτα παρ᾽ αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ φρουρεῖσθαι
1 μεγάλην deleted by Coraés and Bekker.
2 παρὰ MSS. and edd., including Sintenis!: περὶ.
162
CAMILLUS
captain of the watch down the cliff among the
enemy, but voted to Manlius a meed of victory
which did him more honour than service. They
collected for him the rations which each man
of them received for one day, namely, half a pound
of native spelt, Roman weight, and an eighth of a
pint of wine, Greek measure.
XXVIII. After this, the case of the Gauls was
less hopeful. They lacked provisions, being shut
off from foraging through fear of Camillus, and
disease lurked among them. They were encamped
amid ruins, where a multitude of corpses had
been cast at random, and besides, an air made
dry and acrid by vast quantities of ashes which
wind and heat sent flying abroad, made breathing
hurtful. But what most of all affected them was
the complete change in their mode of life. They
had come all at once from regions of shade,
where easy refuge could be had from the heats
of summer, into a land which was low lying and
had an unnatural climate towards autumn. Then
there was their long and idle sitting down before
the Capitol_—they were now whiling away the
seventh month in its siege. For all these reasons
the mortality was great in their camp; so many
were the dead that they could no longer be
buried.
All this, however, brought no relief to the
besieged, for famine increased upon them, and
their ignorance of what Camillus was doing made
them dejected. No messenger could come from
him because the city was now closely watched
Jes 16¢
M 2 Ξ
ual!
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τὴν πόλιν ἀκριβῶς ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων. ὅθεν
οὕτω πράττουσιν ἀμφοτέροις ἐ ἐγίνοντο συμβατικοὶ
λόγοι διὰ τῶν προφυλάκων τὸ πρῶτον ἀλλήλοις
ἐντυγχανόντων" εἶτα, ὡς ἔδοξε τοῖς κρατίστοις,
συνελθόντος εἰς λόγους Βρέννῳ Σουλπικίου τοῦ
χιλιάρχου τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὡμολογήθη τοὺς μὲν
χιλίας λίτρας χρυσίου καταβαλεῖν, τοὺς δὲ
λαβόντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως αὐτίκα - καὶ τῆς χώρας
ἀναχωρεῖν. ἐπὶ τούτοις γενομένων ὅρκων καὶ
τοῦ χρυσίου κομισθέντος, τῶν δὲ Κελτῶν περὶ τὸν
σταθμὸν ἀγνωμονούντων κρύφα τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα
καὶ φανερῶς ἀφελκόντων καὶ διαστρεφόντων τὴν
ῥοπήν, ἠγανάκτουν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς αὐτούς. ὁ δὲ
Βρέννος οἷον ἐφυβρίζων καὶ καταγελῶν ἀποδυ-
σάμενος } τὴν μάχαιραν ἅμα καὶ τὸν ζωστῆρα
προσέθηκε τοῖς σταθμοῖς. πυνθανομένου δὲ τοῦ
Σουλπικίου, τ Τί τοῦτο; " “Τί γὰρ ἄλλο," εἶπεν,
“ἢ τοῖς VEVLKN μένοις ὀδύνη ; ;” τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ἤδη
παροιμιώδης λόγος γέγονε. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων οἱ
μὲν ἠγανάκτουν καὶ τὸ “χρυσίον ὥοντο δεῖν
λαβόντας αὖθις ἀπιέναι καὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν ὕπο-
μένειν" οἱ δὲ συγχωρεῖν ἐκέλευον ἀδικουμένους
μέτρια, καὶ μὴ τῷ πλέον διδόναι προσλογίξζεσθαι
τὸ αἰσχρόν, αὐτὸ γε τὸ δοῦναι διὰ τὸν καιρὸν οὐ
καλῶς ἀλλ᾽ ἀναγκαίως ὑπομένοντας.
ΧΧΙΧ. Οὔσης δὲ περὶ τούτων πρός τε τοὺς
Κελτοὺς καὶ πρὸς αὑτοὺς " διαφορᾶς ἄγων τὸν
στρατὸν ὁ Κάμιλλος ἐν ταῖς πύλαις ἦν' kal
πυθόμενος τὰ γινόμενα τοὺς ἄλλους ἐκέλευσεν ἐν
τάξει καὶ σχέδην ἐπακολουθεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ
᾿ ἀποδυσάμενος with δ: ἀπολυσάμενος unfastening.
αὑτοὺς Sintenis? with C: αὐτοὺς Bekker and Sintenis!.
164
2
CAMILLUS
by the Barbarians. Wherefore, both parties being
in such a plight, a compromise was _ proposed,
at first by the outposts as they encountered one
another. Then, since those in authority thought
it best, Sulpicius, the military tribune of the
Romans, held a conference with Brennus, and it
was agreed that on the delivery of a thousand
pounds of gold by the Romans, the Gauls should
straightway depart out of the city and the country.
Oaths were sworn to these terms, and the gold
was brought to be weighed. But the Gauls tampered
with the scales, secretly at first, then they openly
pulled the balance back out of its poise. The
Romans were incensed at this, but Brennus, with
a mocking laugh, stripped off his sword, and
added it, belt and all, to the weights. When
Sulpicius asked, “ What means this?” ‘ What else,”
‘said Brennus, “ but woe to the vanquished?’”’! and
the phrase passed at once into a proverb. Some
of the Romans were incensed, and thought they
ought to go back again with their gold, and
endure the siege. Others urged acquiescence in
the mild injustice. Their shame lay, they argued,
not in giving more, but in giving at all. This
they consented to do because of the emergency ;
it was not honourable, but it was necessary.
-XXIX. While they were thus at odds in the
matter, both with the Gauls and with themselves,
Camillus led his army up to the gates of the city.
On learning what was going on, he ordered the rest
of his army to follow in battle array and deliberately,
1 Vae victis /
165
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τῶν ἀρίστων ἐπειγόμενος εὐθὺς ἐπορεύετο πρὸς
τοὺς Ῥωμαίους. διαστάντων δὲ πάντων καὶ
δεξαμένων αὐτὸν ὡς αὐτοκράτορα κόσμῳ καὶ
σιωπῇ, τὸ μὲν χρυσίον ἄρας ἀπὸ τοῦ ζυγοῦ τοῖς
ὑπηρέταις ἔδωκε, τὸν δὲ ζυγὸν καὶ τὰ σταθμὰ
τοὺς Κελτοὺς λαβόντας ἀποχωρεῖν ἐκέλευσεν
εἰπών, ὡς σιδήρῳ πάτριόν ἐστι Ῥωμαίοις, ov
χρυχῷ τὴν πατρίδα σώζειν. ἀγανακτοῦντος δὲ
τοῦ Βρέννου καὶ φάσκοντος ἀδικεῖσθαι λυομένης
τῆς ὁμολογίας, ἀντεῖπε μὴ νομίμως γεγονέναι
μηδὲ κυρίας εἶναι τὰς συνθήκας" ἤδη γὰρ αὐτοῦ
δικτάτορος ἡρημένου καὶ μηδενὸς a ἄρχοντος ἑτέρου
νόμῳ πρὸς οὐκ ἔχοντας ἐξουσίαν ὁμολογηθῆναι.
νυνὶ δὲ χρῆναι λέγειν εἴ τι βούλονται νόμῳ yap
ἥκειν κύριος γεγονὼς συγγνώμην τε δεομένοις
δοῦναι καὶ δίκην, εἰ μ μετανοοῦσιν, ἐπιθεῖναι
τοῖς αἰτίοις. πρὸς ταῦτα θορυβηθεὶς ὄ ,“Βρέννος
ἥψατο μὲν ἁψιμαχίας, καὶ προῆλθον ἄχρι ἕξι-
φουλκίας ἑκάτεροι καὶ διωθισμῶν ἀναμεμιγμένοι
πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ὥσπερ εἰκός, ἐν οἰκίαις καὶ
στενωποῖς ἀναστρεφόμενοι καὶ χωρίοις δέξασθαι
παράταξιν οὐ δυναμένοις. ταχὺ δὲ συμφρονήσας
0 Βρέννος ἀπήγαγε τοὺς. “Κελτοὺς εἰς τὸ στρατό-
πέδον οὐ πολλῶν πεσόντων. καὶ νυκτὸς ἀναστή-
σας ἅπαντας ἐξέλιπε τὴν πόλιν, καὶ προελθὼν
ἑξήκοντα σταδίους κατεστρατοπέδευσε παρὰ τὴν
Εαβινίαν ὁδόν. ᾿ἅμα δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ παρῆν ὁ Κάμιλλος
ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὡπλισμένος λαμπρῶς καὶ τεθαρρηκότας
ἔχων τότε τοὺς “Ῥωμαίους: καὶ “γενομένης ἰσχυρᾶς
μάχης ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον αὐτούς τε τρέπεται
πολλῷ φόνῳ καὶ λαμβάνει τὸ στρατόπεδον. τῶγ
166
CAMILLUS
while he himself, with the flower of his men, pressed
on, and presently came to the Romans. These all
made way for him, in decorous silence acknowledg-
ing him as their dictator. Thereupon he lifted the
gold from the scales and gave it to his attendants,
and then ordered .the Gauls to take their scales and
weights and be off, saying that it was the custom
with the Romans to deliver their city with iron and
not with gold. When Brennus in wrath declared
that he was wronged by this breaking of the agree-
ment, Camillus answered that the compact was not
legally made nor binding, since he himself had
already been chosen dictator and there was no other
legal ruler ; the agreement of the Gauls had there-
fore been made with men who had no power in the
case. Now, however, they must say what they
wanted, for he was come with legal authority to
grant pardon to those who asked it, and to inflict
punishment on the guilty, unless they showed
repentance. At this, Brennus raised a clamour and
began a skirmish, in which both sides got no further
than drawing their swords and pushing one another
confusedly about, since the action took place in the
heart of the ruined city, where no battle array was
possible. But Brennus soon came to his senses, and
led his Gauls off to their camp, with the loss of
a few only. During. the ensuing night he broke
camp and abandoned the city with his whole force,
and after a march of about eight miles, encamped
along the Gabinian way. At break of day Camillus
was upon him, in glittering array, his Romans now
full of confidence, and after a long and fierce battle,
routed the enemy with great slaughter and took
their camp. Of the fugitives, some were at once
167
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δὲ φευγόντων οἱ μὲν εὐθὺς ἀνῃρέθησαν καταδιω-
χθέντες, τοὺς δὲ πλείστους διασπαρέντας ἐπεκ-
θέοντες ἐκ τῶν πέριξ κωμῶν καὶ πόλεων ἔκτεινον.
ΧΧΧ. Οὕτω μὲν ἡ Ῥώμη παραλόγως ἥλω καὶ
παραλογώτερον ἐσώθη, μῆνας ἑπτὰ τοὺς πάντας
ὑπὸ τοῖς βαρβάροις γενομένη. παρελθόντες γὰρ
εἰς αὐτὴν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ὕστερον τῶν ΚΚυΐντι-
λίων εἰδῶν περὶ τὰς Φεβροναρίας εἰδοὺς ἐξέπεσον.
ὁ δὲ Κάμιλλος ἐθριάμβευσε μέν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν, τὸν
ἀπολωλνίας σωτῆρα πατρίδος γενόμενον καὶ
κατάγοντα τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν εἰς ἑαυτήν" οἵ τε
γὰρ ἔξωθεν ἅμα παισὶ καὶ γυναιξὶν εἰσελαύ-
VOVTOS αὐτοῦ συγκατήεσαν, οἵ τε πολιορκηθέντες
ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ, μικροῦ δεήσαντες ἀπολέσθαι
διὰ λιμόν, ἀπήντων περιβάλλοντες ἀλλήλους
καὶ δακρύοντες ὑπὸ } τῆς παρούσης ἡδονῆς, ἱ ἱερεῖς
τε καὶ ζάκοροι θεῶν, ὅσα φεύγοντες αὐτόθι τῶν
ἀβεβήλων ἔκρυψαν ἢ σὺν αὑτοῖς ἐξέκλεψαν,
ἀνασωζόμενα 3 κομίζοντες ἐπεδείκνυντο ποθου-
μένας ὄψεις τοῖς πολίταις δεχομένοις μετὰ χαρᾶς,
ὥσπερ αὐτῶν τῶν θεῶν αὖθις εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην
συγκατερχομένων' θύσας δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ καθά-
ρας τὴν πόλιν ἐξηγουμένων τῶν περὶ ταῦτα
δεινῶν, τὰ μὲν ὄντα τῶν ἱερῶν κατέστησεν, αὐτὸς
δὲ ἱδρύσατο νεὼν Φήμης καὶ Κληδόνος, ἀνευρὼν
ἐκεῖνον τὸν τόπον, ἐν ᾧ νύκτωρ ἡ καταγγέλλουσα
τὴν τῶν βαρβάρων στρατιὰν ἐκ θεοῦ τῷ Και-᾿
δικίῳ Μάρκῳ φωνὴ προσέπεσε.
1 ὑπὸ with S: ἀπιστίᾳ for distrust of.
2 ἀνασω(ζόμενα καὶ κεκοσμημένα δ, and adorned.
168
CAMILLUS
pursued and cut down, but most of them scattered
abroad, only to be fallen upon and slain by the people
of the surrounding villages and cities.
XXX. So strangely was Rome taken, and more
strangely still delivered, after the Barbarians had
held it seven months in all. They entered it a few
days after the Ides of July, and were driven out
about the Ides of February. Camillus celebrated a
triumph, as it was meet that a man should do who
had saved a country that was lost, and who now
brought the city back again to itself. For the
citizens outside, with their wives and children,
accompanied his triumphal chariot as it entered the
city, and those who had been besieged on the
Capitol, and had narrowly escaped death by starva-
tion, came forth to meet them, all embracing one
another, and weeping for the joy that was theirs.
The priests and ministrants of the gods, bringing
whatever sacred objects they had either buried on
the spot or carried off with them when they took to
flight, displayed them, thus preserved in safety, to
_ the citizens, who caught the welcome sights with
delight, believing in their hearts that the gods
themselves were now coming back to Rome with
them. After Camillus had made sacrifices to the
gods and purified the city, in the manner prescribed
by those who were versed in such rites, he restored
the existing temples, and erected a new one to
Rumour and Voice,! having sought out carefully
the spot where by night the voice from Heaven,
announcing the coming of the Barbarian host, had
fallen upon the ears of Marcus Caedicius.
1 Ara Aii Locutii.
169
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
XXXI. Χαλεπῶς μὲν οὖν καὶ μόλις ai τῶν
ἱερῶν ἀνεκαλύπτοντο χῶραι φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ Κα-
pirrou καὶ πόνῳ πολλῷ τῶν ἱεροφαντῶν' ws δὲ
καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖν ἔδει παντάπασι διε-
φθαρμένην, ἀθυμία πρὸς τὸ ἔργον ἐνέπιπτε τοῖς
πολλοῖς καὶ μέλλησις ἦν ἐστερημένοις ἁπάντων
καί τινος ἐν τῷ παρόντι ῥᾳστώνης καὶ ἀναπαύ-
σεως ἐκ κακῶν δεομένοις μᾶλλον ἢ κάμνειν
καὶ ἀποτρύχειν ἑαυτοὺς οὔτε χρήμασιν οὔτε
σώμασιν ἐρρωμένους. οὕτω δὲ ἡσυχῇ πρὸς τοὺς
Οὐηΐους αὖθις ἀποστρεφόμενοι, πόλιν ἅπασι
κατεσκευασμένην καὶ διαμένουσαν, ἀρχὰς δημα-
γωγιῶν ἐνέδοσαν τοῖς πρὸς χώριν εἰθισμένοις
ὁμιλεῖν, καὶ λόγων ἠκροῶντο στασιαστικῶν πρὸς
τὸν Κάμιλλον, ὡς ἐκείνου φιλοτιμίας ἕνεκα καὶ
δόξης ἰδίας ἀποστεροῦντος αὐτοὺς πόλεως ἑτοίμης
καὶ βιαζομένου σκηνοῦν ἐρείπια καὶ πυρκαϊὰν
τοσαύτην ἐγείρειν, ὅπως μὴ μόνον ἡγεμὼν Ῥώμης
καὶ στρατηγός, ἀλλὰ καὶ κτίστης λέγηται παρώ-
σας “Ῥωμύλον.
Ἔκ τούτου φοβηθεῖσα τὸν θόρυβον ἡ βουλὴ
τὸν μὲν Κάμιλλον οὐκ εἴασε βουλόμενον ἀπο-
θέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐντὸς ἐνιαυτοῦ καίπερ bE
μῆνας ovdevds ὑπερβαλόντος ἑτέρου δικτά-
τορος, αὐτὴ δὲ παρεμυθεῖτο καὶ κατεπράνε
πείθουσα καὶ δεξιουμένη τὸν δῆμον, ἐπιδεικνυ-
μένη μὲν ἠρία καὶ τάφους πατέρων, ὑπομιμνή-
σκουσα δὲ χωρίων ἱερῶν καὶ τόπων ἁγίων, ods
Ῥωμύλος ἢ Νομᾶς ἤ τις ἄλλος αὐτοῖς τῶν
170
CAMILLUS
XXXI. Owing to the zeal of Camillus and the
abundant labours of the priesthood, the sites of the
temples were at last uncovered, but it proved a
grievous undertaking. And since the city had also
to be built up again from a state of utter destruc-
tion, the multitude were overwhelmed with despair
of the task, and shrank from it. They were bereft
of 41] things, and for the present needed some rest
and repose after their sufferings, instead of toiling
‘and wearing themselves out on a task for which they
had neither means nor strength. And so it was that
insensibly their thoughts turned again to Veii, a city
which remained intact and was equipped with all
things needful. This gave opportunity for mischievous
agitations to such as were wont to consult only the
people’s will and pleasure, and ready ear was given
᾿ to seditious speeches against Camillus. He had an
eye, it was said, only to his own ambition and fame,
when he would deprive them of a city that stood
ready to receive them, and force them to pitch their
tents among a mass of ruins, while they rebuilt what
had become a monstrous funeral pyre. He wished
not merely to be a leader and general of Rome,
but to thrust Romalus to one side and be styled its
founder.
The Senate, therefore, fearful of this clamour,
would not suffer Camillus, much as he wished it, to
lay down his office within a year, although no other
dictator had served more than six months. Mean-
while the Senators, by dint of kindly greetings and
persuasive words, tried to soften and convert the
people, pointing out the sepulchres and tombs of
their fathers, and calling to their remembrance the
shrines and holy places which Romulus, or Numa,
71
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
4 βασιλέων ἐπιθειάσας παρέδωκεν. ἐν πρώτοις δὲ
τῶν θείων τήν τε νεοσφαγῆ κεφαλὴν προὔφερον 14
ἐν τῇ θεμελιώσει τοῦ Καπιτωλίου φανεῖσαν, ὡς
τῷ τόπῳ πεπρωμένον ἐκείνῳ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας κεφαλῇ
γενέσθαι, καὶ τὸ τῆς ᾿Εστίας πῦρ, ὃ μετὰ τὸν
πόλεμον ὑπὸ τῶν παρθένων. ἀναπτόμενον αὖθις
ἀφανίζειν καὶ σβεννύναι τοὺς προλυπόντας τὴν
πόλιν, ὄνειδος αὐτοῖς ἐσόμενον, ἄν τε UT’ ἄλλων
οἰκουμένην ὁρῶσιν ἐπηλύδων καὶ ξένων ἄν τ᾽
ἔρημον οὖσαν καὶ μηλόβοτον.
ὅ Τοιαῦτα καὶ πρὸς ἕκαστον ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ
πολλάκις ἐν τῷ δήμῳ σχετλιάξοντες ἐπεκλῶντο
πάλιν ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν τὴν παροῦσαν ὀλοφυρο-
μένων ἀμηχανίαν, καὶ δεομένων μὴ σφᾶς ὥσπερ
ἐκ ναυαγίου γυμνοὺς καὶ ἀπόρους σωθέντας
προσβιάξεσθαι τὰ λείψανα τῆς διεφθαρμένης
συμπηγνύναι πόλεως, ἑτέρας ἑτοίμης παρούσης.
XXXII. "Ἔδοξεν οὖν βουλὴν προθεῖναι τῷ
Καμίλλῳ’ καὶ πολλὰ μὲν αὐτὸς διεξῆλθε παρα-
καλῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων ὁ βουλόμενος" τέλος δὲ τὸν πρῶτον
εἰωθότα λέγειν γνώμην Λεύκιον Δουκρήτιον ἀνα-
στήσας ἐκέλευσεν ἀποφήνασθαι πρῶτον, εἶτα
2 τοὺς ἄλλους ἐφεξῆς. γενομένης δὲ σιωπῆς καὶ
τοῦ Λουκρητίου μέλλοντος ἐνάρχεσθαι, κατὰ
τύχην ἔξωθεν ἑκατοντάρχης ἄγων τάγμα φυλακῆς
ἡμερινῆς παρεπορεύετο, καὶ τὸν φέροντα πρῶτον
τὸ σημεῖον μεγάλῃ φωνῇ προσαγορεύσας ἐκέ-
λευσεν αὐτοῦ μένειν καὶ τὸ σημεῖον τίθεσθαι"
172
CAMILLUS
or some other king, had consecrated and left to
their care. Among other signs from Heaven, they
laid chief stress on the newly severed head that was
found when the foundations of the Capitol were dug,
showing, as it did, that the place where it was found
was fated to be the head of Italy ; also on the sacred
fire of Vesta, which had been kindled anew by her
virgins after the war. If they should quench and
extinguish this again by their abandonment of the
city, it would be a disgrace to them, whether they
saw that city occupied by immigrants and aliens, or
abandoned to flocks and herds.
Thus did the Senators remonstrate with the people,
both individually in private, and often in the public
assemblies. They, in their turn, were moved to com-
passion by the wailing complaints of the multitude,
who lamented the helplessness to which they were
come, and begged, now that they had been saved
alive as it were from a shipwreck, in nakedness and
destitution, that they be not forced to piece together
the fragments of their ruined city, when another
stood all ready to receive them.
XXXII. Accordingly, Camillus decided that the
question should be debated and settled in council.
He himself spoke at great length, in exhortation to
preserve their common country, and every one else
who wished did likewise. Finally, he called upon
Lucius Lucretius, to whom custom gave the first
vote, and bade him declare his opinion first, and
then the other senators in the order due. Silence
fell, and Lucretius was on the point of beginning,
when it chanced that a centurion with a squad of
the day watch passed by outside, and calling with a
loud voice on the man who led with the standard,
173
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
κάλλιστα yap ἐνταῦθα καθεδεῖσθαι καὶ μενεῖν.
ἅμα δὲ τῷ καιρῷ καὶ τῇ περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος
ἐννοίᾳ καὶ ἀδηλότητι τῆς φωνῆς γενομένης, ὅ τε
Λουκρήτιος ἔφη προσκυνήσας τῷ θεῷ προστί-
θεσθαι τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γνώμην καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
ἕκαστος ἐπηκολούθησε. θαυμαστὴ δὲ καὶ τὸ
πλῆθος ἔσχε μεταβολὴ τῆς ὁρμῆς, ἀλλήλους
παρακαλούντων καὶ προτρεπομένων!ὶ πρὸς τὸ
ἔργον, οὐκ ἐκ διανομῆς τινος ἢ τάξεως, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς
ἕκαστος ἑτοιμότητος ἢ βουλήσεως εἶχε τῶν
χωρίων καταλαμβανομένων. διὸ καὶ τεταραγ-
μένην τοῖς στενωποῖς καὶ συμπεφυρμένην ταῖς
οἰκήσεσιν ἀνήγαγον τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ σπουδῆς καὶ
τάχους. ἐντὸς γὰρ ἐνιαυτοῦ λέγεται καὶ τοῖς
τείχεσι καινὴ καὶ ταῖς ἰδιωτικαῖς οἰκοδομαῖς ἀνα-
στῆναι πάλιν.
Οἱ δὲ τοὺς ἱεροὺς τόπους ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ ὁρίσαι
ταχθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ Καμίλλου, συγκεχυμένων
ἁπάντων, ὡς ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν καλιάδα τοῦ “Apews
περιοδεύοντες τὸ Παλάτιον, αὐτὴν μέν, ὡς τὰ
ἄλλα, διεφθαρμένην καὶ κατακεκαυμένην εὗρον
ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων, σκευωρούμενοι δὲ καὶ καθαί-
ροντες τὸ χωρίον ἐντυγχάνουσι τῷ μαντικῷ ξύλῳ
τοῦ Ῥωμύλου κατὰ τέφρας πολλῆς καὶ βαθείας
καταδεδυκότι. τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔστι μὲν ἐπικαμπὲς ἐκ
θατέρου πέρατος, καλεῖται δὲ λίτυον" χρῶνται δ᾽
αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς τῶν πλινθίων ὑπογραφὰς ὅταν ἐπ᾽
ὄρνισι διαμαντευόμενοι καθέξωνται, ὡς κἀκεῖνος
ἐχρῆτο μαντικώτατος ὦν. ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων
ἠφανίσθη, παραλαβόντες οἱ ἱερεῖς τὸ ξύλον
ὥσπερ ἄλλο τι τῶν ἱερῶν ἄψαυστον ἐφύλαττον.
1 προτρεπομένων with S : τρεπομένων.
174
CAMILLUS
bade him halt and plant his standard there, for that
was the best place to settle down and stay in. The
utterance fel] at the crisis of their anxious thought
for the uncertain future, and Lucretius said, with a
devout obeisance, that he cast his vote with the god.
The rest, one by one, followed his example. Then
the inclinations of the multitude were marvellously
changed. They exhorted and incited one another
to the work, and pitched upon their several sites,
not by any orderly assignment, but as each man
found it convenient and desirable. Therefore the
city was rebuilt with confused and narrow streets
and a maze of houses, owing to their haste and
speed. Within a year’s time, it is said, a new city
had arisen, with walls to guard it and homes in
which ‘to dwell.
Those who had been deputed by Camillus to
recover and mark out anew the sacred places, found
them all in utter confusion. When they came to
the shrine of Mars, in their circuit of the Palatium,
they found that it had been demolished and burnt
by the Barbarians, like the rest, but as they were
clearing away and renovating the place, they came
upon the augural staff of Romulus, buried deep in a
great heap of ashes. The augural staff is curved at
one end, and is called dtuus. It is used to mark off
the different quarters of the heavens, in the cere-
monies of divination by the flight of birds, and so
Romulus had used this one, for he was a great
diviner. But when he vanished from among men,
the priests took this staff and kept it inviolate, like
175
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τοῦτο δὴ τότε τῶν ἄλλων ἀπολωλότων ἀνευ-
’ Ν \ \ edge > ἢ
ρόντες διαπεφευγὸς τὴν φθορὰν ἡδίους ἐγένοντο
ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ῥώμης, ὡς ἀΐδιον αὐτῇ
τὴν σωτηρίαν τοῦ σημείου βεβαιοῦντος.
XXXIII. Οὔπω δὲ τῆς περὶ ταῦτα πεπαυ-
μένοις ἀσχολίας αὐτοῖς ἐπιπίπτει πόλεμος,
Αἰκανῶν μὲν ἅμα καὶ Οὐολούσκων καὶ Λατίνων
3 \ , 3 a \
els τὴν χώραν ἐμβαλλόντων, Τυρρηνῶν δὲ πολιε-
’
ορκούντων Σούτριν, συμμαχίδα Ῥωμαίων πόλιν.
e
ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ οἱ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔχοντες χιλίαρχοι
στρατοπεδευσάμενοι περὶ τὸ Μάρκιον ὄρος ὑπὸ
τῶν Λατίνων ἐπολιορκοῦντο καὶ κινδυνεύοντες
> [ἴα] \ 3 ς 4 4
ἀποβαλεῖν τὸ στρατόπεδον εἰς Ῥώμην ἔπεμψαν
ἀποδείκνυται τὸ τρίτον Κάμιλλος δικτάτωρ. περὶ
τούτου τοῦ πολέμου διττοὶ λόγοι λέγονται: δίειμι
δὲ τὸν μυθώδη πρότερον.
’
Φασὶ τοὺς Λατίνους, εἴτε προφάσει χρωμένους
εἴτε βουλομένους ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀναμίξασθαι τὰ
A VA A
γένη πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς, πέμψαντας αἰτεῖν παρὰ
τῶν Ῥωμαίων παρθένους ἐλευθέρας γυναῖκας.
ἀπορούντων δὲ τῶν Ρωμαίων, τί χρὴ ποιεῖν (καὶ
γὰρ τὸν πόλεμον ὠρρώδουν οὔπω καθεστῶτες οὐδ᾽
ἀνειληφότες αὑτούς, καὶ τὴν αἴτησιν τῶν γυναι-
κῶν ὑπώπτευον ἐξομήρευσιν εἶναι, τοῦ δ᾽ εὐπρε-
ποῦς χάριν ἐπιγαμίαν καλεῖσθαι), θεραπαινίδα
” , e 7” / ’
τοὔνομα Τουτούλαν, ws δ᾽ ἔνιοι λέγουσι, Φιλωτίδα
τοῖς ἄρχουσι παραινέσαι πέμπειν σὺν αὐτῇ τῶν
δμωΐδων τὰς ἐν ὥρᾳ μάλιστα καὶ ταῖς ὄψεσιν
ἐλευθερίους, κοσμήσαντας ὡς νύμφας εὐγενεῖς,
\ 3 3 Ὁ , Ἁ
τὰ λοιπὰ δ᾽ αὐτῇ μελήσειν. πεισθέντας δὲ τοὺς
ἄρχοντας ἐπιλέξασθαι τῶν θεραπαινίδων ὅσας
ἐκείνη πρὸς τὴν χρείαν ἐδοκίμασε, καὶ κοσμήσαν-
176
146
CAMILLUS
any other sacred object. Their finding this at that
time unscathed, when all the rest had perished, gave
them more pleasing hopes for Rome. They thought
it a token that assured her of everlasting safety.
XXXIII. They were not yet done with these
pressing tasks when a fresh war broke upon them.
The Aequians, Volscians, and Latins burst into their
territory all at once, and the Tuscans laid siege to
Sutrium, a city allied with Rome. The military
tribunes in command of the army, having encamped
near Mount Marcius, were besieged by the Latins,
and were in danger of losing their camp. Where-
fore they sent to Rome for aid, and Camillus was
appointed dictator for the third time. Two stories
are told about this war, and I will give the fabulous
one first.
They say that the Latins, either as a pretext for
war, or because they really wished to revive the
ancient affinity between the two peoples, sent and
demanded from the Romans free-born virgins in
marriage. The Romans were in doubt what to do,
for they dreaded war in their unsettled and un-
restored condition, and yet they suspected that this
demand for wives was really a call for hostages
disguised under the specious name of intermarriage.
In their perplexity, a serving-maid named Tutula,
or, as some call her, Philotis, advised the magistrates
- to send her to the enemy with some maid-servants
of the comeliest sort and most genteel appearance,
all-arrayed like free-born brides; she would attend to
the rest. The magistrates yielded to her persuasions,
chose out as many maid-servants as she thought meet
17]
VOL. IL. N
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τας ἐσθῆτι καὶ χρυσῷ παραδοῦναι τοῖς Λατίνοις
οὐ πάνυ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως στρατοπεδεύουσι.
νύκτωρ δὲ τὰς μὲν ἄλλας ὑφελέσθαι τὰ ἐγχειρίδια
τῶν πολεμίων, τὴν δ᾽ εἴτε Τουτούλαν εἴτε Φιλω-
τίδα προσβᾶσαν ἐρινεῷ μεγάλῳ καὶ παρατείνα-
σαν ὀπίσω τὸ ἱμάτιον ἄραι πυρσὸν εἰς τὴν Ρώμην,
ὥσπερ ἦν συγκείμενον αὐτῇ πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας,
οὐδενὸς ἄλλου τῶν πολιτῶν εἰδότος. δι’ ὃ καὶ
θορυβώδη γενέσθαι τὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἔξοδον,
ὡς κατήπειγον οἱ a ἄρχοντες, ἀλλήλους ἀνακαλούν-
των καὶ μόλις εἰς τὴν τάξιν καθισταμένων. ἐπελ-
θόντας δὲ τῷ χάρακι τῶν πολεμίων οὐ προσδεχο-
μένων καὶ walk υδόντων ἑλεῖν TO στρατόπεδον καὶ
διαφθεῖραι τοὺς πλείστους. τοῦτο δὲ γενέσθαι ταῖς
νῦν Ἰουλίαις, τότε δὲ Κυϊντιλίαις νώναις, καὶ τὴν
ἀγομένην ἑορτὴν ὑπόμνημα τῆς πράξεως ἐκείνης
εἶναι. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐξιόντες. ἀθρόδι διὰ τῆς
πύλης πολλὰ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων καὶ κοινῶν ὀνομά-
TOV βοῇ φθέγγονται, Γάϊον, Μάρκον, “Λούκιον
καὶ τὰ τούτοις . ὅμοια, μιμούμενοι τὴν τότε
γενομένην μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀλλήλων ἀνάκλησιν'
ἔπειτα κεκοσμημέναι λαμπρῶς αἱ θεραπαινίδες
περιΐαφι παίξζουσαι διὰ σκωμμάτων εἰς τοὺς
ἀπαντῶντας. γίνεται δὲ καὶ μάχη τις αὐταῖς πρὸς
᾿ἀλλήλας, ὡς καὶ τότε τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς Λατίνους
ἀγῶνος συνεπιλαμβανομέναις. ἑστιώμεναι δὲ
καθέζονται κλάδοις συκῆς σκιαξόμεναι" καὶ τὴν
ἡμέραν νώνας Καπρατίνας καλοῦσιν, ὡς οἴονται
διὰ τὸν ἐρινεόν, ad’ οὗ τὴν παιδίσκην τὸν πυρσὸν
ἄραι" τὸν γὰρ ἐ ἐρινεὸν καπρίφικον ὀνομάζουσιν.
i ἕτεροι δὲ τούτων τὰ πλεῖστα δρᾶσθαι καὶ
λέγεσθαί φασιν ἐπὶ τῷ τοῦ Ῥωμύλου πάθει"
178
CAMILLUS
for her purpose, arrayed them in fine raiment and
gold, and handed them over to the Latins, who were
encamped near the city. In the night, the rest of
the maidens stole away the enemy’s swords, while
Tutula, or Philotis, climbed a wild fig-tree of great
height, and after spreading out her cloak behind her,
held out a lighted torch towards Rome, this being
the signal agreed upon between her and the magis-
trates, though no other citizen knew of it. Hence
it was that the soldiers sallied out of the city
tumultuously, as the magistrates urged them on,
calling out one another’s names, and with much ado
getting into rank and file. They stormed the en-
trenchments of the enemy, who were fast asleep
and expecting nothing of the sort, captured their
camp, and slew most of them. This happened on
the Nones of what was then called Quintilis, now
July, and the festival since held on that day is in
remembrance of the exploit. For, to begin with,
they run out of the city gate in throngs, calling out
loudly many local and common names, such as Gaius,
Marcus, Lucius, and the like, in imitation of the way
the soldiers once called aloud upon each other in
their haste. Next, the maid-servants, in gay attire,
run about jesting and joking with the men they
meet. They have a mock battle, too, with one
another, implying that they once took a hand in the
struggle with the Latins. And as they feast, they
sit in the shade of a fig-tree’s branches. The day
is called the “Capratine Nones,” from the wild fig-
tree, as they suppose, from which the maid held
forth her torch ; this goes by the name of caprificus.
But others say that most of what is said and done
at this festival has reference to the fate of Romulus.
179
N 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
κατὰ ταύτην γὰρ ἀφανισθῆναι τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτὸν
ἔξω πύλης, ζόφου καὶ θυέλλης ἄφνω περισχούσης,
ὡς δ᾽ ἔνιοι νομίξουσιν, ἐκλείψεως ἡλίου γενομένης,
καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν a ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου νώνας Καπρατίνας
κληθῆναι, τὴν γὰρ αἶγα κάπραν ὀνομάξουσιν' ὁ
δὲ “Ῥωμύλος ἠφανίσθη δημηγορῶν περὶ τὸ τῆς
αἰγὸς ἔλος προσαγορευόμενον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ
ἐκείνου γέγραπται.
XXXIV. Tov δ᾽ ἕτερον λόγον οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν
συγγραφέων δοκιμάζοντες οὕτω “λέγουσιν. ἀπο-
δευιχθεὶς δικτάτωρ᾽ τὸ τρίτον ὁ Κάμιλλος καὶ
πυθόμενος τὸ μετὰ τῶν χιλιάρχων στράτευμα
πολιορκούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν Λατίνων καὶ τῶν Οὐολού-
σκων, ἠναγκάσθη καὶ τοὺς οὐκ ἐν ὥρᾳ τῶν πολι-
τῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη παρηβηκότας καθοπλίσαι. περιελ-
θὼν δὲ μακρὰν περίοδον περὶ τὸ Μάρκιον ὄρος
καὶ λαθὼν τοὺς πολεμίους Pose τὴν στρατιὰν
κατόπιν αὐτῶν, καὶ πυρὰ πολλὰ καύσας διεσή-
pnve τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παρουσίαν. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολιορ-
κούμενοι θαρρήσαντες ἐπιέναι διενοοῦντο καὶ
μάχην συνάπτειν' οἱ δὲ Λατῖνοι καὶ Οὐολοῦσκοι
συστείλαντες εἴσω τοῦ χάρακος ἑαυτοὺς ἀπεσταύ-
βουν ξύλοις πολλοῖς καὶ διεφράγνυντο πανταχό-
θεν τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἀμφίβολοι “γεγονότες ὑπὸ τῶν
πολεμίων καὶ περιμένειν ἐγνωκότες ἑτέραν οἴκοθεν
δύναμιν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ Τυρρηνῶν προσδεχόμενοι
βοήθειαν. τοῦτο δ᾽ αἰσθόμενος 0 Κάμιλλος καὶ
δεδοικὼς παθεῖν ὅπερ ἐποίησεν αὐτὸς τοὺς πολε-
μίους κυκλωσάμενος ἔσπευδε προλαβεῖν τὸν
καιρόν. ὄντος δὲ τοῦ περιφράγματος ξυλίνου. καὶ
πνεύματος μεγάλου κατιόντος ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρῶν ἅμα
180
14
CAMILLUS
For on this same day he vanished from sight, outside
the city gates, in sudden darkness and tempest, and,
as some think, during an eclipse of the sun. The
day, they say, is called the “ Capratine Nones” from
the spot where he thus vanished. For the she-goat
goes by the name of capra, and Romulus vanished
from sight while haranguing an assembly of the
people at the Goat’s Marsh, as has been stated in
his Lsfe.}
XXXIV. But most writers adopt the other account
of this war, which runs thus. Camillus, having been
appointed dictator for the third time, and learning that
the army under the military tribunes was besieged
by the Latins and Volscians, was forced to put under
arms even those of the citizens who were exempt
from military duty by reason of advancing years.
Fetching a long circuit around Mount Marcius and
thus eluding the enemy’s notice, he planted his army
securely in their rear, and then by lighting many
fires made known his presence there. The besieged
Romans at once took heart and purposed to sally out
and join battle. But the Latins and Volscians re-
tired within their trenches, fenced themselves in
with a great wooden palisade, and barricaded their
camp on all sides, for they now had a hostile force in
front and rear, and were determined to await re-
inforeements from home. At the same time they
expected aid from the Tuscans also. Camillus, per-
ceiving their design, and fearful of being himself
surrounded by the enemy as he had surrounded
them, made haste to improve his opportunity. The
enemy’s barricades were of wood, and a strong wind
1 Chap. xxvii.
181
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
φάει, πυροβόλα | παρασκευασάμενος καὶ περὶ
τὸν ὄρθρον ἐξαγαγὼν τὴν δύναμιν τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους
ἐκέλευσε ᾿ χρῆσθαι βέλεσι καὶ κραυγῇ καθ᾽ ἕτερον
μέρος, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς τὸ πῦρ ἀφήσειν μέλλοντας
ἔχων ὅθεν εἰώθει μάλιστα προσπίπτειν o ἄνεμος
τῷ χάρακι τῶν πολεμίων ἀνέμενε τὴν ὥραν. ἐπεὶ
δὲ συνεστώσης τῆς μάχης ὅ τε ἥλιος ἀνήει καὶ τὸ
πνεῦμα λαμπρὸν “ἐξέπιπτε, σημήνας ἐπιδρομὴν
κατέσπειρε τοῦ χάρακος ἄφθονα τῶν πυροβόλων.
ταχὺ δὲ τῆς φλογὸς ἐν ὕλῃ πυκνῇ καὶ σταυρώ-
μασι ξυλίνοις ἀνατραφείσης καὶ κύκλῳ περινεμο-
μένης, οὐδὲν ἄκος οὐδὲ σβεστήριον ἔχοντες οἱ
Λατῖνοι παρεσκευασμένον, ὡς πλῆρες ἦν ἤδη τὸ
στρατόπεδον πυρός, ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον συστελλόμενοι
τόπον ἐξέπιπτον ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης πρὸς ὡπλισμένους
καὶ παρατεταγμένους πρὸ τοῦ χάρακος τοὺς
πολεμίους. καὶ τούτων μὲν ὀλίγοι διέφυγον, τοὺς
δὲ καταλειφθέντας ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ πάντας
διέφθειρε τὸ πῦρ, μέχρι οὗ κατασβέσαντες οἱ
Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ χρήματα διήρπασαν.
ΧΧΧΥ. Γεγονότων δὲ τούτων ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τοῦ
στρατοπέδου τὸν υἱὸν Λεύκιον φύλακα τῶν ἡλχωκό-
των ἀνθρώπων καὶ χρημάτων αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν τῶν
πολεμίων ἐνέβαλε. καὶ τὴν Αἰκανῶν πόλιν ἐξελὼν
καὶ προσαγαγόμενος, τοὺς Οὐολούσκους εὐθὺς ἡ ἦγε
τὴν στρατιὰν πρὸς τὸ Σούτριον, οὔπω τὰ συμβε-
βηκότα τοῖς Σουτρίνοις πεπυσμένος, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἔτι
κινδυνεύουσι καὶ πολιορκουμένοις ὑπὸ τῶν Τυρ-
ρηνῶν βοηθῆσαι σπεύδων. οἱ δ᾽ ἔτυχον ἤδη τὴν
μὲν πόλιν τοῖς πολεμίοις παραδεδωκότες, αὐτοὶ
1 πυροβόλα conjecture of Sintenis?; πυρὰ πολλὰ MSS.,
διηΐθηϊδὶ, and edd.
182
CAMILLUS
blew down from the mountains at sun-rise. Accord-
ingly, he equipped himself with fiery darts, and
leading his forces out towards day-break, ordered
part of them to attack with missiles and loud cries
at an opposite point, while he himself, with those
appointed to hurl fire, took his post where the wind
was wont to smite the enemy’s trenches with the
greatest force, and awaited the propitious moment.
When battle had been joined and the sun rose and
the wind burst forth with fury, he gave orders for an
onset, and scattered no end of fiery darts along the
trenches. The flames speedily found food in the
crowded timbers of the wooden palisades and spread
in all directions. The Latins had nothing at hand
with which to ward off or quench them, and when at
length their camp was full of fire, they were huddled
together into a small space, and at last forced to
dash out against an enemy who were drawn up in
full battle array in front of the trenches. Few of
them made their escape, and those who were left
behind in the camp were all a prey to the fire until
_ the Romans put it out and fell upon their booty.
XXXV. This business dispatched, he left his son
Lucius in command of the camp to guard the captives
and the booty, while he himself invaded the enemy's
country. He captured the city of the Aequians,
brought the Volscians to terms, and straightway led
his army towards Sutrium. He was not yet apprised
of the fate of the Sutrians, but thought they were
still in peril of siege by the Tuscans, and so hastened
to relieve them. But they had already surrendered
their city to the enemy, and been sent off in utter
183
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δὲ πάντων ἐνδεεῖς ἐν ἱματίοις μόνον ἀφειμένοι"
καὶ καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ὄντι τῷ Καμίλλῳ μετὰ παίδων καὶ
γυναικῶν ἀπήντων ὀδυρόμενοι τὰς ἑαυτῶν τύχας.
ὁ δὲ Κάμιλλος αὐτός τε πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἐπικλα-
σθεὶς καὶ τοὺς Ρωμαίους ὁρῶν ἐμφυνομένων αὐτοῖς
τῶν Σουτρίνων δακρύοντας καὶ δυσανασχετοῦντας
ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγενημένοις, ἔγνω μὴ ποιεῖσθαι τῆς
8 τιμωρίας ἀναβολήν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἄγειν ἐπὶ τὸ
Σούτριον ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας, λογιζόμενος ἀνθρώ-
πους εὐδαίμονα καὶ πλουσίαν TONY ἄρτι κατειλη-
φότας καὶ μηδένα τῶν πολεμίων ὑπολελοιπότας
ἐν αὐτῇ μηδὲ προσδεχομένους ἔξωθεν, ἐκλελυμέ-
νους παντάπασι καὶ ἀφυλάκτους εὑρήσειν: ὀρθῶς
λογισάμενος. οὐ γὰρ μόνον τὴν χώραν ἔλαθε
διελθών, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις γενόμενος καὶ
τὰ τείχη καταλαβών: ἐφύλαττε γὰρ οὐδείς, ἀλλ᾽
ἐν οἴνῳ καὶ συνουσίαις ἦσαν ἐσκεδασμένοι κατὰ
"4 τὰς οἰκίας. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤσθοντο τοὺς πολεμίους
κρατοῦντας ἤδη, οὕτω διέκειντο μοχθηρῶς ὑπὸ
πλησμονῆς καὶ μέθης, ὡς μηδὲ πρὸς φυγὴν
ὁρμῆσαι πολλούς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις αἴσχιστα
πάντων ὑπομένοντας ἀποθνήσκειν ἢ παραδιδόναι
σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τοῖς πολεμίοις. τὴν μὲν οὖν Σουτρί-
νων πόλιν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ δὶς ἁλοῦσαν οὕτω συνέβη
καὶ τοὺς ἔχοντας ἀποβαλεῖν, καὶ τοὺς ἀφῃρημέ-
νους ἀπολαβεῖν διὰ Κάμιλλον.
XXXVI. Ὁ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τούτων θρίαμβος αὐτῷ
χάριν οὐκ ἐλάττονα καὶ κόσμον ἤνεγκε τῶν
πρώτων δυεῖν. καὶ γὰρ τοὺς πάνυ βασκαίνοντας
τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ πάντα βουλομένους εὐτυχίᾳ
184
i,
CAMILLUS
destitution, with nothing but the clothes on their
backs. As Camillus came marching along they met
him, with their wives and children, all lamenting
their misfortunes, Camillus himself was filled with
compassion at the sight, and noticed that his Romans
too, with the Sutrians hanging upon their necks in
supplication, were moved to tears and anger at their
lot. He therefore determined to make no postpone-
ment of his vengeance, but to march straight upon
Sutrium that very day. He reasoned that men who
had just taken a prosperous and opulent city, leaving
none of their enemies in it, and expecting none from
without, would be found wholly relaxed in discipline
and off their guard ; and he reasoned correctly. He
not only passed unnoticed through the city’s territory,
but was actually at its gates and in command of its
walls before the enemy knew it. For not a man of
them was on guard, but they were all scattered among
the houses of the city drinking and feasting. And
even when they perceived that their enemies already
had the mastery, they were so sluggishly disposed
by reason of satiety and drunkenness that many did
not so much as try to flee, but awaited there in the
houses the most shameful of all deaths, or gave
themselves up to their enemies. The city of Sutrium
was thus twice captured in a single day, and it came
to pass that those who had won it, lost it, and those
who had first lost it, won it back, and all by reason
of Camillus.
XXXVI. The triumph decreed him for these
victories brought him no less favour and renown than
his first two had done, and those citizens who had
been most envious of him and preferred to ascribe
all his successes to an unbounded good fortune rather
1$§
-
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τινὶ μᾶλλον ἢ oe ἀρετὴν κατωρθῶσθαι, τότ᾽
ἠνάγκαξον. αἱ πράξεις τῇ δεινότητι καὶ τῷ δρα-
στηρίῳ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀποδιδόναι τὴν δόξαν. ἦν δὲ
τῶν διαμαχομένων αὐτῷ καὶ προσφθονούντων
ἐπιφανέστατος Μάρκος Μάλλιος, O πρῶτος
ὠσάμενος τοὺς Κελτοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ὅτε τῷ
Καπιτωλίῳ νυκτὸς ' ἐπέθεντο καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
Καπιτωλῖνος ἐπικληθείς. οὗτος yap ἀξιῶν πρῶ-
τος εἶναι τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ μὴ δυνάμενος τὸν
Κάμιλλον ἀπὸ: τοῦ βελτίστου τρόπου τῇ δόξη
παρελθεῖν, ὑπόθεσιν τυραννίδος ἐποιήσατο κοινὴν
καὶ συνήθη, δημαγωγῶν τοὺς πολλούς, μάλιστα
δὲ τῶν ὀφειλόντων χρέα τοῖς μὲν ἀμύνων καὶ
συνδικῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς δανειστάς, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀφαιρού-
μενος βίᾳ καὶ κωλύων ἄγεσθαι πρὸς τὸν νόμον,
ὥστε πολλοὺς-: τῶν ἀπόρων ταχὺ περὶ αὐτὸν
γενέσθαι καὶ πολὺν φόβον παρασχεῖν τοῖς
βελτίστοις τῶν πολιτῶν θρασυνομένους καὶ
ταράττοντας τὴν ἀγοράν. ἐπεὶ δὲ κατασταθεὶς
ἐπὶ ταῦτα δικτάτωρ Κούιντος Καπιτωλῖνος εἰς
τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἐνέβαλε τὸν Μάλλιον, ὁ δὲ δῆμος
γενομένου τούτου μετέβαλε τὴν ἐσθῆτα, πρᾶγμα
γινόμενον ἐπὶ συμφοραῖς μεγάλαις καὶ δημοσίαις,
δείσασα τὸν θόρυβον ἡ σύγκλητος ἐκέλευσεν
“ἀφεθῆναι τὸν Μάλλιον. ὁ δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἣν ἀφεθεὶς
ἀμείνων, ἀλλὰ σοβαρώτερον ἐδημαγώγει καὶ
διεστασίαξε. τὴν πόλιν. αἱροῦνται δὴ πάλιν
χιλίαρχον τὸν Κάμιλλον.
Εἰσαγομένων δὲ τῶν κατὰ τοῦ Μαλλίου
δικῶν “μεγάλα τοὺς κατηγόρους ἔβλαπτεν ἡ
ὄψις. ὁ γὰρ τόπος, ἐφ᾽ οὗ βεβηκὼς ὁ ἀλλ
1 γυκτὸς with S: διὰ νυκτὸς,
186
148
CAMILLUS
than to a native valour, were forced by these new
exploits to set the man’s glory to the credit of his
ability and energy. Now of all those who fought
him with hatred and envy, the most conspicuous was
Marcus Manlius, the man who first thrust the Gauls
down the cliff when they made their night attack
upon the Capitol, and for this reason had been sur-
named Capitolinus. This man aspired to be chief in
the city, and since he could not in the fairest way
outstrip Camillus in the race for glory, he had
recourse to the wonted and usual arts of those that
would found a tyranny. He courted, that is, the
favour of the multitude, especially of the debtor
class, defending some and pleading their causes
against their creditors; snatching others from arrest
and preventing their trial by process of law. In
this way great numbers of indigent folk soon formed
a party about him, and their bold and riotous conduct
in the forum gave the best citizens much to fear.
To quell their disorder, Quintus Capitolinus was
made dictator, and he cast Manlius into prison.
Thereupon the people put on the garb of mourners,
a thing done only in times of great public calamity,
and the Senate, cowed by the tumult, ordered that
Manlius be released. He, however, when released,
did not mend his ways, but grew more defiantly
seditious, and filled the whole city with faction.
Accordingly, Camillus was again made military
tribune. ἢ
When Manlius was brought to trial, the view from
the place was a great obstacle in the way of his
accusers. For the spot where Manlius had stood
187
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐνυκτομάχησε πρὸς τοὺς Κελτούς, ὑπερεφαίνετο
τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ Καπιτωλίου καὶ παρεῖχεν
οἶκτον τοῖς ὁρῶσιν: αὐτός τε τὰς χεῖρας
ὀρέγων ἐκεῖσε καὶ δακρύων ὑπεμίμνησκε τῶν
ἀγώνων, ὥστε τοὺς κρίνοντας ἀπορεῖν καὶ πολ-
λάκις ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὴν δίκην, μήτ᾽ ἀφεῖναι
βουλομένους ἐπὶ τεκμηρίοις φανεροῖς τὸ ἀδίκημα
μήτε χρήσασθαι τῷ νόμῳ δυναμένους ἐν ὀφθαλ-
μοῖς τῆς πράξεως οὔσης διὰ τὸν τόπον. ὃ δὴ
συμφρονήσας ὁ Κάμιλλος μετήγαγεν ἔξω πύλης
τὸ δικαστήριον εἰς τὸ Πετηλῖνον ἄλσος" ὅθεν οὐκ
ὄντος τοῦ Καπιτωλίου καταφανοῦς ὅ τε διώκων
ἐχρήσατο | τῇ κατηγορίᾳ καὶ τοῖς κρίνουσι παρε-
χώρησεν ἡ μνήμη τῶν γεγονότων ἀξίαν ἀναλα-
Betv* ὀργὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀδικήμασιν. ὁ
μὲν οὖν Μάλλιος ἁλοὺς εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον
ἀπήχθη, καὶ κατὰ τῆς πέτρας ὠσθεὶς τὸν αὐτὸν
τόπον ἔσχε καὶ τῶν εὐτυχεστάτων ἔργων καὶ τῶν
μεγίστων ἀτυχημάτων μνημεῖον. οἱ δὲ Ρωμαῖοι
τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ κατασκάψαντες ἱερὸν ἱδρύσαντο
θεᾶς, ἣν Μονῆταν καλοῦσι, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐψη-
φίσαντο μηδένα τῶν πατρικίων ἐπὶ τῆς ἄκρας
κατοικεῖν.
XXXVII. Ὁ δὲ Κάμιλλος ἐπὶ χιλιαρχίαν
ἕκτην καλούμενος παρῃτεῖτο, γεγονὼς μὲν ἡλικίας
ἤδη πρόσω καί πού τινα, καὶ φθόνον δεδιὼς καὶ
νέμεσιν ἐπὶ δόξῃ “τοσαύτῃ καὶ κατορθώμασιν'
ἡ δὲ φανερωτάτη τῶν αἰτιῶν ἦν ἀρρωστία σώμα-
TOS" ἐτύγχανε γὰρ νοσῶν ᾿ περὶ τὰς ἡ ἡμέ ας ἐκείνας.
οὐ μὴν παρῆκεν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ δῆμος, ἀλλὰ
1 ἀναλαβεῖν with S: λαβεῖν.
188
. CAMILLUS
when he fought his night battle with the Gauls,
overlooked the forum from the Capitol, and moved
the hearts of the spectators to pity. Manlius himself,
too, stretched out his hands toward the spot, and
wept as he called to men’s remembrance his famous.
struggle there, so that the judges knew not what to
do, and once and again pdéstponed the case. They
were unwilling to acquit the prisoner of his crime
when the proofs of it were so plain; and they were
unable to execute the law upon him when, owing to
the place of trial, his saving exploit was, so to speak,
in every eye. So Camillus, sensible of all this, trans-
ferred the court outside the city to the Peteline
Grove, whence there is no view of the Capitol.
There the prosecutor made his indictment, and the
judges were able to forget the man’s past services in
their righteous anger at his present crimes. So then
Manlius was convicted, carried to the Capitol, and
thrust down the rock, thus making one and the same
spot a monument of his most fortunate actions and
of his greatest misfortunes. The Romans, besides,
razed his house to the ground, and built there a
temple to the goddess they call Moneta. They
decreed also that in future no patrician should ever
have a house on the Capitoline hill.
XXXVII. Camillus, called now to be military tri-
bune for the sixth time, declined the honour, being
already well on in years, and fearful perhaps of the
envy of men and the resentment of the gods which
often follows upon such glorious successes as his.
But the most manifest reason was his bodily weak-
_ ness, for it chanced that in those days he was sick.
The people, however, would not relieve him of the
189
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
βοῶν μήτε ἱππεύοντος αὐτοῦ μήτε ὁπλομαχοῦντος
ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι δεῖσθαι, βουλενομένου δὲ μόνον καὶ
προστάττοντος, ἠνάγκασεν ὑποστῆναι τὴν στρα-
τηγίαν καὶ μεθ᾽ ἑνὸς τῶν συναρχόντων Λευκίου
Φουρίον τὸν στρατὸν ἄγειν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς
πολεμίους. οὗτοι δ' ἦσαν ἸΠραινεστῖνοι καὶ
Οὐολοῦσκοι μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως τὴν συμμα-
χίδα τῶν Ῥωμαίων πορθοῦντες. ἐξελθὼν δὲ
καὶ παραστρατοπεδεύσας τοῖς πολεμίοις αὐτὸς
μὲν ἠξίον τρίβειν τὸν πόλεμον χρόνῳ, κἂν εἰ
μάχης δεήσειε ῥώσας τὸ σῶμα διαγωνίσασθαι,
Λευκίου δὲ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἐπιθυμίᾳ δόξης
φερομένου πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον ἀκατασχέτως καὶ
συνεξορμῶντος ἅμα ταξιάρχους καὶ λοχαγούς,
φοβηθεὶς μὴ φθόνῳ δή τινι δοκῇ κατόρθωμα καὶ
φιλοτιμίαν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι νέων ἀνδρῶν συνεχώρησεν
ἄκων ἐκείνῳ παρατάξαι τὴν δύναμιν, αὐτὸς δὲ
διὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὑπελείφθη μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἐν τῷ
στρατοπέδῳ. τοῦ δὲ Λευκίου προπετῶς χρησα- ᾿
μένου τῇ μάχῃ καὶ σφαλέντος, αἰσθόμενος τὴν
τροπὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐ κατέσχεν αὗτον, ἀλλ᾽ ..
ἀναθορὼν ἐκ τῆς στιβάδος ἀπήντα μετὰ τῶν -"
ὀπαδῶν ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας τοῦ χάρακος, διὰ τῶν φευ- yo
γόντων ὠθούμενος εἰς τοὺς διώκοντας, ὥστε τοὺς τ
μὲν εὐθὺς ἀναστρέφειν καὶ συνακολουθεῖν, τοὺς *
δὲ προσφερομένους ἔξωθεν ἵστασθαι πρὸ αὐτοῦ *:
καὶ συνασπίζειν, παρεγγυῶντας ἀλλήλοις μὴ ἃ
ἀπολείπεσθαι τοῦ στρατηγοῦ. τότε μὲν οὖν "|
οὕτως ἀπετράποντο τῆς διώξεως οἱ πολέμιοι" τῇ Ἔ
δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ προαγαγὼν τὴν δύναμιν ὁ Κάμιλλος ts
190
CAMILLUS
office. He had no need, they cried, to fight in the
ranks of the cavalry or the men-at-arms, but only to
counsel and ordain; and so they forced him to
undertake the command, and with one of _ his
colleagues, Lucius Furius, to lead the army at once
against the enemy. These were the Praenestines
and Volscians, who, with a large force, were laying
waste the lands of the Roman allies. Marching
forth, therefore, and encamping near the enemy, he
himself thought it best to protract the war, that so,
in case a battle should at last be necessary, he might
be strong of body for the decisive struggle. But
Lucius, his colleague, carried away by his desire for
glory, would not be checked in his ardour for battle,
and incited the same feelings in the inferior officers
of the army. So Camillus, fearing lest it be thought
that out of petty jealousy he was trying to rob
younger men of the successes to which they eagerly
aspired, consented, with reluctance, that Lucius
should lead the forces out to battle, while he himself,
on account of his sickness, was left behind in the
camp with a few followers. Lucius conducted the
battle rashly and was discomfited, whereupon
Camillus, perceiving the rout of the Romans, could
not restrain himself, but sprang up from his couch
and ran with his attendants to the gate of the camp.
Through the fugitives he pushed his way to their
pursuers. Those of his men who had passed him
into the camp, wheeled about at once and followed
him, and those who came bearing down on him from
outside, halted and formed their lines about him,
exhorting one another not to abandon their general.
In this way, for that day, the enemy were turned
back from their pursuit. On the next day, Camillus
ΙΟῚΙ
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καὶ συνάψας μάχην αὐτούς τε νικᾷ κατὰ κράτος
καὶ τὸν χάρακα λαμβάνει συνεισπεσὼν τοῖς
φεύγουσι καὶ διαφθείρας τοὺς πλείστους. ἐκ δὲ
τούτου πυθόμενος πόλιν Σατρίαν ὑπὸ Τυρρηνῶν
ἑαλωκέναι καὶ τοὺς - οἰκήτορας ἀπεσφάχθαι
Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας ὄντας, τὴν μὲν πολλὴν καὶ
βαρεῖαν τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Ῥώμην ἀπέστειλεν,
αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς ἀκμάζοντας μάλιστα καὶ προθυμο-
τάτους ἀναλαβὼν ἐπέβαλε τοῖς τὴν πόλιν ἔχουσι
Τυρρηνοῖς καὶ κρατήσας τοὺς μὲν - ἐξήλασεν
αὐτῶν, τοὺς δὲ ἀπέκτεινεν.
XXXVIILI. Ἐπανελθὼν δὲ μετὰ πολλῶν λαφύ-
ρων εἰς “Ῥώμην ἐπέδειξε φρονιμωτάτους ἁπάντων
τοὺς μὴ φοβηθέντας ἀσθένειαν καὶ γῆρας ἡγε-
μόνος ἐμπειρίαν καὶ τόλμαν ἔχοντος, ἀλλ᾽ édo-
μένους ἐκεῖνον ἄκοντα καὶ νοσοῦντα μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν
ἐν ἡλικίᾳ τοὺς δεομένους καὶ σπουδάξοντας
ἄρχειν. διὸ καὶ Τουσκλανῶν ἀφεστάναι λεγο-
μένων ἐκέλενον ἐξιέναι τὸν Κάμιλλον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
ἕνα τῶν πέντε συστρατήγων προσελόμενον. ὁ δέ,
καίπερ ἁπάντων βουλομένων καὶ δεομένων, ἐάσας
τοὺς ἄλλους, προσείλετο Λεύκιον Φούριον οὐδενὸς
ἂν προσδοκήσαντος. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἦν ὁ παρὰ
γνώμην τοῦ Καμίλλου διαγωνίσασθαι προθυ-
μηθεὶς ἔναγχος καὶ δυστυχήσας περὶ τὴν μάχην"
ἀλλὰ Bovropevos, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀποκρύψαι τὴν
συμφορὰν καὶ τὴν αἰσχύνην ἀπαλλάξαι τοῦ
ἀνδρὸς ἀντὶ πάντων τοῦτον προῆγεν. οἱ δὲ Του-
σκλανοὶ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἑπανορθούμενοι πανούρ-
γως, ἤδη βαδίξοντος ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τοῦ Καμίλλου τὸ
μὲν πεδίον ἀνθρώπων ws ἐν εἰρήνῃ γεωργούντων
καὶ νεμόντων ἐνέπλησαν, τὰς δὲ πύλας εἶχον
192
CAMILLUS
led his forces out, joined battle with the enemy,
defeated them utterly, and took their camp, actually
bursting into it along with those who fled to it, and
slaying most of them. After this, learning that the
city of Satricum had been taken by the Tuscans, and
its inhabitants, all Romans, put to the sword, he sent
back to Rome the main body of his army, comprising
the men-at-arms, while he himself, with the youngest
and most ardent of his men, fell suddenly upon the
Tuscans who held the city and mastered them, ex-
lling some and slaying the rest.
XXXVIII. He returned with much spoil to Rome,
having proved that those citizens were the most
sensible of all who did not fear the bodily age and
weakness of a leader possessed of experience and
courage, but chose him out, though he was ill and did
not wish it, rather than younger men who craved
and solicited the command. They showed the same
good sense, when the Tusculans were reported to
be on the brink of a revolt, in ordering Camillus to
select one of his five colleagues as an aid, and march
out against them. Although all the five wished and
begged to be taken, Camillus passed the rest by and
selected Lucius Furius, to everyone's surprise. - For
he was the man who had just now been eager to
hazard a struggle with the enemy against the judg-
ment of Camillus, and had been worsted in the battle.
But Camillus wished, as it would seem, to hide away
the misfortune and wipe away the disgrace of the
man, and so preferred him above all the rest. But
the Tusculans, when once Camillus was on the march
against them, set to rectifying their transgression as
craftily as they could. Their fields were found full
of men tilling the soil and pasturing flocks, as in
193
VOL, II. oO
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
. ἀνεῳγμένας καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν τοῖς διδασκαλείοις
μανθάνοντας, τοῦ δὲ δήμου τὸ μὲν βάναυσον ἐπὶ
τῶν ἐργαστηρίων ἑωρᾶτο περὶ τὰς τέχνας, τὸ δ᾽
ἀστεῖον ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐν ἱματίοις" οἱ δ᾽ ἄρχοντες
περιίήεσαν σπουδῇ καταλύσεις τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις
ἐπαγγέλλοντες, ὡς οὐδὲν κακὸν προσδοκῶντες
4 οὐδὲ συνειδότες. τούτων δὲ πραττομένων ἀπι-
στεῖν μὲν οὐκ ἐπήει τῷ Καμίλλῳ τὴν προδοσίαν,
οἰκτείρας δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ προδοσίᾳ μετάνοιαν
αὐτῶν ἐκέλευσε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐλθόντας
παραιτεῖσθαι τὴν ὀργήν: καὶ παραιτουμένοις
συνέπραξεν αὐτὸς ἀφεθῆναί τε τὴν πόλιν αἰτίας
ἁπάσης καὶ μεταλαβεῖν ἰσοπολιτείας. αὗται μὲν
οὖν ἐγένοντο τῆς ἕκτης χιλιαρχίας ἐπιφανέσταται
πράξεις.
XXXIX. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Λικιννίου Στόλωνος
ἐν τῇ πόλει τὴν μεγάλην στάσιν ἐγείροντος, ἣν ὁ
δῆμος ἐστασίαξε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον βιαζόμενος
δυεῖν ὑπάτων καθισταμένων τὸν ἕτερον πάντως ἐκ
δημοτῶν εἶναι καὶ μὴ συναμφοτέρους πατρικίους,
δήμαρχοι μὲν ἠρέθησαν, τὰς δ᾽ ὑπατικὰς ἀρ-
χαιρεσίας ἐπιτελεσθῆναι διεκώλυσαν οἱ πολλοί.
2 καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ou ἀναρχίας φερομένων ἐς
μείζονας ταραχὰς ἀποδείκνυται δικτάτωρ ὁ Κά-
μίλλος ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἄκοντι τῷ δήμῳ τὸ τέταρ-
τον, οὐδ αὐτὸς ὧν πρόθυμος οὐδὲ βουλόμενος
ἐναντιοῦσθαι πρὸς ἀνθρώπους παρρησίαν ἔχοντας
ἀπὸ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἀγώνων πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς
πλείονα pet αὐτῶν" διαπεπραγμένος ἐν στρατη-
γίαις ἢ μετὰ τῶν πατρικίων ἐν πολιτείαις, καὶ
1 μετ᾽ αὐτῶν διαπεπραγμένος edd., including Sintenis!, and S;
ἐν στρατηγίαις μετ᾽ αὐτῶν with C.
194
CAMILLUS
times of peace ; their gates lay wide open; their boys
were at school conning their lessons; and of the
people, the artizans were to be seen in their work-
shops plying their trades, the men of leisure sauntered
over the forum clad in their usual garb, while the
magistrates bustled about assigning quarters for the
Romans, as though they expected and were conscious
of noevil. Their performances did not bring Camillus
into any doubt of their intended treachery, but out
of pity for the repentance that followed so close upon
their treachery, he ordered them to go to the Senate
and beg for a remission of its wrath. He himself
also helped to make their prayers effectual, so that
their city was absolved from all charges and received
the rights of Roman citizenship. Such were the most
conspicuous achievements of his sixth tribuneship.
XXXIX. After this, Licinius Stolo stirred up the
great dissension in the city which brought the people
into collision with the Senate. The people insisted
that, when two consuls were appointed, one of them
must certainly be a plebeian, and not both patricians.
Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the multi-
tude prevented the consular elections from being
duly held. Owing to this lack of magistrates, matters
were getting more and more confused, and so Camillus
was for the fourth time appointed dictator by the
Senate, though much against the wishes of the
people. He was not eager for the office himself,
nor did he wish to oppose men whose many and
great struggles gave them the right to say boldly to
him: “Your achievements have been in the field
with us, rather than in politics with the patricians ;
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
νῦν διὰ φθόνον ἐκείνων npnpévos ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, ὅπως
ἢ καταλύσειε τὸν δῆμον ἰσχύσας ἢ καταλυθείη
μὴ κρατήσας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πειρώμενος ἀμύνειν
τοῖς παροῦσι, τὴν ἡμέραν γνούς, ἐν 7 νομοθετεῖν
οἱ δήμαρχοι διενοοῦντο, προέγραψε στρατιᾶς κα-
τάλογον καὶ μετεκάλει τὸν δῆμον ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς
εἰς τὸ πεδίον μεγάλας ζημίας ἀπειλῶν κατὰ τοῦ
μὴ ὑπακούσαντος. τῶν δὲ δημάρχων ἐκεῖθεν αὖ
πάλιν ἀντανισταμένων ταῖς ἀπειλαῖς καὶ διομνυ-
μένων πέντε μυριάσιν ἀργυρίου ζημιώσειν;, εἰ μὴ
παύσαιτο τοῦ δήμου τὸν νόμον ἀφαιρούμενοις καὶ
τὴν ψῆφον, εἴτε δείσας φυγὴν ἑτέραν καὶ: κατα-
δίκην, ὡς ἀνδρὶ πρεσβύτῃ καὶ κατειργασμένῳ
μεγάλα μὴ πρέπουσαν, εἴτε τοῦ δήμου τὴν βίαν
ἄμαχον οὖσαν καὶ δυσνίκητον ὑπερβαλέσθαι μὴ
δυνάμενος μηδὲ βουλόμενος, τότε μὲν ὑπεχώρησεν
οἴκαδε: ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς. ἡμέραις σκηψάμενος ἀρ-
ρωστεῖν ἐξωμόσατο τὴν ἀρχήν.
Η δὲ σύγκλητος ἕτερον ἐκτάτο κατέστησε"
κἀκεῖνος ἀποδείξας ἵππαρχον αὐτὸν τὸν , ἡγεμόνα
τῆς στάσεως Στόλωνα παρῆκεν ἐπικυρῶσαι τὸν
νόμον τὸν μάλιστα λυποῦντα τοὺς πατρικίους.
ἐκέλευσε δ᾽ οὗτος μηδένα πλέθρων πεντακοσίων
πλείονα χώραν κεκτῆσθαι. τότε μὲν οὖν λαμπρὸς
ὁ Στόλων ἐγεγόνει τῇ ψήφῳ κρατήσας" ὀλίγῳ δ᾽
ὕστερον αὐτὸς ἑάλω κεκτημένος ὅσην ἔχειν ἐκώ-
λυεν ἑτέρους, καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὑτοῦ νόμον δίκην
ἔδωκεν.
XL. Ὑπολειπομένης δὲ τῆς περὶ τῶν ὑπατικῶν
ἀρχαιρεσιῶν φιλονεικίας, ὃ ὃ δὴ χαλεπώτατον τῆς
στάσεως ἦν καὶ πρῶτον ἦρξε καὶ πλεῖστα
196
CAMILLUS
it is through bate and envy that they have now made
you dictator; they hope that you will crush the
people if you prevail, or be crushed yourself if you
fail.” However, be tried to ward off the threatening
evils. Having learned the day on which the tribunes
intended to propose their law, he issued proclamation
making it a day of general muster, and summoned
the people from the forum into the Campus Martius,
with threats of heavy fines upon the disobedient.
The tribunes, on the contrary, for their part, opposed
his threats with solemn oaths that they would fine
him fifty thousand silver drachmas if he did not cease
trying to rob the people of its vote and its law.
Then, either because he feared a second condemna-
tion to exile, a penalty unbecoming to a man of his
years and achievements, or because he was not able,
if he wished, to overcome the might of the people
which was now become resistless and invincible, he
withdrew to his house, and after alleging sickness for
several days, resigned his office.
But the Senate appointed another dictator, and
he, after making Stolo himself, the very leader of the
sedition, his master of horse, suffered the law to be
enacted. It was a most vexatious law for the
patrician, for it prohibited anyone from owning more
than five hundred acres of land. At that time,
then, Stolo was a resplendent figure, owing to his
victory at the polls; but a little while after, he him-
self was found to be possessed of what he forbade
others to own, and so paid the penalty fixed by his
own law.
XL. There remained, however, the strife over
the consular elections,which was the main problem in
the dissensions, as it was its first cause, and gave
197
a
ῳ)
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πράγματα τῇ βουλῇ παρέσχε διαφερομένῃ πρὸς
τὸν δῆμον, ἀγγελίαι προσέπεσον σαφεῖς, Κελ-
τοὺς αὖθις ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αδριατικῆς ἄραντας θα-
λάσσης μυριάσι πολλαῖς ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐλαύ-
2 νειν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τὰ ἔργα τοῦ πολέμου
παρῆν πορθουμένης τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώ-
πων, ὅσοις μὴ ῥάδιον ἦν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην κατα-
φυγεῖν, ἀνὰ τὰ ὄρη σκεδαννυμένων. οὗτος ὁ
φόβος κατέπαυσε τὴν στάσιν, καὶ συνελθόντες
εἰς ταὐτὸ τοῖς πολλοῖς οἱ κράτιστοι καὶ τῇ βουλῇ
τὸ δημοτικὸν εἵλοντο πάντες ἐκ μιᾶς γνώμης δι-
3 κτάτορα τὸ πέμπτοϊ!'’ Κάμιλλον. ὁ δ᾽ ἦν μὲν
σφόδρα γέρων καὶ μικρὸν ἀπέλειπεν ὀγδοήκοντα
ἔτη γεγονέναι' συνορῶν δὲ τὴν ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν
κίνδυνον, οὔτε ὑποτίμησιν εἰπών, ὡς πρότερον,
οὔτε προφάσει χρησάμενος, GAN αὐτόθεν ὑπο-
στὰς τὴν στρατηγίαν κατέλεγε τοὺς μαχησο-
νους.
Εἰδὼς δὲ τῆς τῶν βαρβάρων ἀλκῆς τὴν βιαιο-
τάτην ἐν ταῖς μαχαίραις οὖσαν, ἃς βαρβαρικῶς
καὶ σὺν οὐδεμιᾷ τέχνῃ καταφέροντες ὥμους
4 μάλιστα καὶ κεφαλὰς διέκοπτον, ἐχαλκεύσατο
μὲν κράνη τοῖς πλείστοις ὁλοσίδηρα καὶ λεῖα ταῖς
περιφερείαις, ὡς ἀπολισθαίνειν ἢ κατάγνυσθαι
τὰς μαχαίρας, τοῖς δὲ θυρεοῖς κύκλῳ περιήρμοσε
λεπίδα χαλκῆν, τοῦ ξύλου καθ᾽ avTo τὰς πληγὰς
μὴ στέγοντος" αὐτοὺς δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐξδί-
δαξε τοῖς ὑσσοῖς μακροῖς διὰ χειρὸς χρῆσθαι καὶ
τοῖς ξίφεσι τῶν πολεμίων ὑποβάλλοντας ἐκδέ-
χεσθαι τὰς καταφοράς.
XLI. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ πλησίον ἦσαν οἱ Κελτοί, περὶ
τὸν ᾿Ανίωνα ποταμὸν στρατόπεδον βαρὺ καὶ
198
CAMILLUS
the Senate most concern in-its contention with
the people. But suddenly clear tidings came that
the Gauls had once more set out from the Adriatic
Sea, many myriads strong, and were marching on
Rome. With the word, the actual deeds of war kept
pace. The country was ravaged, and its population,
all who could not more easily fly to Rome for refuge,
scattered among the mountains. This terror put an
end to the dissension in the city, and brought to-
gether into conference both the rich and the poor,
the Senate and the people. All with one mind chose
Camillus dictator for the fifth time. He was now
quite old, lacking little of eighty years; but recog-
nizing the peril and the necessity which it laid upon
him, he neither made excuse, as before, nor resorted
to pretext, but instantly took upon him the com-
mand and went to levying his soldiers.
Knowing that the prowess of the Barbarians lay
chiefly in their swords, which they plied in true
barbaric fashion, and with no skill at all, in mere
slashing blows at head and shoulders, he had helmets
forged for most of his men which were all iron and
smooth of surface, that the enemy’s swords might
slip off from them or be shattered by them. He,
also had thé long shields of his men rimmed round
with bronze, since their wood could not of itself
ward off the enemy's blows. The soldiers them-
selves he trained to use their long javelins like
spears,—to thrust them under the enemy’s swords
and catch the downward strokes upon them.
XLI. When the Gauls were near at hand, being
encamped on the Anio and encumbered with untold
199 .."
a as
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
μεστὸν ἀφθόνου λείας ἔχοντες, ἐξαγαγὼν τὴν
δύναμιν ἵδρυσε κατὰ νάπης μαλακῆς καὶ συγ-
κλίσεις πολλὰς ἐχούσης, ὥστε τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον
ἀποκρύπτεσθαι, τὸ δ᾽ ὁρώμενον δοκεῖν ὑπὸ δέους
εἰς χωρία προσάντη κατειλεῖσθαι. ταύτην δὲ
τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν ὁ Κάμιλλος αὔξειν βουλόμενος
οὐ προσήμυνε τῶν ὑπὸ πόδας πορθουμένων, ἀλλὰ
τὸν χάρακα φραξάμενος ἠρέμει, μέχρι οὗ τοὺς
μὲν ἐν προνομαῖς ἐσκεδασμένους κατεῖδε, τοὺς δ᾽
ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ πᾶσαν ὥραν ἐμπιπλαμένους
ἀφειδῶς καὶ μεθύοντας. τότε δὲ νυκτὸς ἔτι τοὺς
ψιλοὺς προεκπέμψας ἐμποδὼν εἶναι τοῖς βαρ-
βάροις εἰς τάξιν καθισταμένοις καὶ διαταράττειν
εὐθὺς ἐπεξιόντας, κατεβίβαξεν ὄρθρον τοὺς ὁπ-
λίτας καὶ παρέταττεν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις, πολλοὺς
καὶ προθύμους, οὐχ ὥσπερ οἱ βάρβαροι προσε-
δόκων, ὀλίγους καὶ ἀτόλμους φανέντας. πρῶτον
μὲν οὖν τοῦτο τῶν Κελτῶν ἀνέτρεψε τὰ φρονή-
ματα παρ᾽ ἀξίαν ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι δοκούντων.
ἔπειτα προσπίπτοντες οἱ ψιλοὶ καὶ πρὶν ἢ τὸν
συνήθη λαβεῖν κόσμον καὶ διακριθῆναι κατὰ
λόχους κινοῦντες αὐτοὺς καὶ βιαζόμενοι πρὸς τὸ
συντυχὸν ἀτάκτους ἠνάγκασαν μάχεσθαι. τέλος
δὲ τοῦ Καμίλλου τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἐπάγοντος, οἱ μὲν
ἀνατεινάμενοι τὰς μαχαίρας συνδραμεῖν ἔσ-
πευδον, οἱ δὲ τοῖς ὑσσοῖς ἀπαντῶντες καὶ τὰ
σεσιδηρωμένα μέρη. ταῖς πληγαῖς ὑποφέροντες
ἀνέστρεφον τὸν ἐκείνων σίδηρον μαλακὸν ὄντα
καὶ λεπτῶς ἐχληλαμένον, ὥ ὥστε κάμπτεσθαι ταχὺ
καὶ διπλοῦσθαι τὰς μαχαίρας, τοὺς δὲ θυρεοὺς
Ζοο
151
CAMILLUS
plunder, Camillus led his forces out and posted them
in a gently sloping glade with many hollows, so that
the largest part of them were concealed, and the
part that could be seen had the look of shutting
themselves up in hilly places out of fear. This
opinion of them Camillus wished to strengthen, and
therefore made no defence of those who were
plundered even at his very feet, but fenced in his
trenches and lay quiet, until he saw that some of the
enemy were scattered abroad in foraging parties,
while those in the camp did nothing but gorge
themselves with meat and drink. Then, while it
was yet night, he sent his light-armed troops for-
ward to hinder the Barbarians from falling into
battle-array and throw them into confusion as they
issued from their camp. Just before dawn, he led
his men-at-arms down into the plain and drew them
up in battle-array, many in number and full of spirit,
as the Barbarians now saw, not few and timid,
as they had expected. To begin with, it was this
which shattered the confidence of the Gauls, who
thought it beneath them to be attacked first. Then
again, the light-armed folk fell upon them, forced
them into action before they had taken their usual
order and been arrayed in companies, and so com-
pelled them to fight at random and in utter disorder.
Finally, when Camillus led his men-at-arms to the
attack, the enemy raised their swords on high and
rushed for close quarters. But the Romans thrust
their javelins into their faces, received their strokes
on the parts that were shielded by iron, and so turned -
the edge of their metal, which was soft and weakly
tempered, so much so that their swords quickly bent
up double, while their shields were pierced and
201
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
συμπεπάρθαι καὶ βαρύνεσθαι τῶν ὑσσῶν ἐφελ-
κομένων. διὸ καὶ μεθιστάμενοι τῶν ἰδίων ὅπλων
ἐπειρῶντο τοῖς ἐκείνων συστρέφεσθαι καὶ τοὺς
ὑσσοὺς παραφέρειν ἐπιλαμβανόμενοι ταῖς + χερσίν.
οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι γυμνουμένους * ὁρῶντες ἤ ἤδη τοῖς
ξίφεσιν ἐχρῶντο, Π φόνος μὲν ἦν πολὺς τῶν
προτάκτων, φυγὴ ὃ ὲ τῶν ἄλλων πανταχόσε τοῦ
πεδίου. τοὺς γὰρ λόφους καὶ τὰ ὑψηλὰ προκατ-
εἰλήφει Κάμιλλος, τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον διὰ τὸ
θαρσεῖν ἄφρακτον ἔχοντες ἤδεσαν οὐ χαλεπῶς
ἁλωσόμενον.
Ταύτην τὴν μάχην ἔτεσιν ὕστερον τρισκαίδεκα
γενέσθαι λέγουσι τῆς “Ῥώμης ἁλώσεως, καὶ βέ-
βαιον ἐξ αὐτῆς φρόνημα κατὰ τῶν Κελτῶν ἐ ἐγγε-
νέσθαι Ῥωμαίοις σφόδρα δεδοικόσι τοὺς βαρ-
βάρους, ὡς τὸ πρῶτον διὰ νόσους καὶ τύχας
παραλόγους, οὐ κατὰ κράτος, ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν νενική-
μένους. οὕτω δ᾽ οὖν ὁ φόβος ἢ ἦν ἰσχυρός, ὥστε
θέσθαι νόμον ἀφεῖσθαι τοὺς ἱερεῖς στρατείας
χωρὶς ἂν μὴ [᾿αλατικὸς ἦ πόλεμος.
XLII. Τῶν μὲν οὖν στρατιωτικῶν ἀγώνων
οὗτος ἠγωνίσθη τῷ Καμίλλῳ. τελευταῖος. τὴν
γὰρ Οὐελιτρανῶν πόλιν εἶχεν ἐν παρέργῳ ταύτης
τῆς στρατείας ἀμαχεὶ προσχωρήσασαν αὐτῷ.
τῶν δὲ πολιτικῶν 0 μέγιστος ὑπελείπετο καὶ
χαλεπώτερος ” πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἰσχυρὸν ἐπανή-
κοντα τῇ νίκῃ καὶ ᾿βιαξόμενον ἐ ἐκ δημοτῶν ὕ ὕπατον
ἀποδεῖξαι παρὰ τὸν καθεστῶτα νόμον, ἀντιταττο-
μένης τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τὸν Κάμιλλον οὐκ ἐώσης
; γυμνουμένους with S: γυμνοὺς.
2 καὶ χαλεπώτερος Sintenis', now supported by S: χαλεπώ-
Τεροϑ.
292
CAMILLUS
weighed down by the javelins which stuck in them.
Therefore they actually abandoned their own weapons
and tried to possess themselves of those of their
enemies, and to turn aside the javelins by grasping
them in their hands. But the Romans, seeing them
thus disarmed, at once took to using their swords,
and there was a great slaughter of their foremost
ranks, while the rest fled every whither over the
plain ; the hill tops and high places had been occu-
pied beforehand by Camillus, and they knew that
their camp could easily be taken, since, in their
overweening confidence, they had neglected to
fortify it.
This battle, they say, was fought thirteen years
after the capture of Rome, and produced in the
Romans a firm feeling of confidence regarding the
Gauls. They had mightily feared these Barbarians,
who had been conquered by them in the first instance,
as they felt, in consequence of sickness and extra-
ordinary misfortunes, rather than of any prowess in
their conquerors. At any rate,so great had their
terror been that they made a law exempting priests
from military service, except in case of a Gallic war.
XLII. This was the last military exploit performed
by Camillus, for the capture of Velitrae was a direct
sequel of this campaign, and it yielded to him with-
out a struggle. But the greatest of his civil contests
yet remained and it was harder to wage it now against
a people which had come back flushed with victory,
and bent on electing a plebeian consul, contrary to
the established law. But the Senate opposed their
demands, and would not suffer Camillus to lay aside .
| 203
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν, ὡς μετ᾽ ἰσχυρᾶς καὶ
μεγάλης ἐξουσίας τῆς ἐκείνου μαχησομένων ἂν
βέλτιον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας.. ἐπεὶ δὲ
προκαθημένου τοῦ Καμίλλου καὶ χρηματίξοντος
ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὑπηρέτης πεμφθεὶς παρὰ τῶν
δημάρχων ἐκέλευσεν ἀκολουθεῖν καὶ τὴν χεῖρα
τῷ σώματι προσῆγεν ὡς ἀπάξων, κραυγὴ δὲ καὶ
θόρυβος, οἷος οὔπω, κατέσχε τὴν ἀγοράν, τῶν
μὲν περὶ τὸν Κάμῶλλον ὠθούντων ἀπὸ τοῦ
βήματος τὸν δημόσιον, τῶν δὲ πολλῶν κάτωθεν
ἕλκειν ἐπικελευομένων, ἀπορούμενος τοῖς πα-
ροῦσι τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν οὐ προήκατο, τοὺς δὲ βου-
λευτὰς ἀναλαβὼν ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον.
καὶ πρὶν εἰσελθεῖν μεταστραφεὶς εἰς τὸ Καπι-
τώλιον εὔξατο τοῖς θεοῖς κατευθῦναι τὰ παρόντα
πρὸς τὸ κάλλιστον τέλος, ὑποσχόμενος ναὸν
Ὁμονοίας ἱδρύσασθαι τῆς ταραχῆς καταστάσης.
“Μεγάλου δ᾽ ἀγῶνος ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ γενο- ᾿
μένου πρὸς τὰς ἐναντίας γνώμας, ὅμως ἐνίκησεν
ἡ μαλακωτέρα καὶ ὑπείκουσα τῷ δήμῳ καὶ
διδοῦσα τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν ἕτερον ἀπὸ τοῦ πλή-
θους ἀρχαιρεσιάσαι. ταῦτα δ ὡς τῇ βουλῇ
δοκοῦντα τοῦ δικτάτορος ἀνειπόντος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ,
παραχρῆμα μέν, οἷον εἰκός, ἡδόμενοι τῇ βουλῇ
διηλλάττοντο καὶ τὸν “Κάμιλλον οἴκαδε κρότῳ
καὶ βοῇ προέπεμπον. τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ. συνελ.-
θόντες ἐψηφίσαντο τῆς μὲν Ὁμονοίας ἱερόν,
ὥσπερ εὔξατο Κάμιλλος, εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ τὴν
ἐκκλησίαν ἄποπτον ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγενημένοις ἱδρύ-
σασθαι, ταῖς δὲ καλουμέναις Λατίναις μίαν
ἡμέραν προσθέντας ἑορτάζειν τέτταρας, παραυ- 152
204
CAMILLUS
his office, thinking that, with the aid of his great
power and authority, they could make a better fight
in defence of their aristocracy. But once when
Camillus was seated in state and despatching public
business in the forum, an officer, sent by the tribunes
of the people, ordered him to follow, actually lay-
ing hands upon him as though to hale him away.
All at once such cries and tumult as had never
been heard before filled the forum, the friends of
Camillus thrusting the plebeian officer down from the
tribunal, and the multitude below ordering him to
drag the dictator away. Camillus, perplexed at the
issue, did not renounce his office, but taking the ©
senators with him, marched off to their place of
meeting. Before he entered this, turning to the
Capitol, he prayed the gods to bring the present
tumults to their happiest end, solemnly vowing to
build a temple to Concord when the confusion was
over.
In the Senate there was a great conflict of opposing
views, but nevertheless, the milder course prevailed,
concession was made to the people, and permission
given them to elect one of the consuls from their
own body. When the dictator announced this to
the people as the will and pleasure of the Senate, at
once, as was to be expected, they were delighted to
be reconciled with the Senate, and escorted Camillus
to his home with loud applause. On the following
day they held an assembly and voted to build a
temple of Concord, as Camillus had vowed, and to
have it face the forum and place of assembly,
to commemorate what had now happened. They
voted also to add a day to the so-called Latin festival,
and thereafter to celebrate four days, and that all
205
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τίκα δὲ θύειν καὶ στεφανηφορεῖν “Ῥωμαίους
ἅπαντας. τῶν δ᾽ ἀρχαιρεσίων βραβευθέντων
ὑπὸ Καμίλλου κατεστάθησαν ὕπατοι Μάρκος
μὲν Αἰμίλιος ἐκ πατρικίων, Λεύκιος δὲ Σέξτιος
ἐκ δημοτῶν πρῶτος. καὶ τοῦτο πέρας αἱ Ka-
μίλλου πράξεις ἔ ἔσχον.
XLITI. "Ey δὲ τῷ κατόπιν ἐνιαυτῷ λουμώδης
νόσος ἐμπεσοῦσα τῇ Ῥώμῃ τὸν μὲν ἄλλον ὄχλον
οὐ περιληπτὸν ἀριθμῷ διέφθειρε, τῶν δ' ἀρχόντων
τοὺς πλείστους. ᾿Ετελεύτησε δὲ καὶ Κάμιλλος,
ἡλικίας μὲν οὕνεκα καὶ βίου τελειότητος, ὡς εἴ
τίς ἄλλος ἀνθρώπων ὡραῖος, ἀνιάσας δὲ “Po-
μαίους ὡς οὐδὲ σύμπαντες οἱ τῇ νόσῳ κατ᾽
ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἀποθανόντες.
206
CAMILLUS
Romans at once perform sacrifices with garlands on
their heads. At the elections held by Camillus,
Marcus Aemilius was chosen consul from the
patricians, and Lucius Sextus first consul from the
plebeians. This was the last public act of Camillus.
XLIII. In the year following, a pestilential sick-
ness visited Rome, carrying off an incalculable number
of the common people, and most of the magistrates.
Camillus also died at this time, and he was full ripe
for death, if any man ever was, considering his years
and the completeness of his life; yet his loss grieved
the Romans more than that of all those who perished
of the plague at this time.
ARISTIDES
VOL. II.
ΑΡΙΣΤΕΙΔΗΣ
I. ᾿Αριστείδης ὁ Λυσιμάχου φυλῆς μὲν jv
᾿Αντιοχίδος, τῶν δὲ δήμων ᾿Αλωπεκῆθεν. περὶ
δ᾽ οὐσίας αὐτοῦ λόγοι διάφοροι γεγόνασιν, οἱ μὲν
ὡς ἐν πενίᾳ συντόνῳ καταβιώσαντος καὶ μετὰ
\ \ b) 4 ὃ 4 \
τὴν τελευτὴν ἀπολιπόντος θυγατέρας δύο πολὺν
χρόνον ἀνεκδότους δι’ ἀπορίαν γενομένας" πρὸς
δὲ τοῦτον τὸν λόγον ὑπὸ πολλῶν εἰρημένον ἀντι-
, ς Ἁ / 3 A
τασσόμενος ὁ Φαληρεὺς Δημήτριος ἐν τῷ Σωκ-
᾽ , a ’ 9 /
pare. χωρίον Φαληροῖ φησι γινώσκειν ᾿Αριστείδου
γενόμενον, ἐν ᾧ τέθαπται, καὶ τεκμήρια τῆς περὶ
τὸν οἶκον εὐπορίας ὃν μὲν ἡγεῖται τὴν ἐπώνυμον
ἀρχήν, ἣν ἦρχεν ὁ τῷ κυάμῳ λαχὼν ἐκ τῶν
γενῶν τῶν τὰ μέγιστα τιμήματα κεκτημένων, ODS.
πεντακοσιομεδίμνους προσηγόρευον, ἕτερον δὲ τὸν
2 ’Ἅ 3 a , 3
ἐξοστρακισμόν: οὐδενὶ γὰρ τῶν πενήτων, ἀλλὰ
τοῖς ἐξ οἴκων τε μεγάλων καὶ διὰ γένους ὄγκον
4 ” ~ 9 Va / \
ἐπιφθόνων ὄστρακον émipépecOau: τρίτον δὲ καὶ
τελευταῖον, ὅτι νίκης ἀναθήματα χορηγικοὺς
τρίποδας ἐν Διονύσου καταλέλοιπεν, οἱ καὶ καθ᾽
“ ’
ἡμᾶς ἐδείκνυντο τοιαύτην ἐπιγραφὴν διασώζοντες"
1 ἦρχεν ὁ Blass, adopting Sintenis’ conjecture: ἦρξε.
210
ARISTIDES
I. Aristipes, the son of Uysimachus, ‘belonged
to the tribe Antiochis, and to the deme Alopecé.
As regards his substance, stories differ, some having
it that he passed all the days of his life in severe
poverty, and that at his death he left behind
him .two daughters who for a long time were
not sought in marriage because of their indigence.
But in contradiction of this story which so many
writers give, Demetrius of Phalerum, in his
“‘ Socrates,’ says he knows of an estate in Phalerum
which belonged to Aristides—the one in which he
lies buried, and regards as proofs of his opulent
circumstances, first, his office of Archon Eponymous,
which only he could hold who obtained it by lot from
among the families carrying the highest property-
assessments (these were called Pentacostomedimnt, or
Five-hundred-bushellers) ; second, his banishment in
ostracism, for no poor men, but only men from
great houses which incurred envy because of
their family prestige, were liable to ostracism ;
third, and last, the fact that he left in the
precinct of Dionysus as offerings for victory some
choregic tripods, which, even in our day, were pointed
out as still bearing the inscription: “ The tribe
211
p 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
“ ἸΑντιοχὶς ἐνίκα, ᾿Αριστείδης ἐχορήγει, ᾿Αρχέ-
στρατος ἐδίδασκε."
Τουτὶ μὲν οὖν, καίπερ εἶναι δοκοῦν μέγιστον,
ἀσθενέστατόν ἐστι. καὶ γὰρ ᾿Επαμεινώνδας, ὃν
πάντες ἄνθρωποι γινώσκουσιν ἐν πενίᾳ καὶ τρα-
φέντα πολλῇ καὶ βιώσαντα, καὶ Πλάτων ὁ φιλό-
σοφος οὐκ ἀφιλοτίμους ἀνεδέξαντο χορηγίας, ὁ
μὲν αὐληταῖς ἀνδράσιν, ὁ δὲ παισὶ κυκλίοις
χορηγήσας, τούτῳ μὲν Δίωνος τοῦ Συρακουσίου
τὴν δαπάνην παρέχοντος, ᾿Επαμεινώνδᾳ δὲ τῶν
περὶ Πελοπίδαν. οὐ γὰρ ἔστι τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς
ἀκήρυκτος καὶ ἄσπονδος πρὸς τὰς Tapa TOV
φίλων δωρεὰς πόλεμος, ἀλλὰ τὰς εἰς ἀπόθεσιν
καὶ πλεονεξίαν ἀγεννεῖς ἡγούμενοι καὶ ταπεινάς,
ὅσαι φιλοτιμίας τινὸς ἀκερδοῦς ἔχονται καὶ λαμ-
πρότητος οὐκ ἀπωθοῦνται.
Παναίτιος μέντοι περὶ τοῦ τρίποδος ἀποφαίνει
τὸν Δημήτριον ὁμωνυμίᾳ διεψευσμένον' ἀπὸ γὰρ
τῶν Μηδικῶν εἰς τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ Πελοποννη-
σιακοῦ πολέμου δύο μόνους ᾿Αριστείδας χορηγοὺς
ἀναγράφεσθαι νικῶντας, ὧν οὐδέτερον εἶναι τῷ
Λυσιμάχου τὸν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν Ἐενοφίλου
πατρός, τὸν δὲ χρόνῳ πολλῷ νεώτερον, ὡς ἐλέγ-
χει τὰ γράμματα τῆς μετ᾽ Εὐκλείδην ὅ ὄντα γραμ-
ματικῆς καὶ π οσγεγραμμένος ὁ ᾿Αρχέστρατος,
ὃν ἐν τοῖς Μηὸικοῖς οὐδείς, ἐ ἐν δὲ τοῖς Πελοπον-
νῆὴσ(ακοῖς συχνοὶ χορῶν διδάσκαλον ἀναγρά-
φουσι.
Τὸ μὲν οὖν τοῦ Παναιτίου βέλτιον ἐπισκεπτέον
212
819
ARISTIDES
Antiochis was victorious; Aristides was Choregus ;
Archestratus was Poet.”
Now this last argument, though it seems very
strong, is really very weak. For both Epaminondas,
who, as all men know, was reared and always lived
in great poverty, and Plato the philosopher, took
it upon themselves to furnish munificent public
performances, the first, of men trained to play
the flute, the second, of boys trained to sing and
dance ; but Plato received the money that he spent
thereon from Dion of Syracuse, and Epaminondas
from Pelopidas. Good men wage no savage and
relentless war against the gifts of friends, but
while they look upon gifts taken to be stored
away and increase the receiver's wealth as ignoble
and mean, they refuse none which promote an
unselfish and splendid munificence.
However, as regards the tripods, Panaetius tries
to. show that Demetrius was deceived by identity
of name. From the Persian wars, he says, down
to the end of the Peloponnesian war, only two
Aristides are recorded as victorious choregi, and
neither of them is identical with the son of
Lysimachus. One was the son of Xenophilus, and
the other lived long afterwards, as is proved by
the inscription itself, which is written in the
character used after Eucleides,! as well as by the
last name, Archestratus, of whom there is no
record during the Persian wars, while during the
time of the Peloponnesian war his name often
appears as that of a choral poet. ;
This argument of Panaetius should be more closely
1 In 403-402 3.c., when Eucleides was Archon Hponymous,
the Ionian alphabet was officially adopted at Athens.
213
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὅπως ἔχει. τῷ δ᾽ ὀστράκῳ πᾶς ὁ διὰ δόξαν
A / A ’ ὃ ’ e ὲ Ἁ \
ἢ γένος ἢ λογου δύναμιν ὑπὲρ τοὺς πολλοὺς
νομιζόμενος ὑπέπιπτεν: ὅπου καὶ Δάμων ὁ Περι-
UA 4 σ \ A 20. ἢ
κλέους διδάσκαλος, ὅτι τὸ φρονεῖν ἐδόκει τις
εἶναι περιττός, ἐξωστρωακίσθη. καὶ μὴν ἄρξαι
N 9 J e9 \ 3 , 4 9
ye τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην ὁ ᾿Ιδομενεὺς ov κναμεντόν, ἀλλ,
e 4, 9 4 ’ 3 Ἁ \
ἑλομένων ᾿Αθηναίων φησίν. εἰ δὲ καὶ μετὰ τὴν
ἐν Πλαταιαῖς μάχην ἦρξεν, ὡς αὐτὸς ὁ Δημή-
τρίος γέγραφε, καὶ πάνυ πιθανόν ἐστιν ἐπὶ δόξῃ
τοσαύτῃ καὶ κατορθώμασι τηλικούτοις ἀξιωθῆναι
δι᾿ ἀρετὴν ἧς διὰ πλοῦτον ἐτύγχανον οἱ λαγχά-
2 \ \ « \ / ’ Ld
νοντες. ἀλλὰ yap ὁ μὲν Δημήτριος ov μόνον
᾿Αριστείδην, ἀλλὰ καὶ Σωκράτην δῆλός ἐστι τῆς
πενίας ἐξελέσθαι φιλοτιμούμενος ὡς μεγάλου
κακοῦ" καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνῳ φησὶν οὐ μόνον τὴν οἰκίαν
ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μνᾶς ἑβδομήκοντα τοκιζο-
μένας ὑπὸ Κρίτωνος.
11. ᾿Αριστείδης δὲ Κλεισθένους μὲν τοῦ κατα-
στησαμένου τὴν πολιτείαν μετὰ τοὺς τυράννους
ἑταῖρος γενόμενος, ζηλώσας δὲ καὶ θαυμάσας
μάλιστα τῶν πολιτικῶν ἀνδρῶν Λυκοῦργον τὸν
‘ fo]
Λακεδαιμόνιον, ἥψατο μὲν ἀριστοκρατικῆς πολι-
τείας, ἔσχε δ᾽ ἀντιτασσόμενον ὑπὲρ τοῦ δήμου
Θεμιστοκλέα τὸν Νεοκλέους. ἔνιοι μὲν οὖν φασιν
παῖδας ὄντας αὐτοὺς καὶ συντρεφομένους ἀπ᾽
ἀρχῆς ἐν παντὶ καὶ σπουδῆς ἐ ομένῳ καὶ παιδιᾶς
πράγματι καὶ λόγῳ διαφέρεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους,
καὶ τὰς φύσεις εὐθὺς ὑπὸ τῆς φιλονεικίας ἐκείνης
214
ARISTIDES
examined as to its validity ; but to banishment in
ostracism every one was liable who was superior
to the common run of men in reputation, or lineage,
or eloquence. And so it was that Damon, the
teacher of. Pericles, was ostracized because he
was thought to be rather extraordinary in his
wisdom.! Furthermore, Idomeneus says that Aristides
obtained the office of archon, not by lot, but by
the election of the Athenians.?, And if he was
made archon after the battle of Plataea, as Demetrius
himself has written, it is certainly very credible
that in view of such a reputation and such successes
as he there won, he should be deemed worthy,
for his valour, of an office which men who drew lots
for it obtained for their wealth. In fact, Demetrius
is clearly ambitious to rescue not only Aristides,
but also Socrates from what he deems the great
evil of poverty, for he says that Socrates owned
not only his house, but also seventy minas out at
interest with Crito.
II. Aristides was an intimate friend of that
Cleisthenes who set the state in order after the
expulsion of the tyrants. He also admired and
emulated, above all other statesmen, Lycurgus
the Lacedaemonian. He therefore favoured an
aristocratic form of’ government, and ever had
opposed to him, as champion of the people, Themis-
tocles the son of Neocles. Some say that even
as boys and fellow-pupils, from the outset, in every
word and deed, whether serious or trivial, they
were at variance with one another, and that by
1 Pericles, iv. 2.
2 From 508 3.0. to 487 B.c. the archons were elected by
the Assembly ; after 487, they were once more chosen by lot.
215
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀνακαλύπτεσθαι, τὴν μὲν εὐχερῆ καὶ παράβολον
καὶ πανοῦργον οὖσαν καὶ μετ᾽ ὀξύτητος ἐπὶ
πάντα ῥᾳδίως φερομένην, τὴν δ᾽ ἐδ βύμενπανε ἐν ἤθει
βεβαίῳ καὶ rpos τὸ δίκαιον a ἀτενῆ,, ψεῦδος δὲ καὶ
βωμολοχίαν καὶ ἀπάτην οὐδ᾽ ἐν παιδιᾶς τινι
τρόπῳ προσιεμένην.
᾿Αρίστων δ᾽ ὁ Κεῖος ἐξ ἐρωτικῆς ἀρχῆς γενέ-
σθαι φησὶ καὶ προελθεῖν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον. τὴν
ἔχθραν αὐτῶν. Στησίλεω γάρ, ὃς ἦν γένει
Κεῖος, ἰδέᾳ τε καὶ μορφῇ σώματος πολὺ τῶν ἐν
ὥρᾳ "λαμπρότατος, ἀμφοτέρους ᾿ἐρασθέντας οὐ
μετρίως ἐνεγκεῖν τὸ πάθος οὐδ᾽ ἅμα λήγοντι τῷ
κάλλει τοῦ παιδὸς ἀποθέσθαι τὴν φιλονεικίαν,
GAN ὥσπερ ἐγγυμνασαμένους ἐκείνῃ πρὸς τὴν
πολιτείαν εὐθὺς ὁρμῆσαι διαπύρους ὄντας καὶ
διαφόρως ἔχοντας.
Ὁ μὲν οὖν Θεμιστοκλῆς εἰς ἑταιρείαν ἐμβαλὼν
ἑαυτὸν εἶχε πρόβλημα καὶ δύναμιν οὐκ εὐκατα-
φρόνητον, ὥστε καὶ πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα καλῶς
αὐτὸν ἄρξειν ᾿Αθηναίων, ἄνπερ ἴσος 7 καὶ κοινὸς
ἅπασι “ Μηδέποτε," εἰπεῖν, “ ‘els τοῦτον ἐγὼ
καθίσαιμι τὸν θρόνον, ἐν ᾧ πλέον οὐδὲν ἕξουσιν
οἱ φίλοι παρ ᾿ἐμοὶ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων" ᾿Αριστείδης δὲ
καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ὥσπερ ὁδὸν ἰδίαν ἐβάδιζε διὰ τῆς πολε-
τείας, πρῶτον μὲν οὐ βουλόμενος συναδικεῖν τοῖς
ἑταίροις. ἢ λυπηρὸς εἶναι μὴ χαριξόμενος, ἔ ἔπειτα
τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων δύναμιν οὐκ ὀλίγους ἰδὼν
ἐπαίρουσαν ἀδικεῖν ἐφυλάττετο, μόνῳ τῷ χρηστὰ
1 ἀτενῇ MSS. and editors,:ineluding Sintenis!: ἀτενεῖ after
Classen.
216
- ARISTIDES
this very rivalry their natures were straightway
made manifest, the one as dexterous, reckless, and
unscrupulous, easily carried with impetuosity into
any and every undertaking ; the other as established
on a firm character, intent on justice, and admitting
no falsity or vulgarity or deceit, not even in any
sport whatsoever.
But Ariston of Ceos says that this enmity of
theirs, which came to be so intense, had its origin
in a love affair. They were both enamoured of
Stesilaiis, who was of Ceian birth, and in beauty
of person the most brilliant of youths; and they
cherished their passion so immoderately, that not
even after the boy’s beauty had faded did they
lay aside their rivalry, but, as though they had
merely taken preliminary practice and exercise in
that, they presently engaged in matters of state
also with passionate heat and opposing desires.
Themistocles joined a society of political friends,
and so secured no inconsiderable support and power.
Hence when some one told him that he would be a
good ruler over the Athenians if he would only be
fair and impartial to all, he replied: “ Never may I
sit on a tribunal where my friends are to get no
more advantage from me than strangers.” But
Aristides walked the way of statesmanship by him-
_ self, on a private path of his own, as it were, because,
in the first place, he was unwilling to join with any
comrades in wrong-doing, or to vex them by with-
holding favours; and, in the second place, he saw
that power derived from friends incited many to do
wrong, and so was on his guard against it, deeming
217
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καὶ δίκαια πράττειν καὶ λέγειν ἀξιῶν θαρρεῖν τὸν
ἀγαθὸν πολίτην.
III. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλά, πολλὰ κινουμένου τοῦ
Θεμιστοκλέους παραβόλως καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν
αὐτῷ πολιτείαν ἐνισταμένου καὶ διακόπτοντος,
ἠναγκάξζετό πον καὶ αὐτὸς τὰ μὲν ἀμυνόμενος, τὰ
δὲ κολούων τὴν ἐκείνου δύναμιν χάριτι τῶν
πολλῶν αὐξομένην ὑπεναντιοῦσθαι οἷς ἔπραττεν
ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς, βέλτιον ἡγούμενος παρελθεῖν
ἔνια τῶν συμφερόντων τὸν δῆμον ἢ τῷ κρατεῖν
ἐκεῖνον ἐν πᾶσιν ἰσχυρὸν γενέσθαι. τέλος δέ
ποτε τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους πράττοντός τι τῶν
δεόντων ἀντικρούσας καὶ περιγενόμενος οὐ κατέ-
σχεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἶπεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀπιὼν, ὡς
οὐκ ἔστι σωτηρία τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίων πράγμασιν, εἰ
μὴ καὶ Θεμιστοκλέα καὶ αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ βάραθρον
ἐμβάλοιεν. πάλιν δὲ γράψας τινὰ γνώμην εἰς
τὸν δῆμον, ἀντιλογίας οὔσης πρὸς αὐτὴν καὶ
φιλονεικίας, ἐκράτει" μέλλοντος δὲ τοῦ προέδρου
τὸν δῆμον ἐπερωτᾶν αἰσθόμενος ἐκ τῶν λόγων
αὐτῶν τὸ ἀσύμφορον ἀπέστη τοῦ ψηφίσματος.
πολλάκις δὲ καὶ δι ἑτέρων εἰσέφερε τὰς γνώμας,
ὡς μὴ φιλονεικίᾳ τῇ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς
ἐμπόδιος εἴη τῷ συμφέροντι. ;
Θαυμαστὴ δέ τις ἐφαίνετο αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὰς ἐν
τῇ πολιτείᾳ μεταβολὰς ἡ εὐστάθεια, μήτε ταῖς
τιμαῖς ἐπαιρομένονυ πρός τε τὰς δυσημερίας
ἀθορύβως καὶ πράως ἔχοντος, καὶ ὁμοίως ἡγου-
218
320
ARISTIDES
it right that the good citizen should base his con-
fidence only on serviceable and just conduct.
III. However, since Themistocles was a reckless
agitator, and opposed and thwarted him in every
measure of state, Aristides himself also was almost
compelled—partly in self-defence, and partly to
curtail his adversary’s power, which was increasing
through the favour of the many—to set himself in
opposition to what Themistocles was trying to do,
thinking it better that some advantages should es-
cape the people than that his adversary, by pre-
vailing everywhere, should become too strong.
Finally there came a time when he opposed and
defeated Themistocles in an attempt to carry some
really necessary measure. Then he could no longer
hold his peace, but declared, as he left the Assembly,
that there was no safety for the Athenian state
unless they threw both Themistocles and himself
into the death-pit. On another occasion he him-
self introduced a certain measure to the people, and
was carrying it through successfully, in spite of the
attacks of the opposition upon it, but just as the
presiding officer was to put it to the final vote, per-
ceiving, from the very speeches that had been made
in opposition to it, the inexpediency of his measure,
he withdrew it withfout a vote. And oftentimes
he would introduce his measures through other men,
that Themistocles might not be driven by the spirit
of rivalry with him to oppose what was expedient for
the state.
Altogether admirable was his steadfast constancy
amid the revulsions of political feeling. He was not
unduly lifted up by his honours, and faced adversity
with a calm gentleness, while in all cases alike he
219
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
μένου χρῆναι τῇ πατρίδι παρέχειν ἑαυτὸν ov
χρημάτων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δόξης προῖκα καὶ
ἀμισθὶ πολιτευόμενον. ὅθεν, ὡς ἔοικε, τῶν εἰς
᾿Αμφιάραον ὑπ᾽ Αἰσχύλου πεποιημένων ἰαμβείων
ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ λεγομένων"
Οὐ γὰρ δοκεῖν δίκαιος, ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι θέλει,
a » \ \ ᾽
βαθεῖαν ἄλοκα διὰ φρενὸς καρπούμενος,
ἀφ᾽ ἧς τὰ κεδνὰ βλαστάνει βουλεύματα,
πάντες ἀπέβλεψαν εἰς ᾿Αριστείδην, ὡς ἐκείνῳ
μάλιστα τῆς ἀρετῆς ταύτης προσηκούσης.
IV. Οὐ μόνον δὲ πρὸς εὔνοιαν καὶ χάριν, ἀλλὰ
καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ πρὸς ἔχθραν ἰσχυρότατος ἦν
ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων ἀντιστῆναι. λέγεται γοῦν
ποτε διώκων ἐχθρόν ἐν δικαστηρίῳ, μετὰ τὴν
κατηγορίαν οὐ βουλομένων ἀκούειν τοῦ κινδυνεύ-
οντος τῶν δικαστῶν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ψῆφον εὐθὺς
αἰτούντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, ἀναπηδήσας τῷ κρινομένῳ
συνικετεύειν, ὅπως ἀκουσθείη καὶ τύχοι τῶν
νομίμων: πάλιν δὲ κρίνων .ἰδιώταις δυσί, τοῦ
ἑτέρον λέγοντος, ὡς πολλὰ τυγχάνει τὸν ᾿Αρι-
στείδην ὁ ἀντίδικος λελυπηκὼς “Λέγ᾽, ὦ ᾽γαθέ,᾽"
φάναι, “ μᾶλλον, εἴ τι σὲ κακὸν πεποίηκε' σοὶ
γάρ, οὐκ ἐμαυτῷ, δικάξω." τῶν δὲ δημοσίων
προσόδων αἱρεθεὶς ἐπιμελητὴς οὐ μόνον τοὺς
καθ᾽ αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πρὸ αὑτοῦ γενομένους
220
ARISTIDES
considered it his duty to give his services to his
country freely and without any reward, either in
money, or, what meant far more, in reputation.
And so it befell, as the story goes, that when the
verses composed by Aeschylus upon Amphiaraiis were
recited in the theatre :—
‘¢ He wishes not to seem, but rather just to be,
And reap a harvest from deep furrows in a mind
From which there spring up honourable counsel-
lings,” }
all the spectators turned their eyes on Aristides,
feeling that he, above all men, was possessed of such
excellence.
IV. It was not only against the inclinations of his
good-will and personal favour that he was a most
strenuous champion of justice, but also against those
of his anger and hatred. ‘At any rate a story is
told, how he was once prosecuting an enemy in
court, and after he had made his accusation the
judges were loath to hear the defendant at all, and
demanded that their vote be taken against him
straightway ; but Aristides sprang to his feet and
seconded the culprit’s plea for a hearing and the
usual legal procedure. And again, when he was
serving as private arbitrator between two men, on
one of them saying that his opponent had done
Aristides much injury, “Tell me rather,’ he said,
‘whether he has done thee any wrong; it is for
thee, not for myself, that IT am seeking justice.”
When he was elected overseer of the public revenues,
he proved clearly that large sums had been em-
bezzled, not only by his fellow-officials, but also by
1 Seven against Thebes, 592 ff. (Dindorf).
. 221
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἄρχοντας ἀπεδείκνυε πολλὰ νενοσφισμένους, καὶ
μάλιστα τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα",
Σοφὸς γὰρ ἁνήρ, τῆς δὲ χειρὸς οὐ κρατῶν.
Διὸ καὶ συναγαγὼν πολλοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αρι-
στείδην ἐν ταῖς εὐθύναις διώκων κλοπῆς καταδίκῃ
περιέβαλεν, ὥς φησιν ᾿Ιδομενεύς. ἀγανακτούντων
δὲ τῶν πρώτων ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ βελτίστων, οὐ
μόνον ἀφείθη τῆς ξημίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάλιν ἄρχων
ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν διοίκησιν ἀπεδείχθη. προσποι-
ούμενος δὲ τῶν προτέρων μεταμέλειν αὐτῷ καὶ
μαλακώτερον ἐνδιδοὺς ἑαυτόν, ἤρεσκε τοῖς τὰ
κοινὰ κλέπτουσιν οὐκ ἐξελέγχων οὐδ᾽ ἀκριβολο-
γούμενος, ὥστε καταπιμπλαμένους τῶν δημοσίων
ὑπερεπαινεῖν τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην καὶ δεξιοῦσθαι τὸν
δῆμον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, σπουδάξοντας ἄρχοντα πάλιν
αἱρεθῆναι. μελλόντων δὲ χειροτονεῖν ἐπετίμησε
τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις" “Ὅτε μὲν γάρ," ἔφη, “ πιστῶς
καὶ καλῶς ὑμῖν ἦρξα, προὐπηλακίσθην: ἐπεὶ δὲ
πολλὰ τῶν κοινῶν καταπροεῖμαι τοῖς κλέπτουσι
θαυμαστὸς εἷναι δοκῶ πολίτης. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν
αἰσχύνομαι τῇ νῦν τιμῇ μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ πρώην
καταδίκῃ, συνάχθομαι δ᾽ ὑμῖν, παρ᾽ οἷς ἐνδοξό-
τερόν ἐστι τοῦ σώζειν τὰ δημόσια τὸ χαρίζεσθαι
τοῖς πονηροῖς." ταῦτα δ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ τὰς κλοπὰς
ἐξελέγξας τοὺς μὲν τότε βοῶντας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ
μαρτυροῦντας ἐπεστόμισε, τὸν δ᾽ ἀληθινὸν καὶ
δίκαιον ἀπὸ τῶν βελτίστων ἔπαινον εἶχεν.
222
ARISTIDES
those of former years, and particularly by The-
mistocles :—
“Τῇ man was clever, but of his hand had no control.”
For this cause, Themistocles banded many to-
gether against Aristides, prosecuted him for theft at
the auditing of his accounts, and actually got a
verdict against him, according to Idomeneus. But
the first and best men of the city were incensed at
this, and he was not only exempted from his fine,
but even appointed to administer the same charge
again. Then he pretended to repent him of his
former course, and made himself more pliable, thus
giving pleasure to those who were stealing the
common funds by not examining them or holding
them to strict account, so that they gorged them-
selves with ¢he public moneys, and then lauded
Aristides to the skies, and pleaded with the people
in his behalf, eagerly desirous that he be once more
elected to his office. But just as they were about to
vote, Aristides rebuked the Athenians. “ Verily,”
said he, “when I served you in office with fidelity
and honour, I was reviled and persecuted ; but now
that I am flinging away much of the common fund
to thieves, I am thought to be an admirable citizen.
For my part, I am more ashamed of my present
honour than I was of my former condemnation, and
I am sore distressed for you, because it is more
honourable in your eyes to please base men than to
guard the public moneys.” By these words, as well
as by exposing their thefts, he did indeed stop
the mouths of the men who were then testifying
loudly in his favour, but he won genuine and just
praise from the best citizens.
223
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
V. Ἐπεὶ δὲ Δᾶτις ὑπὸ Δαρείου πεμφθεὶς λόγῳ
μὲν ἐπιθεῖναι δίκην ᾿Αθηναίοις, ὅτε Σάρδεις
ἐνέπρησαν, ἔργῳ δὲ καταστρέψασθαι τοὺς “ἘΕλ.-
Anvas, eis Μαραθῶνα παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ κατέσχε
καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπόρθει, τῶν δέκα καθεστώτων
τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον στρατηγῶν
μέγιστον μὲν εἶχεν ἀξίωμα Μιλτιάδης, δόξῃ δὲ
καὶ δυνάμει δεύτερος ἦν ᾿Αριστείδης. καὶ τότε
περὶ τῆς μάχης γνώμῃ τῇ Μιλτιάδου προσθέμενος
οὐ μικρὰν ἐποίησε ῥοπήν" καὶ παρ᾽ ἡμέραν ἑκάστου
στρατηγοῦ τὸ κράτος ἔχοντος, ὡς περιῆλθεν εἰς
αὐτὸν ἡ ἀρχή, παρέδωκε Μιλτιάδῃ, διδάσκων
τοὺς συνάρχοντας, ὅτι τὸ πείθεσθαι καὶ ἀκολου-
θεῖν τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσιν οὐκ αἰσχρόν, ἀλλὰ σεμνόν
ἐστι καὶ σωτήριον. οὕτω δὲ πραὔνας τὴν φιλο-
νεικίαν καὶ προτρεψάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀγαπᾶν μιᾷ
γνώμῃ τῇ κρατίστῃ χρωμένους, ἔρρωσε τὸν Μὰ-
τιάδην τῷ ἀπερισπάστῳ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἰσχυρὸν
γενόμενον. χαίρειν γὰρ ἐῶν ἕκαστος ἤδη τὸ παρ᾽
ἡμέραν ἄρχειν ἐκείνῳ προσεῖχεν.
᾽ν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ μάλιστα τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
τοῦ μέσου πονήσαντος καὶ πλεῖστον ἐνταῦθα
χρόνον τῶν βαρβάρων ἀντερεισάντων κατὰ τὴν
Λεοντίδα καὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιοχίδα φυλήν, ἠγωνίσαντο
λαμπρῶς τεταγμένοι παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους ὅ τε Θεμι-
στοκλῆς καὶ ὁ ᾿Αριστείδης" ὁ μὲν γὰρ Λεοντίδος
ἦν, ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Αντιοχίδος" ἐπεὶ δὲ τρεψάμενοι τοὺς
βαρβάρους ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὰς ναῦς καὶ πλέοντας
οὐκ ἐπὶ νήσων ἑώρων, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ πνεύματος
καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης εἴσω πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν
224
ARISTIDES
V. Now when Datis, on being sent by Darius
ostensibly to punish the Athenians for burning
Sardis, but really to subdue all the Hellenes, put
in at Marathon with all his armament and went to
ravaging the country, then, of the ten generals
appointed by the Athenians for the conduct of the
war, it was Miltiades who enjoyed the greatest con-
sideration, but in reputation and influence Aristides
was second. By adopting at that time the opinion
of Miltiades about the battle to be fought, he did
much to turn the scale in its favour. And since
each general held the chief authority for a single
day in turn, when the command came round to him,
he handed it over to Miltiades, thereby teaching his -
fellow-officers that to obey and follow men of
wisdom is not disgraceful, but dignified and salutary.
By thus appeasing the jealousy of his colleagues and
inducing them to be cheerfully contented in the
adoption of a single opinion (and that the best),
he confirmed Miltiades in the strength which comes
from an unrestricted power. For each of the other
generals at once relinquished his own right to com-
mand for a day in turn, and put himself under the
orders of Miltiades. |
In the battle, the Athenian centre was the hardest
pressed, and it was there that the Barbarians held
their ground the longest, over against the tribes
Leontis and Antiochis. There, then, Themistocles
and Aristides fought brilliantly, ranged side by side ;
for one was a Leontid, the other an Antiochid.
΄ When the Athenians had routed the Barbarians
and driven them aboard their ships, and saw that
they were sailing away, not toward the islands, but
into the gulf toward Attica under compulsion of
225
VOL. 11. Q
-
4
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀποβιαζομένους, φοβηθέντες μὴ τὴν πόλιν ἔρημον
λάβωσι τῶν ἀμυνομένων, ταῖς μὲν ἐννέα φυλαῖς
ἠπείγοντο πρὸς τὸ ἄστυ καὶ κατήνυσαν αὐθημερόν"
ἐν δὲ Μαραθῶνι μετὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ φυλῆς ᾽Αρισ-
τείδης ἀπολειφθεὶς φύλαξ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων καὶ
τῶν λαφύρων οὐκ ἐψεύσατο τὴν δόξαν, ἀλλὰ
χύδην μὲν ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ παρόντος, ἐσθῆτος
δὲ παντοδαπῆς καὶ χρημάτων ἄλλων ἀμυθήτων ἐν
ταῖς σκηναῖς καὶ τοῖς ἡλωκόσι σκάφεσιν ὑπαρ-
’ » 9 3 Ν 3 4 al vy >
χόντων, οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐπεθύμησε θιγεῖν οὔτ᾽ ἄλλον
εἴασε, πλὴν εἴ τινες ἐκεῖνον λαθόντες ὠφελήθησαν"
ὧν ἦν καὶ Καλλίας ὁ δᾳδοῦχος.
Τούτῳ γάρ τις, ὡς ἔοικε, τῶν βαρβάρων προσ-
ἔπεσεν οἰηθεὶς βασιλέα διὰ τὴν κόμην καὶ τὸ
cha Τῶν εἶναι" προσκυνήσας δὲ καὶ λαβόμενος
τῆς δεξιᾶς ἔδειξε πολὺ χρυσίον ἐν λάκκῳ τινὶ
κατορωρυγμένον. ὁ δὲ Καλλίας ἀ ὠμότατος ἀνθρώ-
πων καὶ ,“παρανομώτατος γενόμενος τὸν μὲν χρυ-
σὸν ἀνείλετο, τὸν δ᾽ ἄνθρωπον, ὡς μὴ κατεῦποι
πρὸς ἑτέρους, ἀπέκτεινεν. ἐκ τούτου φασὶ καὶ
λακκοπλούτους ὑπὸ τῶν κωμικῶν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς
οἰκίας λέγεσθαι, σκωπτόντων εἰς τὸν τόπον, ἐν ᾧ
τὸ χρυσίον ὁ Καλλίας εὗρεν.
᾿Αριστείδης δὲ τὴν ἐπώνυμον εὐθὺς ἀ ἀρχὴν ἦρξε.
καίτοι φησὶν ὁ Φαληρεὺς Δημήτριος ἄρξαι τὸν
ἄνδρα μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ θανάτου μετὰ τὴν
ἐν Πλαταιαῖς μάχην. ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἀναγραφαῖς
μετὰ μὲν Ξανθιππίδην, ἐφ᾽ οὗ Μαρδόνιος ἡττήθη
Πλαταιᾶσιν, οὐδ᾽ ὁμώνιμον ᾿Αριστείδην ἐν πάνυ
226
ARISTIDES
wind and wave, then they were afraid lest the
enemy find Athens empty of defenders, and so they
hastened homeward with nine tribes, and reached
the city that very day. But Aristides was left
behind at Marathon with his own tribe, to guard
the captives and the booty. Nor did he belie his
reputation, but- though silver and gold lay about in
heaps, and though there were all sorts of raiment
and untold wealth besides in the tents and captured
utensils, he neither desired to meddle with it him-
self, nor would he suffer any one else to do so,
although certain ones helped themselves without his
knowledge. Among these was Callias the Torch-
bearer.
Some Barbarian, it seems, rushed up to this man,
supposing him to be a king from his long hair and the
headband that he wore, made obeisance to him, and
taking him by the hand in suppliant fashion, showed
him a great mass of gold buried up in a sort of pit.
llias, most savage and lawless of men, took up the
gold; but the man, to prevent his betraying the
matter to others, he slew. From this circumstance,
they say, his descendants are called by the comic
poets “ Laccopluti,” or “ Pit-wealthies,’ in sly
allusion to the place where Callias found his gold.
Aristides at once received the office of. Archon
Eponymous. And yet Demetrius of Phalerum says
that it was a little while before his death, and after
the battle of Plataea, that the man held this office.?
But in the official records, after Xanthippides, in
whose year of office Mardonius was defeated at
Plataea, you cannot find, long as the list is, so much
1 One of the highest officers at the celebration of the
Eleusinian mysteries. 2 479-478 B.c.
227
Q 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πολλοῖς λαβεῖν ἔστι, μετὰ δὲ Φαίνιππον,1 ἐφ᾽ οὗ
τὴν ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχην ἐνίκων, εὐθὺς ᾿Αριστείδης
ἄρχων ἀναγέγραπται.
VI. Πασῶν δὲ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀρετῶν ἡ
δικαιοσύνη μάλιστα τοῖς πολλοῖς αἴσθησιν παρεῖχε
διὰ τὸ τὴν χρείαν ἐνδελεχεστάτην αὐτῆς κα
κοινοτάτην ὑπάρχειν. ὅθεν ἀνὴρ πένης καὶ δημο-
τικὸς ἐκτήσατο τὴν »"βασιλικωτάτην καὶ θειοτάτην
προσηγορίαν τὸν Δίκαιον: ὃ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ
τυράννων οὐδεὶς ἐζήλωσεν, ἀλλὰ Πολιορκηταὶ καὶ
Κεραυνοὶ καὶ Νικάτορες, ἔνιοι δ᾽ “Aerob καὶ
‘Té ἔρακες ἔχαιρον προσαγορευόμενοι, τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς
βίας καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως, ὡς ἔοικε, μᾶλλον ἢ τὴν
ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρετῆς δόξαν ἀγαπῶντες. καΐτοι τὸ
θεῖον, ᾧ γλίχονται συνοικειοῦν καὶ συναφομοιοῦν
αὑτούς, τρισὶ δοκεῖ διαφέρειν, ἀφθαρσίᾳ καὶ
δυνάμει καὶ ἀρετῇ, ὧν Kai? σεμνότατον ἡ ᾿ἀρετὴ
καὶ θειότατόν ἐ ἐστιν. ἀφθάρτῳ μὲν γὰρ εἶναι καὶ
τῷ κενῷ καὶ τοῖς στοιχείοις συμβέβηκε, δύναμιν
δὲ καὶ σεισμοὶ καὶ κεραυνοὶ καὶ πνευμάτων ὁρμαὶ
καὶ ῥευμάτων ἐπιφοραὶ μεγάλην ἔχουσι, δίκης δὲ
καὶ θέμιδος οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ τῷ φρονεῖν καὶ λογίξε-
σθαι μεταλαγχάνει.
Διὸ καὶ τριῶν ὄντων, ἃ πεπόνθασιν οἱ πολλοὶ
πρὸς τὸ θεῖον, ζήλου καὶ φόβου καὶ τιμῆς, ζηλοῦν
rf αὐτοὺς καὶ μακαρίξειν ἐοίκασι κατὰ τὸ ἄ-
τον καὶ ἀΐδιον, ἐκπλήττεσθαι δὲ καὶ δεδιέναι
fea τὸ κύριον καὶ δυνατόν, ἀγαπᾶν δὲ καὶ τιμᾶν
1 Φαίνιππον Bekker, Hercher, and Blass with ΕᾺΝ : Φά-
νιππον. 2 ὧν καὶ Hercher and Blass with S: ὧν.
se λογίζεσθαι Blass: λογίζεσθαι τὸ θεῖον reasoning about the
ay.
228
32
ARISTIDES
as the name Aristides; whereas immediately after
Phaenippus, in whose year of office the victory at
Marathon was won, an Aristides is recorded as
archon.!
VI. Of all his virtues, it was his justice that most
impressed the multitude, because of its most con-
tinual and most general exercise. Wherefore, though
poor and a man of the people, he acquired that most
kingly and godlike surname of “The Just.” This
no kings or tyrants ever coveted, nay, they rejoiced
to be surnamed “ Besiegers,’ or “ Thunderbolts,” or
“ Conquerors,’ and some “ Eagles,’ or “ Hawks,” 2
cultivating the reputation which is based on violence
and power, as it seems, rather than on virtue. And
yet divinity, to which such men are eager to adapt
and conform themselves, is believed to have three
elements of superiority,—incorruption, power, and
virtue ; and the most reverend, the divinest of these,
is virtue. For vacuum and the ultimate elements
partake of incorruption; and great power is ex-
hibited by earthquakes and thunderbolts, and rushing
tornadoes, and invading floods; but in fundamental
justice nothing participates except through the
exercice of intelligent reasoning powers.
Therefore, considering the three feelings which
are generally entertained towards divinity,—envy,
fear, and honourable regard, men seem to envy and
felicitate the deities for their incorruption and per-
petuity ; todread and fear them for their sovereignty
and power; but to love and honour and revere them
1 490-489 B.c.
2 Demetrius Polorcetes; Ptolemy Ceraunos; Seleucus
Nicator; Pyrrhus Aétos ; Antiochus Mteraz.
229
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
4 καὶ σέβεσθαι κατὰ τὴν δικαιοσύνην. ἀλλά,
καΐπερ οὕτω διακείμενοι, τῆς μὲν ἀθανασίας, ἣν ἡ
φύσις ἡμῶν οὐ δέχεται, καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως, ἧς ἐν
τῇ τύχῃ κεῖται τὸ πλεῖστον, ἐπιθυμοῦσι, τὴν
3 b) ’ , 3 lal , 3 an 51"
δ᾽ ἀρετήν, ὃ μόνον ἐστὶ τῶν θείων ἀγαθῶν ἐφ
ἡμῖν, ἐν ὑστέρῳ τίθενται, κακῶς φρονοῦντες, ὡς
Ἁ 9 ’ \ 4 4 \ > A [4 e
τὸν ἐν δυνάμει καὶ τύχῃ μεγάλῃ καὶ ἀρχῇ βίον ἡ
Α ὃ , A n e b 10 ’ 0
μὲν δικαιοσύνη ποιεῖ θεῖον, ἡ δ᾽ ἀδικία θηριώδη.
VII. Τῷ δ᾽ οὖν ᾿Αριστείδῃ συνέβη τὸ πρῶτον
ἀγαπωμένῳ διὰ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ὕστερον φθονεῖ-
σθαι, μάλιστα μὲν τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους λόγον εἰς
τοὺς πολλοὺς διαδιδόντος," ὡς ᾿Αριστείδης ἀνηρη-
κὼς τὰ δικαστήρια τῷ κρίνειν ἅπαντα καὶ δικά-
lA 4 3 ’ ς A
ἕξειν, λέληθε μοναρχίαν ἀδορυφόρητον ἑαυτῷ
κατεσκευασμένος: ἤδη δέ που καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ τῇ
[2 A A A
νίκῃ μέγα φρονῶν καὶ τῶν μεγίστων ἀξιῶν αὑτὸν
ἤχθετο τοῖς ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν ὑπὲρ τοὺς πολλοὺς
2 ἔχουσι. καὶ συνελθόντες εἰς ἄστυ πανταχόθεν
ἐξοστρακίξουσι τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην, ὄνομα τῷ φθόνῳ
an , ’
τῆς δόξης φόβον τυραννίδος θέμενοι.
Μοχθηρίας γὰρ οὐκ ἦν κόλασις ὁ ἐξοστρακισ-
’ 9 > » “A Ἁ 9 > lA Mv \
μὸς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκαλεῖτο μὲν δι᾽ εὐπρέπειαν ὄγκου καὶ
δυνάμεως Baputépas ταπείνωσις καὶ κόλουσις, ἣν
δὲ θό θί 7 θ > 3 ὔ
é φθόνου παραμυθία φιλάνθρωπος, εἰς ἀνήκεστον
> ’ 3 3 > ’ 9 nw ; Ἁ Ἁ
οὐδέν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς μετάστασιν ἐτῶν δέκα τὴν πρὸς
1 τῇ τύχῃ Reiske, Hercher, and Blass with F8S: τύχῃ. ᾿
2 διαδιδόντος Hercher and Blass with F8S: ἐκβαλόντος,
230
ARISTIDES
for their justice. And yet, although men are thus
disposed, it is immortality, of which our nature is
not capable, and power, the chief disposal of which
is in the hands of fortune, that they eagerly desire ;
while as for virtue, the only divine excellence within
our reach, they put it at the bottom of the list,
unwisely too, since a life passed in power and great
fortune and authority needs justice to make it
᾿ divine; by injustice it is made bestial.
VII. Now, to resume, it befell Aristides to be
loved at first because of this surname, but afterwards
to be jealously hated, especially when Themistocles
set the story going among the multitude that
Aristides had done away with the public courts
of justice by his determining and judging everything
_in private, and that, without any one perceiving it,
he had established for himself a monarchy, saving
only the armed body-guard. And_ besides, the
people too must by this time have become greatly
elated over their victory; they thought nothing too
good for themselves, and were therefore vexed with
those who towered above the multitude in name and
reputation. So they assembled in the city from all
the country round, and ostracized Aristides, giving
to their envious dislike of his reputation the name of
fear of tyranny.
Now the sentence of ostracism was not a chastise-
ment of base practices, nay, it was speciously called
a humbling and docking of oppressive prestige and
power; but it was really a merciful exorcism of the
spirit of jealous hate, which thus vented its malig-
nant desire to injure, not in some irreparable evil,
?
231
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
3 τὸ λυποῦν ἀπερειδομένονυ δυσμένειαν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽
ἤρξαντό τινες ἀνθρώπους ἀγεννεῖς καὶ πονηροὺς
ὑποβάλλειν τῷ πράγματι, τελευταῖον ἁπάντων
Ὑπέρβολον ἐξοστρακίσαντες ἐπαύσαντο. λέγεται
δὲ τὸν Ὑπέρβολον ἐξοστρακισθῆναι διὰ τοιαύτην
αἰτίαν. ᾿Αλκιβιάδης καὶ Νικίας μέγιστον ἐν τῇ
πόλει δυνάμενοι διεστασίαζον. ὡς οὖν ὁ δῆμος
ἔμελλε φέρειν τὸ ὄστρακον καὶ δῆλος ἣν τὸν
ἕτερον γράψων, διαλεχθέντες ἀλλήλοις καὶ τὰς
στάσεις ἑκατέρας εἰς ταὐτὸ συναγαγόντες τὸν
4 “Ὑπέρβολον ἐξοστρακισθῆναι παρεσκεύασαν. ἐκ
δὲ τούτου δυσχεράνας ὁ ὁ δῆμος ὡς καθυβρισμένον
τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ προπεπηλακισμένον ἀφῆκε παν-
τελῶς καὶ κατέλυσεν.
"Hp δὲ τοιοῦτον, ὡς τύπῳ φράσαι, τὸ γινόμενον.
ὄστρακον λαβὼν ἕκαστος καὶ γράψας ὃν ἐβού-
λετο μεταστῆσαι τῶν πολιτῶν, ἔφερεν εἰς ἕνα τό-
πον τῆς ἀγορᾶς περιπεφραγμένον ἐν κύκλῳ
5 δρυφάκτοις. οἱ δ᾽ ἄρχοντες πρῶτον μὲν διηρίθ.
μουν τὸ σύμπαν ἐν ταὐτῷ τῶν ὀστράκων πλῆθος:
εἰ γὰρ ἑξακισχιλίων ἐλόττονες, οἱ φέροντες | : εἶεν,
ἀτελὴς ἦν ὁ ἐξοστρακισμός: ἔπειτα τῶν ὀνομά-
των ἕκαστον ἰδίᾳ θέντες τὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πλείστων
γεγραμμένον ἐξεκήρυττον εἰς ἔτη δέκα, καρπού-
μενον τὰ αὑτοῦ.
Tpadopever οὖν τότε τῶν ὀστράκων λέγεταί 328
τίνα τῶν ἀγραμμάτων καὶ “παντελῶς ay οἴκων
ἀναδόντα τῷ ᾿Αριστείδῃ τὸ ὄστρακον ὡς ἐνὶ τῶν
τυχόντων παρακαλεῖν, ὅπως ᾿Αριστείδην ἐγγρά-
qd ψειε. τοῦ δὲ θαυμάσαντος καὶ πυθομένου, μή τι
1 φέροντες Blass with ΕΑΝ : γράψαντες.
232
ARISTIDES .
but in a mere change of residence for ten years.
And when ignoble men of the baser sort came to be
subjected to this penalty, it ceased to be inflicted at
all, and {eto was the last to be thus ostracized.!
It is said that Hyperbolus was ostracized for the
following, reason. Alcibiades and Nicias had the
greatest power in the state, and were at odds.
Accordingly, when the people were about to exercise
the ostracism, and were clearly going to vote against
one or the other of these two men, they came to
terms with one another, united their opposing
factions, and effected the ostracism of Hyperbolus.
The people were incensed at this for they felt that
the institution had been insulted and abused, and so
they abandoned it utterly and put an end to it.
The method of procedure—to give a general out-
line—was as follows. Each voter took an ostrakon,
or potsherd, wrote on it the name of that citizen
whom he wished to remove from the city, and
brought it to a place in the agora which was all
fenced about with railings. The archons first counted
the total number of ostraka cast. For if the voters
were less than six thousand, the ostracism was void.
Then they separated the names, and the man who
had received the most votes they proclaimed banished
for ten years, with the right to enjoy the income
from his property.
Now at the time of which I was speaking, as the
voters were inscribing their ostraka, it is said that an
unlettered and utterly boorish fellow handed his
ostrakon to Aristides, whom he took to be one of the
ordinary crowd, and asked him to write Aristides on
it. He, astonished, asked the man what possible
1 About 417 B.c. Cf. Nicias, xi., Alcibiades, xiii.
233
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
κακὸν αὐτὸν ᾿Αριστείδης. πεποίηκεν, “ Οὐδέν,"
εἶπεν, “οὐδὲ γιγνώσκω τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνο-
χλοῦμαι πανταχοῦ τὸν Δίκαιον ἀκούων." ταῦτα
ἀκούσαντα τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην ἀποκῥίνασθαε μὲν
οὐδέν, ἐγγράψαι δὲ τοὔνομα τῷ ὀστράκῳ καὶ
ἀποδοῦναι. τῆς δὲ πόλεως ἀπαλλαττόμενος ἤδη,
τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν εὔξατο
τὴν ἐναντίαν, ὡς ὄοικεν, εὐχὴν τῷ ᾿Αχιλλεῖ,
μηδένα καιρὸν ᾿Αθηναίους καταλαβεῖν, ὃς ἀναγ-
κάσει τὸν δῆμον ᾿Αριστείδου μνησθῆναι. |
VIII. Τρίτῳ δ᾽ ἔτει Ἐέρξου διὰ Θετταλίας
καὶ Βοιωτίας ἐλαύνοντος ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αττικήν, λύ-
σαντες τὸν νόμον ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς μεθεστῶσι
κάθοδον, μάλιστα φοβούμενοι τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην,
μὴ προσθέμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις διαφθείρῃ καὶ
μεταστήσῃ πολλοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς τὸν
βάρβαρον, οὐκ ὀρθῶς στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ ἀνδρός,
ὅς γε καὶ πρὸ τοῦ δόγματος τούτου διετέλει
προτρέπων καὶ παροξύνων. τοὺς “Ἕλληνας ἐπὶ
τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, καὶ μετὰ τὸ δόγμα τοῦτο,
Θεμιστοκλέους στρατηγοῦντος αὐτοκράτορος,
πάντα συνέπραττε καὶ συνεβούλευεν, ἐνδοξό-
τατον ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ κοινῇ ποιῶν τὸν ἔχθιστον.
Ὥς γὰρ ἀπολιπεῖν τὴν Σαλαμῖνα βουλευο-
μένων τῶν περὶ Εὐρυβιάδην αἱ βαρβαρικαὶ
τριήρεις γύκτωρ ἀναχθεῖσαι. καὶ περιβαλοῦσαι
τόν τε πόρον ἐν κύκλῳ καὶ τὰς νήσους κατεῖχον,
οὐδενὸς προειδότος τὴν κύκλωσιν ἧκεν ὁ ᾿Αρι-
στείδης ἀπ᾿ Αἰγίνης παραβόλως διὰ τῶν
234
ARISTIDES
wrong Aristides had done him. “None whatever,’
was the answer, “I don’t even know the fellow, but
Iam tired of hearing him everywhere called ‘The
Just.’”” On hearing this, Aristides made no answer,
but wrote his name on the ostrakon and handed it
back. Finally, as he was departing the city, he
lifted up his hands to heaven and prayed—a prayer
the opposite, as it seems, of that which Achilles
made !—that no crisis might overtake the Athenians
which should compel the people to remember
Aristides.
VIII. But in the third year thereafter,?, when
Xerxes was marching through Thessaly and Boeotia
against Attica, they repealed their law of ostracism,
and voted that those who had been sent away under
it might return. The chief reason for this was their
fear of Aristides, lest he attach himself to the
enemy’s cause, and corrupt and pervert many of his
fellow-citizens to.the side of the Barbarian. But
they much misjudged the man. Even before this
decree of theirs, he was ever inciting and urging
the Hellenes to win their freedom; and after it was
passed, when Themistocles was general with sole
powers, he assisted him in every undertaking and
counsel, although he thereby, for the sake of the
general safety, made his chiefest foe the most
famous of men.
Thus when Eurybiades wished to abandon Salamis,
but the Barbarian triremes, putting out by night, had
encompassed the strait where he lay round about,
and had beset the islands therein, and no Hellene
knew of this encompassment, Aristides came over to
them from Aegina, venturously sailing through the
1 Jiad i. 407-412. 2 480 B.C.
239
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πολεμίων νεῶν διεκπλεύσας" καὶ νυκτὸς ἐλθὼν
ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ καλέσας
αὐτὸν ἔξω “μόνον “ Ἡμεῖς," εἶπεν, “ὦ Θεμε-
στόκλεις, εἰ σωφρονοῦμεν, ἤδη τὴν κενὴν καὶ
μειρακιώδη στάσιν ἀφέντες ἀρξώμεθα σωτηρίου
καὶ καλῆς φιλονεικίας πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἁμιλλώ.-.
μενοι σῶσαι τὴν Ἑλλάδα, σὺ μὲν ἄρχων καὶ
στρατηγῶν, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὑπουργῶν καὶ συμβουλεύων,
ἐπεὶ καὶ νῦν σε πυνθάνομαι μόνον ἅπτεσθαι τῶν
ἀρίστων λογισμῶν, κελεύοντα διαναυμαχεῖν ἐν
τοῖς στενοῖς τὴν ταχίστην. καί σοι τῶν συμ-
μάχων ἀντιπραττόντων οἱ πολέμιοι συνεργεῖν
ἐοίκασι" τὸ γὰρ ἐν κύκλῳ καὶ κατόπιν ἤδη
πέλαγος ἐμπέπλησται νεῶν πολεμίων, ὥστε καὶ
τοὺς μὴ “θέλοντας ἀνάγκῃ κατείληφεν ἀγαθοὺς
ἄνδρας εἶναι καὶ μάχεσθαι: φυγῆς γὰρ ὁδὸς οὐ
λέλειπται." πρὸς ταῦτα ὃ Θεμιστοκλῆς εἶπεν"
a Οὐκ ἂν ἐβουλόμην, ὦ ᾿Αριστείδη, σὲ κατὰ
τοῦτό μου κρείττονα γενέσθαι, πειράσομαι δὲ
πρὸς καλὴν ἀρχὴν ἁμιλλώμενος ὑπερβάλλεσθαι
τοῖς ἔργοις. ἅμα δ᾽ αὐτῷ φράσας τὴν ὑφ᾽
ἑαυτοῦ κατασκευασθεῖσαν ἀπάτην πρὸς τὸν
βάρβα ον, παρεκάλει πείθειν τὸν Εὐρυβιάδην
καὶ δι ἄσκειν, ὡς ἀμή ανόν ἐστι σωθῆναι μὴ
ναυμαχήσαντας" εἶχε γὰρ αὐτοῦ μᾶλλον πίστιν.
ὅθεν ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰπόντος
Κλεοκρίτου τοῦ Κορινθίου πρὸς τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα,
pnd ᾿Αριστείδῃ τὴν γνώμην ἀρέσκειν αὐτοῦ,
παρόντα γὰρ σιωπᾶν, ἀντεῖπεν ὁ ᾿Αριστείδης, ὡς
οὐκ ἂν ἐσιώπα μὴ λέγοντος τὰ “ἄριστα τοῦ
Θεμιστοκλέους: νῦν & ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν οὐ δι
εὔνοιαν τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ τὴν γνώμην ἐπαινῶν.
236
ARISTIDES
enemy's ships. He went at once by night to the
tent of Themistocles, and called him forth alone.
“0 Themistocles,” said he, “if we are wise, we shall
at last lay aside our vain and puerile contention, and
begin a salutary and honourable rivalry with one
another in emulous struggles to save Hellas, thou as
commanding general, I as assistant counsellor, since
at the very outset I learn that thou art the only one
who has adopted the best policy, urging as thou
dost to fight a decisive sea-fight here in the narrows
as soon as may be. And though thine allies oppose
thee, thy foes would seem to assist thee; for the sea
round about and behind us is already filled with
hostile ships, so that even our unwilling ones must
now of necessity be brave men and fight. Indeed,
no way of escape is left.’’ To this Themistocles
replied : “I should not have wished, O Aristides, to
find thee superior to me here; but I shall try to
emulate thy fair beginning, and to surpass thee in
my actions.” At the same time he told Aristides of
the trick that he had contrived against the Barbarian,
and entreated him to show Eurybiades convincingly,
inasmuch as he had the greater credit with that
commander, that there was no safety except in a
sea-fight. So it happened in the council of generals
that Cleocritus the Corinthian declared to The-
mistocles that Aristides also was opposed to his plan,
since he, though present, held his peace. Aristides
at once replied that he would not have held his
peace had not Themistocles counselled for the best ;
but as it was, he kept quiet, not out of any good-
will to the- man, but because he approved of his
plan.
237
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
IX. Οἱ μὲν οὖν ναύαρχοι τῶν Ἑλλήνων ταῦτ᾽
ἔπραττον. ᾿Αριστείδης δ᾽ ὁρῶν τὴν Ψυττάλειαν,
ἣ πρὸ τῆς Σαλαμῖνος ἐν τῷ πόρῳ κεῖται νῆσος
οὐ μεγάλη, πολεμίων ἀν ρῶν μεστὴν οὖσαν,
ἐμβιβάσας εἰς ὑπηρετικὰ τοὺς προθυμοτάτους
καὶ μαχιμωτάτους τῶν. πολιτῶν “προσέμιξε τῇ
Ψυτταλείᾳ, καὶ μάχην πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους
συνάψας ἀπέκτεινε πάντας, πλὴν ὅσοι τῶν ἐπι-
φανῶν ζῶντες ἥλωσαν. ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἦσαν
ἀδελφῆς βασιλέως ὄ ὄνομα Σανδαύκης τρεῖς παῖδες,
ods εὐθὺς ἀπέστειλε πρὸς τὸν Θεμεστοκλέα:
καὶ λέγονται κατά τι λόγιον, τοῦ μάντεως
Εὐφραντίδου κελεύσαντος, ὠμηστῇ Διονύσῳ καθ-
ιερευθῆναι. τὴν δὲ νησῖδα τοῖς ὅπλοις παντα-
χόθεν ὃ ᾿Αριστείδης “περιστέψας ἐφήδρευε ᾿ τοῖς
ἐκφερομένοις πρὸς αὐτήν, ὡς μήτε τῶν φίλων
τινὰ διαφθαρῆναι μήτε τῶν πολεμίων διαφυγεῖν.
ὁ γὰρ πλεῖστος ὠθισμὸς τῶν νεῶν καὶ ,Τῆς
μάχης τὸ καρτερώτατον. ἔοικε περὶ τὸν τόπον
ἐκεῖνον γενέσθαι" διὸ καὶ τρόπαιον ἕστηκεν ἐν
τῇ Ψυτταλείᾳ.
Μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἀ ἀποπειρώ-
μενος τοῦ ᾿Αριστείδου καλὸν μὲν εἶναι καὶ τὸ
πεπραγμένον αὐτοῖς ἔργον ἔλεγε, κρεῖττον δὲ
λείπεσθαι τὸ λαβεῖν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν,
ἀναπλεύσαντας εἰς “Ἑλλήσποντον τὴν ταχίατην
καὶ τὰ ξεύγματα > διακόψαντας. ἐπεὶ δ ᾿Αρι-
στεΐίδης ἀνακραγὼν τοῦτον μὲν ἐκέλενε τὸν λόγον
καταβαλεῖν, σκοπεῖν δὲ καὶ ζητεῖν, ὅπως τὴν
ταχίστην ἐκβάλωσι τὸν Μῆδον ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος,
μὴ κατακλεισθεὶς ἀπορίᾳ φυγῆς μετὰ τοσαύτης
1 σὰ ζεύγματα Hercher and Blass with FaS: τὸ ζεῦγμα,
238
3
ARISTIDES
IX. While the captains of the Hellenes were
acting on this plan, Aristides noticed that Psyttaleia,
a small island lying in the straits in front of Salamis,
was full of the enemy. He therefore embarked
in small boats the most ardent and the most
warlike of the citizens, made a landing on Psyttaleia,
joined battle with the Barbarians, and slew them
all, save the few conspicuous men who were taken
alive. Among these were three sons of the King’s
sister Sandaucé,! whom he straightway sent to
Themistocles, and it is said that, in obedience
to some oracle or other, and at the bidding of
Euphrantides the seer, they were sacrificed to
Dionysus Carnivorous. Then Aristides lined the
islet all round with his hoplites, and lay in wait
for any who should be cast up there, that no
friend might perish, and no foe escape. For the
greatest crowding of the ships, and the most
strenuous part of the battle, seems to have been
in this region. And for this reason a trophy was
erected on Psyttaleia.
After the battle, Themistocles, by way of sounding
Aristides, said that the deed they had now
performed was a noble one, but a greater still
remained, and that was to capture Asia in Europe,
by sailing up to the Hellespont as fast as they could
and cutting in twain the bridges there. But
Aristides cried out with a loud voice and bade
him abandon the proposal, and seek rather with
all diligence how they might most speedily expel
the Mede from Hellas, lest, being shut in and
unable to make his escape, from sheer necessity
1 Cf. Themistocles, xiii. 2.
239
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δυνάμεως τραπῇ πρὸς ἄμυναν ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης, οὕτω
πέμπει πάλιν ᾿Αρνάκην εὐνοῦχον ὃ Θεμιστοκλῆς
ἐκ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων κρύφα, φράσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ
κελεύσας, ὅτι πλεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς γεφύρας ὠρμη μένοις
τοὺς “Ἕλληνας αὐτὸς ἀποστρέψειε σώξεσθαι
βασιλέα βουλόμενος.
X. Ἔκ τούτου Ἐέρξης μὲν περίφοβος γενό-
μενος εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον ἠπείγετο,
Μα δόνιος δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ δοκιμώτατον * ἔχων
περὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδας ὑπελείπετο, καὶ ὃ;
βερὸς ἦ ἣν ἀπ᾽ ἰσχυρᾶς τῆς περὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἐλπί
ἀπειλῶν τοῖς “ἕλλησει καὶ γράφων τοιαῦτα'
es Νενικήκατε θαλασσίοις ξύλοις χερσαίους ἀν-
θρώπους οὐκ ἐπισταμένους κώπην ἐλαύνειν" ἀλλὰ
νῦν πλατεῖα μὲν ἡ Θετταλῶν γῆ, καλὸν δὲ τὸ
Βοιώτιον πεδίον ἀγαθοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ ὁπλίταις
ἐναγωνίσασθαι." πρὸς δὲ ᾿Αθηναίους ἔπεμψεν
ἰδίᾳ γράμματα καὶ λόγους παρὰ βασιλέως, τήν
TE πόλιν αὐτοῖς ἀναστήσειν ἐπαγγελλομένου καὶ
χρήματα πολλὰ δώσειν καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων
κυρίους καταστήσειν ἐκποδὼν τοῦ πολέμου γενο-
μένους.
Οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πυθόμενοι ταῦτα καὶ
δείσαντες ἔπεμψαν ᾿Αθήναξζε πρέσβεις, δεόμενοι
τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, ὅπως παῖδας μὲν καὶ γυναῖκας
εἰς Σπάρτην ἀποστείλωσι, τοῖς δὲ πρεσβυτέροις
τροφὰς παρ᾽ αὐτῶν λαμβάνωσιν' ἰσχυρὰ γὰρ
ἦν ἀπορία περὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀπολωλεκότα καὶ
τὴν 2 χώραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν
πρέσβεων ἀκούσαντες, ᾿Αριστείδον ψήφισμα
1 δυο eee Blass with ΕᾺΒ : μαχιμώτατον.
2 καὶ τὴν Hercher and Blass with F4S: τὴν.
240
ARISTIDES
he throw this vast force of his upon the defensive.
So Themistocles sent once more the eunuch Arnaces,!
a prisoner of war, bidding him tell the King that
the Hellenes had actually set out on a voyage
to attack the bridges, but that he, Themistocles,
had succeeded in turning them back, wishing to
save the King.
X. At this Xerxes grew exceeding fearful, and
hurried straight to the Hellespont; but Mardonius,
with the flower of the army, to the number of
three hundred thousand men, was left behind.
He was a formidable adversary, and because his
confidence in his infantry was strong, he wrote
threateningly to the Hellenes, saying: “Ye have
conquered with your maritime timbers landsmen
who know not how to ply the oar; but now, broad
is the land of Thessaly and fair the plain of Boeotia
for brave horsemen and men-at-arms to contend
in.” But to the Athenians he sent separate letters
and proposals from the King, who promised to
rebuild their city, give them much money, and
make them lords of the Hellenes, if only they
would cease fighting against him.
When the Lacedaemonians learned this, they
took fright, and sent an embassy to Athens, begging
the Athenians to despatch their wives and children
to Sparta, and to accept from her a support for’
their aged and infirm; for great was the distress
among the people, since it had so recently lost
both land and city. However, after listening to
the embassy, on motion of Aristides, they answered
1 Cf. Themistocles, xvi. 2 f.
241
VOL, II. R
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
γράψαντος, ἀπεκρίναντο θαυμαστὴν ἀπόκρισιν,
τοῖς μὲν πολεμίοις συγγνώμην ἔχειν φάσκοντες, εἰ
πάντα πλούτου καὶ χρημάτων ava νομίζξοιεν,
2 a LNB! » 3 / N
ὧν κρεῖττον οὐδὲν ἴσασιν, ὀργίζεσθαι δὲ Aaxedat-
μονίοις, ὅτι τὴν πενίαν καὶ «τἣν ἀπορίαν τὴν νῦν
παροῦσαν ᾿Αθηναίοις μόνον ὁρῶσι, τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς
καὶ τῆς φιλοτιμίας ἀμνημονοῦσιν ἐπὶ σιτίοις
ὑπὲρ τῆς Ελλάδος ἀγωνίζεσθαι παρακαλοῦντες.
A 7 4 4 A 4
ταῦτα γράψας ᾿Αριστείδης καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις
εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παραγαγών, Λακεδαιμονίοις
μὲν ἐκέλευσε φράξειν, ὡς οὐκ ἔστι χρυσοῦ
΄“ A 47m? ς A An 4m? e \ A
τοσοῦτον πλῆθος οὔθ᾽ ὑπὲρ γῆν οὔθ᾽ ὑπὸ γῆν,
ὅσον ᾿Αθηναῖοι δέξαιντο ἂν πρὸ τῆς τῶν ‘EX-
λήνων ἐλευθερίας. τοῖς δὲ παρὰ Μαρδονίου τὸν
ἥλιον δείξας, “ἴΑχρε ἂν οὗτος, ἔφη, “ ταύτην
πορεύηται τὴν πορείαν, ᾿Αθηναῖοι πολεμήσουσι
Πέρσαις ὑπὲρ τῆς δεδῃωμένης χώρας καὶ τῶν
ἠσεβημένων καὶ κατακεκαυμένων ἱερῶν." ἔτι δὲ
ἀρὰς θέσθαι τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔγραψεν, εἴ τις ἐπικη-
7 7 A \ ’ 4 ’Ὄ
ρυκεύσαιτο Μήδοις ἢ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἀπολίποι
la) ς /
τῶν EAAnvov.
᾿Εμβαλόντος δὲ Μαρδονίου τὸ δεύτερον eis τὴν
᾿Αττικήν, αὖθις εἰς Σαλαμῖνα διεπέρασαν. ᾿᾽Αρι-
στείδης δὲ πεμφθεὶς εἰς Λακεδαίμονα τῆς μὲν
βραδυτῆτος αὐτοῖς ἐνεκάλει καὶ τῆς ὀλυγωρίας,
προεμένοις αὖθις τῷ βαρβάρῳ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας,
ἠξίου δὲ πρὸς. τὰ ἔτε σωζόμενα τῆς “Ἑλλάδος
nn nw 4 7 4 ΝΜ 9
βοηθεῖν. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ "Εφοροι μεθ᾽ 43]
242
ARISTIDES
with an admirable answer, declaring that they
could be tolerant with their foes for supposing
that everthing was to be bought for wealth and
money, since their foes could conceive of nothing
higher than these things; but they were indignant
at the Lacedaemonians for having an eye only
to the penury and indigence that now reigned
at Athens, and for being so unmindful of the valour
and ambition of the Athenians as to exhort them
to contend for Hellas merely to win their rations.
When Aristides had made this motion and _ had
introduced the waiting embassies into the Assembly,
he bade the Lacedaemonians tell their people that
there was not bulk of gold above or below ground
so large that the Athenians would take it in
payment for the freedom of the Hellenes; and to
the messengers of Mardonius he said, pointing to
the sun: “As long as yonder sun journeys his
appointed journey, so long will the Athenians wage
war against the Persians in behalf of the land
which has been ravaged by them and of the
temples which they have defiled and consumed
with fire.” Still further, he made a motion that
the priests should solemnly curse all who came to
a parley with the Medes or forsook the alliance of
the Hellenes.
When Mardonius for the second time invaded’
Attica, again the people crossed over to Salamis.
Then Aristides, who had been sent as envoy to
Lacedaemon, inveighed against their sluggishness
and indifference, in that they had once more
abandoned Athens to the Barbarian, and demanded
that they go to the aid of what was still left of
Hellas. On hearing this, the Ephors, as long as
243
R 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
κακὸν αὐτὸν ᾿Αριστείδης πεποίηκεν, “ Οὐδέν,"
. co 288 , Low 1% 2
εἶπεν, “ οὐδὲ γυγνώσκω τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἀλλ᾽ évo-
χλοῦμαι πανταχοῦ τὸν Δίκαιον ἀκούων. ταῦτα
[4 .4-. : ~
ἀκούσαντα τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην ἀποκῥίνασθαι μὲν
οὐδέν, ἐγγράψαι δὲ τοὔνομα τῷ ὀστράκῳ καὶ
ἀποδοῦναι. τῆς δὲ πόλεως ἀπαλλαττόμενος ἤδη,
τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν εὔξατο
A > J e 3 \ A 3 a
τὴν ἐναντίαν, ὡς ὄοικεν, εὐχὴν τῷ ᾿Αχιλλεῖ,
, ‘ 3 , A a 3
μηδένα καιρὸν ᾿Αθηναίους καταλαβεῖν, ὃς ἀναγ-
κάσει τὸν δῆμον ᾿Αριστείδου μνησθῆναι.
VIII. Τρίτῳ δ᾽ ἔτει Ξέρξου διὰ Θετταλίας
καὶ Βοιωτίας ἐλαύνοντος ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αττικήν, λύ-
σαντες τὸν νόμον ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς μεθεστῶσι
κάθοδον, μάλιστα φοβούμενοι τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην,
AY , an , , A
μὴ προσθέμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις διαφθείρῃ καὶ
μεταστήσῃ πολλοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς τὸν
, 3 a ’ fo) /
βάρβαρον, οὐκ ὀρθῶς στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ ἀνδρός,
ὅς γε καὶ πρὸ τοῦ δόγματος τούτου διετέλει
“ \ ’ \ cf > Ν
προτρέπων καὶ παροξύνων τοὺς “EAAnvas ἐπὶ
τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, καὶ μετὰ τὸ δόγμα τοῦτο,
Θεμιστοκλέους στρατηγοῦντος αὐτοκράτορος,
/
πάντα συνέπραττε καὶ συνεβούλευεν, ἐνδοξό-
τατον ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ κοινῇ ποιῶν τὸν ἔχθιστον.
Ὥ \ 2 a \ > a
ς yap ἀπολιπεῖν τὴν Σαλαμῖνα βουλευο-
4 A 3 4, e \
μένων τῶν περὶ Εὐρυβιάδην αἱ βαρβαρικαὶ
τριήρεις νύκτωρ ἀναχθεῖσαι καὶ περιβαλοῦσαι
τόν τε πόρον ἐν κύκλῳ καὶ τὰς νήσους κατεῖχον,
οὐδενὸς προειδότος τὴν κύκλωσιν ἧκεν ὁ ᾽Αρι-
στείδης ἀπ᾿ Αἰγίνης παραβόλως διὰ τῶν
234
ARISTIDES
wrong Aristides had done him. ‘None whatever,”
was the answer, “I don’t even know the fellow, but
Iam tired of hearing him everywhere called ‘The
Just.’”” On hearing this, Aristides made no answer,
but wrote his name on the ostrakon and handed it
back. Finally, as he was departing the city, he
lifted up his hands to heaven and prayed—a prayer
the opposite, as it seems, of that which Achilles
made !—that no crisis might overtake the Athenians
which should compel the people to remember
Aristides.
VIII. But in the third year thereafter,?, when
Xerxes was marching through Thessaly and Boeotia
against Attica, they repealed their law of ostracism,
and voted that those who had been sent away under
it might return. The chief reason for this was their
fear of Aristides, lest he attach himself to the
enemy’s cause, and corrupt and pervert many of his
fellow-citizens to the side of the Barbarian. But
they much misjudged the man. Even before this
decree of theirs, he was ever inciting and urging
the Hellenes to win their freedom; and after it was
passed, when Themistocles was general with sole
powers, he assisted him in every undertaking and
counsel, although he thereby, for the sake of the
general safety, made his chiefest foe the most
famous of men.
Thus when Eurybiades wished to abandon Salamis,
but the Barbarian triremes, putting out by night, had
encompassed the strait where he lay round about,
and had beset the islands therein, and no Hellene
knew of this encompassment, Aristides came over to
them from Aegina, venturously sailing through the
1 liad i, 407-412, ὁ 2 480 B.c.
235
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πολεμίων νεῶν διεκπλεύσας" καὶ νυκτὸς ἐλθὼν
ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ καλέσας
αὐτὸν ἔξω “μόνον “ Ἡμεῖς," εἶπεν, “@ Θεμε-
στόκλεις, εἰ σωφρονοῦμεν, ἤδη τὴν κενὴν καὶ
μειρακιώδη στάσιν ἀφέντες ἀρξώμεθα σωτηρίου
καὶ καλῆς φιλονεικίας πρὸς ἀχλήλους ἁμιλλώ-
μενοι σῶσαι τὴν Ἑλλάδα, σὺ μὲν ἄρχων καὶ
στρατηγῶν, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὑπουργῶν καὶ συμβουλεύων,
ἐπεὶ καὶ νῦν σε πυνθάνομαι μόνον ἅπτεσθαι τῶν
ἀρίστων λογισμῶν, κελεύοντα διαναυμαχεῖν ἐν
τοῖς στενοῖς τὴν ταχίστην. καί σοι τῶν συμ-
μά ων ἀντιπραττόντων οἱ πολέμιοι συνεργεῖν
ἐοίκασι" τὸ γὰρ ἐν κύκλῳ καὶ κατόπιν ἤδη
πέλαγος ἐμπέπλησται. νεῶν πολεμίων, ὥστε καὶ
τοὺς μὴ θέλοντας ἀνάγκῃ κατείληφεν ἀγαθοὺς
ἄνδρας εἶναι καὶ μάχεσθαι: φυγῆς γὰρ ὁδὸς οὐ
λέλειπται." πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς εἶπεν"
- Οὐκ ἂν ἐβουλόμην, ὦ ᾿Αριστείδη, σὲ κατὰ
τοῦτό μου « εἰττονα γενέσθαι, πειράσομαι δὲ
πρὸς καλὴν ἀρχὴν ἁμιλλώμενος ὑπερβάλλεσθαι
τοῖς ἔργοις. ἅμα δ᾽ αὐτῷ φράσας τὴν ὑφ᾽
ἑαυτοῦ κατασκευασθεῖσαν ἀπάτην πρὸς τὸν
βάρβα ον, παρεκάλει “πείθειν τὸν Εὐρυβιάδην
καὶ δι doKew, ὡς ἀμή ανόν ἐστι σωθῆναι μὴ
ναυμαχήσαντας" εἶχε yap αὐτοῦ μᾶλλον πίστιν.
ὅθεν ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰπόντος
Κλεοκρίτου τοῦ Κορινθίου πρὸς τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα,
μηδ᾽ ᾿Αριστεΐίδῃ τὴν γνώμην ἀρέσκειν αὐτοῦ,
παρόντα γὰρ σιωπᾶν, ἀντεῖπεν ὁ ᾿Αριστείδης, ὡς
οὐκ ἂν ἐσιώπα μὴ λέγοντος τὰ ἄριστα τοῦ
Θεμιστοκλέους: νῦν & ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν οὐ δι᾽
εὔνοιαν τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ τὴν γνώμην ἐπαινῶν.
236
ARISTIDES
enemy's ships. He went at once by night to the
tent of Themistocles, and called him forth alone.
“«Ὁ Themistocles,” said he, “if we are wise, we shall
at last lay aside our vain and puerile contention, and
begin a salutary and honourable rivalry with one
another in emulous struggles to save Hellas, thou as
commanding general, I as assistant counsellor, since
at the very outset I learn that thou art the only one
who has adopted the best policy, urging as thou
dost to fight a decisive sea-fight here in the narrows
as soon as may be. And though thine allies oppose
thee, thy foes would seem to assist thee; for the sea
round about and behind us is already filled with
hostile ships, so that even our unwilling ones must
now of necessity be brave men and fight. Indeed,
no way of escape is left.” To this Themistocles
replied : “I should not have wished, O Aristides, to
find thee superior to me here; but I shall try to
emulate thy fair beginning, and to surpass thee in
my actions.” At the same time he told Aristides of
the trick that he had contrived against the Barbarian,
and entreated him to show Eurybiades convincingly,
inasmuch as he had the greater credit with that
commander, that there was no safety except in a
sea-fight. So it happened in the council of generals
that Cleocritus the Corinthian declared to The-
mistocles that Aristides also was opposed to his plan,
since he, though present, held his peace. Aristides
at once replied that he would not have held his
peace had not Themistocles counselled for the best ;
but as it was, he kept quiet, not out of any good-
will to the: man, but because he approved of his
plan.
237
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
IX. Οἱ μὲν οὗν ναύαρχοι τῶν Ἑλλήνων ταῦτ'
ἔπραττον. ᾿Αριστείδης. δ᾽ ὁρῶν τὴν Ψυττάλειαν,
ἣ πρὸ τῆς Σαλαμῖνος ἐν τῷ πόρῳ κεῖται νῆσος
οὐ μεγάλη, πολεμίων av ρῶν μεστὴν οὖσαν,
ἐμβιβάσας εἰς ὑπηρετικὰ τοὺς προθυμοτάτους
καὶ μαχιμωτάτους τῶν. πολιτῶν προσέμιξε τῇ
Ψυτταλείᾳ, καὶ μάχην πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους
συνάψας ἀπέκτεινε πάντας, πλὴν ὅσοι τῶν ἐπι-
φανῶν ζῶντες ἥλωσαν. ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἦσαν
ἀδελφῆς βασιλέως ὁ ὄνομα Σανδαύκης τρεῖς παῖδες,
ods εὐθὺς ἀπέστειλε πρὸς τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα"
καὶ λέγονται κατά τι λόγιον, τοῦ μάντεως
Εὐφραντίδου κελεύσαντος, ὠμηστῇ Διονύσῳ καθ-
ιερευθῆναι. τὴν δὲ νησῖδα τοῖς ὅπλοις παντα-
χόθεν 0 ᾿Αριστείδης “περιστέψας ἐφήδρευε | τοῖς
ἐκφερομένοις πρὸς αὐτήν, ὡς μήτε τῶν φίλων
τινὰ διαφθαρῆναι μήτε τῶν πολεμίων διαφυγεῖν.
ὁ γὰρ πλεῖστος ὠθισμὸς τῶν νεῶν καὶ “τῆς
μάχης τὸ καρτερώτατον. ἔοικε περὶ τὸν τόπον
ἐκεῖνον γενέσθαι: διὸ καὶ τρόπαιον ἕστηκεν ἐν
τῇ Ψυτταλείᾳ.
Μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς a ἀποπειρώ-
μενος τοῦ ᾿Αριστείδου καλὸν μὲν εἶναι καὶ τὸ
πεπραγμένον αὐτοῖς ἔργον ἔλεγε, κρεῖττον δὲ
λείπεσθαι τὸ λαβεῖν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν,
ἀναπλεύσαντας εἰς Ἑλλήσποντον τὴν ταχίστην
καὶ τὰ ζεύγματα : διακόψαντας. ἐπεὶ ὃ ᾿Αρι-
στείδης ἀνακραγὼν τοῦτον μὲν ἐκέλενε τὸν λόγον
καταβαλεῖν, σκοπεῖν δὲ καὶ ζητεῖν, ὅπως τὴν
ταχίστην ἐκβάλωσι τὸν Μῆδον ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος,
μὴ κατακλεισθεὶς ἀπορίᾳ φυγῆς μετὰ τοσαύτης
1 τὰ ζεύγματα Hercher and Blass with ΒᾺΝ : τὸ ζεῦγμα,
238
924
ARISTIDES
IX. While the captains of the Hellenes were
acting on this plan, Aristides noticed that Psyttaleia,
a small island lying in the straits in front of Salamis,
was full of the enemy. He therefore embarked
in small boats the most ardent and the most
warlike of the citizens, made a landing on Psyttaleia,
joined battle with the Barbarians, and slew them
all, save the few conspicuous men who were taken
alive. Among these were three sons of the King’s
sister Sandaucé,!) whom he straightway sent to
Themistocles, and it is said that, in obedience
to some oracle or other, and at the bidding of
Euphrantides the seer, they were sacrificed to
Dionysus Carnivorous. Then Aristides lined the
islet all round with his hoplites, and lay in wait
for any who should be cast up there, that no
friend might perish, and no foe escape. For the
greatest crowding of the ships, and the most
strenuous part of the battle, seems to have been
in this region. And for this reason a trophy was
erected on Psyttaleia.
After the battle, Themistocles, by way of sounding
Aristides, said that the deed they had now
performed was a noble one, but a greater still
remained, and that was to capture Asia in Europe,
by sailing up to the Hellespont as fast as they could
and cutting in twain the bridges there. But
Aristides cried out with a loud voice and bade
him abandon the proposal, and seek rather with
all diligence how they might most speedily expel
the Mede from Hellas, lest, being shut in and
unable to make his escape, from sheer necessity
1 Cf. Themistocles, xiii. 2.
239
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δυνάμεως τραπῇ πρὸς ἄμυναν ὑπ’ ἀνάγκης, οὕτω
πέμπει πάλιν ᾿Αρνάκην εὐνοῦχον ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς
ἐκ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων κρύφα, φράσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ
κελεύσας, ὅτι πλεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς γεφύρας ὡρμημένους
τοὺς “Ελληνας αὐτὸς ἀποστρέψειε σώζεσθαι
βασιλέα βουλόμενος.
X. Ἐκ τούτου Ἐξέρξης μὲν περίφοβος γενό-
μενος εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον ἠπείγετο,
Μαρδόνιος δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ δοκιμώτατον | ἔχων
περὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδας ὑπελείπετο, καὶ φο-
βερὸς ἦν ἀπ᾽ ἰσχυρᾶς τῆς περὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἐλπίδος
ἀπειλῶν τοῖς “ἕλλησι καὶ γράφων τοιαῦτα"
“ Νενικήκατε θαλασσίοις ξύλοις χερσαίους ἀν-
θρώπους οὐκ ἐπισταμένους κώπην ἐλαύνειν" ἀλλὰ
νῦν πλατεῖα μὲν ἡ Θετταλῶν γῆ, καλὸν δὲ τὸ
Βοιώτιον πεδίον ἀγαθοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ ὁπλίταις
ἐναγωνίσασθαι." πρὸς δὲ ᾿Αθηναίους ἔπεμψεν
ἰδίᾳ γράμματα καὶ λόγους παρὰ βασιλέως, τήν
τε πόλιν αὐτοῖς ἀναστήσειν ἐπαγγελλομένου καὶ
χρήματα πολλὰ δώσειν καὶ τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων
κυρίους καταστήσειν ἐκποδὼν τοῦ πολέμου γενο-
μένους.
Οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πυθόμενοι ταῦτα καὶ
δείσαντες ἔπεμψαν ᾿Αθήναζε πρέσβεις, δεόμενοι
τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, ὅπως παῖδας μὲν καὶ γυναῖκας
εἰς Σπάρτην ἀποστείλωσι, τοῖς δὲ πρεσβυτέροις
τροφὰς παρ᾽ αὐτῶν λαμβάνωσιν: ἰσχυρὰ γὰρ
ἣν ἀπορία περὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀπολωλεκότα καὶ
τὴν χώραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν
πρέσβεων ἀκούσαντες, ᾿Αριστείδον ψήφισμα
1 δοκιμώτατον Blass with F8S : μαχιμώτατον. ᾿
2 καὶ τὴν Hercher and Blass with F*S: τὴν.
240
ARISTIDES
he throw this vast force of his upon the defensive.
So Themistocles sent once more the eunuch Arnaces,!
a prisoner of war, bidding him tell the King that
the Hellenes had actually set out on a voyage
to attack the bridges, but that he, Themistocles,
had succeeded in turning them back, wishing to
save the King.
X. At this Xerxes grew exceeding fearful, and
hurried straight to the Hellespont ; but Mardonius,
with the flower of the army, to the number of
three hundred thousand men, was left behind.
He was a formidable adversary, and because his
confidence in his infantry was strong, he wrote
threateningly to the Hellenes, saying: “ Ye have
conquered with your maritime timbers. landsmen
who know not how to ply the oar; but now, broad
is the land of Thessaly and fair the plain of Boeotia
for brave horsemen and men-at-arms to contend
in.” But to the Athenians he sent separate letters
and proposals from the King, who promised to
rebuild their city, give them much money, and
make them lords of the Hellenes, if only they
would cease fighting against him.
When the Lacedaemonians learned this, they
took fright, and sent an embassy to Athens, begging
the Athenians to despatch their wives and children
to Sparta, and to accept from her a support for’
their aged and infirm; for great was the distress
among the people, since it had so recently lost
both land and city. However, after listening to
the embassy, on motion of Aristides, they answered
1 Cf. Themistocles, xvi. 2 f.
241
VOL, II. R
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
γράψαντος, ἀπεκρίναντο θαυμαστὴν ἀπόκρισιν,
τοῖς μὲν πολεμίοις συγγνώμην ἔχειν φάσκοντες, εἰ
πάντα πλούτου καὶ χρημάτων ὦνια νομίζοιεν,
ὧν κρεῖττον οὐδὲν ἴσασιν, ὀργίζεσθαι δὲ Λακεδαι-
μονίοις, ὅτι τὴν πενίαν καὶ «τὴν ἀπορίαν τὴν νῦν
παροῦσαν ᾿Αθηναίοις μόνον ὁρῶσι, τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς
καὶ τῆς φιλοτιμίας ἀμνημονοῦσιν ἐπὶ σιτίοις
ὑπὲρ τῆς Ελλάδος ἀγωνίζεσθαι παρακαλοῦντες.
ταῦτα γράψας ᾿Αριστείδης καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις
εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παραγαγών, Λακεδαιμονίοις
μὲν ἐκέλευσε φράζειν, ws οὐκ ἔστι χρυσοῦ
τοσοῦτον πλῆθος οὔθ᾽ ὑπὲρ γῆν οὔθ᾽ ὑπὸ γῆν,
ὅσον ᾿Αθηναῖοι δέξαιντο ἂν πρὸ τῆς τῶν “Ελ-
λήνων ἐλευθερίας. τοῖς δὲ παρὰ Μαρδονίου τὸν
ἥλιον δείξας, “Αχρι ἂν οὗτος," ἔφη, “ταύτην
πορεύηται τὴν πορείαν, ᾿Αθηναῖοι πολεμήσουσι
Πέρσαις ὑπὲρ τῆς δεδηωμένης χώρας καὶ τῶν
ἠσεβημένων καὶ κατακεκαυμένων ἱερῶν." ἔτι δὲ
ἀρὰς θέσθαι τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔγραψεν, εἴ τις ἐπικη-
ρυκεύσαιτο Μήδοις ἢ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἀπολίποι
τῶν Ἑλλήνων.
᾿Εμβαλόντος δὲ Μαρδονίου τὸ δεύτερον εἰς τὴν
᾿Αττικήν, αὖθις εἰς Σαλαμῖνα διεπέρασαν. *Api-
στείδης δὲ πεμφθεὶς εἰς Λακεδαίμονα τῆς μὲν
βραδυτῆτος αὐτοῖς ἐνεκάλει καὶ τῆς ὀλιγωρίας,
προεμένοις αὖθις τῷ βαρβάρῳ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας,
ἠξίου δὲ πρὸς. τὰ ἔτε σωζόμενα τῆς Ἑλλάδος
βοηθεῖν. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ "ἔφοροι μεθ᾽
242
3!
ARISTIDES
with an admirable answer, declaring that they
could be tolerant with their foes for supposing
that everthing was to be bought for wealth and
money, since their foes could conceive of nothing
higher than these things; but they were indignant
at the Lacedaemonians for having an eye only
to the penury and indigence that now reigned
at Athens, and for being so unmindful of the valour
and ambition of the Athenians as to exhort them
to contend for Hellas merely to win their rations.
When Aristides had made this motion and_ had
introduced the waiting embassies into the Assembly,
he bade the Lacedaemonians tell their people that
there was not bulk of gold above or below ground
so large that the Athenians would take it in
payment for the freedom of the Hellenes; and to
the messengers of Mardonius he said, pointing to
the sun: “As long as yonder sun journeys his
appointed journey, so long will the Athenians wage
war against the Persians in behalf of the land
which has been ravaged by them and of the
temples which they have defiled and consumed
with fire.” Still further, he made a motion that
the priests should solemnly curse all who came to
a parley with the Medes or forsook the alliance of
the Hellenes.
When Mardonius for the second time invaded
Attica, again the people crossed over to Salamis.
Then Aristides, who had been sent as envoy to
Lacedaemon, inveighed against their sluggishness
and indifference, in that they had once more
abandoned Athens to the Barbarian, and demanded
that they go to the aid of what was still left of
Hellas. On hearing this, the Ephors, as long as
243
R 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
e , A 250 [4 Ἁ ς θ A e ᾽
ἡμέραν μὲν ἐδόκουν παίζειν καὶ ῥᾳθυμεῖν ἑορτά-
ζοντες: ἣν γὰρ αὐτοῖς Ὑακίνθια: νυκτὸς δὲ
’ὔ A 2 / φ
πεντακισχιλίους Σπαρτιατῶν ἐπιλέξαντες, ὧν
ἕκαστος ἑπτὰ περὶ αὑτὸν εἵλωτας εἶχεν, ἐξέπεμ-
3 30 ἢ A 3 ’ 3 , 4
ψαν οὐκ εἰδότων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων. ἐπεὶ δὲ πάλιν
4 a e 3 4 A e \
ἐγκαλῶν ὁ ᾿Αριστείδης προσῆλθεν, οἱ δὲ σὺν
γέλωτι ληρεῖν αὐτὸν ἔφασκον καὶ καθεύδειν, ἤδη
γὰρ ἐν ᾽Ορεστείῳ τὸν στρατὸν εἶναι πορευόμενον
> ‘ , 4 \ 2 4 \ [4
ἐπὶ τοὺς ξένους (ξένους γὰρ ἐκάλουν τοὺς [lépaas),
3 δ Ν ’ > \ e 9 7
οὐ κατὰ καιρὸν ἔφη παίζειν αὐτοὺς ὁ ᾿Αριστείδης,
ἀντὶ τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς φίλους ἐξαπατῶντας.
af? e \ Ἁ 3 ᾽ 3
ταῦθ᾽ οἱ περὶ τὸν ᾿Ιδομενέα λέγουσιν. ἐν δὲ
A / “΄ΖἝ 3 / \ 3
τῷ ψηφίσματι τοῦ ᾿Αριστείδου πρεσβευτὴς οὐκ
> # 9 [4 , \
αὐτός, ἀλλὰ Κίμων καὶ Ἐάνθιππος καὶ Mupo-
νίδης φέρονται.
ΧΙ. Χειροτονηθεὶς δὲ στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ
ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην, καὶ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ὀκτακισχιλίους
e V4 3 4 2 4 A
ὁπλίτας ἀναλαβών, ἧκεν εἰς Ἰ]λαταιάς. ἐκεῖ δὲ
\ e A
καὶ Παυσανίας ὁ τοῦ σύμπαντος ἡγούμενος
Ἑλληνικοῦ συνέμιξεν ἔχων τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας,
a ΝΥ ες , 2 ’ \ a
καὶ τών ἄλλων ᾿Ελλήνων ἐπέρρει τὸ πλῆθος.
τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων τὸ μὲν ὅλον τῆς στρατοπεδείας
παρὰ τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν ποταμὸν παρεκτεταμένης
οὐδεὶς ἦν ὄρος διὰ τὸ μέγεθος, περὶ δὲ τὰς ἀπο-
σκευὰς καὶ τὰ κυριώτατα τεῖχος περιεφράξαντο
τετράγωνον, οὗ τῶν πλευρῶν ἑκάστη μῆκος ἣν
δέκα σταδίων.
Παυσανίᾳ μὲν οὖν καὶ τοῖς “Ελλησι κοινῇ
Τισαμενὸς ὁ Ἢλεϊζος ἐμαντεύσατο, καὶ προεῖπε
νίκην ἀμυνομένοις καὶ μὴ προεπιχειροῦσιν'"
244
ARISTIDES
it was day, publicly disported themselves in easy-
going festival fashion ; for it was their festival of the
Hyacinthta. But in the night they selected five
thousand Spartans, each of whom had seven Helots
to attend upon him, and sent them forth without
the knowledge of the Athenians. So when Aristides
came befo#e them with renewed invectives, they
laughed and said he was but a sleepy babbler,
for that their army was already in Arcadia on
its march against the “strangers”’ (they called the
Persians strangers). But Aristides declared they
were jesting out of all season, forasmuch as they
were deceiving their friends instead of their enemies.
This is the way Idomeneus tell the story. But in
the decree which <Aristides caused to be passed, he
himself is not named as envoy, but Cimon, Xanthippus,
and Myronides.
XI. Having been elected general with sole powers
in view of the expected-battle, he came to Plataea !
at the head of eight thousand Athenian hoplites.
There Pausanias also, the commander in chief of
the whole Hellenic army, joined him with his
Spartans, and the forces of the rest of the Hellenes
kept streaming up. Now, generally speaking,
there was no limit to the encampment of the
Barbarians as it lay stretched out along the river
Asopus, so vast was it; but round their baggage
trains and chief headquarters they built a quad-
rangular wall, whereof each side was ten stadia
in length. |
To Pausanias and all the Hellenes under him
Tisamenus the Eleian made prophecy, and foretold
victory for them if they acted on the defensive and
1 Spring of 479 B.c.
245
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
3 ᾿Αριστείδου δὲ πέμψαντος εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀνεῖλεν
ὁ θεὸς ᾿Αθηναίους καθυπερτέρους ἔσεσθαι τῶν
ἐναντίων εὐχομένους τῷ Act καὶ τῇ “Ἥρᾳ τῇ
Κιθαιρωνίᾳ καὶ Πανὶ καὶ νύμφαις Σφραγίτισι,
καὶ θύοντας ἥρωσιν ᾿Ανδροκράτει, Λεύκωνι,
Πεισάνδρῳ, Δαμοκράτει, Ὕψίωνι, ᾿Ακταίωνι,
Πολυΐδῳ, καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον ἐν γᾷ ἰδίᾳ ποιουμένους
ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τᾶς Δάματρος τᾶς ᾿Ελευσινίας καὶ
4 τᾶς Κόρας. οὗτος ὁ χρησμὸς ἀνενεχθεὶς ἀπορίαν
τῷ ᾿Αριστείδῃ παρεῖχεν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἥρωες, οἷς
ἐκέλευε θύειν, ἀρχηγέται Πλαταιέων ἦσαν, καὶ
τὸ τῶν Σφραγιτίδων νυμφῶν ἄντρον ἐν μιᾷ
κορυφῇ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνός ἐστιν, εἰς δυσμὰς ἡλίου
θερινὰς τετραμμένον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ μαντεῖον ἦν
πρότερον, ὥς φασι, καὶ πολλοὶ κατείχοντο τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων, os νυμφολήπτους προσηγόρευον.
ὅ τὸ δὲ τῆς ᾿Ελευσινίας Δήμητρος πεδίον, καὶ τὸ
τὴν μάχην ἐν ἰδίᾳ χώρᾳ ποιουμένοις τοῖς ᾿Αθη-
ναίοις νίκην δίδοσθαι, πάλιν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν
ἀνεκαλεῖτο καὶ μεθίστη τὸν πόλεμον.
Ἔνθα τῶν Πλαταιέων ὁ 0 στρατηγὸς ᾿Αρίμνηστος
ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὑπὸ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆρος
ἐπερωτώμενον αὑτόν, ὅ τι δὴ πράττειν δέδοκται
τοῖς “Ἕλλησιν, εἰπεῖν, “Αὔριον εἰς ᾿Ελευσῖνα τὴν
στρατιὰν ἀπάξομεν, ὦ ὦ δέσποτα, καὶ διαμαχούμεθα
τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐκεῖ κατὰ τὸ πυθόχρηστον."
6 τὸν οὖν θεὸν φάναι διαμαρτάνειν αὐτοὺς τοῦ
παντός- αὐτόθι yap εἶναι περὶ τὴν Πλαταϊκὴν
τὰ πυθόχρηστα καὶ ζητοῦντας ἀνευρήσειν.
τούτων ἐναργῶς τῷ ᾿Αριμνήστῳ φανέντων ἐξεγρό-
246
ARISTIDES
did not advance to the attack. But Aristides sent
to Delphi and received from the god response that
the Athenians would be superior to their foes if they
made vows to Zeus, Cithaeronian Hera, Pan, and
the Sphragitic nymphs; paid sacrifices to the heroes
Androcrates, Leucon, Pisandrus, Damocrates, Hyp-
sion, Actaeon, and Polyidus; and if they sustained
the peril of battle on their own soil, in the plain of
Eleusinian Demeter and Cora. When this oracle
was reported to Aristides, it perplexed him greatly.
The heroes to whom he was to sacrifice were, it was
true, ancient dignitaries of the Plataeans; and the
cave of the Sphragitic nymphs was on one of the
peaks of Cithaeron, facing the summer sunsets, and
-in it there was also an oracle in former days, as they
say, and many of the natives were possessed of the
oracular power, and these were called nympholepis,
or “ nymph-possessed.”’ But the plain of Eleusinian
Demeter, and the promise of victory to the Athenians
if they fought the battle in their own territory,
called them back, as it were, to Attica, and changed
the seat of war.
At this time the general of the Plataeans, Arim-
nestus, had a dream in which he thought he was
accosted by Zeus the Saviour and asked what the
Hellenes had decided to do, and replied: “On the
morrow, my Lord, we are going to lead our army
back to Eleusis, and fight out our issue with the
Barbarians there, in accordance with the Pythian
oracle.” Then the god said they were entirely in
error, for the Pythian oracle’s places were there in
the neighbourhood of Plataea, and if they sought
them they would surely find them. All this was
made so vivid to Arimnestus that as soon as he awoke
247
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
μενος τάχιστα μετεπέμψατο τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους
καὶ πρεσβυτάτους τῶν πολιτῶν, μεθ᾽ ὧν δια-
λεγόμενος καὶ συνδιαπορῶν εὗρεν, ὅτι τῶν “σιῶν
πλησίον ὑπὸ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα ναός ἐστιν ἀρχαῖος
πάνυ Δήμητρος ᾿Ελευσινίας καὶ Κόρης προσα-
γορευόμενος. εὐθὺς οὖν παραλαβὼν τὸν ᾽Αρι-
στείδην ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον, εὐφυέστατον ὄντα
παρατάξαι φάλαγγα πεξικὴν ἱπποκρατουμένοις,
διὰ τὰς ὑπωρείας τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος ἄφιππα ποι-
οὕύσας τὰ καταλήγοντα καὶ συγκυροῦντα τοῦ
πεδίου πρὸς τὸ ἱερόν. αὐτοῦ δ᾽ ἦν καὶ τὸ τοῦ
᾿Ανδροκράτους ἡρῷον ἐγγύς, ἄλσει πυκνῶν καὶ
συσκίων δένδρων περιεχόμενον. ὅπως δὲ μηδὲν
ἐλλιπὲς ἔχῃ πρὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς νίκης ὁ χρησμός,"
ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἰ]λαταιεῦσιν, ᾿Αριμνήστον γνώμην
εἰπόντος, ἀνελεῖν τὰ πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ὅρια τῆς
Πλαταιΐδος καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπιδοῦναι τοῖς ᾿Αθη-
ναίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐν οἰκείᾳ κατὰ τὸν
χρησμὸν ἐναγωνίσασθαι.
Ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν φιλοτιμίαν τῶν Πλαταιέων
οὕτω συνέβη περιβόητον γενέσθαι, ὥστε καὶ
᾿Αλέξανδρον ἤδη βασιλεύοντα τῆς ᾿Ασίας ὕστερον
πολλοῖς ἔτεσι τειχίξζοντα τὰς Πλαταιὰς ἀνειπεῖν
Ὀλυμπιάσιν ὑπὸ κήρυκος, ὅτι ταύτην ὁ βασιλεὺς
ἀποδίδωσι Πλαταιεῦσι τῆς ἀνδραγαθίας καὶ τῆς
μεγαλοψυχίας χάριν, ἐπειδὴ τοῖς "EXAnow ἐν
τῷ Μηδικῷ πολέμῳ τὴν χώραν ἐπέδωκαν καὶ
παρέσχον αὑτοὺς προθυμοτάτους.
XII. ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ Τεγεᾶται περὶ τάξεως
ἐρίσαντες ἠξίουν, ὥσπερ ἀεί, Λακεδαιμονίων τὸ
δεξιὸν ἐχόντων κέρας, αὐτοὶ τὸ εὐώνυμον ἔχειν,
1 πάνυ omitted by Bekker, now found in S.
248
3
6
ARISTIDES
he summoned the oldest and most experienced of his
fellow-citizens. By conference and _ investigation
with these he discoverd that near Hysiae, at the
foot of mount Cithaeron, there was a very ancient
temple bearing the names of Eleusinian Demeter and
Cora. Straightway then he took Aristides and led
him to the spot. They found that it was naturally
very well suited to the array of infantry against a
force that was superior in cavalry, since the spurs of
Cithaeron made the edges of the plain adjoining the
temple unfit for horsemen. There, too, was the
shrine of the hero Androcrates hard by, enveloped
in a grove of dense and shady trees. And besides,
that the oracle might leave no rift in the hope
of victory, the Plataeans voted, on motion of Arim-
nestus, to remove the boundaries of Plataea on
the side toward Attica, and to give this territory
to the Athenians, that so they might contend in
defence of Hellas on their. own soil, in accordance
with the oracle.
This munificence of the Plataeans became so
celebrated that Alexander, many years afterwards,
when he was now King of Asia,! built the walls of
Plataea, and had proclamation made by herald at the
Olympic games that the King bestowed this grace
upon the Plataeans in return for their bravery and
magnanimity in freely bestowing their territory upon
the Hellenes in the Median war, and so showing
themselves most zealous of all.
XII. Now with the Athenians the men of Tegea
came to strife regarding their position in the line.
They claimed that, as had always been the case,
since the Lacedaemonians held the right wing, they
1 331-330 B.C.
249
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πολλὰ τοὺς αὑτῶν προγόνους ἐγκωμιάζοντες.
ἀγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων παρελθὼν
ὁ ᾿Αριστείδης εἶπε' “Τεγεάταις μὲν ἀντειπεῖν
περὶ εὐγενείας καὶ ἀνδραγαθίας ὁ παρὼν
καιρὸς οὐ δίδωσι, πρὸς δ᾽ ὑμᾶς, ὦ Σπαρτιᾶται,
καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους “Ἕλληνας λέγομεν, ὅτι τὴν ἀρετὴν
οὐκ ἀφαιρεῖται τόπος οὐδὲ δίδωσιν" ἣν δ᾽ ἂν ὑμεῖς
ἡμῖν τάξιν ἀποδῶτε πειρασόμεθα κοσμοῦντες
καὶ “φυλάττοντες μὴ καταισχύνειν τοὺς πρροηγωνι-
2 σμένους ἀγῶνας. ἥκομεν γὰρ οὐ τοῖς συμμάχοις
στασιάσοντες, ἀλλὰ μαχούμενοι τοῖς πολεμίοις,
οὐδ᾽ ἐπαινεσόμενοι τοὺς πατέρας, ἀλλ᾽ αὑτοὺς
ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τῇ Ἑλλάδι παρέξοντες" ὡς οὗτος
ὁ ἀγὼν δείξει καὶ πόλιν καὶ ἄρχοντα καὶ ἰδιώτην
ὁπόσου τοῖς “Ἑλλησιν ἄξιός ἐστι." ταῦτ᾽ ἀκού-
σαντες οἱ σύνεδροι καὶ ἡγεμόνες ἀπεδέξαντο τοὺς
᾿Αθηναίους καὶ θάτερον αὐτοῖς κέρας ἀπέδοσαν.
XTII. Οὔσης δὲ μετεώρου τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ
μάλιστα τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπι-
σφαλῶς ἐχόντων, ἄνδρες ἐξ οἴκων ἐπιφανῶν καὶ
χρημάτων μεγάλων πένητες, ὑπὸ τοῦ πολέμου
γεγονότες καὶ πᾶσαν ἅμα τῷ πλούτῳ τὴν ἐν τῇ
πόλει δύναμιν αὑτῶν καὶ δόξαν οἰχομένην ὁρῶν-
τες, ἑτέρων τιμωμένων. καὶ ἀρχόντων, συνῆλθον
εἰς οἰκίαν τινὰ τῶν ἐν Πλαταιαῖς κρύφα καὶ
συνωμόσαντο καταλύσειν τὸν δῆμον" εἰ δὲ μὴ
προ ροΐίη, λυμανεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα καὶ τοῖς
Ba spin. προδώσειν.
2 Πραττομένων δὲ τούτων ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ
συχνῶν ἤδη διεφθαρμένων, αἰσθόμενος ὁ ᾿Αρε-
στείδης καὶ φοβηθεὶς τὸν καιρόν, ἔγνω μήτ᾽ ἐᾶν
250
ARISTIDES
themselves should hold the left, and in support of
their claim they sounded loudly the praises of their
ancestors: The Athenians were incensed, and
Aristides came forward and made this speech: “ To
argue with the men of Tegea about noble birth and
bravery, there is surely no time now ; but we declare
to you, O Spartans, and to the rest of the Hellenes,
that valour is not taken away from a man, nor is
it given him, by his position in the line. Whatsoever
post ye shall assign to us, we will endeavour to main-
tain and adorn it, and so bring no disgrace upon the
contests we have made before. We are come, not
to quarrel with our allies, but to do battle with our
foes ; not to heap praises on our fathers, but to show
ourselves brave men in the service of Hellas. It is
this contest which will show how much any city or
captain or, private soldier is worth to Hellas.” On
hearing this, the councillors and leaders declared for
the Athenians, and assigned to them the other wing.
XIII. While Hellas was thus in suspense and
Athens especially in danger, certain men of that
city who were of prominent families and large
wealth, but had been impoverished by the war, saw
that with their riches all their influence in the city
and their reputation had departed, while other men
now had the honours and offices. They therefore
met together secretly at a certain house in Plataea,
and conspired to overthrow the democracy; or, if
their plans did not succeed, to injure the general
cause and betray it to the Barbarians.
Such was the agitation in the camp, and many
had already been corrupted, when Aristides got
wind of the matter, and, fearful of the crisis that
favoured the plot, determined not to leave the
251
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
3 ’ \ a“ 7225 oa 3 4
ἀμελούμενον τὸ πρᾶγμα μήθ᾽ ἅπαν ἐκκαλύπτειν,
3 4 3 a 3 V4 A e
ἀγνοούμενον εἰς ὅσον ἐκβήσεται πλῆθος ὁ ἔλεγχος
τὸν τοῦ δικαίου ζητῶν ὅρον ἀντὶ τοῦ συμφέροντος.
ὀκτὼ δή τινας ἐκ πολλῶν συνέλαβε" καὶ τούτων
δύ 4 4 ς / 4 Ἅ ‘
to μέν, ols πρώτοις ἡ κρίσις προεγράφη, oF Kat
πλείστην αἰτίαν εἶχον, Αἰσχίνης Λαμπτρεὺς καὶ
᾿Αγησίας ᾿Αχαρνεύς, @yovto φεύγοντες ἐκ τοῦ
VA \ > mM” ᾽Σ A A
στρατοπέδου, τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους ἀφῆκε, θαρσῆσαι
διδοὺς καὶ μεταγνῶναι τοῖς ἔτι λανθάνειν oio-
μένοις, ὑπειπὼν ὡς μέγα δικαστήριον. ἔχουσι τὸν
Υ͂ 9 ’ \ > Ὁ 3 a \
πόλεμον ἀπολύσασθαι τὰς αἰτίας ὀρθῶς καὶ
δικαίως τῇ πατρίδι βουλευόμενοι.
XIV. Μετὰ ταῦτα Μαρδόνιος, ᾧ πλεῖστον
ἐδόκει διαφέρειν, τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀπεπειρᾶτο, τὴν
Ψ 3 3 A 3 ’ e A \
ἵππον ἀθρόαν αὐτοῖς ἐφεὶς καθεζομένοις ὑπὸ τὸν
πρόποδα τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος ἐν χωρίοις ὀχυροῖς καὶ
πετρώδεσι πλὴν Μεγαρέων. οὗτοι δὲ τρισχίλιοι
τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις μᾶλλον
ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο. διὸ καὶ κακῶς ἔπασχον ὑπὸ
a “ e , » 9 3 \ \
Ths ἵππου ῥνείσης ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ προσβολὰς
/
ἐχούσης πανταχόθεν.υΌ ἔπεμπον οὖν ἄγγελον
7 δ᾿ ’ὔ A ’ὔ
κατὰ taxos πρὸς Παυσανίαν βοηθεῖν κελεύοντες,
ὡς οὐ δυνάμενοι καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ὑποστῆναι τὸ τῶν
βαρβάρων πλῆθος. ταῦτα Παυσανίας ἀκούων,
ἤδη δὲ καὶ καθορῶν ἀποκεκρυμμένον ἀκοντισμά-
των καὶ τοξευμάτων πλήθει τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν
Μεγαρέων καὶ συνεσταλμένους αὐτοὺς εἰς ὀλίγον,
αὐτὸς μὲν ἀμήχανος ἦν πρὸς ἱππότας ἀμύνειν 539
252
ARISTIDES
matter in neglect, nor yet to bring it wholly to the
light, since it could not be known how many would
be implicated by a test which was based on justice
rather than expediency. Accordingly, he arrested
some eight or so of the many conspirators. Two of
these, against whom the charge was first formally
brought, and who were really the most guilty ones,
Aeschines of Lamptrae and Agesias of Acharnae,
fled the camp. The rest he released, affording thus
an opportunity. for encouragement and repentance to
those who still thought they had escaped detection,
and suggested to them that the war was a great
tribunal for their acquittal from the charges made
against them, provided they took sincere and
righteous counsel in behalf of their country.
XIV. After this, Mardonius made trial of the
Hellenes with that arm of his service in which he
thought himself most superior. He despatched all
his cavalry against them as they lay encamped at the
foot of Cithaeron, in positions that were rugged and
rocky—all except the Megarians. These, to the
number of three thousand, were encamped the
rather in open plain. For this reason they suffered
severely at the hands of the cavalry, which poured
in tides against them, and found access to them
on every side. Accordingly, they sent a messenger
in haste to Pausanias, bidding him come to their aid,
since they were unable of themselves to withstand
the host of the Barbarians. Pausanias, on hearing
this, and seeing at once that the camp of the
Megarians was as good as hidden from view by the
multitude of the enemy’s javelins and arrows, and
that its defenders were huddled together in narrow
quarters, on his own part had no way of rendering
253
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὁπλιζικῇ φάλαγγι καὶ βαρείᾳ τῇ Σπαρτιατῶν,
8 τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις στρατηγοῖς καὶ λοχαγοῖς τῶν ᾿Ελ-
λήνων περὶ αὐτὸν οὖσι προὔθετο ζῆλον ἀρετῆς
καὶ φιλοτιμίας, εἰ δή τινες ἑκόντες ἀναδέξαιντο
προαγωνίσασθαι καὶ βοηθῆσαι τοῖς Μεγαρεῦσι.
τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων ὀκνούντων ᾿Αριστείδης ἀναδεξάμενος
ὑπὲρ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων τὸ ἔργον ἀποστέλλει τὸν
προθυμότατον τῶν λοχαγῶν ᾿Ολυμπιόδωρον,
ἔχοντα “τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ τεταγμένους λογάδας
τριακοσίους καὶ τοξότας ἀναμεμιγμένους σὺν
αὐτοῖς.
4 Τούτων δὲ! ὀξέως διασκενασαμένων καὶ προσ-
φερομένων δρόμῳ, Μασίστιος ὁ τῶν βαρβάρων
ἵππαρχος, ἀνὴρ ἀλκῇ τε θαυμαστὸς μεγέθει τε
καὶ κάλλει σώματος περιττός, ὡς κατεῖδεν,
ἐναντίον ἐπιστρέ as τὸν ἵππον εἰς αὐτοὺς ἤλαυνε.
τῶν δ᾽ ἀνασχομένων καὶ συμβαλόντων ἦν ἀγὼν
καρτερός, ὡς πεῖραν ἐν τούτῳ τοῦ παντὸς λαμ-
5 βανόντων. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοξευθεὶς. ὁ ἵππος τὸν Μα-
σίστιον ἀπέρριψε καὶ πεσὼν ὑπὸ βάρους τῶν
ὅπλων αὐτός τε δυσκίνητος ἣν ἀναφέρειν καὶ τοῖς
᾿Αθηναίοις. ἐπικειμένοις καὶ παίουσι δυσμεταχείρι-
στος, οὐ μόνον στέρνα καὶ κεφαλήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ
γυῖα χρυσῷ καὶ χαλκῷ καὶ σιδήρῳ καταπεφραγ-
μένος, τοῦτον μὲν 7) τὸ κράνος ὑπέφαινε τὸν
ὀφθαλμὸν ἀ ἀκοντίου στύρακι παίων τις ἀνεῖλεν, οἱ
δ᾽ ἄλλοι Πέρσαι προέμενοι τὸν νεκρὸν ἔφευγον.
6 ἐγνώσθη δὲ τοῦ κατορθώματος τὸ μέγεθος τοῖς
“Ελλησιν οὐκ ἀπὸ τῶν νεκρῶν τοῦ πλήθους,
ὀλίγοι γὰρ οἱ πεσόντες ἦσαν, ἀλλὰ τῷ πένθει τῶν
1
254
τούτων δὲ Hercher and Blass with F8S: τούτων.
ARISTIDES
them aid against horsemen, since his phalanx of
Spartans was full-armoured and slow of movement ;
but to the rest of the generals and captains of the
Hellenes who were about him he proposed, in order to
stir up their valour and ambition, that some of them
should volunteer to make contention for the succour
of the Megarians. The rest all hesitated, but
Aristides, in behalf of the Athenians, undertook
the task, and despatched his most zealous captain,
Olympiodorus, with the three hundred picked men
of his command, and archers mingled with them.
These quickly arrayed themselves and advanced
to the attack on the run. Masistius, the commander
of the Barbarian cavalry,a man of wonderful prowess
and of surpassing stature and beauty of person, saw
them coming, and at once wheeled his horse to
face them and charged down upon them. Then
there was a mighty struggle between those who
withstood and those who made the charge, since
both regarded this as a test of the whole issue
between them. Presently the horse of Masistius
was hit with an arrow, and threw his rider, who
lay where he fell, unable to raise himself, so heavy
was his armour; and yet he was no easy prey to
the Athenians, though they pressed upon him
and smote him. For not only his chest and
head, but also his limbs were encased in gold and
bronze and iron. But at last, with the spike of
a javelin, through the eye-hole of his helmet, he was
smitten to the death, and the rest of the Persians
abandoned his body and fled. The magnitude of
their success was known to the Hellenes, not
from the multitude of those they slew, for few
255
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
βαρβάρων. καὶ yap éavtovs ἔκειραν ἐπὶ τῷ
Μασιστίῳ καὶ ἵππους καὶ ἡμιόνους, οἰμωγῆς τε
καὶ κλαυθμοῦ τὸ πεδίον ἐνεπίμπλασαν, ὡς ἄνδρα
πολὺ πρῶτον ἀρετῇ καὶ δυνάμει μετά γε Μαρ-
δόνιον αὐτὸν ἀποβαλόντες.
XV. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἱππομαχίαν ἀμφότεροι μάχης
ἔσχοντο χρόνον πολύν: ἀμυνομένοις γὰρ οἱ μάν-
Tels νίκην προὔφαινον ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ὁμοίως καὶ
τοῖς Πέρσαις καὶ τοῖς “Ἑλλησιν, εἰ δ᾽ ἐπιχειροῖεν,
ἧτταν. ἔπειτα Μαρδόνιος, ὡς αὐτῷ μὲν ἡμερῶν
ὀλίγων τὰ ἐπιτήδεια περιῆν, οἱ δ᾽ “Βλληνες ἀεί
τίνων ἐπιρρεόντων πλείονες ἐγίνοντο, δυσανασχε-
τῶν ἔγνω μηκέτι μένειν, ἀλλὰ διαβὰς ἅμα φάει
tov Ασωπὸν ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς “Ελλησιν ἀπροσδοκή-
τως: καὶ παράγγελμα τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἑσπέρᾳς
ἔδωκε.
Μεσούσης δὲ μάλιστα τῆς νυκτὸς ἀνὴρ ἵππον
ἔχων ἀτρέμα προσεμίγνυε τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν
“Ελλήνων: ἐντυχὼν δὲ ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἐκέλευεν
αὐτῷ προσελθεῖν ᾿Αριστείδηνν τὸν ᾿Αθηναῖον.
ὑπακούσαντος δὲ ταχέως ἔφησεν: “Εἰμὶ μὲν
᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ Μακεδων, ἥκω δὲ κινδύνων τὸν μέ-
γίστον εὐνοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς ὑμᾶς αἰρόμενος, ὡς μὴ τὸ
αἰφνίδιον ἐκπλήξειεν ὑμᾶς χεῖρον ἀγωνίσασθαι.
μαχεῖται γὰρ ὑμῖν Μαρδόνιφς αὔριον, οὐχ ὑπ’
ἐλπίδος χρηστῆς οὐδὲ θάρσους, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπορίας τῶν
παρόντων, ἐπεὶ καὶ μάντεις ἐκεῖνον ἀπαισίοις
ἱεροῖς καὶ λογίοις χρησμῶν εἴργουσε μάχης, καὶ
τὸν στρατὸν ἔχει δυσθυμία πολλὴ καὶ κατάπλη-
us. ἀλλ᾽ ἀνάγκη τολμῶντα πειρᾶσθαι τῆς τύχης
256
ARISTIDES
. had fallen, but from the grief of the Barbarians.
For they shore their own hair in tribute to Masistius,
and that of their horses and mules, and filled the
plain with their wailing cries. They felt that they
had lost a man who, after Mardonius himself, was by
far the first in valour and authority.
XV. After this cavalry battle, both sides refrained
from further fighting for a long time, since only
as they acted on the defensive would victory be
theirs—so the soothsayers interpreted the sacrifices
alike for Persians and Hellenes,—but if they attacked,
defeat. At last Mardonius, since he had supplies
remaining for only a few days, and since the
Hellenes were ever increasing in number as fresh
bodies joined them, impatiently determined to
wait no longer, but to cross the Asopus at day-
break and attack the Athenians unexpectedly.
During the evening he gave the watchword to
his commanders.
But about midnight a solitary horseman quietly
approached the camp of the Hellenes, and falling
in with the outposts, ordered that Amistides the
Athenian come to him. He was speedily obeyed,
and then said: “I am Alexander the Macedonian,
and I am come at the greatest peril to myself,
out of my good-will toward you, that no suddenness
of attack may frighten you into inferior fighting.
Mardonius will surely give battle on the morrow,
not because he has substantial hope or even courage,
but because he is destitute of provisions. His sooth-
sayers, indeed, are trying ‘to keep him from battle by
unpropitious sacrifices and oracular utterances, while
his army is full of dejection and consternation ;
but he must needs boldly try his fortune, or sit
257
VOL. II. 8
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἢ τὴν ἐσχάτην ὑπομένειν ἀπορίαν καθεζόμενον.
ταῦτα φράσας ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐδεῖτο τὸν ᾿Αριστεί-
δην αὐτὸν εἰδέναι καὶ μνημονεύειν, ἑτέρῳ δὲ μὴ
κατειπεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐ καλῶς ἔχειν ἔφη ταῦτα Παυ-
σανίαν ἀποκρύψασθαι, ἐκείνῳ γὰρ ἀνακεῖσθαι
τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἄρρητα πρὸ
τῆς μάχης ἔδοξεν ' ἔσεσθαι, νικώσης δὲ τῆς
“Ἑλλάδος οὐδένα τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου προθυμίαν καὶ
ἀρετὴν ἀγνοήσειν. λεχθέντων δὲ τούτων ὅ τε
βασιλεὺς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀπήλαυνεν ὀπίσω
πάλιν, ὅ τε ᾿Αριστείδης ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν
σκηνὴν τοῦ Παυσανίου διηγεῖτο τοὺς λόγους" καὶ
μετεπέμποντο τοὺς ἄλλους ἡγεμόνας καὶ παρήγ-
γελλον ἐν κόσμῳ τὸν στρατὸν ἔχειν, ὡς μάχης
ἐσομένης.
XVI. Ἔν τούτῳ δ᾽, ὡς Ἡρόδοτος ἱστορεῖ,
Παυσανίας ᾿Αριστείδῃ προσέφερε λόγον, ἀξιῶν
τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν μετατάξαι καὶ 3
κατὰ τοὺς" Ἰ]έρσας ἀντιταχθῆναι, βέλτιον γὰρ
ἀγωνιεῖσθαι τῆς τε μάχης ἐμπείρους γεγονότας
καὶ τῷ προνενικηκέναει θαρροῦντας, αὑτῷ δὲ παρα-
A > 7 4 A
δοῦναι TO εὐώνυμον, ὅπου τῶν “Ελλήνων οἱ
μηδίξοντες ἐπιβάλλειν ἔμελλον.
Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
ἀγνώμονα καὶ φορτικὸν ἡγοῦντο τὸν Παυσανίαν,
εἰ τὴν ἄλλην ἐῶν τάξιν ἐ ἐν χώρᾳ μόνους ἄνω καὶ
κάτω μεταφέρει σφᾶς ὥσπερ εἴλωτας, κατὰ τὸ
1 ἔδοξεν bracketed by Bekker, omitted by Blass.
2 μετατάξαι καὶ MSS., Sintenis', Coraés, Bekker: peraya-
γόντα.
258
3
9
ed
8
ARISTIDES
still and endure extremest destitution.” When he
had told him this, Alexander begged Aristides to
keep the knowledge to himself and bear it well
in mind, but to tell it to none other. Aristides
replied that it was not honourable to conceal this
knowledge from Pausanias, since it was on him
that the supreme command devolved, but that
it should not be told the other leaders before the
battle; though in case Hellas were victorious, no
man should remain ignorant of Alexander's zeal
and valour. After this conversation, the king
of the Macedonians rode off back again, and
Aristides went to the tent of Pausanias and told
him all that had been said. Then they summoned
the other leaders and gave them orders to keep
the army in array, since there was to be a
battle.
XVI. At this juncture, as Herodotus relates,!
Pausanias sent word to Aristides, demanding that
the Athenians change their position and array
themselves on the right wing, over against the
Persians, where they would contend better, he
said, since they were versed already in the Persian
style of fighting, and emboldened by a previous
victory over them; the left wing, where the Medising
Hellenes were going to attack, should be intrusted
to himself and his Spartans.
The rest of the Athenian generals thought it
inconsiderate and annoying in Pausanias to leave
the rest of his line in the position assigned, while
he moved them, and them only, back and forth
like Helots, and put them forward where the
1 ix. 46,
259
9. 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
4
μαχιμώτατον προβαλλόμενος: ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδης
a 4
διαμαρτάνειν αὐτοὺς ἔφασκε τοῦ παντός, εἰ
πρώην μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας ἔχειν
“Ὁ 4 \ VA 3
διεφιλοτιμοῦντο Τεγεάταις καὶ προκριθέντες ἐσε-
μνύνοντο, νῦν δέ, Λακεδαιμονίων ἑκουσίως αὐτοῖς
? , A a \ / \ \
ἐξισταμένων τοῦ δεξιοῦ καὶ τρόπον τινὰ τὴν
e , / ” ν᾿ , ’ a
ἡγεμονίαν παραδιδόντων, οὔτε THY δόξαν ἀγαπῶ-
bd e “ A Ν Ἁ e ,
σιν οὔτε κέρδος ἡγοῦνται TO μὴ πρὸς ὁμοφύλους
καὶ συγγενεῖς, ἀλλὰ βαρβάρους καὶ φύσει πολε-
μίους ἀγωνίσασθαι. ἐκ τούτου πάνυ προθύμως
οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι διημείβοντο τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις τὴν
τάξιν: καὶ λόγος ἐχώρει δι’ αὐτῶν πολὺς ἀλ-
λήλοις παρεγγυώντων, ὡς οὔτε ὅπλα βελτίω
λαβόντες οὔτε ψυχὰς ἀμείνους οἱ πολέμιοι τῶν
ἐν Μαραθῶνι προσίασιν, ἀλλὰ ταὐτὰ "μὲν ἐκείνοις
, > \ > 2 n , Α Ἁ
τόξα, ταὐτὰ δ᾽ ἐσθῆτος ποικίλματα καὶ χρυσὸς
ἐπὶ σώμασι μαλακοῖς καὶ ψυχαῖς ἀνάνδροις" ἡμῖν
δ᾽ ὅμοια μὲν ὅπλα καὶ σώματα, μεῖζον δὲ ταῖς
νίκαις τὸ θάρσος, ὁ δ᾽ ἀγὼν οὐχ ὑπὲρ χώρας καὶ
’ e 3 [4 3 3 e A 3
πόλεως μόνον, ὡς ἐκείνοις, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν
Μαραθῶνι καὶ Σαλαμῖνι τροπαίων, ὡς μηδ᾽ ἐκεῖνα
Μιλτιάδου δοκῇ καὶ τύχης, ἀλλὰ ᾿Αθηναίων.
Οὗτοι μὲν οὖν σπεύδοντες ἐν ἀμείψει τῶν
τάξεων ἦσαν: αἰσθόμενοι δὲ Θηβαῖοι παρ᾽ αὐτο-
μόλων Μαρδονίῳ φράζουσι. κἀκεῖνος εὐθύς, εἴτε
δεδιὼς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, εἴτε τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις
260
ARISTIDES
fighting was to be hottest. But Aristides declared
that they were utterly wrong; they had contended
emulously with the Tegeans, but a little while
back, for the occupation of the left wing, and
plumed themselves on being preferred before those
rivals; but now, when the Lacedaemonians of
their own accord vacated the right wing for them,
and after a fashion proffered them the leadership
among the Hellenes, they neither welcomed the
reputation thus to be won, nor counted it gain
that their contention would thus be, not with men
of the same tribes and kindreds, but rather with
Barbarians and natural enemies. Upon this the
Athenians very willingly exchanged posts with
the Spartans, and the word passed from lip to
lip far through their ranks that their enemies
would attack them with no better arms and with
no braver spirits than at Marathon, nay, with
the same kind of archery as then, and with the
same variegated vesture and gold adornments to
cover soft bodies and unmanly spirits; “while
we have not only like arms and bodies with our
brethren of that day, but that greater courage
which is born of our victories; and our contest is
not alone for land and city, as theirs was, but
also for the trophies which they set up at Marathon
and Salamis, in order that the world may think
that not even those were due to Miltiades only,
or to fortune, but to the Athenians.”
The Spartans and Athenians, then, were busily
engaged in exchanging posts; but the Thebans
heard of it from deserters and told Mardonius. He,
at once, whether through fear of the Athenians or
out of ambition to engage with the Lacedaemonians,
261
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
συμπεσεῖν φιλοτιμούμενος, ἀντιπαρεξῆγε τοὺς
Πέρσας ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιόν, τοὺς δὲ “Ελληνας ἐκέλειε
τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἴστασθαι.
6 γενομένης δὲ τῆς μετακοσμήσεως καταφανοῦς ὅ
τε Παυσανίας ἀποτ απεὶς αὖθις ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ
κατέστη, καὶ Μαρδόνιος, ὦ ὥσπερ εἶχεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς,
ἀνέλαβε τὸ εὐώνυμον κατὰ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους
γενόμενος, ἧ τε ἡμέρα διεξῆλθεν ἀργή. καὶ τοῖς
“Ελλησι βουλευομένοις ἔδοξε πορρωτέρω μετα-
στρατοπεδεῦσαι καὶ καταλαβεῖν εὔνδρον χωρίον,
ἐπεὶ τὰ πλησίον νάματα καθύβριστο καὶ διέ-
φθαρτο τῶν βαρβάρων ἱἑ ἱπποκρατούνων.
XVII. ᾿Επελθούσης δὲ νυκτὸς καὶ τῶν στρατη-
γῶν ἀγόντων ἐπὶ τὴν ἀποδεδειγμένην στρατο-
πεδείαν οὐ πάνυ πρόθυμον ἦν ἕπεσθαι καὶ
συμμένειν τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀνέστησαν ἐκ τῶν
πρώτων ἐρυμάτων ἐφέροντο πρὸς τὴν πόλιν τῶν
λαταιέων οἱ πολλοί, καὶ θόρυβος ἦν ἐκεῖ δια-
σκιδνὰμένων καὶ κατασκηνούντων a ἀτάκτως. Aake-
δαιμονίοις δὲ συνέβαινεν 1 ἄκουσι μόνοις ἀπολεί:-
2 πεσθαι τῶν ἄλλων: ᾿Αμομφάρετος γάρ, ἀνὴρ
θυμοειδὴς καὶ φιλοκίνδυνος, ἔκπαλαρ. πρὸς τὴν
μάχην σπαργῶν καὶ βαρυνόμενος τὰς πολλὰς
ἀνα βολὰς καὶ μελλήσεις, τότε δὴ παντάπασι τὴν
μετανάστασιν φυγὴν ἀποκαλῶν καὶ ἀπόδρασιν,
οὐκ ἔφη λείψειν τὴν τάξιν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτόθι μένων
μετὰ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λοχιτῶν ὑποστήσεσθαι Μαρδό-
3 veov. ὡς δὲ Παυσανίας ἐπελθὼν ἔλεγε ταῦτα
πράττειν ἐψηφισμένα καὶ δεδογμένα τοῖς “Ἑλλη-
σιν, ἀράμενος ταῖν χεροῖν πέτρον μέγαν ὁ
1 συνέβαινεν Blass, adopting the conjecture of Sintenis' ;
συνέβη [μὲν].
262
ARISTIDES
counterchanged his Persians to the right wing, and
ordered the Hellenes with him to set themselves
against the Athenians. When this change in his
enemy's order of battle was manifest, Pausanias
returned and occupied the right wing again, where-
upon Mardonius also resumed his own left wing, just
as he stood at the beginning, facing the Lacedae-
monians. And thus the day came to an end without
action. The Hellenes, on deliberation, decided to
change their camp to a position farther on, and to
secure a spot where there was plenty of good water,
since the neighbouring springs were defiled and
ruined by the Barbarians’ superior force of cavalry.
XVII. Night came on, and the generals set out to
lead their forces to the appointed encampment. The
soldiers, however, showed no great eagerness to
follow in close order, but when they had once
abandoned their first defences, most of them hurried
on toward the city of Plataea, and there tumult
reigned as they scattered about and encamped in no
order whatsover. But it chanced that the Lacedae-
monians were left alone behind the others, and that
too against their will. For Agjompharetus, a man of
a fierce and venturesome spirit, who had long been
mad for battle and distressed by the many post-
ponements and delays, now at last lost all control
of himself, denounced the change of position as a
runaway flight, and declared that he would not
abandon his post, but stay there with his company
and await the onset of Mardonius. And when
Pausanias came up and told him that their action
had been formally voted by the Hellenes in council,
263
or
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
᾿Αμομφάρετος καὶ καταβαλὼν πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν τοῦ
Παυσανίου ταύτην ἔφη ψῆφον αὐτὸς περὶ τῆς
μάχης τίθεσθαι, τὰ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων δειλὰ βουλεύ-
ματα καὶ δόγματα χαίρειν ἐᾶν. ἀπορούμενος δὲ
Παυσανίας τῷ παρόντι πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους
ἔπεμψεν ἀπιόντας ἤδη, περιμεῖναι δεόμενος καὶ
κοινῇ βαδίξειν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν ἄλλην δύναμιν ἦγε
πρὸς τὰς Πλαταιὰς ὡς ἀναστήσων τὸν ᾿Αμομ-
φάρετον. ;
Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ κατελάμβανεν ἡμέρα, καὶ Μαρ-
δόνιος (οὐ γὰρ ἔλαθον τὴν στρατοπεδείαν ἐκλελοι-
motes οἱ “EXAnves) ἔχων συντεταγμένην τὴν
δύναμιν ἐπεφέρετο τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις βοῇ πολλῇ
καὶ πατάγῳ τῶν βαρβάρων, ὡς οὐ μάχης ἐσο-
μένης, ἀλλὰ φεύγοντας ἀναρπασομένων τοὺς
“Ἕλληνας. ὃ μικρᾶς ῥοπῆς ἐδέησε γενέσθαι.
κατιδὼν γὰρ τὸ γινόμενον ὁ Παυσανίας ἔσχετο
μὲν τῆς πορείας καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ μάχῃ τάξιν ἐκέλευσε
λαμβάνειν ἕκαστον, ἔλαθε δ' αὐτόν, εἴθ᾽ ὑπὸ
τῆς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αμομφάρετον ὀργῆς εἴτε τῷ τάχει
θορυβηθέντα τῶν πολεμίων, σύνθημα μὴ δοῦναι
τοῖς “ἕλλησιν. ὅθεν οὔτ᾽ εὐθὺς οὔτ᾽ ἀθρόοι,
κατ᾽ ὀλίγους δὲ καὶ σποράδην, ἤδη τῆς μάχης
ἐν χερσὶν οὔσης, προσεβοήθουν.
ὡς δὲ θνόμενος οὐκ ἐκαλλιέρει, προσέταξε
τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τὰς ἀσπίδας πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν
θεμένους ἀτρέμα καθέξεσθαι καὶ προσέχειν αὐτῷ,
μηδένα τῶν πολεμίων ἀμυνομένους, αὐτὸς δὲ
πάλιν ἐσφαγιάζετο. καὶ προσέπιπτον οἱ ἱππεῖς"
ἤδη δὲ καὶ βέλος ἐξικνεῖτο καί τις ἐπέπληκτο
τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Καλλικράτης,
264
3:
9
ARISTIDES
Amompharetus picked up a great stone and threw it
down at the feet of Pausanias, saying that was his
personal ballot for battle, and he cared not a whit
for the cowardly counsels and votes of the rest.
Pausanias, perplexed at the case, sent to the Athe-
nians, who were already moving off, begging them
to wait and make the march in company with him,
and then began to lead the rest of his troops
toward Plataea, with the idea that he would thus
force Amompharetus from his position.
At this point day overtook them, and Mardonius,
who did not fail to notice that the Hellenes had
abandoned their encampment, with his force in full
array, bore down upon the Lacedaemonians, with great
shouting and clamour on the part of the Barbarians,
who felt that there would be no real battle, but that
the Hellenes had only to be snatched off as they
fled. And this lacked but little of coming to pass.
For Pausanias, on seeing the situation, though he
did check his march and order every man to take
post for battle, forgot, either in his rage at Amom-
pharetus or his confusion at the speed of the enemy,
to give the signal for battle to the confederate
Hellenes. For this reason they did not come to his
aid at once, nor in a body, but in small detachments
and straggling, after the battle was already joined.
When Pausanias got no favourable omens from his
sacrifices, he ordered his Lacedaemonians to sit quiet
with their shields planted in front of them, and to
await his orders, making no attempt to repulse their
enemies, while he himself went to sacrificing again.
By this time the horsemen were charging upon
them ; presently their missiles actually reached them,
and many a Spartan was smitten. And then it was
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὃν ἰδέᾳ τε κάλλιστον Ἑλλήνων καὶ σώματι
μέγιστον ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ στρατῷ γενέσθαι λέγουσι,
τοξευθεὶς καὶ θνήσκων οὐκ ἔφη τὸν θάνατον
ὀδύρεσθαι, καὶ γὰρ ἐλθεῖν οἴκοθεν ὑπὲρ τῆς
“Ἑλλάδος ἀποθανούμενος, GAN ὅτι θνήσκει τῇ
χειρὶ μὴ χρησάμενος. jv οὖν τὸ μὲν πάθος
δεινόν, ἡ δ᾽ ἐγκράτεια θαυμαστὴ τῶν ἀνδρῶν.
οὐ γὰρ ἠμύνοντο τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπιβαίνοντας,
ἀλλὰ τὸν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ
καιρὸν ἀναμένοντες ἠνείχοντο βαλλόμενοι καὶ
πίπτοντες ἐν ταῖς τάξεσιν.
Ἔνιοι δέ φασι τῷ Παυσανίᾳ μικρὸν ἔξω τῆς
παρατάξεως θύοντι “wa κατευχομένῳ τῶν Λυδῶν
τινας ἄφνω προσπεσόντας ἁρπάξειν καὶ διαρρί-
πτειν τὰ περὶ τὴν θυσίαν, τὸν δὲ Παυσανίαν καὶ
τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔχοντας ὅπλα ῥάβδοις καὶ
μάστιξι παίειν' διὸ καὶ νῦν ἐκείνης τῆς ἐπιδρομῆς
μιμήματα τὰς περὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἐν Σπάρτῃ πληγὰς
τῶν ἐφήβων καὶ τὴν μετὰ ταῦτα τῶν Λυδῶν
πομπὴν συντελεῖσθαι.
XVIII. Δυσφορῶν οὖν ὁ Παυσανίας τοῖς παροῦ-
σιν, ἄλλα τοῦ “μάντεως ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις ἱερεῖα. κατα-
βάλλοντος, τρέπεται. πρὸς τὸ Ἡραῖον τῇ ὄψει
δεδακρυμένος, καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνασχὼν εὔξατο
Κιθαιρωνίᾳ " Ἥρᾳ καὶ θεοῖς ἄλλοις, οἱ ΠΠλαταιΐδα
γῆν ἔ ουσιν, εἰ μὴ πέπρωται τοῖς “Ελλησι νικᾶν,
ἀλλὰ ράσαντάς γέ τι παθεῖν καὶ δείξαντας ἔ ἔργῳ
τοῖς πολεμίοις, ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ μάχε-
σθαι μεμαθηκότας ἐστράτευσαν. ταῦτα τοῦ
Παυσανίου θεοκλυτοῦντος ἅμα ταῖς εὐχαῖς ἐφάνη
τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ νίκην ὁ μάντις ἔφραξε. εν δοθέντος
266
ARISTIDES
that Callicrates, said to be the fairest of the Hellenes
to look upon, and the tallest man in their whole
army, was shot, and, dying, said he did not grieve at
death, since he had left his home to die for Hellas,
but at dying without striking a single blow. Their
experience was indeed a terrible one, but the restraint
of the men was wonderful. They did not try to
repel the enemy who were attacking them, but
awaited from their god and their general the favour-
able instant, while they endured wounds and death
at their posts.
Some say that as Pausanias was sacrificing and
praying, a little to one side of his line of battle,
some Lydians suddenly fell upon him and rudely
hurled away the sacrificial offerings; and_ that
Pausanias and his attendants, being without weapons,
smote the intruders with the sacrificial staves and
goads; wherefore, to this day, in imitation of this
onslaught, the ceremonies of beating the young
warriors round the altar at Sparta, and of the pro-
cession of the Lydians which follows this, are duly
celebrated as rites.
XVIII. Then, in distress at this state of affairs,
while the seer slew victim after victim, Pausanias
turned his face, all tears, toward the Heraeum, and
with hands uplifted prayed Cithaeronian Hera and
the other gods of the Plataean land that, if it was
not the lot of the Hellenes to be victorious, they
might at least do great deeds before they fell, and
show to a certainty that their enemies had marched
out against men who were brave and who knew how
to fight. While Pausanias was thus calling on the
gods, right in the midst of his prayers, the sacrifices
showed themselves propitious and the seer announced
367°
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
εἰς ἅπαντας τοῦ παραγγέλματος καθίστασθαι
πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἥ τε φάλαγξ ὄψιν ἔσχεν
αἰφνιδίως ἑνὸὸ ξῴου θυμοειδοῦς πρὸς ἀλκὴν
τρεπομένου καὶ φρίξαντος, τοῖς τε βαρβάροις
τότε παρέστη λογισμός, ὡς πρὸς ἄνδρας ὁ ἀγὼν
ἔσοιτο μάχουμένους ἄχρι θανάτου. διὸ καὶ
προθέμενοι πολλὰ τῶν γέρρων ἐτόξευον εἰς τοὺς }
Λακεδαιμονίους. οἱ δὲ τηροῦντες ἅμα τὸν συνα-
σπισμὸν ἐπέβαινον, καὶ προσπεσόντες ἐξεώθουν
τὰ γέρρα, καὶ τοῖς δόρασι τύπτοντες πρόσωπα
καὶ στέρνα τῶν ἸΠερσῶν πολλοὺς κατέβαλλον,
οὐκ ἀπράκτως οὐδὲ ἀθύμως πίπτοντας. καὶ γὰρ
ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι τῶν δοράτων ταῖς χερσὶ γυμ-
ναῖς συνέθραυον τὰ πλεῖστα, καὶ πρὸς τὰς
ξιφουλκίας ἐχώρουν οὐκ ἀργῶς, ἀχλὰ ταῖς τε
κοπίσι καὶ τοῖς ἀκινάκαις χρώμενοι καὶ τὰς
ἀσπίδας παρασπῶντες καὶ συμπλεκόμενοι χρόψον
πολὺν ἀντεῖχον.
Οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τέως μὲν ἠτρέμουν ἀναμένοντες
τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ἐπεὶ δὲ κραυγή τε προσέ-
πιπτε πολλὴ μαχομένων καὶ παρῆν, ὥς φασιν,
ἄγγελος παρὰ Παυσανίου τὰ γινόμενα φράζων,
ὥρμησαν κατὰ τάχος βοηθεῖν. καὶ προχωροῦ-
σιν αὐτοῖς διὰ τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς τὴν βοὴν ἐπεφέ-
ροντο τῶν Ἑλλήνων οἱ μηδίξοντες, ᾿Αριστείδης
δὲ πρῶτον μέν, ὡς εἶδε, πολὺ προελθὼν ἐβόα,
μαρτυρόμενος “EAAnvious θεούς, ἀπέχεσθαι μάχης
᾿ καὶ μὴ σφίσιν ἐμποδὼν εἶναι μηδὲ κωλύειν
ἐπαμύνοντας τοῖς προκινδυνεύουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς
Ἑλλάδος, ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἑώρα μὴ προσέχοντας αὐτῷ
καὶ συντεταγμένους ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην, οὕτω τῆς
1 eis τοὺς Hercher and Blass with S: τοὺς.
-268
330
_ ARISTIDES
victory. Word was at once passed all along the
line to set themselves in motion against the enemy,
and the phalanx suddenly had the look of a fierce
beast bristling up to defend itself. The Barbarians
then got assurance that their contest was to be with
men who would fight to the death. Therefore they
made a rampart of their wicker targets and shot
their arrows into the ranks of the Lacedaemonians.
These, however, kept their shields closely locked
together as they advanced, fell upon their foemen,
tore away their wicker targets, and then, smiting the
Persians in face and breast with their long spears,
they slew many, who nevertheless did great deeds of
courage before they fell. For they grasped the long
spears with their naked hands, fractured them for
the most part, and then took to short-range fighting
with a will, plying their daggers and scimetars, tear-
ing away their enemies’ shields, and locking them in
close embrace ; and so they held out a long time.
The Athenians, meanwhile, were quietly awaiting
the Lacedaemonians. But when the shouts of those
engaged in battle fell loud upon their ears, and there
came, as they say,a messenger from Pausanias telling
them what was happening, they set out with speed
to aid him. However, as they were advancing
through the plain to his aid, the Medising Hellenes
bore down upon them. Then Aristides, to begin
with, when he saw them, went far forward and
shouted to them, invoking the gods of Hellas, that
they refrain from battle, and oppose not nor hinder
those who were bearing aid to men standing in the
van of danger for the sake of Hellas. But as soon
as he saw that they paid no heed to him, and were
26y
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐκεῖ βοηθείας ἀποτραπόμενος συνέβαλε τούτοις
περὶ πεντακισμυρίους οὖσιν. ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν
πλεῖστον εὐθὺς ἐνέδωκε καὶ ἀπεχώρησεν, ἅτε
δὴ καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπηλλαγμένων, ἡ δὲ
μάχη λέγεται μάλιστα κατὰ Θηβαίους γενέσθαι,
προθυμότατα τῶν πρώτων καὶ δυνατωτάτων τότε
παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς μηδιζόντων καὶ τὸ πλῆθος οὐ κατὰ
γνώμην, ἀλλ᾽ ὀλιγαρχούμενον ἀγόντων.
ΧΙΧ. Οὕτω δὲ τοῦ ἀγῶνος δίχα συνεστῶτος
πρῶτοι μὲν ἐώσαντο τοὺς Πέρσας οἱ Λακεδαι-
μόνιοι': καὶ τὸν Μαρδόνιον ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιάτης
ὄνομα ᾿Αρίμνηστος ἀποκτίννυσι, λίθῳ τὴν κε-
φαλὴν πατάξας, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ προεσήμανε τὸ
ἐν ᾿Αμφιάρεω μαντεῖον. ἔπεμψε γὰρ ἄνδρα
Λυδὸν ἐνταῦθα, Κᾶρα δὲ ἕτερον εἰς Τροφωνίου
6! Μαρδόνιος" καὶ τοῦτον μὲν ὁ προφήτης Καρικῇ
γλώσσῃ προσεῖπεν, ὁ δὲ Λυδὸς ἐν τῷ σηκῷ τοῦ
᾿Αμφιάρεω κατευνασθεὶς ἔδοξεν ὑπηρέτην τινὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ παραστῆναι καὶ κελεύειν αὐτὸν ἀπιέναι,
μὴ βουλομένου δὲ λίθον εἰς τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐμβαλεῖν
μέγαν, ὥστε δόξαι πληγέντα τεθνάναι τὸν ἄνθρω-
πον καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι λέγεται. ᾿ τοὺς
δὲ φεύγοντας εἰς τὰ ξύλινα τείχη καθεῖρξαν.
Ὀλίγῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον ᾿Αθηναῖοι τοὺς Θηβαίους
τρέπονται, τριακοσίους τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους καὶ
πρώτους διαφθείραντες ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μάχῃ. γε-
γενημένης δὲ τῆς τροπῆς ἧκεν αὐτοῖς ἄγγελος
πολιορκεῖσθαι τὸ βαρβαρικὸν εἰς τὰ τείχη κατα-
1 § bracketed in Sintenis?; Blass reads εἰς τὸ Mrgov 6 with
S, after Hercher, thus agreeing with Herodotus viii. 135.
270
ARISTIDES
arrayed for battle, then he turned aside from rendering
aid where he had proposed, and engaged with these,
though they were about fifty thousand in number.
But the greater part of them at once gave way and-
withdrew, especially as the Barbarians had also
retired, and the battle is said to have been fought
chiefly with the Thebans, whose foremost and most
influential men were at that time very eagerly
Medising, and carried with them the multitude, not
of choice, but at the bidding of the few.
XIX. The contest thus begun in two places, the
Lacedaemonians were first to repulse the Persians.
Mardonius was slain by a man of Sparta named
Arimnestus, who crushed his head with a stone, even
as was foretold him by the oracle in the shrine of
Amphiaraiis. Thither he had sent a Lydian man,
and a Carian besides to the oracle of Trophonius.!
This latter the prophet actually addressed in the
Carian tongue ; but the Lydian, on lying down in the
precinct of Amphiaraiis, dreamed that an attendant
of the god stood by his side and bade him be gone,
and on his refusal, hurled a great ‘stone upon his
head, insomuch that he died from the blow (so ran
the man’s dream). These things are so reported.
Furthermore, the Lacedaemonians shut the flying
Persians up in their wooden stockade. |
Shortly after this it was that the Athenians routed
the Thebans, after slaying three hundred, their most
eminent leaders, in the actual battle. After the rout
was effected, and more might have been slain, there
came a messenger to the Athenians, telling them
that the Barbarian force was shut up and besieged
1 According to Herodotus, viii. 135, Mys the Carian visited
the shrine of the Ptoan Apollo, overlooking Lake Copais.
271
“4
PLUTARCH’S LIVES .
κεκλεισμένον. οὕτω δὴ σώξεσθαι τοὺς “EAANVas
ἐάσαντες ἐβοήθουν πρὸς τὰ τείχη" καὶ τοῖς
Λακεδαιμονίοις παντάπασιν ἀργῶς πρὸς τειχο-
μαχίαν καὶ ἀπείρως ἔχουσιν ἐπιφανέντες αἱροῦσι
τὸ στρατόπεδον φόνῳ πολλῷ τῶν πολεμίων.
4 λέγονται γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν τριάκοντα μυριάδων
eA aA A 3 [4 n 3
τετρακισμύριοι φυγεῖν σὺν ᾿Αρταβάξῳ, τῶν ὃ
ς δι e , 2 t) / » e
ὑπὲρ τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος ἀγωνισαμένων ἔπεσον οἱ
πάντες ἐπὶ χιλίοις ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριακόσιοι.
τούτων ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν ἧσαν δύο καὶ πεντήκοντα,
4 3 A“ 3 ’ ἊΝ [2
πάντες ἐκ τῆς Αἰαντίδος φυλῆς, ὥς φησι Κλεί-
5 δημος, ἀγωνισαμένης ἄριστα' διὸ καὶ ταῖς
/ UJ ” 9 (ὃ \ 4
Σφραγίτισι νύμφαις ἔθυον Αἰαντίδαι τὴν πυθό-
χρηστον θυσίαν ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης, ἐκ δημοσίου τὸ
ἀνάλωμα λαμβάνοντες: Λακεδαιμόνιοι δ᾽ ἑνὶ
πλείους τῶν ἐνενήκοντα, Τεγεᾶται δ᾽ ἑκκαίδεκα.
Θαυμαστὸν οὖν τὸ Ἡροδότου, πῶς μόνους
τούτους φησὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις,
τῶν δ᾽' ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων μηδένα. καὶ γὰρ τὸ
πλῆθος τῶν πεσόντων μαρτυρεῖ καὶ τὰ μνήματα
6 κοινὸν γενέσθαι τὸ κατόρθωμα: καὶ τὸν βωμὸν
οὐκ ἂν ἐπέγραψαν οὕτως, εἰ μόναι τρεῖς πόλεις
ἠγωνίσαντο, τῶν ἄλλων ἀτρέμα καθεζομένων"
Τόνδε ποθ᾽ Ελληνες νίκας κράτει, ἔργῳ “Apnos,*
Πέρσας ἐξελάσαντες ἐλευθέρᾳ ᾿Ελλάδι κοινὸν
ἱδρύσαντο Διὸς βωμὸν ἐλευθερίου.
1 Coraés and Bekker insert after this verse the pentameter :
εὐτόλμῳ ψυχᾶς λήματι πειθόμενοι, following the bold tmpulse o
their spirit, found in the Palatine Anthology, vi. 50. af
272
arr |
? vie ARISTIDES
’ νὰ !
in their/stockade. So they suffered the Hellenes in
front of them to make good their escape, while they
themselves marched to the stockade. They brought
welcome aid to the Lacedaemonians, who were
altogether inexperienced and helpless in storming
walled places, and captured the camp with great
slaughter of the enemy. Out of three hundred
thousand, only forty thousand, it is said, made their
escape with Artabazus. Of those who contended
in behalf of Hellas, there fell in all one thousand
three hundred and sixty. Of these, fifty-two were
Athenians, all of the Aeantid tribe, according to
Cleidemus, which made the bravest contest (for which
reason the Aeantids used to sacrifice regularly to the
Sphragitic nymphs the sacrifice ordained by the
Pythian oracle for the victory, receiving the expenses
therefor from the public funds); ninety-one were
Lacedaemonians, and sixteen were men of Tegea.
Astonishing, therefore, is the statement of Herod-
otus,' where he says that these one hundred and fifty-
nine represented the only Hellenes who engaged the
enemy, and that not one of the rest did so. Surely the
total number of those who fell, as well as the monu-
ments erected over them, testifies that the success was
a common one. Besides, had the men of three cities
only made the contest, while the rest sat idly by,
the altar would not have been inscribed as it was :—
“‘Here did the Hellenes, flushed with a victory
granted by Ares
Over the routed Persians, together, for Hellas
delivered,
Build them an altar of Zeus, Zeus as De-
liverer known.”
1 ix. 85,
273
VOL. 11. T
PLUTARCH’S LIVES :
7 Ταύτην τὴν μάχην ἐμαχέσαντο τῇ τετράδι τοῦ
Βοηδρομιῶνος ἱσταμένου κατ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίους, κατὰ
δὲ Βοιωτοὺς τετράδι τοῦ Πανέμου φθίνοντος, ἡ 331
καὶ νῦν ἔτι τὸ “λληνικὸν ἐν Πλαταιαῖς ἀθροί-
ζεται συνέδριον καὶ θύουσι τῷ ἐλευθερίῳ Διὶ
Πλαταιεῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης. τὴν δὲ τῶν ἡμερῶν
ἀνωμαλίαν οὐ ᾿θαυμαστέον, ὅπου καὶ νῦν διηκρι-
βωμένων τῶν ἐν ἀστρολογίᾳ μᾶλλον ἄλλην ἄλλοι
μηνὸς ἀρχὴν καὶ τελευτὴν ἄγουσιν.
XX. Ἔκ τούτου τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων τὸ ἀριστεῖον
οὐ παραδιδόντων τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις οὐδὲ τρό-
παιον ἱστάναι συγχωρούντων ἐκείνοις, παρ᾽
οὐδὲν ἂν ἦλθεν εὐθὺς ἀπολέσθαι τὰ πράγματα
τῶν “Ἑλλήνων ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις διαστάντων,
εἰ -μὴ πολλὰ παρηγορῶν καὶ ᾿διδάσκων τοὺς
συστρατήγους ὁ A ἐστείδης, μάλιστα δὲ Aew-
κράτη καὶ Μυρωνίδην, ἔσχε καὶ συνέπεισε τὴν
2 κρίσιν ἐφεῖναι τοῖς “Ἕλλησιν. ἐνταῦθα βουλευο-
μένων τῶν Ελλήνων Θεογείτων μὲν ὁ ο Μεγαρεὺς
εἶπεν, ὡς étépa! πόλει δοτέον εἴη τὸ ἀριστεῖον,
εἰ μὴ βούλονται συνταράξαι πόλεμον ἐμφύλεον'
ἐπὶ τούτῳ δ᾽ ἀναστὰς Κλεόκριτος ὁ Κορίνθιος
δόξαν μὲν παρέσχεν ὡς Κορινθίοις αἰτήσων τὸ
ἐστεῖον" ἣν yap ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγίστῳ μετὰ τὴν
hae πάρτην καὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἡ Κόρινθος: εἶπε δὲ
πᾶσιν ἀρέσαντα καὶ θαυμαστὸν λόγον ὑπὲρ
᾿ Ἠλαταιέων, καὶ συνεβούλευσε τὴν φιλονεικίαν
ἀνελεῖν ἐκείνοις τὸ ἀριστεῖον ἀποδόντας, οἷς
3 οὐδετέρους τιμωμένοις ἄχθεσθαι. ῥηθέντων δὲ
τούτων πρῶτος μὲν ᾿Αριστείδης συνεχώρησεν
1 ἑτέρᾳ Bekker has οὐδετέρᾳ neither city, adopting a conjec-
ture of Muretus.
274
ARISTIDES
This battle was fought on the fourth of the month
Boédromion, as the Athenians reckon time; but
according to the Boeotian calendar, on the twenty-
seventh of the month Panemus,! the day when,
down to the present time, the Hellenic council
assembles in Plataea, and the Plataeans sacrifice to
Zeus the Deliverer for the victory. We must not
wonder at the apparent discrepancy between these-
dates, since, even now that astronomy is a more
exact science, different peoples have different be-
ginnings and endings for their months.
XX. After this, the Athenians would not grant
the Spartans the highest meed of valour, nor allow
them to erect a general trophy, and the cause of the
Hellenes had certainly gone at once to destruction
from their armed contention, had not Aristides, by
abundant exhortation and admonition, checked his
fellow-generals, especially Leocrates and Myronides,
and persuaded them to submit the case to the
Hellenes for decision. Thereupon, in the council of
the Hellenes, Theogeiton the Megarian said that the
meed of valour must be given to some third city,
unless they desired the confusion of a civil war. At
this point Cleggrjtus the Corinthian rose to speak.
Every one thought he would demand the meed of
valour for the Corinthians, since Corinth was held in
greatest estimation after Sparta and Athens. But to
the astonishment and delight of all, he made a
proposition in behalf of the Plataeans, and counselled
to take away contention by giving them the meed of
valour, since at their honour neither claimant could
take offence. To this proposal Aristides was first to
1 About August 1, 479 B.c.
275
T 2
PLUTA RCH’S LIVES
ὑπὲρ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, ἔπειτα ἸΙαυσανίας ὑπὲρ
τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων. οὕτω δὲ διαλλαγέντες
ἐξεῖλον ὀγδοήκοντα τάλαντα τοῖς Πλαταιεῦσιν,
ἀφ᾽ ὧν τὸ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἀνῳκοδόμησαν ' ἱερὸν καὶ
τὸ ἕδος ἔστησαν καὶ γραφαῖς τὸν νεὼν διεκό-
σμησαν, αἱ μέχρι νῦν ἀκμάζξουσαι διαμένουσιν,
ἔστησαν δὲ τρόπαιον ἰδίᾳ μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι,
χωρὶς δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναῖοι.
Περὶ δὲ θυσίας ἐρομένοις αὐτοῖς ἀνεῖλεν ὃ
Πύθιος Διὸς ἐλευθερίου βωμὸν ἱδρύσασθαι, θῦσαι
δὲ μὴ πρότερον ἢ τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πῦρ ἀπο-
σβέσαντας ὡς ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων μεμιασμένον
ἐναύσασθαι καθαρὸν ἐκ Δελφῶν ἀπὸ τῆς κοινῆς
ἑστίας. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄρχοντες τῶν ᾿Βλλήνων περι-
ἐόντες εὐθὺς ἠνάγκαζον ἀποσβεννύναι τὰ πυρὰ
πάντα τοὺς “χρωμένους, ἐκ δὲ Πλαταιέων Εὐ-
χίδας ὑ ὑποσχόμενος ὡς ἐνδέχεται τάχιστα, κρμεεῖν
τὸ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πῦρ ἧκεν εἰς Δελφούς. ary-
νίσας δὲ τὸ σῶμα καὶ περιρρανάμενος ἐστεφανώ-
σατο δάφνῃ" καὶ λαβὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ τὸ πῦρ
δρόμῳ πάλιν εἰς τὰς 1Πλαταιὰς ἐχώρει καὶ πρὸ
ἡλίου δυσμῶν ἐπανῆλθε, "τῆς. --αὐτῆς ἡμέρας
χιλίους σταδίους κατανύσας. ἀσπασάμενος δὲ
τοὺς πολίτας καὶ τὸ πῦρ παραδοὺς εὐθὺς
ἔπεσε καὶ “μετὰ μικρὸν ἐξέπνευσεν. ἀγάμενοι
δ᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ Ἰ]λαταιεῖς ἔθαψαν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς
Εὐκλείας ᾿Αρτέμιδος, ἐπιγράψαντες τόδε τὸ
τετράώμετρον"
Εὐχίδας Πυθῶδε θρέξας ἦλθε τᾷδ᾽ αὐθημερόν.
1 ἀνῳκοδόμησεν Hercher and Blass, following Stephanus,
and favoured by FS: φκοδόμησαν built.
276
ARISTIDES
agree on behalf of the Athenians, then Pausanias on
behalf of the Lacedaemonians. Thus reconciled, they
chose out eighty talents of the booty for the Plataeans,
with which they rebuilt the sanctuary of Athena, and
set up the shrine,and adorned the temple with frescoes,
which continue in perfect condition to the present
day; then the Lacedaemonians set up a trophy on their
own account, and the Athenians also for themselves.
When they consulted the oracle regarding the
sacrifice to be made, the Pythian god made answer
that they were to erect an altar of -Zeus the
Deliverer, but were not to sacrifice upon it until
they had extinguished the fire throughout the land,
which he said had been polluted by the Barbarians,
and kindled it fresh and pure from the public hearth
at Delphi. Accordingly the commanders of the
Hellenes went about straightway and compelled all
who were using fire to extinguish it, while Euchidas,
who promised to bring the sacred fire with all
conceivable speed, went from Plataea to Delphi.
There he purified his person by sprinkling himself
with the holy water, and crowned himself with
laurel. Then he took from the altar the sacred fire
and started to run back to Plataea. He reached the
place before. the sun had set, accomplishing thus a
thousand furlongs in one and the same day. He
greeted his countrymen, handed them the sacred
fire, and straightway fell down, and after a little
expired. In admiration of him the Plataeans gave
him burial in the sanctuary of Artemis Eucleia, and
inscribed upon his tomb this tetrameter verse :—
““ Euchidas, to Pytho running, came back here
the selfsame day.”
277
6
2
3
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Τὴν δ᾽ Εὔκλειαν οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ καὶ καλοῦσι
καὶ νομίζουσιν Αρτεμιν, ἔνιοι δέ φασιν Ἥρα-
κλέους μὲν θυγατέρα καὶ Μυρτοῦς γενέσθαι, τῆς
Μενοιτίου μὲν θυγατρός, Πατρόκλου δ᾽ ἀδελφῆς,
τελευτήσασαν δὲ παρθένον ἔχειν παρά τε Βοιω-
τοῖς καὶ Λοκροῖς τιμάς. βωμὸς γὰρ αὐτῇ καὶ
ἄγαλμα κατὰ πᾶσαν ἀγορὰν ἵδρυται, καὶ προ-
θύουσι: at τε γαμούμεναι καὶ οἱ γαμοῦντες.
ΧΧῚ Ἔκ τούτου γενομένης ἐκκλησίας κοινῆς
τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔγραψεν ᾿Αριστείδηῆς ψήφισμα
συνιέναι μὲν εἰς Πλαταιὰς καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν
ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος προβούλους καὶ θεωρούς,
ἄγεσθαι δὲ πενταετηρικὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν ᾿᾽Ελευ-
θερίων. εἶναι δὲ σύνταξιν Ἑλληνικὴν μυρίας μὲν
ἀσπίδας, χιλίους δὲ ἵππους, ναῦς δ᾽ ἑκατὸν ἐπὶ
Ν \ / 4 a 9
τὸν πρὸς βαρβάρους πόλεμον, Ἰ]λαταιεῖς ὃ
4 e ΄ Ὁ A “
ἀσύλους καὶ ἱεροὺς ἀφεῖσθαι τῷ θεῷ θύοντας
ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδ
ὑπὲρ τῆς ος.
e A
Κυρωθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ὑπεδέ-
Eavto τοῖς πεσοῦσι καὶ κειμένοις αὐτόθι τῶν
Ἑλλήνων ἐναγίζειν καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν. καὶ
τοῦτο μέχρι νῦν δρῶσι τόνδε! τὸν τρόπον: τοῦ
Μαιμακτηριῶνος μηνός, ὅς ἐστι παρὰ Βοιωτοῖς
Ε᾽᾿Αλαλκομένιος, τῇ ἕκτῃ ἐπὶ δέκα πέμπουσι πομ-
πήν, ἧς προηγεῖται μὲν ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ σαλπιγκτὴς
ἐγκελευόμενος τὸ πολεμικόν, ἕπονται δ᾽ ἅμαξαι
μυρρίνης μεσταὶ καὶ στεφανωμάτων καὶ μέλας
ταῦρος καὶ χοὰς οἴνου καὶ γάλακτος ἐν ἀμφορεῦσιν
ἐλαίον τε καὶ μύρου κρωσσοὺς νεανίσκοι κομί-
ἕοντες ἐλεύθεροι" δούλῳ γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἔξεστι τῶν
1 τόνδε Hercher and Blass with FS : τοῦτον.
278
ARISTIDES
Now Eucleia is regarded by most as Artemis, and
is so addressed; but some say she was a daughter
‘of Heracles and of that Myrto who was daughter of
Menoetius and sister of Patroclus, and that, dying in
virginity, she received divine honours among the
Boeotians and Locrians. For she has an altar and
an image built in every market place, and receives
preliminary sacrifices from would-be brides and
bridegrooms.
XXI. After this, there was a general assembly of
the Hellenes, at which Aristides proposed a decree
to the effect that deputies and delegates from all
Hellas convene at Plataea every year, and that every
fourth year festival games of deliverance be cele-
brated — the Eleutheria; also that a confederate
Hellenic force be levied, consisting of ten thousand
shield, one thousand horse, and one hundred ships,
to prosecute the war against the Barbarian ; also that
the Plataeans be set apart as inviolable and con-
secrate, that they might sacrifice to Zeus the
Deliverer in behalf of Hellas.
These propositions were ratified, and the Plataeans
undertook to make funeral offerings annually for the
Hellenes who had fallen in battle and lay buried
there. And this they do yet unto this day, after the
following manner. On the sixteenth of the month
Maimacterion (which is the Boeotian Alalcomenius),
they celebrate a procession. This is led forth at
break of day by a trumpeter sounding the signal fcr
battle ; waggons follow filled with myrtle-wreaths,
then comes a black bull, then free-born youths
carrying libations of wine and milk in jars, and
pitchers of oil and myrrh (no slave may put hand to
279
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
\ \ ’ 3 / UA \
περὶ τὴν διακονίαν ἐκείνην προσάψασθαι διὰ τὸ
τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας: ἐπὶ πᾶσι
δὲ τῶν Πλαταιέων ὁ ἄρχων, ᾧ. τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον
οὔτε σιδήρου θιγεῖν ἔξεστιν οὔθ᾽ ἑτέραν ἐσθῆτα
\ fo) 3 a 4 A a
πλὴν λευκῆς ἀναλαβεῖν, τότε χιτῶνα φοινικοῦν
ἐνδεδυκὼς ἀράμενός τε ὑδρίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ γραμματο-
φυλακίου ξιφήρης ἐπὶ τοὺς τάφους προάγει διὰ
, a 4 Ν [4 3 Ἁ ww
μέσης τῆς πόλεως. εἶτα λαβὼν ὕδωρ ἀπὸ τῆς
κρήνης αὐτὸς ἀπολούει τε τὰς στήλας καὶ μύρῳ
χρίει, καὶ τὸν ταῦρον εἰς τὴν πυρὰν σφάξας καὶ
κατευξάμενος Διὶ καὶ Ἑρμῇ χθονίῳ παρακαλεῖ
τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος
ἀποθανόντας ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ τὴν αἱμοκουρίαν.
ἔπειτα κρατῆρα κεράσας οἴνου καὶ χεάμενος ἐπι-
λέγει: “ Προπίνω τοῖς ἀνδράσι τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς
ἐλευθερίας τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀποθανοῦσι." ταῦτα
μὲν οὖν ὄτι καὶ νῦν διαφυλάττουσιν οἱ Πλαταεῖς.
XXII. ᾿Επεὶ δ᾽ ἀναχωρήσαντας εἰς τὸ ἄστυ
Ἁ 9 ’ e 9 4 es a
τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ὁ ᾿Αριστείδης ἑώρα ἕξητοῦντας
A , ἢ a \ ΚΝ ε ,ὔ
τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἀπολαβεῖν, ἅμα μὲν ἄξιον ἡγού-
μενος διὰ τὴν ἀνδραγαθίαν ἐπιμελείας τὸν δῆμον,
ἅμα δ᾽ οὐκ ἔτι ῥάδιον ἰσχύοντα τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ
μέγα φρονοῦντα ταῖς νίκαις ἐκβιασθῆναι, γράφει
ψήφισμα κοινὴν εἶναι τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς
Ν 34. 9 / 4 ς a
ἄρχοντας ἐξ ᾿Αθηναίων πάντων αἱρεῖσθαι.
Θεμιστοκλέους δὲ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον εἰπόντος, ὡς
ἔχει te βούλευμα καὶ γνώμην ἀπόρρητον, ὠφέ-
λέμον δὲ τῇ πόλει καὶ σωτήριον, ἐκέλευσαν
᾿Αριστείδην μόνον ἀκοῦσαι καὶ συνδοκιμάσαι.
280
ARISTIDES
any part of that ministration, because the men
thus honoured died for freedom); and following all,
the chief magistrate of Plataea, who may not at
other times touch iron or put on any other raiment
than white, at this time is robed in a purple tunic,
carries on high a water-jar from the city’s archive
chamber, and proceeds, sword in hand, through the
midst of the city to the graves; there he takes water
from the sacred spring, washes off with his own hands
the gravestones, and anoints them with myrrh; then
he slaughters the bull at the funeral pyre, and, with
prayers to Zeus and Hermes Terrestrial, summons
the brave men who died for Hellas to come to the
banquet and its copious draughts of blood; next he
mixes a mixer of wine, drinks, and then pours a
libation from it, saying these words: “I drink to the
men who died for the freedom of the Hellenes.”
These rites, I say, are observed by’ the Plataeans
down to this very day.
XXII. After the Athenians had returned to their
own city, Aristides saw that they desired to receive
the more popular form of government. He thought
the people worthy of consideration because of its
sturdy valour, and he saw also that it was no longer
easy to be forced out of its desires, since it was
powerful in arms, and greatly elated by its victories.
So he introduced a decree that the administration of
the city be the privilege of all classes, and that the
archons be chosen from all the Athenians.
Themistocles once declared to the people that he
had devised a certain measure ,which could not be
revealed to them, though it would be helpful and
salutary for the city, and they ordered that Aristides
alone should hear what it was and pass judgment on
281
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
φράσαντος δὲ τῷ ᾿Αριστείδη τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους,
ὡς διανοεῖται τὸν ναύσταθμον é ἐμπρῆσαι τῶν Ἕλ-
λήνων, οὕτω γὰρ ἔσεσθαι μεγίστους καὶ κυρίους
ἁπάντων τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, παρελθὼν εἰς τὸν
δῆμον ὁ ᾿Αριστείδης ἔφη τῆς πράξεως, ἣ ἣν Θεμι-
στοκλῆς. πράττειν διανοεῖται, μήτε λυσιτεέλεσ-
τέραν ἄλλην μήτ᾽ ἀδικωτέραν εἶναι. ταῦτ᾽
ἀκούσαντες οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι παύσασθαι τὸν Θεμι-
στοκλέα προσέταξαν. οὕτω μὲν ὁ δῆμος ἦν
φιλοδίκαιος, οὕτω δὲ τῷ δήμῳ πιστὸς ὁ ἀνὴρ
καὶ βέβαιος.
XXIII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ στρατηγὸς ἐκπεμφθεὶς μετὰ
Κίμωνος ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἑώρα τόν τε Παυσα-
νίαν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους a χοντᾶς τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν
ἐπαχθεῖς καὶ χαλεποὺς τοῖς συμμάχοις ὄντας,
αὐτός TE πρᾷάως καὶ φιλανθρώπως ὁμιλῶν καὶ
τὸν “Κίμωνα παρέχων. εὐάρμοστον αὐτοῖς καὶ
κοινὸν ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις ἔλαθε τῶν Λακεδαι-
μονίων οὐχ ὅπλοις οὐδὲ ναυσὶν οὐδ᾽ ἵπποις,
εὐγνωμοσύνῃ δὲ καὶ πολιτείᾳ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
παρελόμενος. προσφιλεῖς γὰρ ὅ ὄντας τοὺς ᾿Αθη-
ναίους τοῖς Ἕλλησι διὰ. τὴν ͵ Ἀριστείδου δικαιο-
σύνην καὶ τὴν Κίμωνος ἐπιείκειαν ἔτει μᾶλλον ἡ
τοῦ Παυσανίου πλεονεξία καὶ βαρύτης ποθεινοὺς
ἐποίει. τοῖς τε γὰρ ἄρχουσι τῶν συμμάχων ἀεὶ
μετ᾽ ὀργῆς ἐνετύγχανε καὶ τραχέως, τούς τε
πολλοὺς ἐκόλαξε πληγαῖς ἢ σιδηρᾶν. ἄγκυραν
ἐπιτιθεὶς ἠνάγκαζεν ἑστάναι Os ὅλης τῆς ἡμέρας.
oes δ᾽ οὐκ ἦν λαβεῖν οὐδὲ χόρτον οὐδὲ
κρήνῃ προσελθεῖν ὑδρευόμενον οὐδένα πρὸ τῶν
παρτιατῶν, ἀλλὰ μάστιγας ἔχοντες ὑπηρέται
282
ARISTIDES
it. So Themistocles told Aristides that his purpose
was to burn the naval station of the confederate
Hellenes, for that in this way the Athenians would
be greatest, and lords of all. Then Aristides came
before the people and said of the deed which
Themistocles purposed to do, that none other could
be more advantageous, and none more unjust. On
hearing this, the Athenians ordained that Themis-
tocles cease from his purpose.!1 So fond of justice
was the people, and so loyal and true to the people
was Aristides.
XXIII. When he was sent out as general along
with Cimon to prosecute the war,? and saw that
Pausanias and the other Spartan commanders were
offensive and severe to the allies, he made his
own intercourse with them gentle and humane,
and induced Cimon to be on easy terms with
them and to take an actual part in their campaigns,
so that, before the Lacedaemonians were aware,
not by means of hoplites or ships or horsemen,
but by tact and diplomacy he had stripped them
of the leadership. For, well disposed as the Hellenes
were toward the Athenians on account of the
justice of Aristides and the reasonableness of
Cimon, they were made to long for their supremacy
still more by the rapacity of Pausanias and_ his
severity. The commanders of the allies ever met
with angry harshness at the hands of Pausanias,
and the common men he punished with stripes,
or by compelling them to stand all day long with
an iron anchor on their shoulders. No one could
get bedding or fodder or go down to a spring
for water before the Spartans, nay, their servants
1 Οἱ Themistocles, xx. 1-2. 2 478 B.C.
283
6
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τοὺς προσιόντας ἀπήλαυνον. ὑπὲρ ὧν τοῦ
᾿Αριστείδον ποτὲ βουληθέντος ἐγκαλέσαι καὶ
διδάξαι, συναγαγὼν τὸ πρόσωπον ὁ Παυσανίας
οὐκ ἔφη σχολάξειν οὐδ᾽ ἤκουσεν.
Ἔκ τούτου προσιόντες οἱ ναύαρχοι καὶ στρα-
τηγοὶ τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων, μάλιστα δὲ Χῖοι καὶ Σάμιοι
καὶ Λέσβιοι, τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην ἔπειθον ἀναδέξα-
σθαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ προσαγαγέσθαι τοὺς
συμμάχους πάλαι δεομένους ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῶν
Σπαρτιατῶν καὶ μετατάξασθαι πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αθη.-
ναίους. ἀποκριναμένου δ᾽ ἐκείνου τοῖς μὲν λόγοις
la) J “Ὁ “ Ἁ \ 4 7
αὐτῶν τό τε ἀναγκαῖον ἐνορᾶν καὶ τὸ δίκαιον,
ἔργου δὲ δεῖσθαι τὴν πίστιν, ὃ πραχθὲν οὐκ ἐάσει
πάλιν μεταβαλέσθαι τοὺς πολλούς, οὕτως οἱ
περὶ τὸν Σάμιον Οὐλιάδην καὶ τὸν Χῖον ᾽Αντα-
γόραν συνομοσάμενοι περὶ Βυζάντιον ἐμβάλ-
λουσιν εἰς τὴν τριήρη τοῦ Παυσανίου, προεκπλέ-
ουσαν ἐν μέσῳ λαβόντες. ὡς δὲ κατιδὼν ἐκεῖνος
ἐξανέστη καὶ μετ᾽ ὀργῆς ἠπείλησεν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ
τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπιδείξειν οὐκ εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ ναῦν
ἐμβεβληκότας, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὰς ἰδίας πατρίδας,
ἐκέλευον αὐτὸν ἀπιέναι καὶ ἀγαπᾶν τὴν συναγω-
νισαμένην τύχην ἐν Πλαταιαῖς" ἐκείνην γὰρ ἔτι
τοὺς “Ἕλληνας αἰσχυνομένους μὴ λαμβάνειν
ἀξίαν δίκην παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ' τέλος δ᾽ ἀποστάντες
ὥχοντο πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους.
Ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τὸ φρόνημα τῆς Σπάρτης διεφάνη
1 wore... διδάξαι Hercher and Blass with F488; wor’ ἐγκα-
λέσαι καὶ διδάξαι βουλομένον.
284
333
ARISTIDES
armed with - goads would drive away such as
approached. On these grounds Aristides once
had it in mind to chide and admonish him, but
Pausanias scowled, said he was busy, and would
not listen.
Subsequently the captains and generals of the
Hellenes, and especially the Chians, Samians, and
Lesbians, came to Aristides and tried to persuade
him to assume the leadership and bring over to
his support the allies, who had long wanted to
be rid of the Spartans and to range themselves
anew on the side of the Athenians. He replied
that he saw the urgency and the justice of what
they proposed, but that to establish Athenian
confidence in them some overt act was needed,
the doing of which would make it impossible for
the multitude to change their allegiance back again.
So Uliades the Samian and Antagoras the Chian
conspired together, and ran down the trireme of
Pausanias off Byzantium, closing in on both sides
of it as it was putting out before the line. When
Pausanias saw what they had done, he sprang
up and wrathfully threatened to show the world
in a little while that these men had run down
not so much his ship as their own native cities;
but they bade him be gone, and be grateful to
that fortune which fought in his favour at Plataea ;
it was because the Hellenes still stood in awe of
this, they said, that they did not punish him as he
deserved. And finally they went off and joined
the Athenians. ᾿
Then indeed was the lofty wisdom of the
285
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
θαυμαστόν. ὡς ya ἤσθοντο τῷ μεγέθει τῆς
ἐξουσίας διαφθειρομένους αὐτῶν τοὺς ἄρχοντας,
ἀφῆκαν ἑκουσίως τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ πέμποντες
ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπαύσαντο στρατηγούς, μᾶλλον
αἱρούμενοι σωφρονοῦντας ἔχειν καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσιν
ἐμμένοντας τοὺς πολίτας ἢ τῆς “Ἑλλάδος ἄρχειν
ἁπάσης.
XXIV. Oi δ᾽ “Ἕλληνες ἐτέλουν μέν τινα καὶ
Λακεδαιμονίων ἡγουμένων ἀπρφορὰν εἰς τὸν
πόλεμον, ταχθῆναι δὲ βουλόμενοι κατὰ πόλιν
ἑκάστοις τὸ μέτριον ἠτήσαντο παρὰ τῶν ᾿Αθη-
ναΐων ᾿Αριστείδην, καὶ προσέταξαν αὐτῷ χώραν
τε καὶ προσόδους ἐπισκεψάμενον ὁρίσαι τὸ κατ᾽
ἀξίαν ἑκάστῳ καὶ δύναμιν. ὁ δὲ τηλικαύτης
ἐξουσίας κύριος γενόμενος καὶ τρόπον τινὰ τῆς
“Ἑλλάδος ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ μόνῳ τὰ πράγματα πάντα
θεμένης, πένης μὲν ἐξῆλθεν, ἐπανῆλθε δὲ πενέ-
στερος, οὐ μόνον καθαρῶς καὶ δικαίως, ἀλλὰ καὶ
προσφιλῶς πᾶσι καὶ , ἁρμοδίως τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν
τῶν χρημάτων ποιησάμενος. ὡς γὰρ οἱ παλαιοὶ
τὸν ἐπὶ Κρόνου βίον, οὕτως οἱ σύμμαχοι τῶν
᾿Αθηναίων τὸν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδου φόρον εὐποτμίαν
τινὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὀνομάξοντες ὕμνουν, καὶ
μάλιστα μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον διπλασιασθέντος,
εἶτ᾽ αὖθις τριπλασιασθέντος. ὃν μὲν γὰρ ᾿Αρι-
στείδης ἔταξεν, ἦν εἰς ᾿ἐξήκοντα καὶ τετρακοσίων
ταλάντων λόγον" τούτῳ δὲ Περικλῆς μὲν ἐπέ-
θηκεν ὀλίγου δεῖν τὸ τ τὰ μέρος" ἑξακόσια γὰ
τάλαντα Θουκυδίδης φησὶ ν ἀρχομένου τοῦ one.
pou προσιέναι τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἀπὸ τῶν συμ-
μάχων: Περικλέους δ᾽ ἀποθανόντος ἐπιτείνοντες
286
ARISTIDES
Spartans made manifest in a wonderful way. When
they saw that their commanders were corrupted
by the great powers entrusted to them, they volun-
tarily abandoned the leadership and ceased sending
out generals for the war, choosing rather ‘to have
their citizens discreet and true to their ancestral
customs than to have the sway over all Hellas.
XXIV. The Hellenes used to pay a sort of con-
tribution for the war even while the Lacedaemonians
had the leadership, but now they wished to be
assessed equably city by city. So they asked the
Athenians for Aristides, and commissioned him
to inspect their several territories and revenues,!
and then to fix the assessments according to each
member's worth and ability to pay. And yet,
though he became master of such power, and
though after a fashion Hellas put all her property
in his sole hands, poor as he was when he went.
forth on this mission, he came back from it poorer
still, and he made his assessments of money not
only with purity and justice, but also to the
grateful satisfaction and convenience of all concerned.
Indeed, as men of old hymned the praises of the
age of Cronus—the golden age, so did the allies
of the Athenians praise the tariff of. Aristides,
calling it a kind of blessed happening for Hellas,
especially as, after a short time, it was doubled
and then again trebled. For the tax which Aristides
laid amounted to four hundred and sixty talents
only; but Pericles must have added almost a
third to this, since Thucydides? says that when
the war began the Athenians had ἃ revenue of
six hundred talents from their allies. And after
1 478-477 B.c. 2 ii, 18.
287
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
οἱ δημαγωγοὶ κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς χιλίων Kal τρια-
/ Ul / 3 4 3 Φ
κοσίων ταλάντων κεφάλαιον ἀνήγαγον, οὐχ οὕτω
τοῦ πολέμου διὰ μῆκος καὶ τύχας δαπανηροῦ
γενομένου καὶ πολυτελοῦς, ὡς τὸν δῆμον εἰς δια-
νομὰς καὶ θεωρικὰ καὶ κατασκευὰς ἀγαλμάτων
καὶ ἱερῶν προωγαγόντες.
Μέγα δ᾽ οὖν ὄνομα τοῦ ᾿Αριστείδου καὶ θαυ-
μαστὸν ἔχοντος ἐπὶ τῇ διατάξει τῶν φόρων ὁ
Θεμιστοκλῆς λέγεται καταγελᾶν, ὡς οὐκ ἀνδρὸς
ὄντα τὸν ἔπαινον, ἀλλὰ θυλάκου χρυσοφύλακος'
ἀνομοίως ἀμυνόμενος τὴν ᾿Αριστείδου παρρησίαν'
ἐκείνῳ yap! εἰπόντος ποτὲ τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους
ἀρετὴν ἡγεῖσθαι μεγίστην στρατηγοῦ τὸ γινώ-
σκειν καὶ προαισθάνεσθαι τὰ βουλεύματα τῶν
πολεμίων, “ Τοῦτο μέν," εἰπεῖν, ““ ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν,
4, 4 A A \ Ν 3
® Θεμιστόκλεις, καλὸν δὲ καὶ στρατηγικὸν ἀλη-
θῶς ἡ περὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἐγκράτεια."
XXV.‘O δ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδης ὥρκισε μὲν τοὺς
Ελληνας καὶ ὦμοσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, μύ-
δρους ἐμβαλὼν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀραῖς εἰς τὴν θάλατταν,
ὕστερον δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρχειν ἐγκρατέ-
στερον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐκβιαζομένων ἐκέλευε τοὺς
’ , \ > ί ἐ » ς ν. 94
Αθηναίους τὴν ἐπιορκίαν τρέψαντας εἰς ἑαυτὸν
/ lo A 4 > φ{ῳ
ἡ συμφέρει χρῆσθαι τοῖς πρώγμασι. καθ᾽ ὅλου
δ᾽ ὁ Θεόφραστός φησι τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον περὶ τὰ
οἰκεῖα καὶ Τοὺς πολίτας ἄκρως ὄντα δίκαιον ἐν
1 ἐκείνῳ γὰρ Hercher and Blass with F*S: ἐκεῖνος γάρ.
2 ἑαυτὸν Hercher and Blass with F®S: αὐτὸν.
288
334
ARISTIDES 5
the death of Pericles the demagogues enlarged
it little by little, and at last brought the sum
total up to thirteen hundred talents, not so much
because the war, by reason of its length and
vicissitudes, became extravagantly expensive, as
because they themselves led the people off into
the distribution of public moneys for spectacular
entertainments, and for the erection of images
and sanctuaries.
So then Aristides had a great and admirable
name for his adjustment of the revenues. But
Themistocles is said to have ridiculed him, claiming
that the praise he got therefor was not fit for
a man, but rather for a mere money-wallet. He came
off second best, however, in this retort upon the
plain speech of Aristides, who had remarked, when
Themistocles once declared to him the opinion
that the greatest excellence in a general was the
anticipation of the plans of his enemies: “That
is indeed needful, Themistocles, but the honourable
thing, and that which makes the real general, is
his mastery over his fingers.”
XXV. Aristides did, indeed, bind the Hellenes
by an oath, and took oath himself for the Athenians,
solemnly casting iron ingots from the very altars
into the sea; but afterwards, when circumstances,
forsooth, compelled a more strenuous sway, he
bade the Athenians lay the perjury to his own’
charge, and turn events to their own advantage.
And in general, as Theophrastus tells us, while
the man was strictly just in his private relations
to his fellow-citizens, in public matters he often
289
VOL. Il. υ
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τοῖς κοινοῖς πολλὰ πρᾶξαι πρὸς THY ὑπόθεσιν
τῆς πατρίδος, ὡς συχνῆς καὶ ἀδικίας δεομένην.
καὶ γὰρ τὰ χρήματά φησιν ἐκ Andou βουλευομέ-
νων ᾿Αθήναζε κομίσαι παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας, καὶ 3
Σαμίων εἰσηγουμένων, εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον, ὡς οὐ
8 δίκαιον μέν, συμφέρον δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἐστί. καὶ τέλος
εἰς τὸ ἄρχειν ἀνθρώπων τοσούτων καταστήσας
τὴν πόλιν αὐτὸς ἐνέμεινε τῇ πενίᾳ καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ
τοῦ πένης εἶναι δόξαν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἀγαπῶν τῆς
ἀπὸ τῶν τροπαίων διετέλεσε. δῆλον δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν.
Καλλίας ὁ δᾳδοῦχος ἦν αὐτῷ γένει προσήκων.
τοῦτον οἱ ἐχθροὶ θανάτου διώκοντες, ἐπεὶ περὶ
ὧν ἐγράψαντο μετρίως κατηγόρησαν, εἶπόν τινα
λόγον ἔξωθεν τοιοῦτον πρὸς τοὺς δικαστάς"
4 ““᾽Αριστείδην,᾽ ἔφησαν, “ἴστε τὸν Λυσιμάχου
θαυμαζόμενον ἐν τοῖς “Ελλησι: τούτῳ πῶς οἴεσθε
τὰ κατ᾽ οἶκον ἔχειν ὁρῶντες αὐτὸν ἐν τρίβωνι
τοιούτῳ προερχόμενον εἰς τὸ δημόσιον; ἄρ᾽ οὐκ
εἰκός ἐστι τὸν ῥιγοῦντα φανερῶς καὶ πεινᾶν οἴκοι
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων σπανίζειν; τοῦτον
μέντοι Καλλίας, ἀνεψιὸν ὄντα, πλουσιώτατος ὧν
“Αθηναίων περιορᾷ μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικὸς
ἐνδεόμενον, πολλὰ κεχρημένος τῷ ἀνδρὶ καὶ
πολλάκις αὐτοῦ τῆς παρ᾽ ὑμῖν δυνάμεως ἀπολε-
ὅ λαυκώς." ὁ δὲ Καλλίας ὁρῶν ἐπὶ τούτῳ μάλιστα
1 καὶ ἀδικίας δεομένην Blass, favoured by F*S: ἀδικίας
δεομένης. 2 καὶ bracketed by Sintenis®.
290
ARISTIDES
acted in accordance with the policy which his
- country had adopted, feeling that this required
much actual injustice. For instance, he says that
when the question of removing the moneys of the
confederacy from Delos to Athens,’ contrary to
the compacts, was being debated, and even the
Samians proposed it, Aristides declared that it
was unjust, but advantageous. And yet, although
he at last established his city in its sway over so
many men, he himself abode by his poverty, and
continued to be no less content with the reputation
he got from being a poor man, than with that
based on his trophies of victory. This is clear
from the following story.
Callias the Torch-bearer was a kinsman of his.
This man was prosecuted by his enemies on a
capital charge, and after they had brought only
moderate accusations against him within the scope
of their indictment, they went outside of it and
appealed to the judges as follows: “You know
Aristides the son of Lysimachus,” they said, “ how
he is admired in Hellas; what do you suppose
his domestic circumstances are when you see him
entering the public assembly in such ἃ scanty
cloak as that? Is it not likely that a man who
shivers in public goes hungry at home, and is
straitened for the other necessaries of life? Callias,
however, who is the richest man of Athens (and
his cousin at that), allows him to suffer want with
his wife and children, though he has often had
service of the man, and many times reaped advantage
from his influence with you.” But Callias, seeing
1 454 BO.
201
υ 2
{
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
θορυβοῦντας τοὺς δικαστὰς καὶ χαλεπῶς πρὸς
αὐτὸν ἔχοντας ἐκάλει τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην, ἀξιῶν
μαρτυρῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς δικαστάς, ὅτε πολλάκις
αὐτοῦ πολλὰ καὶ διδόντος καὶ δεομένου λαβεῖν
οὐκ ἠθέλησεν ἀποκρινόμενος, ὡς μᾶλλον αὐτῷ
διὰ πενίαν μέγα > ρονεῖν ἢ Καλλίᾳ διὰ πλοῦτον
προσήκει" πλούτῳ μὲν γὰρ ἔστι πολλοὺς ἰδεῖν
εὖ τε καὶ κακῶς χρωμένους, πενίαν δὲ φέροντι
γενναίως οὐ ῥάδιον ἐντυχεῖν' αἰσχύνεσθαι δὲ
πενίαν τοὺς ἀκουσίως πενομένους. ταῦτα δὲ τοῦ
᾿Αριστείδου τῷ Καλλίᾳ προσμαρτυρήσαντος οὐ-
δεὶς ἦν τῶν ἀκουόντων, ὃς οὐκ ἀπήει. πένης
μᾶλλον ὡς ᾿Αριστείδης εἶναι βουλόμενος ἢ ἢ πλου-
τεῖν ὡς Καλλίας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν" Αἰσχίνης ὁ
Σωκρατικὸς ἀναγέγραφε. Πλάτων δὲ τῶν μεγά-
λων δοκούντων καὶ ὀνομαστῶν ᾿Αθήνησι μόνον
ἄξιον λόγου τοῦτον ἀποφαίνει τὸν ἄνδρα" Θεμε-
στοκλέα μὲν γὰρ καὶ Κίμωνα καὶ Περικλέα
στοῶν καὶ χρημάτων καὶ φλυαρίας πολλῆς ἐμ-
πλῆσαι τὴν πόλιν, ᾿Αριστείδην δὲ πολετεύσασθαι
πρὸς ἀρετήν.
Μεγάλα δ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ πρὸς Θεμιστοκλέα
τῆς ἐπιεικείας, σημεῖα. χρησάμενος γὰρ αὐτῷ
παρὰ πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ τὴν πολιτείαν ἐχθρῷ καὶ δι᾽
ἐκεῖνον ἐξοστρακισθείς, ἐπεὶ τὴν αὐτὴν λαβὴν
παρέσχεν ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐν αἰτίᾳ γενόμενος πρὸς τὴν
πόλιν, οὐκ ἐμνησικάκησεν, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος καὶ
Κίμωνος καὶ πολλῶν ἄλλων ἐλαυνόντων “καὶ
κατηγορούντων μόνος ᾿Αριστείδης οὔτ᾽ ἔπραξεν
οὔτ᾽ εἶπέ te φαῦλον, οὐδ᾽ ἀπέλαυσεν ἐχθροῦ
1 μὲν οὖν Hercher and Blass with FS : μὲν.
292
ARISTIDES
that his judges .were very turbulent at this charge,
and bitterly disposed toward him, summoned Aristides
and demanded his testimony before the judges that
though often proffered aid from him and importuned
to accept it, he had refused it, with the answer
that it more became him to be proud of his
poverty than Callias of his wealth; for many were
to be seen who use wealth well or ill, but it
was not easy to find a man who endured poverty
with a noble spirit; and those only should be
ashamed of poverty who could not be otherwise
than poor. When Aristides had borne this witness
for Callias, there was no one of his hearers who
did not go home preferring to be poor with Aristides
rather than to be rich with Callias. This, at any
rate, is the story told by Aeschines the Socratic.
And Plato! maintains that of all those who had great
names and reputations at Athens, this man alone
was worthy of regard. Themistocles, he says, and
Cimon, and Pericles, filled the city with porches
and moneys and no end of nonsense; but Aristides
squared his politics with virtue.
There are also strong proofs of his reasonableness
to be seen in his treatment of Themistocles. This
man he had found to be his foe during almost all his
public service, and it was through this man that he
was ostracized; but when Themistocles was in the
same plight, and was under accusation before the
city, Aristides remembered no evil; nay, though
Alemeon and Cimon and many others denounced
and persecuted the man, Aristides alone did and
said no meanness, nor did he take any advantage of
1 Gorgias, pp. 518 f., 526.
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δυστυχοῦντος, ὥσπερ οὐδ᾽ εὐημεροῦντι πρότερον
ἐφθόνησε.
ΧΧΥῚ. Τελευτῆσαι δὲ ᾿Αριστείδην οἱ μὲν ἐν
Πόντῳ φασὶν ἐκπλεύσαντα πράξεων ἕνεκα δημο-
σίων, οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Αθήνησι γήρᾳ, τιμώμενον καὶ θαυμαξό-
μενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν. Κρατερὸς δ᾽ ὁ Μακεδὼν
τοιαῦτά τινα περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἴρηκε.
μετὰ γὰρ τὴν Θεμιστοκλέους φυγήν φησιν ὥσπερ
ἐξυβρίσαντα τὸν δῆμον ἀναφῦσαι πλῆθος συκο-
φαντῶν, οἱ τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ δυνατωτάτους
ἄνδρας διώκοντες ὑπέβαλλον τῷ φθόνῳ τῶν πολ-
λῶν ἐπαιρομένων ὑπ᾽ εὐτυχίας καὶ δυνάμεως. ἐν
τούτοις καὶ ᾿Αριστείδην ἁλῶναι δωροδοκίας, Διο-
φάντον τοῦ ᾿Αμφιτροπῆθεν κατηγοροῦντος, ὡς,
ὅτε τοὺς φόρους ἔταττε, παρὰ τῶν ᾿Ιώνων χρη-
ματα λαβόντος" ἐκτῖσαι δ᾽ οὐκ ἔχοντα τὴν κατα-
δίκην πεντήκοντα μνῶν οὗσαν ἐκπλεῦσαι καὶ περὶ
τὴν ᾿Ιωνίαν ἀποθανεῖν. τούτων δὲ οὐδὲν ὄγ-
γραφον ὁ Κρατερὸς τεκμήριον παρέσχηκεν, οὔτε
δίκην οὔτε ψήφισμα, καΐπερ εἰωθὼς ἐπιεικῶς
γράφειν τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ παρατίθεσθαι τοὺς ἱστο-
ροῦντας.
Οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι πάντες, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, ὅσοι τὰ
πλημμεληθέντα τῷ δήμῳ περὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς
διεξίασι, τὴν «μὲν Θεμιστοκλέους φυγὴν καὶ τὰ
Μιλτιάδου δεσμὰ καὶ τὴν Περικλέους ζημίαν καὶ
τὸν Πάχητος ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ θάνατον, ἀνελόν-
τος αὑτὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ὡς ἡλίσκετο, καὶ
πολλὰ τοιαῦτα συνάγουσι καὶ θρυλοῦσιν, ᾽Αρι-
στείδον δὲ τὸν μὲν ἐξοστρακισμὸν παρατίθενταε,
καταδίκης δὲ τοιαύτης οὐδαμοῦ μνημονεύουσι,
294
335
ΑΒΙΘΤΙΏΕΒ.
his enemy’s misfortune, just as formerly he did not
dge him his prosperity.
XXVI. As touching the death of Aristides, some
say he died in Pontus, on an expedition in the
public service ; others at Athens, of old age, honoured
and admired by his countrymen. But Craterus the
Macedonian tells something like this about the death
of the man. After the exile of Themistocles, he
says, the people waxed wanton, as it were, and
produced a great crop of sycophants, who hounded
down the noblest and most influential men, and
subjected them to the malice of the multitude, now
exalted with its prosperity and power. Among
these he says that Aristides also was convicted of
bribery, on prosecution of Diophantus of the deme
Amphitropé, for having taken money from the
Jonians when he was regulating the tributes; and,
further, that being unable to pay the judgment,
which was fifty minas, he sailed away and died
somewhere in Ionia. But Craterus furnishes no
documentary proof of this,—no judgment of the
court, no degree of indictment,—although he is
wont to record such things with all due fulness, and
to adduce his authorities. mn
All the rest, as I may venture to say,—all who
rehearse the shortcomings of the people in dealing
with their leaders,—compile and descant upon the
exile of Themistocles, the imprisonment of Miltiades,
the fine of Pericles, the death of Paches in the court
room,—he slew himself on the rostrum when he
saw that he was convicted,—and many such a case,
and they put into the list the ostracism of Aristides,
but of such a condemnation as this for bribery they
make no mention whatsoever.
295
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
XXVII. Καὶ μέντοι καὶ τάφος ἐστὶν αὐτοῦ
Φαληροῖ δεικνύμενος, ὅ ὅν φασι κατασκευάσαι τὴν
πόλιν αὐτῷ μηδ᾽ ἐντάφια καταλιπόντι. καὶ τὰς
μὲν θυγατέρας ἱστοροῦσιν ἐκ τοῦ πρυτανείου τοῖς
νυμφίοις ἐκδοθῆναι δημοσίᾳ, τῆς πόλεως τὸν
γάμον ἐγγνώσης καὶ προῖκα τρισχιλίας δραχμὰς
ἑκατέρᾳ ψηφισαμένης, Λυσιμάχῳ. δὲ τῷ υἱῷ μνᾶς
μὲν ἑκατὸν ἀργυρίου καὶ γῆς τοσαῦτα πλέθρα πε-
φυτευμένης ἔδωκεν “ δῆμος, ἄλλας δὲ δραχμὰς
τέσσαρας εἰς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἀπέταξεν, ᾽᾿Αλκι-
βιάδου τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος. ἔτι δὲ Λυσι-
μάχον θυγατέρα Πολυκρίτην ἀπολιπόντος, ὡς
Καλλισθένης φησί, καὶ ταύτῃ σίτησιν ὅσην καὶ
τοῖς Ὀλυμπιονίκαις ὁ ὁ δῆμος ἐψηφίσατο. Δημή-
τριος δ᾽ ὁ Φαληρεὺς καὶ Ἱερώνυμος ὁ Ῥόδιος καὶ
᾿Αριστόξενος ὁ μουσικὸς͵ καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλης (εἰ δὴ
τό ye! Περὶ εὐγενείας βιβλίον ἐν τοῖς γνησίοις
᾿Αριστοτέλους θετέον) ἱστοροῦσι Μυρτὼ θυγα-
τριδῆν ᾿Αριστείδου Σωκράτει τῷ σοφῷ συνοικῆσαι,
γυναῖκα μὲν ἑτέραν ἔ ἔχοντι, ταύτην δ᾽ ἀναλαβόντι
χηῤεύουσαν διὰ πενίαν καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐνδεο-
μένην. πρὸς μὲν οὖν τούτους ἱκανῶς ὁ Ἰ]αναίτιος
ἐν τοῖς περὶ Σωκράτους ἀ ἀντείρηκεν" ὁ δὲ Φαληρεὺς
ἐν τῷ Σωκράτει φησὶ μνημονεύειν ᾿Αριστείδου
θυγατριδοῦν εὖ μάλα πένητα Λυσίμαχον, ὃς
ἑαυτὸν μὲν 5 ἐκ πινακίου τινὸς ὀνειροκριτικοῦ παρὰ
τὸ Ἰακχεῖον λεγόμενον SoM Cay ἔβοσκε. TH
δὲ μητρὶ καὶ τῇ ταύτης a δελφῇ ale γράψας
ἔπεισε τὸν δῆμον τροφὴν διδόναι τριώβολον
ἑκάστης ἡμέρας. αὐτὸς μέντοι φησὶν ὁ Δημήτριος
1 τό ye Hercher and Blass with ἘῸΝ : τὸ.
2 ἐαντὸν μὲν Hercher and Blass with F®S: ἑαντὸν.
296
ARISTIDES
XXVII. Moreover, his tomb is pointed out at
Phalerum, and they say the city constructed it for.
him, since he did not leave even enough to pay for
his funeral. And they tell how his daughters were
married from the prytaneium at the public cost, the
city bestowing the dowry for the marriage and voting
outright three thousand drachmas to each daughter,
while to Lysimachus his son, the people gave one
hundred minas in silver, as many acres of vineyard
land, and besides this a pension of four drachmas
per diem,—all in a bill which was brought in
by Alcibiades. And further, Lysimachus left a
daughter, Polycrité, according to Callisthenes, and
the people voted for her a public maintenance, in
the‘style of their Olympic victors. Again, Demetrius
the Phalerean, Hieronymus the Rhodian, Aristoxenus
the Musician, and Aristotle (provided the book
“On Nobility of Birth’ is to be ranked among the
genuine works of Aristotle) relate that Myrto, the
granddaughter of Aristides, lived in wedlock with
Socrates the Sage. He had another woman to wife,
but took this one up because her poverty kept her
a widow, and she lacked the necessaries of life. To
these, however, Panaetius, in his work on Socrates,
has made sufficient reply.
And the Phalerean says, in his “Socrates,” that
he remembers a grandson of Aristides, Lysimachus,
a very poor man, who made his own living by means
of a sort of dream-interpreting tablet, his seat being
near the so-called Iaccheium. To this man’s mother
and to her sister, Demetrius persuaded the people to
give, by formal decree, a pension of three obols per
297
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
νομοθετῶν ἀντὶ τριωβόλου δραχμὴν ἑκατέρᾳ τάξαι
τῶν γυναικῶν.
Καὶ οὐδέν ἐστι θαυμαστὸν οὕτω φροντίσαι τῶν
ἐν ἄστει τὸν δῆμον, ὅπου θυγατριδῆν ᾿Αριστογεί-
τονος ἐν Λήμνῳ πυθόμενοι ταπεινὰ πράττειν
> \. 9 A \ , 7 ᾽ n
ἀνδρὸς ἀποροῦσαν διὰ πενίαν κατήγαγον ᾿Αθήναζε,
καὶ συνοικίσαντες ἀνδρὶ τῶν εὖ γεγονότων τὸ
Ποταμοῖ χωρίον εἰς φερνὴν ἐπέδωκαν. ἧς φιλαν-
θρωπίας καὶ χρηστότητος ἔτι πολλὰ καὶ καθ᾽
ς A ς / 3 / / 4
ἡμᾶς ἡ πόλις ἐκφέρουσα δείγματα θαυμάζεται
καὶ ζηλοῦται δικαίων.
208
ARISTIDES
diem; though afterwards, in his capacity of sole
legislator, he himself, as he says, assigned a drachma
instead of three obols to each of the women.
It is not to be wondered at that the people took
such thought for families in the city, since on
learning that the granddaughter of Aristogeiton was
living humbly in Lemnos, unmarried because of her
poverty, they brought her back to Athens, consorted
her with a well-born man, and gave her the estate
in Potamus for her dowry. For such humanity and
benevolence, of which the city still gives illustrious
examples even in my own day, she is justly admired
and lauded.
299
MARCUS CATO
ΜΑΡΚΟΣ ΚΑΤῺΝ
\
I. Μάρκῳ δὲ Κάτωνί φασιν ἀπὸ Τούσκλου τὸ
4 9 δί ὃ ὶ ’ ΝΜ Α A 336
γένος εἶναι, δίαιταν δὲ καὶ βίον ἔχειν πρὸ τῶν
[ον fo) 4
στρατειῶν καὶ τῆς πολιτείας ἐν χωρίοις πατρῴοις
περὶ Σαβίνους. τῶν δὲ προγόνων παντάπασιν
ἀγνώστων γεγονέναι δοκούντων αὐτὸς ὁ Κάτων
\ / 4 ε b) ΝΜ ὶ
καὶ τὸν πατέρα Μάρκον ὡς ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα κα
στρατιωτικὸν ἐπαινεῖ, καὶ Κάτωνα τὸν πρόπατπ-
πον ἀριστείων πολλάκις τυχεῖν φησι καὶ πέντε
πολεμιστὰς ἵππους ἐν μάχαις ἀποβαλόντα τὴν
\ 3 a > A / 2 2
τιμὴν ἀπολαβεῖν ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου δι’ ἀνδρ-
2 ἀαγαθίαν. εἰωθότων δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων τοὺς ἀπὸ
4 > 3 - ’ A
γένους μὲν δόξαν οὐκ ἔχοντας, ἀρχομένους δὲ β
γνωρίξεσθαι δι’ αὑτῶν καινοὺς προσαγορεύειν
ἀνθρώπους, ὥσπερ καὶ τὸν Κάτωνα προσήη-
, > \ \ 4 \ ᾽ \
yopevov, αὐτὸς ἔλεγε καινὸς εἶναι πρὸς ἀρχὴν
καὶ δόξαν, ἔργοις δὲ προγόνων καὶ ἀρεταῖς
4 > “A A . ’ A >
παμπάλαιος. ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ τῷ τρίτῳ τῶν ὀνο-
μάτων πρότερον οὐ Κάτων, ἀλλὰ Πρίσκος,
ὕστερον δὲ τὸν Κάτωνα τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπώνυμον
ἔσχε' Ῥωμαῖοι γὰρ τὸν ἔμπειρον κάτον ὀνομά- |
Sovow.
Φ \
3 “Hy δὲ τὸ μὲν εἶδος ὑπόπυρρος καὶ γλαυκός,
302
MARCUS CATO
I. Tue family of Marcus Cato, it is said, was of
Tuseulan origin, though he lived, previous to his
career as soldier and statesman, on an _ inherited
estate in the country of the Sabines. His ancestors
commonly passed for men of no note whatever, but
Cato himself extols his father, Marcus, as a brave
man and good soldier. He also says that his grand-
father, Cato, often won prizes for soldierly valour,
and received from the state treasury, because of his
bravery, the price of five horses which had been
killed under him in battle. The Romans used to
call men who had no family distinction, but were
coming into public notice through their own achieve- -
ments, “new men, and such they called Cato.
But he himself used to say that as far as office and
distinction went, he was indeed new, but having
regard to ancestral deeds of valour, he was oldest of
the old. His third name was not Cato at first, but
Priscus. Afterwards he got the surname of Cato
for his great abilities. The Romans call a man who
is wise and prudent, catus.
As for his outward appearance, he had reddish
hair, and keen grey eyes, as the author of the well-
3°3
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὡς ὁ ποιήσας TO ἐπιγραμμάτιον οὐκ εὐμενῶς
παρεμφαίνει"
Πυρρόν, πανδακέτην, γλαυκόμματον, οὐδὲ
θανόντα
Πόρκιον εἰς ἀΐδην Φερσεφόνη δέχεται.
Τὴν δὲ τοῦ σώματος ὅξιν αὐτουργίᾳ καὶ διαίτῃ
σώφρονι καὶ στρατείαις ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς συντρόφου
γεγονότος πάνυ χρηστικὴν εἶχε, καὶ πρὸς ἰσχὺν
καὶ πρὸς ὑγίειαν ὁμαλῶς συνεστῶσαν. τὸν δὲ
λόγον, ὥσπερ δεύτερον σῶμα καὶ τῶν καλῶν,
οὐ μόνον τῶν ἀναγκαίων ὄργανον ἀνδρὶ μὴ
ταπεινῶς βιωσομένῳ μηδ᾽ ἀπράκτως, ἐξηρτύετο
καὶ παρεσκεύαζεν ἐν ταῖς περιοικίσι κώμαις καὶ
τοῖς πολιχνίοις ἑκάστοτε συνδικῶν τοῖς δεομένοις
καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἀγωνιστὴς εἶναι δοκῶν πρόθυμος,
εἶτα καὶ ῥήτωρ ἱκανός. ἐκ δὲ τούτου μᾶλλον
τοῖς χρωμένοις κατεφαίνετο βάρος τι καὶ dpo-
νημα περὶ αὐτὸν ἤθους πραγμάτων μεγάλων καὶ
πολιτείας δεόμενον ἡγεμονικῆς. οὐ γὰρ μόνον,
ὡς ἔοικε, μισθαρνίας καθαρὸν ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ τὰς
δίκας καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας παρεῖχεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὴν
δόξαν ὡς μέγιστον ἀγαπῶν ἐφαίνετο τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν
τοιούτων ἀγώνων, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις
ταῖς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ ταῖς στρατείαις
βουλόμενος εὐδοκιμεῖν ἔτι μειράκιον ὧν τραυμά-
των τὸ σῶμα μεστὸν ἐναντίων εἶχε. φησὶ γὰρ
αὐτὸς ἑπτακαίδεκα γεγονὼς ἔτη τὴν πρώτην
στρατεύσασθαι στρατείαν περὶ ὃν ᾿Αννίβας
χρόνον εὐτυχῶν ἐπέφλεγε τὴν Ἰταλίαν.
1 τῶν ἀναγκαίων Hercher and Blass, with Bekker: ἀναγ-
καῖον.
304
MARCUS CATO
known epigram ill-naturedly gives us to under-
stand :-—
Red-haired, snapper and biter, his grey eyes
flashing defiance,
Porcius, come to the shades, back will be
thrust by their Queen.
His bodily habit, since he was addicted from the
very first to labour with his own hands, a temperate
mode of life, and military duties, was very service-
able, and disposed alike to vigour and health. His
discourse,—a second body, as it were, and, for the
use of a man who would live neither obscurely nor
idly, an instrument with which to perform not only
necessary, but also high and noble services,—this
he developed and perfected in the villages and towns
about Rome, where he served as advocate for all who
needed him, and got the reputation of being, first a
zealous pleader, and then a capable orator. Thence-
forth the weight and dignity of his character
revealed themselves more and more to those who
had dealings with him; they saw that he was bound
to be a man of great affairs, and have a leading
place in the state. For he not only gave his services
in leyal contests without fee of any sort, as it would
seem, but did not appear to cherish even the repute
won in such contests as his chief ambition. - Nay, he
was far more desirous of high repute in battles and
campaigns against the enemy, and while he was yet
a mere stripling, had his breast covered with honour-
able wounds. He says himself that he made his
first campaign when he was seventeen years old, at
the time when Hannibal was consuming Italy with
the flames of his successes.!
1 217 B.C.
| 305
VOL. II. Χ
|
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Παρεῖχε δ᾽ αὑτὸν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις τῇ μὲν χειρὶ
πλήκτην, τῷ δὲ ποδὶ μόνιμον καὶ βέβαιον, γαῦρον
δὲ τῷ προσώπῳ' λόγου δ᾽ ἀπειλῇ καὶ τραχύτητι
φωνῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐχρῆτο, ὀρθῶς καὶ
διανοούμενος καὶ διδάσκων, ὅτι πολλάκις τὰ
τοιαῦτα τοῦ ξίφους μᾶλλον καταπλήττεται τοὺς
ἐναντίους. ἐν δὲ ταῖς πορείαις αὐτὸς ἐβάδιξε
pee τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ θεράπων εἷς εἵπετο τὰ πρὸς
ίαιταν αὐτῷ κομίζων, ᾧ λέγεται μηδέποτε
δυσκολᾶναι μηδὲ μέμψασθαι παραθέντι ἄριστον
ἢ δεῖπνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ συλλαμβάνειν αὐτὸς τὰ
πλεῖστα καὶ συμπαραδκευάζειν ἀπὸ τῶν στρα-
τιωτικῶν γενόμενος ἔργων. ὕδωρ δ᾽ ἔπινεν ἐπὶ
στρατείας, πλὴν εἴποτε διψήσας πέριφλεγῶς
ὄξος αἰτήσειεν' ἢ τῆς ἰσχύος ἐνδιδούσης ἐπιλάβοι
μικρὸν οἰνάριον.
11. Ἦν δὲ πλησίον αὐτοῦ τῶν ἀγρών ἡ γενο-
μένη Μανίου Κουρίου τοῦ τρὶς θριαμβεύσαντος
ἔπαυλις. ἐπὶ ταύτην συνεχῶς βαδίζων καὶ θεώ-
μενος τοῦ τε χωρίου τὴν μικρότητα καὶ τῆς
οἰκήσεως τὸ λιτὸν, ἔννοιαν ἐλάμβανε τοῦ ἀνδρός,
ὅτι Ῥωμαίων μέγιστος γενόμενος καὶ τὰ μαχιμώ-
tara τῶν ἐθνῶν ὑπαγαγόμενος καὶ Πύρρον
ἐξελάσας τῆς Ἰταλίας τοῦτο τὸ ὡρίδιον αὐτὸς
ἔσκαπτε καὶ ταύτην τὴν ἔπαυλιν ῴκει μετὰ τρεῖς
θριάμβους. ἐνταῦθα πρὸς ἐσχάρᾳ καθήμενον
αὐτὸν ἔψοντα γογγυλίδας εὑρόντες οἱ Σαυνιτῶν
πρέσβεις ἐδίδοσαν πολὺ χρυσίον" ὁ δ᾽ ἀπεπέμ-
ψατο φήσας οὐδὲν χρυσίου δεῖν ᾧ δεῖπνον ἀρκεῖ
τοιοῦτον, αὐτῷ μέντοι τοῦ χρυσίον ἔχειν κάλλιον
εἶναι τὸ νικᾶν τοὺς ἔχοντας. ταῦθ᾽ ὁ Κάτων
1 αἰτήσειεν Blass, with Bekker: ἤτησεν.
306
MARCUS CATO
In battle, he showed himself effective of hand,
sure and steadfast of foot, and of a fierce counten-
ance. With threatening speech and harsh cries he
wauld advance upon the foe, for he rightly thought,
and tried to show others, that often-times such action
terrifies the enemy more than the sword. On the
march, he carried his own armour on foot, while a
single attendant followed in charge of his camp
utensils. With this man, it is said, he was never
wroth, and never scolded him when he served up a
meal, nay, he actually took hold himself and assisted
in most of such preparations, provided he was free
from his military duties. Water was what he drank
on his campaigns, except that once in a while, in a
raging thirst, he would call for vinegar, or, when his
strength was.failing, would add a little wine.
II. Near his fields was the cottage which had once
belonged to Manius Curius, a hero of three triumphs.
To this he would often go, and the sight of the
small farm and the mean dwelling led him to think
of their former owner, who, though he had become
the greatest of the Romans, had subdued the most
warlike nations, and driven Pyrrhus out of Italy,
nevertheless tilled this little patch of ground with
his own hands and occupied this cottage, after three
triumphs. Here it was that the ambassadors of
the Samnites once found him seated at his hearth
cooking turnips, and offered him much gold; but he
dismissed them, saying that a man whom such a
meal satisfied had no need of gold, and for his part
he thought that a more honourable thing than the
possession of gold was the conquest of its possessors.
Cato would go away with his mind full of these
307
x 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐνθυμούμενος ἀπῇει, καὶ τὸν αὑτοῦ πάλιν οἶκον
ἐφορῶν καὶ χωρία καὶ θεράποντας καὶ δίαιταν
ἐπέτεινε τὴν αὐτουργίαν καὶ περιέκοπτε τὴν
πολυτέλειαν.
Φαβίου δὲ Μαξίμου τὴν Ταραντίνων πόλιν
ἑλόντος ἔτυχε μὲν δ Κάτων στρατευόμενος ὑπ᾽
αὐτῷ κομιδῇ μειράκιον ὦν, Νεώρχῳ δέ τινι τῶν
Πυθαγορικῶν ξένῳ χρησάμενος ἐσπούδασε τῶν
λόγων μεταλαβεῖν. ἀκούσας δὲ ταῦτα διαλεγο-
μένου τοῦ ἀνδρός, οἷς κέχρηται καὶ Πλάτων, τὴν
μὲν ἡδονὴν ἀποκαλῶν μέγιστον κακοῦ δέλεα
συμφορὰν δὲ τῇ ψυχῇ τὸ σῶμα πρώτην, λύσιν as
καὶ καθαρμὸν οἷς μάλιστα χ ίξει καὶ ἀφίστησιν
αὑτὴν τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα ibe ἡμάτων “λογισμοῖς,
ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠγάπησε τὸ λιτὸν καὶ τὴν ἐγκράτειαν.
ἄλλως δὲ παιδείας Ἑλληνικῆς ὀφιμαθὴς γενέσθαι
λέγεται, καὶ πόρρω παντάπασιν ἡλικίας ἐληλακὼς
Ἑλληνικὰ βιβλία λαβὼν εἰς χεῖρας βραχέα μὲν
ἀπὸ Θουκυδίδου, πλείονα & ἀπὸ Δημοσθένους εἰς
τὸ ῥητορικὸν ὠφεληθῆναι. τὰ μέντοι συγγράμ-
ματα καὶ δόγμασιν “Ἑλληνικοῖς καὶ ἱστορίαις
ἐπιεικῶς διαπεποίκιλται" καὶ μεθηρμηνευμένα
᾿ πολλὰ κατὰ λέξιν ἐ ἐν τοῖς ἀποφθέγμασι καὶ ταῖς
γνωμολογίαις τέτακται.
III. Ἦν δέ τες ἀνὴρ εὐπατρίδης μὲν ἐν τοῖς μάλι-
στα ' Ῥωμαίων καὶ δυνατός, d ἀρετὴν δὲ φυομένην μὲν
αἰσθάνεσθαι δεινός, εὐμενὴς δὲ καὶ θρέψαι καὶ
προαγαγεῖν εἰς δόξαν, Οὐαλλέριος Φλάκκος.
οὗτος εἶχεν ὁμοροῦντα χωρία τοῖς Κάτωνος,
πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν αὐτουργίαν καὶ δίαιταν αὐτοῦ
παρὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ θαυμάσας ἐξηγουμένων, ὅτι
1 ἡλικίας ἐληλακὼς Hercher and Blass with S: ἡλικίας.
308
MARCUS CATO
things, and on viewing again his own house and
lands and:servants and mode of life, would increase
the labours of his hands and lop off his extrava-
gancies.
When Fabius Maximus took the city of Tarentum,!
it chanced that Cato, who was then a mere stripling,
served under him, and being lodged with a certain
Nearchus, of the sect of the Pythagoreans, he was
eager to know of his doctrines. When he heard
this man holding forth as follows, in language which
Plato also uses, condemning pleasure as “ the greatest
incentive to evil,” and the body as “the chief
detriment to the soul, from which she can release
and purify herself only by such reasonings as most
do wean and divorce her from bodily sensations,” he
fell still more in love with simplicity and restraint.
Further than this, it is said, he did not learn Greek till
late in life, and was quite well on in years when he
took to reading Greek books; then he profited in
oratory somewhat from Thucydides, but more from
Demosthenes. However, his writings are moderately
embellished with Greek sentiments and stories, and
many literal translations from the Greek have found —
a place among his maxims and proverbs.
III. There was at Rome a certain man of the
highest birth and greatest influence, who had the
power to discern excellence in the bud, and the
grace to cultivate it and bring it into general esteem.
This man was Valerius Flaccus. He had a farm
next to that of Cato, and learned from Cato’s servants
of their master’s laborious and frugal way of living.
He was amazed to hear them tell how Cato, early in
1 209 8.6. ;
399
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πρωὶ μὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν βαδίζει καὶ παρίσταται τοῖς
δεομένοις, ἐπανελθὼν δ᾽ εἰς τὸ χωρίον, ἂν μὲν ἡ
χειμών, ἐξωμίδα λαβών, θέρους δὲ γυμνὸς ἐργασά-
μενος μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐσθίει τὸν αὐτὸν ἄρτον
ὁμοῦ καθήμενος καὶ πίνει τὸν αὐτὸν οἶνον, ἄλλην
τε πολλὴν ἐπιείκειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ μετριότητα καί
τινας καὶ λόγους ἀποφθεγματικοὺς διαμνημονευόν-
των, ἐκέλευσε κληθῆναι πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον. ἐκ δὲ
τούτου χρώμενος καὶ κατανοῶν ἥμερον καὶ
ἀστεῖον ἦθος, ὥσπερ φυτὸν ἀσκήσεως καὶ χώρας
ἐπιφανοῦς δεόμενον, προετρέψατο καὶ συνέπεισεν
ἅψασθαι τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ πολιτείας. κατελθὼν
οὖν εὐθὺς τοὺς μὲν αὐτὸς ἐκτᾶτο θαυμαστὰς
καὶ φίλους διὰ τῶν συνηγοριῶν, πολλὴν δὲ
τοῦ Οὐαλλερίου τιμὴν καὶ δύναμιν αὐτῷ προσ-
τιθέντος χιλιαρχίας ἔτυχε πρῶτον, εἶτα ἐταμίευ-
σεν. ἐκ τούτου δὲ λαμπρὸς ὧν ἤδη καὶ περιφανὴς
αὐτῷ τῷ Οὐαλλερίῳ περὶ τὰς μεγίστας συνεξέ-
δραμεν ἀρχάς, ὕπατός τε μετ᾽ ἐκείνου καὶ πάλιν
τιμητὴς γενόμενος.
Τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων πολιτῶν Μαξίμῳ Φαβίῳ
προσένειμεν ἑαυτόν, ἐνδοξοτάτῳ μὲν ὄντε καὶ
μεγίστην ἔχοντι δύναμιν, μᾶλλον δὲ τὸν τρόπον
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν βίον ὡς κάλλιστα παραδείγματα
προθέμενος. διὸ καὶ Σκηπίωνι τῷ μεγάλῳ, νέῳ 338
"μὲν ὄντι τότε, πρὸς δὲ τὴν Φαβίου δύναμιν ἀνταί-
ροντι καὶ φθονεῖσθαι δοκοῦντι, παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐποιή-
σατο γενέσθαι διάφορος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταμίας αὐτῷ
πρὸς τὸν ἐν Λιβύῃ πόλεμον συνεκπεμφθείς, ὡς
-
210
MARCUS CATO
the morning, went on foot to the market-place and
pleaded the cases of all who wished his aid; then
came back to his farm, where, clad in a working
blouse if it was winter, and stripped to the waist if
it was summer, he wrought with his servants, then
sat down with them to eat of the same bread and
drink of the same wine. They told Valerius many
other instances of Cato’s fairness and moderation,
quoting also sundry pithy sayings of his, until at last
Valerius gave command that Cato be invited to dine
with him. After this, discovering by converse with
him that his nature was gentle and polite, and ᾿
needed, like a growing tree, only cultivation and
room to expand, Valerius urged and at last persuaded
him to engage in public life at Rome. Accordingly,
taking up his abode in the city, his own efforts as an
advocate at once won him admiring friends, and the
favour of Valerius brought him great honour and
influence, so that he was made military tribune first,
and then quaestor. After this, being now launched
on an eminent and brilliant career, he shared the
highest honours with Valerius, becoming consul with
him, and afterwards censor.
Of the elder statesmen, he attached himself
most closely to Fabius Maximus, who was of the
highest reputation and had the greatest influence,
but this was more by way of setting before himself
the character and life of the man as the fairest
examples he could follow. In the same spirit he did
not hesitate to oppose the great Scipio, a youthful
rival of Fabius, and thought to be envious of him.
When he was sent out with Scipio as quaestor for
the war in Africa,! he saw that the man indulged in
1 204 B.c.
211
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἑώρα τῇ συνήθει πολυτελείᾳ χρώμενον τὸν ἄνδρα
καὶ καταχορηγοῦντα τοῖς στρατεύμασιν ἀφειδῶς
τῶν χρημάτων, ἐπαρρησιάξετο πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐ τὸ
τῆς δαπάνης μέγιστον εἶναι φάμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι
διαφθείρει τὴν πάτριον εὐτέλειαν τῶν στρατιωτῶν
ἐφ᾽ ἡδονὰς καὶ τρυφὰς τῷ περιόντι τῆς χρείας
τρεπομένων. εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Σκηπίωνος, ὡς οὐ-
δὲν δέοιτο ταμίου λίαν ἀκριβοῦς πλησίστιος ἐπὶ
τὸν πόλεμον φερόμενος, πράξεων γάρ, οὐ χρημά-
TOV, τῇ πόλει λόγον ὀφείλειν, ἀπῆλθεν ὁ Κάτων
ἐκ Σικελίας, καὶ μετὰ τοῦ Φαβίου καταβοῶν ἐν τῷ
συνεδρίῳ φθοράν τε χρημάτων ἀμυθήτων ὑπὸ τοῦ
Σκηπίωνος καὶ διατριβὰς αὐτοῦ μειρακιώδεις ἐν
παλαίστραις καὶ θεάτροις, ὥσπερ οὐ στρατηγοῦν-
τος, ἀλλὰ πανηγυρίζοντος, ἐξειργάσατο πεμφθῆ-
vat δημάρχους ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄξοντας εἰς Ῥώμην,
ἄνπερ ἀληδεῖς αἱ κατηγορίαι φανῶσιν. ὁ μὲν οὖν
Σκηπίων ἐν τῇ παρασκευῇ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν
νίκην ἐπιδειξάμενος, καὶ φανεὶς ἡδὺς μὲν ἐπὶ
σχολῆς συνεῖναι φίλοις, οὐδαμοῦ δὲ τῷ φιλαν-
θρώπῳ τῆς διαίτης εἰς τὰ σπουδαῖα καὶ μεγάλα
ῥάθυμος, ἐξέπλευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον.
IV. Τῷ δὲ Κάτωνι πολλὴ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου
δύναμις ηὔξητο, καὶ Ῥωμαῖον αὐτὸν οἱ πολλοὶ
Δημοσθένην προσηγόρευον, ὁ δὲ βίος. μᾶλλον
ὀνομαστὸς ἣν αὐτοῦ καὶ περιβόητος. ἡ μὲν γὰρ
ἐν τῷ λέγειν δεινότης προὔκειτο τοῖς νέοις ἀγώ-
νίσμα κοινὸν ἤδη καὶ περισπούδαστον, ὁ δὲ τὴν
πάτριον αὐτουργίαν ὑπομένων καὶ δεῖπνον ἀφελὲς
καὶ ἄριστον ἄπυρον καὶ λυτὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ δημο-
τικὴν ἀσπαζόμενος οἴκησιν καὶ τὸ μὴ δεῖσθαι τῶν
312
MARCUS CATO
his wonted extravagance, and lavished money with-
out stint upon his soldiery. He therefore made bold
to tell him that the matter of expense was not the
greatest evil to be complained of, but the fact that
he was corrupting the native simplicity of his soldiers,
who resorted to wanton pleasures when their pay
exceeded their actual needs. Scipio replied that he
had no use for a parsimonious quaestor when the
winds were bearing him under full sail to the war ;
he owed the city an account of his achievements,
not of its moneys. Cato therefore left Sicily, and
“joined Fabius in denouncing before the Senate Scipio's
waste of enormous moneys, and his boyish addiction
to palaestras and theatres, as though he were not
commander of an army, but master of a festival.
As a result of these attacks, tribunes were sent to
bring Scipio back to Rome, if the charges against
him should turn out to be true. Well then, Scipio
convinced the tribunes that victory in war depended
on the preparations made for it; showed that he
could be agreeable in his intercourse with his friends
when he had leisure for it, but was never led by his
sociability to neglect matters of large and serious
import ; and sailed off for his war in Africa.
IV. The influence which Cato’s oratory won for
him waxed great, and men called him a Roman .
Demosthenes; but his manner of life was even
more talked about and noised abroad. For his
oratorical ability only set before young men a goal
which many already were striving eagerly to attain ;
but a man who wrought with his own hands,
as his fathers did, and was contented with a cold
breakfast, a frugal dinner, simple .raiment, and a
humble dwelling,—one who thought more of not
: 313
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
περιττῶν μᾶλλον ἢ TO κεκτῆσθαι θαυμάζων
σπάνιος ἦν, ἤδη τότε τῆς πολιτείας τὸ καθαρὸν
ὑπὸ μεγέθους οὐ φυλαττούσης, ἀλλὰ τῷ κρατεῖν
πραγμάτων πολλῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων πρὸς πολλὰ
μιγνυμένης ἔθη καὶ βίων παραδείγματα παντοδα-
πῶν ὑποδεχομένης. εἰκότως οὖν ἐθαύμαζον τὸν
Κάτωνα, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ὑπὸ τῶν πόνων Opavo-
μένους καὶ μαλασσομένους bro! τῶν ἡδονῶν
ὁρῶντες, ἐκεῖνον δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοῖν ἀήττητον, οὐ μόνον
ἕως ὄτι νέος καὶ φιλότιμος ἦν, GAAA καὶ γέροντα
καὶ πολιὸν ἤδη pel’ ὑπατείαν καὶ θρίαμβον, ὥσπερ
ἀθλητὴν νικηφόρον, ἐγκαρτεροῦντα τῇ τάξει τῆς
ἀσκήσεως καὶ διομαλίξοντα μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς.
᾿Ἐσθῆτα μὲν γὰρ οὐδέποτέ φησι φορέσαι πολυ-
τελεστέραν ἑκατὸν δραχμῶν, πιεῖν δὲ καὶ στρα:
τηγῶν καὶ ὑπατεύων τὸν αὐτὸν οἶνον τοῖς ἐργά-
ταις, ὄψον δὲ παρασκευάξεσθαι πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον
ἐξ ἀγορᾶς ἀσσαρίων τριάκοντα, καὶ τοῦτο διὰ
τὴν πόλιν, ὅπως ἰσχύοι τὸ σῶμα πρὸς τὰς
στρατείας. ἐπίβλημα δὲ τῶν ποικίλων Βαβυ-
λώνιον ἐκ κληρονομίας κτησάμενος εὐθὺς ἀπο-
δόσθαι, τῶν δὲ ἐπαύλεων αὐτοῦ μηδεμίαν εἶναι
κεκονιαμένην, οὐδένα δὲ πώποτε πρίασθαι δοῦλον
ὑπὲρ τὰς χιλίας δραχμὰς καὶ πεντακοσίας, ὡς
ἂν οὐ τρυφερῶν οὐδ᾽ ὡραίων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐργατικῶν καὶ
στερεῶν, οἷον ἱπποκόμων καὶ βοηλατῶν, δεό-
μενος" καὶ τούτους δὲ πρεσβυτέρους γενομένους
ῴετο δεῖν ἀποδίδοσθαι καὶ μὴ βόσκειν ἀχρήστους.
ὅλως δὲ μηδὲν εὔωνον εἶναι τῶν περιττῶν, ἀλλ᾽
οὗ τις οὐ δεῖται, κἂν ἀσσαρίου πιπράσκηται,
1 ὑπὸ Hercher and Blass with 8: καὶ ὑπὸ,
314
MARCUS CATO
wanting the superfluities of life than of possessing
them,—such a man was rare. The commonwealth
had now grown too large to keep its primitive
integrity ; the sway over many realms and peoples
had brought a large admixture of customs, and the
adoption of examples set in modes of life of every
sort. It was natural, therefore, that. men should
admire Cato, when they saw that, whereas other
men were broken down by toils and enervated by
pleasures, he was victor over both, and this too, not
only while he was still young and ambitious, but
even in his hoary age, after consulship and triumph.
Then, like some victorious athlete, he persisted in
the regimen of his training, and kept his mind
unaltered to the last.
He tells us that he never wore clothing worth
more than a hundred drachmas; that he drank,
even when he was praetor or consul, the same wine
as his slaves; that as for fish and meats, he would
buy thirty asses’ worth! for his dinner from the public
stalls, and even this for the city’s sake, that he
might not live on bread alone, but strengthen his
body for military service ; that he once fell heir to
an embroidered Babylonian robe, but sold it at once ;
that not a single one of his cottages had plastered
walls; that he never paid more than fifteen hundred
drachmas for a slave, since he did not want them to
be delicately beautiful, but sturdy workers, such as
grooms and herdsmen, and these he thought it his
duty to sell when they got oldish, instead of feeding
them when they were useless ; and that in general,
he thought nothing cheap that one could do without,
but that what one did not need, even if it cost but a
1 The as corresponded nearly to the English penny.
315
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πολλοῦ νομίζειν" κτᾶσθαι δὲ τὰ σπειρόμενα Kal
νεμόμενα μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ ῥαινόμενα καὶ σαιρόμενα.
V. Ταῦτα δ᾽ οἱ μὲν εἰς μικρολογίαν ἐτίθεντο τοῦ
ἀνδρός, οἱ & ὡς ἐπὶ διορθώσει καὶ σωφρονισμῷ
τῶν ἄλλων ἐνδοτέρω συστέλλοντος ἑαυτὸν ἀπε-
δέχοντο. πλὴν τὸ τοῖς οἰκέταις ὡς ὑποζυγίοιφ
ἀποχρησάμενον ἐπὶ γήρως ἐλαύνειν καὶ πιπρά-
σκειν ἀτενοῦς ἄγαν ἤθους ἔγωγε τίθεμαι, καὶ
μηδὲν ἀνθρώπῳ πρὸς ἄνθρωπον οἰομένου κοινώ-
νημα τῆς χρείας πλέον ὑπάρχειν. καίτοι τὴν
χρηστότητα τῆς δικαιοσύνης πλατύτερον τό-
Tov ὁρῶμεν ἐπιλαμβάνουσαν: νόμῳ μὲν γὰρ
καὶ τῷ δικαίῳ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους μόνον χρῆσθαι
πεφύκαμεν, πρὸς εὐεργεσίας δὲ καὶ χάριτας
ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀλόγων ζῴων ὥσπερ ἐκ
πηγῆς πλουσίας ἀπορρεῖ τῆς ἡμερότητος. καὶ
γὰρ ἵππων ἀπειρηκότων ὑπὸ χρόνον τροφαὶ καὶ
κυνῶν οὐ σκυλακεῖαι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ γηροκομίαι
τῷ χρηστῷ προσήκουσιν. |
Ὁ δὲ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων δῆμος οἰκοδομῶν τὸν
᾿“Ἑκατόμπεδον, ὅσας κατενόησεν ἡμιόνους μάλιστα
τοῖς πόνοις ἐγκαρτερούσας, ἀπέλυσεν ἐλευθέρας
νέμεσθαι καὶ ἀφέτους, ὧν μίαν φασὶ καταβαί-
νουσαν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῆς πρὸς τὰ ἔργα τοῖς ἀνάγουσι
τὰς ἁμάξας ὑποζυγίοις εἰς ἀκρόπολιν συμπαρα-
τρέχειν καὶ προηγεῖσθαι καθάπερ ἐγκελενομένην
καὶ συνεξορμῶσαν, ἣν καὶ τρέφεσθαι δημοσίᾳ
μέχρι τελευτῆς ἐψηφίσαντο. τῶν δὲ Κίμωνος
ἵππων, αἷς ᾿Ολύμπια τρὶς ἐνίκησε, καὶ ταφαὶ
316
339
MARCUS CATO
penny, was dear; also that he bought lands where
crops were raised and cattle herded, not those where
lawns were sprinkled and paths swept.
V. These things were ascribed by some to the
man’s parsimony ; but others condoned them in the
belief that he lived ‘in this contracted way only to
correct and moderate the extravagance of others.
However, for my part, I regard his treatment of his
slaves like beasts of burden, using them to the
uttermost, and then, when they were old, driving
them off ‘and selling them, as the mark of a very
mean nature, which recognizes no tie between man
and man but that of necessity. And yet we know
that kindness has a wider scope than justice. Law
and justice we naturally apply to men alone; but
when it comes to beneficence and charity, these
often flow in streams from the gentle heart, like
water from a copious spring, even down to dumb
beasts. A kindly man will take good care of his
horses even when they are worn out with age, and
of his dogs, too, not only in their puppyhood, but
when their old age needs nursing.
While the Athenians were building the Parthenon,
they turned loose for free and unrestricted pasturage
such mules as were seen to be most persistently
laborious. One of these, they say, came back to the
works of its own accord, trotted along by the side of
its fellows under the yoke, which were dragging the
waggons up to the Acropolis, and even led the way ,
for them, as though exhorting and inciting them on.
The Athenians passed a decree that the animal be
maintained at the public cost as long as it lived.
Then there were the mares of Cimon, with which he
won three victories at Olympia; their graves are
317
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τλησίον εἰσὶ τῶν éxelvou μνημάτων. κύνας δὲ
συντρόφους γενομένους καὶ συνήθεις ἄλλοι τε
πολλοὶ καὶ Ἐξάνθιππος ὃ παλαιὸς τὸν εἰς
Σαλαμῖνα τῇ τριήρει παρανηξάμενον, ὅτε τὴν
πόλεν ὁ δῆμος ἐξέλειπεν, ἐπὶ τῆς ἄκρας ἐκήδευσεν,
ἣν Κυνὸς σῆμα μέχρι νῦν καλοῦσιν.
Οὐ γὰρ ὡς ὑποδήμασιν ἢ σκεύεσι τοῖς ψυχὴν
ἔχουσι χρηστέον, κοπέντα καὶ κατατριβέντα ταῖς
ὑπηρεσίαις ἀπορριπτοῦντας, GAN εἰ διὰ μηδὲν
ἄλλο, μελέτης ἕνεκα τοῦ φιλανθρώπου προεθι-
στέον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τούτοις πρᾷον εἶναι καὶ μείλιχον.
ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὐδὲ βοῦν ἂν ἐργάτην διὰ γῆρας
ἀποδοίμην, μή τί γε πρεσβύτερον ἄνθρωπον,
ἐκ χώρας συντρόφου καὶ cairns συνήθους ὥσπερ
ἐκ πατρίδος μεθιστάμενον ἀντὶ κερμάτων μικρῶν,
ἄχρηστόν γε τοῖς ὠνουμένοις ὥσπερ τοῖς πιπρά-
σκουσι γενησόμενον. ὁ δὲ Κάτων ὥσπερ νεανι-
evopevos ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ τὸν ἵππον, ᾧ παρὰ
τὰς στρατείας ὑπατεύων ἐχρῆτο, φησὶν ἐν
Ἰβηρίᾳ καταλιπεῖν, ἵνα μὴ τῇ πόλει τὸ ναῦλον
αὐτοῦ λογίσηται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἴτε μεγαλο-
ψυχίας εἴτε μικρολογίας θετέον, ἔξεστι τῷ πεί-
θοντι χρῆσθαι λογισμῷ.
VI. Τῆς δ᾽ ἄλλης ἐγκρατείας ὑπερφυῶς θαυμα-
στὸς ὁ ἀνήρ' οἷον ὅτε στρατηγῶν ἐλάμβανεν
ἑαυτῷ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὑτὸν οὐ πλέον εἰς τὸν
μῆνα πυρῶν ἢ τρεῖς ᾿Αττικοὺς μεδίμνους, εἰς
δὲ τὴν ἡμέραν κριθῶν τοῖς ὑποζυγίοις ἔλαττον
τριῶν ἡμιμεδίμνων. ἐπαρχίαν δὲ. λαβὼν Σαρδόνα,
τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ στρατηγῶν εἰωθότων χρῆσθαι
»
318
MARCUS CATO
near the tombs of his family. Dogs also that have been
close and constant companions of men, have often been
buried with honour. Xanthippus, of olden time, gave
the dog which swam along by the side of his trireme
to Salamis, when the people were abandoning their
city, honourable burial on the promontory which is
called to this day Cynossema, or Dog’s Mound.
We should not treat living creatures like shoes or
pots and pans, casting them aside when they are
bruised and worn out with service, but, if for no
other reason, for the sake of practice in kindness to
our fellow men, we should accustom ourselves to
mildness and gentleness in our dealings with other
creatures. I certainly would not sell even an ox
that had worked for me, just because he was old,
much less an elderly man, removing him from his
habitual place and customary life, as it were from
his native land, for a paltry price, useless as he
is to those who sell him and as he will be to those
who buy him. But Cato, exulting as it were in such
things, says that he left in Spain even the horse
which had carried him through his consular campaign,
that he might not tax the city with the cost of its
transportation. Whether, now, these things should
be set down to greatness of spirit or littleness of
mind, is an open question. |
Vl. But in ether matters, his self-restraint was
beyond measure admirable. For instance, when he
was in command of an army, he took for himself and
his retinue not more than three Attic bushels of wheat
a month, and for his beasts of burden, less than a
bushel and a half of barley a day. He received Sar-
dinia as his province,? and whereas his predecessors
1 Cf. Themsstocles x. 6. 2 198 B.c.
319
-“}
κὸ
PLUTARCH’S .LIVES
καὶ σκηνώμασι δημοσίοις καὶ κλίναις καὶ tpa-
τίοις, πολλῇ δὲ θεραπείᾳ καὶ φίλων πλήθει καὶ
περὶ δεῖπνα δαπάναις καὶ παρασκευαῖς βαρυνόν-
των, ἐκεῖνος ἄπιστον ἐποίησε τὴν διαφορὰν
τῆς εὐτελείας. δαπάνης μὲν γὰρ εἰς οὐδὲν οὐδε-
μιᾶς προσεδεήθη δημοσίας, ἐπεφοίτα δὲ ταῖς
πόλεσιν αὐτὸς μὲν avev ζεύγους πορευόμενος,
εἷς δὲ ἠκολούθει δημόσιος ἐσθῆτα καὶ σπονδεῖον
αὐτῷ πρὸς ἱερουργίαν κομίζων. ἐν δὲ τούτοις
οὕτως εὔκολος καὶ ἀφελὴς τοῖς ὑπὸ χεῖρα φαινό-
μενος, αὖθις ἀνταπεδίδον τὴν σεμνότητα καὶ
τὸ βάρος ἀπαραίτητος ὧν ἐν τῷ δικαίῳ καὶ
τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας προστάγμασιν ὄρθιος
καὶ αὐθέκαστος, ὥστε Any ee τὴν Ῥωμαίων
ἀρχὴν ἐκείνοις μήτε φοβερωτέραν μήτε προσφι-
λεστέραν γενέσθαι.
VII. Τοιαύτην δέ τινα φαίνεται καὶ ὁ Χόγος
τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἰδέαν ἐχειν' εὔχαρις γὰρ ἅμα καὶ
δεινὸς ἦν, ἡδὺς καὶ καταπληκτικός, φιλοσκώμμων
καὶ αὐστηρός, ἀποφθεγματικὸς καὶ ἀγωνιστικός,
ὥσπερ ὁ Πλάτων τὸν Σωκράτην φησὶν ἔξωθεν
ἰδιώτην καὶ σατυρικὸν καὶ ὑβριστὴν τοῖς ἐντυγ-
χάνουσε φαινόμενον ἔνδοθεν σπουδῆς καὶ πραγ-
μάτων μεστὸν εἶναι δάκρυα κινούντων τοῖς
ἀκροωμένοις καὶ τὴν καρδίαν στρεφόντων. ὅθεν
οὐκ old ὅτι πεπόνθασιν οἱ τῷ Λυσίου λόγῳ
μάλιστα φάμενοι προσεοικέναι τὸν Κάτωνος.
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οἷς μᾶλλον ἰδέας λόγων
“Ῥωμαϊκῶν ' αἰσθάνεσθαι προσήκει διακρινοῦσιν,
ἡμεῖς δὲ τῶν ἀπομνημονευνομένων βραχέα γρά-
ψομεν, οὗ τῷ λόγῳ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ προσώπῳ,
1 «Ῥωμαϊκῶν Blass with 8. : ῥητορικῶν.
320
᾿
34
MARCUS CATO
were wont to charge the public treasury with their
pavilions, couches, and apparel, while they oppressed
the province with the cost of their large retinues of
servants and friends, and of their lavish and elaborate
banquets, his simple economy stood out in an in-
credible contrast. He made no demands whatever
upon the public treasury, and made his circuit of the
cities on foot, followed by a single public officer, who
carried his robe and chalice for sacrifices. And yet,
though in such matters he showed himself mild and
sparing to those under his authority, in other ways
he displayed a dignity and severity which fully corre-
sponded, for in the administration of justice he was
inéxorable, and in carrying out the edicts of the
government was direct and masterful, so that the
Roman power never inspired its subjects with greater
fear or affection.
VII. Much the same traits are revealed in the
man’s oratory. It was at once graceful and powerful,
pleasant and compelling, facetious and severe, sen-
tentious and belligerent. So Plato says of Socrates!
that from the outside he impressed his associates as
rude, uncouth, and wanton; but within he was full
of earnestness, and of matters that moved his hearers
to tears and wrung their hearts. Wherefore I know
not what they can mean who say that Cato’s oratory
most resembled that of Lysias. However, such
questions must be decided by those who are more
capable than I am of discerning the traits of Roman
oratory, and I shall now record a few of his famous
sayings, believing that men’s characters are revealed
_ ἢ Symposium, Ὁ. 215.
Ν ΄ 3 2 I
VOL, 11. Y
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καθώπερ ἔνιοι “νομίξυυσι, τῶν ἀνθρώπων φαμὲν
ἐμφαίνεσθαι τὸ ἦθος.
VIII. Μέλλων ποτὲ τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον ὡρμη-
μένον “ἀκαίρως ἐπὶ σιτομετρίας καὶ διανομὰς
ἀποτρέπειν, ἤρξατο τῶν λόγων οὕτως" ὼ Χαλεπὸν
μέν ἐστιν, ὧ πολῖται, πρὸς γαστέρα λέγειν ὦτα
οὐκ ἔχουσαν." κατηγορῶν δὲ τῆς πολυτελείας
ἔφη “χαλεπὸν εἶναι σωθῆναι, πόλιν, ἐν ἡ πωλεῖται
2 πλείονος ἐχθὺς ἢ βοῦς. ἐοικέναι δὲ προβάτοις
ἔφη τοὺς Ῥωμαίους: ὡς γὰρ ἐκεῖνα καθ᾽ ἕκαστον
μὲν οὐ πείθεται, σύμπαντα δ᾽ ἕπεται μετ᾽ ἀλλή-
λων τοῖς ἄγουσιν, «Οὕτω καὶ ὑμεῖς," εἶπεν, “ οἷς
οὐκ ἂν ἀξιώσαιτε συμβούλοις χρήσασθαι Kar’
ἰδίαν, ὑπὸ τούτων εἰς ἕν συνελθόντες ἄγεσθε.᾽"
περὶ δὲ τῆς γυναικοκρατίας διαλεγόμενος “ Tlap-
τες," εἶπεν, " ‘ ἄνθρωποι τῶν γυναικῶν ἄρχουσιν,
ἡμεῖς δὲ πάντων ἀνθρώπων, ἡ ἡμῶν δὲ αἱ γυναῖκες.
3 τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ἐστιν ἐκ τῶν Θεμιστοκλέους
μετενηνεγμένον ,ἀποφθεγμάτων. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἐπι-
τάττοντος αὐτῷ πολλὰ τοῦ υἱοῦ διὰ τῆς μητρός
“ἸῺ γύναι," εἶπεν, “᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν ἄρχουσι
τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἐγὼ δὲ ᾿Αθηναίων, ἐμοῦ δὲ σύ,
σοῦ δὲ ὁ υἱός, ὥστε φειδέσθω τῆς ἐξουσίας,
δι᾿ ἣν ἀνόητος ὧν πλεῖστον Ἑλλήνων δύναται.
4 Tov δὲ δῆμον ὁ Κάτων ἔφη τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐ
μόνον ταῖς πορφύραις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύ-
μασι τὰς τιμὰς ἐπιγράφειν. “Ὥς yap οἱ βαφεῖς,"
ἔφη, ὡ ταύτην μάλιστα βάπτουσιν, ἡ χαίροντας
ὁρῶσιν, οὕτως οἱ νέοι ταῦτα μανθάνουσι καὶ
ζηλοῦσιν, οἷς ἂν ὁ παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἔπαινος ἕπηται."
ὅ παρεκάλει δ᾽ αὐτούς, εἰμὲν ἀρετῇ καὶ σωφρο-
322
MARCUS CATO
much more by their speech than, as some think, by
their looks.
VIII. He once wished to dissuade the Roman
people from insisting ,unseasonably upon a distribu-
tion of corn, and began his speech with these words:
“It is a hard matter, my fellow citizens, to argue
with the belly, since it has no ears.” Again, in-
veighing against the prevalent extravagance, he
said: “It is a hard matter to save a city in which a
fish sells for more than an ox.” Again, he said
the Romans were like sheep ; for as these are not to
be persuaded one by one, but all in a body blindly
follow their leaders, “so ye,” he said, “though as
individuals ye would not deign to follow the counsels
of certain men, when ye are got together ye suffer
yourselves to be led by them.” Discoursing on the
power of women, he said: “ All other men rule their
wives; we rule all other men, and our wives rule
us.” This, however, is a translation from the sayings
of Themistocles.! He, finding himself much under his
son’s orders through the lad’s mother, said: “ Wife,
the Athenians rule the Hellenes, I rule the Athenians,
thou rulest me, and thy son thee. Therefore let him
make sparing use of that authority which makes
him, child though he is, the most powerful of the
Hellenes.”
The Roman people, Cato said, fixed the market
value not only of dyes, but also of behaviour.
“For,” said he, “as dyers most affect that dye
which they see pleases you, so your young men
learn and practice that which wins your praise.’
And he exhorted them, in case it was through
virtue and temperance that they had become great, to
1 Themistocles, xviii. 4.
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
σύνῃ γεγόνασι μεγάλοι, μηδὲν μεταβάλλεσθαι
πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον, εἰ δ᾽ ἀκρασίᾳ καὶ κακίᾳ, μετα-
βάλλεσθαι πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον' ἱκανῶς γὰρ ἤδη
μεγάλους ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνων γεγονέναι. τοὺς δὲ πολλά-
Kus ἄρχειν σπουδάξοντας ἔφη καθάπερ ἀγνοοῦντας
τὴν ὁδὸν ἀεὶ μετὰ ῥαβδούχων ξητεῖν πορεύεσθαε,
μὴ πλανηθῶσιν. ἐπετίμα δὲ τοῖς πολίταις τοὺς
αὐτοὺς αἱρουμένοις πολλάκις ἄρχοντας. " Δόξετε
yap,” ἔφη, ‘ “μὴ" πολλοῦ τὸ ἄρχειν ἄξιον ἢ μὴ
πολλοὺς τοῦ ἄρχειν ἀξίους ἡγεῖσθαι." περὶ δὲ
τῶν ἐχθρῶν τινος ,“αἰσχρῶς καὶ ἀδόξως βιοῦν
δοκοῦντος “Ἢ τούτου μήτηρ," ἔφη, ‘ “κατάραν,
οὐκ εὐχήν, ἡγεῖται τὸ τοῦτον ὑπὲρ γῆς ἀπο-
λιπεῖν." τὸν δὲ πεπρακότα τοὺς πατρῴους
ἀγροὺς παραλίους ὄντας ἐπιδεικνύμενος προσε-
ποιεῖτο θαυμάξειν ὡς ἰσχυρότερον τῆς θαλάττης"
“ΝᾺ γὰρ ἐκείνη μόλις ἔκλυζεν, οὗτος, ἔφη,
ὰ ῥᾳδίως καταπέπωκεν.
᾿Επεὶ δὲ Εὐμενοῦς τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιδημήσαντος
εἰς Ῥώμην i} TE σύγκλητος ὑπερφυῶς ἀπεδέξατο
καὶ τῶν πρώτων ἅμιλλα καὶ σπουδὴ περὶ αὐτὸν
ἐγίνετο, δῆλος ἦν ὁ Κάτων ὑφορώμενος καὶ
φυλαττόμενος αὐτόν. εἰπόντος δέ τινος “ ᾿Αλλὰ
μὴν χρηστός ἐστι καὶ φιλορρώμαιος," Ἔστω,"
εἶπεν, ᾿ἀλλὰ φύσει τοῦτο τὸ ζῷον ὁ βασιλεὺς
σαρκοφάγον ἐστίν." οὐδένα δὲ τῶν εὐδαιμονιζο-
μένων ἔφη βασιλέων" ἄξιον εἶναι παραβάλλειν
πρὸς ᾿Επαμεινώνδαν ἢ ἢ Περικλέα ἢ ἢ Θεμιστοκλέα ἢ ἢ
Μάνιον Κούριον ἢ ᾿Αμίλκαν τὸν ἐπικληθέντα
1 μηδὲν Hercher and Blass with ΕᾺΝ : μὴ.
2 μὴ Blass with F4S : 4 μὴ.
3 ἔφη βασιλέων Hercher and Blass with F8S: βασιλέων.
324
MARCUS CATO
make no change for the worse ; but if it was through
intemperance and vice, to change for the better ;
these had already made them great enough. Of those
who were eager to hold high office frequently, he said
that like men who did not know the road, they sought
to be ever attended on their way by lictors, lest
they go astray. He censured his fellow citizens
for choosing the same men over and over again to high
office. ‘“ You will be thought,” said he, “not to
deem your offices worth much, or else not to
deem many men worthy of your offices.” Of one
of his enemies who had the name of leading a
disgraceful and disreputable life, he said: “This
man’s mother holds the wish that he may survive
her to be no pious prayer, but a malignant curse.”
Pointing to a man who had sold his ancestral
fields lying near the sea, he pretended to admire
him, as stronger than the sea. “ This man,’ said
he, “has drunk down with ease what the sea found
it hard to wash away.”’
When King Eumenes paid a visit to Rome, the
Senate received him with extravagant honours,
and the chief men of the city strove who should
be most about him. But Cato clearly looked upon
him with suSpicion and alarm. “Surely,’ some
one said to him, “he is an excellent man, and
a friend of Rome.” “Granted,” said Cato, “but
the animal known as king is by nature carnivorous.”’
He said further that not one of the kings whom
men so lauded was worthy of comparison with
Epaminondas, or Pericles, or Themistocles, or Manius
Curius, or with Hamilcar, surnamed Barcas. His.
325
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
9 Βάρκαν. αὑτῷ δ᾽ ἔλεγε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς φθονεῖν, ὅτι
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐκ νυκτὸς ἀνίσταται καὶ τῶν ἰδίων
ἀμελῶν τοῖς δημοσίοις σχολάζει. βούλεσθαι δ᾽
ἔλεγε μᾶλλον εὖ πράξας ἀποστερηθῆναι χάριν ἢ
κακῶς μὴ τυχεῖν κολάσεως, καὶ συγγνώμην ἔφη
διδόναι πᾶσι τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι πλὴν αὑτοῦ.
TX. Τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων εἰς Βιθυνίαν τρεῖς ἑλο- 34]
μένων πρέσβεις, ὧν ὁ μὲν ποδαγρικὸς ἡ ἦν, ὁ δὲ τὴν
κεφαλὴν ἐξ ἀνατρήσεως καὶ περικοπῆς κοΐλην
εἶχεν, 0 δὲ τρίτος ἐδόκει μωρὸς εἶναι, καταγελῶν
ὁ Κάτων εἶπε πρεσβείαν ὑ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἀποστέλ-
λεσθαι μήτε πόδας μήτε κεφαλὴν μήτε καρδίαν
2 ἔχουσαν. ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν εξ ᾿Αχαΐας φυγάδων ἐν.
τευχθεὶς διὰ Πολύβιον ὑ ὑπὸ Σκηπίωνος, ὡς πολὺς
ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ λόγος ἐγίνετο, τῶν μὲν διδόντων
κάθοδον αὐτοῖς, τῶν δ᾽ ἐνισταμένων, ἀναστὰς ὁ
Κάτων ““Ὥσπερ οὐκ ἔχοντες, εἶπεν, ' “ὃ πράτ-
τωμεν καθήμεθα τὴν ἡμέραν ὅλην περὶ γεροντίων
Γραικῶν ζητοῦντες, πότερον ὑπὸ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἢ
3 τῶν ἐν ᾿Αχαΐᾳ “νεκροφόρων ἐκκομισθῶσι." ψηφι-
σθείσης δὲ τῆς καθόδου τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ἡμέρας
ὀλίγας οἱ περὶ τὸν Πολύβιον διαλιπόντες αὖθις
ἐπε εἰρουν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον εἰσελθεῖν, ὅπως ἃς
πρότερον εἶχον ἐν ᾿Αχαΐᾳ τιμὰς οἱ φυγάδες ἀνα-
λάβοιεν, καὶ τοῦ Κάτωνος ἀπεπειρῶντο τῆς γνώ-
μης. ὁ ὁ δὲ μειδιάσας ἔφη τὸν Πολύβιον, & ὥσπερ τὸν
Ὀδυσσέα, βούλεσθαι πάλιν εἰς τὸ τοῦ Κύκλωπος
σπήλαιον εἰσελθεῖν, τὸ πιλίον ἐκεῖ καὶ τὴν ζώνην
ἐπιλελησμένον.
4 Tous δὲ φρονίμους ἔλεγε: μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῶν
ἀφρόνων ἢ τοὺς ἄφρονας ὑπὸ τῶν φρονίμων
1 ἐκ νυκτὸς Hercher and Blass with F8SD: νυκτὸς,
326
MARCUS CATO
enemies hated him, he used to say, because he
rose every day before it was light and, neglecting
his. own private matters, devoted his time to the
public interests. He also used to say that he
preferred to do right and get no thanks, rather
than to do ill and get no punishment; and that he
had pardon for everybody's mistakes except his
own.
IX. The Romans once chose three ambassadors
to Bithynia, of whom one was gouty, another had
had his head trepanned, and the third was deemed
a fool. Cato made merry over this, and said that
the Romans were sending out an embassy which
had neither feet, nor head, nor heart. His aid
was once solicited by Scipio, at the instance of
Polybius, in behalf of the exiles from Achaia, and
ate ἃ long debate upon the question in the Senate,
where some favoured and some opposed their return
home, Cato rose and said: “ Here we sit all day,
as if we had naught else to do, debating whether
some poor old Greeks shall be buried here or
in Achaia.” The Senate voted that the men be
allowed to return, and a few days afterwards
Polybius tried to get admission to that body
- again, with a proposal that the exiles be restored
to their former honours in Achaia, and asked
Cato’s opinion on the matter. Cato smiled and
said that Polybius, as if he were another Odysseus,
wanted to go back into the cave of the Cyclops
for a cap and belt which he had left there.
Wise men, he~said, profited more from _ fools
than fools from wise men; for the wise shun the
327
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὠφελεῖσθαι" τούτους μὲν γὰρ φυλάττεσθαι τὰς
ἐκείνων apaptias, ἐκείνους δὲ τὰς τούτων μὴ μεμεῖ-
σθαι κατορθώσεις. τῶν δὲ νέων ἔφη χαίρειν τοῖς
ἐρυθριῶσι μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ὠχριῶσι. στ ατιώτου δὲ
μὴ δεῖσθαι τὰς μὲν χεῖρας ἐν τῷ βαδίζειν, τοὺς δὲ
πόδας ἐ ἐν τῷ pane κινοῦντος, μεῖζον δὲ ῥ ῥέγχον-
τος ἢ ἀλαλάζοντος. τὸν δὲ ὑπέρπαχυν κακίζων
ss Ποῦ 8 av,” ἔφη, “" ᾿σῶμα τοιοῦτον τῇ πόλει
γένοιτο χρήσιμον, οὗ τὸ μεταξὺ λαιμοῦ καὶ _Bov-
βώνων πᾶν ὑπὸ τῆς γαστρὸς κατέχεται ; ;᾿ τῶν
δὲ φιληδόνων τινὰ βουλόμενον αὐτῷ συνεῖναι
παραιτούμενος, ἔφη μὴ δύνασθαι ζῆν μετ᾽ ἀνθρώ-
που τῆς καρδίας τὴν ὑπερῴαν εὐαισθητοτέραν
ἔχοντος. τοῦ δ᾽ ἐρῶντος ἔλεγε τὴν ψυχὴν ἐ ἐν
ἀλλοτρίῳ σώματι ζῆν. μεταμεληθῆναι ὃ αὐτὸς
ἐν παντὶ τῷ βίῳ τρεῖς μεταμελείας" μίαν μὲν
ἐπὶ τῷ γυναικὶ πιστεῦσαι λόγον ἀπόρρητον,
ἑτέραν δὲ πλεύσας ὅπου δυνατὸν ἦν πεζεῦσαι, τὴν
δὲ τρίτην, ὅτι μίαν ἡμέραν ἀδιάθετος ἔ ἔμεινε. πρὸς
δὲ πρεσβύτην πονηρευόμενον “"Ανθρωπε," εἶπε,
ὴ πολλὰ ἔχοντι τῷ γήρᾳ τὰ αἰσχρὰ μὴ προστίθει
τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς κακίας αἰσχύνην. πρὸς δὲ δήμαρχον
ἐν διαβολῇ μὲν φαρμακείας γενόμενον, φαῦλον δὲ
νόμον εἰσφέροντα καὶ βιαζόμενον “ἾἾὮΩ pet ἀκιον,"
εἶπεν, ‘ οὐκ οἶδα, πότερον χεῖρόν ἐστιν ὃ κίρνης
πιεῖν ἡ ὃ γράφεις κυρῶσαι. βλασφημούμενος
δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπου βεβιωκότος ἀσελγῶς καὶ κακῶς
“Ἄνισος," εἶπεν, “ἡ πρὸς σέ μοι μάχη ἐστί: καὶ
γὰρ ἀκούεις τὰ κακὰ ῥᾳδίως καὶ λέγεις εὐχερῶς,
ἐμοὶ δὲ καὶ λέγειν ands és xal ἀκούειν ἄηθες." τὸ
μὲν οὖν τῶν ἀπομνημονευμάτων γένος τοιοῦτόν
ἐστιν.
228
MARCUS CATO
mistakes of fools, but fools do not imitate the
successes of the wise. He said he liked to see
blushes on a young man’s face rather than pallor,
and that he had no use for a soldier who plied
his hands on the march, and his feet in battle,
and whose snore was louder than his war-cry.
Railing at the fat knight, he said, “Where can
such a body be of service to the state, when
everything between its gullet and its groins is
devoted to belly?”’ A certain epicure wished to
enjoy his society, but he excused himself, saying
that he could not live with a man whose palate
was more sensitive than his heart. As for the
lover, he said his soul dwelt in the body of another.
And as for repentance, he said he had indulged
in it himself but thrice in his whole life: once
when he entrusted a secret to his wife; once
when he paid ship's fare to a place instead of
walking thither; and once when he _ remained
intestate a whole day. To an old man who was
steeped in iniquity he said: “ Man, old age has
disgraces enough of its own; do not add to them
the shame of vice.” Toa tribune of the people who
had been accused of using poison, and who was
trying to force the passage of a useless bill, he said :
“Young man, I know not which is worse, to drink
your mixtures, or to enact your bills.” And when
he was reviled by a man who led a life of shameless
debauchery, he said: “I fight an unequal battle
with you: you listen to abuse calmly, and utter
it glibly; while for me it is unpleasant to utter
it, and unusual to hear it.’’
Such, then, is the nature of his famous sayings.
329
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
X. Ὕπατος δὲ μετὰ Φλάκκου Οὐαλλεῤίου
τοῦ φίλου καὶ συνήθους ἀποδειχθεὶς ἔλαχε
τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν ἣν ᾿Εντὸς Ἱσπανίαν “Ῥωμαῖοι
καλοῦσιν. ἐνταῦθα δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰ μὲν καταστρε-
φομένῳ τῶν ἐθνῶν, τὰ 8 οἰκειουμένῳ διὰ λόγων
πολλὴ στρατιὰ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπέπεσε, καὶ
κίνδυνος ἦ ἣν αἰσχρῶς ἐκβιασθῆναι. διὸ τῶν ἐγ-
γὺς Κελτιβήρων ἐπεκαλεῖτο συμμαχίαν. αἰτούν-
των δ᾽ ἐκείνων τῆς βοηθείας διακόσια, τάλαντα
μεσθόν, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν
ἐποιοῦντο Ῥωμαίους βαρβάροις ἐπικουρίας ὁμο-
λογῆσαι μισθόν, ὁ δὲ Κάτων οὐδὲν ἔφη δεινὸν
εἶναι, νικῶντας μὲν γὰρ ἀποδώσειν παρὰ } τῶν
πολεμίων, οὐ παρ᾽ αὑτῶν, ἡττωμένων δὲ μήτε
τοὺς ἀπαιτουμένους ἔσεσθαι μήτε τοὺς ἀπαιτοῦν-
τας. ταύτην δὲ τὴν μάχην κατὰ κράτος ἐνίκησε,
καὶ τἄλλα ; προὐχώρει λαμπρῶς. “Πολύβιος μέν
γέ φησι τῶν ἐντὸς Βαίτιος ποταμοῦ πόλεων ἡμέρᾳ
μιᾷ τὰ τείχη κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ περιαιρεθῆναι"
πάμπολλαι δ᾽ ἦσαν αὗται καὶ “γέμουσαι μαχίμων
ἀνδρῶν. αὐτὸς δέ φησιν ὁ Κάτων πλείονας
εἰληφέναι πόλεις ὧν διήγαγεν ἡ ἡμερῶν ἐν ᾿Ιβηρίᾳ'
καὶ τοῦτο κόμπος οὐκ ἔστιν, εἴπερ ὡς ἀληθῶς
τετρακόσιαι τὸ πλῆθος ἢ ἦσαν.
Τοῖς μὲν οὖν στρατιώταις πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν
στρατείαν ὠφεληθεῖσιν ἔτι καὶ λίτραν ἀργυρίου
κατ᾽ ἄνδρα προσδιένείμεν, εἰπὼν ὡς κρεῖττον εἴη
πολλοὺς “Ῥωμαίων ἀργύριον ἢ χρυσίον ὀλίγους
ἔχοντας ἐπανελθεῖν. εἰς δ᾽ αὑτὸν ἐκ τῶν ἅλεσκο.-
μένων οὐδὲν ἐλθεῖν λέγει πλὴν ὅσα πέπωκεν ἢ
βέβρωκε. “ Καὶ οὐκ αἰτιῶμαι," φησί, “ τοὺς
1 παρὰ Hercher and Blass with ἘᾺΝ : ἀπὸ
330
34
MARCUS CATO
X. Having been elected consul! with Valerius
Flaccus, his intimate friend, the province which the
Romans call Hither Spain was allotted to his charge.
Here, while he was subduing some of the tribes, and
winning over others by diplomacy, a great host of
Barbarians fell upon him, and threatened. to drive
him disgracefully out of the province. He therefore
begged the neighbouring Celtiberians to become his
allies. On their demanding two hundred talents
pay for such assistance, all his officers, thought it
intolerable that Romans should agree to pay Bar-
barians for assistance. But Cato said there was
nothing terrible in it; should they be victorious,
they could pay the price with the spoils taken from
the enemy, and not out of their own purse; whereas,
should they be vanquished, there would be nobody
left either to pay or to ask the price. In this battle
he was completely victorious, and the rest of his
campaign was a brilliant success. Polybius indeed
says that in a single day the walls of all the cities on
this side the river Baetis—and they were very many,
and full of warlike men—were torn down at his
command. And Cato himself says that he took
more cities than he spent days in Spain, nor is this a
mere boast, since, in fact, there were four hundred
of them.
His soldiers got large booty in this campaign, and
he gave each one of them a pound of silver besides,
saying that it was better to have many Romans go
home with silver in their pockets than a few with
gold. But in his own case, he says that no part of
the booty fell to him, except what he ate and drank.
“Not that I find fault,’ he says, “with those who
t 195 B.C.
331
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὠφελεῖσθαι ζητοῦντας ἐκ τούτων, ἀλλὰ βούλομαι
μᾶλλον περὶ ἀρετῆς τοῖς ἀρίστοις ἢ περὶ χρημά-
τῶν τοῖς πλουσιωτάτοις ἁμιλλᾶσθαι καὶ τοῖς
φιλαργυρωτάτοις περὶ φιλαργυρίας." οὐ μόνον
δ᾽ αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἐφύλαττε
καθαροὺς παντὸς λήμματος. ἦσαν δὲ πέντε
θεράποντες ἐπὶ στρατείας σὺν αὐτῷ. τούτων εἷς
ὄνομα Πάκκιος ἠγόρασε τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τρία
παιδάρια’ τοῦ δὲ Κάτωνος αἰσθομένου, πρὶν εἰς
ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν, ἀπήγξατο. τοὺς δὲ παῖδας ὁ Κάτων
ἀποδόμενος εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἀνήνεγκε τὴν τιμήν.
ΧΙ. "Ἔτι, δ᾽ αὐτοῦ διατρίβοντος ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ
Σκηπίων ὁ μέγας, ἐχθρὸς ὧν καὶ βουλόμενος
ἐνστῆναι κατορθοῦντι καὶ τὰς Ἰβηρικὰς πρά εἰς
ὑπολαβεῖν, διεπράξατο τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἐκείνης
ἀποδειχθῆναι διάδοχος. σπεύσας δ᾽ ὡς ἐνῆν
τάχιστα κατέπαυσε τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Κάτωνος. ὁ
δὲ λαβὼν σπείρας ὁπλιτῶν πέντε καὶ πεντακο-
σίους ἱππεῖς προπομποὺς κατεστρέψατο μὲν τὸ
Λακετανῶν ἔθνος, ἑξακοσίους δὲ τῶν ηὐτομοληκό-
τῶν κομισάμενος ἀπέκτεινεν. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ΄σχετλιάζοντα
τὸν Σκηπίωνα κατειρωνευόμενος οὕτως ἔφη τὴν
“Ῥώμην ἔσεσθαι μεγίστην, τῶν μὲν ἐνδόξων καὶ
μεγάλων τὰ τῆς ἀρετῆς πρωτεῖα μὴ μεθιέντων
τοῖς ἀσημοτέροις, τῶν δ᾽ ὥσπερ αὐτός ἐστι
δημοτικῶν ἁμιλλωμένων ἀρετῇ πρὸς τοὺς τῷ γένει
καὶ τῇ δόξῃ προήκοντας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῆς
συγκλήτου ψηφισαμένης “μηδὲν ἀλλάττειν μηδὲ
κινεῖν τῶν ιῳκημένων ὑπὸ Κάτωνος, ἡ ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ
τῷ Σκηπίωνι τῆς αὐτοῦ μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς Κάτωνος
ἀφελοῦσα δόξης ἐν ἀπραξίᾳ καὶ σχολῇ μάτην
392
MARCUS CATO
seek to profit by such a case, but I prefer to strive in
bravery with the bravest, rather than in wealth
with the richest, and in greed for money with the
greediest.” And he strove to keep not only himself,
but also his associates, free from all taint of gain.
He had five attendants with him in the field. One
of these, whose name was Paccus, bought three boys
for his own account from among the public prisoners,
but finding that Cato was aware of the transaction,
or ever he had come into his presence, went and
hanged himself. Cato sold the boys, and restored
the money to the public treasury.
XI. While Cato still tarried in Spain, Scipio the
Great, who was his enemy, and wished to obstruct
the current of his successes and take away from him
the administration of affairs in Spain, got himself
appointed his successor in command of that province.
Then he set out with all the speed possible, and
brought Cato’s command to an end. But Cato took
five cohorts of men-at-arms and five hundred horse-
men as escort on his way home, and on the march
subdued the tribe of the Lacetanians, and put to
death six hundred deserters whom they delivered up
to him. Scipio was enraged at this proceeding, but
Cato, treating him with mock humility, said that
only then would Rome be at her greatest, when her
men of high birth refused to yield the palm of
virtue to men of lower rank, and when plebeians
like himself contended in virtue with their superiors
in birth and reputation. However, in spite of Scipio's
displeasure, the Senate voted that no change whatever
be made in what Cato had ordered and arranged,
and so the administration of Scipig was marked by
inactivity and idleness, and detracted from his own, .
333
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
3 διῆλθεν, ὁ δὲ Κάτων “θριαμβεύσας οὐχ, ὥσπερ οἱ
πλεῖστοι τῶν μὴ πρὸς ἀρετήν, ἀλλὰ “πρὸς δόξαν
ἁμιλλωμένων, ὅ ὅταν εἰς τὰς ἄκρας τιμὰς ἐξίκωνται
καὶ τύχωσιν ὑπατείας καὶ θριάμβων, ἤδη τὸ
λοιπὸν εἰς ἡδονὴν καὶ σχολὴν συσκευασάμενοι
τὸν βίον ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν ἀπίασιν, οὕτω καὶ αὐτὸς
ἐξανῆκε καὶ κατέλυσε τὴν ἀρετήν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμοια
τοῖς πρῶτον ἁπτομένοις πολιτείας καὶ διψῶσι
τιμῆς καὶ δόξης ἀφ᾽ ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς συντείνας ἑαυ-
τὸν ἐν μέσῳ παρεῖχε καὶ φίλοις ἦσθαι καὶ
πολίταις, οὔτε τὰς συνηγορίας οὔτε τὰς στρατείας
ἀπειπάμενος.
XII. Τιβερίῳ μὲν οὖν Σεμπρωνίῳ τὰ περὶ
Θράκην καὶ Ἵστρον ὑπατεύοντι πρεσβεύων συγ-
κατειργάσατο, Μανίῳ δ᾽ ᾿Ακιλίῳ χιλιαρχῶν ἐπ᾽
᾿Αντίοχον τὸν μέγαν συνεξῆλθεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα,
φοβήσαντα Ῥωμαίους ὡς οὐδένα ἕτερον μετ᾽
᾿Αννίβαν. τὴν “γὰρ ᾿Ασίαν, ὅσην ὁ Νικάτωρ
Σέλευκος εἶχεν, ὀλίγου δεῖν ἅπασαν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς
ἀνειληφώς, ἔθνη τε πάμπολλα καὶ μάχιμα ap-
βάρων ὑπήκοα “πεποιημένος, ἐπῆρτο συμπεσεῖν
Ῥωμαίοις ὡς μόνοις ἔτι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀξιομάχοις
2 οὖσιν. εὐπρεπῆ δὲ τοῦ πολέμον ποιησάμενος
αἰτίαν τοὺς “Ἕλληνας ἐλευθεροῦν, οὐδὲν δεομένους,
ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐλευθέρους καὶ αὐτονόμους χάριτι τῇ
Ῥωμαίων ἀπὸ Φιλίππου καὶ Μακεδόνων νεωστὶ 343
γεγονότας, διέβη μετὰ δυνάμεως. καὶ σάλον εὐθὺς
ἡ ᾿Βλλὰς εἶχε καὶ “μετέωρος ἣν ἐλπίσι διαφθειρο-
3 μένη βασιλικαῖς ὑπὸ τῶν δημαγωγῶν. ἔπεμπεν
οὖν “πρέσβεις ὁ Μάνιος ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις. Καὶ τὰ
μὲν πλεῖστα τῶν νεωτεριζόντων Τίτος Φλαμινῖνος
V
334
MARCUS CATO
rather than from Cato’s reputation. Cato, on the
other hand, celebrated ἃ triumph.1 Most men who
strive more for reputation than for virtue, when once
they have attained the highest honours of consulship
and triumphs, straightway adjust their future lives to
the enjoyment of a pleasurable ease, and give up
their public careers. But Cato did not thus remit
and dismiss his virtue, nay, rather, like men _ first
taking up the public service and all athirst for
honour and reputation, he girt his loins anew, and
held himself ever ready to serve his friends and
fellow-citizens, either in the forum or in the field.
XII. And so it was that he assisted Tiberius
Sempronius the consul in subduing the regions in
Thrace and on the Danube, acting as his ambassador ;
and as legionary tribune under Manius Acilius, he
marched into Greece against Antiochus the Great,
who gave ‘the Romans more to fear than any man
after Hannibal. For he won back almost all of “
Seleucus Nicator’s former dominions in Asia, reduced
to subjection many warlike nations of Barbarians,
and was eager to engage the Romans, whom he
deemed the only worthy foemen left for him. So he
crossed into Greece with an army, making the
freeing of the Greeks a specious ground for war.
This they did not need at all, since they had recently
been made free and independent of Philip and the
Macedonians by grace of the Romans. Greece was
at once a stormy sea of hopes and fears, being
corrupted by her demagogues with expectations of
royal bounty. Accordingly, Manius sent envoys to
the several cities. Most of those which were un-
settled in their allegiance Titus Flamininus restrained
1 194 B.c.
335
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἔσχεν ἄνευ ταραχῆς καὶ κατεπράύνεν, ὡς ἐν τοῖς
περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται, Ἰζάτων δὲ Κορινθίους καὶ
Πατρεῖς, ἔτει δ᾽ Αὐγιεῖς παρεστήσατο.
Πλεῖστον δὲ χρόνον ἐν ᾿Αθήναις διέτριψε. καὶ
λέγεται μέν τις αὐτοῦ φέρεσθαι λόγος, ὃν “EA-
ληνιστὶ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον εἶπεν, ὡς ζηλῶν τε τὴν
ἀρετὴν τῶν παλαιῶν ᾿Αθηναίων τῆς τε πόλεως διὰ
τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος ἡδέως γεγονὼς θεατής"
τὸ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀληθές ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ δι᾿ ἑρμηνέως ἐνέτυχε
τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις, δυνηθεὶς ἂν αὐτὸς εἰπεῖν, ἐμμένων
δὲ τοῖς πατρίοις καὶ καταγελῶν τῶν τὰ ‘EA-
ληνικὰ τεθαυμακότων. Ἰ]Ποστούμιον γοῦν ᾿Αλ-
βῖνον ἱστορίαν “Ἑλληνιστὶ γράψαντα καὶ συγ-
γνώμην αἰτούμενον ἐπέσκωψεν εἰπών, δοτέον εἶναι
τὴν συγγνώμην, εἰ τῶν ᾿Αμφικτυόνων ψηφισα-
μένων ἀναγκασθεὶς ὑπέμεινε τὸ ἔργον. θαυμάσαι
δέ φησι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους τὸ τάχος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν
ὀξύτητα τῆς φράσεως' ἃ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐξέφερε
βραχέως, τὸν ἑρμηνέα μακρῶς καὶ διὰ πολλῶν
ἀπαγγέλλειν' τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον οἴεσθαι τὰ ῥ ῥήματα τοῖς
μὲν Ελλησιν ἀπὸ χειλέων, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἀπὸ
καρδίας φέρεσθαι.
XIII. ‘Ered δ᾽ ᾿Αντίοχος ἐμφράξας τὰ περὶ
Θερμοπύλας. στενὰ τῷ ,»στρατοπέδῳ, καὶ τοῖς
αὐτοφυέσι τῶν τόπων ἐρύμασι προσβαλὼν χαρα-
κώματα καὶ διατειχίσματα, καθῆστο τὸν “πόλεμον
ἐκκεκλεικέναι νομίζων, τὸ μὲν κατὰ στόμα βιά-
ζεσθαι παντάπασιν ἀπεγίνωσκον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, τὴν
δὲ Περσικὴν ἐκείνην περιήλυσιν καὶ κύκλωσιν ὁ
230
MARCUS CATO
without ado, and quieted down, as I have written in
his Life;! but Corinth, Patrae, and Aegium were
brought over to Rome by Cato.
He also spent much time at Athens. And we are
told that a certain speech of his is extant, which he
addressed to the Athenian people in Greek, declaring
that he admired the virtues of the ancient Athenians,
and was glad to behold a city so beautiful and grand
as theirs. But this isnot true. On the contrary, he
dealt with the Athenians through an interpreter.
He could have spoken to them directly, but he
always clung to his native ways, and mocked at those
who were lost in admiration of anything that was
Greek. For instance, he poked fun at Postumius
Albinus, who wrote a history in Greek, and asked
the indulgence of his readers. Cato said they might
have shown him indulgence had he undertaken his
task in consequence of a compulsory vote of the
‘Amphictyonic Assembly. Moreover, he says the
Athenians were astonished at the speed and pun-
gency of his discourse. For what he himself set forth
with brevity, the interpreter would repeat to them
at great length and with many words; and on the
whole he thought the words of the Greeks were
born on their lips, but those of the Romans in their
hearts. 7
XIII. Now Antiochus had blocked up the narrow
pass of Thermopylae with his army,? adding trenches
and walls to the natural defences of the place, and
sat there, thinking that he had locked the war out
of Greece. And the Romans did indeed despair
utterly of forcing a direct passage. But Cato, calling
to mind the famous compass and circuit of the pass
1 Chapters xv-xvii. 2 191 B.c.
337
VOL 1. , : Ζ
a
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
΄ 4 3 a 4 4 / 4
Κάτων εἰς νοῦν βαλόμενος ἐξώδευσε νύκτωρ,
2 ἀναλαβὼν μέρος τι τῆς στρατιᾶς. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἄνω
cr
προελθόντων ὁ καθοδηγῶν αἰχμάλωτος ἐξέπεσε
τῆς ὁδοῦ καὶ πλανώμενος ἐν τόποις ἀπόροις καὶ
κρημνώδεσι δεινὴν ἀθυμίαν. καὶ φόβον ἐ ἐνειργάσατο
τοῖς" στρατιώταις, ὁρῶν “ Κάτων τὸν κίνδυνον
ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἀτρεμεῖν καὶ περι-
μένειν, αὐτὸς δὲ Λεύκιόν τινα, Μάλλιον, ἄνδρα
δεινὸν ὀρειβατεῖν, παραλαβὼν ἐχώρει. πολυπόνως
καὶ παραβόλως ἐν ἀσελήνῳ νυκτὶ καὶ βαθείᾳ,
κοτίνοιςϊ καὶ πάγοις ἀνατεταμένοις διασπάσματα
πολλὰ τῆς ὄψεως καὶ ἀσάφειαν ἐχούσης, ἕως
ἐμβαλόντες εἰς ἀτραπόν, ὡς ᾧοντο, κάτω περαΐί-
νουσαν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων ἔθεντο
σημεῖα πρός τινας εὐσκόπους κεραίας ὑπὲρ τὸ
Καλλίδρομον ἀνεχούσας. οὕτω δὲ πάλιν ἐπαν-
ἐλθόντες ὀπίσω τὴν στρατιὰν ἀνέλαβον, καὶ
πρός τὰ σημεῖα προάγοντες ἥψαντο μὲν ἐκείνης
τῆς ἀτραποῦ καὶ κατεστήσαντο τὴν πορείαν,
μικρὸν δὲ προελθοῦσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπέλιπε “φάραγγος
ὑπολαμβανούσης. καὶ πάλιν ἦν ἀπορία καὶ δέος
οὐκ ἐπισταμένων οὐδὲ συνορώντων ὅτι πλησίον
ἐτύγχανον τῶν πολεμίων γεγονότες. ἤδη δὲ διέ-
λαμπεν ἡμέρα, καὶ φθογγῆς τις ἔδοξεν ἐ ἐπακοῦσαι,
τάχα δὲ καὶ καθορᾶν Ἑλληνικὸν “χάρακα καὶ
προφυλακὴν ὑπὸ τὸ κρημνῶδες. οὕτως οὖν ἐπι-
στήσας ἐνταῦθα τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ o Κάτων ἐκέλευσεν
αὐτῷ προσελθεῖν ἄνευ τῶν ἄλλων τοὺς Pippa-
vous, ols ἀεὶ πιστοῖς ἐχρῆτο καὶ προθύμοις.
τον ΕΜΟυτΟΣ δὲ καὶ περιστάντων αὐτὸν ἀθρόων
1 κοτίνοις MSS.; κολωνοῖς (hills) Bekker, adopting the
correction of Coraés.
338
MARCUS CATO
which the Persians had once made, took a con-
siderable force and set out under cover of darkness.
They climbed the heights, but their guide, who was
a prisoner of war, lost the way, and wandered about
in impracticable and precipitous places until he had
filled the soldiers with dreadful dejection and fear.
Cato, seeing their peril, bade the rest remain quietly
where they were, while he himself, with a certain
Lucius Manlius, an expert mountain-climber, made
his way along, with great toil and hazard, in the
dense darkness of a moonless night, his vision much
impeded and obscured by wild olive trees and rocky
peaks, until at last they came upon a path. This,
they thought, led down to the enemy’s camp. So
they put marks and signs on some conspicuous cliffs
which towered over Mount Callidromus, and then
made their way back again to the main body. This
too they conducted to the marks and signs, struck
into the path indicated by these, and started forward.
But when they had gone on a little way, the path
failed them, and a ravine yawned to receive them.
Once more dejection and fear were rife. They did not
know and could not see that they were right upon the
enemy whom they sought. But presently gleams of
daylight came, here and there a man thought he
heard voices, and svon they actually saw a Greek
outpost entrenched at the foot of the cliffs. So then
Cato halted his forces there, and summoned the men
of Firmum to a private conference. These soldiers
he had always found trusty and zealous in his service.
When they had run up and stood grouped about him,
339
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
εἶπεν" © “Av6pa χρήξω λαβεῖν τῶν πολεμίων ζῶντα
καὶ πυθέσθαι, τίνες οἱ προφυλάττοντες οὗτοι, “πτό-
σον πλῆθος αὐτῶν, τίς ὁ τῶν ἄλλων Sidxo pos ἢ
τάξις. καὶ παρασκευή, μεθ᾽ ἧς ὑπομένουσαν ἡμᾶς.
τὸ δ᾽ ἔ ἔργον ἅρπαγμα δεῖ τάχους γενέσθαι καὶ τόλ-᾿
μῆς, ἡ καὶ λέοντες ἄνοπλοι. θαρροῦντες ἐπὶ τὰ
δειλὰ τῶν θηρίων βαδίξουσι." ταῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ
Κάτωνος αὐτόθεν ὀρούσαντες, ὥσπερ εἶχον, οἱ
Φιρμανοὶ κατὰ τῶν ὀρῶν ἔθεον ἐπὶ τὰς προφυλα-
κάς" καὶ προσπεσόντες ἀπροσδόκητοι πάντας μὲν
διετώραξαν καὶ διεσκέδασαν, ἕνα δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὅπλοις
ἁρπάσαντες ἐνεχείρισαν τῷ Κάτωνι. παρὰ τού-
του μαθών, ὡς ἡ μὲν ἄλλη δύναμις ἐ ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς
κάθηται μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ" τοῦ βασιλέως, οἱ δὲ φρου-
ροῦντες οὗτοι τὰς ὑπερβολὰς Αἰτωλῶν εἰσιν
ἑξακόσιοι λογάδες, καταφρονήσας τῆς ὀλυγότητος
ἅμα καὶ τῆς ὀλιγωρίας εὐθὺς ἐπῆγεν ἅμα oan
πιγξι καὶ ἀλαλαγμῷ, πρῶτος σπασάμενος τὴν
μάχαιραν. οἱ δ᾽ ὡς εἶδον ἀπὸ τῶν κρημνῶν ἐπι-
φερομένους, φεύγοντες εἰς τὸ μέγα στρατόπεδον
κατεπίμπλασαν ,Ταραχῆς ἅπαντας. :
XIV. Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ τοῦ Μανίου κάτωθεν
πρὸς τὰ διατειχίσματα βιαζομένου καὶ τοῖς
στενοῖς προσβάλλοντος ἀθρόαν τὴν δύναμιν, ὁ
μὲν ᾿Αντίοχος εἰς τὸ στόμα λίθῳ πληγεὶς ἐκτινα-
χθέντων αὐτοῦ τῶν ὀδόντων ἀπέστρεψε τὸν ἴπ-
mov ὀπίσω, περιαλγὴς γενόμενος, τοῦ δὲ στρατοῦ
μέρος οὐδὲν ὑπέμεινε τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ἀλλὰ καί-
περ ἀπόρους καὶ ἀμηχάνους τῆς φυγῆς ὁδοὺς καὶ
ΠΡῸΣ ἐχούσης, ἑλῶν βαθέων καὶ πετρῶν ἀπο-
1 μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ Blass with S: μετὰ. 2 ὅπαντας Sintenis ?
with C; Bekker reads ἅπαντα, with Sintenis? and Coraés.
340
344
MARCUS CATO
he said: “I must take one of the enemy’s men alive,
and learn from him who they are that form this
advance guard, what their number is, and with what
disposition and array their main body awaits us. But
the task demands the swift and bold leap of lions
fearlessly rushing all unarmed upon the timorous
beasts on which they prey.” So spake Cato, and the
Firmians instantly started, just as they were, rushed
down the mountain-side, and ran upon the enemy’s
sentinels. Falling upon them unexpectedly, they
threw them all into confusion and scattered them in
flight ; one of them they seized, arms and all, and
delivered him over to Cato. From the captive Cato
learned that the main force of the enemy was en-
camped in the pass with the king himself, and that
the detachment guarding the pass over the mountains
was composed of six hundred picked Aetolians.
Despising their small numbers and their carelessness,
he led his troops against them at once, with bray of
trumpet and battle-cry, being himself first to draw
his sword. But when the enemy saw his men pouring
down upon them from the cliffs, they fled to the
main army, and filled them all with confusion.
XIV. Meanwhile Manius also, down below, threw
his whole force forward into the pass and stormed
the enemy’s fortifications. Antiochus, being hit in
the mouth with a stone which knocked his teeth
out, wheeled his horse about for very anguish.
Then his army gave way everywhere before the
Roman onset. Although flight for them meant
impracticable roads and helpless wanderings, while
deep marshes and steep cliffs threatened those who
341
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τόμων τὰ πτώματα καὶ τὰς ὀλισθήσεις ὑποδεχο-
μένων, εἰς ταῦτα διὰ τῶν στενῶν ὑπερχεόμενοι
καὶ συνωθοῦντες ἀλλήλους φόβῳ πληγῆς καὶ
σιδήρου πολεμίων. αὑτοὺς διέφθειρον.
‘O δὲ. Κάτων ἀεὶ μέν τίς ἣν, “ὡς ἔοικε, τῶν
ἰδίων ἐ ἐγκωμίων ἀφειδὴς καὶ τὴν ἄντικρυς μεγα-
λαυχίαν ὡς ἐπακολούθημα᾽ τῆς μεγαλουργίας οὐκ
ἔφευγε, πλεῖστον δὲ ταῖς πράξεσι ταύταις ὄγκον
περιτέθεικε, καί φησι τοῖς ἰδοῦσιν αὐτὸν τότε
διώκοντα καὶ παίοντα τοὺς πολεμίους παρα-
στῆναι μηδὲν ὀφείλειν Κάτωνα τῷ δήμῳ το-
σοῦτον, ὅσον Κάτωνι τὸν δῆμον, αὐτόν τε
Μάνιον τὸν ὕπατον θερμὸν ἀπὸ τῆς νίκης ἔτι
θερμῷ περιπλακέντα πολὺν χρόνον ἀσπάξεσθαι
καὶ βοᾶν ὑπὸ χαρᾶς, ὡς οὔτ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς οὔθ᾽ ὁ
σύμπας δῆμος ἐξισώσειε τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ταῖς Κά-
TWVOS εὐεργεσίαις. “μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην εὐθὺς εἰς
Ῥώμην ἐπέμπετο τῶν ἠγωνισμένων αὐτάγγελος"
καὶ διέπλευσε μὲν εἰς Βρεντέσιον εὐτυχῶς, μιᾷ δ᾽
ἡμέρᾳ διελάσας ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Τάραντα καὶ τέσ-
σαρας ἄλλας ὁδεύσας πεμπταῖος εἰς Ῥώμην
ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἀφίκετο καὶ πρῶτος ἀπήγγειλε
τὴν νίκην. καὶ τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐνέπλησεν εὐφρο-
σύνης καὶ θυσιῶν, φρονήματος δὲ τὸν δῆμον ὡς
πάσης γῆς καὶ θαλάσσὴς κρατεῖν δυνάμενον.
ΧΥ. Τῶν «μὲν οὖν πολεμικῶν πράξεων τοῦ
Κάτωνος αὗται σχεδόν εἰσιν ἐλλογιμώταται"
τῆς δὲ πολιτείας φαίνεται τὸ περὶ τὰς κατη-
γορίας καὶ τοὺς ἐλέγχους τῶν πονηρῶν μόριον
οὐ μικρᾶς ἄξιον σπουδῆς ἡ ἡγησάμενος. αὐτός τε
γὰρ ἐδίωξε πολλοὺς καὶ διώκουσιν ἑτέροις συν-
ηγωνίσατο καὶ παρεσκεύασεν ὅλως διώκοντας,
342
MARCUS CATO
slipped and ‘fell, still, they poured along through
the pass into these, crowding one another on in
their fear of the enemy’s deadly weapons, and so
destroyed themselves.
Cato, whp was ever rather generous, it would
seem, in his own: praises, and did not hesitate
to follow up his great achievements with boastings
equally great, is very pompous in his account of
this exploit. He says that those who saw him
at that time pursuing the enemy and hewing them
down, felt convinced that Cato owed less to Rome
than Rome to Cato; also that the consul Manius
himself, flushed with victory, threw his arms about
him, still flushed with his own victory, and embraced
him a long time, crying out for joy that neither he
himself nor the whole Roman people could fittingly
requite Cato for his benefactions. Immediately after
the battle he was sent to Rome as the messenger
of his.own triumphs. He had a fair passage to
Brundisium, crossed the peninsula from there to
Tarentum in a single day, travelled thence four
days more, and on the fifth day after landing reached
Rome, where he was the first to announce the
victory. He filled the city full of joy and sacrifices,
and the people with the proud feeling that it was
able to master every land and sea.
XV. These are perhaps the most remarkable
features of Cato’s military career. In political life,
he seems to have regarded the impeachment and
conviction of malefactors as a department worthy
of his most zealous efforts. For he brought many
prosecutions himself, assisted others in bringing theirs,
and even instigated some to begin prosecutions, as
343 |
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
2 ὡς ἐπὶ Σκηπίωνα τοὺς περὶ Πετίλλιον. τοῦτον
μὲν οὖν ἀπ᾽ οἴκου τε μεγάλου καὶ φρονήματος
ἀληθινοῦ ποιησάμενον ὑπὸ πόδας τὰς διαβολὰς
μὴ ἀποκτεῖναι δυνηθεὶς ἀφῆκε: Λεύκιον δὲ τὸν
ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν κατηγόρων συστὰς
καταδίκῃ περιέβαλε χρημάτων πολλῶν “πρὸς τὸ
δημόσιον, ἣν οὐκ ἔχων ἐκεῖνος ἀπολύσασθαι καὶ
κινδυνεύων δεθῆναι μόλις ἐπικλήσει τῶν δη-
μάρχων ἀφείθη.
838 Λέγεται δὲ καὶ νεανίσκῳ τινὶ τεθνηκότος
πατρὸς ἐχθρὸν ἠτιμωκότι καὶ πορευομένῳ δι᾽
ἀγορᾶς μετὰ τὴν δίκην ἀπαντήσας ὁ Κάτων
δεξιώσασθαι καὶ εἰπεῖν, ὅτι ταῦτα χρὴ τοῖς
fe) 9 [4 > Ν᾽ 2ὼ > ν > 3
γονεῦσιν ἐναγίζειν, οὐκ ἄρνας οὐδ᾽ ἐρίφους, ἀλλ
3 [οἱ 4 \ ,ὔ 3 \ 9 Q9 > AN
ἐχθρῶν δάκρυα καὶ καταδίκας. ov μὴν οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς
2 A ’ a 2 A 2 > @ \
ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ περιἣν ἀθῷος, ἀλλ΄ ὅπου τινὰ
λαβὴν παράσχοι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, κρινόμενος καὶ
4 κινδυνεύων διετέλει. λέγεται γὰρ ὀλίγον ἀπολι-
πούσας τῶν πεντήκοντα φυγεῖν δίκας, μίαν δὲ
A [4 1 4 Ν \ 3 ὃ 4 δος
τὴν τελευταίαν. ἕξ ἔτη καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα γεγονώς
ἐν ἡ καὶ τὸ μνημονευόμενον εἶπεν, ὡς χαλεπόν
ἐστιν ἐν ἄλλοις βεβιωκότα ἀνθρώποις ἐν ἄλλοις 345
ἀπολογεῖσθαι. καὶ τοῦτο πέρας οὐκ ἐποιήσατο
a 3 , 4 > # ? aA
τῶν ἀγώνων, τεσσάρων δ᾽ ἄλλων ἐνιαυτῶν διελ-
θόντων Σερουίου Γάλβα κατηγόρησεν ἐνενήκοντα
5 γεγονὼς ἔτη. κινδυνεύει yap ὡς ὁ Νέστωρ εἰς
1 τὴν τελευταίαν Hercher and Blass with ΕᾺΝ : τελευταίαν.
. 344
MARCUS CATO
for instance Petillius against Scipio. That great man,
however, trampled the accusations against him under
foot, as the splendour of his house and his own
inherent loftiness of spirit prompted him to do,
and Cato, unable to secure his capital conviction,
dropped the case. But he so co-operated with the
accusers of Lucius, Scipio's brother, as to have
him condemned to pay a large fine to the state.
This debt Lucius was unable to meet, and was
therefore liable to imprisonment. Indeed, it was
only at the intercession of the tribunes that he was
at last set free.
We are also told that a certain young man, who
had got a verdict of civil outlawry against an enemy
of his dead father, was passing through the forum
on the conclusion of the case, and met Cato, who
greeted him and said: “These are the sacrifices
we must bring to the spirits of our parents; not
lambs and kids, but the condemnations and tears
of their enemies.” However, he himself did not
go unscathed, but wherever in his political career
he gave his enemies the slightest handle, he was
all the while suffering prosecutions and running
risk of condemnation. It is said that he was
defendant in nearly fifty cases, and in the last
one when he was eighty-six years of age. It was in
the course of this that he uttered the memorable
saying: “It is hard for one who has lived among men
of one generation, to make his defence before those
of another.” And even with this case he did not
put an end to his forensic contests, but four years
later, at the age of ninety, he impeached Servius
Galba. Indeed, he may be said, like Nestor,
345
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τριγονίαν τῷ βίῳ καὶ ταῖς πράξεσι κατελθεῖν.
Σκηπίωνι γάρ, ὡς λέλεκται, τῷ μεγάλῳ πολλὰ
διερισάμενος ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ διέτεινεν εἰς Σκη-
πίωνα τὸν νέον, ὃς ἦν ἐκείνου κατὰ ποίησιν
υἱωνός, υἱὸς δὲ Παύλον τοῦ Περσέα καὶ Μακε-
δόνας καταπολεμήσαντος.
XVI. Τῆς δ᾽ ὑπατείας κατόπιν ἔτεσι δέκα
τιμητείαν ὁ Κάτων παρήγγειλες. κορυφὴ δέ
τίς ἐστι τιμῆς ἁπάσης ἡ ἀρχὴ καὶ τρόπον τινὰ
τῆς πολιτείας ἐπιτελείωσις, ἄλλην τε πολλὴν
ἐξουσίαν ἔχουσα καὶ τὴν περὶ τὰ ἤθη καὶ τοὺς
βίους ἐξέτασιν. οὔτε γὰρ γάμον οὔτε παιδοποιΐαν
τινὸς οὔτε δίαιταν οὔτε συμπόσιον ᾧοντο δεῖν
ἄκριτον καὶ ἀνεξέταστον, ὡς ἕκαστος ἐπιθυμίας
2 ἔχοι καὶ προαιρέσεως, ἀφεῖσθαι. πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον
ἐν τούτοις νομίζοντες ἣ ταῖς ὑπαίθροις καὶ πολι-
τικαῖς πράξεσι τρόπον ἀνδρὸς ἐνορᾶσθαι, φύλακα
καὶ σωφρονιστὴν καὶ κολαστὴν τοῦ μηδένα καθ᾽
ἡδονὰς ἐκτρέπεσθαι καὶ παρεκβαίνειν τὸν ἐπι-
χώριον καὶ συνήθη βίον ἡροῦντο τῶν καλουμένων
πατρικίων ἕνα καὶ τῶν δημοτικῶν ἕνα. τιμητὰς
δὲ τούτους προσηγόρευον, ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντας ἀφε-
λέσθαι μὲν ἵππον, ἐκβαλεῖν δὲ συγκλήτου τὸν
8 ἀκολάστως βιοῦντα καὶ ἀτάκτως. οὗτοι δὲ καὶ
τὰ τιμήματα τῶν οὐσιῶν λαμβάνοντες ἐπεσκό-
πουν, καὶ ταῖς ἀπογραφαῖς τὰ γένη καὶ τὰς πο-
λιτείας διέκρινον' ἄλλας τε μεγάλας ἔχει
δυνάμεις ἡ ἀρχή. ᾿
Διὸ καὶ τῷ Κάτωνι πρὸς τὴν παραγγελίαν
346
iis
MARCUS CATO
to have been vigorous and active among three
generations. For after many political struggles with
Scipio the Great, as told above, he lived to be
contemporary with Scipio the Younger, who was
the Elder’s grandson by adoption, and the son
of that Paulus Aemilius who subdued Perseus and
the Macedonians.!
XVI. Ten years after his consulship,? Cato stood
for the censorship. This office towered, as it were,
above every other civic honour, and was, in a way,
the culmination of a political career. The variety
of its powers was great, including that of examining
into the lives and manners of the citizens. Its
creators thought that no one should be left to his own
devices and desires, without inspection and review,
either in his marrying, or in the begetting of his
children, or in the ordering of his daily life, or
in the entertainment of his friends. Nay, rather,
thinking that these things revealed a man’s real
‘character more than did his public and_ political
career, they set men in office to watch, admonish,
and chastise, that no one should turn aside to
wantonness and forsake his native and customary
mode of life. They chose to this office one of the
so-called patricians, and one of the plebeians. These
officers were called censors, and they had authority
to degrade a knight, or to expel a senator who led
an unbridled and disorderly life. They also revised
the assessments of property, and arranged the
citizens in lists according to their social and political
classes. There were other great powers also con-
nected with the office.
Therefore, when Cato stood for it, nearly all
1 In the battle of Pydna, 168 B.c. 2 184 B.C.
| 347
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀπήντησαν ἐνιστώμενοι σχεδὸν οἱ γνωριμώτατοι
a le a \
καὶ πρῶτοι τῶν συγκλητικῶν. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ
3 ’, ς Ὁ 7 ͵7 2 ’
εὐπατρίδας ὁ φθόνος ἐλύπει, παντάπασιν οἰομέν-
, Ἁ 3 / 3 [4
ους προπηλακίζεσθαι τὴν εὐγένειαν ἀνθρώπων
9 > » “Ὁ 3 U > A Ν Ἁ Ἁ 4
ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ἀδόξων eis τὴν ἄκραν τιμὴν Kal δύνα-
3 / e δὲ θ \ 60
μιν ἀναβιβαζομένων, ot δὲ μοχθηρὰ συνειδότες
a a , ’
αὑτοῖς ἐπιτηδεύματα καὶ τῶν πατρίων ἐκδιαίτησιν
A lo) A 2
ἐθῶν ἐφοβοῦντο τὴν αὐστηρίαν τοῦ ἀνδρός,
4
ἀπαραίτητον ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ καὶ χαλεπὴν ἐσομένην.
διὸ συμφρονήσαντες καὶ παρασκευάσαντες ἑπτὰ
fol , A
κατῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν παραγγελίαν ἀντιπάλους τῷ
[4 ζω fo)
Κάτωνι, θεραπεύοντας ἐλπίσι χρησταῖς TO πλῆ-
θος, ὡς δὴ μαλακῶς καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἄρχεσθαι
7 3 ’ὔ
δεόμενον. τοὐναντίον δ᾽ ὁ Κάτων οὐδεμίαν ἐνδι-
\ 3 / 3 > νΝ 9 a a
δοὺς ἐπιείκειαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄντικρυς ἀπειλῶν τε τοῖς
ra “A 7 7
πονηροῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος καὶ κεκραγὼς μεγάλου
ἴω 4 \ , 9ge/ \ 4
καθαρμοῦ χρήξειν τὴν πόλιν, ἠξίου τοὺς πολλούς,
3 wn” \ Ἁ Cs 3 A N
εἰ σωφρονοῦσι, μὴ τὸν ἥδιστον, ἀλλὰ τὸν σφο-
δρότατον αἱρεῖσθαι τῶν ἰατρῶν: τοῦτον δὲ αὐτὸν
4 [ον / “ UA 3
εἶναι καὶ τῶν πατρικίων ἕνα Φλάκκον Οὐαλ-
λέριον' μετ᾽ ἐκείνου γὰρ οἴεσθαι μόνου τὴν τρυφὴν
’ὔ
καὶ τὴν μαλακίαν ὥσπερ ὕδραν τέμνων καὶ ἀπο-
, a a
καίων προὔργου τι ποιήσειν, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων ὁρᾶν
[ἦ Ν a 4 σ Ἁ “Ὁ
ἕκαστον ἄρξαι κακῶς βιαζόμενον, ὅτι τοὺς καλῶς
A ’ [4 > 4 4 e > a“
ἄρξοντας δέδοικεν. οὕτω δ᾽ dpa μέγας ἦν ws ἀληθῶς
a e a
καὶ μεγάλων ἄξιος δημαγωγῶν ὁ Ρωμαίων δῆμος,
ὥστε μὴ φοβηθῆναι τὴν ἀνάτασιν καὶ τὸν ὄγκον
Le) > 4 3 A ς la) 9 , Ἁ
τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἡδεῖς ἐκείνους καὶ πρὸς
348
MARCUS CATO
the best known and most influential men of the
senatorial party united to oppose him. The men
of noble parentage among them were moved by
jealousy, thinking that nobility of birth would be
trampled in the mire if men of ignoble origin forced
their way up to the summits of honour and power ;
while those who were conscious of base practices
and of a departure from ancestral customs, feared
the severity of the man, which was sure to be
harsh and inexorable in the exercise of power.
Therefore, after due consultation and preparation,
they put up in opposition to Cato seven candidates
for the office, who sought the favour of the multitude
with promises of mild conduct in office, supposing,
forsooth, that it wanted to be ruled with a lax
and indulgent hand. Cato, on the contrary, showed
no complaisance whatever, but plainly threatened
wrong-doers in his speeches, and loudly cried that
the city had need of a great purification. He
adjured the people, if they were wise, not to choose
the most agreeable physician, but the one who ᾿
was most in earnest. He himself, he said, was
such a physician, and so was Valerius Flaccus, of
the patricians. With him as colleague, and him
alone, he thought he could cut and sear to some
purpose the hydra-like luxury and effeminacy of
the time. As for the rest of the candidates, he
saw that they were all trying to force their way
into the office in order to administer it badly,
since they feared those who would administer it
well. And so truly great was the Roman people,
and so worthy of great leaders, that they did not
fear Cato’s rigour and haughty independence, but
rejected rather those agreeable candidates who,
349
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
a ἡ
χάριν ἅπαντα ποιήσειν δοκοῦντας ἀπορρίψας
nw » [τά
ἑλέσθαι μετὰ τοῦ Κάτωνος τὸν Φλάκκον, ὥσπερ
οὐκ αἰτοῦντος ἀρχήν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄρχοντος ἤδη καὶ
προστάττοντος ἀκροώμενος.
e aA
XVII. Ipodéypawe μὲν οὖν ὁ Κάτων τῆς συγ-
, Ν 4 4 4
κλήτου τὸν συνάρχοντα καὶ φίλον Λεύκιον
7 \ n a
Οὐαλλέριον Φλάκκον, ἐξέβαλε δὲ τῆς βουλῆς
Ν Ἁ Ἁ ’ oh Ψ
ἄλλους τε συχνοὺς καὶ Λεύκιον Κοΐντιον, ὕπατον
a lA ἃ 3
μὲν ἑπτὰ πρότερον ἐνιαυτοῖς γεγενημένον, ὃ δ᾽ ἦν
> a \ δό ς / ha 10 \ Ti
αὐτῷ πρὸς δόξαν ὑπατείας μεῖζον, ἀδελφὸν ‘Titov
’ a / ,
Φλαμινίνον τοῦ καταπολεμήσαντος Φίλιππον.
αἰτίαν δὲ τῆς ἐκβολῆς ἔσχε τοιαύτην. μειράκιον
nn “ “A ς 4
ἐκ τῆς παιδικῆς ὥρας ἑταιροῦν ἀνειληφὼς ὁ Aev-
κιος ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχε καὶ συνεπήγετο στρατη-
a a ν᾿ , « ON
γῶν ἐπὶ τιμῆς καὶ δυνάμεως τοσαύτης, ὅσην οὐδεὶς
a A / /
εἶχε τῶν πρώτων Trap αὐτῷ φίλων καὶ οἰκείων.
a ,
ἐτύγχανε μὲν οὖν ἡγούμενος ὑπατικῆς ἐπαρχίας"
ἐν δὲ συμποσίῳ. τινὶ τὸ μειράκιον, ὥσπερ εἰώθει,
[4
συγκατακείμενον ἄλλην τε κολακείαν ἐκίνει πρὸς
Ν θ 1 2 ” ς δί 3 , \ a
ἄνθρωπον. ἐν οἴνῳ ῥᾳδίως ἀγόμενον, καὶ φιλεῖν
> \ “ ν ei >» »¥ «QZ »
αὐτὸν οὕτως ἔλεγεν “oT, ἔφη, “θέας οὔσης
οἴκοι μονομάχων οὐ τεθεαμένος πρότερον ἐξώρ-
pnoa πρὸς σέ, καίπερ ἐπιθυμῶν ἰδεῖν ἄνθρωπον
σφαττόμενον.᾽ ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ἀντιφιλοφρονού-
3
μενος “᾿Αλλὰ τούτου γε χάριν, εἶπε, “ μή μοι
\
κατάκεισο λυπούμενος, ἐγὼ γὰρ ἰάσομαι." καὶ
σ΄ ’ὔ
κελεύσας ἕνα τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ κατακρίτων εἰς τὸ
συμπόσιον ἀχθῆναι καὶ τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἔχοντα
1 πρὸς ἄνθρωπον Blass with FaSC : πρὸς τὸν ἄνθρωπον.
350 ᾿
346
MARCUS CATO
it was believed, would do every thing to please
them, and elected Flaccus to the office along with
Cato.! To Cato they gave ear, not as to one soliciting
office, but as to one already in office and issuing his
decrees.
XVII. As censor, then, Cato made Lucius Valerius
Flaccus, his colleague and friend, chief senator.*~~
He also expelled many members of the Senate,
including Lucius Quintius. This man had _ been
consul seven years before, and, a thing which gave’
him more reputation than the consulship even, was
brother of the Titus Flamininus who conquered
King Philip.2~ The reason for his expulsion was
the following: There was a youth who, ever since
his boyhood, had been the favourite of Lucius.
This youth Lucius kept ever about him, and took
with him on his campaigns in greater honour and
power than any one of his nearest friends and
kinsmen had. He was once administering the
affairs of his consular province, and at a certain
banquet this youth, as was his wont, reclined at
his side, and began to pay his flatteries to a man
who, in his cups, was too easily led about. “I love
you so much,” he said, “that once, when there
was a gladiatorial show at home, a thing which I
had never seen, I rushed away from it to join you,
although my heart was set on seeing a man
slaughtered.” “ Well, for that matter,” said Lucius,
“don’t lie there with any grudge against me, for
I will cure it.” Thereupon he commanded that
one of the men who were lying under sentence
of death be brought to the banquet, and_ that
a lictor with an axe stand by his side. Then he
1 184 B.C. 2 At Cynoscephalae, 198 B.c.
351
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πέλεκυν παραστῆναι, πάλιν ἠρώτησε τὸν ἐρώμε-
4 4 , 4 7
νον, εἰ βούλεται τυπτόμενον θεάσασθαι. φήσαν-
\ ᾽ 4 9 4 “
tos δὲ βούλεσθαι, προσέταξεν ἀποκόψαι τοῦ
ἀνθρώπου τὸν τράχηλον.
Οἱ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστοι ταῦτα ἱστοροῦσι, καὶ ὅ γε
Κικέρων αὐτὸν τὸν Κάτωνα διηγούμενον ἐν τῷ
7 ἤ 7 e \ /
περὶ ynpws διαλόγῳ πεποίηκεν: ὁ δὲ Λίβιος
b s ᾶ4 4 UA N 3 ’
αὐτόμολον εἶναί φησι ᾿᾿αλάτην τὸν ἀναιρεθέντα,
a. ,» > ᾽ς ’ a \ ow
τὸν δὲ Λεύκιον ov δι’ ὑπηρέτου κτεῖναι Tov ἄνθρω-
3 3 > A OL , Ἁ lo) 3 , 1
πον, ἀλλ᾿ αὑτὸν ἰδίᾳ χείρι, καὶ ταῦτα ἐν λογῳ
γεγράφθαι Κάτωνος.
Ἐκβληθέντος οὖν τοῦ Λευκίου τῆς βουλῆς ὑπὸ
Ὁ Va e LO Ν 9 ἴων [4 lA ?
τοῦ Κάτωνος, ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ βαρέως φέρων ἐπὶ
τὸν δῆμον κατέφυγε καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ἐκέλενεν
» a \ 4 a > n ? 4
εἰπεῖν τὸν Κάτωνα τῆς ἐκβολῆς. εἰπόντος δὲ καὶ
διηγησαμένον τὸ συμπόσιον ἐπεχείρει μὲν ὁ
Λεύκιος ἀρνεῖσθαι, προκαλουμένου δὲ τοῦ Κάτω-
e
vos εἰς ὁρισμὸν ἀνεδύετο. καὶ τότε μὲν ἄξια
παθεῖν κατεγνώσθη" θέας δ᾽ οὔσης ἐν θεάτρῳ τὴν
ὑπατικὴν χώραν παρελθὼν καὶ πορρωτάτω που
καθεσθεὶς οἶκτον ἔσχε παρὰ τῷ δήμῳ, καὶ ᾿βοῶν-
τες ἠνάγκασαν αὐτὸν μετελθεῖν, ὡς ἣν δυνατὸν
ἐπανορθούμενοι καὶ θεραπεύοντες τὸ γεγενη-
μένον.
ἴΑλλον δὲ βουλῆς ἐξέβαλεν ὑπατεύσειν ἐπίδοξον
ὄντα, Μανίλλιον, ὅτι τὴν αὑτοῦ γυναῖκα μεθ᾽ ἡμέ-
e a lé ΜᾺ ᾽
ραν ὁρώσης τῆς θυγατρὸς κατεφίλησεν. αὑτῷ ὃ
ἔφη τὴν γυναῖκα μηδέποτε πλὴν βροντῆς μεγάλης
γενομένης περιπλακῆναι, καὶ μετὰ παιδιᾶς εἰπεῖν
αὐτὸν ὡς μακάριός ἐστι τοῦ Διὸς βροντῶντος.
1 ἐν λόγῳ Hercher and Blass with F8SC: ἐν τῷ λόγφ.
352
MARCUS CATO
asked his beloved if he wished to see the man
smitten. The youth said he did, and Lucius ordered
the man’s head to be cut off.
This is the version which most writers give of
the affair, and so Cicero has represented Cato himself
as telling the story in his dialogue “On Old Age.” !
But Livy? says the victim was a Gallic deserter,
and that Lucius did not have the man slain by
a lictor, but smote him with his own hand, and
that this is the version of the story in a speech
of Cato’s. |
On the expulsion of Lucius from the Senate
by Cato, his brother was greatly indignant, and
appealed to the people, urging that Cato state his
reasons for the expulsion. Cato did so, narrating
the incident of the banquet. Lucius attempted
to make denial, but when Cato challenged him
to a formal trial of the case with a wager.of money
upon it, he declined. Then the justice of his
punishment was recognized. But once when a
spectacle was given in the theatre, he passed along
by the senatorial seats, and took his place as far
away from them as he could. Then the people
took pity upon him and shouted till they had forced
him to change his seat, thus rectifying, as far as was
possible, and alleviating the situation.
Cato expelled another senator who was thought
to have good prospects for the consulship, namely,
Manilius, because he embraced his wife in open
day before the eyes of his daughter. For his own
rt, he said, he never embraced his wife unless it
thundered loudly; and it was a pleasantry of his to
remark that he was a happy man when it thundered.
1 Cato Manor, 12, 42. 2 xxxix, 42.
353
VOL. II. AA
λα.
had
«
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
lo \
XVIII. Ἤνεγκε δέ τινα τῷ Κάτωνι καὶ
᾿ ’
Λεύκιος ὁ Σκηπίωνος ἀδελφὸς ἐπίφθονον αἰτίαν,
\ > \ > e 3 3 “a δ a
θριαμβικὸς ἀνὴρ ἀφαιρεθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸν imrov:
3 A ᾽
ἔδοξε γὰρ οἷον ἐφυβρίζων ᾿Αφρικανῷ Σκηπίωνι
le) an \ /
τεθνηκότι τοῦτο ποιῆσαι. τοὺς δὲ πλείστους
“A “ A /
ἠνίασε μάλιστα TH περικοπῇ τῆς πολυτελείας,
a v N ’ 4 θ ’ "ὃ
ἣν ἄντικρυς μὲν ἀφελέσθαι, νενοσηκότων ἤδη
Va e 3 > A Ὁ “ 3 4
καὶ διεφθαρμένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς TOV πολλῶν, ἀδύ-
νατον ἦν, κύκλῳ δὲ περιϊὼν ἠνάγκαζεν ἐσθῆτος,
fa) fe) \
ὀχήματος, κόσμου γυναικείου, σκευῶν τῶν περὶ
\ ’ \ ,
δίαιταν, ὧν ἑκάστου TO τίμημα δραχμὰς χιλίας
. “ \
Kat πεντακοσίας ὑπερέβαλλεν, ἀποτιμᾶσθαι τὴν
’ 3 A
ἀξίαν εἰς τὸ δεκαπλάσιον, βουλόμενος ἀπὸ μει-
“A \ 3
Covwv τιμημάτων αὐτοῖς μείζονας καὶ τὰς εἰσφο-
> n A XN
pas εἶναι. καὶ προσετίμησε τρεῖς χαλκοῦς πρὸς
A ad ’ a a
τοῖς χιλίοις, ὅπως βαρυνόμενοι ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς
A id [οἱ Ν lo)
καὶ τοὺς εὐσταλεῖς καὶ ALTOUS ὁρῶντες ἀπὸ τῶν
ἴσων ἐλάττονα τελοῦντας εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἀπα-
γορεύωσιν. ἦσαν οὖν αὐτῷ χαλεποὶ μὲν οἱ τὰς
εἰσφορὰς διὰ τὴν τρυφὴν ὑπομένοντες, χαλεποὶ
δ᾽ 9 4 « \ \ b ’ ἈΝ
avd πάλιν οἱ τὴν τρυφὴν ἀποτιθέμενοι διὰ
\ 9 ’ ’ \ > , e \
Tas εἰσφοράς. πλούτου yap ἀφαίρεσιν ot πολλοὶ
4 \ a nn
νομίζουσι τὴν κώλυσιν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐπιδείξεως,
ἐπιδείκνυσθαι δὲ τοῖς περιττοῖς, οὐ τοῖς ἀναγ-
‘4 +
kato. ὃ δὴ καὶ μάλιστά φασι τὸν φιλόσοφον
> /
Αρίστωνα Oavydlev, ὅτι τοὺς τὰ περιττὰ κε-
κτημένους μᾶλλον ἡγοῦνται μακαρίους ἡ τοὺς
“ 3 fe) ,
τῶν ἀναγκαίων Kal χρησίμων εὐποροῦντας. Σκό-
δὲ e Θ \ 3 / δ a J
mas 6€ ὁ Θετταλὸς αἰτουμένου Tivos τῶν φίλων
354
MARCUS CATO
XVIII. Cato was rather bitterly censured for his
treatment of Lucius, the brother of Scipio, whom,
though he had achieyed the -honour of a triumphy
he expelled from the equestrian order. He was
thought to have done this as an insult to the memory
of Scipio Africanus. But he was most obnoxious
to the majority of his enemies because he lopped
off extravagance in living. This could not be done
away with outright, since most of the people were
already infected and corrupted by it, and so he
' took a roundabout way. He had all apparel,
equipages, jewellery, furniture and plate, the value
of which in any case exceeded fifteen hundred
drachmas, assessed at ten times its worth, wishing
by means of larger assessments to make the owners’
taxes also larger. Then he laid a tax of three
on every thousand asses thus assessed, in order
that such property holders, burdened by their
charges, and seeing that people of equai wealth
who led modest and simple lives paid less into the
public treasury, might desist from their extravagance.
As a result, both classes were incensed against him,
both those who endured the taxes for the sake
of their luxury, and those no less who put away
their luxury because of the taxes. For most men
think themselves robbed of their wealth if they
are prevented from displaying it, and that display of
it is made in the superfluities, not in the necessaries
of life. This, we are told, is what most astonished
Ariston the philosopher, namely, that those possessed
of the superfluities of life should be counted happy,
rather than those well provided with life’s necessary
and useful things. Scopas the Thessalian, when
one of his friends asked for something of his which
355
AA 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Tap αὐτοῦ τι τοιοῦτον, ὃ μὴ σφόδρα ἦ ἦν χρήσιμον 347
ἐκείνῳ, καὶ λέγοντος, ὡς οὐδὲν αἰτεῖ τῶν ἀναγ-
καίων καὶ χρησίμων “ Καὶ μὴν ἐγὼ τούτοις,᾽
εἶπεν, “ εὐδαίμων καὶ πλούσιός εἰμι, τοῖς ἀχρή-
στοις καὶ περιττοῖς." οὕτως ὃ τοῦ πλούτου
ζῆλος οὐδενὶ πάθει φυσικῷ συνημμένος ἐκ τῆς
ὀχλώδους καὶ θυραίου δόξης ἐπεισόδιός ἐστιν.
ΧΙΧ. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐγκαλούντων ἐλάχιστα
φροντίζων. ὁ Κάτων ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπέτεινεν, ἀπο-
κόπτων μὲν ὀχετούς, οἷς τὸ παραρρέον δημόσιον
ὕδωρ ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἀπῆγον εἰς οἰκίας ἰδίας
καὶ κήπους, ἀνατρέπων δὲ καὶ καταβάλλων
ὅσα προὔβαινεν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον οἰκοδομήματα,
συστέλλων δὲ τοῖς μισθοῖς τὰς ἐργολαβίας, τὰ
δὲ τέλη ταῖς “πράσεσιν ἐπὶ τὰς é ἐσχάτας ἐλαύνων
τιμάς. ag’ ὧν αὐτῷ πολὺ συνήχθη “μῖσος. οἱ
δὲ περὶ τὸν Τίτον συστάντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἔν τε
τῇ βουλῇ τὰς γεγενημένας ἐκδόσεις καὶ μισθώσεις
τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ δημοσίων ἔργων ἔλυσαν ὡς γε-
γενημένας ἀλυσιτελῶς, καὶ τῶν δημάρχων τοὺς
θρασυτάτους παρώξυναν ἐν δήμῳ προσκαλέ-
σασθαι τὸν Κάτωνα καὶ ζημιῶσαι δυσὶ ταλάν-
τοις. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῆς βασιλικῆς
κατασκευὴν ἠναντιώθησαν, ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἐκ χρημά-
των κοινῶν ὑπὸ τὸ βουλευτήριον τῇ ἀγορᾷ
παρέβαλε καὶ Πορκία βασιλικὴ προσηγορεύθη."
Φαίνεται δὲ θαυμαστῶς ἀποδεξάμενος αὐτοῦ
τὴν τιμητείαν ὁ δῆμος. ἀνδριάντα γοῦν ἀναθεὶς
ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Ὑγιείας ἐπέγραψεν οὐ τὰς
1 Πορκία βασιλικὴ προσηγορεύθη Sintenis with the better
’ MSS., and now S. Cf. Livy 39, 44. πΠορκίαν βασιλικὴν
προσηγόρευσεν Bekker (and called).
356
MARCUS CATO
was of no great service to him, with the remark —
that he asked for nothing that was necessary and
useful, replied: “ And yet my wealth and happiness
are based on just such useless and _ superfluous
things.” Thus the desire for wealth is no natural
adjunct of the soul, but is imposed upon it by the
false opinions of the outside world.
XIX. However, Cato paid not the slightest heed
to his accusers, but grew still more strict. He
cut off the pipes by which people conveyed part
of the public water supply into their private houses
and gardens ; he upset and demolished all buildings
that enroached on public land; he reduced the
cost of public works to the lowest, and forced
the rent of public lands to the highest possible
figure. All these thing brought much odium upon
him. Titus Flamininus headed a party against him
which induced the Senate to annul as useless the
outlays and payments which he had authorised for
temples and public works, and incited the boldest
of the tribunes to call him to account before the
people and fine him two talents. The Senate also
strongly opposed the erection of the basilica which
he built at the public cost below the council-house
in the Forum, and which was called the Basilica
Porcia.
Still, it appears that the people approved of
his censorship to an amazing extent. At any rate,
after erecting a statue to his honour in the temple
of Health, they commemorated in the inscription
a
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
στρατηγίας οὐδὲ τὸν θρίαμβον τοῦ Κάτωνος,
ἀλλ᾽, ὡς ἄν τις μεταφράσειε τὴν ἐπιγραφήν,
“Or τὴν Ῥωμαίων πολιτείαν ἐγκεκλιμένην
καὶ ῥέπουσαν ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον τιμητὴς γενόμενος
χρησταῖς ἀγωγαῖς καὶ σώφροσιν ἐθισμοῖς καὶ
διδασκαλίαις εἰς ὀρθὸν αὖθις ἀποκατέστησε."
καίτοι πρότερον αὐτὸς κατεγέλα τῶν ἀγαπώντων
τὰ τοιαῦτα, καὶ λανθάνειν αὐτοὺς ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ
χαλκέων καὶ ζωγράφων ἔργοις μέγα φρονοῦντας,
αὐτοῦ δὲ καλλίστας εἰκόνας ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς
περιφέρειν τοὺς πολίτας" πρὸς δὲ τοὺς θαυμά-
ζοντας, ὅτι πολλῶν ἀδόξων ἀνδριάντας ἐχόντων
ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἔγχει “ Μᾶλλον γάρ, ᾿ ἔφη, as Meas
ζητεῖσθαι, δια τί μου ἀνδριὰς ov κεῖται ἢ
τί κεῖται" τὸ 8 ὅλον οὐδ᾽ ὁ ἐπαινούμενον ΤΕίου
τὸν ἀγαθὸν πολίτην ὑπομένειν, εἰ μὴ τοῦτο χρη-
σίμως γίνοιτο τῷ κοινῷ.
Καίτοιϊ πλεῖστα πάντων ἑαυτὸν ἐγκεκωμίακεν,
ὅς γε καὶ τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντάς τι περὶ τὸν βίον,
εἶτ᾽ ἐλεγχομένους λέγειν φησίν, ὡς οὐκ ἄξιον
ἐγκαλεῖν αὐτοῖς" οὐ γὰρ Κάτωνές εἰσι" καὶ τοὺς
ἔνια μιμεῖσθαι τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πραττομένων οὐκ
ἐμμελῶς ἐπιχειροῦντας ᾿ἐπαριστέρους καλεῖσθαι
Κάτωνα" ἀφορᾶν δὲ τὴν βουλὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐν
τοῖς ἐπισφαλεστάτοις καιροῖς ὥσπερ ἐν πλῷ
πρὸς κυβερνήτην, καὶ πολλάκις μὴ παρόντος
ὑπερτίθεσθαι τὰ πλείστης ἄξια σπουδῆς. ἃ δὴ
παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων αὐτῷ μαρτυρεῖται" μέγα γὰρ
ἔσχεν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ διὰ τὸν βίον καὶ διὰ τὸν
λόγον καὶ διὰ τὸ γῆρας ἀξίωμα.
XX. Γέγονε δὲ καὶ πατὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ περὶ
1 καίτοι conjecture of Blass : καὶ,
358
ΠΡ
MARCUS CATO
upon it, not the military commands nor the triumph
of Cato, but, as the inscription may be translated,
the fact “ that when the Roman state was tottering
to its fall, he was made censor, and by helpful
guidance, wise restraints, and sound teachings,
restored it again.” And yet, before this time
he used to laugh at those who delighted in such
honours, saying that, although they knew it not,
their pride was based simply on the work of statuaries
and painters, whereas his own images, of the most
exquisite workmanship, were borne about in the
hearts of his fellow citizens. And to those who
expressed their amazement that many men of no
fame had statues, while he had none, he used to
say: “I would much rather have men ask why
I have no statue, than why I have one.” In short,
he thought a good citizen should not even allow
himself to be praised, unless such praise was beneficial
to the commonwealth.
And yet of all men he has heaped most praises
“upon himself. He tells us that men of self-indulgent
lives, when rebuked for it, used to say: “ We ought
not to be blamed; we are no Catos.’”’ Also that
those who imitated some of his practices and did —
it clumsily, were called “left-handed Catos.” Also
that the Senate looked to him in the most dangerous
crises as seafarers to their helmsman, and often, if
he was not present, postponed its most serious
business. These boasts of his are confirmed, it
is true, by other witnesses, for he had great authority
in the city, alike for his life, his eloquence, and
his age.
XX. He was also a good father, .a considerate
eo
359
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
γυναῖκα χρηστὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ χρηματιστὴς οὐκ
εὐκαταφρόνητος οὐδ᾽ ὥς τι μικρὸν ἢ φαῦλον ἐν
παρέργῳ μεταχειρισάμενος τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπι-
μέλειαν. ὅθεν οἴομαι δεῖν καὶ περὶ τούτων ὅσα
καλῶς ἔχει διελθεῖν: γυναῖκα μὲν εὐγενεστέραν
ἢ πλουσιωτέραν ἔγημεν, ἡγούμενος ὁμοίως μὲν
ἀμφοτέρας ἔχειν βάρος καὶ φρόνημα, τὰς δὲ
γενναίας αἰδουμένας τὰ αἰσχρὰ μᾶλλον ὑπηκόους
εἶναι πρὸς τὰ καλὰ τοῖς γεγαμηκόσι. τὸν δὲ
τύπτοντα γαμετὴν ἡ παῖδα τοῖς ἁγιωτάτοις ἔλεγεν
ἱεροῖς προσφέρειν τὰς χεῖρας. ἐν ἐπαίνῳ δὲ
μείζονι τίθεσθαι τὸ γαμέτην ἀγαθὸν ἢ τὸ μέγαν
εἶναι συγκλητικόν' ἐπεὶ καὶ Σωκράτους οὐδὲν
ἄλλο θαυμάζειν τοῦ παλαιοῦ πλὴν ὅτι γυναικὶ
χαλεπῇ καὶ παισὶν ἀποπλήκτοις χρώμενος ἐπι-
εἰκῶς καὶ πράως διετέλεσε. ᾿ γενομένου δὲ τοῦ
παιδὸς οὐδὲν ἦν ἔργον οὕτως ἀναγκαῖον, εἰ μή τι
δημόσιον, ὡς μὴ παρεῖναι τῇ γυναικὶ λονούσῃ τὸ
βρέφος καὶ σπαργανούσῃ. αὐτὴ γὰρ ἔτρεφεν
ἰδίῳ γάλακτι" πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τὰ τῶν δούλων
παιδάρια τῷ μαστῷ προσιεμένη κατεσκεύαζεν
εὔνοιαν ἐκ τῆς συντροφίας πρὸς τὸν υἱόν. ἐπεὶ
δὲ ἤρξατο συνιέναι, παραλαβὼν αὐτὸς ἐδίδασκε
γράμματα, καΐτοι χαρίεντα δοῦλον εἶχε γραμμα-
τιστὴν ὄνομα Χίλωνα, πολλοὺς διδάσκοντα
παῖδας. οὐκ ἠξίου δὲ τὸν υἱόν, ὥς φησιν αὐτός,
ὑπὸ δούλου κακῶς ἀκούειν ἢ τοῦ ὠτὸς ἀνατεί-
νεσθαι μανθάνοντα βράδιον, οὐδέ γε μαθήματος
τηλικούτου τῷ δούλῳ χάριν ὀφείλειν, ἀλλ᾽
αὐτὸς μὲν ἦν γραμματιστής, αὐτὸς δὲ νομοδι-
360
a,
348
MARCUS CATO
husband, and a household manager of no mean talent,
nor did he give only a fitful attention to this, as
a matter of little or no importance: Therefore I
think I ought to give suitable instances of his
conduct in these relations. He married a wife who
was of gentler birth than she was rich, thinking
that, although the rich and the high-born may be
alike given to pride, still, women of high birth have
such a horror of what is disgraceful that they are
more obedient to their husbands in all that is
honourahle. He used to say that the man who
struck his wife or child, laid violent hands on
the holiest of holy things. Alsop that he thought
it more praiseworthy to be a good husband than
a great senator, nay, there was nothing else to
admire in Socrates of old except that he was always
kind and gentle in his intercourse with a shrewish
wife and stupid sons. After the birth of his son,
no business could be so urgent, unless it had a
public character, as to prevent him from _ being
present when his wife bathed and swaddled the babe.
For the mother nursed it herself, and often gave
suck also to the infants of her slaves, that so they
might come to cherish a brotherly affection for
her son. As soon as the boy showed signs of
understanding, his father took him under his own
charge and taught him to read, although he had
an accomplished slave, Chilo by name, who was
a school-teacher, and taught many boys. Still, Cato
thought it not right, as he tells us himself, that
his son should be scolded by a slave, or have his
ears tweaked when he was slow to learn, still less
that he should be indebted to his slave for such
a priceless thing as education. He was therefore
΄ 461
΄
ὃ
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
4 x AN \ 4 9 / 3 ,
duxtns, αὐτὸς δὲ γυμναστής, οὐ μόνον ἀκοντίζειν
sao ¢ A 230) ¢ 7 7 A «7
οὐδ᾽ ὁπλομαχεῖν οὐδ᾽ ἱππεύειν διδάσκων τὸν υἱόν,
᾽ Ἁ a A , A “A
ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ χειρὶ πὺξ παίειν καὶ καῦμα καὶ
ψῦχος ἀνέχεσθαι καὶ τὰ δινώδη καὶ τραχύνοντα
τοῦ ποταμοῦ διανηχόμενον ἀποβιάζεσθαι. καὶ τὰς
4 / 4 Α 3 \ IQ 7
ἱστορίας δὲ συγγράψαι φησὶν αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ χειρὶ
καὶ μεγάλοις γράμμασιν, ὅπως οἴκοθεν ὑπάρχοι
τῷ παιδὶ πρὸς ἐμπειρίαν τῶν παλαιῶν καὶ πατρί-
3 a 4 3 “A e , >
ων ὠφελεῖσθαι" τὰ δ᾽ αἰσχρὰ τῶν ῥημάτων οὐχ
ἧττον εὐλαβεῖσθαι τοῦ παιδὸς παρόντος ἣ τῶν
ἱερῶν παρθένων, ἃς “Ἑστιάδας καλοῦσι: συλλού-
σασθαι δὲ μηδέποτε. καὶ τοῦτο κοινὸν ἔοικε
Ῥωμαίων ἔθος εἶ L ya Depot is!
apaiwv ἔθος εἶναι" καὶ yap πενθεροὶ γαμβροῖς
9 , 4 4 Q
ἐφυλάττοντο συλλούεσθαι, δυσωπούμενοι τὴν
ἀποκάλυψιν καὶ γύμνωσιν. εἶτα μέντοι παρ᾽
“Ελλήνων τὸ γυμνοῦσθαι μαθόντες, αὐτοὶ πάλιν
τοῦ καὶ μετὰ γυναικῶν τοῦτο πράσσειν ἀναπεπλή-
κασι τοὺς “Ελληνας.
Οὕτω δὲ καλὸν ἔργον εἰς ἀρετὴν τῷ Κάτωνι
πλάττοντι καὶ δημιουργοῦντι τὸν υἱόν, ἐπεὶ τὰ
ol ,
τῆς προθυμίας Av ἀμεμπτα καὶ δι’ εὐφυΐαν
ὑπήκουεν ἡ ψυχή, τὸ δὲ σῶμα μαλακώτερον
ἐφαίνετο τοῦ πονεῖν, ὑπανῆκεν αὐτῷ τὸ σύντονον
fol φ
ἄγαν καὶ κεκολασμένον τῆς διαίτης. ὁ δέ, καίπερ
οὕτως ἔχων, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἦν ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις,
καὶ τὴν πρὸς [Περσέα μάχην ἠγωνίσατο λαμπρῶς
Παύλου στρατηγοῦντος. εἶτα μέντοι τοῦ ξίφους
ἐκκρουσθέντος ὑπὸ πληγῆς ἡ δι᾿ ὑγρότητα τῆς
1 πενθεροὶ γαμβροῖς Hercher and Blass, adopting the con-
jecture of Sintenis : πενθεροῖς γαμβροὶ. .
362
MARCUS CATO
himself not only the boy’s reading-teacher, but
his tutor in law, and his athletic trainer, and he
taught his son not merely to hurl the javelin and
fight in armour and ride the horse,.but also to
box, to endure heat and cold, and to swim lustily
through the eddies and billows of the Tiber. His
History of Rome, as he tells us himself, he wrote .
out with his own hand and in large characters,
that his son might have in his own home an aid
to acquaintance with his country’s ancient traditions.
He declares that his son’s presence put him on
his guard against indecencies of speech as much
as that of the so-called Vestal Virgins, and that
he never bathed with him. This, indeed, would
seem to have been a general custom with the
Romans, for even fathers-in-law avoided bathing with
their sons-in-law, because they were ashamed to
uncover their nakedness. Afterwards, however, when
they had learned from the Greeks their freedom in
going naked, they in their turn infected the Greeks
with the practice even when women were present.
So Cato wrought at the fair task of moulding
and fashioning his son to virtue, finding his zeal
blameless, and his spirit answering to his good
natural parts. But since his body was rather too
delicate to endure much hardship, he relaxed some-
what in his favour the excessive rigidity and
austerity of his own mode of life. But his son,
although thus delicate, made a sturdy soldier, and
fought brilliantly under Paulus Aemilius in the
battle against Perseus.!. On that occasion his sword
either was smitten from his hand or slipped frum his
1 Pydna, 168 B.c.
363
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
χειρὸς ἐξολισθόντος ἀχθεσθεὶς τρέπεται πρός
τινας τῶν συνήθων, καὶ παραλαβὼν ἐκείνους
αὖθις εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐνέβαλε. πολλῷ δ᾽
ἀγῶνι καὶ βίᾳ μεγάλῃ διαφωτίσας τὸν τόπον
ἀνεῦρε μόγις ἐν πολλοῖς σάγμασιν ὅπλων καὶ
σώμασι νεκρῶν ὁμοῦ φίλων Te καὶ πολεμίων
κατασεσωρευμένων. ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καὶ Παῦλος ὁ στρα-
τηγὸς ἠγάσθη τὸ μειράκιον, καὶ Κάτωνος αὐτοῦ
φέρεταί τις ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν ὑπερφυῶς
ἐπαινοῦντος τὴν περὶ τὸ ξίφος φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ
καὶ σπουδήν. ὕστερον δὲ καὶ Παύλου θυγατέρα
Τερτίαν ἔγημεν ὁ νεανίας, ἀδελφὴν Σκηπίωνος,
οὐχ ἧττον ἤδη Se αὑτὸν ἣ τὸν πατέρα καταμιγνύ-
μενος εἰς γένος τηλικοῦτον. ἡ μὲν οὗν περὶ τὸν
υἱὸν ἐπιμέλεια τοῦ Κάτωνος ἄξιον ἔσχεν τέλος.
XXI. Οἰκέτας δὲ πολλοὺς ἐκτᾶτο, τῶν αἶχ-
μαλώτων ὠνούμενος μάλιστα τοὺς μικροὺς καὶ
δυναμένους ἔτι τροφὴν καὶ παίδευσιν ὡς σκύ-
λακας ἢ πώλους ἐνεγκεῖν. τούτων οὐδεὶς εἰσῆλ-
θεν εἰς οἰκίαν ἑτέραν, εἰ μὴ πέμψαντος αὐτοῦ
Κάτωνος ἢ τῆς γυναικός. ὁ δ' ἐρωτηθείς, τί
πράττοι Κάτων, οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνετο πλὴν ἀγνοεῖν.
ἔδει δὲ ἢ πράττειν τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων οἴκοι τὸν
δοῦλον ἢ καθεύδειν: καὶ σφόδρα τοῖς κοιμωμένοις
ὁ Κάτων ἔχαιρε, πρᾳφοτέρους τε τῶν ἐγρηγορότων
νομίζων καὶ πρὸς ὁτιοῦν βελτίονας χρῆσθαι τῶν
δεομένων ὕπνου τοὺς ἀπολελαυκότας. οἰόμενος
δὲ τὰ μέγιστα ῥᾳδιουργεῖν ἀφροδισίων ἕνεκα τοὺς
δούλους ἔταξεν ὡρισμένον νομίσματος ὁμιλεῖν
ταῖς θεραπαινίσιν, ἑτέρᾳ δὲ γυναικὶ μηδένα. πλη-
σιάξειν.
864
949
MARCUS CATO
moist grasp. Distressed at this mishap, he turned
to some of his companions for aid, and supported by
them rushed again into the thick of the enemy.
After a long and furious struggle, he succeeded in
clearing the place, and found the sword at last
among the many heaps of arms and dead _ bodies
where friends and foes alike lay piled upon one
another. Paulus, his commander, admired the
young man’s exploit, and there is still extant a letter
written by Cato himself to his son, in which he heaps
extravagant praise upon him for this honourable Zeal
in recovering his sword. The young man afterwards
married Tertia, a daughter of Paulus and a sister of
the younger Scipio, and his admission into such
a family was due no less to himself than to his
father. Thus Cato’s careful attention to the
education of his son bore worthy fruit.
XXI. He owned many domestics, and usually
bought those prisoners of war who were young
and still capable of being reared and _ trained
like whelps or colts. Not one of his slaves ever
entered another man’s house unless sent thither by
Cato or his wife, and when such an one was asked
what Cato was doing, he always answered that he
did not know. A slave of his was expected either
to be busy about the house, or to be asleep, and he
was very partial to the sleepy ones. He thought
' these gentler than the wakeful ones, and that those
who had enjoyed the gift of sleep were better
for any kind of service than those who lacked it. In
the belief that his slaves were led into most mischief
by their sexual passions, he stipulated that the males
should consort with the females at a fixed price, but
should never approach any other woman.
365
ae
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
8 ‘Ev ἀρχῇ μὲν οὖν ἔτι πένης ὧν καὶ στρατευό-
μενος πρὸς οὐδὲν ἐδυσκόλαινε τῶν περὶ δίαιταν,
ἀλλ᾽ αἴσχιστον ἀπέφαινε διὰ γαστέρα πρὸς
οἰκέτην ζυγομαχεῖν. ὕστερον δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων
ἐπιδιδόντων ποιούμενος ἑστιάσεις φίλων καὶ
συναρχόντων ἐκόλαξεν εὐθὺς μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον
ἱμάντι τοὺς ἀμελέστερον ὑπουργήσαντας ὁτιοῦν ἣ
4 σκευάσαντας. ἀεὶ δέ τινα στάσιν ἔχειν τοὺς δού-
λους ἐμηχανᾶτο καὶ διαφορὰν πρὸς ἀλλήλους,
ὑπονοῶν τὴν ὁμόνοιαν αὐτῶν καὶ δεδοικώς. τοὺς
δ᾽ ἄξιον εἰργάσθαι τι θανάτου δόξαντες ἐδικαίου
κριθέντας ἐν τοῖς οἰκέταις πᾶσιν ἀποθνήσκειν,
εἰ καταγνωσθεῖεν. :
δ ᾿Απτόμενος δὲ συντονώτερον πορισμοῦ τὴν
μὲν γεωργίαν μᾶλλον ἡγεῖτο διαγωγὴν ἢ πρόσ-
οδον, εἰς δ᾽ ἀσφαλῆ πράγματα καὶ βέβαια
κατατιθέμενος τὰς ἀφορμὰς ἐκτᾶτο λίμνας, ὕδατα
θερμά, τόπους κναφεῦσιν ἀνειμένους, ἔργα
πίσσια, χώραν' ἔχουσαν αὐτοφνεῖς νομὰς καὶ
ὕλας, ἀφ᾽ ὧν αὐτῷ χρήματα προσήει πολλὰ μηδ᾽
ὑπὸ τοῦ Διός, ὥς φησιν αὐτός, βλαβῆναι δυνα-
6 μένων. ἐχρήσατο δὲ καὶ τῷ διαβεβλημένῳ
μάλεστα τῶν δανεισμῶν ἐπὶ ναυτικοῖς τὸν τρόπον
τοῦτον. ἐκέλευε τοὺς δανειζομένους ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ
πολλοὺς παρακαλεῖν, γενομένων δὲ πεντήκοντα
καὶ πλοίων τοσούτων αὐτὸς εἶχε μίαν μερίδα διὰ
Κουϊντίωνος ἀπελευθέρου τοῖς ἘΣ ας συμ-
πραγματευομένου καὶ συμπλέοντος. ; ἣν δ᾽ οὖν
οὐκ εἰς ἅπαν ὁ κίνδυνος, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς μέρος μικρὸν
7 ἐπὶ κέρδεσι μεγάλοις. ἐδίδου δὲ καὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν
1 ἔργα πίσσια, χώραν Blass with S: ἐργατησίαν χώραν, pro-
ductive land.
366
MARCUS CATO
At the outset, when he was. still poor and in
military service, he found no fault at all with what
was served up to him, declaring that it was shameful
for a man to quarrel with a domestic over food and
drink. But afterwards, when his circumstances were
improved and he used to entertain his friends
and colleagues at table, no sooner was the dinner
over than he would flog those slaves who had been
remiss at all in preparing or serving it. He was
always contriving that his slaves should have feuds
and dissensions among themselves ; harmony among
them made him suspicious and fearful of them. He
had those who were suspected of some capital offence
brought to trial before all their fellow servants, and,
if convicted, put to death.
However, as he applied himself more strenuously
to money-getting, he came to regard agriculture as
more entertaining than profitable, and invested his
capital in business that was safe and sure. He
bought ponds, hot springs, districts given over
to -fullers, pitch factories, land with natural pasture
and forest, all of which brought him in large profits,
and “could not,’ to use his own phrase, “ be ruined
by Jupiter.” He used to loan money also in
the most disreputable of all ways, namely, on ships,
and his method was as follows. He required his
borrowers to form a large company, and when there
were fifty partners and as many ships for his security,
he took one share in the company himself, and was
represented by Quintio, a freedman of his, who
accompanied his clients in all their ventures. In
this way his entire security was not imperilled, but
only a small part of it, and his profits were large.
367
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
A ’ 3 4 e 3 3 ἴων
τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀργύριον: οἱ δ᾽ ἐωνοῦντο
A 9 4 3 / 4
παῖδας, εἶτα τούτους ἀσκήσαντες καὶ διδάξαντες
3 ’ A , b > \ 3 4
ἀναλώμασι τοῦ Κάτωνος μετ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπεδί-
\ \ \ . Cowes ef
δοντο. πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ κατεῖχεν ὁ Κάτων, ὅσην
ς / \ 3 a A φ an
ὁ πλείστην διδοὺς ἐωνεῖτο τιμὴν ὑπολογιζόμενος.
προτρέπων δὲ τὸν υἱόν ἐπὶ ταῦτά φησιν οὐκ
3 ἤ > A ’ Ἁ 4 \ A ,
ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ χήρας γυναικὸς εἶναι TO μειῶσαΐ τι
τῶν ὑπαρχόντων. ἐκεῖνο δ᾽ ἤδη σφοδρότερον
A 4 Ψ ‘ ¥ a
τοῦ Κάτωνος, ὅτι θαυμαστὸν ἄνδρα καὶ θεῖον
2 a > ἢ \ 4 A 2 f 4
εἰπεῖν ἐτόλμησε πρὸς δόξαν, ὃς ἀπολείπει πλέον
> a , aA 4 k Ui
ἐν τοῖς λόγοις ὃ προσέθηκεν οὗ παρέλαβεν.
XXII. Ἤδη δὲ αὐτοῦ γέροντος γεγονότος
πρέσβεις ᾿Αθήνηθεν ἦλθον εἰς “Ῥώμην οἱ περὶ
Καρνεάδην τὸν ᾿Ακαδημαϊκὸν καὶ Διογένη τὸν
Στωϊκὸν φιλόσοφον, καταδίκην τινὰ παραιτησό-
μενοι τοῦ δήμου τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, ἣν ἐρήμην
ὦφλον ᾿Ωρωπίων μὲν διωξάντων, Σικυωνίων δὲ
καταψηφισαμένων, τίμημα ταλάντων πεντα-
’ὔ Ν > Ἁ φΦ e ’
κοσίων ἔχουσαν. εὐθὺς οὖν οἱ φιλολογώτατοι
τῶν νεανίσκων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἵεντο, καὶ συνῆ-
σαν ἀκροώμενοι καὶ θαυμάζοντες αὐτούς. μά-
3 e 4 4 kK , ,
Mota & ἡ Καρνεάδου χάρις, ἧς δύναμίς τε
’ Α U aA 4 ᾽ 3 /
πλείστη καὶ δόξα τῆς δυνάμεως οὐκ ἀποδέουσα,
4 ? 4 ‘ 4 9
μεγάλων ἐπιλαβομένη καὶ φιλανθρώπων axpoa-
τηρίων ὡς πνεῦμα τὴν πόλιν ἠχῆς ἐνέπλησε.
\ / a“ ς > A a > ΝΜ
καὶ λόγος κατεῖχεν, ὡς ἀνὴρ " ἔλλην εἰς ἔκπληξιν
ὑπερφυὴς πάντα κηλῶν καὶ χειρούμενος ἔρωτα
368
MARCUS CATO
He used to lend money also to those of his slaves
who wished it, and they would buy boys with it, and
after training and teaching them for a year, at Cato’s
expense, would sell them again. Many of these
boys Cato would retain for himself, reckoning to the
credit of the slave the highest price bid for his boy.
He tried to incite his son also to such economies, by
saying that it was not the part of a man, but of
a widow woman, to lessen his substance. But that
surely was too vehement a speech of Cato’s, when he
went so far as to say that a man was to be admired
and glorified like a god if the final inventory of his
property showed that he had added to it more than
he had inherited.
XXII. When he was now well on in_ years,
there came as ambassadors from Athens to Rome,}
Carneades the Academic, and Diogenes the Stoic
philosopher, to beg the reversal of a certain decision
against the Athenian people, which imposed upon
them a fine of five hundred talents. The people of
Oropus had brought the suit, the Athenians had let
the case go by default, and the Sicyonians had
pronounced judgment against them. Upon the
arrival of these philosophers, the most studious of the
city’s youth hastened to wait upon them, and became
their devoted and admiring listeners. The charm of
Carneades especially, which had boundless power,
and a fame not inferior to its power, won large
and sympathetic audiences, and filled the city, like a
rushing mighty wind, with the noise of his praises.
Report spread. far and wide that a Greek of
amazing talent, who disarmed all opposition by
the magic of his eloquence, had infused a tremen-
1 155 B.c.
369
VOL. II. BB
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δεινὸν ἐμβόβληκε τοῖς νέοις, ὑφ᾽ οὗ τῶν ἄλλων
ἡδονῶν καὶ διατριβῶν ἐκπεσόντες ἐνθουσιῶσι
περὶ φιλοσοφίαν. ταῦτα τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἤρεσκε
“Ῥωμαίοις γινόμενα, καὶ τὰ μειράκια παιδείας
᾿Ελληνικῆς μεταλαμβάνοντα καὶ συνόντα θαυμα-
ζομένοις ἀνδράσιν ἡδέως ἑώρων: ὁ δὲ Κάτων
ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε τοῦ ζήλου τῶν λόγων παραρρέοντος
εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἤχθετο φοβούμενος, μὴ τὸ φιλό-
τιμον ἐνταῦθα τρέψαντες οἱ νέοι τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ
λέγειν δόξαν ἀγαπήσωσι μᾶλλον τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν
ἔργων καὶ τῶν στρατειῶν, ἐπεὶ δὲ προὔβαινεν
ἡ δόξα τῶν φιλοσόφων ἐν. τῇ πόλέι καὶ τοὺς
πρώτους λόγους αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀνὴ
ἐπιφανὴς σπουδάσας αὐτὸς καὶ δεηθεὶς ἡρμη-
νευσε, Γάϊος ᾿Ακίλιος, ἔγνω μετ᾽ εὐπρεπείας
ἀποδιοπομπήσασθαι τοὺς φιλοσόφους ἅπαντας
ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν σύγκλη-
τὸν ἐμέμψατο τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, ὅτι πρεσβεία
κάθηται πολὺν χρόνον ἄπρακτος ἀνδρῶν, of περὶ
παντὸς οὗ βούλοιντο ῥαδίως πείθειν δύνανται:
δεῖν οὖν τὴν ταχίστην γνῶναί τι καὶ ψηφίσασθαι
περὶ τῆς πρεσβείας, ὅπως οὗτοι μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς
σχολὰς τραπόμενοι διαλέγωνται παισὶν ᾿Ελ-
λήνων, of δὲ Ῥωμαίων νέοι τῶν νόμων καὶ τῶν
ἀρχόντων ὡς προτέρον ἀκούωσι.
XXIII. Ταῦτα δ᾽ οὐχ, ὡς ἔνιοι νομίζουσι,
Καρνεάδῃ δυσχεράνας ἔπραξεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλως φιλο-
σοφίᾳ προσκεκρουκὼς καὶ πᾶσαν ᾿Ελληνικὴν
μοῦσαν καὶ a Se ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας προπηλακί-
Cov, ὅς γε καὶ Σωκράτη φησὶ λάλον καὶ βίαιον
γενόμενον ἐπιχειρεῖν, ᾧ τρόπῳ δυνατὸς ἦν, τυραν-
νεῖν τῆς πατρίδος, καταλύοντα τὰ ἔθη καὶ πρὸς
379
950
MARCUS CATO
dous passion into the youth of the city, in conse-
quence of which they forsook their other pleasures
and pursuits and were “ possessed ”’ about philosophy.
The other Romans were pleased at this, and glad to
see their young men lay hold of Greek culture
and consort with such admirable men. But Cato, at
the very outset, when this zeal for discussion came
pouring into the city, was distressed, fearing lest the
young men, by giving this direction to their
ambition, should come to love a reputation based on
mere: words more than one achieved by martial
deeds. And when the fame of the visiting philoso-
phers rose yet higher in the city, and their
first speeches before the Senate were interpreted, at
his own instance and request, by so conspicuous a
man as Gaius Acilius, Cato determined, on some
decent pretext or other, to rid and purge the city of ~
them all. So he rose in the Senate and censured v
the magistrates for keeping in such long suspense an
embassy composed of men who could easily secure
anything they wished, so persuasive were they.
“ We ought,” he said, “ to make up our minds one
way or another, and vote on what the embassy
proposes, in order that these men may return
to their schools and lecture to the sons of Greece,
while the youth of Rome give ear to their laws and
magistrates, as heretofore.”
XXIII. This he did, not, as some think, out
of personal hostility to Carneades, but because he
was wholly averse to philosophy, and made mock
of all Greek culture and training, out of patriotic
zeal. He says, for instance, that Socrates was a
mighty prattler, who attempted, as best he could,
to be his country’s tyrant, by abolishing its customs,
371
B B 2 a
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐναντίας τοῖς νόμοις δόξας ἕλκοντα καὶ μεθιστάντα
τοὺς πολίτας. τὴν δ᾽ ᾿Ισοκράτους διατριβὴν
ἐπισκώπτων γηρᾶν φησι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τοὺς μαθητὰς
ὡς ἐν “Αἰδον παρὰ Μίνῳ χρησομένους ταῖς
τέχναις καὶ δίκας ἐροῦντας. τὸν δὲ παῖδα δια-
βάλλων πρὸς τὰ “Ελληνικὰ φωνῇ κέχρηται
θρασντέρᾳ τοῦ γήρως, οἷον ἀποθεσπίξων καὶ
προμαντεύων, ὡς ἀπολοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ πράγματα
γραμμάτων Ἑλληνικῶν ἀναπλησθέντες. ἀλλὰ
ταύτην μὲν αὐτοῦ τὴν “δυσφημίαν ὁ χρόνος
ἀποδείκνυσι κενήν, ἐν ᾧ τοῖς τε πράγμασιν
ἡ πόλις ἤρθη μεγίστη καὶ πρὸς Ἑλληνικὰ μαθή-
ματα καὶ παιδείαν ἅ ἅπασαν ἔσχεν οἰκείως.
ὋὉ δ᾽ οὐ μόνον ἀπηχθάνετο τοῖς: φιλοσοφοῦσιν
Ελλήνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἰατρεύοντας ἐν Ῥώμῃ
δι᾽ ὑποψίας εἶχε. καὶ Tov “Ἱπποκράτους, ὡς
ἔοικεν, ἀκηκοὼς λόγον, ὃν εἶπε τοῦ μεγάλου
βασιλέως καλοῦντος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πολλοῖς τισι
ταλάντοις, οὐκ ἄν ποτε βαρβάροις Ἑλλήνων
πολεμίοις ἑαυτὸν παρασχεῖν, ἔλεγε κοινὸν ὅρκον
εἶναι τοῦτον ἰατρῶν ἁπάντων, καὶ παρεκελεύετο
φυλάττεσθαι τῷ παιδὶ πάντας' αὑτῷ δὲ γεγραμ-
μένον ὑπόμνημα εἶναι, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο θεραπεύειν
καὶ διαιτᾶν τοὺς νοσοῦντας οἴκοι, νῆστιν μὲν
οὐδέποτε διατηρῶν οὐδένα, τρέφων δὲ λαχάνοις ὴ
σαρκιδίοις νήσσης ἢ φάσσης ἢ λαγώ: καὶ γὰρ
τοῦτο κοῦφον εἶναι καὶ πρόσφορον ἀσθενοῦσι,
πλὴν ὅτι πολλὰ συμβαίνει τοῖς φαγοῦσιν ἐ ἐνυπνιά-
ζεσθαι: τοιαύτῃ δὲ θεραπείᾳ καὶ διαίτῃ χρώ-
μενος ὑγιαίνειν μὲν αὐτός, ὑγιαίνοντας δὲ τοὺς
ἑαυτοῦ διαφυλάττειν..
372
MARCUS CATO
and by enticing his fellow citizens into opinions
contrary to the laws. He made fun of the school
of Isocrates, declaring that his pupils kept on
studying with him till they were old men, as if
they were to practise their arts and plead their
cases before Minos in Hades. And seeking to
prejudice his son against Greek culture, he indulges
in an utterance all too rash for his years, declaring,
in the tone of a prophet or a seer, that Rome
would lose her empire when she had become infected
with Greek letters. But time has certainly shown
the emptiness of this ill-boding speech of his, for
_while the city was at the zenith of its empire,
she made every form of Greek learning and culture
her own.
It was not only Greek philosophers that he hated,
but he was also suspicious of Greeks who practised
medicine at Rome. He had heard, it would seem,
of Hippocrates’ reply when the Great King of
Persia consulted him, with the promise of a fee
of many talents, namely, that he would never put
his skill at the service of Barbarians, who were
enemies of Greece. He said all Greek physicians
had taken a similar oath, and urged his son to
beware of them all. He himself, he said, had
written a book of recipes, which he followed in
the treatment and regimen of any who were sick
in his family. He never, required his patients to
fast, but fed them on greens, or bits of duck, pigeon,
or hare. Such a diet, he said, was light and good
for sick people, except that it often causes dreams.
By following such treatment and regimen he said
he had good health himself, and kept his ae in
good health. |
373
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
XXIV. Καὶ περί ye τοῦτο φαίνεται γεγονὼς οὐκ
ἀνεμέσητος" καὶ γὰρ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν
’ / > ἃ \ A 4 Ν ᾽ 4
ἀπέβαλεν. αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ σώματι πρὸς εὐεξίαν Kal
ῥώμην ἀσφαλῶς πεπηγὼς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀντεῖχεν,
ὥστε καὶ γυναικὶ πρεσβύτης ὧν σφόδρα πλησιά-
ἕειν καὶ γῆμαι γάμον οὐ καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν ἐκ τοιαύτης
προφάσεως. ἀποβαλὼν τὴν γυναῖκα τῷ μὲν υἱῷ
Παύλου θυγατέρα, Σκηπίωνος δὲ ἀδελφὴν ἡ ἠγάγετο
πρὸς γάμον, αὐτὸς δὲ χηρεύων ἐχρῆτο παιδίσκῃ
κρύφα φοιτώσῃ πρὸς αὐτόν. ἣν οὖν ἐν οἰκίᾳ
μικρᾷ νύμφην ἐχούσῃ τοῦ πράγματος αἴσθησις"
καί ποτε τοῦ γυναίου θρασύτερον παρασοβῆσαι
παρὰ τὸ δωμάτιον δόξαντος ὁ νεανίας εἶπε μὲν
40} , / . “ \
οὐδέν, ἐμβλέψας δέπως πικρότερον καὶ διατραπεὶς
οὐκ ἔλαθε τὸν πρεσβύτην. ὡς οὖν ἔγνω τὸ πρῶγμα
δυσχεραινόμενον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, οὐδὲν ἐγκαλέσας οὐδὲ
4 3 4 Ψ 27
μεμψάμενος, ἀλλὰ καταβαίνων, ὥσπερ εἰώθει,
\ , > 3 , ἢ 4 [οἱ e
μετὰ φίλων εἰς ἀγορὰν Σαλώνιόν twa τῶν ὑπο-
γεγραμματευκότων αὐτῷ παρόντα καὶ συμπρο-
πέμποντα μεγάλῃ φωνῇ προσαγορεύσας ἠρώτησεν,
εἰ τὸ θυγάτριον συνήρμοκε νυμφίῳ. τοῦ δ᾽
> 4 / e Q\ \ 4
ἀνθρώπου φήσαντος, ὡς οὐδὲ μέλλει μὴ πρότερον
ἐκείνῳ κοινωσάμενος “ Καὶ μὴν ἐγώ σοι," φησίν,
ἐς [4 ὃ \ > ἠδ 9 N ‘ Ad a
“εὕρηκα κηδεστὴν ἐπιτήδειον, εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία τ
τῆς ἡλικίας δυσχεραίνοιτο' τἄλλα γὰρ οὐ μεμ-
? ἠδ δὲ 4 ν᾽) ς 4 ς
πτός ἐστι, σφόδρα δὲ πρεσβύτης. ὡς οὖν ὁ
Σαλώνιος ἐκέλευε ταῦτα φροντίζειν καὶ διδόναι
τὴν κόρην ᾧ προαιρεῖται, πελάτιν οὖσαν αὐτοῦ
καὶ δεομένην τῆς ἐκείνου κηδεμονίας, οὐδεμίαν ὁ
374
351
MARCUS CATO
XXIV. Such presumption on his,part seems not
to have gone unpunished, for he lost his wife and
his son. He himself was well confirmed in bodily
health and vigour, and long withstood the assaults
of age. Even when an old man he was prone to
indulge his sexual appetite, and at last married ἃ
wife when he was long past the marrying age. This
was the way it came about. After the death of
his wife, he married his son to the daughter of
Aemilius Paulus, the sister of Scipio, but he himself,
in his widowhood, took solace with a slave girl
who secretly visited his bed. Of: course, in a small
house with a young married woman in it, the
matter was discovered, and once, when the girl
seemed to flaunt her way rather too boldly to his
chamber, the old man could not help noticing that
his son, although he said nothing, looked very sour,
and turned away. Perceiving that the thing displeased
his children, Cato did not upbraid or blame them at
all, but as he was going down in his usual way
to the forum with his clients, called out with a
loud voice to a certain Salonius, who had been.
one of his under-secretaries, and was now in his
train, asking him if he had found a good husband
for his young daughter. The man said he had
not, and would not do so without first consulting
his patron. ‘“ Well then,” said Cato, “I have found
a suitable son-in-law for you, unless indeed his age
should be displeasing ; in other ways no fault can
be found with him, but he is a very old man.”
Salonius at once bade him take the matter in
charge and give the maid to the man of his choice,
since she was a dependant of his and in need
of his kind services. Then Cato, without any more
375
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Κάτων ἀναβολὴν ποιησάμενος αὐτὸς ἔφη τὴν
4 παρθένον αἰτεῖν ἑαυτῷ. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον, ὡς
εἰκός, ὁ λόγος ἐξέπληξε τὸν ἄνθρωπον, πόρρω μὲν
γάμου τὸν “Κάτωνα, πόρρω δ᾽ αὑτὸν οἰκίας
ὑπατικῆς καὶ θ ιαμβικῶν κηδευμάτων τιθέμενον"
σπουδῇ δὲ χρώμενον ὁρῶν ἄσμενος ἐδέξατο, καὶ
καταβάντες εὐθὺς εἰς ayopav ἐποιοῦντο τὴν
ἐγγύην.
Πραττομένου δὲ τοῦ γάμου παραλαβὼν τοὺς
ἐπιτηδείους ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ Κάτωνος ἠρώτησε τὸν
πατέρα, μή τι μεμφόμενος ἣ λελυπημένος ὑπ᾽
ὅ αὐτοῦ μητρυιὰν ἐπάγεται. 0 δὲ Κάτων ἀνα-
βοήσας a Evpjpnoov,” εἶπεν, “ὦ παῖ: πάντα
γὰρ ἀγαστά μοι τὰ παρὰ. σοῦ καὶ μεμπτὸν οὐδέν"
ἐπιθυμῶ δὲ πλείονας ἐμαυτῷ τε παῖδας “καὶ
πολίτας τῇ πατρίδι τοιούτους ἀπολιπεῖν." ταύτην
δὲ τὴν γνώμην πρότερον εἰπεῖν φασι Πεισί-
στρατον τὸν ᾿Αθηναίων τύραννον ἐπιγήμαντα
τοῖς ἐνηλίκοις παισὶ τὴν ᾿Αργολίδα Τιμώνασσαν,
ἐξ ἧς Ἰοφῶντα καὶ Θεσσαλὸν αὐτῷ λέγουσι
6° γενέσθαι. γήμαντι δὲ τῴ Κάτωνι γίνεται παῖς,
ᾧ παρωνύμιον ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς ἔθετο Σαλώνιον.
ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτερος υἱὸς ἐτελεύτησε στρατηγῶν.
καὶ μέμνηται μὲν αὐτοῦ πολλώκις ἐν τοῖς βι-
βλίοις. ὁ Κάτων ὡς ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ γεγονότος,
πράως δὲ καὶ φιλοσόφως λέγεται τὴν συμφορὰν
ἐνεγκεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ἀμβλύτερος. du’ αὐτὴν εἰς
7 τὰ πολιτικὰ γενέσθαι. ov γάρ, ὡς Λεύκιος
Λούκουλλος ὕστερον καὶ Μέτελλος ὁ Πίύος,
ἐξέκαμεν ὑπὸ γήρως πρὸς τὰ δημόσια, λειτουρ-
γίαν τὴν πολιτείαν ἡγούμενος, οὐδ᾽ ὡς πρότερον
Σκηπίων ὁ ᾿Αφρικανὸς διὰ τὸν ἀντικρούσαντα
3716
MARCUS CATO
ado, said that he asked the damsel to wife for
himself. At first, as was natural, the proposal amazed
the man, who counted Cato far past marriage, and
himself far beneath alliance with a house of consular
dignity and triumphal honours; but when he saw
that Cato was in earnest, he gladly accepted his
proposal, and as soon as they reached the forum
the banns were published.
While the marriage was in hand, Cato’s son,
accompanied by his friends, asked his father if it
was because he had any complaint to make against
him that he was now foisting a step-mother upon
him. “Heaven forbid! my son,” cried Cato, “all
your conduct towards me has been admirable, and
I have no fault to find with you; but I desire
to bless myself and my country with more such
sons.” However, they say that this sentiment was
uttered long before by Peisistratus, the tyrant of
Athens, who gave his grown up sons a step-mother
in the person of Timonassa of Argolis, by whom
he is said to have had Iophon and Thessalus. Of
this second marriage a son was born to Cato,. who
was named Salonius, after his mother’s father. But
his elder son died in the praetorship. Cato often
speaks of him in his books as a brave and worthy
man, and is said to have borne his loss with all
the equanimity of a philosopher, remitting not
a whit because of it his ardour in the public service.
For he was not, like Lucius Lucullus and Metellus
Pius in after times, too enfeebled by old age to
serve the people, regarding the service of the state
as a burdensome duty; nor did he, like Scipio
Africanus before him, because of envious attacks
377
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πρὸς τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ φθόνον ἀποστραφεὶς τὸν
δῆμον ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἐποιήσατο τοῦ λοιποῦ βίου
τέλος ἀπραγμοσύνην, ἀλλ᾽, ὥσπερ Διονύσιόν
Tis ἔπεισε κάλλιστον ἐντάφιον ἡγεῖσθαι τὴν
τυραννίδα, κάλλιστον αὐτὸς ἐγγήραμα τὴν πο-
λιτείαν ποιησάμενος ἀναπαύσεσιν ἐχρῆτο καὶ
παιδιαῖς, ὁπότε σχολάξοι, τῷ συντάττεσθαι
βιβλία καὶ τῷ γεωργεῖν.
XXV. Συνετάττετο μὲν οὖν. λόγους τε παντο-
δαποὺς καὶ ἱστορίας" “γεωργίᾳ δὲ π προσεῖχε νέος
μὲν ὧν ἔτι καὶ διὰ τὴν χρείαν (φησὶ γὰρ δυσὶ
κεχρῆσθαι μόνοις πορισμοῖς γεωργίᾳ καὶ φειδοῖ),
τότε δὲ διαγωγὴν καὶ θεωρίαν αὐτῷ τὰ γυγνόμενα
κατ᾽ ἀγρὸν παρεῖχε. καὶ συντέτακταί γε βιβλίον
γεωργικόν, ἐν ᾧ καὶ περὶ πλακούντων σκευασίας
καὶ τηρήσεως ὀπώρας γέγραφεν, ἐν παντὶ φι-
λοτιμούμενος περιττὸς εἶναι καὶ ἴδιος. ἦν δὲ
καὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἐν ἀγρῷ δαψιλέστερον" ἐκάλει
γὰρ ἑκάστοτε τῶν ᾿ἀγρογειτόνων καὶ περιχώρων
τοὺς συνήθεις, καὶ συνδιῆγεν ἱλαρῶς, οὐ τοῖς
καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν μόνοις ἡδὺς ὧν συγγενέσθαι καὶ
ποθεινός, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς νέοις, ἅτε δὴ πολλῶν
μὲν ἔμπειρος πραγμάτων γεγονώς, πολλοῖς δὲ
γράμμασι καὶ λόγοις ἀξίοις ἀκοῆς ἐντετυχηκώς.
τὴν δὲ τράπεζαν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φιλοποιὸν
ἡγεῖτο: καὶ πολλὴ μὲν εὐφημία τῶν καλῶν
καὶ ἀγαθῶν πολιτῶν ἐπεισήγετο, πολλὴ δ᾽ ἦν
ἀμνηστία τῶν ἀχρήστων καὶ πονηρῶν, μήτε
ψόγῳ μήτ᾽ ἐπαίνῳ πάροδον ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τοῦ
Κάτωνος εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον διδόντος.
XXVI. “Eoyarov δὲ τῶν πολιτευμάτων αὐτοῦ
378
MARCUS CATO
upon his reputation, turn his back upon the people
and make leisure his end and aim for the rest
of his life; but rather, as someone persuaded
Dionysius to regard his sovereignty as his fairest
winding-sheet, so he held public service to be the
fairest privilege of old age. For recreation and
amusement, when he had leisure therefor, he resorted
to the writing of books and to farming.
XXV. He composed speeches, then, on all sorts
of subjects, and histories, and as for farming, he
followed it in earnest when he was young and
poor,—indeed, he says he then had only two ways
of getting money, farming and frugality,—but in
later life he was only a theoretical and fancy farmer.
He also composed a book on farming,! in which
he actually gave recipes for making cakes and
preserving fruit, so ambitious was he to be superior
and peculiar in everything. The dinners, too, which
he gave in the country, were quite plentiful. He
always asked in congenial country neighbours, and
made merry with them, and not only did those
of his own age find in him an agreeable and much
desired companion, but also the young. For he was
a man of large experience, who had read and heard
much that was well worth repeating. He held
the table to be the very best promoter of friendship,
and at his own, the conversation turned much
to the praise of honourable and worthy citizens,
greatly to the neglect of those who were worthless
and base. About such Cato suffered no table-talk,
either by way of praise or blame.
XXVI. The last of his public services is supposed
1 De re rustica.
379
3
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τὴν Καρχηδόνος ἀνάστασιν οἴονται γεγονέναι, τῷ
μὲν ἔργῳ τέλος ἐπιθέντος τοῦ νέον Σκηπίωνος,
βουλῇ δὲ καὶ γνώμῃ μάλιστα tH Κάτωνος ἀρα-
μένων τὸν πόλεμον ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε. Κάτων
ἐπέμφθη πρὸς Καρχηδονίους καὶ Μασσανάσσην
τὸν Νομάδα πολεμοῦντας ἀλλήλοις, ἐπισκεψό-.
μενος τὰς τῆς διαφορᾶς προφάσεις. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἦν
[οἱ , 3 > 9 A e > 9 4 ΝΜ
τοῦ δήμου φίλος ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς, οἱ δ᾽ ἐγεγόνεισαν ἔν-
σπονδοι μετὰ τὴν ὑπὸ Σκηπίωνος ἧτταν, ἀφαι-
ρέσει τε τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ βαρεῖ δασμῷ χρημάτων
κολουθέντες. εὑρὼν δὲ τὴν πόλιν οὐχ, ὡς ῴοντο
“Ρωμαῖοι, κεκακωμένην καὶ ταπεινὰ πράττουσαν,
ἀλλὰ πολλῇ μὲν εὐανδροῦσαν ἡλικίᾳ, μεγάλων
δὲ πλούτων γέμουσαν, ὅπλων δὲ παντοδαπῶν
καὶ παρασκευῆς πολεμιστηρίου μεστὴν καὶ μικρὸν
Ἀν: 4 a 9 4
οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις φρονοῦσαν, οὐ τὰ Νομάδων
@eto καὶ Μασσανάσσου πράγματα “Ῥωμαίους
Ψ ΝΜ , . “” 3 > > ‘
ὥραν ἔχειν τίθεσθαι Kai’ διαιτᾶν, adr εἰ μὴ
καταλήψονται πόλιν ἄνωθεν ἐχθρὰν καὶ βαρύ-
θυμον ηὐξημένην ἀπίστως, πάλιν ἐν τοῖς ἴσοις
4 ” 4 φ e lA 30.
κινδύνοις ἔσεσθαι. ταχέως οὖν ὑποστρέψας ἐξδί-
δασκε τὴν βουλήν, ὡς αἱ πρότερον ἧτται καὶ
συμφοραὶ Καρχηδονίων οὐ τοσοῦτον τῆς δυνάμεως
ὅσον τῆς ἀνοίας ἀπαρύσασαι, κινδυνεύουσιν
αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἀσθενεστέρους, ἐμπειροτέρους δὲ
ζω 9 Ul y
πολεμεῖν ἀπεργάσασθαι, ἤδη δὲ καὶ προανα-
κινεῖσθαι τοῖς Νομαδικοῖς τοὺς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους
ἀγῶνας, εἰρήνην δὲ καὶ σπονδὰς ὄνομα τοῦ
380
35
MARCUS CATO
to have been the destruction of Carthage. It was ἐ-
Scipio the Younger who actually brought the task to
completion,'! but it was largely in consequence of
the advice and counsel of Cato that the Romans
undertook the war. It was on this wise. Cato was
sent? on an embassy to the Carthaginians and
Masinissa the Numidian, who were at war with one
another, to inquire into the grounds of their quarrel.
Masinissa had been a friend of the Roman people
from the first, and the Carthaginians had entered into
treaty relations with Rome after the defeat which
the elder Scipio had given them. The treaty de-
prived them of their empire, and imposed a grievous
money tribute upon them. Cato, however, found the
city by no means in a poor and lowly state, as the
Romans supposed, but rather teeming with vigorous
fighting men, overflowing with enormous wealth, filled
with arms of every sort and with military supplies,
and not a little puffed up by all this. He therefore
thought it no time for the Romans to be ordering
and arranging the affairs of Masinissa and the
Numidians, but that unless they should repress a city
which had always been their malignant foe, now that
its power was so incredibly grown, they would be in-
volved again in dangers as great as before. Accord-
ingly, he returned with speed to Rome, and advised
the Senate that the former calainitous defeats of the
Carthaginians had diminished not so much their
power as their foolhardiness, and were likely to
render them in the end not weaker, but more
expert in war; their present contest with Numidia
was but a prelude to a contest with Rome, while
peace and treaty were mere names wherewith to
1 146 B.c. 2 150 ΒΟ.
381
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πολέμου TH μελλήσει κεῖσθαι καιρὸν περιμέ-
νοντος.
XXVII. Πρὸς τούτοις φασὶ τὸν Κάτωνα καὶ
σῦκα τῶν Λιβυκῶν ἐπίτηδες ἐκβαλεῖν ἐν τῇ
βουλῇ, τὴν τήβεννον ἀναβαλόμενον" εἶτα θαυμα-
σάντων τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸ κάλλος εἰπεῖν, ὡς
ἡ ταῦτα φέρουσα χώρα τριῶν ἡμερῶν πλοῦν
ἀπέχει τῆς Ῥώμης. κεῖνο δ᾽ ἤδη καὶ βιαιότερον,
τὸ περὶ παντὸς οὗ δήποτε πράγματος γνώμην
ἀποφαινόμενον προσεπιφωνεῖν οὕτως" “ Δοκεῖ δέ
μοι καὶ Καρχηδόνα “μὴ εἶναι." τοὐναντίον δὲ
Πόπλιος Σκηπίων ὁ Νασικᾶς ἐπικαλούμενος
ἀεὶ διετέλει λέγων καὶ ἀποφαινόμενος" ὦ “Δοκεῖ
μοι Καρχηδόνα εἶναι." πολλὰ γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν,
ὕβρει τὸν δῆμον ὁρῶν ἤδη πλημμελοῦντα καὶ
δι᾽ εὐτυχίαν καὶ φρόνημα τῇ βουλῇ δυσκάθεκτον
ὄντα καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὅλην ὑπὸ δυνάμεως ὅπη
ῥέψειε ταῖς ὁρμαῖς βίᾳ συνεφελκόμενον, ἐβούλετο
τοῦτον γοῦν τὸν φόβον ὥ ὥσπερ χαλινὸν ἐπικεῖσθαι
σωφρονιστῆρα τῇ θρασύτητι τῶν πολλῶν, ἔλαττον
μὲν ἡγούμενος ἰσχύειν Κα ηδονίους τοῦ περιγε-
νέσθαι Ῥωμαίων, μεῖξον ἐξ τοῦ καταφρονεῖσθαι.
τῷ δὲ Κάτωνι τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ δεινὸν ἐφαίνετο,
βακχεύοντι τῷ δήμῳ καὶ σφαλλομένῳ τὰ πολλὰ
δι᾽ ἐξουσίαν πόλιν ἀεὶ μεγάλην, νῦν δὲ καὶ
νήφουσαν ὑπὸ συμφορῶν καὶ κεκολασμένην
ἐπικρέμασι αι καὶ μὴ παντάπασι τοὺς ἔξωθεν
ἀνελεῖν τῆς ἡγεμονίας φόβους, ἀναφορὰς αὑτοῖς
πρὸς τὰς οἴκοθεν ἁμαρτίας ἀπολιπόντας.
Οὕτω μὲν ἐξεργάσασθαι λέγεται τὸν τρίτον
καὶ τελευταῖον ὁ Κάτων ἐπὶ Καρχηδονίους πόλε-
282
*MARCUS CATO
cover their postponement of war till a fit occasion
offered.
XXVII. In addition to this, it is said that Cato
contrived to drop a Libyan fig in the Senate, as he
shook out the folds of his toga, and then, as the
senators admired its size and beauty, said that the
country where it grew was only three days’ sail
from Rome. And in one thing he was even more
savage, namely, in adding to his vote on any question
whatsoever these words: “In my opinion, Carthage
must be destroyed.” Publius Scipio Nasica, on the
contrary, when called upon for his vote, always
ended his speech with this declaration: “In my
opinion, Carthage must be spared.” He saw, pro-
bably, that the Roman people, in its wantonness, was
already guilty of many excesses, and in the pride of
its prosperity, spurned the control of the Senate,
and forcibly dragged the whole state with it,
whithersoever its mad desires inclined it. He
wished, therefore, that the fear of Carthage should
abide, to curb the boldness of the multitude like
a bridle, believing her not strong enough to conquer —
Rome, nor yet weak enough to be despised. But
this was precisely what Cato dreaded, when the
Roman people was inebriated and staggering with
its power, to have a city which had always been
great, and was now but sobered and chastened by
its calamities, for ever threatening them. Such
external threats to their sovereignty ought to be done
away with altogether, he thought, that they might
be free to devise a cure for their domestic failings.
In this way Cato is said to have brought to pass
the third and last war against Carthage,! but it had
1 151-146 B.c.
383
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
pov, ἀρξαμένων δὲ πολεμεῖν ἐτελεύτησεν, ἀπο-
θεσπίσας περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἐπιθήσειν τῷ
πολέμῳ τέλος ἀνδρός, ὃς ἦν τότε μὲν νεανίας,
χιλίαρχος. δὲ στρατευόμενος ἀπεδείκνυτο καὶ
γνώμης ἔργα καὶ τόλμης πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας.
ἀπαγγελλομένων δὲ τούτων εἰς “Ῥώμην πυνθανό-
μενον τὸν Κάτωνά φασιν εἰπεῖν"
οἷος πέπνυται, τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ ἀΐσσουσι.
ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἀπόφασιν ταχὺ δι᾽ ἔργων
ἐβεβαίωσεν 0 Σκηπίων" ὁ δὲ Κάτων ἀπέλιπε
γενεὰν ἕνα μὲν υἱὸν ἐκ τῆς ἐπιγαμηθείσης, ᾧ
παρωνύμιον ἔφαμεν γενέσθαι ,Σαλώνιον, ἕνα δὲ
υἱωνὸν ἐκ τοῦ τελευτήσαντος υἱοῦ. καὶ Σαλώνιος
μὲν ἐτελεύτησε στρατηγῶν, ὁ δ᾽ ἐξ αὐτοῦ γενό-
μενος Μάρκος ὑπάτευσεν. ἦν δὲ πάππος οὗτος
τοῦ φιλοσόφου Κάτωνος, ἀνδρὸς ἀρετῇ καὶ δόξῃ
τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπιφανεστάτου γενομένου.
[APISTEIAOY ΚΑΙ ΚΑΤΏΝΟΣ ΣΎΓΚΡΙΣΙΣ]
Ι. Γεγραμμένων δὲ καὶ περὶ τούτων τῶν ἀξίων
4 Ψ e 4 ’ 4 A ,
μνήμης, ὅλος ὁ τούτου βίος ὅλῳ τῷ θατέρου
παρατεθεὶς οὐκ εὐθεώρητον ἔχει τὴν διαφορὰν
3 V4 a , e 7
ἐναφανιξζομένην πολλαῖς καὶ μεγάλαις ὁμοιότησιν.
> a [4 a ’ A
εἰ δὲ δεῖ κατὰ μέρος τῇ συγκρίσει διαλαβεῖν
ὥσπερ ἔπος ἢ γραφὴν ἑκάτερον, τὸ μὲν ἐξ οὐχ
ὑπαρχούσης ἀφορμῆς εἰς πολιτείαν καὶ δόξαν
384
958
MARCUS CATO
no sooner begun than he died,! having first prophesied
of the man who was destined to end it. This man
was then young, but as tribune in the army, he was
giving proofs of judgment and daring in his engage-
ments with the enemy. Tidings of this came to
Rome, and Cato is said to have cried on hearing
them :—
“ Only he has wits, but the rest are fluttering
shadows.’ 2
This utterance of Cato’s, Scipio speedily confirmed
by his deeds. Cato left one son by his second wife,
whose surname, as we have already remarked, was
Salonius; and one grandson by the son who died
before him. Salonius died in the praetorship, but the
son whom he left, Marcus, came to be consul. This
Marcus was the grandfather of Cato the philosopher,
who was the best and most illustrious man of his
time.
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES WITH
MARCUS CATO
Now that I have recorded the most noteworthy
things in the careers of these men also, if one compare
the entire life of the one with that of the other, it
will not be easy to mark the difference between them,
obscured as it is by many great resemblances. And
even if, in our comparison, we analyse each life, as
we would a poem or a picture, we shall find that
the rise to political power and repute in consequence
1 149 B.c. 2 Odyssey, x. 495.
385
VOL. 1 Cc
ur
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀρετῇ καὶ δυνάμει προελθεῖν ἀμφοτέροις κοινόν
ἐστι. φαίνεται δ᾽ ὁ μὲν ᾿Αριστείδης οὔπω τότε
μεγάλων οὐσῶν τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν καὶ ταῖς οὐσίαις
ἔτι συμμέτροις καὶ ὁμαλοῖς ἐπιβαλὼν δημαγω-
γοῖς καὶ στρατηγοῖς ἐπιφανὴς γενέσθαι" τὸ γὰρ
μέγιστον 7 ἣν τίμημα τότε πεντακοσίων μεδίμνων;
τὸ δὲ δεύτερον τριακοσίων, ἔσχατον δὲ καὶ τρίτον
διακοσίων" ὁ 0 δὲ Κάτων ἐκ πολίχνης τε μικρᾶς καὶ
διαίτης ἁ ἀγροίκου δοκούσης φέρων ἀφῆκεν ἑαυτὸν
ὥσπερ εἰς πέλαγος ἀχανὲς τὴν ἐν΄ Ῥώμῃ πολυτείαν,
οὐκέτι Κουρίων καὶ Φαβρικίων καὶ ᾿Ατίλιων
ἔργον οὖσαν ἡγεμόνων, οὐδ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἀρότρου καὶ
σκαφείου πένητας καὶ αὐτουργοὺς ἀναβαίνοντας
ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα προσιεμένην ἄρχοντας καὶ δημαγω-
γούς, ἀλλὰ πρὸς γένη μεγάλα καὶ πλούτους καὶ
νομὰς καὶ σπουδαρχίας ἀποβλέπειν εἰθισμένην,
καὶ δι᾿ ὄγκον ἤδη καὶ δύναμιν ᾿ἐντρυφῶσαν τοῖς
ἄρχειν ἀξιοῦσιν. οὐκ ἦν δ᾽ ὅμοιον ἀντιπάλῳ
χρῆσθαι Θεμιστοκλεῖ μήτ᾽ ἀπὸ γένους λαμπρῷ
καὶ κεκτημένῳ μέτρια (πέντε γὰρ ἢ τριῶν ταλάν-
τῶν οὐσίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι λέγουσιν ὅτε πρῶτον
ἥπτετο τῆς πολιτείας) καὶ πρὸς Σκηπίωνας
᾿Αφρικανοὺς καὶ Σερουίους Γάλβας καὶ Κοϊντίους
Φλαμινίνους ἁμιλλᾶσθαι περὶ πρωτείων, μηδὲν
ὁρμητήριον ἔχοντα πλὴν φωνὴν παρρησιαζξομένην
ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων.
II. "Ere δ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδης μὲν ἐν “Μαραθῶνι καὶ
πάλιν ἐν Πλαταιαῖς δέκατος ἦν στρατηγύς,
Κάτων δὲ δεύτερος μὲν ὕπατος ἠρέθη πολλῶν
ἀντιμετιόντων, δεύτερος δὲ τιμητὴς ἑπτὰ τοὺς
ἐπιφανεστάτους καὶ πρώτους ἁμιλλωμένους
ὑπερβαλόμενος. ᾿ καὶ μὴν ᾿Αριστείδης μὲν ἐν
386
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES AND CATO
of innate excellence and strength, rather than of
inherited advantages, is common to both. But in
the case of Aristides, Athens was not yet great when
he rose to eminence, and the leaders and generals
with whom he dealt were men of moderate and
uniform fortunes. The highest assessment of pro-
perty in those days was five bandied bushels of grain,
the second three hundred, the third and last two
hundred. Whereas Cato, coming from a little town
and from ways of life deemed rustic, plunged headlong
into the boundless sea of Roman politics when they
were no longer conducted by such men as Curius,
Fabricius, and Atilius, nor welcomed as magis-
trates and leaders poor men who had mounted the
rostrum after working with their own hands at the
plough and the mattock, but were wont to have
regard rather for great families and. their wealth,
largesses, and solicitations, while those who sought
office, such was now the power and arrogance of the
people, were wantonly handled. It was not the
same thing to have Themistocles for a rival, who was
of no illustrious family and had only moderate
possessions (he is said to have been worth three, or,
at most, five talents when he entered public life), as
it was to compete for pre-eminence with such men
as Scipio Africanus, Servius Galba, and Quintius
Flamininus, having no other advantage than a tongue
which spoke boldly for the right.
II. Besides, at Marathon, and again at Plataea,
Aristides was only one of ten generals, while Cato
was elected one of two consuls out of many com-
petitors,and one of two censors over the heads of
seven of the foremost and most illustrious Romans,
who stood for the office with him. Furthermore,
387
cc 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
οὐδενὶ τῶν κατορθωμάτων γέγονε πρῶτος, ἀλλὰ
Μιλτιάδης ἔχει τοῦ Μαραθῶνος τὸ πρωτεῖον,
Θεμιστοκλῆς δὲ τῆς Σαλαμῖνος, ἐν δὲ Πλαταιαῖς
φησιν Ἡρόδοτος ἀνελέσθαι καλλίστην νίκην
Παυσανίαν, ᾿Αριστείδῃ δὲ καὶ τῶν δευτερείων
ἀμφισβητοῦσι Σωφάναι καὶ ᾿Αμεινίαι καὶ Καλλί-
payor καὶ Κυναίγειροι διαπρεπῶς ἀριστεύσαντες
ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς ἀγῶσι; Κάτων δ᾽ οὐ μόνον αὐτὸς
ὑπατεύων ἐπρώτευσε καὶ χειρὶ καὶ γνώμῃ κατὰ
τὸν Ἰβηρικὸν πόλεμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ χιλιαρχῶν
περὶ Θερμοπύλας ὑπατεύοντος ἑτέρου τὴν δόξαν
ἔσχε τῆς νίκης, μεγάλας ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αντίοχον Ῥωμαίοις
ἀναπετάσας κλεισιάδας καὶ πρόσω μόνον ὁρῶντι
τῷ βασιλεῖ περιστήσας κατὰ νώτου τὸν πόλεμον.
ἐκείνη γὰρ ἡ νίκη περιφανῶς ἔργον οὖσα Κάτωνος
ἐξήλασε τῆς “Ἑλλάδος τὴν ᾿Ασίαν καὶ παρέσχεν
ἐπιβατὴν αὖθις Σκηπίωνι.
Πολεμοῦντες μὲν οὖν ἀήττητοι γεγόνασιν
ἀμφότεροι, περὶ δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν ᾿Αριστείδης μὲν
ἔπταισεν ἐξοστρακισθεὶς καὶ καταστασιασθεὶς
ὑπὸ Θεμιστοκλέους, Κάτων δ᾽, οἵπερ ἦσαν ἐν
Ῥώμῃ δυνατώτατοι καὶ μέγιστοι, πᾶσιν, ὡς ἔπος
εἰπεῖν, ἀντιπάλοις χρώμενος καὶ μέχρι γήρως
ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴς ἀγωνιζόμενος ἀπτῶτα "Ὁ
ἑαυτον. πλείστας δὲ καὶ φυγὼν δημοσίας δίκας
καὶ διώξας πολλὰς μὲν εἷλε, πάσας δ᾽ ἀπέφυγε,
πρόβλημα τοῦ βίον καὶ δραστήριον ὄργανον
ἔχων τὸν λόγον, ᾧ δικαιότερον ἄν τις ἢ τύχῃ
καὶ δαίμονε τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὸ μηδὲν παθεῖν παρ᾽
ἀξίαν dvariein. μέγα yap καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλει τῷ 354
488
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES AND CATO
Aristides was not the foremost man in any one of
his victories, but Miltiades has the chief honour of
Marathon, Themistocles of Salamis, and at Plataea,
Herodotus! says it was Pausanias who won that
fairest of all victories, while even for second honours
Aristides has such rivals as Sophanes, Ameinias, —
Callimachus, and Cynaegeirus, who displayed the
greatest valour in those actions. Cato, on the other
hand, was not only chief in the plans and actions of:
the Spanish war during his own consulate, but also
at Thermopylae, when he was but a tribune in the
army and another was consul, he got the glory of
the victory, opening up great mountain passes for the
Romans to rush through upon Antiochus, and
swinging the war round into the king’s rear, when
he had eyes only for what was in front of him.
That victory was manifestly the work of Cato, and
it not only drove Asia out of Hellas, but made it
afterwards accessible to Scipio. |
It is true that both were always victorious in war,
but in politics Aristides got a fall, being driven into
a minority and ostracised by Themistocles. Cato, on
the contrary, though he had for his antagonists
almost all the greatest and ablest men in Rome, and
though he kept on wrestling with them up to his
old age, never lost his footing. He was involved in
countless civil processes, both as_ plaintiff and
defendant; as plaintiff, he often won his case, as
defendant, he never lost it, thanks to that bulwark
and efficacious weapon of his life, his eloquence. To
this, more justly than to fortune and the guardian
genius of the man, we may ascribe the fact that he
was never visited with disgrace. That was a great
1 ix. 64.
389
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
φιλοσόφῳ τοῦτο προσεμαρτύρησεν ᾿Αντίπατρος
γράφων περὶ αὐτοῦ μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν, ὅτι πρὸς
a ᾿ @€ 9 A \ δ \ =
τοῖς ἄλλοις ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τὸ πιθανὸν εἶχεν.
III. Ὅτι μὲν δὴ τῆς πολιτικῆς ἄνθρωπος ἀρετῆς
οὐ κτᾶται τελειοτέραν, ὁμολογούμενόν ἐστι" ταύ-
της δέ που μόριον οἱ πλεῖστοι τὴν οἰκονομικὴν οὐ
μικρὸν τίθενται' καὶ γὰρ ἡ πόλις οἴκων τι
’ὔ \ 4 9S e » N \
σύστημα Kal κεφάλαιον οὖσα ῥώννυται πρὸς τὰ
“ 4 aA a
δημόσια τοῖς ἰδίοις βίοις τῶν πολιτῶν εὐθενούν-
των, ὅπον καὶ Λυκοῦργος ἐξοικίσας μὲν ἄργυρον,
3 4 \ Ν A ’ 4 \
2 ἐξοικίσας δὲ χρυσὸν τῆς Σπάρτης, νόμισμα δὲ
διεφθαρμένου πυρὶ σιδήρου θέμενος αὐτοῖς οἰκονο-
μίας οὐκ ἀπήλλαξε τοὺς πολίτας, ἀλλὰ τὰ τρυ-
φῶντα καὶ ὕπουλα καὶ φλεγμαίνοντα τοῦ πλούτου
περιέλών, ὅπως εὐπορήσωσι τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ
, Ψ e Ν 3 \ /
χρησίμων ἅπαντες, ὡς ἄλλος οὐδεὶς νομοθέτης
προὐνόησε, τὸν ἄπορον καὶ ἀνέστιον καὶ πένητα
σύνοικον ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ πολιτείας μᾶλλον τοῦ πλου-
, V oe , , 4 / ς
8 σίου καὶ ὑπερόγκου φοβηθείς. φαίνεται τοίνυν ὁ
μὲν Κάτων οὐδέν τι φαυλότερος οἴκου προστάτης
ἢ πόλεως γενόμενος: καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ηὔξησε τὸν
αὑτοῦ βίον καὶ κατέστη διδάσκαλος οἰκονομίας
καὶ γεωργίας ἑτέροις, πολλὰ καὶ χρήσιμα περὶ
’ A & 3 / \ a“ /
τούτων συνταξάμενος Δριστείδης δὲ τῇ πενίᾳ
e 3
καὶ τὴν δικαιοσύνην συνδιέβαλεν ὡς οἰκοφθόρον
καὶ πτωχοποιὸν καὶ πᾶσι μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς κεκτη-
4 μένοις ὠφέλιμον. καίτοι πολλὰ μὲν ᾿Ησίοδος
390
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES AND CATO
tribute which was paid Aristotle the philosopher by
Antipater, when he wrote concerning him, after his
death, that in addition to all his other gifts, the man
had also the gift of persuasion.
III. Man has no higher capacity than that for
conducting cities and states, as is generally ad-
mitted. But the ability to conduct a household
enters in no small degree into this higher political
capacity, as most believe. For the city is but an or-
ganised sum total of households, and has public
vigour only as its citizens prosper in their private
lives. When Lycurgus banished both silver and
gold from Sparta, and introduced there a coinage of
iron that had been ruined by fire, he did not set his
fellow citizens free from the duty of domestic
economy. He merely removed the swollen and
feverish wantonness of wealth, and so provided that
all alike might have an abundance of the necessary
and useful things of life. He did this because
better than any other ancient legislator, he fore-
saw that the helpless, homeless, and poverty-stricken
citizen was a greater menace to the commonwealth
than one who was rich and ostentatious. Cato,
then, was no whit less efficient in the conduct of
his household than in that of the city. He not only
increased his own substance, but became a recog-
nized teacher of domestic economy and agriculture
for others, and compiled many useful precepts
on these subjects. Aristides, on the other hand, was
so poor as to bring even his righteousness into
disrepute, as ruining a household, reducing a man to
beggary, and profiting everybody rather than its
possessor. And yet Hesiod! has much to say by
1 Works and Days, 309.
39!
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πρὸς δικαιοσύνην ἅμα καὶ οἰκονομίαν παρακαλῶν
ἡμᾶς εἴρηκε καὶ τὴν ἀργίαν ὡς ἀδικίας ἀρχὴν
λελοιδόρηκεν, εὖ δὲ καὶ .Ομήρῳ πεποίηται:
ἔργον δέ μοι οὐ φίλον Hev
9) 3 ’ Ο VA 3 \ 4
οὐδ᾽ οἰκωφελίη, ἥ τε τρέφει ἀγλαὰ τέκνα,
ἀλλά μοι αἰεὶ νῆες ἐπήρετμοι φίλαι ἧσαν
καὶ πόλεμοι καὶ ἄκοντες ἐύΐξεστοι καὶ ὀϊστοί"
e ‘ 93 \ 3 a > 7 \ ‘
ὡς TOUS αὐτοὺς ἀμελοῦντας οἰκίας Kal ποριζομέν-
’ ’ , ’ , ε΄. Ν ς » ,
ous ἐξ ἀδικίας. ov yap, ὡς τοὔλαιον οἱ ἰατροί
φασι τοῦ σώματος εἶναι τοῖς μὲν ἐκτὸς ὠφελιμώ-
a 9 2 Ν , [τὰ ε
τατον, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐντὸς βλαβερώτατον, οὕτως ὁ
δίκαιος ἑτέροις μέν ἐστι χρήσιμος, αὑτοῦ δὲ καὶ
aA 97 ’ / 3 >” , a
τῶν ἰδίων ἀκηδής, ἀλλ᾽ ἔοικε ταύτῃ πεπηρῶσθαι
a? , \ 4 3) e e a
τῷ ᾿Αριστείδῃ τὸ-πολιτικόν, εἴπερ, WS οἱ πλεῖστοι
λέγουσιν, οὐδὲ προῖκα τοῖς θυγατρίοις οὐδὲ
\ ea , > 7 x4 «ς
ταφὴν αὑτῷ καταλιπέσθαι προὐνόησεν. ὅθεν o
y 4
μὲν Κάτωνος οἶκος ἄχρι γένους τετάρτου στρατη-
a ¢ “a
yous καὶ ὑπάτους τῇ Ῥώμῃ παρεῖχε: καὶ yap
υἱωνοὶ καὶ τούτων ἔτι παῖδες ἦρξαν ἀρχὰς τὰς
μεγίστας" τῆς δ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδου τοῦ πρωτεύσαντος
e / a e \ \ » / \
EAAnve@v γενεᾶς ἡ πολλὴ καὶ ἄπορος πενία TOUS
μὲν εἰς ἀγυρτικοὺς κατέβαλε πίνακας, τοὺς δὲ δη-
μοσίῳ τὰς χεῖρας ἐράνῳ bu ἔνδειαν ὑπέχειν ἠνάγ-
7.) \ de \ VOC 70. Μ 3 ‘4
κασεν, οὐδενὶ δὲ λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ ἄξιον ἐκείνου
τοῦ ἀνδρὸς φρονῆσαι παρέσχεν.
ΙΝ. Ἢ τοῦτο πρῶτον ἀμφιλογίαν ἔχει; πενία
Ν 93 Ἁ 3 fa! \ 3 e 7 3 x, ῳ
γὰρ αἰσχρὸν οὐδαμοῦ μὲν δι᾿ αὑτήν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπου
δεῖγμα ῥᾳθυμίας ἐστίν, ἀκρασίας, πολυτελείας,
392
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES AND CATO
way of exhorting us to righteousness allied with
domestic economy, and abuses idleness as a source of
injustice ; Homer also says well :—
“ Labour I never liked,
Nor household thrift, which breeds good children.
But ships equipped with oars were ever my delight,
Battles and polished javelins and arrows,” 1
implying that the men who neglect their households
are the very ones to live by injustice. Oil, as
physicians tell us, is very beneficial when externally
applied, though very injurious when used internally.
But the righteous is not so. He is not helpful
to others, while heedless of himself and his family.
Indeed, the poverty of Aristides would seem to have
been a blemish on his political career, if, as most
writers state, he had not foresight enough to leave
his poor daughters a marriage portion,” or even the
cost of his own burial. And so it fell out that
the family of Cato furnished Rome with preetors and
consuls down to the fourth generation, for his grand-
sons, and their sons after them, filled the highest
offices of state. Whereas, though Aristides was
foremost of the Greeks, the abject poverty of his
descendants forced some to ply a fortune-teller’s
trade,’ and others, for very want, to solicit the public
bounty, while it robbed them all of every ambition
to excel, or even to be worthy of their great
ancestor.
IV. Possibly this point invites discussion. Poverty
is never dishonourable in itself, but only when it
is a mark of sloth, intemperance, extravagance, or
1 Odyssey, xiv. 222 ff., Palmer’s translation.
2 Aristides, xxvii. 1, 3 Aristides, xxvii. 3.
393
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀλογιστίας, ἀνδρὶ δὲ σώφρονι καὶ φιλοπόνῳ καὶ
δικαίῳ καὶ ἀνδρείῳ καὶ δημοσιεύοντι ταῖς ἀρεταῖς
ἁπάσαις συνοῦσα μεγαλοψυχίας ἐστὶ καὶ μεγαλο-
φροσύνης σημεῖον. οὐ γὰρ ἔστι πράττειν μεγάλα
/ “A δὲ a ὃ A
φροντίζοντα μικρῶν, οὐδὲ πολλοῖς δεομένοις
n a “9 Ἁ 4 ’ 9 >
βοηθεῖν πολλῶν αὐτὸν δεόμενον. μέγα δ᾽ εἰς
πολιτείαν ἐφόδιον οὐχὶ πλοῦτος, GAN αὐτάρκεια,
τῷ μηδενὸς ἰδίᾳ τῶν περιττῶν δεῖσθαι πρὸς οὐ-
δεμίαν ἀσχολίαν ἄγουσα τῶν δημοσίων. ἀπροσ-
δεὴς μὲν γὰρ ἁπλῶς ὁ θεός, ἀνθρωπίνης δ᾽ ἀρετῆς,
ᾧ συνάγεται πρὸς τὸ ἐλάχιστον ἡ χρεία, τοῦτο
Ν ’ \ le) Ν
τελειότατον καὶ θειότατον. ὡς γὰρ σῶμα τὸ
καλῶς πρὸς εὐεξίαν κεκραμένον οὔτ᾽ ἐσθῆτος οὔτε
fo! a) “ [4
τροφῆς δεῖται περιττῆς, οὕτω καὶ βίος καὶ οἶκος
ὑγιαίνων ἀπὸ τῶν τυχόντων διοικεῖται. δεῖ δὲ
τῇ χρείᾳ σύμμετρον ἔχειν τὴν κτῆσιν; ws ὅ γε
\ 4 9 , Ἁ ’ 3 Μ
πολλὰ συνάγων, ὀλίγοις δὲ χρώμενος οὐκ ἔστιν
3 “A “ A
αὐτάρκης, ἀλλ᾽ εἴτε μὴ δεῖται, THs παρασκευῆς Ov
οὐκ ὀρέγεται μάταιος, εἴτ᾽ ὀρέγεται, μικρολογίᾳ
? \ 3 »
κολούων τὴν ἀπόλαυσιν ἄθλιος.
Αὐτοῦ γέ τοι Κάτωνος ἡδέως ἂν πυθοίμην'
εἰ μὲν ἀπολαυστὸν ὁ πλοῦτός ἐστι, τί σεμνύνῃ τῷ
πολλὰ κεκτημένος ἀρκεῖσθαι μετρίοις; εἰ δὲ
’ vn
λαμπρόν ἐστιν, ὥσπερ ἐστίν, ἄρτῳ τε χρῆσθαι
A ’ /
τῷ προστυχόντι καὶ πίνειν οἷον ἐργάται πί-
vovot καὶ θεράποντες οἶνον καὶ πορφύρας μὴ
δεηθῆναι μηδὲ οἰκίας κεκονιαμένης, οὐδὲν οὔτ᾽
4 [4 Ww” 9 9 ’ ww ’
Αριστείδης οὔτ᾽ ᾿Ἑπταμεινώνδας οὔτε Μάνιος
Κούριος οὔτε Γάϊος Φαβρίκιος ἐνέλιπον τοῦ προσ-
394
355
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES AND CATO
thoughtlessness. When, on the other hand, it is the
handmaid of a sober, industrious, righteous, and
brave man, who devotes all his powers to the service
of the people, it is the sign of a lofty-spirit that
harbours no mean thoughts. It is impossible for a
man to do great things when his thoughts are busy
with little things ; nor can he aid the many who are
in need when he himself is in need of many things.
A great equipment for public service consists, not
in wealth, but in contented independence, which
requires no private‘ superfluities, and so puts no
hindrance in the way of serving the commonwealth.
God alone is absolutely free from wants; but that is
the most perfect and god-like quality in human
excellence which reduces man’s wants to their
lowest terms. For as a body which is well tempered
and vigorous needs no superfluous food or raiment,
so a healthy individual or family life can be con-
ducted with the simplest outlays. A man should
make his gains tally with his needs. He who heaps
up much substance and uses little of it, is not con-
tented and independent. If he does not need it, he
is a fool for providing what he does not crave; and
if he craves it, he makes himself wretched by parsi-
moniously curtailing his enjoyment of it.
Indeed, I would fain ask Cato himself this
question: “If wealth is a thing to be enjoyed, why
do you plume yourself on being satisfied with little
when possessed of much?” But if it be a fine
thing, as indeed it is, to eat ordinary bread, and to
drink such wine as labourers and servants drink, and
not to want purple robes nor even plastered houses,
then Aristides and Epaminondas and Manius Curius
and Gaius Fabricius were perfectly right in turning
395
a
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἥκοντος, χαίρειν ἐάσαντες τὴν κτῆσιν ὧν τὴν
χρῆσιν ἀπεδοκίμαξον. οὐ γὰρ ἣν ἀναγκαῖον ἀν-
θρώπῳ γογγυλίδας ἥδιστον ὄψον πεποιημένῳ καὶ
δι’ αὑτοῦ ταύτας ἕψοντι, ματτούσης ἅμα τῆς
γυναικὸς ἄλφιτα, τοσαῦτα περὶ ἀσσαρίου θρυλεῖν
καὶ γράφειν ad ἧς ἄν τις ἐργασίας τάχιστα
πλούσιος γένοιτο. μέγα γὰρ τὸ εὐτελὲς καὶ
αὔταρκες, ὅτι τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ἅμα καὶ τῆς φρον-
τίδος ἀπαλλάττει τῶν περιττῶν. διὸ καὶ τοῦτό
φασιν ἐν τῇ Καλλίου δίκῃ τὸν ᾿Αριστείδην εἰπεῖν,
ὡς αἰσχύνεσθαι πενίαν προσήκει τοῖς ἀκουσίως
πενομένοις, τοῖς δ᾽, ὥσπερ αὐτός, ἑκουσίως, éyxan-
λωπίξεσθαι. γελοῖον γὰρ οἴεσθαι ῥᾳθυμίας εἶναι
τὴν ᾿Αριστείδου πενίαν, παρῆν αἰσχρὸν εἰργα-.
σμένῳ μηδέν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕνα σκυλεύσαντι βάρβαρον ἢ
μίαν σκηνὴν καταλαβόντι πλουσίῳ γενέσθαι.
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τούτων.
Υ. Στρατηγίαι δὲ αἱ μὲν Κάτωνος οὐδὲν ὡς
μεγάλοις πράγμασι μέγα προσέθηκαν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς
᾿Αριστείδου τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ λαμπρότατα καὶ
πρῶτα τῶν ᾿Ελληνικῶν ἔ ἔργων ἐστίν, ὁ Μαραθών,
ἡ Σαλαμίς, αἱ Πλαταιαί. καὶ οὐκ ἄξιον δήπου
παραβαλεῖν τῷ Ξέρξῃ τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον καὶ τὰ
περιαιρεθέντα τῶν Ἰβηρικῶν πόλεων τείχη ταῖς
τοσαύταις μὲν ἐν γῇ; τοσαύταις δ᾽ ἐν θαλάσσῃ
πεσούσαις μυριάσιν' ἐν οἷς ᾿Αριστείδης ἔργῳ
μὲν οὐδενὸς ἐλείπετο, δόξης δὲ καὶ στεφάνων,
ὥσπερ ἀμέλει πλούτου καὶ χρημάτων, ὑφήκατο
τοῖς μᾶλλον δεομένοις, ὅτε καὶ πάντων τούτων
διέφερεν,
396
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES AND CATO
their backs on the gaining of what they scorned to
use. Surely it was not worth while for a man who,
like Cato, esteemed turnips a delectable dish and
cooked them himself, while his wife was kneading
bread, to babble so much about a paltry copper, and
write on the occupation in which one might soonest
get rich. Great is the simple life, and great its
independence, but only because it frees a man from
the anxious desire of superfluous things. Hence it
was that Aristides, as we are told, remarked at the
trial of Callias! that only those who were poor in
spite of themselves should be ashamed of their
poverty; those who, like himself, chose poverty,
should glory in it. And surely it were ridiculous to
suppose that the poverty of Aristides was due to
his sloth, when, without doing anything disgraceful,
but merely by stripping a single Barbarian, or seizing
a single tent, he might have made himself rich. So
much on this head.
V. The military campaigns of Cato made no great
addition to the Roman empire, which was great
already ; but those of Aristides include the fairest,
most brilliant, and most important actions of the
Greeks, namely, Marathon, Salamis, and Plataea.
And certainly Antiochus is not worthy to be com-
pared with Xerxes, nor the demolition of the walls
of the Spanish cities with the destruction of so many
myriads of Barbarians both by land and sea. On
these occasions Aristides was inferior to no one in
actual service, but he left the glory and the laurels,
as he did wealth and substance, to those who wanted
them more, because he was superior to all these
things also.
1 Aristides, xxv. 5,
397
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Eyo δ᾽ οὐ μέμφομαι μὲν Κάτωνος τὸ μεγαλύ-
νειν ἀεὶ καὶ πρῶτον ἑαυτὸν ἁπάντων τίθεσθαι"
καίτοι φησὶν ἔν τινι λόγῳ τὸ ἐπαινεῖν αὑτὸν
ὥσπερ τὸ λοιδορεῖν ἄτοπον εἶναι' τελειότερος
δέ μοι δοκεῖ πρὸς ἀρετὴν τοῦ πολλάκις ἑαυτὸν
ἐγκωμιάξοντος ὁ μηδ᾽ ἑτέρων τοῦτο ποιούντων
δεόμενος. τὸ γὰρ ἀφιλότιμον οὐ μικρὸν εἰς
πρᾳότητα πολιτικὴν ἐφόδιον, καὶ τοὐναντίον
ἡ φιλοτιμία χαλεπὸν καὶ φθόνου γονιμώτατον,
4 \ 2 4 / e A \
ἧς ὁ μὲν ἀπήλλακτο παντάπασιν, ὁ δὲ Kal
VA A a“ 3 ’ /
πάνυ πολλῆς μετεῖχεν. ᾿Αριστείδης μέν ye
Θεμιστοκλεῖ τὰ μέγιστα συμπράττων καὶ τρόπον
τινὰ τὴν στρατηγίαν αὐτοῦ δορυφορῶν ὥρθωσε
A 3 ’ 4 3 3 ’ ,
tas ᾿Αθήνας, Κάτων δ᾽ ἀντιπράττων Σκηπίωνι
μικροῦ μὲν ἀνέτρεψε καὶ διελυμήνατο τὴν ἐπὶ
/ 3 a 4 3 φ \ > 3
Καρχηδονίους αὐτοῦ στρατηγίαν, ἐν ἡ τὸν ἀήτ-
2 ’ A / \ ,
tntov ᾿Αννίβαν καθεῖλε, τέλος δὲ μηχανώμενος
ἀεί τινας ὑποψίας καὶ διαβολὰς αὐτὸν μὲν
ἐξήλασε τῆς πόλεως, τὸν δ᾽ ἀδελφὸν αἰσχίστῃ
κλοπῆς καταδίκῃ περιέβαλεν.
VI. Ἣν τοίνυν πλείστοις ὁ Κάτων κεκόσμηκε
ld 3 ’ 3. Ν ’ 3
καὶ καλλίστοις ἐπαίνοις ἀεὶ σωφροσύνην ᾽Αρι-
,ὔ \ ” e ἢ a \
στείδης μὲν ἄθικτον ὡς ἀληθῶς καὶ καθαρὰν
“A “A e
ἐτήρησεν, αὐτοῦ δὲ τοῦ Κάτωνος ὁ παρ᾽ ἀξίαν
ἅμα καὶ παρ᾽ ὥραν γάμος οὐ μικρὰν οὐδὲ φαύλην
εἰς τοῦτο διαβολὴν κατεσκέδασε. πρεσβύτην
γὰρ ἤδη τοσοῦτον ἐνηλίκῳ παιδὶ καὶ γυναικὶ
νύμφη παιδὸς ἐπιγῆμαι κόρην ὑπηρέτου καὶ
δημοσιεύοντος ἐπὶ μισθῷ πατρὸς οὐδαμοῦ καλόν,
398
356
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES AND CATO
For my own part, I do not blame Cato fur his
constant boasting, and for rating himself above
everybody else, although he does say, in one of his
speeches, that self-praise and self-depreciation are
alike absurd. But I regard the man who is often
lauding himself as less complete in excellence than
one who does not even want otherstodoso. Freedom
from ambition is no slight requisite for the gentleness
which should mark a statesman; and, on the con-
trary, ambition is harsh, and the greatest fomenter
of envy. From this spirit Aristides was wholly free,
whereas Cato was very full of it. For example,
Aristides co-operated with Themistocles in his
greatest achievements, and as one might say, stood
guard over him while he was in command, and
thereby saved Athens; while Cato, by his opposition
to Scipio, almost vitiated and ruined that wonderful
campaign of his against the Carthaginians, in which
he overthrew the invincible Hannibal,! and finally,
by perpetually inventing all sorts of suspicions and
calumnies against him, drove him out of Rome, and
brought down on his brother’s head a most shameful
condemnation for embezzlement.
VI. Once more, that temperance which Cato
always decked out with the fairest praises, Aristides
maintained and practised in unsullied purity ;
whereas Cato, by marrying unworthily and un-
seasonably, fell under no slight or insignificant
censure in this regard. It was surely quite indecent
that a man of his years should bring home as step-
mother to his grown-up son and that son’s bride, a
girl whose father was his assistant and served the
public for hire. Whether he did this merely for
1 At Zama, 202 B.c.
399
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀλλ εἴτε πρὸς ἡδονὴν ταῦτ᾽ ἔπραξεν εἴτ᾽ ὀργῇ
διὰ τὴν ἑταίραν ἀμυνόμενος τὸν υἱόν, αἰσχύνην
ἔχει͵ καὶ τὸ ἔργον καὶ ἡ πρόφασις. ᾧ δ᾽ αὐτὸς
ἐχρήσατο λόγῳ κατειρωνευόμενος τὸ μειράκιον,
οὐκ ἦν ἀληθής. εἰ γὰρ ἐβούλετο παῖδας ἀγαθοὺς
ὁμοίως τεκνῶσαι, γάμον ἔδει. λαβεῖν γενναῖον
ἐξ ἀρχῆς σκεψάμενον, οὐχ ἕως μὲν ἐλάνθανεν
᾿ἀνεγγύῳ ἡ καὶ κοινῇ συγκοιμώμενος ἀγα-
πᾶν, ἐπεὶ ὃ ἐφωράθη 'ποιήσασθαι πενθερόν,
ὃν ῥᾷστα πείσειν, οὐχ ᾧ κάλλιστα κηδεύσειν
ἔμελλεν.
400
COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES AND CATO
his own pleasure, or in anger, to punish his son for
objecting to his mistress, both what he did and what
led him to do it were disgraceful. And the sar-
castic reason for it which he gave his son was not a
true one. For had he wished to beget more sons as
good, he should have planned at the outset to marry
a woman of family, instead of contenting himself, as
long as he could do so secretly, with the society of a
low concubine, and when he was discovered, making
a man his father-in-law whom he could most easily
persuade, rather than one whose alliance would
bring him most honour.
401
VOL. II. D D
Digitized by Google
CIMON
ΚΙΜΩΝ
I. Περιπόλτας ὁ μάντις ἐκ Θετταλίας εἰς Βοιω-
’ὔ 9 , ΑἉ 7 Ἁ ς 9 9 A
τίαν ᾿Οφέλταν τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ
λαοὺς καταγαγὼν γένος εὐδοκιμῆσαν ἐπὶ πολλοὺς
χρόνους κατέλιπεν, οὗ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ
κατῴκησεν, ἣν πρώτην πόλιν ἔσχον ἐξελάσαντες
τοὺς βαρβάρους. οἱ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστοι τῶν ἀπὸ
τοῦ γένους φύσει μάχιμοι καὶ ἀνδρώδεις γενόμενοι
καταναλώθησαν ἐν ταῖς Μηδικαῖς ἐπιδρομαῖς καὶ
τοῖς Γαλατικοῖς ἀγῶσιν ἀφειδήσαντες ἑαυτῶν"
2 λείπεται δὲ παῖς ὀρφανὸς γονέων, ὄνομα Δάμων,
παρωνύμιον δὲ Περιπόλτας, πολὺ δή τι καὶ
σώματος κάλλει καὶ ψυχῆς φρονήματι τοὺς Ka’
ς Ν ς , , 3’, > ’ A
αὑτὸν ὑπεραίρων νέους, ἄλλως δ᾽ ἀπαίδευτος καὶ
σκληρὸς τὸ ἦθος.
[ A
Τούτου Ῥωμαῖος ἡγεμὼν σπείρας τινὸς ἐν
7 4 ? Ν \
Χαιρωνείᾳ διαχειμαξούσης ἐρασθεὶς ἄρτι τὴν
παιδικὴν ἡλικίαν παρηλλάχότος, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθε
“A \ 4 “A > 9 ’ ’
πειρῶν καὶ διδούς, δῆλος ἦν οὐκ ἀφεξόμενος βίας, 419
A ’ ἴω] ἤ
ἅτε δὴ καὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἡμῶν τότε λυπρὰ πρατ-
τούσης καὶ διὰ μικρότητα καὶ πενίαν παρορωμένης.
n « nA
3 τοῦτο δὴ δεδιὼς ὁ Δάμων, καὶ τὴν πεῖραν αὐτὴν
Sv ὀργῆς πεποιημένος, ἐπεβούλευε τῷ ἀνδρὶ καὶ
συνίστη τῶν ἡλικιωτῶν τινας ἐπ᾽ αὐτον, οὐ
πολλοὺς ἕνεκα τοῦ λαθεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ σύμπαντες
404
CIMON
I. Perrpottas the seer, who conducted King
Opheltas with his subjects from Thessaly into
Boeotia, left a posterity there which was in high
repute for many generations. The greater part of
them settled in Chaeroneia, which was the first city
they won from the Barbarians. Now the most of
this posterity were naturally men of war and courage,
and so were consumed away in the Persian invasions
and the contests with the Gauls, because they did
not spare themselves. There remained, however, an
orphan boy, Damon by name, Peripoltas by surname,
who far surpassed his fellows in beauty of body and
in vigour of spirit, though otherwise he was un-
trained and of a harsh disposition.
With this Damon, just passed out of boy’s estate,
the Roman commander of a cohort that was winter-
ing in Chaeroneia fell enamoured, and since he could
not win him over by solicitations and presents, he
was plainly bent on violence, seeing that our native
city was at that time in sorry plight, and neglected
because of her smallness and poverty. Violence was
just what Damon feared, and since the solicitation
itself had enraged him, he plotted against the man,
and enlisted against him sundry companions,—a few
only, that they might escape notice. There were
405
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἑκκαίδεκα γενόμενοι χρίονται μὲν αἰθάχῳ τὰ
πρόσωπα νυκτός, ἐμπιόντες δὲ ἄκρατον ap ἡμέρᾳ
προσπίπτουσι τῷ Ῥωμαίῳ κατ᾽ ἀγορὰν θύοντι,
καὶ καταβαλόντες. αὐτόν τε καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν
οὐκ ὀλίγους ἐκ τῆς πόλεως μετέστησαν. γενο-
μένης δὲ ταραχῆς ἡ τῶν Χαιρωνέων βουλὴ
συνελθοῦσα θάνατον αὐτῶν κατέγνω" καὶ τοῦτο
ἦν ὑπὲρ τῆς π πόλεως ἀπολόγημα πρὸς τοὺς Ῥω-
μαίους. ἑσπέρας δὲ τῶν ἀρχόντων, ὥσπερ ἔθος
ἐστί, κοινῇ ταν μμ: οἱ περὶ τὸν Δάμωνα
παρεισπεσόντες εἰς τὸ ἀρχεῖον ἀπέσφαξαν αὐτοὺς
καὶ πάλιν ὥχοντο φεύγοντες ἐκ τῆς. πόλεως.
Ἔτυχε é περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας Λεύκιος
Λούκουλλος ἐπί τινα πρᾶξιν μετὰ δυνάμεως
παρερχόμενος. ἐπιστήσας δὲ τὴν πορείαν καὶ
τῶν γεγονότων προσφάτων ὄ ὄντων ἐξέτασιν ποιη-
σάμενος εὗρε τὴν πόλιν οὐδενὸς αἰτίαν, ἀλλὰ
μᾶλλον συνηδικημένην' καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας
ἀναλαβὼν ἀ ἀπήγαγε μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ. τὸν δὲ Δάμωνα
λῃστείαις καὶ καταδρομαῖς πορθοῦντα τὴν χώραν
καὶ τῇ πόλει προσκείμενον ὑπηγάγοντο πρεσβεί-
ats καὶ ψηφίσμασι φιλανθρώποις οἱ πολῖται,
κατελθόντα δὲ γυμνασίαρχον κατέστησαν' εἶτ᾽
ἀλειφόμενον ἐν τῷ πυριατηρίῳ διέφθειραν. ἐπὶ
πολὺν δὲ χρόνον εἰδώλων τινῶν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ προ-
φαινομένων καὶ στεναγμῶν ἐξακουομένων, ὡς οἱ
πατέρες ἡμῶν λέγουσι, τὰς θύρας ἀνῳκοδόμησαν
τοῦ πυριατηρίου" καὶ μέχρι νῦν οἱ τῷ τόπῳ
γειτνιῶντες οἴονταί τινᾶς ὄψεις καὶ φων ¢ Tapa-
ὦδεις φέρεσθαι. τοὺς δ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ
δ ασώξουται γὰρ ἔνιοι, μάλιστα τῆς Φωκίδος
406
CIMON
sixteen of them in all, who smeared their faces with
soot one night, heated themselves with wine, and at
daybreak fell upon the Roman while he was sacri-
ficing in the market-place, slew him, together with
many of his followers, and departed the city. During
the commotion which followed, the council of
Chaeroneia met and condemned the murderers to
death, and this was the defence which the city after-
wards made to its Romanrulers. But in the evening,
while the magistrates were dining together, as the
custom is, Damon and his men burst into the town-
hall, slew them, and again fled the city.
Now about that time! it chanced that Lucius
Lucullus passed that way, on some errand, with an
army. Halting on his march and _ investigating
matters while they were still fresh in mind, he found
that the city was in no wise to blame, but rather had
itself also suffered wrong. So he took its garrison
of soldiers and led them away with him. Then
Damon, who was ravaging the country with predatory
forays and threatening the city, was induced by
embassies and conciliatory decrees of the citizens to
return, and was appointed gymnasiarch. But soon,
as he was anointing himself in the vapour-bath, he
was slain. And because for a long while thereafter
certain phantoms appeared in the place, and groans
were heard there, as our Fathers tell us, the door of
the vapour-bath was walled up, and to this present
time the neighbours think it the source of alarming
sights and sounds. Descendants of Damon’s family .
(and some are still living, especially near Stiris in
1 74 5.6. (ἢ
407
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
περὶ Στεῖριν, αἰολίξοντες) ἀσβολωμένους καλοῦσι
διὰ τὸ τὸν Δάμωνα πρὸς τὸν φόνον ἀσβόλῳ
χρισάμενον ἐξελθεῖν.
II. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀστυγείτονες ὄντες Ὀρχομένιοι
καὶ διάφοροι τοῖς Χαιρωνεῦσιν ἐμισθώσαντο
“Ῥωμαϊκὸν συκοφάντην, ὃ ὁ δ᾽ ὥσπερ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου
τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὄνομα κατενεγκὼν ἐδίωκε φόνου
τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Δάμωνος ἀνῃρημένων, ἡ δὲ κρίσις
ἦν ἐπὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῆς Μακεδονίας (οὔπω γὰρ
εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα Ῥωμαῖοι στρατηγοὺς. διεπέμ-
ποντο), οἱ λέγοντες ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ἐπεκαλοῦντο
τὴν Λουκούχλου μαρτυρίαν, Ὑ γράψαντος δὲ τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ πρὸς Λούκουλλον ἐκεῖνος ἐμαρτύρησε
τἀληθῆ, καὶ τὴν δίκην οὕτως ἀπέφυγεν ἡ πόλις
κινδυνεύουσα περὶ τῶν μεγίστων. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν
οὖν οἱ τότε σωθέντες εἰκόνα τοῦ Λουκούχλου
λιθίνην ἐ ἐν ἀγορᾷ παρὰ τὸν Διόνυσον ἀνέστησαν,
ἡμεῖς δ᾽, εἰ καὶ πολλαῖς ἡλικίαις λειπόμεθα, τὴν
μὲν χάριν οἰόμεθα διατείνειν καὶ πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς
νῦν ὄντας, εἰκόνα δὲ πολὺ καλλίονα νομίξοντες
εἶναι τῆς τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀπομιμου-
μένης τὴν τὸ ἦθος καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐμφανίξουσαν,
ἀναληψόμεθα τῇ γραφῇ τῶν παραλλήλων βίων
τὰς πράξεις τοῦ ἀνδρός, τἀληθῆ διεξιόντες. ἀρκεῖ
γὰρ 7 τῆς μνήμης χάρις: ἀληθοῦς δὲ μαρτυρίας
οὐδ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος ἠξίωσε μισθὸν λαβεῖν ψευδῆ
καὶ πεπλασμένην ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διήγησιν.
“Ὥσπερ γὰρ τοὺς τὰ καλὰ καὶ πολλὴν ἔχοντα
χάριν εἴδη ζῳγραφοῦντας, ἂν προσῇ τι μικρὸν
αὐτοῖς δυσχερές, ἀξιοῦμεν μήτε παραλιπεῖν τοῦτο
τελέως μήτε ἐξακριβοῦν' τὸ μὲν γὰρ αἰσχράν, τὸ
δ᾽ ἀνομοίαν παρέχεται τὴν ὄψιν: οὕτως, ἐπεὶ
408
CIMON
Phocis, Aeolians in speech) are called “ Asbolomeni,’
or ‘ Besooted,” because Damon smeared himself
with soot before he went forth to do his deed of
murder.
II. But the Orchomenians, who were neighbours
and, rivals of the Chaeroneians, hired a Roman in-
former to cite the city by name, as though it were
an individual person, and prosecute it for the murder
of the Roman soldiers who had been slain by
Damon. The trial was held before the praetor of
Macedonia (the Romans were not yet sending
praetors to Greece), and the city’s advocates invoked
the testimony of Lucullus. Lucullus, when the
praetor wrote to him, testified to the truth of the
matter, and so the city escaped capital condemna-
tion. Accordingly, the people who at that time
were saved by him erected a marble statue of
Lucullus in the market-place beside that of Dionysus.
And we, though many generations removed from
him, think that his favour extends even down to us
who are now living; and since we believe that a
portrait which reveals character and disposition is
far more beautiful than one which merely copies
form and feature, we shall incorporate this man’s
deeds into our parallel lives, und we shall rehearse
them truly. The mere mention of them is sufficient
favour to show him; and as a return for his truthful
testimony he himself surely would not deign to
accept a false and garbled narrative of his career.
We demand of those who would paint fair and
graceful features that, in case of any slight imper-
fection therein, they shall neither wholly omit it nor
yet emphasise it, because the one course makes the
portrait ugly and the other unlike its original. In
409
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
χαλεπόν ἐστι, μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἴσως ἀμήχανον, ἀμεμφῆ
καὶ καθαρὸν ἀνδρὸς ἐπιδεῖξαι βίον, ἐν τοῖς καλοῖς
ἀναπληρωτέον ὥσπερ ὁμοιότητα τὴν ἀλήθειαν.
τὰς δ᾽ ἐκ πάθους τινὸς ἢ πολιτικῆς ἀνάγκης
ἐπιτρεχούσας ταῖς πράξεσιν ἁμαρτίας καὶ κῆρας
ἐλλείμματα μᾶλλον ἀρετῆς τινος ἢ κακίας
πονηρεύματα νομίξοντας οὐ δεῖ πάνυ προθύμως
ἐναποσημαίνειν τῇ ἱστορίᾳ καὶ περιττῶς, ἀλλ᾽
ὥσπερ αἰδουμένους ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης φύσεως,
εἰ καλὸν οὐδὲν εἰλεκρινὲς οὐδ᾽ ἀναμφισβήτητον
εἰς ἀρετὴν ἦθος γεγονὸς ἀποδίδωσιν.
Ill. Ὁ δ᾽ οὖν Λούκουλλος ἐδόκει σκοποῦσιν
ἡμῖν τῷ Κίμωνι παραβλητέος εἶναι. πολεμικοὶ
γὰρ ἀμφότεροι Καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ᾿βαρβάρους λαμπροί,
πρᾷοι δὲ τὰ πολιτικὰ καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ἐμφυλίων
στάσεων ἀναπνοὴν ταῖς πατρίσι παρασχόντες,
ἕκαστος δέ τις αὐτῶν στήσαντες τρόπαια καὶ
νίκας ἀνελόμενοι ,“περιβοήτους. οὔτε γὰρ Ἑλ-
λήνων Κίμωνος οὔτε Ῥωμαίων Λουκούλλου πρό-
TEpos οὐδεὶς οὕτω μακρὰν πολεμῶν προῆλθεν,
ἔξω λόγου τιθεμένων τῶν καθ᾽ Ἡρακλέα καὶ
Διόνυσον, εἴ τέ τι Περσέως πρὸς Αἰθίοπας ἢ
Μήδους καὶ ᾿Αρμενίους ἢ ᾿Ιάσονος ἔργον ἀξιόπι-
στον ἐκ τῶν τότε χρόνων μνήμῇῃ φερόμενον εἰς
τοὺς νῦν ἀφῖκται. κοινὸν δέ πως αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ
ἀτελὲς γέγονε τῆς στρατηγίας, ἑκατέρου μὲν
συντρίψαντος, οὐδετέρου δὲ καταλύσαντος τὸν
ἀνταγωνιστήν. μάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ περὶ τὰς ὑποδοχὰς
καὶ τὰς φιλανθρωπίας ταύτας ὑγρότης καὶ δαψί-
λεία καὶ τὸ νεαρὸν καὶ ἀνειμένον ἐν τῇ διαίτῃ
παραπλήσιον ἐπ᾿ ἀμφοτέρων ἰδεῖν ὑπάρχει.
410
480
CIMON
like manner, since it is difficult, nay rather perhaps
impossible, to represent a man’s life as stainless and
pure, in its fair chapters we must round out the
truth into fullest semblance; but those transgres-
sions and follies by which, owing to passion, perhaps,
or political compulsion, a man’s career is sullied, we
must regard rather as shortcomings in some particu-
lar excellence than as the vile products of positive
baseness, and we must not all too zealously delineate
them in our history, and superfluously too, but treat
them as though we were tenderly defending human
nature for producing no character which is absolutely
᾿ good and indisputably set towards virtue.
III. On looking about for some one to compare
with Lucullus, we decided that it must be Cimon.
Both were men of war, and of brilliant exploits
against the Barbarians, and yet they were mild and
beneficent statesmen, in that they gave their coun-
tries unusual respite from civil strifes, though each
one of them set up martial trophies and won victories
that were famous. No Hellene before Cimon and
no Roman before Lucullus carried his wars into
such remote lands, if we leave out of our account
the exploits of Heracles and Dionysus, and whatever
credible deeds of Perseus against the Aethiopians or
Medes and Armenians, or of Jason, have been brought
down in the memory of man from those early times
to our own. Common also in a way to both their
careers was the incompleteness of their campaigns.
Each crushed, but neither gave the death blow to
his antagonist. But more than all else, the lavish
ease which marked their entertainments and hospi-
talities, as well as the ardour and Jaxity of their
way of living, was conspicuous alike in both. Pos-
411
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
παραλείπομεν δ᾽ ἴσως καὶ ἄλλας τινὰς ὁμοιό-
τήτας, ἃς οὐ χαλεπὸν ἐκ τῆς διηγήσεως αὐτῆς
συναγαγεῖν.
IV. Κίμων ὁ Μιλτιάδου μητρὸς ἦν Ἡγησι-
πύλης, γένος Oparrns, θυγατρὸς Ὀλόρου τοῦ
βασιλέως, ὡς ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αρχελάου καὶ Μελανθίου
ποιήμασιν εἰς αὐτὸν Κίμωνα γεγραμμένοις ἱστό-
ρηται. διὸ καὶ Θουκυδίδης ὁ ὃ ἱστορικὸς τοῖς περὶ
Κίμωνα κατὰ γένος προσήκων Ὀλόρου. τε πατρὸς
ἦν, εἰς τὸν πρόγονον ἀναφέροντος τὴν “ὁμωνυμίαν,
καὶ τὰ χρυσεῖα περὶ τὴν Θράκην ἐκέκτητο. καὶ
τελευτῆσαι μὲν ἐν τῇ Σκαπτῇ ὕλῃ (τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔστι"
τῆς Θράκης χωρίον) λέγεται φονευθεὶς ἐκεῖ,
μνῆμα ὃ αὐτοῦ τῶν λειψάνων εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν
κομισθέντων ἐν τοῖς Κιμωνείοις δείκνυται παρὰ
τὸν ᾿Ελπινίκης τῆς Κίμωνος ἀδελφῆς τάφον.
ἀλλὰ Θουκυδίδης μὲν ᾿λιμούσιος γέγονε τῶν
δήμων, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Μιλτιάδην Λακιάδαι.
Μιλτιάδης μὲν οὖν πεντήκοντα ταλάντων ὀφλὼν
δίκην καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἔκτισιν εἰρχθεὶς ἐτελεύτησεν ἐ ἐν
τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ, Κίμων δὲ μειράκιον παντάπασιν
ἀπολειφθεὶς μετὰ τῆς ἀδε ῆς ἔτι κόρης οὔσης
καὶ ἀγάμου τὸν πρῶτον noo όξει χρόνον ἐν τῇ
πόλει καὶ κακῶς ἤκουεν ὡς ἄτακτος καὶ πολυ-
πότης καὶ τῷ πάππῳ Κίμωνι προσεοικὼς τὴν
φύσιν, ὃν dv εὐήθειάν φασι Κοάλεμον προσαγο-
ρευθῆναι. Στησίμβροτος δ᾽ ὁ Θάσιος περὶ τὸν
αὐτὸν ὁμοῦ τι χρόνον τῷ Κίμωνι γεγονώς φησιν
αὐτὸν οὔτε μουσικὴν οὔτε ἄλλο τι μάθημα τῶν
ἐλευθερίων καὶ τοῖς “Ελλησιν ἐπιχωριαζόντων
ἐκδιδαχθῆναι, δεινότητός τε καὶ στωμυλίας
412
CIMON
sibly we may omit still other resemblances, but it
will not be hard to gather them directly from our
story.
IV. Cimon was the son of Miltiades by Hegesipyle,
a woman of Thracian stock, daughter of King Olorus,
as it is stated in the poems of Archelaiis and Melan-
thius addressed to Cimon himself. That explains
-how it was that the father of Thucydides the his-
torian—and Thucydides was connected with the
family of Cimon—was also an Olorus, who referred
his name back to that of the common ancestor, and
also how it was that Thucydides had gold mines
in Thrace. And it is said that Thucydides died
in Skapte Hylé, a place in Thrace, having been
murdered there; but his remains were brought to
Attica, and his monument is shown among those
of Cimon’s family, hard by the tomb of Elpinicé,
Cimon’s sister. However, Thucydides belonged to
the deme of Halimus, the family of Miltiades to
that of Laciadae.
Now Miltiades, who had been condemned to pay a
fine of fifty talents and confined till payment should
be made, died in prison, and Cimon, thus left a mere
stripling with his sister who was a young girl and
unmarried, was of no account in the city at first. He
had the bad name of being dissolute and bibulous,
and of taking after his grandfather Cimon, who, they
say, because of his simplicity, was dubbed Coalemus,
or Booby. And Stesimbrotus the Thasfan, who was
of about Cimon’s time, says that he acquired no
literary education, nor any other liberal and
distinctively Hellenic accomplishment; that he
lacked entirely the Attic cleverness and fluency
1 Thue. iv. 105.
413
' PLUTARCH’S LIVES
᾿Αττικῆς | ὅλως ἀπηλλάχθαι, καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ πολὺ
τὸ γενναῖον καὶ ἀληθὲς ἐνυπάρχειν, καὶ μᾶλλον
εἶναι Πελοποννήσιον τὸ σχῆμα τῆς ψυχῆς τοῦ
ἀνδρός,
φαυχον, ἄκομψον, τὰ μέγιστ᾽ ἀγαθόν,
κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδειον Ἢ ακλέα" ταῦτα yap | ἔστι
τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Στησιμβρότου γεγραμμένοις ἐπει-.
πεῖν.
"Ere δὲ νέος ὧν αἰτίαν ἔσχε πλησιάζειν τῇ
ἀδελφῇ. καὶ yap οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως τὴν ᾿Ελπινίκην
εὔτακτόν τινα γεγονέναι λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ
πρὸς ΠΠολύγνωτον ἐξαμαρτεῖν τὸν ξῳγράφον'
καὶ διὰ τοῦτό φασιν ἐν τῇ Πεισιανακτείῳ τότε
καλουμένῃ, Ποικίλῃ δὲ νῦν στοᾷ, γράφοντα τὰς
Τρῳάδας τὸ τῆς Λαοδίκης ποιῆσαι πρόσωπον
ἐν εἰκόνι τῆς ᾿Ελπινίκης. ὁ δὲ Πολύγνωτος οὐκ
ἦν τῶν βαναύσων οὐδ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἐργολαβίας ἔγραφε
τὴν στοάν, ἀλλὰ προῖκα, φιλοτιμούμενος πρὸς
τὴν πόλιν, ὡς οἵ τε συγγραφεῖς ,ἱστοροῦσε καὶ
Μελάνθιος ὁ ποιητὴς λέγει τὸν ta τοῦτον"
Αὑτοῦ yap δαπάναισι θεῶν ναοὺς ἀγοράν τε
ΕΓ ΡΟΠΙΟῚ κόσμησ᾽ ἡμιθέων ἀρεταῖς.
εἰσὶ δ᾽ οἱ τὴν ᾿Ελπινίκην οὐ κρύφα τῷ Κίμωνι,
φανερῶς δὲ ᾿γημαμένην συνοικῆσαι “λέγουσιν,
ἀξίου τῆς εὐγενείας νυμφίου διὰ τὴν πενίαν
ἀποροῦσαν' ἐπεὶ δὲ Καλλίας τῶν εὐπόρων τις
᾿Αθήνησιν ἐρασθεὶς προσῆλθε τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ
πατρὸς καταδίκην ἐκτίνειν ἕτοιμος ὧν πρὸς τὸ
δημόσιον, αὐτήν τε πεισθῆναι καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα
τῷ Καλλίᾳ συνοικίσαι τὴν ᾿Ελπινίκην.
414
48]
CIMON
of speech; that in his outward bearing there
was much nobility and truthfulness ; that the fashion
of the man’s spirit was rather Peloponnesian,
‘ Plain, unadorned, in a great crisis brave and true,”
as Euripides says of Heracles,! a citation which we
may add to what Stesimbrotus wrote.
While he was still a youth he was accused of im-
proper intercourse with his sister. And indeed in
other cases too they say that Elpinicé was not very
decorous, but that she had improper relations
also with Polygnotus the painter, and that it was for
this reason that, in the Peisianacteum, as it was then
called, but now the Painted Colonnade, when he was
painting the Trojan women, he made the features of
Laodicé a portrait of Elpinicé. Now Polygnotus
was not a mere artisan, and did not paint the stoa
for a contract price, but gratis, out of zeal for
the welfare of the city, as the historians relate, and
as Melanthius the poet testifies after this fashion :—
“ He at his own lavish outlay the gods’ great fanes,
and the market
Named Cecropia, adorned ; demigods’ valour his
theme.” :
Still, there are some who say that Elpinicé did not
live with Cimon in secret intercourse, but openly
rather, as his wedded wife, because, on account of her
poverty, she could not get a husband worthy of her
high lineage; but that when Callias, a wealthy
Athenian, fell in love with her, and offered to pay
into the state treasury the fine which had been
imposed upon her father, she consented herself, and
Cimon freely gave Elpinicé to Callias to wife.
1 Nauck, 7'rag. Graec. Frag., 473.
415
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
8 Ov μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅλως φαίνεται τοῖς περὶ
τὰς γυναῖκας ἐρωτικοῖς ὁ Κίμων ἔνοχος γενέσθαι.
καὶ γὰρ ᾿Αστερίας τῷ γένει Σαλαμινίας καὶ
πάλιν Μνήστρας τινὸς ὁ ποιητὴς Μελάνθιος
μνημονεύει πρὸς τὸν Κίμωνα παίζων δι᾽ ἐλεγείας,
9 ὡς σπουδαζομένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. δῆλος δ᾽ ἐστὶ
καὶ πρὸς Ἰσοδίκην τὴν Εὐρυπτολέμου μὲν
θυγατέρα τοῦ Μεγακλέους, κατὰ νόμους δ᾽ αὐτῷ
συμβιώσασαν ὁ Κίμων ἐμπαθέστερον διατεθεὶς
καὶ δυσφορήσας ἀποθανούσης, εἴ τι δεῖ τεκμαί-
ρεσθαι ταῖς γεγραμμέναις ἐπὶ παρηγορίᾳ τοῦ
πένθους ἐλεγείαις πρὸς αὐτόν, ὧν Παναίτιος
ὁ φιλόσοφος οἴεται ποιητὴν γεγονέναι τὸν φυσι-
κὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον, οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου τοῖς χρόνοις
εἰκάξων.
Υ. Τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα πάντα τοῦ ἤθους ἀγαστὰ καὶ
A “A , ” / ,
γενναῖα τοῦ Κίμωνος. οὔτε yap τόλμῃ Μιλτιάδου
λειπόμενος οὔτε συνέσει Θεμιστοκλέους, δικαιό-
τερος ἀμφοῖν ὁμολογεῖται γενέσθαι, καὶ ταῖς
πολεμικαῖς οὐδὲ μικρὸν ἀποδέων ἀρεταῖς ἐκείνων
ἀμήχανον ὅσον ἐν ταῖς πολιτικαῖς ὑπερβαλέσθαι
2 νέος ὧν ἔτι καὶ πολέμων ἄπειρος. ὅτε γὰρ τὸν
δῆμον ἐπιόντων Μήδων Θεμιστοκλῆς ἔπειθε
προέμενον τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐκλιπόντα
πρὸ τῆς Σαλαμῖνος ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶ τὰ ὅπλα θέσθαι
καὶ διαγωνίσασθαι κατὰ θάλατταν, ἐκπεπληγμέ-
YOV τῶν πολλῶν τὸ τόλμημα πρῶτος Κίμων
ὦφθη διὰ τοῦ Κεραμεικοῦ φαιδρὸς ἀνιὼν εἰς τὴν
ἀκρόπολιν μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων ἵππου τινὰ χαλινὸν
ἀναθεῖναι τῇ θεῷ, διὰ χειρῶν κομίξων, ὡς οὐδὲν
ἱππικῆς ἀλκῆς, ἀλλὰ ναυμάχων ἀνδρῶν ἐν τῷ
8 παρόντι τῆς πόλεως δεομένης. ἀναθεὶς δὲ τὸν
416
a
CIMON
However, it is perfectly apparent that Cimon was
given to the love of women. Asteria, of a Sala-
minian family, and a certain Mnestra are mentioned
by the poet Melanthius, in a sportive elegy addressed
to Cimon, as wooed and won by him. And it is
clear that he was even too passionately attached to
his lawful wife, Isodicé, the daughter of Euryptole-
mus and grand-daughter of Megacles, and that
he was too sorely afflicted at her death, if we
may judge from the elegy addressed. to him for
the mitigation of his grief. This was composed
by the naturalist Archelaiis, as Panaetius the philoso-
pher thinks, and his conjecture is chronologically
possible.
V. All other traits of Cimon’s character were
admirable and noble. Neither in daring was he
inferior to Miltiades, nor in sagacity to Themistocles,
and it is admitted that he was a juster man
than either, and that while not one whit behind
them in the good qualities of a soldier, he was
inconceivably their superior in those of a statesman,
even when he was still young and untried in war.
When the Medes made their invasion, and Themis-
tocles was trying to persuade the people to give up
their city, abandon their country, make a stand with
their fleet off Salamis, and fight the issue at sea,
most men were terrified at the boldness of the
scheme ; but lo! Cimon was first to act, and with
a gay mien led a procession of his companions
through the Cerameicus up to the Acropolis, to
dedicate to the goddess there the horse's bridle
which he carried in his hands, signifying thus that
what the city needed then was not knightly prowess
but sea-fighters. After he had dedicated his bridle,
417
VOL. U. E E
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
χαλινὸν καὶ λαβὼν ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν κρεμα-
μένων ἀσπίδων, καὶ προσευξάμενος τῇ θεῷ, κατέ-
βαινεν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἀρχὴ τοῦ
θαρρεῖν γενόμενος.
Hv δὲ καὶ τὴν ἰδέαν οὐ μεμπτός, ws Ἴων o
ποιητής φησιν, ἀλλὰ μέγας, οὔλῃ καὶ πολλῇ
τριχὺ κομῶν τὴν κεφαλήν. φανεὶς δὲ καὶ κατ᾽
αὐτὸν τὸν ἀγῶνα λαμπρὸς καὶ ἀνδρώδης ταχὺ δό-
ξαν ἐν τῇ πόλει μετ᾽ εὐνοίας ἔσχεν, ἀθροιζομένων
πολλῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ παρακαλούντων ἄξια τοῦ
4 Μαραθῶνος ἤδη διανοεῖσθαι καὶ πράσσειν. ὁρμή-
σαντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἄσμενος ὁ
δῆμος ἐδέξατο, καὶ μεστὸς ὧν τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους
ἀνῆγε πρὸς τὰς μεγίστας ἐν τῇ πόλει τιμὰς καὶ
ἀρχάς, εὐάρμοστον ὄντα καὶ προσφιλῆ τοῖς πολ-
λοῖς διὰ πρᾳότητα καὶ 1 Saar οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ
αὐτὸν ηὔξησεν ᾿Αριστείδης ὁ Λυσιμάχου, τὴν
εὐφυΐαν ἐνορῶν τῷ ἤθει, καὶ ποιούμενος οἷον ἀντί-
παλον πρὸς τὴν Θεμιστοκλέους δεινότητα καὶ
τόλμαν.
VI. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ Μήδων φυγόντων ἐκ τῆς “EX-
λάδος ἐπέμφθη στρατηγός, κατὰ θάλατταν οὔπω
τὴν ἀρχὴν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐχόντων, ἔτι δὲ Παυσανίᾳ
τε καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἑπομένων, πρῶτον μὲν ἐν
ταῖς στρατείαις ἀεὶ παρεῖχε τοὺς πολίτας κόσμῳ
τε θαυμαστοὺς καὶ προθυμίᾳ πολὺ πάντων δια-
2 φέροντας: ἔπειτα Ἰ]αυσανίον τοῖς μὲν “Bap- 482
βάροις διαλεγομένου περὶ προδοσίας καὶ βασιλεῖ
γράφοντος ἐπιστολάς, τοῖς δὲ συμμάχοις τραχέως
καὶ αὐθαδῶς προσφερομένου καὶ πολλὰ δι᾽
1 πρὸς supplied by Stephanus, and confirmed by § ; Bekker
supplied εἰς.
418 ᾿
-
CIMON
he took one of the shields which were hung up about
the temple, addressed his prayers to the goddess, and
went down to the sea, whereat many were first made
to take heart.
He was also of no mean presence, as Ion the poet
says, but tall and stately, with an abundant and curly
head of hair. And since he displayed brilliant and
heroic qualities in the actual struggle at Salamis,! he
soon acquired reputation and good will in the city. |
Many thronged to him and besought him to purpose
and perform at once what would be worthy of Mara-
thon. So when he entered politics the people
gladly welcomed him, and promoted him, since they
were full to surfeit of Themistocles, to the highest
honours and offices in the city, for he was engaging
and attractive to the common folk by reason of his
gentleness and artlessness. But it was Aristides,
son of Lysimachus, who more than any one else
furthered his career, for he saw the fine features
of his character, and made him, as it were, a foil to
the cleverness and daring of Themistocles.
VI. After the flight of the Medes from Hellas,
Cimon was sent out as a commander,’ before the
Athenians had obtained their empire of the sea, and
while they were still under the leadership of Pausa-
nias and the Lacedaemonians. During this campaign,
the citizen-soldiers he furnished on expeditions were
always admirably disciplined and far more zealous
than any others; and again, while Pausanias was
holding treasonable conference with the Barbarians,
writing letters to the King, treating the allies with
harsh arrogance, and displaying much wantonness of
1 480 B.o. 2 478-477 B.C.
419
EE 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐξουσίαν καὶ ὄγκον ἀνόητον ὑβρίζοντος, ὑπολαμ-
βάνων πράως τοὺς ἀδικουμένους καὶ φιλανθρώπως
ἐξομιλῶν ἔλαθεν οὐ δι’ ὅπλων τὴν τῆς Ελλάδος
ἡγεμονίαν, ἀλλὰ λόγῳ καὶ ἤθει παρελόμενος.
προσετίθεντο γὰρ οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν συμμάχων
ἐκείνῳ τε καὶ ᾿Αριστείδῃ τὴν χαλεπότητα καὶ
ὑπεροψίαν τοῦ Παυσανίου μὴ φέροντες. οἱ δὲ
καὶ τούτους ἅμα προσήγοντο καὶ τοῖς ἐφόροις
πέμποντες ἔφραζον, ὡς ἀδοξούσης τῆς Σπάρτης
καὶ ταραττομένης τῆς ᾿λλάδος, ἀνακαλεῖν τὸν
Παυσανίαν.
Λέγεται δὲ παρθένον τινὰ Βυξαντίαν ἐπιφανῶν
γονέων, ὄνομα Κλεονίκην, ἐπ᾽ αἰσχύνῃ τοῦ Iav-
σανίου μεταπεμπομένου, τοὺς μὲν γονεῖς ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγ-
κῆης καὶ φόβου προέσθαι τὴν παῖδα, τὴν δὲ τῶν
πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου δεηθεῖσαν ἀνελέσθαι τὸ φῶς,
διὰ σκότους καὶ σιωπῆς τῇ κλίνῃ προσιοῦσαν ἤδη
τοῦ Παυσανίου καθεύδοντος, ἐμπεσεῖν καὶ ἀνα-
τρέψαι τὸ λυχνίον ἄκουσαν" τὸν δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ ψόφου
ταραχθέντα καὶ σπασάμενον ' τὸ παρακείμενον
ἐγχειρίδιον, ὥς τινος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐχθροῦ βαδίξοντος,
πατάξαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν τὴν παρθένον, ἐκ δὲ τῆς
πληγῆς ἀποθανοῦσαν αὐτὴν οὐκ ἐᾶν τὸν Παυσα-
νίαν ἡσυχάξειν, ἀλλὰ νύκτωρ εἴδωλον αὐτῷ φοι-
τῶσαν εἰς τὸν ὕπνον ὀργῇ λέγειν τόδε τὸ ἡρῷον"
Στεῖχε δίκης ἄσσον: μάλα τοι κακὸν ἀνδράσιν
ὕβρις.
ἐφ’ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκόντες οἱ
1 καὶ σπασάμενον with S: σπασάμενον.
420
CIMON
power and silly pretension, Cimon received with
mildness those who brought their wrongs to him,
treated them humanely, and so, before men were
aware of it, secured the leadership of Hellas, not by
force of arms, but by virtue of his address and
character. For most of the allies, because they
could not endure the severity and disdain of Pausa-
nias, attached themselves to Cimon and Aristides,
who had no sooner won this following than they sent
also to the Ephors and told them, since Sparta had
lost her prestige and Hellas was in confusion, to
recall Pausanias.
It is said that a maiden of Byzantium, of excellent
parentage, Cleonicé by name, was summoned by
Pausanias for a purpose that would disgrace her.
Her parents, influenced by constraint and fear,
abandoned their daughter to her fate, and she,
after requesting the attendants before his chamber
to remove the light, in darkness and silence at
length drew near the couch on which Pausanias
was asleep, but accidentally stumbled against the
lamp-holder and upset it. Bausanias, startled by
the noise, drew the dagger which lay at his side,
with the idea that some enemy was upon him,
and smote and felled the maiden. After her death
in consequence of the blow, she gave Pausanias
no peace, but kept coming into his sleep by
night in phantom form, wrathfully uttering this
verse :—
«“ Draw thou nigh to thy doom; ’tis evil for men to
be wanton.”
At this outrage the allies were beyond measure
421
"PLUTARCH’S LIVES
σύμμαχοι μετὰ τοῦ Κίμωνος ἐξεπολιόρκησαν
αὐτόν. ὁ δ᾽ ἐκπεσὼν τοῦ Βυζαντίου καὶ τῷ
φάσματι ταραττόμενος, ὡς λέγεται, κατέφυγε
πρὸς τὸ νεκνομαντεῖον εἰς Ἡράκλειαν, καὶ τὴν
ψυχὴν ἀνακαλούμενος τῆς Κλεονίκης παρῃτεῖτο
τὴν ὀργήν. ἡ & εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθοῦσα ταχέως ἔφη
παύσεσθαι τῶν κακῶν αὐτὸν ἐν Σπάρτῃ γενό-
μένον, αἰνιττομένη, ὡς ἔοικε, τὴν μέλλουσαν αὐτῷ
τελευτήν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἱστόρηται.
ΥΙΙ. Κίμων δέ, τῶν συμμάχων ἤδη προσκε-
χωρηκότων αὐτῷ, στρατηγὸς εἰς Θράκην ἔπλευσε,
πυνθανόμενος Περσῶν ἄνδρας ἐνδόξους καὶ συγ-
γενεῖς βασιλέως ᾿Ηϊόνα πόλιν παρὰ τῷ Στρυμόνι
κειμένην ποταμῷ κατέχοντας ἐνοχλεῖν τοῖς περὶ
τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον “ἔλλησι. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν
αὐτοὺς μάχῃ τοὺς Πέρσας ἐνίκησε καὶ κατέκλει-
σεν εἰς τὴν TOMY: ἔπειτα τοὺς ὑπὲρ Στρυμόνα
Θρᾷκας, ὅθεν αὐτοῖς ἐφοίτα σῖτος, ἀναστάτους
ποιῶν καὶ τὴν χώραν παραφυλάττων ἅπασαν εἰς
τοσαύτην ἀπορίαν τοὺς πολιορκουμένους κατέστη-
σεν, ὥστε Βούτην τὸν βασιλέως στρατηγὸν ἀπο-
γνόντα τὰ πράγματα τῇ πόλει πῦρ ἐνεῖναι καὶ
συνδιαφθεῖραι μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ τῶν χρημάτων
ἑαυτόν. οὕτω δὲ λαβὼν τὴν πόλιν ἄλλο μὲν
οὐδὲν ἀξιόλογον ὠφελήθη, τῶν πλείστων τοῖς
βαρβάροις συγκατακαέντων, τὴν δὲ χώραν
εὐφυεστάτην οὖσαν καὶ καλλίστην οἰκῆσαι
παρέδωκε τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις. καὶ τοὺς Ἑρμᾶς
422
CIMON
incensed, and joined Cimon in forcing Pausanias
to give up the city. Driven from Byzantium, and
still harassed by the phantom, as the story goes,
he had recourse to the ghost-oracle of Heracleia,
and summoning up the spirit of Cleonicé, besought
her to forgo her wrath. She came into his presence
and said that he would soon cease from his troubles
on coming to Sparta, thus darkly intimating, as
it seems, his impending death. At any rate, this
tale is told by many.
VII. But Cimon, now that the allies had attached
themselves to him, took command of them and sailed
to Thrace,! for he heard that men of rank among the
Persians and kinsmen of the King held possession of
Eion, a city on the banks of the Strymon, and were
harassing the Hellenes in that vicinity. First he
defeated the Persians themselves in battle and shut
them up in the city; then he expelled from their
homes above the Strymon the Thracians from whom
the Persians had been getting provisions, put the
whole country under guard, and brought the besieged
to such straits that Butes, the King’s general, gave
up the struggle, set fire to the city, and destroyec
with it his family, his treasures, and himself. And
so it was that though Cimon took the city, he gained
no other memorable advantage thereby, since most of
its treasures had been burned up with the Barbarians ;
but the surrounding territory was very fertile and
fair, and this he turned over to the Athenians for
occupation, Wherefore the people permitted him to
1 476-475 B.C,
423
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
fo! “A tal ,
αὐτῷ τοὺς λιθίνους ὁ δῆμος ἀναθεῖναι συνεχώ-
A ,
ρησεν, ὧν ἐπιγέγραπται TO μὲν TP@T
4 Ἦν ἄρα κἀκεῖνοι ταλακάρδιοι, ot ποτε Μήδων
παισὶν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Ηϊόνι, Στρυμόνος ἀμφὶ ῥοάς,
λιμόν T αἴθωνα κρυερόν τ᾽ ἐπάγοντες "Apna
πρῶτοι δυσμενέων εὗρον ἀμηχανίην.
aA \ ’ ᾿
τῷ δὲ δευτέρῳ
Ἡγεμόνεσσι δὲ μισθὸν ᾿Αθηναῖοι τάδ᾽ ἔδωκαν
3 3 > ’ \ 4 3 A
ἀντ᾽ εὐεργεσίης καὶ μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν.
μᾶλλόν τις τάδ᾽ ἰδὼν καὶ ἐπεσσομένων ἐθελήσει
ἀμφὶ περὶ ξυνοῖς πράγμασι δῆριν ἔχειν.
ὅ τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ'
Ἔκ ποτε τῆσδε πόληος au ᾿Ατρείδῃσι Meve-
σθεὺς
ἡγεῖτο ζάθεον Τρωϊκὸν ἐς πεδίον"
ὅν ποθ᾽ “Ὅμηρος ἔφη Δαναῶν πύκα θωρηκτάων
κοσμητῆρα μάχης ἔξοχον ὄντα μολεῖν.
οὕτως οὐδὲν ἀεικὲς ᾿Αθηναίοισι καλεῖσθαι
κοσμηταῖς πολέμον T ἀμφὶ καὶ ἠνορέης,
424
488
CIMON
dedicate the stone Hermae, on the first of which is
the inscription :—
““ Valorous-hearted as well were they who at Eion
fighting,
Facing the sons of the Medes, Strymon’s current
beside,
Fiery famine arrayed, and _ gore-flecked Ares,
against them,
Thus first finding for foes that grim exit,—
despair ;”’
and on the second :—
‘Unto their leaders reward by Athenians thus
hath been given ;
Benefits won such return, valorous deeds of
the brave. :
All the more strong at the sight will the men
of the future be eager,
Fighting for commonwealth, war’s dread strife
to maintain ;”’
and on the third :—
“ With the Atridae of old, from this our city,
Menestheus
Led his men to the plain Trojan called and
divine. |
He, once Homer asserted, among well-armoured
Achaeans,
Marshaller was of the fight, best of them all
who had come.
Thus there is naught unseemly in giving that
name to Athenians ;
Marshallers they both of war and of the vigour
of men,”
425
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
VIII. Ταῦτα καίπερ οὐδαμοῦ τὸ Κίμωνος
φ n A e Ἁ ” /
ὄνομα δηλοῦντα τιμῆς ὑπερβολὴν ἔχειν ἐδόκει
τοῖς τότε ἀνθρώποις. οὔτε γὰρ Θεμιστοκλῆς
τοιούτου τινὸς οὔτε Μιλτιάδης ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ
4 a 4, 9 A , €
τούτῳ ye θαλλοῦ στέφανον αἰτοῦντι Σωφάνης ὁ
Δεκελεὺς ἐκ μέσου τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀναστὰς ἀντ-
εἶπεν, οὐκ εὐγνώμονα μέν, ἀρέσασαν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ
τότε φωνὴν ἀφείς: “Ὅταν γάρ," ἔφη, “ μόνος
b 4 φ 7 4 \
ἀγωνισάμενος, ὦ Μιλτιάδη, νικήσῃς τοὺς Bap-
2 βάρους, τότε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι μόνος ἀξίου." διὰ
τί τοίνυν τὸ Κίμωνος ὑπερηγάπησαν ἔργον; ἢ
ὅτι τῶν μὲν ἄλλων στρατηγούντων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ
παθεῖν ἡμύνοντο τοὺς πολεμίους, τούτου δὲ καὶ
ποιῆσαι κακῶς ἠδυνήθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκείνων αὐτοὶ
στρατεύσαντες, καὶ προσεκτήσαντο χώρας αὐτήν
\ 9 of ᾽ ’ 9
te τὴν Hiova καὶ τὴν ᾿Αμφίπολιν οἰκίσαντες ;
3 ὭὮμκισαν δὲ καὶ Σκῦρον ἑλόντος Κίμωνος ἐξ
αἰτίας τοιαύτης. Δόλοπες ὥκουν τὴν νῆσον,
3 4 A og! } Ἁ ’
ἐργάται κακοὶ γῆς" ληϊζόμενοι δὲ τὴν θάλασσαν.
ἐκ παλαιοῦ, τελευτῶντες οὐδὲ τῶν εἰσπλεόντων
παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ χρωμένων ἀπείχοντο ξένων, ἀλλὰ
Θετταλούς τινας ἐμπόρους περὶ τὸ Κτήσιον
4 ὁρμισαμένους συλήσαντες εἷρξαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ δια-
δράντες ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν οἱ ἄνθρωποι δίκην κατε-
δικάσαντο τῆς πόλεως ᾿Αμφικτυονικήν, οὐ βουλο-.
μένων τὰ χρήματα τῶν πολλῶν συνεκτίνειν, ἀλλὰ
τοὺς ἔχοντας καὶ διηρπακότας ἀποδοῦναι κελευ-
όντων, δείσαντες ἐκεῖνοι πέμπουσι γράμματα
πρὸς Κίμωνα, κελεύοντες ἥκειν μετὰ τῶν νεῶν
ληψόμενον τὴν πόλιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐνδιδομένην,
426
Ἂς
CIMON
VIII. Although these inscriptions nowhere men-
tioned Cimon by name, his contemporaries held
them to be a surpassing honour for him. Neither
Themistocles nor Miltiades achieved any such, nay,
when the latter asked for a crown of olive merely,
Sophanes the Deceleian rose up in the midst of the
assembly and protested. His speech was ungracious,
but it pleased the people of that day. “ When,”
said he, “thou hast fought out alone a victory over
the Barbarians, then demand to be honoured alone.”
Why, then, were the people so excessively pleased
with the achievement of Cimon? Perhaps it was
because when the others were their generals they
were trying to repel their enemies and so avert
disaster ; but when he led them they were enabled
to ravage the land of their enemies with incursions of
their own, and acquired fresh territories for settle-
ment, not only Eion itself, but also Amphipolis.
They settled Scyros too, which Cimon seized for
the following reason. Dolopians were living on
the island, but they were poor tillers of the soil.
So they practised piracy on the high sea from
of old, and finally did not withhold their hands
even from those who put into their ports and
had dealings with them, but robbed some Thessalian
merchants who had cast anchor at Ctesium, and
threw them into prison. When these men had
escaped from bondage and won their suit against
the city at the Amphictyonic assembly, the people
of Scyros were not willing to make restitution, but
called on those who actually held the plunder to
give it back. The robbers, in terror, sent a letter
toj,Cimon, urging him to come with his fleet to
seize the city, and they would give it up to him.
427
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
5 παραλαβὼν δ᾽ οὕτω τὴν νῆσον ὁ Κίμων τοὺς μὲν
Δόλοπας ἐξήλασε καὶ τὸν Αὐγαῖον ἠλευθέρωσε,
πυνθανόμενος δὲ τὸν παλαιὸν Θησέα τὸν Αἰγέως
’ A 9 9 la) 3 a. 3 “A 3
φυγόντα μὲν ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν εἰς Σκῦρον, αὐτοῦ ὃ
ἀποθανόντα δόλῳ διὰ φόβον ὑπὸ Λυκομήδους τοῦ
4 > , N 4 3 ἴα A
6 βασιλέως, ἐσπούδασε τὸν τάφον ἀνευρεῖν. καὶ
γὰρ ἣν χρησμὸς ᾿Αθηναίοις τὰ Θησέως λείψανα
κελεύων ἀνακομίζειν εἰς ἄστυ καὶ τιμᾶν ὡς ἥρωα
πρεπόντως, ἀλλ᾽ ἠγνόουν ὅπου κεῖται, Σκυρίων
οὐχ ὁμολογούντων οὐδ᾽ ἐώντων ἀναζητεῖν. τότε
δὴ πολλῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ σηκοῦ μόγις ἐξευρεθέντος,
ἐνθέμενος ὁ Κίμων εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ τριήρη τὰ ὀστᾶ
καὶ τἄλλα κοσμήσας μεγαλοπρεπῶς κατήγαγεν
εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ δι’ ἐτῶν σχεδὸν τετρακοσίων. ἐφ᾽
φΦ \ aN \ > \ SOG € δῆ Μ
ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡδέως ὁ δῆμος ἔσχεν.
ν 3 3 A 9 A \ \ A
7 ἔθεντο & εἰς μνήμην αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν τῶν
τραγῳδῶν κρίσιν ὀνομαστὴν γενομένην. πρώτην
γὰρ διδασκαλίαν τοῦ Σοφοκλέους ἔτι νέου
καθέντος, ᾿Αψεφίων ὁ ἄρχων, φιλονεικίας οὔσης
καὶ παρατάξεως τῶν θεατῶν, κριτὰς μὲν οὐκ
3 4 A ’ A ς \ [4 \ A
ἐκλήρωσε τοῦ ἀγῶνος, ὡς δὲ Κίμων μετὰ τῶν
συστρατήγων προελθὼν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐποιήσατο
τῷ θεῷ τὰς νενομισμένας σπονδάς, οὐκ ἀφῆκεν
3 \ 3 a ’ x Ὁ , 3 ’ ’
αὐτοὺς ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁρκώσας ἠνάγκασε καθίσαι
καὶ κρῖναι δέκα ὄντας, ἀπὸ φυλῆς μιᾶς ἕκαστον.
8 ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀγὼν καὶ διὰ τὸ τῶν κριτῶν ἀξίωμα
\ ’ ς , J \ nw
τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ὑπερέβαλε. νικήσαντος δὲ τοῦ
428
-
--
re"
ΟΙΜΟΝ
In this manner Cimon got possession of the island,
drove out the Dolopians, and made the Aegean a
free sea. |
On learning that the ancient Theseus, son of
Aegeus, had fled in exile from Athens to Scyros,
but had been treacherously put to death there,
through fear, by Lycomedes the king, Cimon
eagerly sought to discover his grave. For the
Athenians had once received an oracle bidding them
bring back the bones of Theseus to the city and
honour him as became a hero, but they knew not
where he lay buried, since the Scyrians would not
admit the truth of the story, nor permit any search
to be made. Now, however, Cimon set to work
with great ardour, djscovered at last the hallowed
spot, had the bones bestowed in his own trireme,
and with general pomp and show brought them back
to the hero’s own country after an absence of about
four hundred years. This was the chief reason why
the people took kindly to him.
But they also cherished in kindly remembrance of
him that decision of his in the tragic contests which
became so famous. When Sophocles, still a young
man, entered the lists with his first plays, Apsephion
the Archon, seeing that the spirit of rivalry and
partisanship ran high among the spectators, did not
appoint the judges of the contest as usual by lot,
but when Cimon and his fellow-generals advanced
into the theatre and made the customary libation to
the god, he would not suffer them to depart, but
forced them to take the oath and sit as judges,
being ten in all, one from each tribe. So, then, the
contest, even because of the unusual dignity of the
| judges, was more animated than ever before. But
" 429
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Σοφοκλέους λέγεται τὸν Αἰσχύλον πέριπαθῆ
γενόμενον καὶ βαρέως ἐνεγκόντα χρόνον οὐ πολὺν
᾿Αθήνησι διαγαγεῖν, εἶτ᾽ οἴχεσθαι δι’ ὀργὴν εἰς
Σικελίαν, ὅπον καὶ τελευτήσας περὶ Γέλαν
τέθαπται.
IX. Συνδειπνῆσαι δὲ τῷ Κίμωνί φησιν ὁ ὁ Ἴων
παντάπασι μειράκιον ἥκων εἰς ᾿Αθήνας ἐκ Χίου
παρὰ Λαομέδοντι" καὶ τῶν σπονδῶν γενομένων
παρακληθέντος " σαι, καὶ ἄσαντοςἷ οὐκ ἀηδῶς
ἐπαινεῖν τοὺς παρόντας ὡς δεξιώτερον Θεμιστο-
κλέους" ἐκεῖνον γὰρ ἄδειν μὲν οὐ φάναι μαθεῖν
οὐδὲ κιθαρίξειν, πόλιν δὲ ποιῆσαι μεγάλην καὶ
πλουσίαν ἐπίστασθαι: τοὐντρῦθεν, οἷον εἰκὸς ἐν
πότῳ, τοῦ λόγου ῥυέντος ἐπὶ τὰς πράξεις τοῦ
Κίμωνος καὶ μνημονευομένων τῶν μεγίστων,
αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ὃν διελθεῖν στρατήγημα τῶν ἰδίων
ὡς σοφώτατον. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐκ Σηστοῦ καὶ Βυ-
ζαντίου πολλοὺς τῶν βαρβάρων ᾿αἰχμαλώτους
λαβόντες οἱ σύμμαχοι τῷ Κίμωνι διανεῖμαι
προσέταξαν, ὁ ὁ δὲ χωρὶς μὲν αὐτούς, χωρὶς δὲ τὸν
περὶ τοῖς σώμασι κόσμον αὐτῶν ἔθηκεν, ἡτιῶντο
τὴν διανομὴν. ὡς ἄνισον. ὁ δὲ τῶν μερίδων ἐκέ-
λευσεν αὐτοὺς ἑλέσθαι τὴν ἑτέραν, ἣν δ᾽ ἂν
ἐκεῖνοι καταλίπωσιν, ἀγαπήσειν ᾿Αθηναίους.
Ἡροφύτου δὲ τοῦ Σαμίου συμβουλεύσαντος ai-
peta Bas τὰ Περσῶν μᾶλλον ἢ Πέρσας, τὸν μὲν
κόσμον αὐτοὶ ἔλαβον, ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλώ-
τους ἀπέλεπον. καὶ τότε μὲν ὁ Κίμων ἀπῇει
γελοῖος εἶναι δοκῶν διανομεύς, τῶν μὲν συμμάχων
1 παρακληθέντος, ᾷἄσαντος Bekker corrects, after Schiifer,
to παρακληθέντα, ἄσαντα.
430
484
CIMON
Sophocles came off victorious, and it is said that
Aeschylus, in great distress and indignation thereat,
lingered only a little while at Athens, and then
went off in anger to Sicily. There he died also,
and is buried near Gela.
IX. Ion says that, coming from Chios to Athens
as a mere stripling, he was once a fellow-guest with
Cimon at a dinner given by Laomedon, and that
over the wine the hero was invited to sing, and did
sing very agreeably, and was praised by the guests
as a cleverer man than Themistocles. That hero,
they said, declared that he had not learned to sing,
nor even to play the lyre, but knew how to make a
city great and rich.! Next, Ion says, as was natural
over the cups, the conversation drifted to the ex-
ploits of Cimon, and as his greatest deeds were
being recounted, the hero himself dwelt at length
on one particular stratagem which he thought his
shrewdest. Once, he said, when the Athenians and
their allies had taken many Barbarian prisoners at
Sestos and Byzantium and turned them over to him
for distribution, he put into one lot the persons of
the captives, and into another the rich adornments
of their bodies, and his distribution was blamed as
unequal. But he bade the allies choose one of the
lots, and the Athenians would be content with
whichever one they left. So, on the advice of Hero-
phytus the Samian to choose Persian wealth rather
than Persians, the allies took the rich adornments
for themselves, and left the prisoners for the
Athenians. At the time Cimon came off with the
reputation of being a ridiculous distributer, since
1 Cf. Themistocles, ii. 3.
: 43!
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ψέλια χρυσᾶ καὶ μανιάκας καὶ στρεπτοὺς καὶ
κάνδυας καὶ πορφύραν φερομένων, τῶν δ᾽ ᾿Αθη-
ναίων γυμνὰ σώματα κακῶς ἠσκημένα πρὸς
ἐργασίαν παραλαβόντων. μικρὸν δὲ ὕστερον
οἱ τῶν ἑαλωκότων φίλοι καὶ οἰκεῖοι καταβαίνοντες
ἐκ Φρυγίας καὶ Λυδίας ἐλυτροῦντο μεγάλων
χρημάτων ἕκαστον, ὥστε τῷ Κίμωνι τεσσάρων
μηνῶν τροφὰς εἰς τὰς ναῦς ὑπάρξαι καὶ προσέτι
τῇ πόλει χρυσίον οὐκ ὀλίγον ἐκ τῶν λύτρων
περιγενέσθαι.
Χ. Ἤδη δ᾽ εὐπορῶν ὁ Κίμων ἐφόδια τῆς
στρατηγίας ἃ καλῶς ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἔδοξεν
ὠφελῆσθαι κάλλιον ἀνήλισκεν εἰς τοὺς πολίτας.
τῶν τε γὰρ ἀγρῶν τοὺς φραγμοὺς ἀφεῖλεν, ἵνα
καὶ τοῖς ξένοις καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν τοῖς δεομένοις
ἀδεῶς ὑ ὑπάρχῃ λαμβάνειν τῆς ὀπώρας, καὶ δεῖπνον
οἴκοι Tap αὐτῷ λιτὸν μέν, ἀρκοῦν δὲ πολλοῖς,
ἐποιεῖτο καθ' ἡμέραν, ἐφ’ ὃ τῶν πενήτων ὃ
βουλόμενος εἰσήει καὶ διατροφὴν εἶχεν ἀπράγ-
μονα, μόνοις τοῖς δημοσίοις σχολάζων. ὡς
δ᾽ ᾿Αριστοτέλης φησίν, οὐχ ἁπάντων ᾿Αθηναίων,
ἀλλὰ τῶν δημοτῶν αὐτοῦ Λακιαδῶν παρεσκευά-
Cero τῷ βουλομένῳ τὸ δεῖπνον. αὐτῷ δὲ νεανίσκοι
παρείποντο συνήθεις ἀμπεχόμενοι καλῶς, ὧν
ἕκαστος, εἴ τις συντύχοι τῷ Κίμωνι τῶν ἀστῶν
πρεσβύτερος ἠμφιεσμένος ἐνδεῶς, διημείβετο πρὸς
αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια: καὶ τὸ γινόμενον ἐφαίνετο
σεμνόν. οἱ & αὐτοὶ καὶ νόμισμα κομίζοντες
ἄφθονον παριστάμενοι τοῖς κομψοῖς τῶν πενήτων
ἐν ἀγορᾷ σιωπῇ τῶν κερματίων ἐνέβαλλον εἰς
432
CIMON
the allies had their gold anklets and armlets and
collars and jackets and purple robes to display,
while the Athenians got only naked bodies ill-
trained for labour. But a little while after, the
friends and kinsmen of the captives came down
from Phrygia and Lydia and ransomed every one
of them at a great price, so that Cimon had four
months’ pay and rations for his fleet, and besides
that, much gold from the ransoms was left over for
the city.
X. And since he was already wealthy, Cimon
lavished the revenues from his campaign, which he
was thought to have won with honour from the
enemy, to his still greater honour, on his fellow-
citizens. He took away the fences from his fields,
that strangers and needy citizens might have it in
their power to take fearlessly of the fruits of the
land ; and every day he gave a dinner at his house,
—simple, it is true, but sufficient for many, to which
any poor man who wished came in, and so received
a maintenance which cost him no effort and left him
free to devote himself solely to public affairs. But
Aristotle says ! that it was not for all Athenians, but
only for his own demesmen, the Laciadae, that he
provided a free dinner. He was constantly attended
by young comrades in fine attire, each one of whom,
whenever an elderly citizen in needy array came up,
was ready to exchange raiment with him. The
practice made a deep impression. These same fol-
lowers also carried with them a generous sum of
money, and going up to poor men of finer quality in
the market-place, they would quietly thrust small
change into their hands. To such generosity as this
1 Const. of Athens, xxvii. 3.
433
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Tas χεῖρας. ὧν δὴ καὶ Κρατῖνος ὁ κωμικὸς ἐν
᾿ΑΡΧΙΝοχΘιδτΕ ἔοικε μεμνῆσθαι διὰ τούτων"
Κἀγὼ γὰρ ηὔχουν Μητρόβιος ὁ γραμματεὺς
σὺν ἀνδρὶ θείῳ καὶ φιλοξενωτάτῳ
καὶ πάντ᾽ ἀρίστῳ τῶν Πανελλήνων πρὸ τοῦ
Κίμωνι λιπαρὸν γῆρας εὐωχούμενος
αἰῶνα πάντα συνδιατρίψειν. ὁ δὲ
λιπὼν βέβηκε πρότερος.
ἔτι τοίνυν Γοργίας μὲν ὁ Λεοντῖνός φησι τὸν
Κίμωνα τὰ χρήματα κτᾶσθαι μὲν ὡς χρῷτο,
χρῆσθαι δὲ ὡς τιμῷτο, Κριτίας δὲ τῶν τριάκοντα
γενόμενος ἐν ταῖς ἐλεγείαις εὔχεται"
Πλοῦτον μὲν Σκοπαδῶν, μεγαλοφροσύνην δὲ
͵ Κίμωνος,
νίκας & ἀρεξεθεχα τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίου.
Καίτοι Λίχαν γε τὸν Σπαρτιάτην ἀπ᾽ οὐδενὸς
ἄλλου γινώσκομεν ἐν τοῖς “Ἕλλησιν ὀνομαστὸν
γενόμενον ἢ ὅτι τοὺς ξένους ἐ ἐν ταῖς γυμνοπαιδίαις
ἐδείπνιξεν' ἡ δὲ Κίμωνος ἀφθονία καὶ τὴν
παλαιὰν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων trokeriay Kal φιλαν-
θρωπίαν ὑπερέβαλεν. οἱ μὲν γάρ, οἰ οἷς ἡ
πόλις μέγα φρονεῖ δικαίως, τό τε σπέρμα τῆς
τροφῆς εἰς τοὺς “Ἕλληνας ἐξέδωκαν ὑδάτων τε
πηγαίων .... καὶ «πυρὸς ἔναυσιν ρήξουσιν
ἀνθρώποις ἐδίδαξαν," ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν οἰκίαν τοῖς
πολίταις πρυτανεῖον ἀποδείξας κοινόν, ἐν δὲ
τῇ χώρᾳ καρπῶν ἑτοίμων ἀπαρχὰς καὶ ὅσα
ὧραι καλὰ φέρουσι χρῆσθαι καὶ λαμβάνειν
ἅπαντα τοῖς ξένοις παρέχων, τρόπον τινὰ τὴν ἐπὶ
1 The lacuna can only be conjecturally filled.
3 ἐδίδαξαν Bekker corrects, with Schifer, to ἔδειξαν.
434
CIMON ..
Cratinus; seems to have referred in his Archilocht,
with the words :—
“ Yes, I too hoped, Metrobius, I, the public scribe,
Along with man divine, the rarest host that lives,
In every way the best of all Hellenic men,
With Cimon, feasting out in joy a sleek old age,
To while away the remnant of my life. But he
Has gone before and left me.”
And again, Georgias the Leontine says that Cimon
made money that he might spend it, and spent it
that he might be honoured for it. And Critias, one
of the thirty tyrants, prays in his elegies that he may
have “ the wealth of the Scopadae, the great-minded-
ness of Cimon, and the victories of Arcesilaus of
Lacedaemon.” |
And yet we know that Lichas the Spartan became
famous among the Hellenes for no other reason than
that he entertained the strangers at the boys’ gym-
nastic festival; but the generosity of Cimon sur-
passed even the hospitality and philanthropy of the
Athenians of olden time. For they—and their city
is justly very proud of it—spread abroad among the
Hellenes the sowing of grain and the lustral uses
of spring waters, and taught mankind who knew it
not the art of kindling fire. But he made his home
in the city a general public residence for his fellow
citizens, and on his estates in the country allowed
even the stranger to take and use the choicest of the
ripened fruits, with all the fair things which the
seasons bring. Thus, in a certain fashion, he
435
FF 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Κρόνον μυθολογουμένην κοινωνίαν εἰς τὸν βίον
7 αὖθις κατῆγεν. οἱ δὲ ταῦτα κολακείαν ὄχλου καὶ
δημαγωγίαν εἶναι διαβάλλοντες ὑπὸ τῆς ἄλλης
ἐξηλέγχοντο τοῦ ἀνδρὸς προαιρέσεως ἀριστοκρα-
τικῆς καὶ Λακωνικῆς οὔσης, ὅς γε καὶ Θεμιστοκλεῖ
᾿ πέρα τοῦ δέοντος ἐπαίροντι τὴν δημοκρατίαν
> 4 > 9 ’ Ἁ 3 ᾽
ἀντέβαινε per ᾿Αριστεέδου, καὶ πρὸς ᾿Εφιάλτην
ὕστερον χάριτι τοῦ δήμου καταλύοντα τὴν ἐξ
8 ᾿Αρείΐον πάγου βουλὴν διηνέχθη, λημμάτων δὲ
μοσίων τοὺς ἄλλους πλὴν ᾿Αριστείδου καὶ
᾿Εφιάλτου πάντας ἀναπιμπλαμένους ὁρῶν, αὑτὸν
ἀδέκαστον καὶ ἄθικτον ἐκ τῇ πολιτείᾳ δωροδοκίας
καὶ πάντα προῖκα καὶ καθαρῶς πράττοντα καὶ
λέγοντα διὰ τέλους παρέσχε.
Λέγεταί γέ τοι ῬΡοισάκην τινὰ βάρβαρον ἀπο-
γεταί γ n ρβαρ
στάτην βασιλέως ἐλθεῖν μετὰ χρημάτων πολλῶν
εἰς ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ σπαραττόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν συκο-
φαντῶν καταφυγεῖν πρὸς Κίμωνα, καὶ θεῖναι
παρὰ τὴν αὔλειον αὐτοῦ φιάλας δύο, τὴν μὲν
ἀργυρείων ἐμπλησάμενον Δαρεικῶν, τὴν δὲ χρυ-
σῶν: ἰδόντα δὲ τὸν Κίμωνα καὶ μειδιάσαντα
9 πυθέσθαι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, πότερον αἱρεῖται Κίμωνα
μισθωτὸν ἢ φίλον ἔχειν: τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος φίλον
“ Οὐκοῦν," φάναι, “ταῦτ᾽ ἄπιθι μετὰ σεαντοῦ
κομίξων' χρήσομαι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὅταν δέωμαι φίλος
γενόμενος.
ΧΙ. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οἱ σύμμαχοι τοὺς φόρους μὲν
ἐτέλουν, ἄνδρας δὲ καὶ ναῦς ὡς ἐτάχθησαν οὐ
παρεῖχον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπαγορεύοντες ἤδη πρὸς τὰς
στρατείας, καὶ πολέμου μὲν οὐδὲν δεόμενοι, γεωρ-
γεῖν δὲ καὶ ξῆν καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν ἐπιθυμοῦντες,
ἀπηλλαγμένων τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ μὴ .διοχλούν-
436
ΟΙΜΟΝ᾽
restored to human life the fabled communism of the
age of Cronus,—the golden age. Those who slan-
derously said that this was flattery of the rabble and
demagogic art in him, were refuted by the man’s
political policy, which was aristocratic and Laconian.
He actually opposed Themistocles when he exalted
the democracy unduly, as Aristides also did. __ Later
on he took hostile issue with Ephialtes, who, to
please the people, tried to dethrone the Council
of the Areiopagus; and though he saw all the
rest except Aristides and Ephialtes filling their
purses with the gains from their public services, he
remained unbought and unapproached by bribes,
devoting all his powers to the state, without recom-
pense and in all purity, through to the end.
It is told, indeed, that one Rhoesaces, a Barbarian
who had deserted from the King, came to Athens
with large moneys, and being set upon fiercely by
the public informers, fled for refuge to Cimon, and
deposited at his door two platters, one filled
with silver, the other with golden Darics. Cimon,
when he saw them, smiled, and asked the man
whether he preferred to have Cimon as his hireling
or his friend, and on his replying, “ As my friend,’
“ Well then,” said Cimon, take this money with thee
and go thy way, for I shall have the use of it when I
want it if I am thy friend.”
XI. The allies continued to pay their assessments,
but did not furnish men and ships according to allot-
ment, since they were soon weary of military service,
and had no need of war, but a great desire to till
their land and live at their ease. The Barbarians
were gone and did not harass them, so they neither
437
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
των, οὔτε Tas ναῦς ἐπλήρουν οὔτ᾽ ἄνδρας ἀπέ-
στελλον, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
προσηνάγκαζον αὐτοὺς ταῦτα ποιεῖν καὶ τοὺς
ἐλλείποντας ὑπάγοντες δίκαις καὶ κολάξοντες
ἐπαχθῆ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ λυπηρὰν ἐποίουν, Κίμων
δὲ τὴν ἐναντίαν ὁδὸν ἐν τῇ στρατηγίᾳ πορευό-
μενος βίαν μὲν οὐδενὶ τῶν Ελλήνων προσῆγε,
χρήματα δὲ λαμβάνων παρὰ τῶν οὐ βουλομένων
στρατεύεσθαι καὶ ναῦς κενάς, ἐκείνους εἴα δελεα-
ἕομένους τῇ σχολῇ περὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα διατρίβειν,
γεωργοὺς καὶ χρηματιστὰς ἀπολέμους ἐκ πολε-
μικῶν ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ ἀνοίας γινομένους, τῶν δ᾽
᾿Αθηναίων ἀνὰ μέρος πολλοὺς ἐμβιβάξων καὶ
διαπονῶν ταῖς στρατείαις ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ τοῖς
παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων μισθοῖς καὶ χρήμασι δεσπό-
τας αὐτῶν τῶν διδόντων ἐποίησε. πλέοντας γὰρ
αὐτοὺς συνεχῶς καὶ διὰ χειρὸς ὄχοντας ἀεὶ τὰ
ὅπλα καὶ τρεφομένους καὶ ἀσκοῦντας ἐκ τῆς
αὐτῶν ἀστρατείας! ἐθισθέντες φοβεῖσθαι καὶ
κολακεύειν, ἔλαθον ἀντὶ συμμάχων ὑποτελεῖς καὶ
δοῦλοι γεγονότες.
XIT. Καὶ μὴν αὐτοῦ γε τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως
οὐδεὶς ἐταπείνωσε καὶ συνέστειλε τὸ φρόνημα
μᾶλλον ἢ Κίμων. οὐ γὰρ ἀνῆκεν ἐκ τῆς ‘EX-
λάδος ἀπηλλαγμένον, ἀλλ᾿ ὥσπερ ἐκ ποδὸς
διώκων, πρὶν διαπνεῦσαι καὶ στῆναι τοὺς βαρ-
βάρους, τὰ μὲν ἐπόρθει ζαὶ κατεστρέφετο, τὰ δὲ
ἀφίστη καὶ προσήγετο τοῖς “Ελλησιν, ὥστε τὴν
ἀπ᾽ ᾿Ιωνίας ᾿Ασίαν ἄχρι Παμφυλίας παντάπασι
1 ἀστρατείας the correction οὗ Reiske, adopted by Sintenis
and Bekker. The MSS., including 8, have στρατείας, which
must be referred to the Athenians, So Coraés,
438
CIMON
manned their ships nor sent out soldiers. The rest
of the Athenian generals tried to force them to
do this, and by prosecuting the delinquents and
punishing them, rendered their.empire burdensome
and vexatious. But Cimon took just the opposite
course when he was general, and brought no com- .
pulsion to bear on a single Hellene, but accepted
money from those who did not wish to go out
on service, and ships without crews, and so suffered
the allies, caught with the bait of their own ease,
to stay at home and become tillers of the soil
and unwarlike merchants in$tead of warriors, and all
through their foolish love of comfort. On the other
hand, he made great numbers of the Athenians man
their ships, one crew relieving another, and imposed
on them the toil of his expeditions, and so in a little
while, by means of the very wages which they
got from the allies, made them lords of their
own paymasters. For those who did no military
service became used to fearing and flattering those
who were continually voyaging, and for ever under
arms and training, and practising, and so, before
they knew it, they were tributary subjects instead of
allies.
XIJ. And surely there was no one who humbled
the Great King himself, and reduced his haughty
spirit, more than Cimon. For he did not let him go
quietly away from Hellas, but followed right at his
heels, as it were, and before the Barbarians had come
to a halt and taken breath, he sacked and overthrew
here, or subverted and annexed to the Hellenes
there, until Asia from Ionia to Pamphylia was
439
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
2 Περσικῶν ὅπλων ἐρημῶσαι. πυθόμενος δὲ τοὺς
βασιλέως στρατηγοὺς μεγάλῳ στρατῷ καὶ ναυσὶ 486
πολλαῖς ἐφεδρεύειν περὶ Παμφυλίαν, καὶ βουλό-
μενος αὐτοῖς ἄπλουν καὶ ἀνέμβατον ὅλως ὑπὸ
φόβου τὴν ἐντὸς Χελιδονίων ποιήσασθαι θάλατ-
‘Trav, ὥρμησεν ἄρας ἀπὸ Κνίδον καὶ Τριοπίου
διακοσίαις τριήρεσι, πρὸς μὲν τάχος ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς
καὶ περιαγωγὴν ὑπὸ Θεμιστοκλέους ἄριστα
κατεσκευασμέναις, ἐκεῖνος δὲ τότε καὶ πλατυτέρας
ἐποίησεν αὐτὰς καὶ διάβασιν τοῖς καταστρώμασιν
ἔδωκεν, ὡς ἂν ὑπὸ πολλῶν ὁπλιτῶν μαχιμώτεραι
3 προσφέροιντο τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἐπιπλεύσας δὲ τῇ
πόλει τῶν Φασηλιτῶν, “Ελλήνων μὲν ὄντων, οὐ
δεχομένων δὲ τὸν στόλον οὐδὲ βουλομένων ἀφί-
στασθαι βασιλέως, τήν τε χώραν κακῶς ἐποίει
καὶ προσέβαλλε τοῖς τείχεσιν. οἱ δὲ Χῖοι συμ-
πλέοντες αὐτῷ, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Φασηλίτας ἐκ
παλαιοῦ φιλικῶς ἔχοντες, ἅμα μὲν τὸν Κίμωνα
κατεπράϊνον, ἅμα δὲ τοξεύοντες ὑπὲρ τὰ τείχη
βιβλίδια προσκείμενα τοῖς ὀϊστοῖς ἐξήγγελλον
4 τοῖς Φασηλίταις. τέλος δὲ διήλλαξεν αὐτούς,
ὅπως δέκα τάλαντα δόντες ἀκολουθῶσι καὶ συ-
στρατεύωσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους.
Ἔφορος μὲν οὖν Τιθραύστην φησὶ τῶν βασι-
λικῶν νεῶν ἄρχειν καὶ τοῦ πεζοῦ Φερενδάτην,
᾿Καλλισθένης δ᾽ ᾿Αριομάνδην τὸν Γωβρύον κυριώ-
τατον ὄντα τῆς δυνάμεως παρὰ τὸν Εὐρυμέδοντα
ταῖς ναυσὶ παρορμεῖν, οὐκ ὄντα μάχεσθαι τοῖς
Ελλησι πρόθυμον, ἀλλὰ προσδεχόμενον ὀγδοή-
κοντα ναῦς Φοινίσσας ἀπὸ Κύπρου προσπλε-
1 διήλλαξεν Coraés and Bekker have διήλλαξαν, as does S,
referring to the Chians as reconciling the two hostile parties.
440
CIMON
entirely cleared of Persian arms. Learning that the
generals of the King were lurking about Pamphylia
with a great army and many ships, and wishing to
make them afraid to enter at all the sea to the west
of the Chelidonian isles, he set sail from Cnidus
and Triopium! with two hundred triremes. These
vessels had been from the beginning very well con-
structed for speed and manwuvring by Themistocles ;
but Cimon now made them broader, and put bridges
between their decks, in order that with their numer-
ous hoplites they might be more effective in their
onsets. Putting in at Phaselis, which was a Hellenic
city, but refused to admit his armament or even to
abandon the King’s cause, he ravaged its territory
and assaulted its walls. But the Chians, who formed
part of his fleet and were of old on friendly terms
with the people of Phaselis, laboured to soften
Cimon’s hostility, and at the same time, by shooting
arrows over the walls with little documents attached, ;
they conveyed messages of their success to the men
of Phaselis. So finally Cimon made friends with
them on condition that they should pay ten talents
and join him in his expedition against the Bar-
barians.
Now Ephorus .says that Tithraustes was com-
mander of the royal fleet, and Pherendates of the
infantry ; but Callisthenes says that it was Ario-
mandes, the son of Gobryas, who, as commander-in-
chief of all the forces, lay at anchor with the fleet
off the mouth of the Eurymedon, and that he was
not at all eager to fight with the Hellenes, but was
waiting for eighty Phoenician ships to sail up from
1 About 467 B.c.
441
5
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ovoas. ταύτας φθῆναι βουλόμενος ὁ Κίμων
ἀνήχθη, βιάζεσθαι παρεσκευασμένος, ἂν ἑκόντες
μὴ ναυμαχῶσιν. οἱ δὲ πρῶτον μέν, ὡς μὴ
βιασθεῖεν, εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν εἰσωρμίσαντο, προσ-
φερομένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀντεξέπλευσαν,
ὡς ἱστορεῖ Φανόδημος, ἑξκαοσίαις ναυσίν, ὡς
δ᾽ Ἔφορος, πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίαις. ἔργον
δὲ κατὰ γοῦν τὴν θάλατταν οὐδὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν
ἐπράχθη τῆς δυνάμεως ἄξιον, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς εἰς
τὴν γῆν ἀποστρέφοντες ἐξέπιπτον οἱ πρῶτοι
καὶ κατέφευγον εἰς τὸ πεζὸν ἐγγὺς παρατεταγμέ-
νον, οἱ δὲ καταλαμβανόμενοι διεφθείροντο μετὰ
τῶν νεῶν. ᾧ καὶ δῆλόν ἐστιν, ὅτι πάμπολλα
τινες αἱ πεπληρωμέναι τοῖς βαρβάροις νῆες ἧσαν,
ὅτε πολλῶν μέν, ὡς εἰκός, ἐκφυγουσῶν, πολλῶν
δὲ συντριβεισῶν, ὅμως αἰχμαλώτους διακοσίας
ἔλαβον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι.
XIII. Τῶν δὲ πεζῶν ἐπικαταβάντων πρὸς τὴν
θάλασσαν μέγα μὲν ἔργον ἐφαίνετο τῷ Κίμωνι
τὸ βιάξεσθαι τὴν ἀπόβασιν καὶ κεκμηκότας -
ἀκμῆσι καὶ πολλαπλασίοις ἐπάγειν τοὺς “Ελλη-
νας, ὅμως δὲ ῥώμῃ καὶ φρονήματι Tov κρατεῖν
ὁρῶν ἐπηρμένους καὶ προθύμους ὁμόσε χωρεῖν
τοῖς βαρβάροις, ἀπεβίβαξε τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἔτι
θερμοὺς τῷ κατὰ τὴν ναυμαχίαν ἀγῶνι μετὰ
κραυγῆς καὶ δρόμου προσφερομένους. ὑποστάν-
των δὲ τῶν "Περσῶν καὶ δεξαμένων οὐκ ἀγεννῶς
κρατερὰ μάχη συνέστη! καὶ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀξιώμασι πρῶτοι καὶ
διαπρεπεῖς ἔπεσον. πολλῷ δ᾽ ἀγῶνι τρεψάμενος
442
CIMON
Cyprus. Wishing to anticipate their arrival, Cimon
put out to sea, prepared to force the fighting if his
enemy should decline an engagement. At first the
enemy put into the river, that they might not be
forced to fight ; but when the Athenians bore down
on them there, they sailed out to meet them. They
had six hundred ships, according to Phanodemus ;
three hundred and fifty, according to Epherus.
Whatever the number, nothing was achieved by
them on the water which was worthy of such a force,
but they straightway put about and made for shore,
where the foremost of them abandoned their ships
and fled for refuge to the infantry which was drawn
up near by; those who were overtaken were de-
stroyed with their ships. Whereby also it is plain
that the Barbarian ships which went into action
were very numerous indeed, since, though many,
of course, made their escape and many were de-
stroyed, still two hundred were captured by the
Athenians.
XIII. When the enemy’s land forces marched
threateningly down to the sea, Cimon thought it a
vast undertaking to force a landing and lead his
weary Hellenes against an unwearied and many
times more numerous foe. But he saw that his men
were exalted by the impetus and pride of their
victory, and eager to come to close quarters with
the Barbarians, so he landed his hoplites still hot
with the struggle of the sea-fight, and they advanced
to the attack with shouts and on the run. The
Persians stood firm and received the onset nobly,
- and a mighty battle ensued, wherein there fell brave
men of Athens who were foremost in public office
and eminent. But after a long struggle the Athenians
443
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τοὺς βαρβάρους ἔκτεινον, εἶτα ἥρουν αὐτούς
τε καὶ σκηνὰς παντοδαπῶν χρημάτων γεμούσας.
Κίμων δ᾽ ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴς δεινὸς ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ
δύο καθῃρηκὼς ἀγωνίσματα, καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐν
Σαλαμῖνι πεζομαχίᾳ, τὸ δ᾽ ἐν Πλαταιαῖς ναυ-
μαχίᾳ παρεληλυθὼς τρόπαιον, ἐπηγωνίσατο ταῖς
νίκαις, καὶ τὰς. ὀγδοήκοντα Φοινίσσας τριήρεις,
αἱ τῆς μάχης ἀπελείφθησαν, “Ὕδρῳ προσβεβλη-
κέναι πυθόμενος διὰ τάχους ἔπλευσεν, οὐδὲν
εἰδότων βέβαιον οὔπω περὶ τῆς μείξονος δυνά-
μεως τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἀλλὰ δυσπίστως ἔτι καὶ
μετεώρως ἐχόντων: ἣ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκπλαγέντες
ἀπώλεσαν τὰς ναῦς ἁπάσας, καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν
οἱ πλεῖστοι συνδιεφθάρησαν. τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον
οὕτως ἐταπείνωσε τὴν γνώμην τοῦ βασιλέως,
ὥστε συνθέσθαι τὴν περιβόητον εἰρήνην ἐκείνην,
ἵππου μὲν δρόμον ἀεὶ τῆς ᾿Ελληνικῆς ἀπέχειν
θαλάσσης, ἔνδον δὲ Κυανέων καὶ Χελιδονίων
μακρᾷ νηΐ καὶ χαλκεμβόλῳ μὴ πλέειν.
Καίτοι Καλλισθένης οὔ φησι ταῦτα συνθέσθαι
τὸν βάρβαρον, ἔργῳ δὲ ποιεῖν διὰ φόβον τῆς
ἥττης ἐκείνης, καὶ μακρὰν οὕτως ἀποστῆναι τῆς
᾿Βλλάδος, ὥστε πεντήκοντα ναυσὶ Περικλέα καὶ
τριάκοντα μόναις ᾿Εφιάλτην ἐπέκεινα πλεῦσαι
Χελιδονίων καὶ μηδὲν αὐτοῖς ναυτικὸν ἀπαντῆσαι
παρὰ τῶν βαρβάρων. ἐν δὲ τοῖς ψηφίσμασιν,
ἃ συνήγαγε Κρατερός, ἀντίγραφα συνθηκῶν ὡς
γενομένων κατατέτακται. φασὶ δὲ καὶ βωμὸν
444
487
CIMON
routed the Barbarians with slaughter, and then
captured them and their camp, which was full of all
sorts of treasure.
But Cimon, though like a powerful athlete he
had brought down two contests in one day, and
though he had surpassed the victory of Salamis
with an infantry battle, and that of Plataea with
a naval battle, still went on competing with his
own victories. Hearing that the eighty Phoenician
triremes which were too late for the battle had
put in at Hydrus,! he sailed thither with all speed,
while their commanders as yet knew nothing definite
about the major force, but were still in distrustful
suspense. For this reason they were all the more
panic-stricken at his attack, and lost all their ships.
Most of their crews were destroyed with the ships.
This exploit so humbled the purpose of the King
that he made the terms of that notorious peace,
by which he was to keep away from the Hellenic
sea-coast as far as a horse could travel in a day, and
was not to sail west of the Cyanean and Chelidonian
isles with armoured ships of war.
And yet Callisthenes denies that the Barbarian
made any such terms, but says he really acted
as he did through the fear which that victory
inspired, and kept so far aloof from Hellas that
Pericles with fifty, and Ephialtes with only thirty,
ships sailed beyond the Chelidonian isles without
encountering any navy of the Barbarians. But in
the decrees collected by Craterus there is a copy
of the treaty in its due place, as though it had
actually been made. And they say that the Athenians
1 Hydrus is the name in the MSS., but no such place is
known. Syedra is the most probable correction.
445
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
εἰρήνης διὰ ταῦτα τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἱδρύσασθαι,
καὶ Καλλίαν τὸν πρεσβεύσαντα τιμῆσι διαφε-
ρόντως.
Πραθέντων δὲ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων λαφύρων εἴς
τε τὰ ἄλλα χρήμασιν ὁ δῆμος ἐρρώσθη, καὶ τῇ
ἀκροπόλει τὸ νότιον τεῖχος ,»κατεσκεύασεν ἀπ᾽
ἐκείνης εὐπορήσας τῆς στρατείας. λέγεται δὲ καὶ
τῶν μακρῶν τειχῶν, ἃ σκέλη καλοῦσι, συντελε-
σθῆναι μὲν ὕστερον τὴν οἰκοδομίαν, τὴν δὲ πρώτην
θεμελίωσιν εἰς τόπους ἑλώδεις καὶ διαβρόχους
τῶν ἔργων ἐμπεσόντων ἐρεισθῆναι διὰ Κίμωνος
ἀσφαλῶς, χάλικι πολλῇ καὶ λίθοις βαρέσι τῶν
ἑλῶν πιεσθέντων, ἐκείνου χρήματα πορίζοντος καὶ
διδόντος. πρῶτος δὲ ταῖς λεγομέναις ἐλευθερίοις
καὶ γλαφυραῖς διατριβαῖς, αἱ μικρὸν ὕστερον
ὑπερφυῶς ἠγαπήθησαν, ἐκαλλώπισε τὸ ἄστυ, τὴν
μὲν ἀγορὰν πλατάνοις καταφυτεύσας, τὴν δ᾽
᾿Ακαδήμειαν ἐξ ἀνύδρου καὶ αὐχμηρᾶς κατάρρυτον
ἀποδείξας ἄλσος ἠσκημένον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ "δρόμοις
καθαροῖς καὶ συσκίοις περιπάτοις.
XIV. ᾿Ε;πεὶ δὲ τῶν Περσῶν τινες οὐκ ἐβού-
λοντο τὴν Χερρόνησον ἐκλιπεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς
Θρᾷκας ἄνωθεν ἐπεκαλοῦντο καταφρονοῦντες τοῦ
Κίμωνος μετ᾽ ὀλίγων παντάπασι τριήρων ᾿Αθή-
νηθεν ἐκπεπλευκότος, ὁρμήσας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τέσ-
σαρσι μὲν ναυσὶ τρισκαίδεκα τὰς ἐκείνων ἔλαβεν,
ἐξελάσας δὲ τοὺς Ἰ]έρσας καὶ κρατήσας τῶν Θρᾳ-
κῶν πᾶσαν φκειώσατο τῇ πόλει τὴν Χερρόνησον.
ἐκ δὲ τούτον Θασίους μὲν ἀποστάντας ᾿Αθηναίων
καταναυμαχήσας τρεῖς καὶ τριάκοντα ναῦς ἔλαβε
καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐξεπολιόρκησε καὶ τὰ χρυσεῖα τὰ
446
CIMON
also built the altar of Peace to commemorate this
event, and paid distinguished honours to Callias
as their ambassador.
By the sale of the captured spoils the people was
enabled to meet various financial demands, and
especially it constructed the southern wall of the
Acropolis with the generous resources obtained from
that expedition. And it is said that, though the
building of the long walls, called “legs,” was
completed afterwards, yet their first foundations,
where the work was obstructed by swamps and
marshes, were stayed up securely by Cimon, who
dumped vast quantities of rubble and heavy stones
into the swamps, meeting the expenses himself.
He was the first to beautify the city with the so-
called “liberal’’ and elegant resorts which were
so excessively popular a little later, by planting
the market-place with plane trees, and by converting
the Academy from a waterless and arid spot into
a well watered grove, which he provided with clear
running-tracks and shady walks.
XIV. Now there were certain Persians who would
not abandon the Chersonese, but called in Thracians
from the North to help them, despising Cimon, who
had sailed out from Athens with only a few triremes
all told! But he sallied out against them with
his four ships and captured their thirteen, drove
out the Persians, overwhelmed the Thracians, and
turned the whole Chersonese over to his city for
settlement. And after this, when the Thasians were
in revolt from Athens,? he defeated them in a sea-
fight, captured thirty-three of their ships, besieged
and took their city, acquired their gold mines
1 466 B.C. 2 465 BC.
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πέραν ᾿Αθηναίοις προσεκτήσατο καὶ χώραν, ἧς
ἐπῆρχον Θάσιοι, παρέλαβεν.
Ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ῥᾳδίως ἐπιβῆναι Μακεδονίας καὶ
πολλὴν ἀποτεμέσθαι παρασχόν, ὡς ἐδόκει, μὴ
θελήσας αἰτίαν ἔσχε δώροις ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως
᾿Αλεξάνδρου συμπεπεῖσθαι, καὶ δίκην ἔφυγε τῶν
ἐχθρῶν συστάντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. ἀπολογούμενος δὲ
πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς οὐκ ᾿Ιώνων ἔφη προξενεῖν
οὐδὲ Θεσσαλῶν, πλουσίων ὄντων, ὥσπερ ἑτέρους,
ἵνα θεραπεύωνται καὶ λαμβάνωσιν, ἀλλὰ Λα-
κεδαιμονίων, μιμούμενος καὶ ἀγαπῶν τὴν Tap
αὐτοῖς εὐτέλειαν καὶ σωφροσύνην, ἧς οὐδένα προ-
τιμᾶν πλοῦτον, ἀλλὰ πλουτίζων ἀπὸ τῶν πο-
λεμίων τὴν πόλιν ἀγάλλεσθαι. μνησθεὶς δὲ τῆς
κρίσεως ἐκείνης ὁ Στησίμβροτός φησι τὴν ᾿Ελπι-
νίκην ὑπὲρ τοῦ Κίμωνος δεομένην ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς
θύρας τοῦ Περικλέους (οὗτος γὰρ ἦν τῶν κατη-
γόρων ὁ σφοδρότατος), τὸν δὲ μειδιάσαντα
“Tpats εἶ," φάναι, “γραῦς, ὦ ᾿Ελπινίκη, ὡς
τηλικαῦτα διαπράττεσθαι πρώγματα"" πλὴν ἔν
γε τῇ δίκῃ πρᾳότατον γενέσθαι τῷ Κίμωνι καὶ
πρὸς τὴν κατηγορίαν ἅπαξ ἀναστῆναι μόνον,
ὥσπερ ἀφοσιούμενον.
XV. Ἐκείνην μὲν οὖν ἀπέφυγε τὴν δίκην" ἐν δὲ
τῇ λοιπῇ πολιτείᾳ παρὼν μὲν ἐκράτει καὶ συνέ-
στελλε τὸν δῆμον ἐπιβαίνοντα τοῖς ἀρίστοις καὶ
περισπῶντα τὴν πᾶσαν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀρχὴν καὶ δύνα-
μεν: ὡς δὲ πάλιν ἐπὶ στρατείαν ἐξέπλευσε, τελέως
ἀνεθέντες οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ συγχέαντες τὸν καθεστῶ-
τα τῆς πολιτείας κόσμον τά τεπάτρια νόμιμα, οἷς
448
488
ΟΙΜΟΝ
on the opposite mainland for Athens, and took
possession of the territory which the Thasians con-
trolled there.
From this base he had a good opportunity, as
it was thought, to invade Macedonia and cut off
a great part of it, and because he would not consent
to do it, he was accused of having been bribed
to this position by King Alexander, and was actually
prosecuted, his enemies forming a coalition against
him.! In making his defence before his judges he said
he was no proxenus of rich Ionians and Thessalians,
as others were, to be courted and paid for their
services, but rather of Lacedaemonians, whose
temperate simplicity he lovingly imitated, counting
no wealth above it, but embellishing the city with |
the wealth which he got from the enemy. In’
mentioning this famous trial Stesimbrotus says that
Elpinicé came with a plea for Cimon to the house
of Pericles, since he was the most ardent accuser,
and that he smiled and said, “Too old, too old,
Elpinicé, to meddle with such business.” But at
the trial he was very gentle with Cimon, and took
the floor only once in accusation of him, as though it
were a mere formality.
XV. ‘Well then, Cimon was acquitted at this trial.
And during the remainder of his political career,
when he was at home, he mastered and constrained
the people in its onsets upon the nobles, and in its
efforts to wrest all office and power to itself; but
when he sailed away again on military service,’ the
populace got completely beyond control. They con-
founded the established political order of things and
the ancestral practices which they had formerly
1 463 B.C. 8 462 B.c. See chap. xvii
449
VOL. 11. . GG
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
2 ἐχρῶντο πρότερον, ᾿Εφιάλτον προεστῶτος adet-
λοντο τῆς ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγον βουλῆς τὰς κρίσεις
πλὴν ὀλίγων ἁπάσας, καὶ τῶν δικαστηρίων
κυρίους ἑαυτοὺς ποιήσαντες εἰς ἄκρατον δημο-
κρατίαν ἐνέβαλον. τὴν πόλιν, ἤδη καὶ Περικλέους
δυναμένου καὶ τὰ τῶν πολλῶν ᾿φρονοῦντος. διὸ
καὶ τοῦ Κίμωνος, ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν, ἀγανακτοῦντος
ἐπὶ τῷ προπηλακίζεσθαι τὸ ἀξίωμα τοῦ συνε-
Spiov, καὶ πειρωμένου πάλιν ἄνω τὰς δίκας
ἀνακαλεῖσθαι καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Κλεισθένους ἐγείρειν
ἀριστοκρατίαν, κατεβόων συνιστάμενοι καὶ τὸν
8 δῆμον ἐξηρέθιζον, ἐκεῖνά τε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν
ἀνανεούμενοι καὶ Λακωνισμὸν ἐπικαλοῦντες. εἰς
& καὶ τὰ Εὐπόλιδος διατεθρύληται περὶ Κίμωνος,
ὅτι
Κακὸς μὲν οὐκ ἦν, φιλοπότης δὲ κἀμελής:
κἀνίοτ᾽ ἂν ἀπεκοιμᾶτ᾽ ἂν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι,
κἂν ᾿Ελπινίκην τήνδε καταλιπὼν μόνην.
εἰ δ᾽ ἀμελῶν καὶ μεθυσκόμενος τοσαύτας πόλεις
εἷλε καὶ τοσαύτας νίκας ἐνίκησε, δῆλον ὅτι
νήφοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ προσέχοντος οὐδεὶς ἂν οὔτε
τῶν πρότερον οὔτε τῶν ὕστερον Ελλήνων παρῆλθε
τὰς πράξεις.
XVI. Ἦν μὲν οὖν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς φιλολάκων" καὶ τῶν
γε παίδων τῶν διδύμων τὸν ἕτερον Λακεδαιμόν-
tov ὠνόμασε, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον ᾿Ἢλεϊζον, ἐκ γυναικὸς
αὐτῷ Κλειτορίας γενομένους, ὡς Στησίμβροτος
ἱστορεῖ" διὸ πολλάκις τὸν Περικλέα τὸ μητρῷον
αὐτοῖς γένος ὀνειδίζειν. Διόδωρος δ᾽ ὁ Περιηγη-
τὴς καὶ τούτους φησὶ καὶ τὸν τρίτον τῶν Κίμωνος
450 .
ΟΙΜΟΝ
observed, and under the lead of Ephialtes they
robbed the Council of the Areiopagus of all but a
few of the cases in its jurisdiction. They made them-
selves masters of the courts of justice, and plunged
the city into unmitigated democracy, Pericles being
now a man of power and espousing the cause of the
populace. And so when Cimon came back home,
and in his indignation at the insults heaped upon
the reverend council, tried to recall again its juris-
diction and to revive the aristocracy of the times of
Cleisthenes, they banded together to denounce him,
and tried to inflame the people against him, renew-
ing the old slanders about his sister and accusing
him of being a Spartan sympathiser. It was to
these calumnies that the famous and popular verses
of Eupolis about Cimon had reference :—
“ He was not base, but fond of wine and full of
sloth,
And oft he ‘Id sleep in Lacedaemon, far from
home,
And leave his Elpinicé sleeping all alone.”
But if, though full of sloth and given to tippling, he
yet took so many cities and won so many victories,
it is clear that had he been sober and mindful of his
business, no Hellene either before or after him
would have surpassed his exploits.
XVI. It is true indeed that he was from the first
a philo-Laconian. He actually named one of his
twin sons Lacedaemonius, and the other Eleius,—
the sons whom a woman of Cleitor bare him, as
Stesimbrotus relates, wherefore Pericles often
reproached them with their maternal lineage. But
Diodorus the Topographer says that these, as well
451
Ga 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
υἱῶν Θεσσαλὸν ἐξ ᾿Ισοδίκης γεγονέναι τῆς
Εὐρυπτολέμου τοῦ Μεγακλέους. ηὐξήθη δ᾽ ὑπὸ
τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἤδη τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ προσπο-
λεμούντων καὶ τοῦτον ὄντα νέον ἐν ᾿Αθήναις
μᾶλλον ἰσχύειν καὶ κρατεῖν βουλομένων. οἱ
δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὸ πρῶτον ἡδέως ἑώρων οὐ μικρὰ τῆς
πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν ἀπολαύον-
τες" αὐξανομένοις γὰρ αὐτοῖς κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰ
συμμαχικὰ πολυπραγμονοῦσιν οὐκ ἤχθοντο τιμῇ
καὶ χάριτι τοῦ Κίμωνος. τὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα δι᾿
ἐκείνου τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν διεπράττετο, πρᾷως μὲν
τοῖς συμμάχοις, κεχαρισμένως δὲ τοῖς Λακεδαι-
μονίοις ὁμιλοῦντος. ἔπειτα δυνατώτεροι γενό-
μένοι καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις οὐκ
ἠρέμα προσκείμενον ὁρῶντες ἤχθοντο. καὶ γὰρ
αὐτὸς ἐπὶ παντὶ μεγαλύνων τὴν Λακεδαίμονα
πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίους, καὶ μάλιστα ὅτε τύχοι μεμφό-
μενος αὐτοῖς ἢ παροξύνων, ὥ ὡς φησι Στησίμβροτος,
εἰώθει λέγειν" “AN οὐ Λακεδαεμόμεοί γε
τοιοῦτοι." ὅθεν φθόνον ἑαυτῷ συνῆγε καὶ
δυσμένειάν τινα παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν.
Ἡ δ᾽ οὖν ,ἰσχύσασα μάλιστα Kat αὐτοῦ τῶν
διαβολῶν αἰτίαν ἔσχε τοιαύτην. ᾿Αρχιδάμου τοῦ
Ζευξιδάμου τέταρτον ' ἔτος ἐν Σπάρτῃ βασιλεύον-
τος ὑπὸ σεισμοῦ μεγίστου δὴ τῶν μνημονενομένων
πρότερον ἥ τε χώρα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων χάσμα-
σιν ἐνώλεσθε πολλοῖς καὶ τῶν Ταὐγέτων τιμαχ-
θέντων κορυφαί τινες ἀπερράγησαν, αὐτὴ δ᾽ ἡ ἡ
«τόλις ὅλη συνεχύθη πλὴν οἰκιῶν πέντε, τὰς δ᾽
ἄλλας ἤρειψεν ὁ σεισμός.
1 χέταρτον Bekker adopted Niebuhr’s correction to τεσσα-
ρεσκαιδέκατον fourteenth.
452 ~~
CIMON
as the third of Cimon’s sons, Thessalus, were born
of Isodicé, the daughter of Euryptolemus, the son
of Megacles. And he was looked upon with favour
by the Lacedaemonians, who soon were at enmity
with Themistocles, and therefore preferred that
Cimon, young as he was, should have the more
weight and power in Athens. The Athenians were
glad to see this at first, since they reaped no slight
advantage from the good will which the Spartans
showed him. While their empire was first growing,
and they were busy making alliances, they were not
displeased that honour and favour should be shown to
Cimon. He was the foremost Hellenic statesman,
dealing gently with the allies and acceptably with the
Lacedaemonians. But afterwards, when they became
more powerful, and saw that Cimon was strongly
attached to the Spartans, they were displeased
thereat. For on every occasion he was prone to
exalt Lacedaemon to the Athenians, especially when
he had occasion to chide or incite them. Then, as
Stesimbrotus tells us, he would say, “ But the Lace-
daemonians are not of such a sort.” In this way
he awakened the envy and hatred of his fellow-
citizens.
At any rate, the strongest charge against him arose
as follows. When Archidamus, the son of Zeuxida-
mus, was in the fourth year of his reign at Sparta,!
a greater earthquake than any before reported rent
the land of the Lacedaemonians into many chasms,
shook Ta¥getus so that sundry peaks were torn away,
and demolished the entire city with the exception
of five houses. The rest were thrown down by the
earthquake,
1 464 B.C,
453
ὅ
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Ἔν δὲ μέσῃ τῇ στοᾷ γυμναζομένων ὁμοῦ τῶν
ἐφήβων καὶ τῶν νεανίσκων λέγεται μικρὸν πρὸ
τοῦ σεισμοῦ λαγὼν παραφανῆναι, καὶ τοὺς μὲν
νεανίσκους, ὥσπερ ἦσαν ἀληλιμμένοι, μετὰ
παιδιᾶς ἐκδραμεῖν καὶ διώκειν, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐφήβοις
ὑπολειφθεῖσιν ἐ ἐπιπεσεῖν τὸ γυμνάσιον καὶ πάντας
ὁμοῦ τελευτῆσαι. τὸν δὲ τάφον αὐτῶν ἔτι νῦν
Σεισματίαν προσαγορεύουσι.
Ταχὺ δὴ συνιδὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ παρόντος τὸν μέλ-
λοντα κίνδυνον ὁ ᾿Αρχίδαμος, καὶ τοὺς πολίτας
ὁρῶν ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν τὰ τιμιώτατα πειρω-
μένους σώξειν, ἐκέλευσε τῇ σάλπιγγι σημαί-
vELY, ὡς “πολεμίων ἐπιόντων, ὅπως ὅτι τάχιστα
μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀθροίξωνται, πρὸς αὐτόν. ὃ δὴ
καὶ μόνον ἐν τῷ τότε καιρῷ τὴν Σπάρτην διέσω-
σεν. οἱ γὰρ εἵλωτες ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν συνέδραμον
πανταχόθεν ὡς ἀναρπασόμενοι τοὺς σεσωσμένους
τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν. ὡπλισμένους δὲ καὶ συντε-
ταγμένους εὑρόντες ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις
καὶ φανερῶς ἐπολέμουν, τῶν τε περιοίκων ἀνα-
πείσαντες οὐκ ὀλίγους, καὶ Μεσσηνίων ἅμα τοῖς
Σπαρτιάταις συνεπιθεμένων.
Πέμπουσιν οὖν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Περικλείδαν
εἰς ᾿Αθήνας δεόμενοι βοηθεῖν, ὅν φησι κωμῳδῶν
᾿Αριστοφάνης καθεζόμενον ἐπὶ τοῖς βωμοῖς ὠχρὸν
ἐν φοινικίδι στρατιὰν ἐπαιτεῖν. "EqidAtou δὲ
κωλύοντος καὶ διαμαρτυρομένου μὴ βοηθεῖν μηδ᾽
ἀνιστάναι πόλιν ἀντίπαλον ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, ἀλλ᾽
ἐᾶν κεῖσθαι καὶ πατηθῆναι τὸ φρόνημα τῆς
Σπάρτης, Κίμωνά φησι Κριτίας τὴν τῆς πατρίδος
αὔξησιν ἐν ὑστέρῳ θέμενον τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων
454
™~
489
CIMON
It is said that while the young men and youths
were exercising together in the interior of the colon-
nade, just a little before the earthquake, a hare made
its appearance, and the youths, all anointed as they
were, in sport dashed out and gave chase to it, but
the young men remained behind, on whom the gym-
nasium fell, and all perished together. Their tomb,
even down to the present day, they call Setsmatias.
Archidamus at once comprehended from the
danger at hand that which was sure to follow, and
as he saw the citizens trying to save the choicest
valuables out of their houses, ordered the trumpet
to give the signal of an enemy’s attack, in order that
they might flock to him at once underarms. This was
all that saved Sparta at that crisis. For the Helots
hurriedly gathered from all the country round about
with intent to despatch the surviving Spartans. But
finding them arrayed in arms, they withdrew to
their cities and waged open war, persuading many
Perioeci also so to do. The Messenians besides
joined in this attack upon the Spartans.
Accordingly, the Lacedaemonians sent Pericleidas
to Athens with request for aid, and Aristophanes
introduces him into a comedy as “ sitting at the altars,
pale of face, in purple cloak, soliciting an army.’}
But Ephialtes opposed the project, and besought the
Athenians not to succour nor restore a city which
was their rival, but to let haughty Sparta lie to be
trodden under foot of men. Whereupon, as Critias
says, Cimon made his country’s increase of less
account than Sparta’s interest, and persuaded the
1 Lysistrata, 1137 ff.
455
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
συμφέροντος ἀναπείσαντα τὸν δῆμον ἐξελθεῖν
βοηθοῦντα μετὰ πολλῶν ὁπλιτῶν. ὁ δ᾽ Ἴων
ἀπομνημονεύει καὶ τὸν λόγον, ᾧ μάλιστα τοὺς
᾿Αθηναίους ἐκίνησε, παρακαλῶν μήτε τὴν 'Ελ-
λάδα χωλὴν μήτε THY πόλιν ἑτερόζυγα περιϊδεῖν
γεγενημένην.
XVII. Ἐπεὶ δὲ βοηθήσας τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις
ἀπῇει διὰ Κορίνθου τὴν στρατιὰν ἄγων, ἐνεκάλει
Λάχαρτος αὐτῷ πρὶν ἐντυχεῖν τοῖς πολίταις
εἰσαγαγόντι τὸ στράτευμα: καὶ γὰρ θύραν κό-
pavras ἀλλοτρίαν οὐκ εἰσιέναι πρότερον ἢ τὸν
κύριον. κελεῦσαι. καὶ ὁ Κίμων “᾽Αλλ᾽ οὐχ ὑμεῖς,"
εἶπεν, “ὦ Λάχαρτε, τὰς Κλεωναίων καὶ Μεγαρέων
πύλας κόψαντες, ἀλλὰ. κατασχίσαντες. εἰσεβιά-
σασθε μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀξιοῦντες ἀνεῳγέναι
πάντα τοῖς μεῖξον δυναμένοις." οὕτω μὲν ἐθρα-
σύνατο πρὸς τὸν Κορίνθιον ἐν δέοντι, καὶ μετὰ
τῆς στρατιᾶς διεξῆλθεν.
Οἱ δὲ “Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους αὖθις
ἐκάλουν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν ᾿Ιθώμῃ Μεσσηνίους καὶ
εἵλωτας, ἐλθόντων δὲ τὴν τόλμαν καὶ τὴν λαμ-
πρότητα δείσαντες ἀπεπέμψαντο μόνους τῶν
συμμάχων ὡς νεωτεριστάς. οἱ δὲ πρὸς ὀργὴν
ἀπελθόντες ἤδη τοῖς λακωνίζουσι φανερῶς ἐχαλέ-
παινον, καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα μικρᾶς ἐπιλαβόμενοι
προφάσεως ἐξωστράκισαν εἰς ἔτη δέκα: τοσοῦτον
γὰρ ἦν χρόνου τεταγμένον ἅπασι τοῖς ἐξοστρακι-
ξομένοις.
Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ὡς ἐπανήρ-
yovto Δελφοὺς ἀπὸ Φωκέων ἐλευθερώσαντες, ἐν
456
CIMON
people to go forth to her aid with many hoplites.
And Ion actually mentions the phrase by which,
more than by anything else, Cimon prevailed upon the
Athenians, exhorting them “not to suffer Hellas to
be crippled, nor their city to be robbed of its yoke-
fellow.”
XVII. After he had given aid to the Lacedaemo-
nians, he was going back home with his forces through
the Isthmus of Corinth, when Lachartus upbraided
him for having introduced his army before he had
conferred with the citizens. “People who knock at
doors,” said he, “do not go in before the owner bids
them”; to which Cimon replied,. “ And yet you
Corinthians, O Lachartus, did not so much as knock
at the gates of Cleonae and Megara, but hewed
them down and forced your way in under arms,
demanding that everything be opened up to the
stronger.” Such was his boldness of speech to the
Corinthian in an emergency, and he passed on
through with his forces.
Once more the Lacedaemonians summoned the
Athenians to come to their aid against the Messe-
nians and Helots in Ithomé, and the Athenians went,
but their dashing boldness awakened fear, and they
were singled out from all the allies and sent off as
dangerous conspirators. They came back home in a
rage, and at once took open measures of hostility
against the Laconizers, and above all against Cimon.
Laying hold of a trifling pretext, they ostracised him
for ten years.! That was the period decreed in all
cases of ostracism.
It was during this period that the Lacedaemonians,
after freeing the Delphians from the Phocians,
Ἵ 461 B.C,
457
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
4 7 ᾽ a \
Tavaypa καταστρατοπεδευσάντων ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν
3 fe)
ἀπήντων διαμαχούμενοι, Κίμων δὲ μετὰ τῶν
ὅπλων ἧκεν εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ φυλὴν τὴν Οἰνηΐδα,
ἤ 3 4 \ [4
πρόθυμος ὧν ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μετὰ
τῶν πολιτῶν. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τῶν πεντακοσίων πυθο-
μένη καὶ φοβηθεῖσα, τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῦ κατα-
βοώντων ὡς συνταράξαι τὴν φάλαγγα βουλο-
μένου καὶ τῇ πόλει Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπαγαγεῖν,
ἀπηγόρευσε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς μὴ δέχεσθαι τὸν
ἄνδρα. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ὥχετο δεηθεὶς Εὐθίππου
a 3 , Ἁ διὸ ΝΜ φ ’ὔ Ψ
τοῦ Αναφλυστίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑταίρων, ὅσοι
UA \ [οὶ ’ > ἢ ” 3 ’
μάλιστα τὴν τοῦ λακωνίζειν αἰτίαν ἔσχον, ἐρρωμέ-
vos ἀγωνίσασθαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ de’
ΝΜ » , Ἁ > ἢ» Ἁ Ἁ ’
ἔργων ἀπολύσασθαι τὴν αἰτίαν πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας.
οἱ δὲ λαβόντες αὐτοῦ τὴν πανοπλίαν εἰς τὸν λόχον
ἔθεντο: καὶ pet ἀλλήλων συστάντες ἐκθύμως
ἑκατὸν ὄντες ἔπεσον, πολὺν αὑτῶν πόθον καὶ
μεταμέλειαν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἡτιάθησαν ἀδίκως ἀπολιπόν-
a 9? ld Ψ Pr A \ ,
τες τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις. ὅθεν οὐδὲ τῷ πρὸς Κίμωνα
θυμῷ πολὺν χρόνον ἐνέμειναν, τὰ μέν, ὡς εἰκός,
Φ Ν @ V4 \ Ἁ “A ζω
ὧν ἔπαθον εὖ μεμνημένοι, τὰ δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ συλ- -
λα o : ‘4 ͵ Ἁ 9 4
ἐμβανομένου _vevexnpevor γὰρ ἐν Τανάγρᾳ
μάχη μεγάλῃ καὶ προσδοκῶντες εἰς @pav ἔτους
στρατιὰν Πελοποννησίων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐκάλουν ἐκ
τῆς φυγῆς τὸν Κίμωνα: καὶ κατῆλθε τὸ ψήφισμα
4 9 ΄ 4 4 4
γράψαντος αὐτῷ Ἰ]ερικλέους. οὕτω τότε TroALTE-
καὶ μὲν ἦσαν αἱ διαφοραί, μέτριοι δ᾽ οἱ θυμοὶ
458
499
CIMON
encamped at Tanagra on their march back home.!
Here the Athenians confronted them, bent on fight-
ing their issue out, and here Cimon came in arms, to
join his own Oeneid tribe, eager to share with his
fellow-citizens in repelling the Lacedaemonians.
But the Council of the Five Hundred learned of this
and was filled with fear, since Cimon’s foes accused
him of wishing to throw the ranks into confusion,
and then lead the Lacedaemonians in an attack upon
the city ; so they forbade the generals to receive the
man. As he went away he besought Euthippus of
Anaphlystus and his other comrades, all who, were
specially charged with laconizing, to fight sturdily
against the enemy, and by their deeds of valour to
dissipate the charge which their countrymen laid at
their deor. They took his armour and set it in the
midst of their company, supported one another .
ardently in the fight, and fell, to the number of one
hundred, leaving behind them among the Athenians
a great and yearning sense of their loss, and sorrow
for the unjust charges made against them. For this
reason the Athenians did not long abide by their
displeasure against Cimon, partly because, as was
natural, they remembered his benefits, and partly
because the turn of events favoured his cause. For
they were defeated:at Tanagra in a great battle, and
expected that in the following spring-time an armed
force of Peloponnesians would come against them,
and so they recalled Cimon from his exile. The .
decree which provided for his return was formally
proposed by Pericles. To such a degree in those
days were dissensions based on _ political differ-
ences of opinion, while personal feelings were
1 457 B,C.
459
μ΄
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καὶ πρὸς TO κοινὸν εὐανάκλητοι συμφέρον, ἡ δὲ
φιλοτιμία πάντων ἐπικρατοῦσα τῶν παθῶν τοῖς
τῆς πατρίδος ὑπεχώρει καιροῖς.
XVIII. Εὐθὺς μὲν οὖν ὁ Κίμων κατελθὼν
ἔλυσε τὸν πόλεμον καὶ διήλλαξε τὰς πόλεις"
γενομένης δ᾽ εἰρήνης ὁρῶν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους
ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν μὴ δυναμένους, ἀλλὰ κινεῖσθαι καὶ
αὐξάνεσθαι ταῖς στρατείαις βουλομένους, ἵνα
μὴ τοῖς “Ελλησι διοχλῶσι μηδὲ περὶ τὰς νήσους
ἢ Πελοπόννησον ἀναστρεφόμενοι ναυσὶ πολλαῖς
αἰτίας ἐμφυλίων πολέμων καὶ συμμαχικῶν ἐγκλη-
μάτων ἀρχὰς ἐπισπάσωνταε κατὰ τῆς πόλεως,
ἐπλήρου διακοσίας τριήρεις ὡς ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον καὶ
Κύπρον αὖθις ἐκστρατευσόμενος, ἅμα μὲν ἐμ-
μελετᾶν τοῖς πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀγῶσι βουλό-
μενος τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, ἅμα δ᾽ ὠφελεῖσθαι δικαίως
τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν φύσει πολεμίων εὐπορίας εἰς τὴν
Ἑλλάδα κομίζοντας.
Ἤδη δὲ παρεσκευασμένων ἁπάντων καὶ τοῦ
στρατοῦ παρὰ ταῖς ναυσὶν ὄντος ὄναρ εἶδεν ὁ
Κιμων. ἐδόκει κύνα θυμουμένην ὑλακτεῖν πρὸς
αὐτόν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ὑκλαῆς μεμιγμένον ἀφεῖσαν
ἀνθρώπου φθόγγον εἰπεῖν'
Στεῖχε' φίλος γὰρ ἔσῃ καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ ἐμοῖς
σκυλάκεσσιν.
οὕτω δὲ δυσκρίτου τῆς ὄψεως οὔσης ᾿Αστύφιλος
ὁ Ποσειδωνιάτης, μαντικὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ συνήθης τῷ
Κίμωνι, φράζει θάνατον αὐτῷ προσημαίνειν τὴν
ὄψιν, οὕτω διαιρῶν: κύων ἀνθρώπῳ, πρὸς ὃν
ὑλακτεῖ, πολέμεος" πολεμίῳ δ᾽ οὐκ ἄν τις μᾶλλογ
450
-
ΟΙΜΟΝ
moderate, and easily recalled into conformity with
the public weal. Even ambition, that master passion,
paid deference to the country’s welfare.
XVIII. Well then, as soon as Cimon returned
from exile he stopped the war and reconciled the
rival cities. After peace was made,! since he saw
that the Athenians were unable to keep quiet, but
wished to be on the move and tmrwax great by
means of military expeditions ; also because he wished
that they should not exasperate the Hellenes gener-
ally, nor by hovering around the islands and the
Peloponnesus with a large fleet bring down upon the
city charges of intestine war, and initial complaints
from the allies, he manned two hundred triremes. His
design was to make another expedition with them
against Egypt and Cyprus. He wished to keep the
Athenians in constant training by their struggles with
Barbarians, and to give them the legitimate benefits
of importing into Hellas the wealth taken from their
natural foes.
All things were now ready and the soldiery on the
point of embarking, when Cimon had a dream. He
thought an angry bitch was baying at him, and that
mingled with its baying it uttered a human voice,
saying :—
“* Go thy way, for a friend shalt thou be both to me
and my puppies.”’
The vision being hard of interpretation, Astyphilus ot
Posidonia, an inspired man and an intimate of
Cimon’s, told him that it signified his death. He
analysed the vision thus: a dag is a foe of the man
at whom it bays; to a foe, one cannot be a friend
1 450-B.c.
461
ye
ΤΕ
cr
=>)
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἢ τελευτήσας φίλος γένοιτο" τὸ δὲ μῖγμα τῆς
φωνῆς Μῆδον. ἀποδηλοῖ τὸν ἐχθρόν' 0 γὰρ
Μήδων στρατὸς “Ἕλλησιν ὁμοῦ καὶ βαρβάροις
μέμικται. μετὰ δὲ ταύτην τὴν ὄψιν αὐτοῦ τῷ
Διονύσῳ θύσαντος ὁ μὲν μάντις ἀπέτεμε τὸ
ἱερεῖον, τοῦ δ᾽ αἵματος τὸ πηγνύμενον ἤδη
μύρμηκες πολλοὶ λαμβάνοντες κατὰ μικρὸν ἔφερον
πρὸς τὸν Κίμῶνα καὶ τοῦ ποδὸς περὶ τὸν μέγαν
δάκτυλον περιέπλαττον, ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον λαν-
θάνοντες. ἅμα δέ πως ὅ τε Κίμων τῷ γινομένῳ
προσέσ ε καὶ παρῆν ὁ θύτης ἐπιδεικνύμενος αὐτῷ
τὸν λοβὸν οὐκ : ἔχοντα κεφαλήν.
"Αλλ᾽ οὐ “γὰρ ἣν ἀνάδυσις τῆς στρατείας ἐξέ-
πλευσε, καὶ τῶν νεῶν ἑξήκοντα μὲν ἀπέστειλεν
εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ταῖς δ᾽ ἄλλαις πάλιν... ἔπλει.
“καὶ καταναυμαχήσας Φοινισσῶν νεῶν καὶ Κιλισ-
σῶν. βασιλικὸν στόλον ἀνεκτᾶτό τε τὰς ἐν κύκλῳ
πόλεὶς καὶ τοῖς περὶ Αἴγυπτον ἐφήδρευεν, οὐδὲν
μικρόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλης ἐπινοῶν τῆς βασιλέως ἡγεμο-
νίας κατάλυσιν, καὶ μάλιστα ὅτι τοῦ Θεμεστο-
κλέους ᾿ἐπυνθάνετο δόξαν εἶναι καὶ δύναμιν ἐν
τοῖς βαρβάροις μεγάλην, ὑποδεδεγμένου βασιλεῖ
κινοῦντι τὸν Ἑλληνικὸν πόλεμον στρατηγήσειν.
Θεμιστοκλῆς μὲν οὖν οὐχ ἥκιστα λέγεται τὰς
Ἑλληνικὰς πράξεις ἀπογνούς, ὡς οὐκ ἂν ὑπερ-
βαλόμενος τὴν Κίμωνος εὐτυχίαν καὶ ἀρετήν,
ἑκὼν τελευτῆσαι, Κίμων δὲ μεγάλων ἐπαιρόμενος
ἀρχὰς ἀγώνων καὶ περὶ Κύπρον συνέχων τὸ
ναυτικὸν ἔπεμψεν εἰς "Ἄμμωνος ἄνδρας ἀπόρρη-
τόν τινα μαντείαν ποιησομένους παρὰ τῷ θεῷ"
1 πάλιν... ἔπλει either πάλιν is ἃ corruption (περὶ Παμ-
φυλίαν 3), or words have fallen out.
462
CIMON
any better than by dying; the mixture of speech
indicates that the enemy is the Mede, for the army
of the Medes is a mixture of Hellenes and Bar-
barians. After this vision, when Cimon had sacrificed
to Dionysus and the seer was cutting up the victim,
swarms of ants took the blood as it congealed,
brought it little by little to Cimon, and enveloped
his great toe therewith, he being unconscious of their
work for some time. Just about at the time when
he noticed what they were doing, the ministrant
came and showed him the liver of his victim without
a head.
But since he could not get out of the expedition,
he set sail, and after detailing sixty of his ships to go
to Egypt, with the rest he made again for Cyprus.
After defeating at sea the royal armament of Phoeni-
cian and Cilician ships, he won over the cities round .
about, and then lay threatening the royal enterpuise
in Egypt, and not in any trifling fashion,—nay, he
had in mind the dissolution of the King’s entire
supremacy, and all the more because he learned that
the reputation and power of Themistocles were great
among the Barbarians, who had promised the King
that when the Hellenic war was set on foot he would
take command of it. At any rate, it is said that it
was most of all due to Themistocles’ despair of his
Hellenic undertakings, since he could not eclipse the
good fortune and valour of Cimon, that he took his
own life.}
But Cimon, while he was projecting vast conflicts
and holding his naval forces in the vicinity of Cyprus,
sent men to the shrine of Ammon to get oracular
answer from the god to some secret question.
1 Cf. Themistocles, xxxi. 4.
463
a
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
7 γινώσκει yap οὐδεὶς ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐπέμφθησαν, οὐδὲ
χρησμὸν αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς ἐξήνεγκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἅμα τῷ
προσελθεῖν ἐκέλευσεν ἀπιέναι τοὺς θεοπρόπους:
αὐτὸν γὰρ ἤδη τὸν Κίμωνα παρ᾽ ἑαυτῷ τυγχάνειν
ὄντα. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ θεοπρόποι κατέ-
βαινον ἐπὶ θάλασσαν" γενόμενοι δὲ ἐ ἐν τῷ στρατο-
πέδῳ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὃ τότε περὶ Αἴγυπτον ἦν,
ἐπύθοντο τεθνάναι τὸν Κίμωνα" καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας
πρὸς τὸ μαντεῖον ἀνάγοντες ἔγνωσαν ἠνυγμένην
τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς ἤδη παρὰ θεοῖς
ὄντος.
ΧΙΧ. ᾿Απέθανε δὲ πολιορκῶν Κίτιον, ὡς οἱ
a / / Ν᾽ >
πλεῖστοι λέγουσι, ψοσήσας" ἑνιοι δέ φασιν ἐκ
τραύματος, ὃ πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀγωνιξόμενος
ἔσχε. τελευτῶν δὲ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν
εὐθὺς ἀποπλεῖν ἀποκρυψαμένους τὸν θάνατον
αὐτοῦ καὶ συνέβη μήτε τῶν πολεμίων μήτε
τῶν συμμάχων αἰσθομένων ἀσφαλῶς αὐτοὺς
ἀνακομισθῆναι στρατηγουμένους ὑπὸ Κίμωνος,
ὥς φησι Φανόδημος, τεθνηκότος ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας
τριάκοντα.
Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν “πρὸς μὲν τοὺς
βαρβάρους οὐδὲν ἔτι λαμπρὸν ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἐπρά-
χθη στρατηγοῦ τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων, ἀλλὰ τραπέντες
ὑπὸ δημαγωγῶν καὶ. πολεμοποιῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους,
οὐδενὸς τὰς χεῖρας ἐν μέσῳ διασχόντος, συνερρά-
γῆσαν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, ἀναπνοὴ μὲν τοῖς βασι-
λέως πράγμασι γενόμενοι, φθόρον δ᾽ ἀμύθητον
τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς δυνάμεως ἀπεργασάμενοι. ὀψὲ
δ᾽ οἱ περὶ τὸν ᾿Αγησίλαον εἰς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἐξενεγ-
κάμενοι τὰ ὅπλα βραχέος ἥψαντο πολέμου πρὸς
464
49]
CIMON
No one knows what they were sent to ask, nor did»
the god vouchsafe them any response, but as soon as
the enquirers drew nigh, he bade them depart,
saying that Cimon himself was already with him.
On hearing this, the enquirers went down to the sea-
coast, and when they reached the camp of the
Hellenes, which was at that time on the confines of
Egypt, they learned that Cimon was dead, and
on counting the days back to the utterance of the
oracle, they found that it was their commander’s
death which had been darkly intimated, since he was
already with the gods.
XIX. He died while besieging Citium, of sickness,
as most say.! But some say it was of a wound which
he got while fighting the Barbarians. As he was
dying he bade those about him to sail away at once
and to conceal his death. And so it came to pass
that neither the enemy nor the allies understood
what had happened, and the force was brought back
in safety “under the command of Cimon,’ as
Phanodemus says, “ who had been dead for thirty
days.”
After his death no further brilliant exploit against
the Barbarians was performed by any general of the
Hellenes, who were swayed by demagogues and
partisans of civil war, with none to hold a mediating
hand between them, till they actually clashed to-
gether in war. This afforded the cause of the King
a respite, but brought to pass an indescribable
destruction of Hellenic power. It was not until long
afterwards? that Agesilaiis carried his arms into Asia
and prosecuted a brief war against the King’s
1 Thue. i. 112. 2 396-394 B.c.
465
VOL. II. H H
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τοὺς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ βασιλέως στρατηγούς: καὶ
λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ Heya δράσαντες, αὖθις δὲ
ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς στάσεσι καὶ ταραχαῖς ἀφ᾽
ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς ὑπενεχθέντες, ᾧῴχοντο τοὺς Περσῶν
φορολόγους ἐν μέσαις ταῖς συμμάχοις καὶ φίλαις
πόλεσιν ἀπολιπόντες, ὧν οὐδὲ γραμματοφόρος
κατέβαινεν οὐδ᾽ ἵππος πρὸς θαλάσσῃ τετρακοσ-
ίων σταδίων ἐ ἐντὸς ὥφθη͵ στρατηγοῦντος Κίμωνος.
Ὅτε μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἀπεκομίσθη
τὰ λείψανα αὐτοῦ, μαρτυρεῖ τῶν “μνημάτων τὰ
μέχρι νῦν Κιμώνεια προσαγορευόμενα" τιμῶσι
δὲ καὶ Κιτιεῖς τάφον τινὰ Κίμωνος, ὡς Ναυσι-
κράτης ὁ ῥήτωρ φησίν, ἐν λοιμῷ καὶ γῆς ἀφορίᾳ
τοῦ θεοῦ προστάξαντος αὐτοῖς μὴ ἀμελεῖν Ké-
μωνος, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς κρείττονα σέβεσθαι καὶ γεραίρειν.
τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Ἑλληνικὸς ἡγεμών.
466
CIMON
generals along the sea-coast. And even he could
perform no great and brilliant deeds, but was over-
whelmed in his turn by a flood of Hellenic disorders
and seditions and swept away from a second empire.
So he withdrew, leaving in the midst of allied and
friendly cities the tax-gatherers of the Persians, not
one of whose scribes, nay, nor so much as a horse,
had been seen within four hundred furlongs of the
sea, as long as Cimon was general. _
That his remains were brought home to Attica,
there is testimony in the funeral monuments to this
day called Cimonian. But the people of Citium
also pay honours to a certain tomb of Cimon, as
Nausicrates the rhetorician says, because in a time
of pestilence and famine the god enjoined upon
them not to neglect Cimon, but to revere and honour
him as a superior being. Such was the Greek
leader.
HH 2
LUCULLUS
ΛΟΥΚΟΥ͂ΛΛΟΣ
Ι. Τῷ δὲ Λουκούλλῳ πάππος μὲν ἦν ὑπατικός,
θεῖος δὲ πρὸς μητρὸς Μέτελλος ὄ Νομαδικὸς
ἐπικληθείς. τῶν δὲ γονέων ὁ μὲν πατὴρ ἑάλω
κλοπῆς, Κεκιλία δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἠδόξησεν ὡς οὐ
βεβιωκυῖα σωφρόνως. αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὁ Λούκουλλος
ἔτι μειράκιον ὦν, πρὶν ἀρχήν τινα μετελθεῖν
καὶ πολιτείας ἅψασθαι, πρῶτον ἔργον ἐποιήσατο
τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς κατήγορον κρῖναι Σερουίλιον
αὔγουρα, λαβὼν ἀδικοῦντα δημοσίᾳ. καὶ τὸ
πρᾶγμα λαμπρὸν ἐφάνη Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ τὴν.
δίκην ἐκείνην ὥσπερ ἀριστείαν διὰ στόματος
ἔσχον. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ ἄχλως αὐτοῖς ἄνευ προφά-
σεως οὐκ ἀγεννὲς εἶναι τὸ τῆς κατηγορίας ἔργον,
ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ τοὺς νέους ἐβούλοντο τοῖς
ἀδικοῦσιν ἐπιφνομένους ὁρῶν ὥσπερ θηρίοις εὐγε-
νεῖς σκύλακας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μεγάλης περὶ τὴν
δίκην ἐκείνην φιλονεικίας γενομένης, ὥστε καὶ
τρωθῆναί τινας καὶ πεσεῖν, ἀπέφυγεν ὁ Σερουί-
Atos.
Ὁ δὲ Λούκουλλος ἤσκητο καὶ λέγειν ἱκανῶς
ἑκατέραν γλῶτταν, ὥστε καὶ Σύλλας τὰς αὑτοῦ
πράξεις ἀναγράφων ἐκείνῳ προσεφώνησεν « ὡς συν-
ταξομένῳ κα διαθήσοντι τὴν ἱστορίαν ἄμεινον.
ἦν γὰρ οὐκ ἐπὶ τὴν χρείαν μόνην ἐμμελὴς αὐτοῦ
470
LUCULLUS
I. In the case of Lucullus, his grandfather was
a man of consular rank, and his uncle on his mother’s
side was Metellus, surnamed Numidicus. But as
for his parents, his father was convicted of peculation,
and his mother, Caecilia, had the bad name of a
dissolute woman. Lucullus himself, while he was
still a mere youth, before he had entered public
life or stood for any office, made it his first business
to impeach his father’s accuser, Servilius the Augur,
whom he found wronging the commonwealth. The
Romans thought this a brilliant stroke, and the
case was in everybody's mouth, like a great deed
of prowess. Indeed, they thought the business of
impeachment, on general principles and without
special provocation, no ignoble thing, but were very
desirous to see their young men fastening themselves
on malefactors like high-bred whelps on wild beasts.
However, the case stirred up great animosity, so
that sundry persons were actually wounded and
slain, and Servilius was acquitted.
Lucullus was trained to speak fluently both Latin
and Greek, so that Sulla, in writing his own memoirs,
dedicated them to him, as a man who would set
in order and duly arrange the history of the times
better than himself. For the style of Lucullus
was not only businesslike and ready; the same
471
a
PLUTARCR’S LIVES
καὶ πρόχειρος ὁ λόγος, καθάπερ ὁ τῶν ἄλλων τὴν
μὲν ἀγορὰν
Θύννος βολαῖος πέλαγος ὡς διεστρόβει,
γενόμενος δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐκτὸς αὖος, ἀμουσίᾳ
τεθνηκώς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἐμμελῆ ταύτην καὶ
’ ’ 9 δ ro) A a
λεγομένην ἐλευθέριον ἐπὶ TH καλῷ προσεποιεῖτο
παιδείαν ἔτι καὶ μειράκιον ὦν. γενόμενος δὲ
4 » 4 Ψ 4 nA
πρεσβύτερος ἤδη παντάπασιν ὥσπερ ἐκ πολλῶν
ἀγώνων ἀφῆκε τὴν διάνοιαν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ σχολά-
few καὶ ἀναπαύεσθαι, τὸ θεωρητικὸν αὐτῆς
3 ’ὔ 4 9 93 A \ ͵ Ἁ
ἐγείρας, καταλύσας δ᾽ ἐν καιρῷ καὶ κολούσας τὸ
φιλότιμον ἐκ τῆς πρὸς Πομπήϊον διαφορᾶς. περὶ
μὲν οὖν τῆς φιλολογίας αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις
καὶ ταῦτα λέγεται: νέον ὄντα πρὸς Ὁρτήσιον τὸν
δικολόγον καὶ Σισεννᾶν τὸν ἱστορικὸν ἐκ παιδιᾶς
τίνος εἰς σπουδὴν προελθούσης ὁμολογῆσαι, προ-
θεμένων ποίημα καὶ λόγον ᾿Ελληνικόν τε καὶ
ς oe sf 93 @ A 4 ͵ Ἁ
Ῥωμαϊκόν, εἰς ὅ τι ἂν λάχῃ τούτων, τὸν Μαρ-
σικὸν ἐντενεῖν πόλεμον. καί πως ἔοικεν εἰς λόγον
Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ κλῆρος ἀφικέσθαι: διασώζεται γὰρ
“Ἑλληνική τις ἱστορία τοῦ Μαρσικοῦ πολέμου.
Τῆς δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Μάρκον εὐνοίας
A ’ὔ; VA ς nw ry
πολλῶν τεκμηρίων ὄντων μάλιστα Ῥωμαῖοι τοῦ
πρώτου μνημονεύουσι. πρεσβύτερος γὰρ ὧν
αὐτοῦ λαβεῖν ἀρχὴν μόνος οὐκ ἠθέλησεν, ἀλλὰ
τὸν ἐκείνου καιρὸν ἀναμείνας οὕτως ἐπηγάγετο
472
492
LUCULLUS
was true of many another man’s in the Forum.
There,
“ Like smitten tunny, through the billowy sea it
dashed,”
although outside of the Forum it was
‘¢ Withered, inelegant, and dead.”
But Lucullus, from his youth up, was devoted to
the genial and so-called “liberal’’ culture then in
vogue, wherein the Beautiful was sought. And
when he came to be well on in years, he suffered
his mind to find complete leisure and repose, as
it were after many struggles, in philosophy, en-
couraging the contemplative side of his nature, and
giving timely halt and check, after his difference
with Pompey, to the play of his ambition. Now,
as to his love of literature, this also is reported, in
addition to what has already been said: when he
was a young man, proceeding from jest to earnest
in a conversation with Hortensius, the orator, and
Sisenna, the historian, he agreed, on their suggestion
of a poem and a history, both in Greek and Latin,
that he would treat the Marsic war in whichever
of these forms the lot should prescribe. And it
would seem that the lot prescribed a Greek history,
for there is extant a Greek history of the Marsic
war.
Of his affection for his brother Marcus there
are many proofs,.but the Romans dwell most upon
the first. Although, namely, he was older than
his brother, he was unwilling to hold office alone,
but waited until his brother was of the proper
age, and thus gained the favour of the people
473
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Tov δῆμον, ὥστε σὺν ἐκείνῳ μὴ παρὼν ἀγορανόμος
αἱρεθῆναι.
11. Νέος δ᾽ ὧν ἐν τῷ Μαρσικῷ πολέμῳ πολλὰ
μὲν τόλμης δείγματα παρέσχε καὶ συνέσεως,
μᾶλλόν γε μὴν αὐτὸν δι᾽ εὐστάθειαν καὶ πρᾳότητα
Σύλλας προσηγάγετο, καὶ χρώμενος ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς
ἐπὶ τὰ πλείστης ἄξια σπουδῆς διετέλεσεν’ ὧν HV
καὶ ἡ περὶ τὸ νόμισμα πραγματεία. δι᾽ ἐκείνου
γὰρ ἐκόπη τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ περὶ τὸν
Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον, καὶ Λουκούλλειον ἀπ᾽
ἐκείνον προσηγορεύθη, καὶ διετέλεσεν ἐπὶ πλεῖ-
στον, ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτικῶν χρειῶν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ
λαμβάνον ἀμοιβὴν ταχεῖαν. ἐκ τούτου τῆς μὲν
γῆς ἐπικρατῶν ὁ Σύλλας ἐν ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις, περι-
κοπτόμενος δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης ὑπὸ
τῶν πολεμίων ναυκρατούντων, ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽
Αὐγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης τὸν Λούκουλλον ἄξοντα
ναῦς ἐκεῖθεν. ἦν μὲν οὖν ἀκμὴ χειμῶνος, ἐξέ-
πλευσε δὲ τρισὶν ᾿λληνικοῖς μυοπάρωσι καὶ
δικρότοις ἴσαις ‘Podvaxais πρὸς μέγα πέλαγος καὶ
ναῦς πολεμίας, πανταχόσε τῷ κρατεῖν πολλὰς
διαφερομένας, παραβαλλόμενος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
καὶ Κρήτην κατάρας φκειώσατο καὶ Κυρηναίους
καταλαβὼν ἐκ τυραννίδων συνεχῶν καὶ πολέμων
ταραττομένους ἀνέλαβε, καὶ κατεστήσατο τὴν
πολιτείαν Πλατωνικῆς τινος φωνῆς ἀναμνήσας
τὴν πόλιν, ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἀπεθέσπισε πρὸς αὐτούς.
δεομένων γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὅπως τε νόμους γράψῃ
καὶ τὸν δῆμον αὐτὸν εἰς τύπον τινὰ καταστήσῃ
πολιτείας σώφρονος, ἔφη χαλεπὸν εἶναι Kupnvatars
474
LUCULLUS
to such an extent that, although in absence from the
city, he was elected aedile along with his brother.
II. Though he was but a young man in the Marsic
war,'! he gave many proofs of courage and under-
standing. It was, however, more owing to his
constancy and mildness that Sulla attached him to
himself and employed him from first to last on
business of the highest importance. Such, for
instance, was the management of the mint. Most
of the money used in Peloponnesus during the
Mithridatic war was coined by him, and was called
Lucullean after him. It remained current for 4 long
time, since the wants of the soldiery during the war
gave it rapid circulation. Afterwards, at Athens,
Sulla found himself master on land, but cut off from
supplies by sea, owing to the superior naval force of
the enemy. He therefore despatched Lucullus to
Egypt and Libya,’ with orders to fetch ships from
there. Winter was then at its worst, but he sailed
forth with three Greek brigantines and as many
small Rhodian galleys, exposing himself not only to
the high sea, but to numerous hostile ships which
were cruising about everywhere in full mastery of it.
However, he put in at Crete and won it over to his
side. He also made Cyrené, and finding it in con-
fusion in consequence of successive tyrannies and
wars, he restored it to order, and fixed its constitution,
reminding the city of a certain oracular utterance
which the great Plato had once vouchsafed to them.
They asked him, it would seem, to write laws for |
them, and to mould their people into some form of
sound government, whereupon he said that it was
hard to be a lawgiver for the Cyrenaeans when they
1 90-89 B.c. 3 87-86 Β.0.
475
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
οὕτως εὐτυχοῦσι νομοθετεῖν. οὐδὲν yap ἀνθρώ-
πον δυσαρκτότερον εὖ πράσσειν δοκοῦντος,
οὐδ᾽ αὖ πάλιν δεκτικώτερον ἐπιστασίας συστα-
λέντος ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης. ὃ καὶ τότε Κυρηναίους
νομοθετοῦντι Λουκούλλῳ πράους παρέσχεν.
᾿Εκεῖθεν δ᾽ ἀναχθεὶς ἐπ᾿ Αἰγύπτου τὰ πλεῖστα
τῶν σκαφῶν ἀπέβαλε πειρατῶν ἐπιφανέντων,
αὐτὸς δὲ διασωθεὶς κατήγετο λαμπρῶς εἰς ᾿Αλε-
ξάνδρειαν. ἀπήντησε γὰρ αὐτῷ σύμπας ὁ στόλος,
ὥσπερ εἰώθει βασιλεῖ καταπλέοντι, κεκοσμη-
μένος ἐκπρεπῶς" καὶ τὸ μειράκιον ὁ Πτολεμαῖος
ἄλλην te θαυμαστὴν ἐπεδείκνυτο φιλοφροσύνην
πρὸς αὐτόν, οἴκησίν τε καὶ δίαιταν ἐν τοῖς βασι-
λείοις ἔδωκεν, οὐδενός πω ξένου πρότερον ἡγεμόνος
αὐτόθι καταχθέντος. δαπάνην δὲ καὶ σύνταξιν
οὐχ ὅσην ἐδίδον τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἀλλὰ τετραπλῆν
ἐκείνῳ παρεῖχεν, οὐ προσιεμένῳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων
πλέον οὐδὲν οὐδὲ δῶρον λαβόντι, καίπερ ὀγδοή-
κοντα ταλάντων ἄξια πέμψαντος αὐτῷ. λέγεται
δὲ μήτ᾽ εἰς Μέμφιν ἀναβῆναι μήτ᾽ ἄλλο τῶν
θαυμαζομένων ἐν Αὐγύπτῳ καὶ περιβοήτων ἑστο-
pica σχολάζοντος γὰρ εἶναι ταῦτα θεατοῦ καὶ
τρυφῶντος, οὐχ, ὡς αὐτός, ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τὸν αὐτο-
κράτορα σκηνοῦντα παρὰ ταῖς ἐπάλξεσι τῶν
“πολεμίων ἀπολελοιπότος.
III. ᾿Επεὶ δ᾽ ἀπέλιπε τὴν συμμαχίαν ὁ ΠΠτολε-
μαῖος πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀποδειλιάσας, ἐκείνῳ δὲ
ναῦς ἄχρι Κύπρου πομποὺς παρέσχε, καὶ περὶ
τὸν ἔκπλουν αὐτὸν ἀσπαζόμενος καὶ θεραπεύων
ἐδωρεῖτο χρυσένδετον σμάραγδον τῶν πολυτελῶν,
476
᾿ς
498
LUCULLUS
were having such good-fortune. In fact, nothing is
more ungovernable than:a man reputed to be pros-
perous; and, on the other hand, nothing is-more
receptive of authority than a man who is humbled
by misfortune. This was what made the Cyrenaeans
at that time so submissive to Lucullus as their law-
giver.
From thence he set sail for Egypt, but was
attacked by pirates, and lost most of his vessels.
He himself, however, escaped in safety, and entered
the port of Alexandria in splendid style. The entire
Egyptian fleet came to meet him, as it was wont to
do when a king put into port, in resplendent array,
and the youthful Ptolemy, besides showing him other
astonishing marks of kindness, gave him lodging and
sustenance in the royal palace, whither no foreign
commander had ever been brought before. The
allowance which the king made for his expenses was
not the same as others had received, but four times
as much, and yet he accepted nothing beyond what
was actually necessary, and took no gift, although
he was offered the worth of eighty talents. It is
also said that he neither went up to Memphis, nor
sought out any other of the famous wonders of
Egypt ; this he held to be the privilege of a leisurely
and luxurious sight-seer, not of one who, like him-
self, had left his commander-in-chief encamped under
the open sky alongside the battlements of the
enemy.
‘III. Ptolemy abandoned his alliance with Rome,
out of fear for the outcome of the war, but furnished
Lucullus with ships to convoy him as far as Cyprus,
embraced him graciously at parting, and offered him
a costly emerald set in gold. At first Lucullus
4177
-.--..---..
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὁ Λούκουλλος παρῃτεῖτο, δείξαν-
τος δὲ τὴν γλυφὴν τοῦ βασιλέως εἰκόνα οὖσαν
ἰδίαν ἐφοβήθη διώσασθαι, μὴ παντάπασιν ἐχ-
θρὸς ἀποπλεῖν. νομισθεὶς ἐπιβουλευθείη κατὰ
θάλατταν. ἐπεὶ δὲ πλῆθος ἐν παράπλῳ νεῶν ἐκ
τῶν παραλίων πόλεων ἀθροίσας, πλὴν ὅσοι πει-
ρατικῶν μετεῖχον ἀδικημάτων, εἰς τὴν Κύπρον
terrépacey, ἐνταῦθα πυνθανόμενος τοὺς πολε-
μίους ναυλοχοῦντας ἐπὶ ταῖς ἄκραϊς παραφυλάτ-
τειν αὐτόν, ἐνεώλκησε τὰ σκάφη πάντα, καὶ ταῖς
πόλεσιν ἔγραψε περὶ χειμαδίων καὶ ἀγορᾶς, ὡς
αὐτόθι τὴν ὥραν ἀναμενῶν. εἶτα πλοῦ φανέντος
ἐξαπίνης κατασπάσας τὰς ναῦς ἀνήχθη, καὶ μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν μὲν ὑφειμένοις πλέων τοῖς ἱστίοις καὶ
ταπεινοῖς, νύκτωρ & ἐπαιρομένοις εἰς Ῥόδον
ἐσώθη. “Ῥοδίων δὲ ναῦς αὐτῷ προσπαρασχόντων
Κῴους ἔπεισε καὶ Κνιδίους τῶν βασιλικῶν ἀπαλ-
λαγέντας ἐπὶ Σαμίους “συστρατεύειν. ἐκ δὲ Χίου
τοὺς βασιλικοὺς αὐτὸς ἐξήλασε, Κολοφωνίους
δ᾽ “ἠλευθέρωσε συλλαβὼν ᾿Επίγονον τὸν τύραννον
αὐτῶν.
᾿Ἐτύγχανε δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἤδη
Μιθριδάτης τὸ Πέργαμον ἐκλελοιπὼς καὶ συνε-
σταλμένος εἰς Πιτάνην. ἐκεῖ δὲ Φιμβρίου Kare.
χοντος αὐτὸν ἐκ γῆς Kal πολιορκοῦντος, εἰς τὴν
θάλατταν ἀφορῶν συνῆγε καὶ Ἂν ϑε τοὺς
πανταχόθεν στόλους πρὸς αὑτόν, ἀνδρὶ τολμητῇ
καὶ νενεκηκότι τῷ Φιμβρίᾳ συμπλέκεσθαι καὶ
πολεμεῖν ἀπεγνωκώς. ὁ δὲ ταῦτα συνορῶν, ναυ-
τικῷ δὲ λειπόμενος πρὸς Λούκουλλον ἔπεμπεν,
ἥκειν τῷ στόλῳ δεόμενος καὶ συνεξελεῖν ἔχθιστον
478
LUCULLUS
declined to accept it, but when the king showed
him that the engraving on it was a likeness of him-
self, he was afraid to reject it, lest he be thought to
have sailed away at utter enmity with the king, and
so have some plot laid against him on the voyage.
As he sailed along, he collected a multitude of ships
from the maritime cities, omitting all those engaged
in piracy, and came at last to Cyprus. Learning
there that the enemy lay at anchor off the headlands
and were watching for his coming, he hauled all his
vessels up on land, and wrote letters to the cities
requesting winter quarters and provisions, as though
he would await the fine season there. Then, when
the wind served, he suddenly launched his ships and
put out to sea, and by sailing in the day time with
his sails reefed and low, but in the night time under
full canvas, he came safely to Rhodes. The Rhodians
furnished him with more ships, and he induced the
people of Cos and Cnidus to forsake the royal cause
and join him in an expedition against Samos, With-
out any aid he also drove the royal forces out of
Chios,! and set the Colophonians free from their
tyrant, Epigonus, whom he arrested.
It happened about this time that Mithridates
diendoned Pergamum and shut himself up in Pitané.
Since Fimbria held him in close siege there by land,
he looked to make his escape by sea, and collected
and summoned his fleets from every quarter for
this purpose, renouncing all engagements in the
field with a man so bold and victorious as Fimbria.
This design Fimbria perceived, and being without
any fleet of his own, sent to Lucullus, beseeching
him to come with his, and assist in capturing the
1 85 B.C.
479
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καὶ πολεμιώτατον βασιλέων, ὡς μὴ TO μέγα Kal
διὰ πολλῶν ἀγώνων καὶ πόνων διωκόμενον ἄθλον
ἐκφύγοι Ῥωμαίους, Μιθριδάτης εἰς λαβὰς ἥκων
καὶ γεγονὼς ἐντὸς ἀρκύων, οὗ ληφθέντος οὐδένα
A , ΚΝ s A \ 9 δ a A
τῆς δόξης οἴσεσθαι πλέον ἢ τὸν ἐμποδὼν TH φυγῇ
στάντα καὶ διαδιδράσκοντος ἐπιλαβόμενον: ὑφ᾽
ἑαυτοῦ μὲν ἐξεωσμένον τῆς γῆς, ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου δὲ
A 4 3 ’ > 4 3 4
τῆς θαλάττης εἰργόμενον ἀμφοτέροις ἀποδώσειν
τὸ “κατόρθωμα, τὰς δὲ Σύλλα πρὸς ᾿Ορχομενῷ
καὶ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ὑμνουμένας ἀριστείας ἐν
οὐδενὶ λόγῳ θήσεσθαι “Ῥωμαίους. καὶ οὐδὲν jv
3 N 4 n f > \ \ Ὁ
ἅπο τρόπου τῶν λεγομένων, ἀλλὰ παντὶ δῆλον,
ὡς, εἰ Φιμβρίᾳ τότε πεισθεὶς ὁ Λούκουλλος οὐ
μακρὰν ὧν περιήγαγεν ἐκεῖσε τὰς ναῦς καὶ συνέ-
φραξε τὸν λιμένα τῷ στόλῳ, πέρας ἂν εἶχεν ὁ
πόλεμος καὶ μυρίων ἀπηλλαγμένοι κακῶν ἅπαντες
ἦσαν. ἀλλ᾽ εἴτε τὰ πρὸς Σύλλαν δίκαια πρεσ-
βεύων πρὸ παντὸς ἰδίου τε καὶ κοινοῦ συμφέ-
Μ \ ’ \ ΝΜ ,
povros, εἴτε τὸν Φιμβρίαν μιαρὸν ὄντα καὶ φονέα
γεγενημένον ἔναγχος ἀνδρὸς φίλου καὶ στρατηγοῦ
διὰ φιλαρχίαν προβαλλόμενος, εἴτε κατὰ θείαν
δή τινα τύχην περιφεισάμενος αὐτὸς TOU! Μιθρι-
δάτου καὶ φυλάξας ἀνταγωνιστήν, οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν,
ἀλλὰ Μιθριδάτῃ μὲν ἐκπλεῦσαι παρέσχε καὶ
A , 4 > NX \
καταγελάσαι τῆς DipBpiov δυνάμεως, αὐτὸς δὲ
πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ Λεκτοῦ τῆς Τρῳάδος βασιλικὰς
ναῦς ἐπιφανείσας κατεναυμάχησεν, αὖθις δὲ πρὸς
Τενέδῳ ναυλοχοῦντα μείζονι παρασκευῇ κατιδὼν
1 αὐτὸς τοῦ Reiske, Coraés, Bekker: αὐτοῦ.
48ο
LUCULLUS
most hostile and warlike of kings, that the great
prize which they had sought with so many toils
and struggles might not escape the Romans, now
that Mithridates was in their grip and fast in the
meshes of their net. If he should be captured,
Fimbria said, no one would get more of the glory
than the man who stood in the way of his flight
and seized him as he was running off. “ Driven
from the land by me, and excluded from the sea
by you, he will crown us both with success, and
the much heralded exploits of Sulla at Orchomenus
and Chaeroneia will cease to interest the Romans.”
And there was nothing absurd in the proposition.
It is clear to everyone that if Lucullus, who was
close at hand, had then listened to Fimbria, brought
his ships thither, and closed up the harbour with
his fleet, the war would have been at an end, and
the world freed from infinite mischief. But, whether
he ranked the honourable treatment of Sulla above
every consideration of private or public advantage,
or whether he regarded Fimbria as a wretch whose
ambition for command had recently led him to
murder a man who was his friend and _ superior
officer, or whether it was by some mysterious
dispensation of fortune that he chose to spare
Mithridates, and so reserved him for his own
antagonist,—for whatever reason, he would not listen
to the proposal, but suffered Mithridates to sail
off and mock at Fimbria’s forces, while he himself,
to begin with, defeated the king’s ships which
showed themselves off Lectum in the Troad. And
again, catching sight of Neoptelemus lying in wait
for him at Tenedos with a still larger armament,
481
VOL, II. 11
10
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Νεοπτόλεμον ἐπέπλει πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων, Ῥοδιακῆς
πεντήρους ἐπιβεβηκώς, ἧς ἐνανάρχει Δαμαγόρας,
ἀνὴρ εὔνους τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ θαλασσίων ἀ ἀγώνων
ἐμπειρότατος. ἐπεέλαύνοντος δὲ ῥοθίῳ τοῦ Neo-
πτολέμου καὶ κελεύσαντος εἰς ἐμβολὴν ἀγαγεῖν
τὸν κυβερνήτην, δείσας ὁ Δαμαγόρας τὸ βάρος
τῆς βασιλικῆς καὶ τὴν τραχύτητα τοῦ χαλκώ-
ματος οὐκ ἐτόλμησε συμπεσεῖν ἀντίπρῳρος, ἀλλ᾽
ὀξέως ἐκ περιαγωγῆς ἀποστρέψας ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ
πρύμναν ὥσασθαι" καὶ πιεσθείσης ἐνταῦθα τῆς
νεὼς ἐδέξατο τὴν πληγὴν ἀβλαβῆ γενομένην, ἅ ἅτε
δὴ τοῖς θαλαττεύουσι τῆς νεὼς μέρεσι προσπε-
σοῦσαν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῶν φίλων προσφερομένων,
ἐγκελευσάμενος ὁ ΔΛούκουλλος ἐπιστρέφειν καὶ
πολλὰ δράσας ἄξια λόγου τρέπεται τοὺς πολεμίους
καὶ καταδιώκει τὸν Νεοπτόλεμον.
IV. ᾿Εκεῖθεν δὲ Σύλλᾳ περὶ Χερρόνησον : ἤδη
μέλλοντι διαβαίνειν συμβαλὼν τὸν τε πόρον
ἀσφαλῆ παρεῖχε καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν συνδιεβίβαζεν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ συνθηκῶν γενομένων Μιθριδάτης μὲν
ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον, Σύλλας δὲ
τὴν ᾿Ασίαν δισμυρίοις ταλάντοις ἐζημίωσε, προσ-
ταχθὲν αὐτῷ τά τε χρήματα ταῦτα πρᾶξαι καὶ
νόμισμα κόψαι, παραμύθιόν τι δοκεῖ τῆς Σύλλα
χαλεπότητος γενέσθαι ταῖς πόλεσιν, ov μόνον
καθαρὸν καὶ δίκαιον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρᾷον εἰς οὕτω βαρὺ
καὶ σκυθρωπὸν ὑπηρέτημα παρασχὼν ἑαυτόν.
Μιτυληναίους δ᾽ ἄντικρυς ἀφεστῶτας ἐβούλετο
μὲν εὐγνωμονῆσαι καὶ δίκης τυχεῖν μετρίας ἐφ᾽ οἷς
περὶ Μάριον | ἐξήμαρτον, ὡς δ᾽ ἑώρα κακοδαιμο-
1 Μάριον with Sintenis! and Coraés : Μάνιον.
482
494
LUCULLUS
he sailed out against him in advance of the rest,
on board of a Rhodian galley which was commanded
by Damagoras, a man well disposed to the Romans,
and of the largest experience as ἃ sea-fighter.
Neoptolemus dashed out to meet him, and ordered
his steersman to ram the enemy. Damagoras, how-
ever, fearing the weight of the royal ship and her
rugged bronze armour, did not venture to engage
head on, but put swiftly about and ordered his
men to back water, thus receiving his enemy astern,
where his vessel was depressed. The blow was
harmless, since it fell upon the submerged parts of
the ship. At this point, his friends coming up,
Lucullus gave orders to turn the ship about,
and, after performing many praiseworthy feats, put
the enemy to flight and gave close chase to
Neoptolemus.
IV. From thence he joined Sulla at the Cher-
sonesus, where he was about to cross the strait
into Asia;! he rendered his passage safe, and
assisted in transporting his troops. After peace had
been made, Mithridates sailed away into the Euxine,
and Sulla laid a contribution of twenty thousand
talents upon Asia. Lucullus was commissioned to
collect this money and re-coin it, and the cities
of Asia felt it to be no slight assuagement of Sulla’s
severity when Lucullus showed himself not only
honest and just, but even mild in the performance
of a task so oppressive and disagreeable. The
Mitylenaeans too, who had revolted outright, he
wished to be reasonable, and to submit to a moderate
penalty for having espoused the cause of Marius.
But when he saw that they were possessed by an
1 84 B.C.
483
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
νοῦντας, ἐπιπλεύσας ἐκράτησε μάχῃ καὶ κατέ-
κλεισεν εἰς τὰ τείχη, καὶ πολιορκίαν συστησάμενος
ἐξέπλευσε μὲν ἡμέρας καὶ φανερῶς εἰς ᾿Ελαίαν,
ὑπέστρεψε δὲ λεληθότως καὶ περὶ τὴν πόλιν
8 ὑφεὶς ἐνέδραν ἡσύχαξεν. ἐπεὶ 8 ἀτάκτως καὶ
μετὰ θράσους ὡς ἔρημον ἁρπασόμενοι τὸ στρατό-
πεδον οἱ Μιτυληναῖοι προῆλθον, ἐπεισπεσὼν
αὐτοῖς ἔλαβέ τε παμπόλλους ζῶντας καὶ τῶν
ἀμυνομένων πεντακοσίους ἀπέκτεινεν, ἀνδραπόδων
δὲ χιλιάδας ὃδξ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἀναρίθμητον
ἡλάσατο λείαν.
4 Tov δὲ περὶ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν κακῶν, ἃ τότε
Σύλλας καὶ Μάριος ἄφθονα καὶ παντοδαπὰ τοῖς
ἀνθρώποις παρεῖχον, οὐ πάνν μετέσχε θείᾳ τινὶ
τύχῃ περὶ τὰς ἐν ᾿Ασία πράξεις βραδύνας. οὐ
μὴν ἔλαττόν τι παρὰ Σύλλα τῶν ἄλλων φίλων
ἔσχεν, ἀλλὰ τήν τε γραφήν, ὡς εἴρηται, τῶν
ὑπομνημάτων ἐκείνῳ δι’ εὔνοιαν ἀνέθηκε, καὶ
τελευτῶν ἐπίτροπον τοῦ παιδὸς ἔγραψεν ὑπερβὰς
Πομπήϊον. καὶ δοκεῖ τοῦτο πρῶτον αὐτοῖς
ὑπάρξαι διαφορᾶς αἴτιον καὶ ζηλοτυπίας νέοις
οὖσι καὶ διαπύροις πρὸς δόξαν. .
V. Ὀλίύγῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον ἢ Σύλλαν ἀποθανεῖν
ὑπάτευσε μετὰ Μάρκον Κόττα περὶ τὴν ἕκτην
καὶ ἐβδομηκοστὴν πρὸς «ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδα.
πολλῶν οὖν αὖθις ἀνακινούντων τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν
πόλεμον, ἔφη Μάρκος αὐτὸν οὐ πεπαῦσθαι, ἀλλ᾽
ἀναπεπαῦσθαι. διὸ καὶ λαχὼν τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν ὁ
Λούκουλλος τὴν ἐντὸς ΓΑλπεων Γαλατίαν ἤχθετο,
πράξεων ὑποθέσεις μεγάλων οὐκ ἔχουσαν.
484
“Ἂς
LUCULLUS
evil spirit, he sailed against them, conquered them
in battle, and shut them up within their walls.
After instituting a siege of their city, he sailed away
in open day to Elaea, but returned by stealth, and
lay quietly in ambush near the city. When the
Mitylenaeans sallied forth in disorder and with
the confident expectation of plundering his deserted
camp, he fell upon them, took a great number of
them alive, and slew five hundred of those who
offered resistance. He also carried off six thousand
slaves, besides countless other booty.
But in the boundless and manifold evils which
Sulla and Marius were bringing upon the people of
Italy: at that time, he had no share whatever, for, as
some kindly fortune would have it, he was detained
at his business in Asia.! However, Sulla accorded no
less favour to Lucullus than to his other friends.
His memoirs, as I have said, Sulla dedicated to
Lucullus in token of affection, and in his will
appointed him guardian of his son, thereby passing
Pompey by. And this seems to have been the first
ground for estrangement and jealousy between these
two men; both were young, and burning for
distinction.
V. Shortly after the death of Sulla, Lucullus was ..
made consul along with Marcus Cetta, about the ©
hundred and seventy-sixth Olympiad.2, Many were
now trying to stir up anew the Mithridatic war,
which Marcus said had not come to an end, but
merely to a pause. Therefore when the province of
Cisalpine Gaul was allotted to Lucullus, he was
displeased, since it offered no opportunity for great
exploits. But what most of all embittered him was
1 84-80 B.c. 274 B.C.
485.
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
2 μάλιστα δ᾽ αὐτὸν εὐδοκιμῶν Πομπήϊος ἐν ᾿Ιβηρίᾳ
παρώξυνεν, ὡς ἄλλος οὐδεὶς ἐπίδοξος ὦν, εἰ
συμβαίη παύσασθαι τὸν ᾿Ιβηρικὸν πόλεμον,
εὐθὺς αἱρεθήσεσθαι στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην.
διὸ καὶ χρήματα αἰτοῦντος αὐτοῦ καὶ γράφοντος,
ὡς, εἰ μὴ πέμποιεν, ἀφεὶς Ἰβηρίαν καὶ Σερτώριον
εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν ἀπάξοι τὰς δυνάμεις, συνέπραξεν ὁ
Λούκουλλος προθυμότατα πεμφθῆναι τὰ χρήματα
καὶ μηδ᾽ ad ἡστινοσοῦν προφάσεως ἐκεῖνον
ἐπανελθεῖν ὑπατεύοντος αὐτοῦ' πάντα γὰρ ἂν
ἐπ᾿ ἐκείνῳ γενήσεσθαι τὰ τῆς πόλεως παρόντι
μετὰ τοσαύτης στρατιᾶς. καὶ γὰρ ὁ κρατῶν τότε
τῆς πολιτείας τῷ πρὸς χάριν ἅπαντα καὶ λέγειν
καὶ πράττειν Κέθηγος ἔχθραν τινὰ πρὸς Aov-
κούλλον εἶχε, βδελυττόμενον αὐτοῦ τὸν βίον
αἰσχρῶν ἐρώτων καὶ ὕβρεως καὶ πλημμελείας
μεστὸν ὄντα. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἄντικρυς ἐπολέμει"
Λεύκιον δὲ Κόϊντον, ἄλλον δημαγωγόν, ἐπανα-
στάντα τοῖς Σύλλα πολιτεύμασι καὶ ταράττειν
τὰ πράγματα πειρώμενον ἐκ τοῦ καθεστῶτος,
ἰδίᾳ τε πολλὰ παραμυθούμενος καὶ δημοσίᾳ
νουθετῶν ἀπέστησε τῆς πείρας καὶ κατεστόρεσε
τὴν φιλοτιμίαν, ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα πολιτικῶς καὶ
σωτηρίως ἀρχὴν νοσήματος μεγάλον μεταχειρι-
σάμενος.
VI. Ἐν τούτῳ 8 ὁ τὴν Κιλικίαν ἔχων
᾿Οκταούϊος ἠγγέλθη τεθνηκώς. σπαργώντων δὲ
πολλῶν πρὸς τὴν ἐπαρχίαν καὶ Κέθηγον ὡς
δυνατώτατον ὄντα διαπράξασθαι θεραπευόντων,
αὐτῆς μὲν ὁ Λούκουλλος. Κιλικίας οὐ πολὺν εἶχε
λόγον, οἰόμενος δ᾽, εἰ λάβοι ταύτην, ἐγγὺς οὔσης
Καππαδοκίας, ἄλλον οὐδένα πεμφθήσεσθαι πολε-
486
“Ἔ,
495
LUCULLUS
the reputation which Pompey was winning in Spain.
If the war in Spain should happen to come to an end,
Pompey was more likely than anyone else to be at
once chosen general against Mithridates. Therefore
when Pompey wrote home requesting money, and
declaring that if they did not send it, he would
abandon Spain and Sertorius and bring his -forces
back to Italy, Lucullus moved heaven and earth to
have the money sent, and to prevent Pompey from
coming back, on any pretext whatsoever, while he
was consul. He knew that all Rome would be in
Pompey’s hands if he were there with so large
an army. For the man who at that time controlled
the course of political affairs by virtue of doing and
saying everything to court the favour of the people,
Cethegus, hated Lucullus, who loathed his manner
of life, full as it was of disgraceful amours and
wanton trespasses. Against this man Lucullus
waged open war. But Lucius Quintus, another
popular leader, who opposed the institutions of Sulla
and sought to confound the established order of
things, he turned from his purpose by much private
remonstrance and public admonition, and allayed his
ambition, thus treating in as wise and wholesome a
manner as was possible the beginnings of a great
distemper.
VI. At this time there came tidings of the death
of Octavius, the governor of Cilicia, There were
many eager applicants for the province, and they
paid court to Cethegus as the man best able to
further their designs. Of Cilicia itself Lucullus
made little account, but in the belief that, if he
should get this province, which was near Cappadocia,
no one else would be sent to conduet the war against
487
2
9
>
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
μήσοντα Μιθριδάτῃ, πᾶσαν ἔστρεφε μηχανὴν
ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ προέσθαι τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἑτέρῳ. καὶ
τελευτῶν ἔργον οὐ σεμνὸν. οὐδ᾽ ἐπαινετόν, ἄλλως
δ᾽ ἀνύσιμον πρὸς τὸ τέλος ἐκ τῆς ἀνάγκης
ὑπέμεινε παρὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν.
Πραικία τις ἦν ὄνομα τῶν ἐφ᾽ ὥρᾳ καὶ λαμυρίᾳ
διαβοήτων ἐν τῇ πόλει, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα κρείττων
οὐδὲν ἀνέδην ἑταιρούσης γυναικός, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ
χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν αὐτῇ καὶ διαλεγο-
μένοις πρὸς τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν φίλων σπουδὰς καὶ
πολιτείας προσλαβοῦσα τῇ λοιπῇ χάριτι τὸ
δοκεῖν φιλέταιρός τις εἶναι καὶ δραστήριος.
ἴσχυσε μέγιστον. ὡς δὲ καὶ Κέθηγον ἀνθοῦντα
τῇ δόξῃ τότε καὶ φέροντα τὴν πόλιν ὑπηγάγετο
καὶ συνῆν ἐρῶντι, παντάπασιν εἰς ἐκείνην
περιῆλθεν ἡ τῆς πόλεως δύναμις: οὐδὲ yap
ἐπράττετό τι δημοσίᾳ Κεθήγου μὴ σπουδάζοντος
οὐδὲ Πραικίας μὴ κελευούσης παρὰ Κεθήγῳ.
ταύτην οὖν ὑπελθὼν δώροις ὁ Λούκονλλος καὶ
κολὰκείαις (ἦν δέ πον καὶ τῷ ΔΛουκούλλῳ
συμφιλοτιμουμένην ὁρᾶσθαι μέγας γυναικὶ σο-
βαρᾷ καὶ πανηγυρικῇ μισθός), εὐθὺς εἶχε τὸν
Κέθηγον ἐπαινέτην καὶ προμνώμενον αὐτῷ
Κιλικίαν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἅπαξ ἔτυχε ταύτης, οὐδὲν ἔτι
Πραικίαν οὐδὲ Κέθηγον ἔδει παρακαλεῖν, ἀλλὰ
πάντες ὁμαλῶς ἐκείνῳ φέροντες ἐνεχείρισαν τὸν
Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον ὡς ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρου μηδενὸς
ἄμεινον διαπολεμηθῆναι δυνάμενον, Πομπηΐου μὲν
ἔτει Σερτωρίῳ προσπολεμοῦντος, Μετέλλου δ᾽
ἀπειρηκότος ἤδη διὰ γῆρας, obs μόνους ἄν τις
488
LUCULLUS :
Mithridates, he strained every nerve to keep the
province from being assigned to another. And
finally, contrary to his natural bent, he was driven by
the necessities of the case to adopt a course which
was neither dignified nor praiseworthy, it is true, but
conducive to his end.
There was a certain woman then in Rome, Praecia
by name, whose fame for beauty and wit filled
the city. In other respects she was no whit better
than an ordinary courtesan, but she used her
associates and companions to further the political
ambitions of her friends, and so added to her other
charms the reputation of being a true comrade, and
one who could bring things to pass. She thus
acquired the greatest influence. And when Cethe-
gus also, then at the zenith of his fame and in
control of the city, joined her train and became her
lover, political power passed entirely into her hands. |
No public measure passed unless Cethegus favoured
it, and Cethegus did nothing except with Praecia’s
approval. This woman, then, Lucullus won over by
gifts and flatteries, and it was doubtless a great boon
for a woman so forward and ostentatious to be seen
sharing the ambitions of Lucullus. Straightway he
had Cethegus singing his praises and suing for
Cilicia in his behalf. But as soon as he had obtained
this province, there was no further need of his
soliciting the aid of Praecia, or of Cethegus, for that
matter, but all were unanimous and prompt in
putting into his hands the Mithridatic war, assured
that no one else could better bring it to a trium-
phant close. Pompey was still engaged in his war
with Sertorius, Metellus had now retired from active
service by reason of his age, and these were the only
489
΄
, PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐναμίλλους ἐποιήσατο Λουκούλλῳ περὶ τῆς
στρατηγίας ἀμφισβητοῦντας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
Κόττας ὁ συνάρχων αὐτοῦ πολλὰ λιπαρήσας τὴν
σύγκλητον ἀπεστάλη μετὰ νεῶν τὴν Προποντίδα
φυλάξων καὶ προπολεμήσων Βιθυνίας.
ὙΠ. Λούκουλλος δὲ τώγμα μὲν αὐτόθεν ἔχων
συντεταγμένον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διέβαινεν εἰς τὴν
᾿Ασίαν: ἐκεῖ δὲ τὴν ἄλλην παρέλαβε δύναμιν,
πάντων μὲν πάλαι τ a ιεφθορότων καὶ
πλεονεξίαις, τῶν δὲ Φιμβριανῶν λεγομένων καὶ
διὰ συνήθειαν ἀναρχίας δυσμεταχειρίστων γεγο-
νότων. οὗτοι γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ Φλάκκον τε μετ
Φιμβρίου τὸν ὕπατον καὶ στρατηγὸν ἀνῃρηκότες
αὐτόν τε τὸν Φιμβρίαν Σύλλᾳ προδεδωκότες,
αὐθάδεις μὲν ἄνθρωποι καὶ παράνομοι, μάχιμοι
δὲ καὶ τλήμονες μετ᾽ ἐμπειρίας πολέμου. οὐ
μὴν ἀλλὰ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ τούτων τὸ θράσος
ὁ Λούκουλλος ἐξέκοψε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους - ἐπέ-
στρεψε, τότε πρῶτον, ὡς ἔοικε, πειρωμένους
ἄρχοντος ἀληθινοῦ καὶ ἡγεμόνος: ἄλλως δ᾽ ἐδη-
μαγωγοῦντο πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἐθιζόμενοι στρατεύεσθαι.
Τὰ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων οὕτως εἶχε. Μιθριδάτης,
ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν σοφιστῶν, κομπώδης ἐν
ἀρχῇ καὶ σοβαρὸς ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἀναστὰς δια-
κένῳ δυνάμει, λαμπρᾷ δὲ καὶ πανηγυρικῇ τὴν
ὄψιν, εἶτ᾽ ἐκπεσὼν καταγελάστως καὶ νουθετη-
θείς, ὅτε τὸ δεύτερον πολεμεῖν ἔμελλεν, εἰς
ἀληθινὴν καὶ πραγματικὴν συνέστελλε τὰς Suva-
pers παρασκευήν. ἀφελὼν γὰρ τὰ παντοδαπὰ
πλήθη καὶ τὰς πολυγλώσσους ἀπειλὰς τῶν
βαρβάρων, ὅπλων Te! διαχρύσων καὶ διαλίθων
1 re with S: δέ.
490
496
LUCULLUS
men who ceuld be regarded as rivals of Lucullus in
any dispute about this command. Cotta, however,
his colleague in the consulship, after fervent en-
treaties to the Senate, was sent with some ships to
guard the Propontis, and to protect Bithynia.
VII. With a legion which he had raised himself in
Italy, Lucullus crossed into Asia,! and there assumed
command of the rest of the Roman forces. All these
had long been spoiled by habits of luxury and greed,
and the Fimbrians, as they were called, had become
unmanageable, through long lack of discipline.
These were the men who, in collusion with Fimbrius,
had slain Flaccus, their consul and general, and had
delivered Fimbrius himself: over to Sulla. They
were self-willed and lawless, but good fighters, hardy,
and experienced in war. However, in a short time
Lucullus pruned off their insolent boldness, and
reformed the rest. Then for the first time, as it
would seem, they made the acquaintance of a
genuine commander and leader, whereas before this
they had always been cajoled into doing their duty,
like crowds at the hustings.
On the enemy’s side, matters stood as follows.
‘Mithridates, boastful and pompous at the outset, like
most of the Sophists, had first opposed the Romans
with forces which were really unsubstantial, though
brilliant and ostentatious to look upon. With these
he had made a ridiculous fiasco and learned a
salutary lesson. When therefore, he thought to go
to war the second time, he organized his forces into
a genuinely effective armament. He did away with
Barbarous hordes from every clime, and all their
discordant and threatening cries; he provided no
1748.0. Cf. Cemon, i. 5.
49)
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
4 € 4 fe) 4 3
κατασκευάς, ὡς λάφυρα τῶν κρατούντων, οὐκ
ἀλκήν τινα τῶν κεκτημένων ὄντα, ξίφη μὲν
ἠλαύνετο Ῥωμαϊκὰ καὶ θυρεοὺς ἐμβριθεῖς ἐπή-
γνυτο καὶ γεγυμνασμένους μᾶλλον ἢ κεκοσμη-
μένους ἤθροιζεν ἵππους, πεζῶν δὲ μυριάδας δώδεκα
κατεσκευασμένων εἰς φάλαγγα ἹῬωμαϊκήν, ἱππεῖς
δὲ πρὸς μυρίοις ἑξακισχιλίους ἄνευ τῶν δρεπανη-
, a > 4 e / ΝΜ \
5 φόρων τεθρίππων ταῦτα δ᾽ ἦν ἑκατόν' ἔτι δὲ
ναῦς οὐ χρυσορόφοις σκηνίσιν οὐδὲ λουτροῖς
παλλακίδων καὶ γυναικωνίτισι τρυφώσαις ἠσκη-
4, 3 3 ΦΨ \ a 7
μένας, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπλων καὶ βελῶν καὶ χρημάτων
γεμούσας παραρτυσάμενος ἐνέβαλεν εἰς Βιθυνίαν,
τῶν πόλεων αὖθις ἀσμένως ὑποδεχομένων οὐ
a 2 Ν ὶ Ἁ > / συ“ ς
μόνον τούτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ὅλην ὑπο-
a /
τροπὴ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν νοσημάτων εἶχεν, ἀφόρητα
πάσχουσαν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαϊκῶν δανειστῶν καὶ τελω-
le) \
6 νῶν" ods ὕστερον μὲν ὥσπερ᾽ Αρπυίας τὴν τροφὴν
A ε
ἁρπάζοντας αὐτῶν ὁ Λούκουλλος ἐξήλασε, τότε
δὲ μετριωτέρους ἐπειρᾶτο νουθετῶν ποιεῖν, καὶ
τὰς ἀποστάσεις κατέπαυε τῶν δήμων, οὐδενός,
ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, ἡσυχάζοντος.
VIII. “Ov δὲ περὶ ταῦτα Λούκουλλος ἠσχο-
λεῖτο χρόνον αὑτοῦ καιρὸν εἶναι νομίξων ὁ
Κόττας παρεσκευάζετο μάχεσθαι πρὸς Μιθρι-
δάτην. καὶ πολλῶν ἀπαγγελλόντων ἤδη Λού-
κουλλον ἐν Φρυγίᾳ στρατοπεδεύειν ἐπιόντα,
μόνον οὐκ ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἔχειν τὸν θρίαμβον
3 e \ 4 4 3 “A
οἰόμενος, ὡς μὴ μεταλάβῃ Λούκουλλος αὐτοῦ,
2 συμβαλεῖν ἔσπευσε. πληγεὶς δ᾽ ἅμα καὶ κατὰ
492
LUCULLUS
more armour inlaid with gold and set with precious
stones, for he saw that these made rich booty for the
victors, but gave no strength whatever to their
wearers ; instead, he had swords forged in the Roman
fashion, and heavy shields welded; he collected
horses that were well trained rather than richly
caparisoned, and a hundred and twenty thousand
footmen drilled in the Roman phalanx formation,
and sixteen thousand horsemen, not counting the
scythe-bearing, four-horse chariots, which were a
hundred in number : and further, he put in readiness
ships which were not tricked out with gilded
canopies, or baths for concubines, and luxurious
apartments for women, but which were rather loaded
down with armour and missiles and munitions of war.
Then he burst into Bithynia, and not only did the
cities there receive him again with gladness, but all
Asia suffered a relapse into its former distempered
condition, afflicted, as it was, past bearing by Roman
money-lenders and tax-gatherers. These were after-
wards driven off by Lucullus,—harpies that they
were, snatching the people’s food; but then he
merely tried, by admonishing them, to make them
more moderate in their demands, and laboured to stop
the uprisings of the towns, hardly one of which was
in a quiet state.
VIII. While Lucullus was thus occupied, Cotta,
thinking that his own golden opportunity had come,
was getting ready to give battle to Mithridates.
And when tidings came from many sources that
Lucullus was coming up, and was already encamped
in Phrygia, thinking that a triumph was all but
in his grasp, and desiring that Lucullus have no
share in it, he hastened to engage the king. But
493
a
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν ἑξήκοντα μὲν ἀπώλεσεν
αὔτανδρα σκάφη, πεζοὺς δὲ τετρακισχιλίους,
αὐτὸς δὲ κατακλεισθεὶς εἰς Χαλκηδόνα καὶ
πολιορκούμενος εἰς τὰς Λουκούλλου χεῖρας ἀπέ-
βλεπεν.
8 Ἦσαν μὲν οὖν οἱ τὸν Λούκουλλον ἀμελήσαντα
Κόττα πρόσω χωρεῖν παρορμῶντες ὡς ἔρημον
αἱρήσοντα τὴν Μιθριδάτου βασιλείαν, καὶ μά-
λιστα τῶν στρατιωτῶν οὗτος ἣν ὁ λόγος, ἀγανα-
κτούντων, εἰ μὴ μόνον αὑτὸν ἀπολεῖ καὶ τοὺς
σὺν αὐτῷ βουλευσάμενος κακῶς ὁ Κόττας, ἀλλὰ
καὶ σφίσιν ἐμποδὼν ἔσται νικᾶν ἀμαχεὶ δυνα-
4 μένοις. Λούκουλλος δὲ πρὸς μὲν τούτους δημη-
γορῶν εἶπεν, ὡς ἕνα βούλοιτ᾽ ἂν ἐκ πολεμίων
σῶσαι Ῥωμαῖον ἢ ἢ πάντα λαβεῖν τὰ τῶν πολεμίων"
᾿Αρχελάου δὲ τοῦ περὶ Βοιωτίαν Μιθριδάτῃ
στρατηγήσαντος, εἶτ᾽ ἀποστάντος καὶ Ῥωμαίοις
συστρατεύοντος, διαβεβαιουμένου ὀφθέντα Λού-
κουλλον ἐν Πόντῳ πάντων ὁμοῦ κρατήσειν, οὐκ
ἔφη δειλότερος εἶναι τῶν κυνηγῶν, ὥστε τὰ θηρία
παρελθὼν ἐπὶ κενοὺς αὐτῶν τοὺς φωλεοὺς βαδί-
5 Cau. καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην προῆγε
πεζοὺς μὲν ἔχων τρισμυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχιλίους
πεντακοσίους. καταστὰς δ᾽ εἰς ἔποψιν τῶν πολε-
μίων καὶ θαυμάσας τὸ πλῆθος ἐβούλετο μὲν
ἀπέχεσθαι μάχης καὶ τρίβειν τὸν χρόνον, Μαρίου
δ᾽, ὃν Σερτώριος ἐξ ᾿Ιβηρίας ἀπεστάλκει Μιρθρι-
δάτῃ μετὰ δυνάμεως στρατηγόν, ἀπαντήσαντος
αὐτῷ καὶ προκαλουμένου κατέστη μὲν εἰς τάξιν
ὡς διαμα oupevos, ἤδη δὲ ὅσον οὔπω συμφερο-
6 Goa ἀπ᾿ οὐδεμιᾶς ἐπιφανοῦς μεταβολῆς, ἀλλ᾽
494
LUCULLUS
he was defeated by sea and land, lost sixty vessels,
crews and all, and four thousand foot-soldiers,
while he himself was shut up in Chalcedon and
besieged there, looking for relief at the hands of
Lucullus.
Now there were some who urged Lucullus to
ignore Cotta and march on into the kingdom of
Mithridates, assured of capturing it in its defenceless
condition. This was the reasoning of the soldiers
especially, who were indignant that Cotta, by his
evil counsels, should not only be the undoing of
himself and‘his army, but also block their own way
to a victory which they could have won without
a battle. But Lucullus, in a harangue which he
made them, said that he would rather save one
Roman from the enemy than take all that enemy's
possessions. And when Aychelaiis, who had held
command for Mithridates in: Boeotia, and then had
abandoned his cause, and was now in the Roman
army, stoutly maintained that if Lucullus were once
seen in Pontus, he would master everything at once,
Lucullus declared that he was at least as courageous
as the hunter; he would not give the wild beasts
the slip and stalk their empty lairs. With these
words, he led his army against Mithridates, having
thirty thousand foot-soldiers, and twenty-five hundred
horsemen. But when he had come within sight of
the enemy and seen with amazement their multitude,
he desired to refrain from battle and draw out
the time. But Marius, whom Sertorius had sent
to Mithridates from Spain with an army, came out
to meet him, and challenged him to combat, and so
he put his forces in array to fight the issue out.
But presently, as they were on the point of joining
ae
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐξαίφνης τοῦ ἀέρος ὑπορραγέντος ' ὥφθη μέγα
σῶμα φλογειδὲς εἰς μέσον τῶν στρατοπέδων
καταφερόμενον, τὸ μὲν σχῆμα πίθῳ μάλιστα,
τὴν δὲ χρόαν ἀργύρῳ διαπύρῳ προσεοικός, ὥστε
δείσαντας ἀμφοτέρους τὸ φάσμα διακριθῆναι.
τοῦτο μὲν οὖν φασιν ἐν Φρυγίᾳ περὶ τὰς λεγο-
μένας ᾽Οτρύας συμβῆναι τὸ πάθος.
‘O δὲ ‘AovKovAXos οὐδεμιᾶς εἶναι νομίζων
ἀνθρωπίνης παρασκευῆς οὐδὲ πλούτου θρέψαι
μυριάδας ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀντικαθηρένων πολε-
μίων τοσαύτας, ὅσας εἶχε Μιθριδάτης, ἐκέλευσεν
ἀχθῆναι τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἕνα" καὶ πρῶτον ἀνέ-
κρινε, μετὰ πόσων διαιτῷτο συσκήνων, ἔπειτα
πόσον ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ καταλέλοιπε σῖτον. ᾿ ἀπο-
κριναμένου δὲ τἀνθρώπου τὸν μὲν ἐκέλευσε μετα-
στῆναι, δεύτερον δὲ καὶ τρίτον ὁμοίως ἀνέκρινεν.
εἶτα συνθεὶς τὸ THS- παρεσκευασμένης τροφῆς
πλῆθος πρὸς τὸ τῶν τρεφομένων, ἔγνω τριῶν
ἢ τεσσάρων ἡμερῶν ἐπιλείψοντα σῖτον τοὺς
πολεμίους. καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον εἴχετο τοῦ χρόνου,
καὶ συνῆγεν εἰς τὸν χάρακα παμπληθῆ σῖτον, ὡς
ἐν ἀφθόνοις διάγων αὐτὸς ἐφεδρεύοι ταῖς ἐκείνων
ἀπορίαις.
- IX. Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ Μιθριδάτης ἐπεβούλευε
Κυξζικηνοῖς πεπληγόσιν ἐν τῇ περὶ Χαλκηδόνα
μάχῃ: τρισχιλίων γὰρ ἀνδρῶν καὶ δέκα νεῶν
ἐστέρηντο. βουλόμενος οὖν λαθεῖν τὸν Λού-
κούλλον, εὐθὺς ἀπὸ δείπνου νύκτα δυσφανῆ καὶ
νοτερὰν ἔχων ἐκίνει' καὶ φθάνει τῆς πόλεως
ἄντικρυς ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ περὶ τὸ τῆς ᾿Αδραστείας ὄρος
1 ὑπορραγέντος with S : ἀπορραγέντος.
496
497
LUCULLUS
battle, with no apparent change of weather, but
all on a sudden, the sky burst asunder, and a huge,
flame-like body was seen to fall between the two
armies. In shape, it was -most like a wine-jar,
and in colour, like molten silver. Both sides were
astonished at the sight, and separated. This marvel,
as they say, occurred in Phrygia, at a place called
Otryae.
But Lucullus, feeling sure that no human provision
or wealth could maintain, for any length of time,
and in the face of an enemy, so many thousands
of men as Mithridates had, ordered one of the
captives to be brought to him, and asked him first, how
many men shared his mess, and ther, how much food
he had left in his tent. When the man had answered
these questions, he ordered him to be removed,
and questioned a second and a third in like manner.
Then, comparing the amount of food provided with
the number of men to be fed, he concluded that
within three or four days the enemy’s provisions
would fail them. All the more, therefore, did he
trust to time, and collected into his camp a great
abundance of provisions, that so, himself in the
midst of plenty, he might watch for his enemy’s
distress, |
IX. But in the meantime, Mithridates planned a
blow at Cyzicus, which had suffered terribly in the
battle near Chalcedon, having lost three thousand
men andtenships. Accordingly, wishing to evade the
notice of Lucullus, he set out immediately after the
evening meal, taking advantage of a dark and rainy
night, and succeeded in planting his forces over
against the city, on the slopes of the mountain range
497
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
2 ἱδρύσας τὴν δύναμιν. Ὃ δὲ Λούκουλλος αἰσθό-
μενος καὶ διώξας ἠγάπησε μὲν οὐκ ἐμπεσὼν ἀσύν-
TAKTOS εἰς TOUS πολεμίους, καθίζει δὲ τὸν στρατὸν
περὶ τὴν Θρᾳκίαν λεγομένην κώμην ἐν τόπῳ κατὰ
τῶν ὁδῶν ἄριστα πεφυκότι καὶ τῶν χωρίων, ἀφ᾽
ὧν καὶ δι’ ὧν ἀναγκαῖον ἦν τοῖς Μιθριδατικοῖς τὰ
ἐπιτήδεια φοιτᾶν. διὸ καὶ περιλαβὼν τῇ διανοίᾳ
τὸ μέλλον οὐκ ἀπεκρύψατο τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἀλλ᾽
ἅμα τῷ θέσθαι τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν
ἔργων γενέσθαι συναγαγὼν αὐτοὺς ἐμεγαλη-
γόρησεν, ὡς ὀλίγων ἡ ἡμερῶν ἀναιμωτὶ τὸ νίκημα
παραδώσων αὐτοῖς.
8 Κυζικηνοὺς δὲ Μιθριδάτης δέκα μὲν ἐ ἐκ γῆς στρα-
τοπέδοις περιλαβών, ταῖς δὲ ναυσὶν ἐκ θαλάσσης
τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἠπείρου διείργοντα τὴν πόλιν εὔριπον
ἐμφράξας, ἑκατέρωθεν ἐπολιόρκει, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα
διακειμένους πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον εὐθαρσῶς καὶ πᾶν
ἕνεκα Ῥωμαίων ἐγνωκότας ἐκδέχεσθαι δυσχερές,
ἀγνοοῦντας δὲ ὅπη Λούκουλλος εἴη καὶ τῷ μηδὲν
4 περὶ αὐτοῦ πεπύσθαι ταραττομένους. καίτοι
καταφανὴς ἣν ἡ στρατοπεδεία καὶ ἄποπτος, ἀλλ᾽
ὑπο τῶν “Μιθριδατικῶν ἐξηπατῶντο. δεικνύντες
γὰρ αὐτοῖς τοὺς “Ῥωμαίους ἄ ἄνω παρεμβεβληκότας
“Ὁρᾶτε τούτους;" ἔφασαν, “’Appevlov στρατός
ἐστι καὶ Μήδων, Τιγράνου Μιθριδάτῃ καταπέμ-
ψαντος ἐπικουρίαν." οἱ δ᾽ ἐξεπλήσσοντο τοσού-
του πολέμου περικεχυμένου μηδ᾽, εἰ παραγένοιτο
Λούκουλλος, χώραν ἔτι ΜΙ ΠΕπὶ βοηθείας ἔλατί-
ζοντες.
5 Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πρῶτος αὐτοῖς εἰσπεμφθεὶς ὑπ᾽
᾿Αρχελάου Δημῶναξ ἔφρασε τὴν τοῦ Λουκούλλου
498
LUCULLUS
of Adrasteia, by day-break. Lucullus got wind of
his departure and pursued him, but was well satisfied
not to fall upon the enemy while his own troops were
in disorder from their march, and stationed his army
near the village called Thracia, in a spot best suited
to command the roads and regions from which, and
over which, the army of Mithridates must get its
necessary supplies. Seeing clearly, therefore, what
the issue must be, he did not conceal it from his
soldiers, but as soon as-they had completed the
labour of fortifying their camp, called them together,
and boastfully told them that within a few days he
would give them their victory, and that without any
bloodshed.
Mithridates was besieging Cyzicus both by land
and sea, having encompassed it with ten camps on
the land side, and having blockaded with his ships
by sea the narrow strait which parts the city from
the mainland. Although the citizens viewed their
peril with a high courage, and were resolved to
sustain every hardship for the sake of the Romans,
still, they knew not where Lucullus was, and were
disturbed because they heard nothing of him. And
yet his camp was in plain sight, only they were
deceived by their enemies. These pointed the
Romans out to them, lying encamped on the heights,
and said: ‘Do you see those forces? It is an army
of Armenians and Medes which Tigranes has sent to
assist Mithridates.” They were therefore terrified
to see such hosts encompassing them, and had no
hopes that any way of succour remained, even if
Lucullus should come.
However, in the first place, aoiat was sent
in to them by Archelaiis, and told them that Lucullus
499
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES
παρουσίαν. Τούτων δ᾽ ἀπιστούντων καὶ νομιζόν-
των αὐτὸν τῶν παρόντων ἐπὶ παρηγορίᾳ πεπλα-
σμένα “λέγειν, ἧκε παιδάριον αἰχμάλωτον ἐκ τῶν
πολεμίων ἀποδεδρακός. πυνθανομένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν,
ποῦ λέγοι τὸν Λούκουλλον εἶναι, κατεγέλα παίζειν
αὐτοὺς οἰόμενον. ὡς δ᾽ ἑώρα σπουδάζοντας,
ἐσήμηνε τῇ χειρὶ τὸν χάρακα τῶν Ῥωμαίων, οἱ δ᾽
ἀνεθάρσησαν. τῆς δὲ Δασκυλίτιδος λίμνης πλεο-
μένης ἀκατίοις ἐπιεικῶς. εὐμεγέθεσι, τὸ μέγιστον
αὐτῶν ὁ ΔΛούκουλλος ἀνελκύσας καὶ διαγαγὼν
ἁμάξῃ πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν ὅσους ἐχώρει στρατιώ-
τας ἐνεβίβασεν. ἔλαθον δὲ νυκτὸς διαπεράσαντες
καὶ παρεισῆλθον εἰς τὴν πόλιν.
X. Ἔοικε δὲ καὶ τὸ θεῖον ἐπιθαρρῦναι τοὺς
Κυξικηνούς, ἀγασθὲν αὐτῶν τὴν ἀνδραγαθίαν,
ἄλλοις τε σημείοις ἐναργέσι, καὶ τῆς τῶν Φερεφατ-
τίων ἑορτῆς ἐνεστώσης οἱ μὲν ἠπόρουν βοὸς με-
λαίνης πρὸς τὴν θυσίαν καὶ σταιτίνην πλάσαντες
τῷ βωμῷ παρέστησαν, ἡ 7 δ᾽ ἱερὰ καὶ τρεφομένη τῇ
θεῷ νομὴν μὲν εἶχεν, ὥσπερ τἄλλα βοτὰ τῶν
Κυξικηνῶν, ἐν τῇ περαίᾳ, κατ᾽ ἐκείνην δὲ τὴν
ἡμέραν ἀποκριθεῖσα τῆς ᾿ἀγέλης μόνη διενήξατο
πρὸς τὴν πόλιν καὶ κατέστησεν ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν
αὑτήν. ὄναρ δ᾽ ἡ θεὸς ᾿Αρισταγόρᾳ τῷ τοῦ δήμου
γραμματιστῇ παραστᾶσα, “Kal μὴν ἔγωγε,"
εἶπεν, “ἥκω τὸν Λιβυκὸν αὐλητὴν ἐπὶ τὸν
Ποντικὸν σαλπιγκτὴν͵ ἐπάγουσα. φράσον οὖν
θαρρεῖν τοῖς πολίταις." θαυμαξόντων δὲ τὴν
φωνὴν τῶν Κυξικηνῶν ἅ ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ σάλον εἶχεν ἡ
θάλασσα κατιόντος ἀκρίτου πνεύματος, at τε
μηχαναὶ τοῦ βασιλέως παρεστῶσαι τοῖς τείχεσιν,
ἔργα θαυμαστὰ Νικωνίδου τοῦ Θεσσαλοῦ, ῥοίξῳ
500
498
LUCULLUS
was arrived. They disbelieved him, and thought
he had invented his story merely to mitigate their
anxieties, but then a boy came to them, who had
escaped from his captivity with the enemy. On
their asking him where he thought Lucullus was, he
laughed at them, supposing them to be jesting. But
when he saw that they were in earnest, he pointed
out the Roman camp to them, and their courage was
revived. Again, Lucullus drew out on shore the
largest of the sizable craft which plied the lake
Dascylitis, carried it across to the sea on a waggon,
and embarked upon it as many soldiers as it would
hold, who crossed by night unobserved, and got safely
into the city.
X. It would seem also that Heaven, in admiration
of their bravery, emboldened the men of Cyzicus by
many manifest signs, and especially by the following.
The festival of Persephone was at hand, and the
people, in lack of a black heifer for the sacrifice,
fashioned one of dough, and brought it to the altar.
Now the sacred heifer reared for the goddess was
pasturing, like the other herds of the Cyzicenes, on
the opposite side of the strait, but on that day she
left her herd, swam over alone to the city, and
presented herself for the sacrifice. And again,
the goddess appeared in a dream to Aristagoras, the
town-clerk, saying : “ Lo, here am I, and I bring the
Libyan fifer against the Pontic trumpeter. Bid the
citizens therefore be of good cheer.” While the
Cyzicenes were lost in wonder at the saying, at day-
break the sea began to toss under a boisterous wind,
and the siege-engines of the king along the walls,
the wonderful works of Niconides the Thessalian, by
501
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
3 καὶ πατάγῳ πρῶτον ἀπεδήλουν TO μέλλον" εἶτα
νότος ἐκραγεὶς ἄπιστος τὸ μέγεθος τά τ᾽ ἄλλα
συνέτριψε μηχανήματα ὥρας βραχεῖ μορίῳ, καὶ
τὸν ξύλινον πύργον ἑκατὸν πηχῶν ὕψος ὄντα
διασείσας κατέβαλεν. ἱστορεῖται δὲ τῶν ἐν “Trio
πολλοῖς καθ᾽ ὕπνον ὀφθῆναι τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν ἱδρῶτι
πολλῷ ῥεομένην καὶ ὑποφαίνουσάν τι τοῦ πέπλου
παρερρωγύός, λέγουσαν, ὡς ἀρτίως ἥκοι βοηθήσασα
Κυζικηνοῖς. καὶ στήλην τινὰ δόγματα καὶ γράμ-
ματα περὶ τούτων ἔχουσαν ἐδείκννον ᾿Γλιεῖς.
ΧΙ. Μιθριδάτην δέ, ἄχρι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ
στρατηγῶν φενακιζόμενος ἠγνόει τὸν ἐν τῷ στρα-
/ / > / 4 \
τοπέδῳ λιμόν, nviov Κυξικηνοὶ διαφεύγοντες τὴν
’ \ 5 ] Ud \ / 3 “
πολιορκίαν. ταχὺ δ᾽ ἐξερρύη τὸ φιλότιμον αὐτοῦ
καὶ φιλόνεικον ἐν αἰσθήσει γενομένου τῶν ἀπο-
ριῶν, αἷς οἱ στρατιῶται συνείχοντο, καὶ τῶν
> “ Ψ \ δ Ὁ 2 9
ἀνθρωποφαγιῶν, ἅτε δὴ μὴ θεατρικώς μηδ᾽ ἐπιδει-
κτικῶς Λουκούλλου πολεμοῦντος, ἀλλά, τοῦτο δὴ
τὸ λεγόμενον, εἰς τὴν γαστέρα ἐναλλομένου καὶ
ὅπως ὑφαιρήσει τὴν τροφὴν ἅπαντα πραγματενο-
2 μένου. διὸ καὶ φρούριόν τι πολιορκοῦντος αὐτοῦ
τῷ καιρῷ χρήσασθαι σπεύδων ὁ Μιθριδάτης
ϑῴ. / 3 ’ \ 4 A N
ἐξέπεμψεν εἰς Βιθυνίαν τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς σχεδὸν
ἅπαντας μετὰ τῶν ὑποζυγίων, τῶν δὲ πεζῶν τοὺς
3 a , » ¢ 4
ἀχρήστους. πυθόμενος δ᾽ ὁ Λούκουλλος ἔτι νυκ-
τὸς ἧκεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον, πρωΐ δὲ χειμῶνος
ὄντος ἀναλαβὼν σπείρας δέκα καὶ τὴν ἵππον
997 , “ σ ‘
ἐδίωκε νιφομενος καὶ κακοπαθῶν, ὥστε πολλοὺς
ὑπὸ κρύους ἐνδιδόντας ἀπολείπεσθαι τῶν στρα-
502
LUCULLUS
their creaking and cracking showed clearly what was
about to happen; then a south wind burst forth with
incredible fury, shattered the other engines in a
short space of time, and threw down with a great
shock the wooden tower a hundred cubits high. It
is related, too, that.the goddess Athena appeared to
many of the inhabitants of [lium in their sleep,
dripping with sweat, showing part of her peplus
torn away, and saying that she was just come from
assisting the Cyzicenes. And the people of [lium
used to show a stelé which had on it certain decrees
and inscriptions relating to this matter.
XI. Mithridates, as long as his generals deceived
him into ignorance of the famine in his army, was
vexed that the Cyzicenes should successfully with-
stand his siege. But his eager ambition quickly
ebbed away when he perceived the straits in which
his soldiers were involved, and their actual canni-
balism. For Lucullus was not carrying on the war
in any theatrical way, nor for mere display, but, as
the saying is, was “kicking in the belly,’ and de-
vising every means for cutting off food. Accordingly,
while Lucullus was laying siege to some outpost or
other, Mithridates eagerly took advantage of the
opportunity, and sent away into Bithynia almost all
his horsemen, together with the beasts of burden,
and those of his foot-soldiers who were disabled.
On learning of this, Lucullus returned to his camp
while it was still night, and early in the morning, in
spite of a storm, took ten cohorts of infantry and
his calvary, and started in pursuit, although snow
was falling and his hardships were extreme. Many
of his soldiers were overcome with the cold and had
to be left behind, but with the rest he overtook the
993
or
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τιωτῶν, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις περὶ τὸν ‘Puvdaxoy ποταμὸν
καταλαβὼν τοὺς πολεμίους τοσαύτην τροπὴν
ἐποίησεν, ὥστε τὰς γυναῖκας ἐκ τῆς ᾿Απολλωνίας
προερχομένας ἀφαρπάζειν τὰ φορτία καὶ σκυ-
λεύειν τοὺς φονευομένους. πολλῶν δ᾽, ὡς εἰκός,
ἀποθανόντων ἑάλωσαν ἵπποι μὲν ἑξακισχίλιοι
καὶ πλῆθος ἀναρίθμητον ὑποζυγίων, ἄνδρες δὲ
μύριοι πεντακισχίλιοι" καὶ τούτους ἄγων πάντας
παρεξήει παρὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων.
Σαλουστίου δὲ θαυμάζω τότε πρῶτον ὦφθαι
Ῥωμαίοις καμήλους λέγοντος, εἰ μήτε πρότερον
τοὺς μετὰ Σκηπίωνος νικήσαντας ᾿Αντίοχον ᾧετο
μήτε τοὺς ἔναγχος πρὸς Ὀρχομενῷ καὶ περὶ
Χαιρώνειαν ᾿Αρχελάῳ μεμαχημένους ἐγνωκέναι
κάμηλον.
᾿Αλλὰ τῷ γε Μιθριδάτῃ φεύγειν μὲν ἔγνωστο
τὴν ταχίστην, ἀνθολκὰς δὲ Λουκούλλῳ καὶ δια-
τριβὰς ὀπίσω μηχανώμενος ἔστελλε τὸν ναύαρχον
᾿Αριστόνικον ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελληνικὴν θάλασσαν" καὶ
ὅσον οὔπω μέλλοντος ἐκπλεῖν ἐκ προδοσίας ὁ
Λούκουλλος ἐκυρίευσε μετὰ χρυσῶν μυρίων, ods
ἐκόμιζε διαφθερῶν τι τοῦ Ῥωμαϊκοῦ στρατεύ-
ματος. ἐκ τούτου Μιθριδάτης μὲν ἔφυγεν ἐπὶ
θάλασσαν, οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ πεζοὶ τὸν στρατὸν
ἀπήγαγον. ἐπιπεσὼν δὲ Λούκουλλος αὐτοῖς
περὶ τὸν Γρανικὸν ποταμὸν εἷλέ τε παμπόλλους
καὶ δισμυρίους ἀπέκτεινε. λέγονται δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ
παντὸς ἀκολούθων τε καὶ μαχίμων ὄχλου μυρι-
“4 \ A
-dées οὐ πολὺ δὴ τῶν τριάκοντα λείπουσαι
διαφθαρῆνὰι.
XII. Λούκουλλος δὲ πρῶτον εἰς Κύξικον
παρελθὼν ἀπέλαυσεν ἡδονῆς καὶ φιλοφροσύνης
504
499
LUCULLUS
enemy at the river Rhyndacus and inflicted such a
defeat upon them that the very women came forth
from Apollonia and carried off their baggage and
stripped their slain. Many fell in the battle, as it
is natural to suppose. Six thousand horses and
fifteen thousand men were captured, besides an un-
told number of beasts of burden. All these followed
in the train of Lucullus as he marched back past
the camp of the enemy. Sallust says, to my amaze-
ment, that camels were then seen by the Romans |
for the first time. He must have thought that the
soldiers of Scipio who conquered Antiochus before
this, and those who had lately fought Archelaiis at
Orchomenus and Chaeroneia, were unacquainted
with the camel.
Mithridates was now resolved upon the speediest
possible flight, but with a view to drawing Lucullus
away, and holding him back from pursuit, he dis-
patched his admiral, Aristonicus, to the Grecian sea.
Aristonicus was just on the point of sailing when he
was betrayed into the hands of Lucullus, together
with ten thousand pieces of gold which he was
carrying for the corruption of some portion of the
Roman army. Upon this, Mithridates fled to the —
sea, and his generals of infantry began to lead the
army away. But Lucullus fell upon them at the
river Granicus, captured a vast number of them,
and slew twenty thousand. It is said that out of
the whole horde of camp-followers and fighting men,
not much less than three hundred thousand perished
in the campaign.
XII. Lucullus, in the first place, entered Cyzicus
in triumph, and enjoyed the pleasant welcome which
5995
ὡ
ὃ.
5
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πρεπούσης" ἔπειτα ναυτικὸν ἐξηρτύετο τὸν ‘EX-
λήσποντον ἐπιπορευόμενος. εἰς δὲ Τρῳάδα κατα-
χθεὶς ἐσκήνωσε μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς ᾿Αφροδίτης,
κατακοιμηθεὶς δὲ νύκτωρ ἐδόκει τὴν θεὰν ὁρᾶν
ἐφεστῶσαν αὐτῷ καὶ λέγουσαν"
Τί κνώσσεις, μεγάθυμε λέον; νεβροὶ δέ
τοι ἐγγύς.
ἐξαναστὰς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φίλους καλέσας διηγεῖτο
τὴν ὄψιν ἔτι νυκτὸς οὔσης. καὶ παρῆσαν ἐξ
"IMov tivés ἀπαγγέλλοντες ὦφθαι περὶ τὸν
᾿Αχαιῶν λιμένα τρισκαίδεκα πεντήρεις τῶν βασι-
λικῶν ἐπὶ Λῆμνον πλεούσας. εὐθὺς οὖν ἀναχθεὶς
τούτους μὲν εἷλε καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν
᾿Ισίδωρον ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἔφτλει
πρῳρέας. οἱ δὲ ἔτυχον ὁρμοῦντες, καὶ τὰ πλοῖα
πάντα πρὸς τὴν γῆν συνέλκοντες ἀπὸ τῶν
καταστρωμάτων διεμάχοντο καὶ πληγὰς ἐδίδοσαν
τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λούκουλλον, οὔτε περιπλεῦσαι
τοῦ χωρίου διδόντος οὔτε βιάσασθαι ναυσὶ
μετεώροις τὰς τῶν πολεμίων προσερηρεισμένας
τῇ γῇ καὶ βεβηκυίας ἀσφαλῶς. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
μόλις 4 προσβολήν τινα ἡ νῆσος εἶχεν ἀποβι-
Bale. τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς ἀρίστους, of κατόπιν
ἐπιπεσόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις τοὺς μὲν διέφθειρον
αὐτῶν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἠνάγκαζον ἀποκόπτοντας τὰ
πρυμνήσια τῶν νεῶν καὶ φεύγοντας ἐκ τῆς γῆς
ἀλλήλοις τε συγκρούειν τὰ πλοῖα καὶ ταῖς ἐμβο-
λαῖς ταῖς περὶ τὸν Λούκουλλον ὑποπίπτειν.
πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν διεφθάρησαν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἁλοῦσιν
ἀνήχθη καὶ Μάριος ὁ παρὰ Σερτωρίου στρατηγός"
500
LUCULLUS
was his due ; then he proceeded to the Hellespont,
and began to equip a fleet. On visiting the Troad,
he pitched his tent in the sacred precinct of Aphro-
dite, and in the night, after he had fallen asleep, he
thought he saw the goddess standing over him and
saying :—
“Why dost thou sleep, great lion? the fawns
are near for thy taking.”
Rising up from sleep and calling his friends, he
narrated to them his vision, while it was yet night.
And lo, there came certain men from Ilium, with
tidings that thirteen of the king’s galleys had been
seen off the harbour of the Achaeans, making for
Lemnos Accordingly, Lucullus put to sea at once,
captured these, slew their commander, Isodorus, and
then sailed in pursuit of the other captains, whom
these were seeking to join. They chanced to be
lying at anchor close to shore, and drawing their
vessels all up on land, they fought from their decks,
and sorely galled the crews of Lucullus. These had
no chance to sail round their enemies, nor to make
onset upon them, since their own ships were afloat,
while those of their enemies were planted upon
the land and securely fixed. However, Lucullus at
last succeeded in disembarking the best of his
soldiers where the island afforded some sort of
access. These fell upon the enemy from the rear,
slew some of them, and foreed the rest to cut
their stern cables and fly from the shore, their
vessels thus falling foul of one another, and receiving
the impact of the ships of Lucullus. Many of the
enemy perished, of course, and among the captives
there was brought in Marius, the general sent from
597
ὡϑ
cS
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἦν yap ἑτερόφθαλμος, καὶ παρήγγελτο τοῖς
στρατιώταις εὐθὺς ἐπιπλέουσιν ὑπὸ Λουκούχλουν
μηδένα κτείνειν ἑτερόφθαλμον, ὅπως ἐξονειδισθεὶς
καὶ καθυβρισθεὶς ἀποθάνοι.
XIII. Γενόμενος δ᾽ ἀπὸ τούτων ἠπείγετο πρὸς
τὴν αὐτοῦ Μιθριδάτου δίωξιν. ἤλπιζε γὰρ ἔτι
περὶ Βιθυνίαν εὑρήσειν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ ἘΒοκωνίου
φρουρούμενον, ὃν αὐτὸς ἐνστησόμενον τῇ φυγῇ
μετὰ νεῶν ἀπεστάλκει πρὸς Νικομήδειαν. ἀλλὰ
Βοκώνιος μὲν ἐν Σαμοθράκῃ μυούμενος καὶ
πανηγυρίζων καθυστέρησε: Μιθριδάτην δὲ ἀνα-
χθέντα μετὰ τοῦ στόλου, σπεύδοντα πρὶν ἐπι-
στρέφειν Λούκουλλον εἰς τὸν Πόντον εἰσπλεῦσαι,
καταλαμβάνει χειμὼν πολύς, ὑφ᾽ οὗ τὰ μὲν
ἀφηρπάγη, τὰ δ᾽ ἐβυθίσθη τῶν σκαφῶν, πᾶσα
δ᾽ ἡ παραλία τῶν ναναγίων ἐκφερομένων ὑπὸ
τοῦ κλύδωνος ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας HY περίπλεως.
αὐτὸς δέ, τῆς ὁλκάδος, ἐφ᾽ ἧς ἔπλει, μήτε πρὸς
τὴν γῆν εὐπαρακομίστου διὰ μέγεθος ἐν σάλῳ
μεγάλῳ καὶ κύματι τυφλῷ παρισταμένης τοῖς
κυβερνήταις, πρός τε τὴν θάλασσαν ἤδη βαρείας
καὶ ὑπεράντλου γενομένης, μετεμβὰς εἰς λῃστρι-
κὸν μυοπάρωνα καὶ τὸ σῶμα πειραταῖς ἐγχειρί-
σας ἀνελπίστως καὶ παραβόλως εἰς τὴν ἸΠοντικὴν
Ἡράκλειαν ἐξεσώθη. Λουκούλλῳ δ᾽ ἀνεμέσητος
ἡ πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπέβη φιλοτιμία. ψη-
φιξζομένης γὰρ αὐτῆς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀπὸ
τρισχιλίων ταλάντων ἐξαρτύεσθαι ναυτικόν,
ἐκώλυσε πέμψας γράμματα καὶ μεγαληγορήσας,
508
LUCULLUS
Sertorius. He had but one eye, and the soldiers
had received strict orders from Lucullus, as soon
as they set sail, to kill no one-eyed man. Lucullus
wished Marius to die under the most shameful
insults.
XIII. These things done, Lucullus hastened in
pursuit of Mithridates himself. For he expected
to find him still in Bithynia under the watch and
ward of Voconius, whom he had dispatched with a
fleet to Nicomedeia that he might intercept the
king’s flight. But Voconius was behindhand, owing
to his initiation into, and celebration of, the
mysteries in Samothrace, and Mithridates put to
sea with his armament, eager to reach Pontus before
Lucullus turned and set upon him. He was over-
' taken, however, by a great storm, which destroyed
some of his vessels and disabled others. The whole
coast for many days was covered with the wrecks
dashed upon it by the billows. As for the king
himself, the merchantman on which he was sailing
was too large to be readily beached when the sea
ran so high and the waves were so baffling, nor
would it answer to its helm, and it was now too
heavy and full of water to gain an offing ; accord-
ingly, he abandoned it for a light brigantine belonging
to some pirates, and, entrusting his person to their
hands, contrary to expectation and after great
hazard, got safely to Heracleia in Pontus.. And
so it happened that the boastful speech of Lucullus to
the Senate brought no divine retribution down upon
him, When, namely, that body was ready to vote
three thousand talents to provide a fleet for this
war, Lucullus blocked the measure by writing a
letter, in which he made the haughty boast that
500
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὡς ἄνευ δαπάνης καὶ τοσαύτης παρασκευῆς
ταῖς τῶν συμμάχων ναυσὶ Μιθριδάτην ἐκβαλεῖ
τῆς θαλάττης. καὶ τοῦτο ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ τοῦ
θεοῦ συναγωνισαμένον. λέγεται γὰρ ᾿Αρτέμιδος
χόλῳ Πριαπίνης ὁ χειμὼν ἐμπεσεῖν τοῖς ἸΠοντι-
κοῖς συλήσασιν αὐτῆς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὸ ξόανον
ἀνασπάσασι.
XIV. Πολλῶν δὲ Λουκούλλῳ παραινούντων
ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, οὐ φροντίσας ἐνέ-
βαλε διὰ Βιθυνίας καὶ Γαλατίας εἰς τὴν βασι-
λικήν, ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν ἐνδεὴς τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ὥστε
Γαλάτας ἕπεσθαι τρισμυρίους ἕκαστον ἐπὶ τῶν
@pov κομίζοντα σίτου μέδιμνον, προϊὼν δὲ καὶ
κρατῶν ἁπάντων εἰς τοσαύτην ἦλθεν εὐπορίαν,
ὥστε τὸν μὲν βοῦν ἐν στρατοπέδῳ δραχμῆς, τὸ
δὲ ἀνδράποδον τεττάρων ὦνιον εἶναι, τὴν δ᾽
ἄλλην λείαν ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ τοὺς μὲν ἀπολείπειν,
τοὺς δὲ ἀναλίσκειν. διάθεσις γὰρ ἣν οὐδενὸς
πρὸς οὐδένα πάντων εὐπορούντων.
᾿Αλλ᾽ ὅσον φθεῖραι καὶ κακῶσαι τὴν χώραν
ἱππασάμενοι καὶ καταδραμόντες ἄχρι Θεμισκύ-
ρας καὶ τῶν τερὶ Θερμώδοντα πεδίων, ἠτιῶντο
τὸν Λούκουλλον, ὅτε πάσας προσάγεται τὰς
πόλεις, κατὰ κράτος δὲ οὐδεμίαν ἥρηκεν οὐδὲ
παρέσχηκεν αὐτοῖς ὠφεληθῆναι διαρπάσασιν.
‘Aa καὶ νῦν," ἔφασαν, “᾿Αμισόν, πόλιν εὐδαί-
μονα καὶ “πλουσίαν, οὐ μέγα ὃν ἔργον, el, Tes
EVTELVAL τὴν πολιορκίαν, κατασχεῖν, ἀπολύποντας
ἡμᾶς ἄγει περὶ τὴν Τιβαρηνῶν καὶ Χαλδαίων
510
500
LUCULLUS
without any such costly array, but only with the
ships of the allies, he would drive Mithridates from
the sea. And this success he gained with the
assistance of Heaven. For it is said that it was
owing to the wrath of Artemis of Priapus that
the tempest fell upon the men of Pontus, who
had plundered her shrine and pulled down her
image.
XIV. Though many now advised Lucullus to
suspend the war, he paid no heed to them, but
threw his army into the king’s country by way
of Bithynia and Galatia.! At first he lacked the
necessary supplies, so that thirty thousand Galatians
followed in his train, each carrying a bushel of grain
upon his shoulders; but as he advanced and mastered
everything, he found himself in the midst of such
plenty that an ox sold in his camp for a drachma,
and a man-slave for four, while other booty had no
value at all. Some abandoned it, and some destroyed
it. There was no sale for anything to anybody when
all had such abundance.
But when Lucullus merely wasted and ravaged
the country with cavalry incursions, which penetrated
to Themiscyra and the plains of the river Thermodon,
his soldiers found fault with him because he brought
all the cities over to him by peaceable measures ;
he had not taken a single one by storm, they said,
nor given them a chance to enrich themselves by
plunder. “Nay,” they said, “at this very moment
we are leaving Amisus, a rich and prosperous city,
which it would be no great matter to take, if
its siege were pressed, and are following our general
into the desert of the Tibareni and the Chaldaeans
1 73 B.C.
511
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐρημίαν Μιθριδάτῃ πολεμήσοντας." ἀλλὰ
ταῦτα μὲν οὐκ ἂν ὁ Λούκουλλος ἐλπίσας εἰς
τοσοῦτον ἀπονοίας τοὺς στρατιώτας παραγα-
γεῖν, ὅσον ὕστερον ἐξέφηναν, ὑπερεώρα καὶ οὐκ
ἐφρόντιζεν, ἐκείνοις δ᾽ ἀπελογεῖτο μᾶλλον, οἱ
βραδυτῆτα κατηγόρουν αὐτοῦ διατρίβοντος ἐν-
ταῦθα περὶ κώμας καὶ πόλεις οὐ πολλοῦ τινος
ἀξίας πολὺν χρόνον, ἐῶντος δ᾽ αὔξεσθαι Μιθριδά-
τήν. “Αὐτὸ yap,” ἔφη, “ τοῦτο καὶ βούλομαι
καὶ κάθημαι τεχνάζων, μέγαν αὖθις γενέσθαι τὸν
ἄνδρα καὶ συναγαγεῖν αὐτὸν “ἀξιόμαχον δύναμιν,
ἵνα μείνῃ καὶ μὴ φύγῃ προσιόντας ἡμᾶς. ἢ οὐχ
ὁρᾶτε πολλὴν μὲν αὐτῷ καὶ ἀτέκμαρτον ἐρημίαν
ὀπίσω παροῦσαν; ἐγγὺς δὲ ὁ Καύκασος καὶ ὄρη
πολλὰ κα βαθέα καὶ μυρίους βασιλεῖς φυγομα-
οῦὔντας ἀρκοῦντα κατακρύψαι καὶ περισχεῖν"
Ody δ᾽ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸς εἰς ᾿Αρμενίαν ἐ ἐκ Καβείρων,
καὶ ὑ ὑπὲρ ᾿Αρμενίας κάθηται. Τιγράνης, βασιλεὺς
βασιλέων, ἔχων δύναμιν, ἡ Πάρθους τε περι-
κόπτει τῆς ᾿Ασίας καὶ πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας εἰς
Μηδίαν ἀνακομίξει. καὶ Συρίας κρατεῖ καὶ Παλαι-
στίνης καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Σελεύκου βασιλεῖς ἀποκτιν-
νύει, θυγατέρας δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἄγει καὶ γυναῖκας
ἀνασπάστους. οὗτος οἰκεῖός ἐστι Μιθριδάτου
καὶ γαμβρός. οὐ περιόψεται δὲ αὐτὸν ἱκέτην
ὑποδεξάμενος, ἀλλὰ πολεμήσει πρὸς ἡμᾶς" καὶ
σπεύδοντες ἐκβάλλειν Μιθριδάτην κινδυνεύσομεν
ἐπισπάσασθαι Τιγράνην, πάλαι μὲν αἰτίας δεό-
μενον ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς, εὐπρεπεστέραν δὲ οὐκ ἂν λαβόντα
τῆς ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς οἰκείου καὶ βασιλέως ἀναγκα-
σθέντα ὑπουργεῖν αὐτῷ. τί οὖν δεῖ τοῦθ᾽ ἡμᾶς
512
LUCULLUS
to fight with Mithridates.’”’ But these grievances,
not dreaming that they would bring the soldiers
to such acts of madness as they afterwards performed,
Lucullus overlooked and ignored. He was, however,
more ready to defend himself against those who
denounced ‘his slowness in lingering there a long
while, subduing worthless little villages and cities,
and allowing Mithridates to recruit himself.
“That,” he said, “is the very thing I want, and I
am sitting here to get it. I want the man to
become powerful again, and to get together a force
with which it is worth our while to fight, in order
that he may stand his ground, and not fly when we
approach. Do you not see that he has a vast
and trackless desert behind him? The Caucasus,
too, is near, with its many hills and dells, which
are sufficient to hide away in safety ten thousand
kings who decline to fight. And it is only a few
days’ journey from Cabira into Armenia and over
Armenia there sits enthroned Tigranes, King of
Kings, with forces which enable him to cut the
Parthians off from Asia, transplant Greek cities into
Media, sway Syria and Palestine, put to death the
successors of Seleucus, and carry off their wives and
daughters into captivity. This king is a kinsman of
Mithridates, his son-in-law. He will not be content
‘to receive him as a suppliant, but will make war
against us. If we strive, therefore, to eject Mithri-
dates from his kingdom, we shall run the _ risk
of drawing Tigranes down upon us. He has
long wanted an excuse for coming against us, and
could not get a better one than that of being
compelled to aid a man who is his kinsman and
a king. Why, then, should we bring this to pass,
533
VOL, Π. LL
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐξεργάσασθαι καὶ διδάξαι Μιθριδάτην ἀγνοοῦντα,
μεθ᾽ ὧν ἐστιν αὐτῷ πρὸς ἡμᾶς πολεμητέον, καὶ
μὴ βουλόμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀδοξοῦντα συνέλαύνειν εἰς
τὰς Τιγράνου χεῖρας, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ δόντας αὐτῷ
χρόνον ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων παρασκευάσασθαι καὶ
ἀναθαρρῦναι, Κόλχοις καὶ Τιβαρηνοῖς καὶ Καπ-
πάδοξιν, ὧν πολλάκις κεκρατήκαμεν, μάχεσθαι
μᾶλλον ἢ Μήδοις καὶ ᾿Αρμενίοις;"
XV. ’Eml τοιούτων λογισμῶν γενόμενος ὁ
Λούκουλλος περί τε τὴν ᾿Αμισὸν διέτριψε, μαλα-
κῶς τῇ πολιορκίᾳ χρώμενος, καὶ μετὰ χειμῶνα
Μουρήναν ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας ἐβάδιζεν
ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην καθήμενον ἐν Καβείροις καὶ
διανοούμενον ὑφίστασθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ἠθροι-
σμένης αὐτῷ δυνάμεως εἰς τετρακισμυρίους πε-
ζούς, ἱππεῖς δὲ τετρακισχιλίους, οἷς ἐθάρρει
μάλιστα. καὶ διαβὰς τὸν Λύκον ποταμὸν εἰς τὸ
πεδίον προὐκαλεῖτο τοὺς Ρωμαίους. γενομένης
δ᾽ ἱππομαχίας ἔφυγον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι: ἸΠομπώνιος
δ᾽ ἀνὴρ οὐκ ἄδοξος ἑάλω τετρωμένος καὶ πρὸς
τὸν Μιθριδάτην ἀνήχθη κακῶς ὑπὸ τραυμάτων
διακείμενος. πυθομένου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, εἰ
σωθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γενήσεται φίλος, “Ἂν γε δή,"
ἔφη, “Ῥωμαίοις διαλλαγῇς" εἰ δὲ μή, πολέμιος."
τοῦτον μὲν θαυμάσας ὁ Μιθριδάτης οὐκ ἠδίκησε.
Τοῦ δὲ Λουκούλλου τὰ μὲν πεδία τῶν πολεμίων
ἱπποκρατούντων δεδιότος, τὴν δ᾽ ὀρεινὴν ὀκνοῦντος
προϊέναι, μακρὰν καὶ ὑλώδη καὶ δύσβατον οὖσαν,
ἁλίσκονταί τινες κατὰ τύχην "EAAnves εἴς τι!
514
501
LUCULLUS
aud teach Mithridates, when he dees not know it,
with what allies he must carry on war against us?
Why help to drive him, against his wish and as a last
resource, into the arms of Tigranes, instead of giving
him time to equip himself from his own resources and
get fresh courage? Then we shall fight with
Colchians and Tibareni and Cappadocians, whom we
have often overcome, rather than with Medes and
. Armenians.”
XV. Influenced by such considerations as these,
Lucullus lingered about Amisus, without pushing the
siege vigorously. When winter was over, he left
Murena in charge of the siege, and marched against
Mithridates,! who had taken his stand at Cabira, and
intended to await the Roman onset there. A force
of forty thousand footmen had been collected by him,
and four thousand horsemen ; on the latter he placed
his chief reliance. Crossing the river Lycus and
advancing into the plain, he offered the Romans
battle. A cavalry fight ensued, and the Romans |
took to flight. Pomponius, a man of some note,
having been wounded, was taken prisoner and led
into the presence of Mithridates, suffering greatly
from his wounds. When the king asked him if he
would become his friend provided he spared his life,
Pomponius answered: “ Yes, indeed, if you come to
‘terms with the Romans; otherwise I must remain
your enemy.” Mithridates was struck with admir-
ation for him, and did him no harm.
Lucullus was now afraid of the plains, since the
enemy was superior in cavalry, and yet hesitated to
go forward into the hill country, which was remote,
woody, and impassable. But it chanced that certain
1 72 B.C,
515
μι, 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
σπήλαιον καταφυγόντες, ὧν ὁ πρεσβύτερος ‘Ap-
τεμίδωρος ὑπέσχετο τὸν Λούκουλλον ἄξειν καὶ
καταστάσειν ἐπὶ τόπῳ ἀσφαλεῖ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ
καὶ φρούριον ἔχοντι τοῖς Καβείροις ἐπικρεμάμενον.
πιστεύσας δ' ὁ Λούκουλλος ἅμα τῇ νυκτὶ πυρὰ
καύσας ἐκίνει" καὶ τὰ στενὰ παρελθὼν ἀσφαλῶς
τὸ χωρίον εἶχε, καὶ μεθ' ἡμέραν ὑπερεφαίνετο
τῶν πολεμίων ἱδρύων τὸν στρατὸν ἐν τόποις,
of μάχεσθαι βουλομένῳ προσαγωγὴν ἐδίδοσαν
καὶ τὸ μὴ βιασθῆναι παρεῖχον ἡσυχάζοντι.
Γνώμην μὲν οὖν οὐδέτερος εἶχεν ἔν γε τῷ
παρόντι διακινδυνεύειν' ἔλαφον δὲ λέγεται τῶν
βασιλικῶν διωκόντων ὑποτεμνομένους ἀπαντῆσαι
τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ἐκ δὲ τούτου συμπεσόντας ἀγω-
νίζεσθαι πλειόνων ἑκατέροις ἀεὶ προσγινομένων.
τέλος δ᾽ ἐνίκων οἱ βασιλικοί' καὶ τὴν φυγὴν ἐκ
τοῦ χάρακος οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καθορῶντες ἤσχαλλον
καὶ συνέτρεχον πρὸς τὸν Λούκουλλον, ἄγειν σφᾶς
δεόμενοι καὶ σύνθημα πρὸς τὴν μάχην αἰτοῦντες.
ὁ δὲ βουλόμενος αὐτοὺς μαθεῖν, ἡλίκον ἐστὶν ἐν
ἀγῶνι πολέμου καὶ κινδύνῳ παρουσία καὶ ὄψις
ἡγεμόνος ἔμφρονος, ἐκείνους μὲν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν
ἐκέλευσεν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον καὶ.
τοῖς πρώτοις ἀπαντήσας τῶν φευγόντων ἴστασθαι
προσέταξε καὶ ἀναστρέφειν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ. πεισθέν-
των δὲ τούτων καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ μεταβαλόμενοι καὶ
συστάντες ὀλύγῳ πόνῳ τρέπονται τοὺς πολεμίους
καὶ καταδιώκουσιν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. ἐπαν-
ελθὼν δὲ “Λούκουλλος ἀτιμίαν τινὰ τοῖς φεύγουσι
νενομισμένην προσέβαλε, κελεύσας ἐν χιτῶσιν
516
LUCULLUS
Greeks, who had taken refuge in a sort of cave, were
captured, and the elder of them, Artemidorus,
promised to serve Lucullus as a guide, and set him
in a place which was safe for his camp, and which
had a fortress overlooking. Cabira. Lucullus put
confidence in this promise, and as soon as it was
night, lit his camp fires and set out. He passed
safely through the narrow defiles and took possession
of the desired place, and at daybreak was seen above
the enemy, stationing his men in positions which
gave him access to the enemy if he wished to fight,
and safety from their assaults if he wished to keep
quiet. ᾿
Now neither commander had any intention of
hazarding an engagement at once. But we are told
that while some of the king’s men were chasing a
stag, the Romans cut them off and confronted them,
whereupon a skirmish followed, with fresh accessions
continually to either side. At last, the king’s men
were victorious. Then the Romans in their camp,
beholding the flight of their comrades, were in
distress, and ran in throngs to Lucullus, begging
him to lead them, and demanding the signal for
battle. But he, wishing them to learn how im-
portant, in a dangerous struggle with the enemy, the
visible presence of a prudent general is, bade them
_ keep quiet. Then he went down into the plain by
himself, and confronting the foremost of the fugitives,
bade them stop, and turn back with him. They
obeyed, and the rest also wheeled about and formed
in battle array, and in a short time routed the enemy
and drove them to their camp. When he came back,
however, Lucullus inflicted the customary disgrace
upon the fugitives. He bade them dig a twelve-
517
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀζώστοις ὀρύξαι δώδεκα ποδῶν τάφρον, ἐφεστώ-
τῶν καὶ θεωμένων τῶν ἄλλων στρατιωτῶν.
XVI. Ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῷ Μιθριδάτου στρατοπέδῳ
Δανδαρίων δυνάστης Ὀλθακὸς (γένος δ᾽ εἰσὶν οἱ
Δανδάριοι βαρβάρων τῶν περὶ τὴν Μαιῶτεν
οἰκούντων), ἀνὴρ ὅσα χειρὸς ἔργα καὶ τόλμης ἐν
πολέμῳ διαπρεπὴς ἅπαντα, καὶ γνώμην ἱκανὸς
ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις, ἔτι δ᾽ ἐμμελὴς ὁμιλῆσαι καὶ
θεραπευτικός. οὗτος ἔχων ἀεὶ πρός τινα τῶν
ὁμοφύλων δυναστῶν ἅμιλλαν ὑπὲρ πρωτείων
καὶ ζηλοτυπίαν ὑπέσχετο τῷ Μιθριδάτῃ μέγα
ἔργον, ἀποκτενεῖν Λούκουλλον. ἐπαινέσαντος δὲ
τοῦ βασιλέως καί τινας αὐτῷ προσβαλόντος
ἐπίτηδες ἀτιμίας εἰς προσποίησιν ὀργῆς ἀφιππά-
σατο πρὸς Λούκουλλον: ὁ δ᾽ ἄσμενος ἐδέξατο"
λόγος γὰρ ἣν αὐτοῦ πολὺς ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ"
καὶ ταχὺ πειρώμενος ,ἦσπάξετο τήν τε ἀγχίνοιαν
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ λιπαρές, ὥστε τραπέζης καὶ συνε-
δρίου ποτὲ ποιεῖσθαι κοινωνόν.
"Eel δ᾽ ἐδόκει καιρὸν ἔχειν ὁ Δανδάριος, τὸν
μὲν ἵππον ἔξω τοῦ χάρακος ἐκέλευσε προαγαγεῖν
τοὺς παῖδας, αὐτὸς δὲ μεσημβρίας οὔσης καὶ
τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐνδιαζόντων καὶ ἀναπαυομένων
ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατηγικὴν σκηνήν, ὡς οὐδενὸς
κωλύσοντος εἰσελθεῖν ἄνδρα συνήθη καὶ λόγους
τινὰς ἀξίους σπουδῆς τῷ στρατηγῷ κομίζειν
ἄάσκοντα. κἂν εἰσῆλθεν ἀδεῶς, εἰ μὴ ὁ πολλοὺς
ἀνῃρηκὼς στρατηγοὺς ὕπνος Λούκουλλον ἔσωσεν.
ἐτύγχανε γὰρ καθεύδων' καὶ Μενέδημος, εἷς τῶν
κατευναστῶν, παρὰ ταῖς θύραις ἑστὼς οὐκ ἔφη
κατὰ καιρὸν ἥκειν τὸν ᾽Ολθακόν, ἄρτι Λουκούλλου
πρὸς ἀνάπαυσιν ἐκ μακρᾶς ἀγρυπνίας καὶ πόνων
518
LUCULLUS
foot ditch, working in ungirt blouses, while the rest
of the soldiers stood by and watched them.
XVI. In the camp of Mithridates there was a
Dandarian prince named Olthacus (the Dandarians
are a tribe of barbarians dwelling about Lake
Maeotis), a man conspicuous as a soldier for qualities
of strength and boldness, of a most excellent judg-
ment, and withal affable in address and of insinuating
manners. This man was always in emulous rivalry
for the precedence with a fellow prince of his tribe,
and so was led to undertake a great exploit for
Mithridates, namely, the murder of Lucullus. The
king approved of his design, and purposely inflicted
upon him sundry marks of disgrace, whereupon,
pretending to be enraged, he galloped off to Lucullus,
who gladly welcomed him, since there was much
talk of him in the camp. After a short probation,
Lucullus was so pleased with his shrewdness and
zeal, that he made him a table companion, and at
last a member of his council.
Now when the Dandarian thought his Spncsaniey
had come, he ordered his slaves to lead his horse
outside the camp, while he himself, at mid-day, when
the soldiers were lying around enjoying their rest,
went to the general’s tent. He thought no one
would deny entrance to ἃ man who was an intimate _
of the general, and said he brought him certain
messages of great importance. And he would have
entered without let or hindrance, had not sleep, the
destroyer of many generals, saved Lucullus. For it
chanced that he was asleep, and Menedemus, one of
his chamberlains, who stood at the tent-door, told
Olthacus that he had come at an inopportune time,
since Lucullus had just betaken himself to rest after
219
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
5 τοσούτων δεδωκότος ἑαυτόν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀπήει
κελεύοντος, ἀλλ᾽ ἔφη καὶ κωλύοντος εἰσελεύ-
σεσθαι περὶ πράγματος ἀναγκαίου καὶ μεγάλου
διαλεχθῆναι βουλόμενος, ἤδη πρὸς ὀργὴν ὁ
Μενέδημος εἰπὼν μηδὲν ἀναγκαιότερον τοῦ σώ-
ζεσθαι Δούκουλλον ἀπεώσατο τὸν ἄνθρωπον
ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσίν. ὁ δὲ δείσας ὑπεξῆλθε
τοῦ χάρακος, καὶ λαβὼν τὸν ἵππον ἀπήλασεν
εἰς τὸ Μιθριδάτου στρατόπεδον ἄπρακτος. οὕτως
ἄρα καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ὁ καιρὸς ὥσπερ τοῖς
φαρμάκοις καὶ τὴν σώξζουσαν καὶ τὴν ἀναιροῦσαν
ῥοπὴν προστίθησιν.
XVII. ’Ex τούτου Σωρνάτιος μὲν ἐπὶ σίτου
κομιδὴν ἐπέμφθη μετὰ δέκα σπειρῶν" καὶ κατα-
διωχθεὶς ὑπὸ Μενάνδρου, τῶν Μιθριδάτου στρα-
τηγῶν ἑνός, ἀντέστη καὶ συμβαλὼν φόνον ἐποίησε
πολὺν καὶ τροπὴν τῶν πολεμίων. αὖθις δὲ πεμφ-
θέντος ᾿Αδριανοῦ μετὰ δυνάμεως, ὅπως ἐκ περιου-
σίας ἔχωσιν οἱ στρατιῶται σῖτον, οὐ περιεῖδε Με-
θριδάτης, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπέστειλε Μενέμαχον καὶ Μύρωνα
πολλῶν μὲν ἱππέων, πολλῶν δὲ πεζῶν ἡγουμένους.
οὗτοι πάντες, ὡς λέγεται, πλὴν δυεῖν κατεκόπη-
σαν ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων. καὶ Μιθριδάτης μὲν
ἔκρυπτε τὴν συμφορὰν ὡς οὐ τοσαύτην οὖσαν,
ἀλλὰ μικράν, προσκεκρουκότων ἀπειρίᾳ τῶν
στρατηγῶν, ᾿Αδριανὸς δὲ λαμπρὸς παρημείβετο
τὸ στρατύπεδον πολλὰς κωτάγων ἁμάξας σίτου
καὶ λαφύρων γεμούσας, ὥστε δυσθυμίαν μὲν
αὐτῷ, ταραχὴν δὲ καὶ φόβον ἀμήχανον ἐμπεσεῖν
τοῖς στρατιώταις. ἐδέδοκτο μὲν οὖν μηκέτι
μένειν" ἐπεὶ δὲ προεξέπεμπον οἱ βασιλικοὶ τὰ
σφέτερα χρήματα καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους
520
50:
LUCULLUS
his long watching and many hardships. Olthacus
did not retire at the bidding of Menedemus, but
declared that even in spite of him he would go in,
since he wished to confer with the general on urgent
business of great importance. Then Menedemus
got angry, declared that nothing was more urgent
than the preservation of Lucullus, and pushed the
man away with both hands. Then Olthacus, in fear,
left the camp, took horse, and rode off to the camp
of Mithridates, without effecting his purpose. So
true is it that in active life, as well as in sickness, it
is the critical moment which gives the scales their
saving or their fatal inclination.
XVII. After this, Sornatius was sent with ten
cohorts to get supplies of grain. Being pursued by
Menander, one of the generals of Mithridates, he
faced about, joined battle, and routed the enemy
with great slaughter. And again, when Adrian was
sent out with a force to procure an abundance of
grain for the soldiers, Mithridates did not look on
idly, but dispatched Menemachus and Myron, at the
head of a large body of cavalry and footmen., All
these, it is said, except two, were cut to pieces by
the Romans. Mithridates tried to conceal the ex-
tent of the disaster, pretending that it was a slight
matter, and due to the inexperience of his generals.
But when Adrian marched pompously past his camp,
convoying many waggons laden with grain and booty,
a great despair fell upon the king, and confusion and
helpless fear upon his soldiers. They decided, there-
fore, to remain where they were no longer. But
when the king’s servants tried to send away their
own baggage first, and to hinder the rest from going,
the soldiers at once got angry, pushed and forced
521
᾿ΡΙΌΤΑΒΟΗ᾽ 5 LIVES
ἐκώλυον, ἤδη καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐξόδους
ὠθούμενοι καὶ βιαζόμενοι τὰ μὲν χρήματα ἥρπα-
Cov, αὐτοὺς δὲ ἀπέσφαττον. ὅπου καὶ Δορύλαος
ὁ στρατηγὸς οὐδὲν ἕτερον ὄἔχων ἢ τὴν πορφύραν
περὶ αὑτὸν ἀπώλετο διὰ ταύτην, ‘Eppaios δὲ ὁ
θύτης κατεπατήθη περὶ τὰς πύλας.
Αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὁ Μιθριδάτης, οὔτε ὀπαδοῦ τινος
οὔτε ἱπποκόμου παραμείναντος αὐτῷ, συνεξέ-
πεσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀνα-
μεμεγμένος, οὐδ᾽ ἵππου"τῶν βασιλικῶν εὐπορή-
σας, ἀλλ᾽ ὀψέ που κατιδὼν αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ῥεύματι
τῆς τροπῆς “ἐκείνης διαφε όμενον Πτολεμαῖος
ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἵππον ἔχων͵ αὐτὸς ἀπεπήδησε καὶ
παρέσχεν. ἤδη γὰρ αὐτὸν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι κατεῖχον
ἐπικείμενοι" καὶ τά μὲν οὐκ ἀπελέίποντο τοῦ
λαβεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἴχθον ἐ ἔγγιστα τούτου, φιλο-
πλουτία δὲ καὶ μικρολογία στρατιωτικὴ τὸ
πολλοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ μεγάλοις κινδύνοις διωκόμενον
ἐκ μακροῦ θήραμα Ῥωμαίους ἀφείλετο καὶ
Λούκουλλον ἀπεστέρησε νικῶντα τῶν ἐπάθλων.
ἣν μὲν γὰρ ἐν ἐφικτῷ τῆς διώξεως 0 ὑπεκφέρων
τὸν ἄνδρα ἵππος, ἡμιόνου δὲ τῶν τὸ χρυσίον
κομιξόντων μεταξὺ τοῦ βασιλέως εἴτ᾽ ἀπὸ TavTO-
μάτου παρεισπεσόντος, εἴτε τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπί-
τηδες ἐμβαλόντος αὐτὸν εἰς τοὺς διώκοντας,
ἁρπάζοντες καὶ συλλέγοντες τὸ χρυσίον καὶ
διαμαχόμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους καθυστέρησαν. καὶ
οὐ τοῦτο μόνον αὐτῶν ἀπέλαυσε τῆς πλεονεξίας
Δούκουλλος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τών ἀπορρήτων
τοῦ βασιλέως ὄντα Καλλίστρατον ὁ μὲν ἄγειν
ἐκέλευσεν, οἱ δ᾽ ἄγοντες αἰσθόμενοι πεντακοσίους
522
ΣΝ
LUCULLUS
their way to the exits of the camp, and there
plundered the. baggage and slew the men in charge
of it.. There it was that Dorylaiis, the general, with
nothing else about him but his purple robe, lost his
life for that, and Hermaeus, the priest, was trampled
to death at the gates.
Mithridates himself, with no attendant or groom
to assist him, fled away from the camp in the midst
of the throng, not even provided with one of
the royal horses ; but at last the eunuch Ptolemaeus,
who was mounted, spied him as he was borne along
in the torrent of the rout, leaped down from his
horse, and gave it to the king. Presently the
Romans, who were forcing the pursuit, were hard
upon him, and it was for no lack of speed that they
did not take him. Indeed, they were very near
doing so, but greed, and petty soldier’s avarice,
snatched from them the quarry which they had so
long pursued in many struggles and great dangers,
and robbed Lucullus of the victor’s prize. For
the horse which carried the king was just within
reach of his pursuers, when one of the mules which
carried the royal gold came between him and them,
either of his own accord, or because the king
purposely sent him into the path of pursuit. The
soldiers fell to plundering and collecting the gold,
fought with one another over it, and so were left
behind in the chase. Nor was this the only fruit of
their greed which Lucullus reaped. He had given
orders that Callistratus, who was in charge of the
king’s private papers, should be brought alive to
him, but his conductors, finding that he had five
hundred pieces of gold in his girdle, slew him.
273
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aN)
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
χρυσοῦς ὑπεζωσμένον ἀπέκτειναν. ov μὴν ἀλλὰ
τούτοις μὲν ἐπέτρεψε τὸν χάρακα πορθῆσαι.
XVIII. Τὰ δὲ Κάβειρα λαβὼν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
φρουρίων τὰ πλεῖστα θησαυρούς τε μεγάλους εὗρε
καὶ δεσμωτήρια, πολλῶν μὲν ᾿Ελλήνων, πολλῶν
δὲ συγγενῶν τοῦ βασιλέως καθειργμένων, οἷς
πάλαι τεθνάναι δοκοῦσιν οὐ σωτηρίαν, adr
ἀναβίωσιν καὶ δευτέραν τινὰ γέννησιν ἡ Λουκούλ-
λου χάρις παρέσχεν. ἑάλω δὲ καὶ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ
Μιθριδάτου Νύσσα σωτήριον ἅλωσιν' αἱ δ᾽ ἀπω-
TaTw τοῦ κινδύνου καὶ καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν ἀποκεῖσθαι
δοκοῦσαι περὶ Φαρνάκειαν ἀδελφαὶ καὶ γυναῖκες
οἰκτρῶς ἀπώλοντο, Μιθριδάτον πέμψαντος ἐπ᾽
αὐτὰς ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς Βακχίδην εὐνοῦχον. ἦσαν
δὲ μετὰ πολλῶν ἀδελφαί τε δύο τοῦ βασιλέως,
Ῥωξάνη καὶ Στάτειρα, περὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη
παρθενενόμεναι, καὶ γαμεταὶ δύο, γένος ᾿Ιωνίδες,
Βερενίκη μὲν ἐκ Χίου, Μονίμη δὲ Μιλησία.
ταύτης ὁ πλεῖστος ἦν λόγος ἐν τοῖς "“Ελλησιν, ὅτι
τοῦ βασιλέως πειρῶντος αὐτὴν καὶ μυρίους πεν-
τακισχιίλίους χρυσοῦς προσπέμψαντος ἀντέσχε,
’ Φ 4 > 7f 3 A 4
μέχρι οὗ γάμων ἐγένοντο συνθῆκαι καὶ διάδημα
πέμψας αὐτῇ βασίλισσαν ἀνηγόρευσεν. αὕτη καὶ
παρὰ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἀνιαρῶς εἶχε καὶ ἀπε-
θρήνει τὴν τοῦ σώματος εὐμορφίαν, ὡς δεσπότην
A 3 ? 9 N > A \ \ , 3
μὲν ἀντ᾽ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῇ, φρουρὰν δὲ βαρβάρων ἀντὶ
γάμου καὶ οἴκον προξενήσασαν, πόρρω δέ που
τῆς Ελλάδος ἀπῳκισμένη τοῖς ἐλπισθεῖσιν ἀγα-
θοῖς ὄναρ σύνεστι, τῶν δ᾽ ἀληθινῶν ἐκείνων
ἀπεστέρηται,
524
™
503
LUCULLUS
However, Lucullus allowed such soldiers as these to
plunder the enemy's camp.
XVIII. In capturing Cabira and most of the other
strongholds, he found great treasures, and many
prisons, in which many Greeks and many kinsfolk of
the king were confined. As they had long been
given up for dead, it was not so much a rescue as
it was a resurrection and a sort of second birth,
for which they were indebted to the favour of
Lucullus. Nyssa, a sister of Mithridates, was also ©
captured ; and her capture was her salvation. But
the sisters and wives of the king who were thought
to be at farthest remove from danger and quietly
hidden away in Pharnacia, perished pitifully, since
Mithridates paused long enough in his flight to
send Bacchides, a eunuch, to compass their death.
Among many other women, there were two sisters
of the king, Roxana and Statira, about forty years
old and unmarried ; and two of his wives, of Ionian
families, Berenicé from Chios, and Monimé, a
Milesian. The latter was most talked of among the
Greeks, to the effect that though the king tempted
her virtue and sent her fifteen thousand pieces of
gold, she resisted his advances, until he entered
into a marriage contract with her, sent her a diadem,
and greeted her with the title of Queen. But her
marriage had been an unhappy one, and she bewailed
that beauty which had procured her a master instead
of a husband, and a guard of Barbarians instead of
home and family, dwelling as she did far, far away
from Greece, where the blessings for which she
had hoped existed only in her dreams, while she
was bereft of the real blessings to which she had
been wonted.
525: *
st?
4
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Καὶ δὴ τοῦ Βακχίδον mapayevopévov καὶ
προστάξαντος αὐταῖς ἀποθνήσκειν, ὡς ἑκάστῃ
δοκοίη ῥᾷστον εἶναι καὶ ἀλυπότατον, περισπτά-
σασα τῆς κεφαλῆς τὸ διάδημα τῷ τραχήλῳ
περιῆψε καὶ ἀνήρτησεν ἑαυτήν. ταχὺ § ἀπορ-
ραγέντος “DQ κατηραμένον,᾽ ἔφη, “ ῥάκος, οὐδὲ
πρὸς τοῦτό μοι χρήσιμον ἔσῃ ;" κἀκεῖνο μὲν
ἀπέρριψε προσπτύσασα, τῷ δὲ Βακχίδῃ τὴν
σφαγὴν παρέσχεν. ἡ δὲ Βερενίκη κύλικα φαρμά-
κου λαβοῦσα, τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῇ παρούσης καὶ
δεομένης, μετέδωκε. καὶ συνεξέπιον μὲν ἀμφό-
τεραι, ἤρκεσε δὲ ἡ τοῦ φαρμάκου δύναμις εἰς τὸ
ἀσθενέστερον σῶμα, τὴν δὲ Βερενίκην οὐχ ὅσον
ἔδει πιοῦσαν οὐκ ἀπήλλαξεν, ἀλλὰ δυσθανατοῦσα
τοῦ Βακχίδου σπεύδοντος ἀπεπνίγη. λέγεται δὲ
καὶ τῶν ἀγάμων ἀδελφῶν ἐκείνων τὴν μὲν ἐπα-
ρωμένην πολλὰ καὶ λοιδοροῦσαν ἐκπιεῖν τὸ
φώρμακον, τὴν δὲ Στάτειραν οὔτε δύσφημόν τι
φθεγξαμένην οὔτ᾽ ἀγεννές, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαινοῦσαν τὸν
ἀδελφόν, ὅτι περὶ τοῦ σώματος κινδυνεύων οὐκ
ἠμέλησεν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ προὐνόησεν ἐλευθέρας καὶ
ἀνυβρίστους ἀποθανεῖν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν φύσει
χρηστὸν ὄντα καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἡνία τὸν Λού-
κουλλον.
XIX. ᾿Ελάσας δ᾽ ἄχρι Ταλαύρων, ἔνθεν ἡμέρᾳ
τετάρτῃ πρότερον ἐφθάκει Μιθριδάτης εἰς ᾽Αρ-
μενίαν πρὸς Τιγράνην πεφευγώς, ἀποτρέπεται.
καταστρεψάμενος δὲ Χαλδαίους καὶ Τιβαρηνοὺς
καὶ τὴν μικρὰν ᾿Αρμενίαν παραλαβὼν καὶ φρού-
ρία καὶ πόλεις παραστησάμενος, ΓΑππιον μὲν
ὄπεμψε πρὸς Τιγράνην ἐξαιτῶν Μιθριδάτην, αὐτὸς
28 ἧκε πρὸς ᾿Αμισὸν ἔτι πολιορκουμένην. αἴτιος
526
~
LUCULLUS
And now Bacchides came and ordered them all
to die, in whatever manner each might deem easiest
and most painless. Monimé snatched the diadem
from her head, fastened it round her neck, and hanged
herself. But her halter quickly broke in two. “O
cursed bauble,’ she cried, “couldst thou not serve
me even in this office?’’ ‘Then she spat upon it,
hurled it from her, and offered her throat to
Bacchides. But Berenicé, taking a cup of poison,
shared it with her mother, who stood at her side and
begged for some. Together they drank it off, and
the force of the poison sufficed for the weaker body,
but it did not carry off Berenicé, who had not drunk
enough. As she was long in dying, and Bacchides
was in a hurry, she was strangled. It is said also
that of the unmarried sisters, one drank off her
poison with many abusive imprecations on her
brother ; but that Statira did so without uttering a
single reproachful or ungenerous word. She rather
commended her brother because, when his own life
was at hazard, he had not neglected them, but had
taken measures to have them die in freedom and
under no insults. Of course these things gave pain
to Lucullus, who was naturally of a gentle and
humane disposition.
XIX. Lucullus pushed on in pursuit as far as
Talaura, whence, four days before, Mithridates had
succeeded in escaping to Tigranes, in Armenia ;
then he turned aside. After subduing the Chaldaeans
_and the Tibareni, he occupied Lesser Armenia,
reducing its fortresses and cities, and then sent
Appius to Tigranes with a demand for Mithridates.
He himself, however, came to Amisus, which was
still holding out against the siege. Its success in
527
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
> 4 , e \ 3 ,
δ᾽ ἦν Καλλίμαχος ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐμπειρίᾳ μηχανι-
fo) A 4
κῆς παρασκευῆς καὶ δεινότητι πανουργίας, ὅσην
, ΄ - - , ε »,
πολιορκία δέχεται, πλεῖστα λυπήσας Ῥωμαίους"
ὧν ὕστερον ἔδωκε δίκην. τότε δ᾽ ὑπὸ Λουκούλλουν
, e 4? ΝΜ 3 4 “~
καταστρατηγηθείς, up ἣν ἔθος εἶχεν ὥραν τῆς
ἡμέρας ἀπάγειν καὶ ἀναπαύειν τοὺς στρατιώτας,
3 3 ’ὔ “ 3 ’ 4
ἐν ἐκείνῃ προσβαλόντος αἰφνιδίως καὶ κατασχόν-
TOS οὐ πολὺ μέρος τοῦ τείχους, αὐτὸς ἐκλιπὼν
τὴν πόλιν ὑφῆψεν, εἴτε φθονῶν ὠφεληθῆναι
e 4 ΜΝ e , A e aA ’
Ῥωμαίοις, εἴτε ῥᾳστώνην φυγῆς εαυτῷ μηχανω-
/ A U
3 μενος. οὐδεὶς yap éeppovTele τῶν ἐκπλεόντων,
ἀλλὰ ὡς ἡ φλὸξ ἀναδραμοῦσα πολλὴ τὰ τείχη ᾿
περιέσχεν, οἱ μὲν στρατιῶται παρεσκευάξοντο
πρὸς ἁρπαγήν, ὁ δὲ Λούκουλλος οἰκτείρων ἀπολ.-
λυμένην τὴν πόλιν ἔξωθεν ἐβοήθει πρὸς τὸ πῦρ
καὶ σβεννύναι παρεκάλει, μηδενὸς αὐτῷ προσέ-
᾽- > 3 “ ὰ 4 \
χοντος, GAN ἐξαιτουμένων τὰ χρήματα Kal μετὰ
βοῆς ὅπλα κρουόντων, ἕως ἐκβιασθεὶς ἐπέτρεψεν,
ὡς αὐτήν γε τὴν πόλιν ἐξαιρησόμενος τοῦ πυρός.
e \ 3 4 Ν ’ \ 9
4 οἱ δὲ τοὐναντίον ἔπραξαν. πάντα yap ἐξερευ-
νῶντες ὑπὸ λαμπάδων καὶ πανταχοῦ φῶς ἐπι-
φέροντες αὐτοὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν οἰκημάτων καθεῖ-
λον, ὥστε τὸν Λούκουλλον εἰσελθόντα μεθ᾽ ἡμέ-
\ ’ \ \ , > a e
ραν καὶ δακρύσαντα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπεῖν, ὧς 504
πολλάκις ἤδη Σύλλαν μακαρίσας μάλιστα τῇ
σήμερον ἡμέρᾳ τὴν τἀνδρὸς εὐτυχίαν θαυμάσειεν,
5 ὅτι σῶσαι βουληθεὶς ἐδυνήθη τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. “Eye
528
LUCULLUS
this was due to Callimachus, its commander, who,
by his acquaintance with mechanical contrivances
and his power to employ every resource which the
siege of a city demands, had given the Romans the
greatest annoyance. For this he afterwards paid
the penalty. But at this time, he was simply out-
generalled by Lucullus, who made a sudden attack
at just that time of day when Callimachus was
accustomed to draw his soldiers off from the ramparts
and give them a rest. When the Romans had got
possession of a small part of the wall, Callimachus
abandoned the city, first setting fire to it with his
own hands, either because he begrudged the visitors
their booty, or because his own escape was thus
facilitated. For no one paid any attention to those
who were sailing away, but when the flames increased
mightily and enveloped the walls, the soldiers made
ready to plunder the houses. Lucullus, out of pity
for the perishing city, tried to bring aid from out-
side against the fire, and gave orders to extinguish
the flames, but no one paid any heed to his
commands. The soldiers all clamoured for the booty,
and shouted, and clashed their shields and spears
together, until he was forced to let them have their
way, hoping that he could at least save the city itself
from the flames. But the soldiers did just the opposite.
Ransacking everything by torch-light and carrying
lights about everywhere, they destroyed most of
the houses themselves. When Lucullus entered the
city at daybreak, he burst into tears, and said to his
friends that he had often already deemed Sulla
happy, and on that day more than ever he admired
the man’s good fortune, in that when he wished to
save Athens, he had the power to do so. “ But upon
529
VOL, II. M M
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
8,” ἔφη, “τούτου ξηλωτὴν γενόμενον εἰς τὴν
Μομμίου δόξαν ὁ δαίμων περιέστησεν."
Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἀναλαμβάνειν
ἐπειρᾶτο τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πῦρ ὄμβροι κατέ-
σβεσαν ἔκ τινος θείας τύχης περὶ THY ἅλωσιν
αὐτὴν συμπεσόντες, τὰ δὲ πλεῖστα τῶν ἀπολω-
λότων αὐτὸς ἔτι παρὼν ἀνῳκοδόμησε, καὶ τοὺς
φεύγοντας ᾿Αμισηνῶν ἐδέξατο, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
“Ελλήνων κατῴκισε τοὺς βουλομένους, εἴκοσι καὶ
ἑκατὸν σταδίων χώραν προσορίσας. Hv δ᾽ ἡ πόλις
᾿Αθηναίων "ἄποικος, ἐν ἐκείνοις ἄρα τοῖς καιροῖς,
ἐν οἷς ἤκμαζεν ἡ δύναμις αὐτῶν καὶ κατεῖχε τὴν
θάλασσαν, οἰκισθεῖσα. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πολλοὶ τῶν
τὴν ᾿Αριστίωνος τυραννίδα βουλομένων φεύγειν
εἰσπλεύσαντες αὐτοῦ κατῴκουν καὶ μετεῖχον τῆς
πολιτείας, οἷς συνέβη τὰ οἰκεῖα κακὰ φεύγουσιν
ἀπολαῦσαι τῶν ἀλλοτρίων. ἀλλὰ τούς γε σωθέν-
τας αὐτῶν ὁ Λούκουλλος ἀμφιέσας καλῶς καὶ
διακοσίας ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς ἐπιδοὺς ἀπέστειλε.
τότε καὶ Τυραννίων ὁ γραμματικὸς ἑάλω" Mov-
ρήνας δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξῃτήσατο καὶ λαβὼν ἀπηλευθέ-
ρωσεν, ἀνελευθέρως τῇ δωρεᾷ χρησάμενος. οὐ
γὰρ ἠξίου Λούκουλλος ἄνδρα διὰ παιδείαν ἐσπου-
δασμένον δοῦλον γενέσθαι πρότερον, εἶτ᾽ ἀπελεύ-
θερον. ἀφαίρεσις γὰρ ἦν τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ἡ τῆς
δοκούσης ἐλευθερίας δόσις. ἀλλὰ Μουρήνας μὲν
οὐκ ἐνταῦθα μόνον ὥφθη πολὺ τῆς τοῦ στρατη-
γοῦ καλοκαγαθίας ἀποδέων.
ο
53 se
LUCULLUS
me,” he said, “who have been so eager to imitate
his example, Heaven has devolved the reputation of
Mummius.”’
However,. as far as circumstances allowed, he en-
deavoured to restore the city. The fire, indeed, had
been quenched by showers which fell providentially
just as the city was captured, and most of what the
soldiers had destroyed he rebuilt himself before his
departure. He also received into the city those of
the Amisenes who had fled, and settled there any
other Greeks who so desired, and added to the city’s
domain a tract of a hundred and twenty stadia. The
city was a colony of Athens, founded in that period
when her power was at its height and she controlled
the sea. And this was the reason why many who
wished to escape the tyranny of Aristion! at Athens
sailed to Amisus, settled there, and became citizens.
In flying from evils at home, they got the benefit
of greater evils abroad. But those of them who
survived were well clothed by Lucullus, and sent
back home, with a present of two hundred drachmas
apiece. Tyrannio the grammarian was also taken
prisoner at this time. Murena asked to have him as
his own prize, and on getting him, formally gave him
his liberty, therein making an illiberal use of the
gift which he had received. For Lucullus did not
think it meet that a man so esteemed for his learning
should first become a slavé, and then be set at
liberty. To give him a nominal liberty was to rob
him of the liberty to which he was born. But this
was not the only case in which Murena was found to be
far inferior to his commander in nobility of conduct.
1 Tyrant of Athens when the city was besieged by Sulla,
87 B.C.
53!
ῬΡῬΙΤΑΒΟΗΒ LIVES .
ΧΧ. Λούκουλλος δὲ τρέπεται πρὸς τὰς ἐν
᾿Ασίᾳ πόλεις, ὅπως, τῶν πολεμικῶν ἔργων σχολά-
ἕοντος αὐτοῦ, καὶ δίκης τινὸξ μετάσχῃ καὶ
θεσμῶν, ὧν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἐνδεῆ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν
οὖσαν ἄρρητοι καὶ ἄπιστοι δυστυχίαι κατεῖχον,
ὑπὸ τῶν τελωνῶν καὶ τῶν δανειστῶν πορθουμένην
καὶ ἀνδραποδιξομένην, πιπράσκειν ἰδίᾳ μὲν viovs
εὐπρεπεῖς θυγατέρας τε παρθένους, δημοσίᾳ δ᾽
ἀναθήματα, γραφάς, ἱεροὺς ἀνδριάντας ἀναγκα-
ζομένων. αὐτοῖς δὲ τέλος μὲν ἦν προσθέτοις
γενομένοις δουλεύειν, τὰ δὲ πρὸ τούτου χαλε-
πώτερα, σχοινισμοὶ καὶ κυγκλίδες καὶ ἵπποι καὶ
στάσεις ὕπαιθροι, καύματος μὲν ἐν ᾿ ἡλίῳ, ψύχους
δ᾽ εἰς πηλὸν ἐμβιβαζομένων ἢ πάγον, ὥστε τὴν
δουλείαν σεισάχθειαν δοκεῖν εἶναι καὶ εἰρήνην.
τοιαῦτα μὲν κακὰ Λούκουλλος εὑρὼν ἐν ταῖς
πόλεσιν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πάντων ἀπήλλαξε τοὺς
ἀδικουμένους.
Πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἑκατοστὴν ἐκέλευσε καὶ μὴ
πλέον εἰς τοὺς τόκους λογίξεσθαι' δεύτερον δὲ
τοὺς μακροτέρους τοῦ ἀρχαίου τόκους ἀπέκοψε"
τὸ δὲ τρίτον καὶ μέγιστον, ἔταξε τῶν τοῦ χρεω-
φειλέτου προσόδων τὴν τετάρτην μερίδα καρ-
ποῦσθαι τὸν δανειστήν' ὄ δὲ τόκον κεφαλαίῳ
συνάψας ἐστέρητο TOD παντός" ὥστ᾽ ἐν ἐλάττονε
χρόνῳ τετραετίας διαλυθῆναι τὰ χρέα πάντα καὶ
τὰς κτήσεις ἐλευθέρας ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς δεσπόταις.
ἣν δὲ τοῦτο κοινὸν δάνειον ἐκ τῶν δισμυρίων
ταλάντων, οἷς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἐζημίωσεν ὁ Σύλλας:
καὶ διπλοῦν ἀπεδόθη τοῖς δανείσασιν, ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων
532
LUCULLUS 2
XX. Lucullus now turned his attention to the
cities in Asia,! in order that, while he was at leisure
from military enterprises, he might do something
for the furtherance of justice and law. Through
long lack of these, unspeakable and incredible misfor-
tunes were rife in the province. Its people were plun-
dered and reduced to slavery by the tax-gatherers
and money-lenders. Families were forced to sell
their comely sons and virgin daughters, and cities
their votive offerings, pictures, and sacred statues.
At last men had to surrender to their creditors and ~
serve them as slaves, but what preceded this was far
worse,—tortures of rope, barrier, and horse ; standing
under the open sky in the blazing sun of summer,
and in winter, being thrust into mud or ice. Slavery
seemed, by comparison, to be disburdenment and
peace. Such were the evils which Lucullus found in
the cities, and in a short time he freed the oppressed
from all of them.
In the first place, he ordered that the monthly
rate of interest should be reckoned at one per cent.,
and no more; in the second place, he cut off all
interest that exceeded the principal; third, and
most important of all, he ordained that the lender
should receive not more than the fourth part of his
debtor’s income, and any lender who added interest
to principal was deprived of the whole. Thus, in
less than four years’ time, the debts were all paid,
and the properties restored to their owners unen-
cumbered. This public debt had its origin in the
twenty thousand talents which Sulla had laid upon
Asia as a contribution, and twice this amount had
been paid back to the money-lenders. Yet now, by
1 71-70 B.c.
Φ
3
- PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀνηγμένον ἤδη τοῖς τόκοις εἰς δώδεκα μυριάδας
ταλάντων. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν ὡς δεινὰ πεπονθότες
ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῦ Λουκούλλου κατεβόων, καὶ χρή-
μασιν ἀνίστασαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐνίους τῶν δημαγωγῶν,
μέγα δυνάμενοι καὶ πολλοὺς ὑπόχρεως πεποιη-
μένοι τῶν πολετενομένων. ὁ δὲ “ούκουλλος οὐ
μόνον ὑπὸ τῶν εὖ πεπονθότων ͵ἦγαπᾶτο δήμων,
ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐπαρχίαις ποθεινὸς ἣ ἣν,
εὐδαιμονιζούσαις τοὺς ἡγεμόνος τοιούτου τυ-
χόντας.
ΧΧΙ. "Ammuos δὲ Κλώδιος, ὁ πεμφθεὶς πρὸς
Τιγράνην (ἦν δὲ ὁ Κλώδιος ἀδελφὸς τῆς τότε
Λουκούλλῳ συνοικούσης) πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν
βασιλικῶν ὁδηγῶν κύκλον τινὰ καὶ περιβολὴν
ἔχουσαν οὐκ ἀναγκαίαν καὶ πολυήμερον ὁδὸν διὰ
τῆς ἄνω χώρας ἀγόμενος, μηνύσαντος αὐτῷ τὴν
εὐθεῖαν ὁδὸν ἀπελευθέρου “Σύρου τὸ γένος, ἐκ-
τρέπεται τῆς μακρᾶς ἐκείνης καὶ σοφιστικῆς,
ἐρρῶσθαι φράσας πολλὰ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀ ἀγωγοῖς,
καὶ δι᾿ ἡμερῶν ὀλύγων τὸν Εὐφράτην περάσας
εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαμ ἧκε τὴν ἐπὶ Δάφνης. ἔπειτα
Τιγράνην αὐτοῦ κελευσθεὶς περιμένειν (ἀπῆν γὰρ
ἐνίας ἔτι τῶν ἐν Φοινίκῃ πόλεων καταστρεφό-
μένος), πολλοὺς μὲν ὠκειώσατο τῶν ὑπούλως
ἀκροωμένων τοῦ ᾿Αρμενίου δυναστῶν, ὧν εἷς ἦν
καὶ Ζαρβιηνὸς ὁ τῆς Γορδυηνῆς βασιλεύς,
πολλαῖς δὲ κρύφα τῶν δεδουλωμένων πόλεων
διαπεμπομέναις πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπέσχετο τὴν Λου-
κούλλον βοήθειαν, ἐν τῷ παρόντι κελεύσας
ἡσυχάζειν.
Ἦν γὰρ οὐκ ἀνασχετὸς ἡ τῶν ᾿Αρμενίων ἀρχὴ
534 "
505
LUCULLUS
e reckoning usurious interest, they had brought the
total debt up to a hundred and twenty thousand
talents. These men, accordingly, considered them-
selves outraged, and raised a clamour against Lucullus
at Rome. They also bribed some of the tribunes to
proceed against him, being men of great influence,
who had got many of the active politicians into their
debt. Lucullus, however, was not only beloved by
the peoples whom he had benefited, nay, other pro-
vinces also longed to have him set over them, and
felicitated those whose good fortune it was to have
such a governor.
XXI. Appius Clodius, who had been sent to Ti-
granes (Clodius was a brother of her who was then
the wife of Lucullus), was at first conducted by the
royal guides through the upper country by a route
needlessly circuitous and long. But when a freedman
of his, who was a Syrian, told him of the direct
route, he left the long one which was being trickily
imposed upon him, bade his Barbarian guides a long
farewell, and within a few days crossed the Euphrates
and came to Antioch by Daphne.! Then, being
ordered to await Tigranes there (the king was still
engaged in subduing some cities of Phoenicia), he
gained over many of the princes who paid but a
hollow obedience to the Armenian. One of these
was Zarbienus, king of Gordyene. He also promised
many of the enslaved cities, when they sent to
confer with him secretly, the assistance of Lucullus,
although for the present he bade them keep
quiet.
Now the sway of the Armenians was intolerably
1 The great Antioch on the river Orontes. Daphne was
the name of a grove near the city consecrated to Apollo.
535.
at
ΡΙΌΤΑΒΟΗ᾿ 5 LIVES
τοῖς “ Ἑλλησιν, ἀλλὰ χαλεπή" καὶ μάλιστα τοῦς
βασιλέως αὐτοῦ τὸ φρόνημα τραγικὸν καὶ ὑπέρ-
ογκον ἐν ταῖς μεγάλαις εὐτυχίαις ἐγεγόνει,
πάντων, ὅ ὅσα ζηλοῦσιν οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ θαυμάζουσιν,
οὐ μόνον ὄντων περὶ αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὸν
γεγονέναι δοκούντων. ἀρξάμενος γὰρ ἀπὸ μικρᾶς
καὶ καταφρονουμένης ἐλπίδος ἔθνη πολλὰ κατε-
στρέψατο, καὶ τὴν Πάρθων, ὡς ἄλλος οὐδείς,
δύναμιν ἐταπείνωσεν, Ἑλλήνων. δὲ τὴν Μεσο-
ποταμίαν ἐνέπλησε, πολλοὺς μὲν ἐκ Κιλικίας,
πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἐκ Καππαδοκίας ἀνασπάστους κατοι-
κίζων. ἐκίνησε δ᾽ ἐξ ἠθῶν καὶ “ApaBas τοὺς
Σκηνίτας μεταγαγὼν καὶ πλησίον ἱδρύσας, ὅπως
χρῷτο δι᾽ ἐκείνων ταῖς ἐμπορίαις. βασιλεῖς δὲ
πολλοὶ μὲν ἦσαν οἱ θεραπεύοντες αὐτόν, τέσσαρες
δέ, ods ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ὥσπερ ὀπαδοὺς
ἢ δορυφόρους, ἱππότῃ μὲν ἐλαύνοντι πεζοὺς
παραθέοντας ἐν χιτωνίσκοις, καθημένῳ δὲ καὶ
χρηματίξοντι περιεστῶτας ἐπηλλαγμέναις δι᾽
ἀλλήλων ταῖς χερσίν, ὅπερ ἐδόκει μάλιστα τῶν
σχημάτων ἐξομολόγησις εἶναι δουλείας, οἷον a ἀπο-
ομένων τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὸ σῶμα τῷ κυρίῳ
παρεχόντων παθεῖν ἑ ἑτοιμότερον ἢ ποιῆσαι.
Ταύτην μέντοι. τὴν τραγῳδίαν οὐχ ὑποτρέσας
οὐδ᾽ ἐκπλαγεὶς δ "Amos, ὡς ἔτυχε λόγου πρῶ-
τον, ἄντικρυς ἥκειν ἔφη Μιθρ Sa amagov
ὀφειλόμενον τοῖς Λουκούλλου θριάμβοις ἢ ἢ καταγ-
γελῶν Τιγράνῃ πόλεμον, ὥστε τὸν Τυγράνην,
καίπερ ἐν διαχύσει τοῦ προσώπου καὶ μειδιάματε
πεπλασμένῳ πειρώμενον ἀκούειν τῶν λόγων, μὴ
λαθεῖν τοὺς παρόντας ἠλλοιωμένον τῇ παρρησίᾳ
τοῦ νεανίσκον, φωνῆς σχεδὸν ἐλευθέρας ἀ ἀκούοντα
536
ian.
Lar
LUCULLUS .
grievous to the Greeks. Above all else, the spirit of
the king himself had become pompous and haughty
in the midst of his great prosperity. All the things
which most men covet and admire, he not only had
in his possession, but actually thought that they
existed for his sake. For though he had started on
his career with small and insignificant expectations,
he had subdued many nations, humbled the Parthian
power as no man before him had done, and filled
Mesopotamia with Greeks whom he removed in
great numbers from Cilicia and from Cappadocia, and
᾿ settled anew. He also removed from their wonted
haunts the nomadic Arabians, and brought them to
an adjacent settlement, that he might employ them
in trade and commerce. Many were the kings who
waited upon him, and four, whom he always had
about him like attendants or body-guards, would run
on foot by their master’s side when he rode out, clad
in short blouses, and when he sat transacting busi-
ness, would stand by with their arms crossed. This
attitude was thought to be the plainest confession of
servitude, as if they had sold their freedom and
offered their persons to their master disposed for
suffering rather than for service.
Appius, however, was not frightened or astonished
at all this pomp and show, but as soon as he obtained
an audience, told the king plainly that he was come
to take back Mithridates, as an ornament due to the
triumph of Lucullus, or else to declare war against
Tigranes. Although Tigranes made every effort to
listen to this speech with a cheerful countenance
and a forced smile, he could not hide from the
bystanders his discomfiture at the bold words of the
young man. It must have been five and twenty
537
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
διὰ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν: τοσαῦτα yap ἐβασί-
7 λευσε, μᾶλλον δὲ ὕβρισεν. ἀπεκρίνατο μὲν οὖν
A 9 4 A 4 ’ Ἁ
τῷ Αππίῳ μὴ προήσεσθαι Μιθριδάτην, καὶ
Ῥ “ ,ὕ ” : 10 Δ
Pwpatovs πολέμου ἄρχοντας ἀμυνεῖθαι. Λου-
κούλλῳ δ᾽ ὀργιζόμενος, ὅτι βασιλέα μόνον αὐτόν,
οὐ βασιλέων ἐν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ προσηγόρευσεν,
οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀντιγράφων αὐτοκράτορα προσεῖπεν.
ἔπεμψε δὲ δῶρα TO Αππίῳ λαμπρά, καὶ μὴ λαβόν-
τος ἄλλα πλείω προσέθηκεν. ἐκ τούτων ὁ Αππίιος
οὐκ ἐθέλων δοκεῖν ἔχθρᾳ τινὶ διωθεῖσθαι φιάλην
δεξάμενος μίαν ἀπέπεμψε τὰ λοιπά, καὶ Sia
ταχέων ἀπήλαυνε πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα.
XXIT. Τιγράνης δὲ Μιθριδάτην πρότερον μὲν
ΛΝ D a 3 ge/ ION A 3 A ΝΜ
οὐδὲ ἰδεῖν ἠξίωσεν οὐδὲ προσειπεῖν οἰκεῖον ἄνδρα
4 b] , 4 ᾽ 3.» »
βασιλείας ἐκπεπτωκότα τηλικαύτης, ἀλλ ἀτίμως
καὶ ὑπερηφάνως ἀπωτάτω περιεῖδεν αὐτὸν τρό-
Tov τινὰ φρουρούμενον ἐν χωρίοις ἑλώδεσι καὶ
a , \ \ aA \ 4
νοσεροῖς: τότε δὲ σὺν τιμῇ καὶ φιλοφροσύνῃ
2 μετεπέμψατο αὐτὸν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια. καὶ δὴ
᾿λόγων γενομένων ἀπορρήτων τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους 506
9 , : e ’ ? a a My v 3
ἐθεράπευον ὑποψίας ἐπὶ κακῷ τῶν φίλων, εἰς
ἐκείνους τὰς αἰτίως τρέποντες. ὧν ἦν καὶ
Μητρόδωρος ὁ Σκήψιος, ἀνὴρ εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἀηδὴς
Ἁ VA 3 A \ 4 4 [4
καὶ πολυμαθής, ἀκμῇ δὲ φιλίας τοσαύτῃ χρησά-
μενος, ὥστε πατὴρ προσαγορεύεσθαι τοῦ βασι-
8 λέως. τοῦτον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὁ Τυγράνης πεμφθέντα
δ e Ν a , \ ? A
πρεσβευτὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου πρὸς αὐτὸν
538
=
LUCULLUS
years since he had listened toa free speech. That
was the length of his reign, or rather, of his wanton
tyranny. However, he replied to Appius that he
would not surrender Mithridates, and that if the
Romans began war, he would defend himself. He
was vexed with Lucullus for addressing him in his
letter with the title of King only, and not King of
Kings, and accordingly, in his reply, would not
address Lucullus as Imperator. But he sent
splendid gifts to Appius, and when he would not
take them, added more besides. Appius finally
accepted a single bowl from among them, not
wishing his rejection of the king’s offers to seem
prompted by any personal enmity, but sent back the
rest, and marched off with all speed to join the
Imperator.
XXII. Up to this time Tigranes had not deigned
to see Mithridates, nor speak to him, though the
man was allied to him by marriage, and had been
expelled from such a great kingdom. Instead, he
had kept him at the farthest remove possible, in
disgrace and contumely, and had suffered him to be
held a sort of prisoner in marshy and sickly regions.
Now, however, he summoned him to his palace with
marks of esteem and friendship. There, in secret
conference, they strove to allay their mutual
suspicions at the expense of their friends, by laying
the blame upon them. One of these was Metrodorus
of Scepsis, a man of agreeable speech and wide
learning, who enjoyed the friendship of Mithridates
in such a high degree that he was called the king’s
father. This man, as it seems, had once been sent
as an ambassador from Mithridates to Tigranes, with
a request for aid against the Romans. On this
539
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δεομένου βοηθεῖν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἤρετο’ “ Σὺ δ᾽
αὐτός, ὦ Μητρόδωρε, τί μοι περὶ τούτων παραι-
veis;” κἀκεῖνος εἴτε πρὸς τὸ Τιγράνου συμφέρον
εἴτε Μιθριδάτην σώξεσθαι μὴ βουλόμενος, ὡς μὲν
πρεσβεντὴς ἔφη κελεύειν, ὡς δὲ σύμβουλος ἀπα-
γορεύειν. ταῦτ᾽ ἐξήνεγκεν ὁ Τιγράνης τῷ Μι-
θριδάτῃ καὶ κατεῖπεν ὡς οὐδὲν ἐργασομένῳ τὸν
Μητρόδωρον ἀνήκεστον. ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀνήρητο' καὶ
μετάνοια τὸν Τιγράνην εἶχεν, οὐ παντελῶς ὄντα
τῷ Μητροδώρῳ τῆς συμφορᾶς αἴτιον, ἀλλὰ ῥοπήν
τινα τῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχθει τοῦ Μιθριδάτου προσ-
. θέντα. πάλαι γὰρ ὑπούλως εἶχε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα,
καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐφωράθη τῶν ἀπορρήτων αὐτοῦ γραμ-
μάτων ἁλόντων, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Μητρόδωρον
ἀπολέσθαι διατεταγμένον. ἔθαψεν οὖν ὁ Τι-
γράνης λαμπρῶς τὸ σῶμα, μηδεμιᾶς πολυτελείας
φεισάμενος εἰς νεκρὸν ὃν ζῶντα προὔδωκεν.
᾿Ετελεύτησε δὲ παρὰ τῷ Τιγράνῃ καὶ ’Apde-
κράτης ὁ ῥήτωρ, εἰ δεῖ καὶ τούτον μνήμην τινὰ
γενέσθαι διὰ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. λέγεται γὰρ φυγεῖν
μὲν αὐτὸν εἰς Σελεύκειαν τὴν ἐπὶ Τίγριδι, δεομέ-
νων δ᾽ αὐτόθι σοφιστεύειν ὑπεριδεῖν καταλαζο-
νευσάμενον, ὡς οὐδὲ λεκάνη δελφῖνα χωροίη,
μεταστάντα δὲ πρὸς Κλεοπάτραν τὴν Μιθριδάτον
θυγατέρα, Τυγράνῃ δὲ συνοικοῦσαν ἐν διαβολῇ
γενέσθαι ταχύ, καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς “Ελληνας
ἐπιμιξίας εἰργόμενον ἀποκαρτερῆσαι' ταφῆναι
δὲ καὶ τοῦτον ἐντίμως ὑπὸ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας καὶ
540
LUCULLUS
occasion Tigranes asked him: “But what is your
own advice to me, Metrodorus, in this matter?”
Whereupon Metrodorus, either with an eye to the
interests of Tigranes, or because he did not wish
Mithridates to be saved, said that as an ambassador
he urged consent, but as an adviser he forbade it.
Tigranes disclosed this to Mithridates, not supposing,
when he told him, that he would punish Metrodorus
past all healing. But Metrodorus was at once put
out of the way. Then Tigranes repented of what
he had done, although he was not entirely to blame
for the death of Metrodorus. He merely gave an
impulse, as it were, to the hatred which Mithridates
already had for the man. For he had long been
secretly hostile to him, as was seen from his private
papers when they were captured, in which there
were directions that Metrodorus, as well as others,
be put to death. Accordingly, Tigranes gave the
body of Metrodorus a splendid burial, sparing no ex-
pense upon the man when dead, although he had
betrayed him when alive.
Amphicrates, the rhetorician, also lost his life at -
the court of Tigranes, if, for the sake of Athens, we
may make some mention of him too. It is said that
when he was exiled from his native city, he went to
Seleucia on the Tigris, and that when the citizens
asked him to give lectures there, he treated their
invitation with contempt, arrogantly remarking that
a stewpan could not hold a dolphin. Removing
thence, he attached himself to Cleopatra, the
daughter of Mithridates and wife of Tigranes, but
speedily fell into disfavour, and, being excluded from
intercourse with Greeks, starved himself to death. .
He also received honourable burial at the hands of
541
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
κεῖσθαι περὶ Σαφάν, ἐκεῖ τι χωρίον οὕτω καλού-
μενον.
XXITI. Λούκουλλος δὲ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν πολλῆς μὲν
εὐνομίας, πολλῆς δ᾽ εἰρήνης ἐμπεπληκὼς οὐδὲ τῶν
πρὸς ἡδονὴν καὶ χάριν ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ πομπαῖς
καὶ πανηγύρεσιν ἐσπινικίοις καὶ ἀγῶσιν ἀθλητῶν
καὶ μονομάχων ἐν ᾿Εφέσῳ καθήμενος ἐδημαγώγει
τὰς πόλεις, αἱ δ᾽ apetBopevac Λουκούλλειά τε
ἦγον ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ ἀνδρός, καὶ τῆς τιμῆς ἡδίονα
τὴν ἀληθινὴν εὔνοιαν αὐτῷ παρεῖχον. ἐπεὶ
Αππιός τε ἧκε καὶ πολεμητέον πρὸς Τιγράνην
ἐφαίνετο, παρῆλθεν αὖθις εἰς Πόντον, καὶ τοὺς
στρατιώτας ἀναλαβὼν ἐπολιόρκει Σινώπην, par-
λον δὲ τοὺς κατέχοντας αὐτὴν βασιλικοὺς Κίλι-
Kas, οἱ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνελόντες τῶν Σινωπέων, τὴν
δὲ πόλιν ἐμπρήσαντες διὰ νυκτὸς ἔφυγον. αἰσθό-
μενος δ᾽ ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλεν
ὀκτακισχιλίους αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐγκαταλειφθέντας
ἀπέκτεινε, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις ἀπέδωκε τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ
τῆς πόλεως ἐπεμελήθη μάλιστα διὰ τὴν τοιαύτην
ὄψιν. ἐδόκει τινὰ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἰπεῖν παρα-
στάντα" “ ἸΙρόελθε, Λούκουλλε, μικρόν: ἥκει γὰρ
Αὐτόλυκος ἐντυχεῖν σοι βουλόμενος." ἐξαναστὰς
δὲ τὴν μὲν ὄψιν οὐκ εἶχε συμβαλεῖν εἰς ὅ τι φέροι,
τὴν δὲ πόλιν εἷλε KaT ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν, καὶ
τοὺς ἐκπλέοντας τῶν Κιλίκων διώκων ὁρᾷ παρὰ
τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἀνδριάντα κείμενον, ὃν ἐκκομίζοντες
οἱ Κίλικες οὐκ ἔφθησαν ἐμβαλέσθαι" τὸ δ᾽ ἔργον
ἣν Σθένιδος τῶν καλῶν. φράζει οὖν τις, ὡς Αὐ-
τολύκου τοῦ κτίσαντος τὴν Σινώπην ὁ ἀνδριὰς
εἴη.
542
er
LUCULLUS
Cleopatra, and his body lies at Sapha, as a place in’
those parts is called.
XXIII. Lucullus, after filling Asia full of law and
order, and full of peace, did not neglect the things
which minister to pleasure and win favour, but during
his stay at Ephesus gratified the cities with pro-
cessions and triumphal festivals and contests of
athletes and gladiators. And the cities, in response,
celebrated festivals which they called Lucullea, to
do honour to the man, and bestowed upon him what
is sweeter than honour, their genuine good-will.
But when Appius came, and it was plain that war
must be waged against Tigranes, he went back into
‘Pontus, put himself at the head of his soldiers, and
laid siege to Sinopé, or rather, to the Cilicians who
were occupying that city for the king. These slew
many of the Sinopians, fired the city, and set out to
fly by night. But Lucullus saw what was going on,
made his way into the city, and slew eight thousand
of the Cilicians who were still there. Then he
restored to the citizens their private property, and
ministered to the needs of the city, more especially
on account of the following vision. He thought in
his sleep that a form stood by his side and said:
Go forward a little, Lucullus ; for Autolycus is
come, and wishes to meet you.” On rising from
sleep, he was unable to conjecture what the vision
meant; but he took the city on that day, and as he
pursued the Cilicians who were sailing away, he saw
a statue lying on the beach, which the Cilicians had
not succeeded in getting on board with them. It
was the work of Sthenis, and one of his master-
pieces. Well then, some one told Lucullus that it
was the statue of Autolycus, the founder of Sinopé.
543
a
“-
5
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Λέγεται δ᾽ ὁ Αὐτόλυκος γενέσθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τὰς
᾿Αμαζόνας ἐκ Θετταλίας Ἡρακλεῖ συστρατευ-
σάντων, Δηϊμάχου παῖς" ἐκεῖθεν δ᾽ ἀποπλέων ἅμα
Δημολέοντι καὶ Φλογίῳ τὴν μὲν ναῦν ἀπολέσαι
περιπεσοῦσαν τῆς Χερρονήσου κατὰ τὸ καλού-
μενον Πηδάλιον, αὐτὸς δὲ σωθεὶς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων
καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων πρὸς τὴν Σινώπην ἀφελέσθαι
τοὺς Σύρους τὴν πόλιν" Σύροι,γὰρ αὐτὴν κατεῖχον
ἀπὸ Σύρον γεγονότες τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος, ὡς λέγεται,
καὶ Σινώπης τῆς ᾿Ασωπίδος.
Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούων ὁ Λούκουλλος ἀνεμιμνήσκετο τῆς
Σύλλα παραινέσεως" παρήνει δὲ διὰ τῶν ὑπομνη-
μάτων ἐκεῖνος μηδὲν οὕτως ἀξιόπιστον ἡγεῖσθαι
καὶ βέβαιον, ὡς ὅ τι ἂν ἀποσημανθῇ διὰ τῶν
ἐνυπνίων.
Πυνθανόμενος δὲ Μιθριδάτην τε καὶ Τιγράνημ
εἰς Λυκαονίαν καὶ Κιλικίαν ὅσον οὔπω διαβιβά-
Ce δύναμιν ὡς προτέρους ἐμβαλοῦντας εἰς τὴν
᾿Ασίαν, ἐθαύμαζε τὸν ᾿Αρμένιον, εἰ γνώμην ἔχων
ἐπιθέσθαι Ῥωμαίοις, ἀκμάξοντι μὲν οὐκ ἐχρῆτο
Μιθριδάτῃ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, οὐδ᾽ ἐρρωμένοις
τοῖς ἐκείνου τὰ παρ᾽ αὑτοῦ συνῆπτεν, ἀπο-
λέσθαι & ἐάσας καὶ συντριβῆναι νῦν ἐπὶ ψυχραῖς
ἐλπίσιν ἄρχεται πολέμου τοῖς | ἀναστῆναι μὴ
δυναμένοις συγκαταβάλλων ἑαυτόν.
XXIV. ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ καὶ Μαχάρης ὁ 0 Μιθριδάτου
παῖς ἔχων τὸν Βόσπορον ἔπεμψεν αὐτῷ στέφανον
ἀπὸ χρυσῶν χιλίων, δεόμενος Ῥωμαίων ἀνα-
γραφῆναι φίλος καὶ σύμμαχος, ἤδη οἰόμενος τὰ
τοῦ προτέρου πολέμου πέρας ἔχειν Σωρνάτιον
544
507
LUCULLUS
Now Autolvcus is said to have been one of those
who made an expedition with Heracles from Thessaly
against the Amazons, a son of Deimachus. On his
voyage of return, in company with Demoleon and
Phlogius, he lost his ship, which was wrecked at the
place called Pedalium, in the Chersonesus; but he
himself escaped, with his arms and his companions,
and coming to Sinopé, took the city away from the
Syrians. These Syrians who were in possession of
the city were descended, as it is said, from Syrus,
the son of Apollo, and Sinopé, the daughter of
Asopis.
On hearing this, Lucullus called to mind the
advice of Sulla, in his Memoirs, which was to think
nothing so trustworthy and sure as that which is
signified by dreams. —
Being informed now that Mithridates and Tigranes
~ were on the point of entering Lycaonia and Cilicia,
with the purpose of invading Asia before war was
actually declared, he was amazed that the Armenian,
if he cherished the design of attacking the Romans,
had, not made use of Mithridates for this war when
he was at the zenith of his power, nor joined forces
with him when he was strong, but had allowed him
to be crushed and ruined, and now began a war
which offered only faint hopes of success, prostrating
himself to the level of those who were unable to
stand erect.
AXIV. But when Machares also, the son of
Mithridates, who held the Bosporus, sent Lucullus
a crown valued at a thousand pieces of gold, beg-
ging to be included in the list of Rome’s friends
and allies, Lucullus decided at once that. the first
war was finished. He therefore left Sornatius there
545
a
VOL. II. N N
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
μὲν αὐτοῦ φύλακα τῶν Ποντικῶν ἀπέλιπε μετὰ
2 στρατιωτῶν ἑξακισχιλίων, αὐτὸς δὲ μυρίους μὲν
ἄγων καὶ δισχιλίους ᾿ πεζούς, ἱππεῖς δὲ τρισχιλίων
ἐλάττους, ἐπὶ τὸν δεύτερον ἐ ἐχώρει πόλεμον, ὁρμῇ
τινι δοκῶν παραβόλῳ καὶ σωτήριον οὐκ ἐχούσῃ
λογισμὸν ἐμβαλεῖν αὑτὸν εἰς ἔθνη μάχιμα καὶ
μυριάδας ἱππέων πολλὰς καὶ ἀχανῆ χώραν,
βαθέσι μὲν ποταμοῖς, ἀεὶ δὲ κατανιφομένοις ὄρεσι
8 περιεχομένην, ὥστε τοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας οὐδ᾽
ἄλλως ὄντας εὐτάκτους ἄκοντας ἕπεσθαι καὶ
ζυγομαχοῦντας, ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ καταβοᾶν καὶ δια-
μαρτύρεσθαι τοὺς δημαγωγούς, ὡς πόλεμον ἐκ
πολέμου διώκει “Λούκουλλος οὐδὲν τῆς πόλεως
δεομένης, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ στρατηγῶν μηδέποτε
καταθέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα μηδὲ παύσασθαι χρηματιξό-
4 μενος ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν κινδύνων. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν
ἐξειργάσαντο χρύνῳ τὴν αὑτῶν ὑπόθεσιν' Δού-
κουλλος δὲ συντόνως ὁδεύσας ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην,
καὶ κατιόντα πολὺν καὶ θολερὸν ὑπὸ χειμῶνος
εὑρών, ἤσχαλλεν, ὡς διατριβῆς αὐτῷ καὶ πραγ-
ματείας ἐσομένης συνάγοντι πορθμεῖα καὶ πηγ-
νυμένῳ σχεδίας. ἀρξάμενον δ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ἑσπέρας
ὑποχωρεῖν τὸ ῥεῦμα καὶ μειούμενον διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς
ἅμ' ἡμέρᾳ κοῖλον παρέσχεν ὀφθῆναι τὸν ποταμόν.
5 ot δ᾽ ἐπιχώριοι νησῖδας ἐν τῷ πόρῳ μικρὰς διαφα-
νείσας θεασάμενοι καὶ tevayilovta τὸν ῥοῦν ἐπ᾽
αὐταῖς, προσεκύγουν τὸν Λούκουλλον, ἃ QS ὀλιγάκις
τούτου συμβεβηκότος πρότερον, ἐκείνῳ δ᾽ ἑκου-
σίως χειροήθη καὶ πρᾷον αὑτὸν ἐνδιδόντος τοῦ
ποταμοῦ καὶ παρέχοντος ἀπράγμονα καὶ ταχεῖαν
τὴν διάβασιν.
546
LUCULLUS
as guardian of Pontus, with six thousand soldiers,
while he himself, with twelve thousand footmen and
less than three thousand horse, set out for the second
war.| He seemed to be making a reckless attack,
and one which admitted of no saving calculation,
upon warlike nations, countless thousands οὗὨἨ horse
men, and a boundless region surrounded by deep rivers
and mountains covered with perpetual snow. His
soldiers, therefore, who were none too well disciplined
in any case, followed him reluctantly and rebelliously,
while the popular tribunes at Rome raised an outcry
against him, and accused him of seeking one war
after another, although the city had no need of
them, that he might be in perpetual command and
never lay down his arms or cease enriching himself
from the public dangers. And, in time, these men
accomplished their purpose. But Lucullus advanced
by forced marches to the Euphrates. Here he found
the stream swollen and turbid from the winter storms,
and was vexed to think of the delay and trouble
which it would cost him to collect boats and build
rafts. But at evening the stream began to subside,
went on diminishing through the night, and at day-
break the river was running between lofty banks.
The natives, observing that sundry small islands in
the channel had become visible, and that the current
near them was quiet, made obeisance to Lucullus,
saying that this had seldom happened before, and
that the river had voluntarily made itself tame and
gentle for Lucullus, and offered him an easy and
speedy passage.
* 69 8.0.
547
NN 2
6
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Χρησάμενος οὖν τῷ καιρῷ διεβίβαξε τὴν
στρατιάν: καὶ γίνεται σημεῖον αὐτῷ χρηστὸν ἅμα
τῇ διαβάσει. βόες ἱεραὶ νέμονται Περσίας ᾿Αρτέ-
μίδος, ἣν μάλιστα θεῶν οἱ πέραν Εὐφράτου βάρ-
βαροι τιμῶσι χρῶνται δὲ ταῖς βουσὶ πρὸς
θυσίαν μόνον, ἄλλως δὲ πλάζονται κατὰ τὴν
χώραν ἄφετοι, χαράγματα φέρουσαι τῆς θεοῦ
λαμπάδα, καὶ λαβεῖν ἐξ αὐτῶν, ὅταν δεηθῶσιν,
οὐ πάνυ ῥάδιόν ἐστιν οὐδὲ μικρᾶς πραγματείας.
τούτων μία, τοῦ στρατοῦ διαβάντος τὸν Evdpa-
την, ἐλθοῦσα πρός τινα πέτραν ἱερὰν τῆς θεοῦ
νομιζομένην ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἔστη, καὶ καταβαλοῦσα τὴν
κεφαλήν, ὥσπερ αἱ δεσμῷ κατατεινόμεναι, θῦσαι
τῷ Λουκούλλῳ παρέσχεν αὑτήν. ἔθυσε δὲ καὶ
τῷ Εὐφράτῃ ταῦρον διαβατήραι. κἀκείνην μὲν
αὐτοῦ τὴν ἡμέραν ηὐλίσατο, τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ καὶ
ταῖς ἐφεξῆς προῆγε διὰ τῆς Σωφηνῆς, οὐδὲν
ἀδικῶν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους προσχωροῦντας αὐτῷ καὶ
δεχομένους τὴν στρατιὰν ἀσμένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ
τῶν στρατιωτῶν φρούριόν τι δοκοῦν ἔχειν χρήματα
πολλὰ βουλομένων λαβεῖν “’Exetvo,” ἔφη, “ μᾶλ-
λον τὸ φρούριον ἡμῖν ἐκκοπτέον ἐστί," δείξας τὸν
Ταῦρον ἄπωθεν ὄντα, “ ταῦτα δ᾽ ἀπόκειται τοῖς
νικῶσι. συντείνας δὲ τὴν πορείαν καὶ τὸν Τίγριν
διαβὰς ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αρμενίαν.
XXV. Τυγράνῃ δ᾽, ὡς ὁ πρῶτος ἀγγείλας
ἥκοντα Λούκουλλον οὐκ ἐχαίρησεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπετέ-
TUNTO τὴν κεφαλήν, οὐδεὶς ἄλλος ἔφραζεν, GAN’
ἀγνοῶν καθῆστο περικαιόμενος ἤδη τῷ πολεμίῳ
548
΄
δ08
LUCULLUS
Accordingly, he took advantage of his opportunity
and put his troops across, and a favourable sign
accompanied his crossing. Heifers pasture there
which are sacred to Persia Artemis, a goddess whom
the Barbarians on the further side of the Euphrates
hold in the highest honour. These heifers are used
only for sacrifice, and at other times are left to
roam about the country at large, with brands upon
them in the shape of the torch of the goddess. Nor
is it a slight or easy matter to catch any of them
when they are wanted. One of these heifers, after
the army had crossed the Euphrates, came to a
certain rock which.is deemed sacred to the goddess,
and stood upon it, and lowering its head without
any compulsion from the usual rope, offered itself
to Lucullus for sacrifice. He also sacrificed a bull
to the Euphrates, in acknowledgment of his safe
passage. Then, after encamping there during that
day, on the next and the succeeding days he advanced
through Sophené. He wrought no harm to the
inhabitants, who came to meet him and received
his army gladly. Nay, when his soldiers wanted
to take a certain fortress which was thought to
contain much wealth, “ Yonder lies the fortress
which we must rather bring low,” said he, pointing
to the Taurus in the distance ; “these nearer things
are reserved for the victors.” Then he went on
by forced marches, crossed the Tigris, and entered
Armenia.
XXV. Since the first messenger who told Tigranes
that Lucullus was coming had his head cut off for
his pains, no one else would tell him anything, and so
he sat in ignorance while the fires of war were
already blazing around him, giving ear only to those
549 ~
iV
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πυρί, λόγους ἀκούων πρὸς χάριν, ὧς μέγαν ὄντα
Λούκουλλον στρατηγόν, εἰ πρὸς ᾿Εφέσῳ Τιγράνην
ὑποσταίη καὶ μὴ φεύγων εὐθὺς ἐξ ᾿Ασίας οἴχοιτο
τὰς τοσαύτας μυριάδας ἰδών. οὕτως οὔτε σώμα -
ToS παντός ἐστι πολὺν ἄκρατον ἐνεγκεῖν οὔτε
διανοίας τῆς τυχούσης ἐν εὐτυχήμασι μεγάλοις
μὴ ἐκστῆναι τῶν λογισμῶν. πρῶτος δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῶν
φίλων ἐτόχμησε Μιθροβαρξάνης φράσαι τὸ
ἀληθές. οὐδ᾽ οὗτος δὲ χρηστὸν ἠνέγκατο γέρας
τῆς παρρησίας. ἐπέμφθη γὰρ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν
Δούκουλλον σὺν ἱππεῦσι τρισχιλίοις, πεζοῖς δὲ
παμπόλλοις, κελευσθεὶς τὸν μὲν στρατηγὸν ἄγειν
ζῶντα, τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους καταπατῆσαι.
Λουκούλλῳ δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἡ μὲν ἤδη κατε-
Cevryvuev, ἡ δὲ ἔτι προσήει. τῶν δὲ σκοπῶν αὐτῷ
φρασάντων ἐπελαύνοντα τὸν βάρβαρον, ἔδεισε μὴ
χωρὶς ὄντας καὶ οὐκ ἐν τάξει προσπεσὼν ταράξῃ.
καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν καθίστατο τὴν στρατοπεδείαν,
Σεξτίλιον δὲ πρεσβευτὴν ἔπεμψεν ἱππεῖς ἔχοντα
χιλίους ἑξακοσίους, ὁπλίτας δὲ καὶ. ψιλοὺς οὐ
πολλῷ πλείονας, κελεύσας ἐγγὺς προσελθόντα
τοῖς πολεμίοις μένειν, ἕως ἂν πύθηται τοὺς μετ᾽
αὐτοῦ κατεστρατοπεδευκότας. ἐβούλετο μὲν
οὖν ὁ Σεξτίλιος ταῦτα ποιεῖν, ἐβιάσθη δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ
Μιθρυβαρξάνον θρασέως ἐπελαύνοντος εἰς χεῖρας
ἐλθεῖν. καὶ γενομένης μάχης ὁ μὲν Μιθ ροβαρ-
ξάνης ἔ ἔπεσεν ἀγωνιζόμενος, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι φεύγοντες
ἀπώλοντο πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντες.
Ἔκ τούτου Τιγράνης μὲν ἐκλιπὼν Τιγρανό-
κερτα, μεγάλην πόλιν ἐκτισμένην ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ,
999
LUCULLUS
who flattered him and said that Lucullus would
be a great general if he ventured to withstand
Tigranes at Ephesus, and did not fly incontinently
from Asia at the mere sight of so many myriads
of men. Which only proves that it is not every man
who can bear much unmixed wine, nor is it any
ordinary understanding that does not lose its
reckoning in the midst of great prosperity. The
first of his friends who ventured to tell him the
truth was Mithrobarzanes, and he, too, got no very
excellent reward for his boldness of speech. He
was sent at once against Lucullus with three
thousand horsemen and a large force of infantry,
under orders to bring the general alive, but to
trample his men under foot.
Now, part of the army of. Lucullus was already
preparing to go into camp, and the rest was still
coming up, when his scouts told him that the
Barbarian was advancing to the attack. Fearing
lest the enemy attack his men when they were
separated and in disorder, 4nd so throw them into
confusion, he himself fell to arranging the encamp-
ment, and Sextilius, the legate, was sent at the head
of sixteen hundred horsemen and about as many
light and heavy infantry, with orders to get near
the enemy and wait there until he learned that the
main body was safely encamped. Well then, this
was what Sextilius wished to do, but he was forced
into an engagement by Mithrobarzanes, who boldly
charged upon him. A battle ensued, in which
Mithrobarzanes fell fighting, and the rest of his forces
took to flight and were cut to pieces, all except a few.
Upon this, Tigranes abandoned Tigranocerta, that
great city which he had built, withdrew to the
551
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πρὸς τὸν Ταῦρον ἀνεχώρησε καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις
πανταχόθεν ἐνταῦθα σννῆγε, Λούκουλλος δὲ τῇ
παρασκευῇ χρόνον οὐ διδοὺς Μουρήναν μὲν
ἐξέπεμψεν ἐνοχλήσοντα καὶ περικόψοντα τοὺς
ἀθροιζομένους πρὸς τὸν Τιγράνην, Σεξτίλιον δὲ
πάλιν ApaBov χεῖρα μεγάλην ἀνείρξοντα βασιλεῖ
προσιοῦσαν. ὁμοῦ δὲ Σεξτίλιος μὲν ἐπιπεσὼν
στρατόπεδον ποιουμένοις τοῖς ἴΑραψιε τοὺς πλεί-
στους διέφθειρε, Μουρήνας δ᾽ ἑπόμενος Τιγράνῃ
τραχὺν αὐλῶνα καὶ στενόπορον στρατῷ μακρῷ
διεκβάλλοντι καιροῦ παρασχόντος ἐπιτίθεται.
καὶ φεύγει μὲν αὐτὸς Τιγράνης προέμενος τὴν
ἀποσκευὴν ἅπασαν, ἀποθνήσκουσι δὲ πολλοὶ κὰὶ
πλείονες ἁλίσκονται τῶν ᾿Αρμενίων.
XXVI. Οὕτω δὲ τούτων προχωρούντων ἄρας ὁ
Λούκουλλος ἐπορεύετο πρὸς Τυγρανόκερτα, καὶ
περιστρατοπεδεύσας ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν. ἦσαν
δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ πολλοὶ μὲν “Ἕλληνες τῶν ἀναστάτων
ἐκ Κιλικίας, πολλοὶ δὲ βάρβαροι τοῖς “Ελλησιν
ὅμοια πεπονθότες, ᾿Αδιαβηνοὶ καὶ ᾿Ασσύριοι καὶ
Γορδνηνοὶ καὶ Καππάδοκες, ὧν κατασκάψας τὰς
πατρίδας, αὐτοὺς δὲ κομίσας ἐκεῖ κατοικεῖν
ἠνώγκασεν. ἦν δὲ καὶ χρημάτων ἡ πόλεις μεστὴ
καὶ ἀναθημάτων, παντὸς ἰδιώτου καὶ δυνάστου
τῷ βασιλεῖ συμφιλοτιμουμένου πρὸς αὔξησιν καὶ
κατασκευὴν τῆς πόλεως. διὸ καὶ συντόνως ἐπο-
λιόρκει ὁ Λούκουλλος αὐτήν, οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαι τὸν
Τυγράνην οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ γνώμην ὑπ᾽
ὀργῆς καταβήσεσθαι διαμαχούμενον, ὀρθῶς οἰό-
μενος. πολλὰ δὲ Μιθριδάτης ἀπηγόρευσεν ἀγγέ-
λους πέμπων καὶ γράμματα μὴ συνάπτειν μάχην,
ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἱππεῦσι περικόπτειν τὴν ἀγοράν'
552
Ἂ
LUCULLUS
Taurus, and there began collecting his forces from
every quarter. Lucullus, however, gave him no time
for preparation, but sent out Murena to harass and
cut off the forces gathering to join Tigranes, and
Sextilius again to hold in check a large body of
Arabs which was drawing near the king. At one
and the same time Sextilius fell upon the Arabs as
they were going into camp, and slew most of them;
and Murena, following hard upon Tigranes, seized
his opportunity and attacked the king as he was
passing through a rough and narrow defile with his
army in long column. Tigranes himself fled,
abandoning all his baggage, many of the Armenians
were slain, and more were captured.
XXVI. Thus successful in his campaign, Lucullus
struck camp and proceeded to Tigranocerta, which
city he invested and began to besiege. There were
in the city many Greeks who had been transplanted,
like others, from Cilicia, and many Barbarians who
had suffered the same fate as the Greeks,— Adiabeni,
Assyrians, Gordyeni, and Cappadocians, whose native
cities Tigranes had demolished, and brought their
inhabitants to dwell there under compulsion. The
city was also full of wealth and votive offerings, since
every private person and every prince vied with the
king in contributing to its increase and adornment.
Therefore Lucullus pressed the siege of the city with
vigour, in the belief that Tigranes would not endure
it, but contrary to his better judgment and in anger
would descend into the plains to offer battle ; and
vhis belief was justified. Mithridates, indeed, both
by messengers and letters, strongly urged the king
not to join battle, but to cut off the enemy’s supplies
593
.
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
πολλὰ δὲ Ταξίλης ἥκων παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ συστρα- 509
τεύων ἐδεῖτο τοῦ βασιλέως φυλάττεσθαι καὶ
φεύγειν ὡς ἄμαχον πρᾶγμα τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα.
καὶ τά γε πρῶτα πράως ἤκουε τούτων. ἐπεὶ δὲ
πανστρατιᾷ μὲν αὐτῷ συνῆλθον ᾿Αρμένιοι καὶ
Γορδυηνοί, πανστρατιᾷ δὲ Μήδους καὶ ᾿Αδιαβη-
νοὺς ἄγοντες οἱ βασιλεῖς παρῆσαν, ἧκον δὲ πολλοὶ
μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι θαλάσσης “ApaBes,
πολλοὶ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Κασπίας ᾿Αλβανοὶ καὶ Ἴβηρες
᾿Αλβανοῖς προσοικοῦντες, οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ τῶν περὶ
τὸν ᾿Αράξην νεμομένων ἀβασίλευτοι χάριτι καὶ
δώροις πεισθέντες ἀπήντησαν, ἐλπίδων δὲ καὶ
θράσους καὶ βαρβαρικῶν ἀπειλῶν μεστὰ μὲν ἦν
τὰ συμπόσια τοῦ βασιλέως, μεστὰ δὲ τὰ συμ-
βούλια, παρεκινδύνευσε μὲν ὁ Ταξίλης ἀποθανεῖν
ὑπεναντιούμενος τῇ γνώμῃ τῆς μάχης, ἐδόκει δὲ
καὶ Μιθριδάτης ᾿φθονῶν' ἀποτρέπειν μεγάλου
κατορθώματος. ὅθεν οὐδ᾽ ἀνέμεινεν αὐτὸν ὁ
Τιγράνης, μὴ pee τῆς δόξης, ἀλλ᾽ ἐχώρει
παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ σφόδ ρα δυσφορῶν, ὡς λέγεται,
πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ὅ ὅτι πρὸς Λούκουλλον αὐτῷ μό-
νον, οὐ πρὸς ἅπαντας ὁ ἀγὼν ἔσοιτο τοὺς Ῥω-
μαίων στρατηγοὺς ἐν ταὐτῷ γενομένους.
αἱ οὐ παντάπασιν ἦν τὸ θράσος αὐτοῦ | μανιῶδες
οὐδ᾽ ἄλογον, ἔθνη τοσαῦτα καὶ βασιλεῖς ἑ ἑπομένους
καὶ φάλαγγας ὁπλιτῶν καὶ μυριάδας ἱ ἱππέων ἀπο-
βλέποντος. τοξότας μὲν γὰρ καὶ σφενδονήτας δισ-
μυρίους ἦγεν, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακισμυρίους καὶ πεν-
τακισχιλίους, ὧν ἑπτακισχίλιοι καὶ μύριοι κατά- ᾿
φρακτοι ἦσαν, ὡς Λούκουλλος ἔγραψε πρὸς τὴν
σύγκλητον, ὁπλιτῶν δέ, τῶν μὲν εἰς σπείρας, τῶν
554
LUCULLUS
with his cavalry; Taxiles also, who came from
Mithridates and joined the forces of Tigranes,
earnestly begged the king to remain on the defensive
‘and avoid the invincible arms of the Romans. And
at first Tigranes gave considerate hearing to this
advice. But when the Armenians and Gordyeni
joined him with all their hosts, and the kings of the
Medes and Adiabeni came up with all their hosts, and
many Arabs arrived from the sea of Babylonia, and
many Albanians from the Caspian sea, together with
Iberians who were neighbours to the Albanians ;
and when not a few of the peoples about the river
Araxes, who are not subject to kings, had been
induced by favours and gifts to come and join him;
and when the banquets of the king, and his councils
as well, were full of hopes and boldness and barbaric
threats,—then Taxiles ran the risk of being put to
death when he opposed the plan of fighting, and
Mithridates was thought to be diverting the king
from a great success out of mere envy. Wherefore
Tigranes would not even wait for him, lest he share
in the glory, but advanced with all his army,
bitterly lamenting to his friends, as it is said, that he
was going to contend with Lucullus alone, and not
with all the Roman generals put together.
And his boldness was not altogether that of a
mad man, nor without good reason, when he saw
so many nations and kings in his following, with
phalanxes of heavy infantry and myriads of horsemen.
For he was in command of twenty thousand bowmen
and slingers, and fifty-five thousand horsemen, of
whom seventeen thousand were clad in mail, as
Lucullus said in his letter to the Senate; also of
one hundred: and fifty thousand heavy infantry,
555
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
δ᾽ εἰς φάλαγγας συντεταγμένων, πεντεκαίδεκα
μυριάδας, ὁδοποιοὺς δὲ καὶ γεφυρωτὰς καὶ κα-
θαρτὰς ποταμῶν καὶ ὑλοτόμους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων.
χρειῶν ὑπηρέτας τρισμυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους,
οἱ τοῖς μαχομένοις ἐπιτεταγμένοι κατόπιν ὄψιν
ἅμα καὶ ῥώμην παρεῖχον.
XXVII. Ὡς δ᾽ ὑπερβαλὼν τὸν Ταῦρον ἄθρους
κατεφάνη καὶ κατεῖδε πρὸς τοῖς Τιγρανοκέρτοις
ἐπικαθήμενον τὸ στράτευμα τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὁ
μὲν ἐν τῇ πόλει βάρβαρος ὅμελος ὀλολυγῇ
καὶ κρότῳ τὴν ὄψιν ἐδέξατο, καὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις
ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἀπειλοῦντες ἐδείκνυσαν τοὺς
"A pevious: Λουκούχλῳ δὲ σκοποῦντι περὶ τῆς
μάχης οἱ μὲν ἄγειν ἐπὶ Τιγράνην ἐάσαντα τὴν
πολιορκίαν συνεβούλευον, οἱ δὲ μὴ καταλιπεῖν
ὀπίσω πολεμίους τοσούτους μηδ᾽ ἀνεῖναι τὴν
πολιορκίαν. ὁ δ᾽ εἰπὼν ἑκατέρους μὲν οὐκ ὀρθῶς,
ἀμφοτέρους δὲ καλῶς παραινεῖν διεῖλε τὴν στρα-
τιάν. καὶ Μουρήναν μὲν ἑξακισχιλίους ἔχοντα
πεζοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας ἀπέλιπεν, αὐτὸς δὲ
τέσσσαρας καὶ εἴκοσι σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ἐν
αἷς οὐ πλείονες ἦσαν μυρίων ὁπλιτῶν, καὶ τοὺς
ἱππεῖς ἅπαντας καὶ σφενδονήτας καὶ τοξότας
περὶ χιλίους, ἐχώρει.
Καὶ παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐν πεδίῳ μεγάλῳ
καταστρατοπεδεύσας παντάπασι μικρὸς ἐφάνη
Τιγράνῃ, καὶ τοῖς κολακεύουσιν αὐτὸν «διατριβὴν
παρεῖχεν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔσκωπτον, οἱ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ
τῶν λαφύρων ἐν aa διεβάλλοντο κλῆρον'
τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν καὶ βασιλέων ἕ ἕκαστος ἠτεῖτο
προσιὼν αὐτοῦ μόνου γενέσθαι τὸ ἔργον, ἐκεῖνον
556
LUCULLUS
some of whom were drawn up in cohorts, and some
in phalanxes ; also of road-makers, bridge-builders,
clearers of rivers, foresters, and ministers to the other
needs of an army, to the number of thirty-five
thousand. These latter, being drawn up in array
behind the fighting men, increased the apparent
strength of the army.
XXVII. When Tigranes had crossed the Taurus,
deployed with all his forces, and looked down upon
the Roman army investing Tigranocerta, the throng
of Barbarians in the city greeted his appearance with
shouts and din, and standing on the walls, threaten-
ingly pointed out the Armenians to the Romans.
When Lucullus held a council of war, some of his
officers advised him to give up the siege and lead
his army against Tigranes; others urged him not to
leave so many enemies in his rear, and not to remit
the siege. Whereupon, remarking that each counsel
by itself was bad, but both together were good,
he divided his army. Murena, with six thousand
footmen, he left behind in charge of the siege;
while he himself, with twenty-four cohorts, com-
prising no more than ten thousand heavy infantry,
and all the horsemen, slingers, and archers, to the
number of about, a thousand, set out against the
enemy.
When he had encamped along tlie river in a great
plain, he appeared utterly insignificant to Tigranes,
and supplied the king’s flatterers with ground for
amusement. Some mocked at the Romans, and
others, in pleasantry, cast lots for their spoil, while
each of the generals and kings came forward
and begged that the task of conquering them
might be entrusted to himself alone, and that the
997
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
4 δὲ καθέζεσθαι θεατήν. βουλόμενος δέ τι καὶ
αὐτὸς ὁ Τιγράνης χαρίεις εἶναι καὶ σκωπτικὸς
εἶπε τὸ θρυλούμενον: “Εἰ μὲν ὡς πρεσβευταί,
πολλοὶ πάρεισιν" εἰ δ᾽ ὡς στρατιῶται, ὀλίγοι."
καὶ τότε μὲν οὕτως εἰρωνευόμενοι καὶ παίζοντες
διετέλεσαν. ἅμα δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ Λούκουλλος ὧπλι-
σμένην τὴν δύναμιν ἐξῆγε. καὶ πρὸς ἕω μὲν 510
ἦν τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὸ βαρβαρικὸν στράτευμα: τοῦ
δὲ ῥεύματος ἀποστροφὴν λαμβάνοντος ἐπὶ τὰς
δύσεις, ἡ μάλιστα περάσιμον ἦν, ἀντιπαρεξάγων
τὴν δύναμιν καὶ σπεύδων ἔδοξεν ἀποχωρεῖν
ὅ τῷ Τιγράνῃ. ᾿ καὶ καλέσας τὸν Ταξίλην ἅμα
γέλωτι “" Τοὺς ἀμάχους, ᾿ ἔφη, “Ρωμαίων ὁπλίτας
οὐχ ὁρᾷς φεύγοντας; " καὶ ὁ Ταξίλης “ Βουλοίμην
av,” εἶπεν, “ὦ βασιλεῦ, γενέσθαι τι τῷ σῷ
δαίμονι τῶν παραλόγων, ἀλλ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἐσθῆτα λαμ-
πρὰν οἱ ἄνδρες λαμβάνουσιν ὁδοιποροῦντες οὔτε
θυρεοῖς ἐκκεκαθαρμένοις χρῶνται καὶ κράνεσι
γυμνοῖς, ὥσπερ νῦν τὰ σκύτινα τῶν ὅπλων
σκεπάσματα περισπάσαντες, ἀλλὰ μαχουμένων
ἐστὶν ἡ “λαμπρότης αὕτη καὶ βαδιξόντων ἤδη
6 πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους." ταῦτα λέ οντος ἔτι τοῦ
Ταξίλου καταφανὴς ἦν πρῶτος ἀετὸς ἐπιστρέ-
povros τοῦ Δουκούλλου καὶ τάξιν αἱ σπεῖραι
κατὰ λόχους λαμβάνουσαι πρὸς τὴν διάβασιν:
καὶ μόλις ὥσπερ ἐκ μέθης τινὸς ἀναφέρων ὁ
Τυγράνης δὲς ἢ Hae ἐξέκραγεν" “ ἜΦ᾽ ἡμᾶς οἱ
ἄνδρες; ὥστε θορύβῳ πολλῷ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς
τάξιν καθίστασθαι, βασιλέως μὲν αὐτοῦ τὸ μέσον
ἔχοντος, τῶν δὲ κεράτων τὸ μὲν ἀριστερὸν τῷ
᾿Αδιαβηνῷ, τὸ δὲ δεξιὸν τῷ Μήδῳ παραδόντος,
558
LUCULLUS
king would sit by as a spectator. Then Tigranes,
not wishing to be left behind entirely in this play
of wit and scoffing, uttered that famous saying:
“‘If they are come as ambassadors, they are too
many ; if as soldiers, too few.” And so for the while
they continued their sarcasms and jests. But at
daybreak Lucullus led out his forces under arms.
Now, the Barbarian army lay to the east of the river.
But as the stream takes a turn to the west at the
point where it was easiest to ford, and as Lucullus
led his troops to the attack in that direction first,
and with speed, he seemed to Tigranes to be
retreating. So he called Taxiles and said, with a
laugh, “Don’t you see that the invincible Roman
hoplites are taking to flight?’”’ “O King,” said
Taxiles, “I could wish that some marvellous thing
might fall to your good fortune; but when. these
men are merely on a march, they do not put on
shining raiment, nor have they their shields polished
and their helmets uncovered, as now that they
have stripped the leathern coverings from their
armour. Nay, this splendour means that they are
going to fight, and are now advancing upon their
enemies.’ While Taxiles was yet speaking, the
first eagle came in sight, as Lucullus wheeled towards
the river, and the cohorts were seen forming in
maniples with a view to crossing. Then at last,
as though coming out of a drunken stupor, Tigranes
cried out two or three times, “ Are the men coming
against us?’’ And so, with much tumult and con-
fusion, his multitude formed in battle array, the king
himself occupying the centre, and assigning the left
wing to the king of the Adiabeni, the right to
the king of the Medes. In front of this wing also
559
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἐφ᾽ οὗ καὶ τῶν καταφράκτων ἐν προτώγματι TO
πλεῖστον ἦν.
Λουκούχλῳ δὲ μέλλοντι διαβαίνειν τὸν ποτα-
μὸν ἔνιοι τῶν ἡγεμόνων παρήνουν φυλάττεσθαι
τὴν ἡμέραν μίαν οὖσαν τῶν ἀποφράδων, ἃς
μελαίνας καλοῦσιν: ἐν ἐκείνῃ γὰρ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἡ
μετὰ Καιπίωνος ἀπώλετο στρατιὰ συμβαλοῦσα
Κίμβροις.. ὁ δ᾽ ἀπεκρίνατο τὴν μνημονευομένην
φωνήν" ἿΕ ᾿Εγὼ γάρ," ἔφη, ΄" “καὶ ταύτην εὐτυχῆ
ποιήσω “Ῥωμαίοις τὴν ἡμέραν." ἣν δὲ πρὸ μιᾶς
νωνῶν ᾿Οκτωβρίων.
XXVIII. Ταῦτα δ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ θαρρεῖν κελεύσας
τόν τε ποταμὸν διέβαινε καὶ “πρῶτος ἐπὶ τοὺς
πολεμίους ἡγεῖτο, θώρακα μὲν ἔχων σιδηροῦν
φολεδωτὸν ἀποστίλβοντα, κροσσωτὴν δὲ epe-
στρίδα, τὸ δὲ ξίφος αὐτόθεν ὑποφαίνων γυμνόν, ὡς
εὐθὺς εἰς χεῖρας ἵεσθαι δέον ' ἑκηβόλοις ἀνδράσι
καὶ συναιρεῖν Ξ τὴν διατοξεύσιμον χώραν τῷ
τάχει τῆς ἐπαγωγῆς. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν κατάφρακτον
ἵππον, ἧς πλεῖστος ἦν λόγος, κατεῖδε κατατεταγ-
μένην ὑπὸ λόφῳ τινὶ τὴν ἄνω χώραν « ἐπίπεδον καὶ
πλατεῖαν ἔχοντι, πρόσβασιν δὲ τεττάρων σταδίων
οὐ παντάπασι χαλεπὴν οὐδ᾽ ἀποκεκομμένην,
Θρᾷκας μὲν ἱππεῖς καὶ Γαλάτας, ods εἶχεν, € ἐκέ-
λευσεν ἐκ πλαγίου προσφερομένους παρακρούε-
σθαι ταῖς μαχαίραις τοὺς κοντούς. μία γὰρ ἀλκὴ
τῶν καταφράκτων κοντός: ἄλλο δ᾽ οὐδὲν οὔθ
ἑαυτοῖς οὔτε τοῖς πολεμίοις χρῆσθαι δύνανται διὰ
1 δέον Coraés, Sintenis and Bekker, after Reiske; δέοι
MSS., including 5.
2 συναιρεῖν Coraés and Bekker, after Reiske ; συναιρήσειν
(S) and συναιρήσει MSS.: συναιρήσων, a suggestion of
Reiske’s. ᾿
56ο
LUCULLUS
the greater part of the mail-clad horsemen were
drawn up.
As Lucullus was about to cross the river, some of
his officers advised him to beware of the day, which
was one of the unlucky days—the Romans call
them “black days.” For on that day Caepio and
his army perished in a battle with the Cimbri.!
But Lucullus answered with the memorable words :
“ Verily, I will make this day, too, a lucky one for
the Romans.” Now the day was the sixth of
October.
XXVIII. Saying this, and bidding his men be of
good courage, he crossed the river, and led the way
in person against the enemy. He wore a steel
breastplate of glittering scales, and a tasselled cloak,
and at once let his sword flash forth from its scabbard,
indicating that they must forthwith come to close
quarters with men who fought with long range
missiles, and eliminate, by the rapidity of their
onset, the space in which archery would be effective.
But when he saw that the mail-clad horsemen, on
whom the greatest reliance was placed, were
stationed at the foot of a considerable hill which
was crowned by a broad and level space, and that
the approach to this was a matter of only four
stadia, and neither rough nor steep, he ordered his
Thracian and Gallic horsemen to attack the enemy
in the flank, and to parry their long spears with their
own short swords. (Now the sole resource of the
mail-clad horsemen is their long spear, and they
1.5.6. 105. Cf. Camillua, xix. 7.
‘ 561
VOL. 11. 0 Ὁ
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
/ \ a A A 3 32.ϑ»,. )
βάρος καὶ σκληρότητα τῆς σκευῆς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκατῳ-
,ὔ
κοδομημένοις ἐοίκασιν. αὐτὸς δὲ δύο σπείρας
al \ ’ὔ ,
ἀναλαβὼν ἡμιλλᾶτο πρὸς Tov λόφον, ἐρρωμένως
ἑπομένων τῶν στρατιωτῶν διὰ τὸ κἀκεῖνον ἐν τοῖς
ὅπλοις ὁρᾶν πρῶτον κακοπαθοῦντα πεζὸν καὶ
ν᾿" \
προσβιαζόμενον. γενόμενος δ᾽ ἄνω καὶ στὰς ἐν
Aa a A 4 4 4 la
τῷ περιφανεῖ TOU χωρίου μέγα βοήσας ὼ Nevirn-
’ὔ ἴω
Kapev, ἔφη, “νενικήκαμεν, ὦ συστρατιῶται.
καὶ τοῦτο εἰπὼν ἐπῆγε τοῖς καταφράκτοις,
4 \ wv A A e a 9 9.3}
κελεύσας μηδὲν ἔτι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ὑσσοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ
χειρὸς ἕκαστον διαλαβόντα παίειν τῶν πολεμίων
κνήμας τε καὶ μηρούς, ἃ μόνα γυμνὰ τῶν κατα-
φράκτων ἐστίν. οὐ μὴν ἐδέησέ τι ταύτης τῆς
4 3 “\ 2Q/ \ ς 4 > 3
μάχης: οὐ γὰρ ἐδέξαντο τοὺς “Ῥωμαίους, ἀλλ
ἀλαλάξαντες καὶ φεύγοντες αἴσχιστα πάντων
ἐνέωσαν ἑαυτούς τε καὶ τοὺς ἵππους βαρεῖς ὄντας
3 Ν a a Φ \ Ν ,
εἰς τὰ τῶν πεζῶν ὅπλα πρὶν ἄρξασθαι τινος
’ ,
ἐκείνους μάχης, ὥστε μήτε τραύματος γενομένου
μήθ᾽ αἵματος ὀφθέντος ἡττᾶσθαι τὰς τοσαύτας
ς \ \ ’ ΜΝ ,
μυριάδας. ὁ δὲ πολὺς φόνος ἤδη φευγόντων
ἐγίνετο, μᾶλλον δὲ βουλομένων φεύγειν: οὐ γὰρ
0.29. ’ \ 4 a 4 e b ]
ἐδύναντο πυκνότητι καὶ βάθει τῶν τάξεων ὑφ
αὑτῶν ἐμποδιξόμενοι. Τιγράνης δ᾽ ἐξελάσας ἐν
ἀρχῇ μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἔφευγε: καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ὁρῶν
κοινωνοῦντα τῆς αὐτῆς τύχης περιεσπάσατο τὸ
ὃ 1 a λῇ 3 4 ὃ ’ (δ
Ladnpa τῆς κεφαλῆς κἀκείνῳ δακρύσας παρέδωκε,
σώζειν ἑαυτόν, ὅπως δύναται, καθ᾽. ἑτέρας ὁδοὺς
4 e \ , 3 4 \ >
κελεύσας. ὁ δὲ νεανίας ἀναδήσασθαι μὲν οὐκ
> ἢ A A ’ a , a
ἐτόλμησε, τῶν δὲ παίδων τῷ πιστοτάτῳ φυλάτ-
562
511
LUCULLUS
have-none other whatsoever, either in defending
themselves or attacking their enemies, owing to the
weight and rigidity of their armour; in this they are,
as it were, immured.) Then he himself, with two
cohorts, hastened eagerly towards the hill, his soldiers
following with all their might, because they saw him
ahead of them in armour, enduring all the fatigue of
a foot-soldier, and pressing his way along. Arrived
at the top, and standing in the most conspicuous
spot, he cried with a loud voice, “The day is ours,
the day is ours; my fellow soldiers!” With these
words, he led his men against the mail-clad horse-
men, ordering them not to hur! their javelins yet,
but taking each his own man, to smite the enemy’s
legs and thighs, which are the only parts of these
mail-clad horsemen left: exposed. However, there
was no need of this mode of fighting, for the enemy
did not await the Romans, but, with loud cries and
in most disgraceful flight, they hurled themselves
and their horses, with all their weight, upon the
ranks of their own infantry, before it had so much as |
begun to fight, and so all those tens of thousands
were defeated without the infliction of a wound or
the sight of blood. But the great slaughter began
at once when they fled, or rather tried to fly, for
they were prevented from really doing so by the
eloseness and depth of their own ranks. Tigranes
rode away at the very outset with a few attendants,
and took to flight. Seeing his son also in the same
plight, he took off the diadem from his head and, in
tears, gave it to him, bidding him save himself as
best he could by another route. The young man,
however, did not venture to assume the diadem, but
gave it to his most trusted slave for safe keeping.
563
00 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES "
τειν ἔδωκεν. οὗτος ἁλοὺς κατὰ τύχην ἀνήχθη
πρὸς Λούκουλλον, ὥστε μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων αἶχμά-
λωτον καὶ τὸ διάδημα γενέσθαι τοῦ Τυγράνου.
λέγεται δὲ τῶν μὲν πεζῶν ὑπὲρ δέκα μυριάδας
διαφθαρῆναι, τῶν δ᾽ ἱππέων ὀλίγους παντάπασι
διαφυγεῖν. Ῥωμαίων δ᾽ ἑκατὸν ἐτρώθησαν, ἔπεσον
δὲ πέντε.
Ταύτης τῆς μάχης ᾿Αντίοχος ὁ ο φιλόσοφος ἐ ἐν τῇ
Περὶ θεῶν γραφῇ μνησθεὶς οὔ φησιν ἄλλην
ἐφεωρακέναι τοιαύτην τὸν ἥλιον. Στράβων δ᾽,
ἕτερος φιλόσοφος, ἐν τοῖς ἱστορικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν
αὐτοὺς λέγει τοὺς “Ῥωμαίους αἰσχύνεσθαι καὶ
καταγελᾶν ἑαυτῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀνδράποδα τοιαῦτα δεη-
θέντας ὅπλων. Λιούϊος δ᾽ εἴρηκεν, ὡς οὐδέποτε
“Ῥωμαῖοι πολεμίοις ἀποδέοντες τοσούτῳ πλήθει
παρετάξαντο' σχεδὸν γὰρ οὐδ᾽ εἰκοστόν, ἀλλ᾽
ἔλαττον ἐγένοντο μέρος οἱ νικῶντες τῶν ἧσση-
μένων. Ῥωμαίων δ᾽ οἱ δεινότατοι στρατηγοὶ καὶ
πλεῖστα πολέμοις ὡμιληκότες ἐπήνουν μάλιστα
τοῦ Λουκούλλου τὸ δύο βασιλεῖς τοὺς ἐπιφανεσ-
τάτους καὶ μεγίστους δυσὶ τοῖς ἐναντιωτάτοις,
τάχει καὶ βραδυτῆτι, abcd last a Μιθ-
ριδάτην μὲν γὰρ ἀκμάξοντα χρόνῳ καὶ τριβῇ
κατανάλωσε, Τιγράνην δὲ τῷ σπεῦσαι συνέτριψεν,
ἐν ὀλίγοις τῶν πώποτε ἡγεμόνων τῇ μελλήσει
μὲν ἔργῳ, τῇ τόλμῃ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας χρη-
σάμενος.
XXIX. Διὸ καὶ Μιθριδάτης οὐ συνέτεινεν ἐπὶ
τὴν μάχην, τῇ συνήθει τὸν Λούκουλλον εὐλαβείᾳ
καὶ παραγωγῇ πολεμήσειν οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ κα
ἡσυχίαν ἐπορεύετο πρὸς τὸν Τιγράνην. καὶ
πρῶτον μὲν ὀλίγοις τῶν ᾿Αρμενίων ἐντυχὼν καθ᾽
564
LUCULLUS
This slave happened to be captured, and was brought
to Lucullus, and thus even the diadem of Tigranes
became a part of the booty. It is said that more
than a hundred thousand of the enemy’s infantry
perished, while of the cavalry only a few, all told,
made their escape. Of the Romans, on the other
hand, only a hundred were wounded, and only five
killed.
Antiochus the philosopher makes mentign of this
battle in his treatise ‘Concerning Gods,’’ and says
that the sun never looked down on such another.
And Strabo, another philosopher, in his “ Historical
Commentaries,’ says that the Romans themselves
were ashamed, and laughed one another to scorn for
requiring arms against such slaves. Livy also has
remarked that the Romans were never in such in-
ferior numbers when they faced an enemy ; for the
victors were hardly even a twentieth part of the
vanquished, but less than this. The Roman generals
who were most capable and most experienced in war,
praised Lucullus especially for this, that he out-
generalled two kings who were most distinguished
and powerful by two most opposite tactics, speed and
slowness. For he used up Mithridates, at the height
of his power, by long delays; but crushed Tigranes
by the speed of his operations, being one of the few
generals of all time to use delay for greater achieve-
ment, and boldness for greater safety.
XXIX. This was the reason why Mithridates made
no haste to be at the battle. He thought Lucullus
would carry on the war with his wonted caution and
indirectness, and so marched slowly to join Tigranes.
At first he met a few Armenians hurrying back over
the road in panic fear, and conjectured what had
δός
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ὁδὸν ἐπτοιημένοις καὶ περιφόβοις ἀπιοῦσιν εἴκασε
τὸ πάθος, εἶτ᾽ ἤδη πλειόνων γυμνῶν καὶ τετρω-
μένων ἀπαντώντων πυθόμενος τὴν ἧτταν ἐζήτει
τὸν Τιγράνην. εὑρὼν δὲ πάντων ἔρημον καὶ
ταπεινὸν οὐκ ἀνθύβρισεν, ἀλλὰ καταβὰς καὶ
συνδακρύσας τὰ κοινὰ πάθη θεραπείαν τε τὴν
ἑπομένην αὐτῷ βασιλικὴν ἔδωκε καὶ κατεθάρρυνε
πρὸς τὸν μέλλον. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν αὖθις ἑτέρας
δυνάμεις συνῆγον.
Ἔν δὲ τῇ πόλει τοῖς Τιγρανοκέρτοις, τῶν
Ἑλλήνων πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους στασιασάντων
καὶ τῷ Λουκούλλῳ τὴν πόλιν ἐνδιδόντων προσβα-
λὼν εἷλε" καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῇ πόλει θησαυροὺς
παρελάμβανε, τὴν δὲ πόλιν διαρπάσαι παρέδωκε
τοῖς στρατιώταις, μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων χρημάτων
ὀκτακισχίλια τάλαντα νομίσματος ἔχουσαν. χω-
ρὶς δὲ τούτων ὀκτακοσίας δραχμὰς κατ᾽ ἄνδρα
διένειμεν ἀπὸ τῶν λαφύρων. πυνθανόμενος δὲ
πολλοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει κατειλῆφθαι τῶν περὶ τὸν
Διόνυσον τεχνιτῶν, ods ὁ Τιγράνης πανταχόθεν
ἠθροίκει μέλλων ἀποδεικνύναι τὸ κατεσκευασμέ-
νον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ θέατρον, ἐχρήσατο τούτοις πρὸς
τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ τὰς θέας τῶν ἐπινικίων. τοὺς δ᾽
“Ἕλληνας εἰς τὰς αὐτῶν πατρίδας ἔπεμψε προσ-
θεὶς ἐφόδια, καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ὁμοίως τοὺς
ἠναγκασμένους κατοικεῖν, ὥστε συνέβη μιᾶς
πόλεως διαλυθείσης “πολλὰς ἀνοικίξεσθαι πάλιν
κομιζοημένας τοὺς αὑτῶν οἰκήτορας, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ὡς
εὐεργίτης ὁ Δούκουλλος καὶ κτίστης ἠγαπᾶτο.
͵Προὐχώρει δὲ καὶ τἄλλα κατ᾽ ἀξίαν τἀνδρὶ
τῶν ἀπὸ δικαιοσύνης καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἐπαίνων
566
512
LUCULLUS
happened ; then presently, when he had learned
of the defeat from more unarmed and wounded
fugitives whom he met, he sought to find Tigranes.
And though he found him destitute of all things
and humiliated, he did not return his insolent
behaviour, but got down from his horse and wept
with him over their common sufferings. Then he
gave him his own royal equipage, and tried to fill
him with courage for the future. And so these kings
began again to assemble fresh forces.
But in the city of Tigranocerta, the Greeks had
risen up against the Barbarians and were ready to
hand the city over to Lucullus ; so he assaulted and
took it. The royal treasures in the city he took into
his own charge, but the city itself he turned over
to his soldiers for plunder, and it contained eight
thousand talents in money, together with the usual
valuables. Besides this, he gave to each man eight
hundred drachmas from the general spoils. On
learning that many dramatic artists had been captured
in the city, whom Tigranes had collected there from
all quarters for the formal dedication of the theatre
which he had built, Lucullus employed them for
the-contests and spectacles with which he celebrated
his victories. The Greeks he sent to their native
cities, giving them also the means wherewith to
make the journey, and likewise the Barbarians who
had been compelled to settle there. Thus it came
to pass that the dissolution of one city was the
restoration of many others, by reason of their
recovering their own inhabitants, and they all loved
Lucullus as their benefactor and founder.
And whatever else he did also prospered, in a
way worthy of the man, who was ambitious of the
567
Oo
eq]
Qo
PLUTARCH’S LIVES °
ὀρεγομένῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς
κατορθώμασιν. ἐκείνων μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγον ἡ
στρατιὰ καὶ πλεῖστον ἡ τύχη μετεῖχε, ταῦτα δ᾽
ἣν ἡμέρου ψυχῆς καὶ πεπαιδευμένης ἐπίδειξις,
οἷς ὁ Λούκουλλος τότε χωρὶς ὅπλων ἐχειροῦτο
τοὺς βαρβάρους. καὶ γὰρ ᾿Αράβων βασιλεῖς
ἧκον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐγχειρίζοντες τὰ σφέτερα, καὶ τὸ
Σωφηνῶν ἔθνος προσεχώρει' τὸ δὲ Γορδνηνῶν
οὕτω διέθηκεν, ὥστε βούλεσθαι τὰς πόλεις ἐκλε-
πόντας ἀκολουθεῖν ἐκείνῳ μετὰ παίδων καὶ
γνναικῶν ἐθελοντὰς ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε. Ζαρβιηνὸς
γὰρ ὁ τῶν Γορδυηνῶν βασιλεύς, ὥσπερ εἴρηται,
δι ᾿Αππίον κρύφα Λουκούλλῳ διείλεκτο περὶ
συμμαχίας τὴν Τιγράνου τυραννίδα βαρυνόμενος"
μηνυθεὶς δ᾽ ἀπεσφάγη, καὶ παῖδες αὐτοῦ καὶ γυνὴ
συναπώλοντο πρὶν ἢ Ῥωμαίους εἰς ᾿Αρμενίαν
ἐμβαλεῖν. τούτων οὐκ ἠμνημόνησεν ὁ Λούκουλλος,
ἀλλὰ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν Γορδυηνῶν ταφὰς προὔθετο
τοῦ Ζαρβιηνοῦ, καὶ πυρὰν ἐσθῆτι καὶ χρυσῷ
βασιλικῷ καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ Τιγράνου κοσμήσας
λαφύροις αὐτὸς παρὼν ὑφῆψε, καὶ χοὰς ἐπήνεγκε
μετὰ φίλων καὶ οἰκείων τοῦ a Sobe, ἑταῖρον
ἑαυτοῦ καὶ Ῥωμαίων σύμμαχον ἀνακαλούμενος.
ἐκέλευσε δὲ καὶ μνημεῖον ἀπὸ χρημάτων συχνῶν
αὐτῷ γενέσθαι: πάμπολλα γὰρ εὑρέθη, καὶ χρυσὸς
καὶ ἄργυρος ἐν τοῖς τοῦ Ζαρβιηνοῦ βασιλείοις,
σίτου δ᾽ ἀπέκειντο μυριάδες τριακόσιαι μεδίμνων,
ὥστε καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὠφελεῖσθαι καὶ τὸν
Λούκουλλον θαυμάζεσθαι, ὅτι δραχμὴν uiay ἐκ
568
LUCULLUS
praise that is consequent upon righteousness and
humanity, rather than of that which follows military
successes. For the latter, the army also was in no
slight degree, and fortune in the highest degree,
responsible ; but the former were the manifestations
of a gentle and disciplined spirit, and in the exercise
of these qualities Lucullus now, without appeal to
arms, subdued the Barbarians. The kings of the
Arabs came to him, with proffers of their possessions,
and the Sopheni joined his cause. The Gordyeni
were so affected by his kindness that they were
ready to abandon their cities and follow him with
their wives and children, in voluntary service. The
reason for this was as follows.’ Zarbienus, the king
of the Gordyeni, as has been said,! secretly stipulated
with Lucullus, through Appius, for an alliance, being
oppressed by the tyranny of Tigranes. He was
informed against, however, and put to death, and
his wife and children perished with him, before the
Romans entered Armenia. Lucullus was not un-
mindful of all this, but on entering the country of
the Gordyeni, appointed funeral rites in honour of
Zarbienus, and after adorning a pyre with royal
raiment and gold and with the spoils taken from
Tigranes, set fire to it with his own hand, and joined
the friends and kindred of the man in pouring
ilbations upon it, calling him a comrade of his and
an ally of the Romans. He also ordered that a monu-
ment be erected to his memory at great cost; for
many treasures were found in the palace of Zarbienus,
including gold and silver, and three million bushels
of grain were stored up there, so that the soldiers
were plentifully supplied, and Lucullus was admired
1 xxi. 2,
569.
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τοῦ δημοσίου ταμιείου μὴ λαβὼν αὐτὸν ἐξ αὑτοῦ
διῴκει τὸν πόλεμον.
XXX. Ἐνταῦθα καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Πάρθων βασι-
λέως ἧκε πρεσβεία παρ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰς φιλίαν προ-
καλουμένου καὶ συμμαχίαν. ἦν δ᾽ ἀσμένῳ ταῦτα
τῷ Λουκούλλφ' καὶ πάλιν ἀντέπεμψε παρ᾽ ἑαυ-
τοῦ πρεσβείαν πρὸς τὸν Πάρθον, « οἵ κατεφώρασαν
αὐτὸν ἐπαμφοτερίζοντα τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ μισθὸν
αἰτοῦντα κρύφα τοῦ συμμαχῆσαι τῷ “Τιγράνῃ
τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν. ὡς οὖν ταῦθ᾽ ὁ Λούκουλλος
ἤσθετο, Τιγράνην μὲν ἔγνω καὶ “Μιθριδάτην
παρελθεῖν ὥσπερ ἀνταγωνιστὰς ἀπειρηκότας,
ἀποπειρᾶσθαι δὲ τῆς Πάρθων δυνάμεως καὶ
στρατεύειν ἐπ’ αὐτούς, καλὸν ἡγούμενος μιᾷ
ῥύμῃ πολέμου τρεῖς ἐφεξῆς ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴς
βασιλεῖς καταπαλαῖσαι καὶ διὰ τριῶν τῶν ὑπὸ
τὸν ἥλιον μεγίστων ἡγεμονιῶν ἀήττητος καὶ
νικῶν διεξελθεῖν.
Ἔπεμψεν οὖν εἰς Πόντον τοῖς περὶ Σωρνάτιον
ἡγεμόσιν ἐπιστείλας ἄγειν τὴν ἐκεῖ στρατιὰν
πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς ἐκ τῆς Γορδνυηνῆς ἀναβησόμενος.
οἱ δὲ καὶ πρότερον χαλεποῖς χρώμενοι καὶ
δυσπειθέσι τοῖς στρατιώταις τότε παντελῶς
ἀπεκάλυψαν αὐτῶν τὴν ἀκολασίαν, οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ
πειθοῦς οὐδ᾽ ἀνάγκης εὑρόμενοι “προσαγαγέσθαι
μαρτυρομένους καὶ βοῶντας, ὡς οὐδ᾽ αὐτόθι
μενοῦσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οἰχήσονται τὸν [Πόντον ἔρημον
ἀπολιπόντες. ταῦτα πρὸς Λούκουλλον ἀπαγ-
γελθέντα καὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ “προσδιέφθειρε στρατιώ-
τας, ἤδη μὲν ὑπὸ πλούτου καὶ τρυφῆς βαρεῖς
γεγονότας πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν καὶ σχολῆς δεο-
μένους, ὡς δὲ τὴν ἐκείνων ἐπύθοντο παρρησίαν,
510
LUCULLUS
for not taking a single drachma from the public
treasury, but making the war pay for itself.
XXX. Here he received an embassy from the
king of the Parthians also, inviting him into friendly
alliance. This was agreeable to Lucullus, and in
his turn he sent ambassadors to the Parthian, but
they discovered that he was playing a double game,
and secretly asking for Mesopotamia as reward
for an alliance with Tigranes. Accordingly, when
Lucullus was apprised of this, he determined to
ignore Tigranes and Mithridates as exhausted
antagonists, and to make trial of the Parthian power
by marching against them, thinking it a glorious
.thing, in a single -impetuous onset of war, to
throw, like an athlete, three kings in succession,
and to make his way, unvanquished and victorious,
through three of the greatest: empires under the
sun.
Accordingly he sent orders to Sornatius and his,
fellow commanders in Pontus to bring the army
there to him, as he intended to proceed eastward
from Gordyené. These officers had already found
their soldiers unmanageable and disobedient, but
now they discovered that they were utterly beyond
control, being unable to move them by any manner
of persuasion or compulsion. Nay, they roundly.
swore that they would not even stay where they
were, but would go off and leave Pontus undefended.
When news of this was brought to Lucullus, it
demoralised his soldiers there also. Their wealth.
and luxurious life had already made them averse to
military service and desirous of leisure, and when
they heard of the bold words of their comrades
in Pontus, they called them brave men, and said
571
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἄνδρας αὐτοὺς ἀπεκάλουν καὶ μιμητέον αὐτοὺς
ἔφασαν εἶναι" πολλὰ γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἄξια σωτηρίας
καὶ ἀναπαύσεως κατειργάσθαι.
XX ΧΙ. Τοιούτων δὲ καὶ πονηροτέρων ἔτι λόγων
αἰσθόμενος ὁ Λούκουλλος τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρα-
τείαν ἀφῆκεν, αὖθις δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν Τιγράνην ἐβάδιζε
θέρους ἀκμάζοντος. καὶ τὸν Ταῦρον ὑπερβαλὼν
ἠθύμησε χλωρῶν τῶν πεδίων ἐκφανέντων' τοσοῦ-
τον αἱ ὧραι διὰ τὴν ψυχρότητα τοῦ ἀέρος
ὑστερίζουσιν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καταβὰς καὶ δὲς
ἢ τρὶς ἀνατολμήσαντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τοὺς ᾿Αρμενίους
τρεψώμενος ἀδεῶς ἐπόρθει τὰς κώμας, καὶ τὸν
παρεσκευασμένον τῷ Τιγράνῃ σῖτον ἐξαιρῶν ἣν
αὐτὸς ἐφοβεῖτο τοῖς πολεμίοις περιέστησεν ἀπο-
ρίαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ προκαλούμενος εἰς μάχην αὐτοὺς
περιταφρεύων τὸν χάρακα καὶ πορθῶν ἐν ὄψει
τὴν χώραν οὐκ ἐκίνει πεπληγότας πολλάκις,
ἀναστὰς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρτάξατα τὸ Τιγράνου
βασίλειον, ὅπου καὶ παῖδες αὐτῷ νήπιοι καὶ
γαμεταὶ γυναῖκες ἦσαν, οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενος ἀμαχεὶ
ταῦτα προήσεσθαι τὸν Τιγράνην.
Λέγεται δ᾽ ᾿Αννίβαν τὸν Καρχηδόνιον, ᾿Αντιόχου
καταπολεμηθέντος ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, μεταβάντα
πρὸς ᾿Αρτάξαν τὸν ᾿Αρμένιον ἄλλων τε πολλῶν
εἰσηγητὴν καὶ διδάσκαλον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι χρησί-
μων, καὶ τῆς χώρας καταμαθόντα τόπον εὐφυέ-
στατον καὶ ἥδιστον ἀργοῦντα καὶ παρορώμενον
σχῆμα πόλεως ἐν αὐτῷ προὐπογράψασθαι, καὶ
572
513
LUCULLUS
their example must be followed in Gordyené, for
their many achievements entitled them to respite
from toil and freedom from danger.
XXXI. Such speeches, and even worse than these,
coming to the ears of Lucullus, he gave up his
expedition against the Parthians, and marched once
more against Tigranes,! it being now the height of
summer. And yet, after crossing the Taurus, he
was discouraged to find the plains still covered with
unripe grain, so much later are the seasons there,
owing to the coolness of the atmosphere. However,
he descended from the mountains, routed the Ar-
menians who twice or thrice ventured to attack him,
and then plundered their villages without fear, and,
by taking away the grain which had been stored up
for Tigranes, reduced his enemy to the straits which
he had been fearing for himself. Then he challenged
them to battle by encompassing their camp with
a moat, and by ravaging their territory before their
eyes; but this did not move them, so often had they
been defeated. He therefore broke camp and
marched against Artaxata, the royal residence of
Tigranes, where were his wives and young children,
thinking that Tigranes would not give these up
without fighting.
It is said that Hannibal the Carthaginian, after
Antiochus had been conquered by the Romans, left
him and went to Artaxas the Armenian, to whom he
gave many excellent suggestions and instructions.
For instance, observing that a section of the country .
which had the greatest natural advantages and —
attractions was lying idle and neglected, he drew
up a plan for a city there, and then brought Artaxas
1 68 B.C.
573
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τὸν ᾿Αρτάξαν ἐπαγαγόντα δεῖξαι καὶ παρορμῆσαι
πρὸς τὸν οἰκισμόν. ἡσθέντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως
καὶ δεηθέντος, ὅπως αὐτὸς ἐπιστατήσῃ τοῦ ἔργου,
μέγα τι καὶ πάγκαλον χρῆμα πόλεως ἀναστῆναι,
καὶ γενομένην ἐπώνυμον τοῦ βασιλέως μητρόπολιν
ἀποδειχθῆναι τῆς ᾿Αρμενίας.
Ἐπὶ ταύτην τοῦ Λουκούλλου βαδίζοντος οὐκ
ἠνέσχετο Τιγράνης, ἀλλὰ τὴν δύναμιν ἀναλαβὼν
ἡμέρᾳ τετάρτῃ παρεστρατοπέδευσε τοῖς Ῥω-
μαίοις, ἐν μέσῳ λαβὼν τὸν ᾿Αρσανίαν ποταμόν,
ὃν ἐξ ἀνάγκης διαβατέον ἡ ἣν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὴν ἐπ᾽
᾿Αρταξάτων πορευομένοις. θύσας δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς
Λούκουλλος, ὡς ἐν χερσὶν οὔσης τῆς νίκης, διεβί-
βαζξε τὸν στρατὸν ἐν δώδεκα σπείραις προτεταγ-
μέναις, ταῖς δ᾽ ἄλλαις ἐπιτεταγμέναις πρὸς τὰς
κυκλώσεις τῶν πολεμίων. πολλοὶ γὰρ ἦσαν
ἱππεῖς καὶ λογάδες ἀντιπαρατεταγμένοι, πρὸ
δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἱπποτοξόται Μάρδοι καὶ λογχοφόροι
Ἴβηρες, οἷς μάλιστα τῶν ξένων ὁ Τιγράνης
ἐπίστευεν ὡς μαχιμωτάτοις. οὐ μὴν ἐπράχθη
τι λαμπρὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν, μικρὰ δὲ τοῖς ἱππεῦσι
τῶν “Ρωμαίων “διαπληκτισάμενοι τοὺς πεζοὺς
ἐπιόντας οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑκατέρωσε τῆς
φυγῆς σ ἦν, ἐπεσπάσαντο τοὺς ἱππεῖς
πρὸς τὴν δίω ὠξιν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ τούτους διασπαρῆναι
τῶν περὶ τὸν Τιγράνην ἐξιππασαμένων ἰδὼν τὴν.
λαμπρότητα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ὁ Λούκουλλος ἔδεισε.
καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἀπὸ τῆς διώξεως ἀνεκαλεῖτο,
πρῶτος δ αὐτὸς ἀντέστη τοῖς ᾿Ατροπατηνοῖς Kar
αὐτὸν οὖσι PETA τῶν ἀρίστων, καὶ πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας
ἐλθεῖν φοβήσας ἐτρέψατο. τριῶν δ᾽ ὁμοῦ παρα-
574
LUCULLUS
to the place and showed him its possibilities, and
urged him to undertake the building. The king
was delighted, and begged Hannibal to superintend
the work himself, whereupon a very great and
beautiful city arose there, which was named after
the king, and proclaimed the capital of Armenia.
When Lucullus marched against this city, Tigranes
could not suffer it quietly, but put himself at the
head of his fortes, and on the, fourth day encamped
over against the Romans, keeping the river Arsania
between himself and them, which they must of
necessity cross on their way to Artaxata. There-
upon Lucullus sacrificed to the gods, in full assurance
that the victory was already his, and then crossed
the’ river with twelve cohorts in the van, and the
rest disposed so as to prevent the enemy from
closing in upon his flanks. For large bodies of
horsemen and picked soldiers confronted him, and
these were covered by Mardian mounted archers
and Iberian lancers, on whom Tigranes relied beyond
any other mercenaries, deeming them the most war-
like. However, they did not shine in action, but
after a slight skirmish with the Roman cavalry, gave
way before the advancing infantry, scattered to right
and left in flight, and drew after them the cavalry in
pursuit. On the dispersion of these troops, Tigranes
rode out at the head of his cavalry, and when
Lucullus saw their splendour and their numbers he
was afraid. He therefore recalled his cavalry from
their pursuit of the flying enemy, and taking the
lead of his troops in person, set upon the Atropateni,
who were stationed opposite him with the magnates
of the king’s following, and before coming to close
quarters, sent them off in panic flight. Of three
575
2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τεταγμένων βασιλέων αἴσχιστα δοκεῖ φυγεῖν ὁ
Ποντικὸς Μιθριδάτης, οὐδὲ τὴν κραυγὴν τῶν Ῥω-
μαίων ἀνασχόμενος. γενομένης δὲ τῆς διώξεως
μακρᾶς καὶ δι’ ὅλης νυκτός, οὐ μόνον κτείνοντες
αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ξωγροῦντες καὶ χρήματα καὶ
λείαν ἄγοντες καὶ φέροντες ἀπεῖπον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι.
φησὶ δὲ ὁ Διούϊος ἐν μὲν τῇ ,“τροτέρᾳ “μάχῃ
πλείονας, ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ γνωριμωτέρους πεσεῖν καὶ
ληφθῆναι τῶν πολεμίων.
XXXII. Ἔκ τούτου Λούκουλλος μὲν ἐπηρμένος
καὶ τεθαρρηκὼς ἄ ἄνω προάγειν διενοεῖτο καὶ κατα-
στρέφεσθαι τὴν βάρβαρον" ὥρᾳ δ᾽ ἰσημερίας
φθινοπωρινῆς οὐκ ἂν ἐλπίσαντι χειμῶνες ἐπέ-
πεσον βαρεῖς, τὰ μὲν πλεῖστα κατανίφοντες,
ἐν δὲ ταῖς αἰθρίαις πάχνην ἐπιφέροντες καὶ
πάγον, ὑφ᾽ οὗ χαλεποὶ μὲν ἦσαν οἱ ποταμοὶ
τοῖς ἵπποις πίνεσθαι διὰ ψυχρότητος ὑπερβολήν,
χαλεπαὶ δ᾽ αὐτῶν αἱ διαβάσεις ἐκρηγνυμένου
τοῦ κρυστάλλου καὶ διακόπτοντος τὰ νεῦρα τῶν
ἵππων τῇ τραχύτητι. τῆς δὲ χώρας ἡ πολλὴ
συνηρεφὴς οὖσα καὶ στενόπορος καὶ ἑλώδης ἀεὶ
καθύγραινεν αὐτούς, “χιόνος ἀναπιμπλαμένους ἐν
ταῖς ὁδουπορίαις καὶ κακῶς ἐν τόποις νοτεροῖς
νυκτερεύοντας. οὐ πολλὰς οὖν ἡμέρας ἀκολου-
θήσαντες τῷ Λουκούλλῳ μετὰ τὴν μάχην nvav-
τιοῦντο, πρῶτον δεόμενοι καὶ τοὺς χιλιάρχους
προσπέμποντες, ἔπειτα θορυβωδέστερον συνιστά-
μενοι καὶ κατὰ σκηνὰς νυκτὸς ἀλαλάζοντες,
ὅπερ εἶναι δοκεῖ σύμβολον ἀποστατικῶς ἐχούσης
στρατιᾶς. καίτοι πολλὰ προσελιπάρει Λούκουλ-
λος ἀξιῶν αὐτοὺς μακροθυμίαν ἐμβαλέσθαι ταῖς
576
514
LUCULLUS
kings who together confronted the Romans, Mithri-
dates of Pontus seems to have fled most disgrace-
fully, for he could not endure even their shouting.
The pursuit was long and lasted through the whole
night, and the Romans were worn out, not only with
killing their enemies, but also with taking prisoners
and getting all sorts of booty. Livy says that in the
former. battle a greater number of the enemy, but
in this more men of high station were slain and
taken prisoners.
XXXII. Elated and emboldened by this victory,
Lucullus purposed to advance further into the interior
and subdue the Barbarian realm utterly. But, con-
trary to what mighf have been expected at the time
of the autumnal equinox, severe winter weather was
encountered, which generally covered the ground
with snow, and even when the sky was clear pro-
duced hoar frost and ice, owing to which the horses
could not well drink of the rivers, so excessive was
the cold, nor could they easily cross them, since the
ice broke, and cut the horses’ sinews with its jagged
edges. Most of the country was thickly shaded,
full of narrow defiles, and marshy, so that it kept
the soldiers continually wet; they were covered with
snow while they marched, and spent the nights
uncomfortably in damp places. Accordingly, they
had not followed Lucullus for many days after the
battle when they began to object. At first they sent
their tribunes to him with entreaties to desist, then
they held more tunrultuous assemblies, and shouted
in their tents at night, which seems to have been
characteristic of a mutinous army. And yet Lu-
cullus plied them with entreaties, calling upon them
to possess their souls in patience until they had
577
VOL. II. P P
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ψυχαῖς, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν ἐν ᾿Αρμενίοις Καρχηδόνα
λαβόντες ἀνδρὸς ἐχθίστου, τὸν ᾿Αννίβαν λέγων,
ἔργον ἀνατρέψωσιν. ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀπῆγεν
αὐτοὺς ὀπίσω καὶ κατ᾽ ἄλλας ὑπερβολὰς διελθὼν
τὸν Ταῦρον εἰς τὴν λεγομένην Μυγδονικὴν κατέ-
βαινε, χώραν πάμφορον μαὶ ἀλεεινὴν καὶ πόλιν
ἐν αὐτῇ “μεγάλην καὶ πολυάνθρωπον ἔχουσαν,
ἣν οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι Νίσιβιν, οἱ δ᾽ “Ἕλληνες
᾿Αντιόχειαν Μ υγδονικὴν προσηγόρευον. ταύτην
εἶχεν ἀξιώματι μὲν ἀδελφὸς Τιγρώνον Γούρας,
ἐμπειρίᾳ δὲ καὶ δεινότητι μηχανικῇ “Καλλίμαχος
ὁ καὶ περὶ ᾿Αμισὸν πλεῖστα πράγματα Aov-
κούχλλῳ παρασχών. βαλόμενος δὲ στρατόπεδον
καὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν πολιορκίας ἐπαγαγὼν ὀλίγῳ
χρόνῳ κατὰ κράτος λαμβάνει τὴν πόλιν. καὶ
ΙΝ oupe μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐγχειρίσαντι φιλανθρώπως
ἐχρήσατο, Καλλιμάχῳ δ᾽ ὑπισχνουμένῳ θήκας
᾿ἀπορρήτους μεγάλων χρημάτων ἀνακαλύψειν οὐ
προσέσχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκέλευσεν ἐν πέδαις κομίξεσθαι
δίκην ὑφέξοντα τοῦ πυρός, ᾧ τὴν ᾿Αμισηνῶν
διαλυμηνάμενος πόλιν ἀφείλετο φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ
καὶ χρηστότητος ἐπίδειξιν πρὸς τοὺς “Ἕλληνας.
ΧΧΧΙΙ͂Ι. Μέχρι τοῦδε φαίη τις ἂν Λουκούλλῳ
τὴν τύχην ἑπομένην συστρατηγεῖν. ἐντεῦθεν
δ᾽ ὥσπερ πνεύματος ἐπιλιπόντος προσβιαξόμενος
πάντα καὶ παντάπασιν ἀντικρούων ἀρετὴν μὲν
ἐπεδείκνυτο καὶ "μακροθυμίαν ἡγεμόνος ἀγαθοῦ,
δόξαν δὲ καὶ χάριν οὐδεμίαν αἱ πράξεις ἔ ἔσχον,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν προὐπάρχουσαν ἐγγὺς ἦλθε Soe:
πραγῶν καὶ διαφερόμενος μάτην ἀποβαλεῖν.
τῶν 8 αἰτιῶν αὐτὸς οὐχὶ τὴν ἐλαχίστην εἰς
τοῦτο παρέσχεν, οὐκ ὧν θεραπευτικὸς πλήθους
578
LUCULLUS
taken and destroyed the Armenian Carthage, the
work of their most hated foe, meaning Hannibal.
‘But since he could not persuade them, he led them
back, and crossing the Taurus by another pass, de-
scended into the country called Mygdonia, which is
fertile and open to the sun,.and contains a large and
populous city, called Nisibis by the Barbarians,
Antioch in Mygdonia by the Greeks. The nominal
defender of this city, by virtue of his rank, was
Gouras, a brother of Tigranes; but its actual de-
fender, by virtue of his experience and skill as an
engineer, was Callimachus, the man who gave
Lucullus most trouble at Amisus also. But Lucullus
established his camp before it, laid siege to it in
every way, and in a short time took the city by
storm. To Gouras, who surrendered himself into
his hands, he gave kind treatment; but to Calli-
machus, who promised to reveal secret stores of great
treasure, he would not hearken. Instead, he ordered
him to be brought in chains, that he might be
punished for destroying Amisus by fire, and thereby
robbing Lucullus of the object of his ambition,
which was to show kindness to the Greeks.
XXXIII. Up to this point, one might say that
fortune had followed Lucullus and fought on his
side; but from now on, as though a favouring breeze
had failed him, he had to force every issue, and met
with obstacles everywhere. He still displayed the
bravery and patience of a good leader, but his
undertakings brought him no new fame or favour ;
indeed, so ill-starred and devious was his course, that
he came near losing that which he had already won.
And he himself was not least to blame for this. He
was not disposed to court the favour of the common
579
ΡΡ 2
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
στρατιωτικοῦ, καὶ πᾶν TO πρὸς ἡδονὴν τοῦ
ἀρχομένου γινόμενον ἀρχῆς ἀτιμίαν καὶ κατάλυσιν
ἡγούμενος" τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, οὐδὲ τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ
ἰσοτίμοις εὐάρμοστος εἶναι πεφυκώς, ἀλλὰ πάν-
των καταφρονῶν καὶ μηδενὸς ἀξίους πρὸς αὑτὸν
ἡγούμενος. ταῦτα γὰρ ὑπάρξαι Λουκούλλῳ κακὰ
λέγουσιν ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς" καὶ γὰρ
μέγας καὶ καλὸς καὶ δεινὸς εἰπεῖν καὶ ᾧΦρόνιμος
e fa) ~ . nA
ὁμαλῶς ἐν ἀγορᾷ καὶ στρατοπέδῳ δοκεῖ γενέσθαι.
Σαλούστιος μὲν οὖν φησι χαλεπῶς διατεθῆναι
τοὺς στρατιώτας πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ
/ Ἁ ’᾽ A A A A
πολέμου πρὸς Κυζίκῳ καὶ πάλιν πρὸς ᾿Αμισῷ,
δύο χειμῶνας ἑξῆς ἐν χάρακι διαγαγεῖν ἀναγκα-
σθέντας. ἠνίων δ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ χειμῶνες.
ἢ γὰρ ἐν τῇ πολέμίᾳ διεχείμαζον ἢ παρὰ τοῖς
συμμάχοις ὕπαιθροι σκηνοῦντες, εἰς δὲ πόλιν
Ἑλληνίδα καὶ φίλην οὐδ᾽ ἅπαξ εἰσῆλθε μετὰ
στρατοπέδου Λούκουλλος. οὕτω δὲ διακειμένοις
αὐτοῖς τὰς μεγίστας ἐνέδωκαν ἀπὸ τῆς Ρώμης οἱ
\ , 4 A ,
δημαγωγοὶ προφάσεις, φθόνῳ τοῦ Λουκούλλου
κατηγοροῦντες ὡς ὑπὸ φιλαρχίας καὶ φιλοπλου-
τίας ἕλκοντος τὸν πόλεμον καὶ μονονοὺ κατέ-
9 3 »“ , 3 , ’
χοντος ἐν ταὐτῷ Κιλικίαν, ᾿Ασίαν, Βιθυνίαν,
Παφλαγονίαν, Γαλατίαν, Πόντον, ᾿Αρμενίαν, τὰ
μέχρι Φάσιδος, νυνὶ δὲ καὶ τὰ Τιγράνου βασίλεια
πεπορθηκότος, ὥσπερ ἐκδῦσαι τοὺς βασιλεῖς, οὐ
καταπολεμῆσαι πεμφθέντος. τοῦτο γὰρ εἰπεῖν
φασιν ἕνα τῶν στρατηγῶν Λεύκιον Κόϊντον, ὑφ᾽
2 4 , 93 ͵ ,
οὗ μάλιστα πεισθέντες ἐψηφίσαντο πέμπειν
, A 7 A 9 ’ 9 a
διαδόχους τῷ Λουκούλλῳ τῆς ἐπαρχίας. ἐψηφί-
σαντο δὲ καὶ τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ στρατευομένων πολ- 515
λοὺς ἀφεῖσθαι στρατείας.
580
LUCULLUS
soldier, and thought that everything that was done
to please one’s command only dishonoured and under-
mined one’s authority. Worst of all, not even with
men of power and of equal rank with himself could
he readily co-operate; he despised them all, and
thought them of no account as compared with him-
self. These bad qualities Lucullus is said to have
had, but no more than these. He was tall and
handsome, a powerful speaker, and equally able in
the forum and the field.
Well, then, Sallust says that his soldiers were ill-
disposed towards him at the very beginning of the
war, before Cyzicus, and again before Amisus, because
they were compelled to spend two successive winters
in camp. The winters that followed also vexed
them. They spent them either in the enemy’s
country, or among the allies, encamped under the
open sky. Not once did Lucullus take his army
into a city that was Greek and friendly. In their
disaffection, they received the greatest support from
the popular tribunes at Rome. These envied Lucullus
and denounced him for protracting the war through
love of power and love of wealth. They said he all
but had in his own sole power Cilicia, Asia, Bithynia,
Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia, and the
regions extending to the Phasis, and that now he
had actually plundered the palaces of Tigranes, as if
he had been sent, not to subdue the kings, but to strip
them. These were the words, they say, of Lucius
Quintus, one of the praetors, to whom most of all the
people listened when they passed a vote to send men
who should succeed Lucullus in the command of his
province. They voted also that many of the soldiers
under him should be released from military service.
58t
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
XXXIV. Τούτοις δὲ τηλικούτοις οὖσι προσγί-
Ἁ 4 4 7 ΑἉ
νεται τὸ μάλιστα Λουκούλλῳ διειργασμένον τὰς
πράξεις, Πόπλιος Κλώδιος, ἀνὴρ ὑβριστὴς καὶ
μεστὸς ὀλιγωρίας ἁπάσης καὶ θρασύτητος. ἦν δὲ
τῆς Λουκούλλου γυναικὸς ἀδελφός, ἣν καὶ δια-
φθείρειν ἔσχεν αἰτίαν ἀκολαστοτάτην οὗσαν.
/ A 4 4 3 nd
τότε δὲ τῷ Λουκούλλῳ συστρατεύων οὐχ ὅσης
αὑτὸν ἠξίου τιμῆς ἐτύγχανεν: ἠξίου δὲ πρῶτος
\ a 9 ᾽ \ Ν ’
εἶναι, καὶ πολλῶν ἀπολειπόμενος διὰ τὸν τρόπον
ὑποικούρει τὴν Φιμβριανὴν στρατιὰν καὶ παρώ-
ξυνε κατὰ τοῦ Λουκούλλου, λόγους χρηστοὺς εἰς
οὐκ ἄκοντας οὐδ᾽ ἀήθεις τοῦ δημαγωγεῖσθαι
διαδιδούς. οὗτοι γὰρ ἧσαν, ots καὶ πρότερον
’
ἀνέπεισε Φιμβρίας ἀποκτείναντας τὸν ὕπατον
Φλώκκον αὑτὸν ἑλέσθαι στρατηγόν. διὸ καὶ τὸν
Κλώδιον ἡδέως ἐδέχοντο καὶ φιλοστρατιώτην
προσηγόρευον, ἀγανακτεῖν προσποιούμενον ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν, εἰ πέρας οὐδὲν ἔσται πολέμων τοσούτων
καὶ πόνων, ἀλλὰ παντὶ μὲν ἔθνει μαχόμενοι,
a a“ 4 la \ ’
πᾶσαν δὲ γῆν πλανώμενοι κατατρίψουσι τὸν βίον
οὐδὲν ἄξιον ἐκ τηλικαύτης φερόμενοι στρατείας,
ἀλλὰ τὰς Λουκούλλου παραπέμποντες ἁμάξας
καὶ καμήλους ἐκπωμάτων χρυσῶν καὶ διαλίθων
γεμούσας, οἱ δὲ Πομπηΐου στρατιῶται δῆμος
ὄντες ἤδη που μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων κάθηνται
a ὃ [4 \ , » » M θ ὃ lA
γῆν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πόλεις ἔχοντες, οὐ Μιθριδάτην
καὶ Τιγράνην εἰς τὰς ἀοικήτους ἐμβαλόντες ἐρη-
, ? “ΓΖ 2 / ‘ / ’
μίας, οὐδὲ τῆς ᾿Ασίας τὰ βασίλεια καταρρίψαντες,
᾽ \ 4 b , b 2 , \ Ul
ἀλλὰ φυγάσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐν ᾿Ιβηρίᾳ καὶ δραπέ-
582 |
“΄
LUCULLUS
XXXIV. To these factors in the case, so un-
favourable in themselves, there was added another,
which most of all vitiated the undertakings of
Lucullus. This was Publius Clodius,a man of wanton
violence, and full of all arrogance and boldness. He
was a brother of the wife of Lucullus, a woman of
the most dissolute ways, whom he was actually
accused of debauching. At this time he was in
service with Lucullus, and did not get all the honour
which he thought his due. He thought a foremost
place his due, and when many were preferred before
him because of his evil character, he worked secretly
upon the soldiers who had been commanded by
Fimbria, and tried to incite them against Lucullus,
disseminating among them speeches well adapted to
men who were neither unwilling nor unaccustomed
to have their favour courted. These were the men
whom Fimbria had once persuaded to kill the consul
Flaccus, and choose himself for their general. They
therefore gladly listened to Clodius also, and called
him the soldier’s friend. For he pretended to be
incensed in their behalf, if there was to be no end of
their countless wars and toils, but they were rather
to wear out their lives in fighting with every nation
and wandering over every land, receiving no suitable
reward for such service, but convoying the waggons
and camels of Lucullus laden with golden beakers
set with precious stones, while the soldiers of
Pompey, citizens now, were snugly ensconced with
wives and children in the possession of fertile lands
and prosperous cities,—not for having driven Mithri-
dates and Tigranes into uninhabitable deserts, nor
for having demolished the royal palaces of Asia, but
for having fought with wretched exiles in Spain and
583
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ταις év [ταλίᾳ πολεμήσαντες. “Τί οὖν, εἰ δεῖ
μηδέποτε παύσασθαι στρατευομένους, οὐχὶ τοιού-
τῷ στρατηγῷ καὶ σώματα τὰ λοιπὰ καὶ ψυχὰς
φυλάσσομεν, ᾧ κάλλιστος εἶναι δοκεῖ κόσμος ὁ
τῶν στρατευομένων πλοῦτος ; ;
Τοιαύταις αἰτίαις τὸ Λουκούλλου στράτευμα
διαφθαρὲν οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ Τιγράνην ἠκολούθησεν οὔτ᾽
ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην αὖθις ἐξ ᾿Αρμενίας εἰς Πόντον
ἐμβαλόντα καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀναλαμβϑάνοντα, πρό-
φασιν δὲ τὸν χειμῶνα ποιούμενοι περὶ τὴν
Γορδυηνὴν διέτριβον, ὅσον οὔπω Ilopmniov ἤ
τιν ἄλλον τῶν ἡγεμόνων Λουκούλλῳ διάδοχον
ἀφίξεσθαι προσδοκῶντες.
XXXV. Ἐπεὶ δὲ Μιθριδάτης ἤγγελτο Φάβιον
νενικηκὼς ἐπὶ Σωρνάτιον καὶ Τριάριον βαδίξειν,
αἰσχυνθέντες εἵποντο τῷ Λουκούλλῳ. Τριάριος
δ᾽ ὡς ἕτοιμον ἁρπάσαι τὸ νίκημα, πρὶν ἐπελθεῖν
Δούκουλλον ἐγγὺς ὄντα, φιλοτιμούμενος ἡττᾶται
μάχῃ μεγάλῃ. λέγονται γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἑπτακισχιλίους
ὠμαίΐων ἀποθανεῖν, ἐν οἷς ἑκατόνταρχοι μὲν
ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα, χιλίαρχοι δ᾽ εἴκοσι καὶ
τέσσαρες" τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον εἷλε Μιθριδάτης.
ἐπελθὼν δὲ “Λούκουλλος ὀλίγαις ὕστερον ἡμέραις
Τριάριον μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ζητούμενον
πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐξέκλεψε, Μιθριδάτου δὲ μὴ θέλοντος
μάχεσθαι, ἀλλὰ Τιγράνην περιμένοντας ἤδη
καταβαίνοντα μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως, ἔ ἔγνω πρὶν
ἀμφοτέρους συνελθεῖν πάλιν ἀπαντῆσαι καὶ δια-
γωνίσασθαι πρὸς τὸν Τιγράνην. πορευομένῳ δ᾽
αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ὁδὸν οἱ Φιμβριανοὶ στασιάσαντες
ἀπέλειπον τὰς τάξεις, ὡς ἀφειμένοι δόγματι τῆς
584
LUCULLUS
runaway slaves in Italy. “Why, then,” he would
cry, “if our campaigns are never to come to an end,
do we not reserve what is left of our bodies, and our
lives, for a general in whose eyes the wealth of his
soldiers is his fairest honour ?”’
For such red ns as these the army of Lucullus
was demoralised, and refused to follow him -either
against Tigranes, or against Mithridates, who had
come back into Pontus from Armenia, and was
trying to restore his power there. They made the
winter their excuse for lingering in Gordyené,
expecting every moment that Pompey, or some
other commander, would be sent out to succeed
Lucullus.
XXXV. But when tidings came that Mithridates
had defeated Fabius,! and was on the march against
Sornatius and Triarius, they were struck with shame
and followed Lucullus. But Triarius, who was
ambitious to snatch the victory, which he thought
assured, before Lucullus, who was near, should come
up, was defeated in a great battle. It is said that
over seven thousand Romans fell, among whom were
a hundred and fifty centurions, and twenty-four
tribunes ; and their camp was captured by Mithridates.
But Lucullus, coming up a few days afterward, hid
Triarius from the search of his infuriated soldiers.
Then, since Mithridates was unwilling to give fight,
but lay waiting for Tigranes, who was coming down
with a large force, he determined to anticipate the
junction of their armies, and march back to meet
Tigranes in battle. But while he was on the way
thither, the Fimbrian soldiers mutinied and left their,
ranks, declaring that they were discharged from
| 67 B.c.
585
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
στρατείας καὶ μηκέτι τῷ Λουκούλλῳ προσῆκον
ἄρχειν, ἑτέροις ἀποδεδειγμένων τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν.
ION 9 3 ῳ A > 9 gs e 4,
οὐδὲν οὖν ἐστιν ὅ TL τῶν Trap ἀξίαν ὁ Λούκουλλος
? e , bd a > # A \
οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν, ἀντιβολῶν καθ᾽ ἕνα καὶ κατὰ
σκηνὰς περιϊὼν ταπεινὸς καὶ δεδακρυμένος, ἔστι
δ᾽ φΦ - \ \ 1 , e δ᾽ 3 ’ὔ
ὧν καὶ χειρὸς ἁπτόμενος. οἱ ὃ ἀπετρίβοντο
\ , \ \ a lA
τὰς δεξιώσεις καὶ κενὰ προσερρίπτουν βαλάντια,
καὶ μόνον μάχεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐκέλενον,
ΣΧ: 4 3 ’ A 3 ‘ 2 \
ap ὧν μόνος ἠπίστατο πλουτεῖν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
A Ν a / 2 /
τῶν ἄλλων στρατιωτῶν δεομένων ἐκβιασθέντες
e 9) \ <Q a \ θέ :
οἱ Φιμβριανοὶ συνέθεντο παραμεῖναι τὸ θέρος
A /
ἐὰν δὲ μηδεὶς ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ κατίῃ πρὸς
᾽ \ 3 ’ 3 “ a 9 54
αὐτοὺς ἀγωνιούμενος, ἀπηλλάχθαι. ταῦτ᾽ ἔδει
Φ,͵, » ν “ \ ΄, ,
στέργειν ἐξ ἀνάγκης τὸν Λούκουλλον, ἢ προέσθαι
a 4 \ , 3 4 a
τοῖς βαρβάροις τὴν χώραν ἀπολειφθέντα. συνεῖ-
4 /
χεν οὖν αὐτοὺς οὐκέτι προσβιαζόμενος οὐδὲ
Ν ’
προάγων πρὸς μάχην, ἀλλ’ εἰ παραμένοιεν
ἀγαπῶν, καὶ περιορῶν πορθουμένην ὑπὸ τοῦ
Τιγράνου τὴν Καππαδοκίαν καὶ πάλιν ὑβρίζοντα
A a
Μιθριδάτην, ὃν αὐτὸς ἐπεστάλκει TH συγκλήτῳ
γράφων καταπεπολεμῆσθαι: καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις
παρῆσαν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν διάθεσιν τῶν ἐν Πόντῳ
’ e ὃ) ’ 2 4 \
πραγμάτων, ὡς δὴ βεβαίως ἐχομένων. καὶ δὴ
3 a
παρόντες ἑώρων οὐδ᾽ αὑτοῦ κύριον, ἀλλὰ παροι-
’ A
νούμενον καὶ προπηλακιζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιω-
τῶν, οἷς γε τοσοῦτο περιὴν τῆς εἰς τὸν στρατηγὸν
ν᾽ / σ “a / / > 4
ἀσελγείας, ὥστε τοῦ θέρους λήγοντος ἐνδύντες
1 καὶ χειρός ὃ : χειρός,
586
516
LUCULLUS
service by decree of the people, and that Lucullus
no longer had the right to command them, since the
provinces had been assigned to others. Accordingly,
there was no expedient, however much beneath his
dignity, to which Lucullus did not force himself to
resort,-—entreating the soldiers man by man, going
about from tent to tent in humility and tears, and
actually taking some of the men by the hand in sup-
plication. But they rejected his advances, and threw
their empty purses down before him, bidding him
fight the enemy alone, since he alone knew how to
get rich from them. However, at the request of the
other soldiers, the Fimbrians were constrained to
agree to remain during the summer; but if, in the
meantime, no enemy should come down to fight
them, they were to be dismissed. Lucullus was
obliged to content himself with these terms, or else
to be deserted and give up the country to the
Barbarians. He therefore simply held his soldiers
together, without forcing them any more, or leading
them out to battle. Their remaining with him was
all he could expect, and he looked on helplessly
while Tigranes ravaged Cappadocia and Mithridates
resumed his insolent ways,—a monarch whom he had
reported by letter to the Senate as completely sub-
dued. Besides, the commissioners were now with
him, who had been sent out to regulate the affairs of
Pontus, on the supposition that it was a secure Roman
possession. And lo, when they came, they saw that
Lueullus was not even his own master, but was
mocked and insulted by his soldiers. These went so
far in their outrageous treatment of their general,
that, at the close of the summer, they donned their
587
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τὰ ὅπλα Kal σπασάμενοι τὰς μαχαίρας προεκα-
λοῦντο τοὺς μηδαμοῦ παρόντας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπηρκότας
ΝΜ ὔ 3 / \ ,
ἤδη πολεμίους. ἀλαλάξαντες δὲ καὶ σκιαμαχή-
σαντες ἀπεχώρησαν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος, ἐπιμαρτυ-
ράμενοι πεπληρῶσθαι τὸν χρόνον, ὃν ὡμολόγησαν
τῷ Λουκούλλῳ παραμένειν.
Τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους ἐκάλει. διὰ γραμμάτων Πομπή-
“- A \ 3 “ ἴον Ἁ VA
ios: ἤδη yap ἀποδέδεικτο τοῦ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην
καὶ Τιγράνην πολέμου .στρατηγὸς χάριτι τοῦ
δήμον καὶ κολακείᾳ τῶν δημαγωγῶν, ἐπεὶ τῇ γε
βουλῇ καὶ τοῖς ἀρίστοις ἄδικα πάσχειν ἐδόκει
Λούκουλλος οὐ πολέμου διαδόχους, ἀλλὰ θριάμ-
/ 2 QA aA / 3 ’
βου λαμβάνων, οὐδὲ τῆς στρατηγίας avayKalo-
? a 3 lA aA ’ ῳ»
μενος, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐπάθλων τῆς στρατηγίας ἐξί-
στασθαι καὶ παραχωρεῖν ἑτέροις.
XXXVI. Ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐφάνη τὸ γινόμενον
τοῖς ἐκεῖ παροῦσι νεμεσητόν. οὔτε γὰρ τιμῆς ὁ
Λούκουλλος οὔτε τιμωρίας τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ κύριος
᾿ e a 299 ΝΜ fs 4 Ἁ
ὑπῆρχεν, οὐδ᾽ εἴα τινὰ Ἰ]Τομπήϊος βαδίξειν πρὸς
αὐτὸν οὐδὲ προσέχειν οἷς ἐκεῖνος ἔγραφε καὶ
διένεμε μετὰ τῶν δέκα πρέσβεων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκώλυεν
ἐκτιθεὶς διαγράμματα καὶ φοβερὸς παρὼν ἀπὸ
μείζονος δυνάμεως. ὅμως δὲ ἔδοξε τοῖς φίλοις
συναγαγεῖν αὐτούς" καὶ συνῆλθον ἐν κώμῃ τινὶ
τῆς Γαλατίας καὶ προσεῖπον ἀλλήλους φιλοφρό-
vos καὶ συνήσθησαν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατωρθωμένοις
ἑκατέρῳ, πρεσβύτερος μὲν ὧν ὁ “Λούκουλλος,
ἀξίωμα δ᾽ ἦν τὸ Ἰ]Τομπηΐου μεῖζον ἀπὸ πλειόνων
στρατηγιῶν καὶ δνεῖν θριάμβων. ῥάβδοι δ᾽
588
LUCULLUS
armour, drew their swords, and challenged to battle
an enémy who was nowhere near, but had already
withdrawn. Then they shouted their war cries,
brandished their weapons in the air, and departed
from the camp, calling men to witness that the time
had expired during which they had agreed to remain
with Lucullus. ;
The rest of the soldiers Pompey summoned by
letter, for he had already been appointed to conduct
the war against Mithridates and Tigranes,! because
he won the favour of the people and flattered their
leaders. But the Senate and the nobility considered
Lucullus a wronged man. He had been superseded,
they said, not in a war, but in a triumph, and had
been forced to relinquish and turn over to others,
not his campaign, but the prizes of victory in his
campaign.
XXXVI. But to those who were on the spot, what
happened there seemed still greater matter for wrath
and indignation. For Lucullus was not allowed to
bestow rewards or punishments for what had been
done in the war, nor would Pompey even suffer any
one to visit him, or to pay any heed to the edicts
and regulations which he made in concert with the
ten commissioners, but prevented it by issuing
counter-edicts, and by the terror which his presence
with a larger force inspired. Nevertheless, their
friends decided to bring the two men together, and
so they met in a certain village of Galatia. They
greeted one another amicably, and each congratulated
the other on his victories. Lucullus was the elder
man, but Pompey’s prestige was the greater, because
he had conducted more campaigns, and celebrated
1 66 B.C.
589
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἀμφοτέρων προηγοῦντο δαφνηφόροι διὰ τὰς νίκας.
καὶ τοῦ γε ἸΠομπηΐου μακρὰν ὁδὸν διὰ τόπων
ἀνύδρων καὶ αὐχμηρῶν ὁδεύσαντος τὰς δάφνας
ξηρὰς περικειμένας ταῖς ῥάβδοις ἰδόντες οἱ
τοῦ ΔΛουκούλλον ῥαβδοφόροι φιλοφρονούμενοι
τοῖς ἐκείνου μετέδωκαν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων, προσ-
φάτους καὶ θαλερὰς ἔχοντες. καὶ τὸ γινόμενον
εἰς οἰωνὸν ἐτίθεντο χρηστὸν οἱ ἸΠομπηΐου φίλοι:
τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τὴν ἐκείνον στρατηγίαν αἱ τούτου
4 πράξεις ἐκόσμησαν. ἐκ δὲ τῶν λόγων πρὸς οὐδὲν
ἐπιεικὲς συνέβησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀλλοτριω-
θέντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀπῆλθον" καὶ τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ
Λουκούλλου γενομένας διατάξεις ἠκύρωσεν ὁ
Πομπήϊος, στρατιώτας δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀπαγαγὼν
μόνους αὐτῷ χιλίους ἑξακοσίους ἀπέλιπε συν-
θριαμβεύσοντας, οὐδὲ τούτους μάλα προθύμως
ἑπομένους. οὕτω τίς ἦν ἀφνὴς ἢ δυστυχὴς ὁ
Λούκουλλος πρὸς τὸ πάντων ἐν ἡγεμονίᾳ πρῶτον
καὶ μέγιστον" ὡς, εἰ τοῦτο μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων
ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ, τηλικούτων ὄντων καὶ τοσούτων,
μετ᾽ ἀνδρείας, ἐπιμελείας, συνέσεως, δικαιοσύνης,
οὐκ ἂν εἶχεν ἡ “Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονία τὸν Εὐφράτην
τῆς ᾿Ασίας ὅρον, ἀλλὰ τὰ ἔσχατα καὶ τὴν Ὕρκα-
νίαν θάλατταν, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν Τιγράνῃ
προηττημένων, τῆς δὲ Πάρθων. δυνάμεως οὐχ ὅση
κατὰ Κράσσον ἐξεφάνη τοσαύτης καὶ κατὰ Λού-
κουλλον οὔσης οὐδ᾽ ὁμοίως συνεστώσης, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ
ἐμφυλίων καὶ προσοίκων πολέμων οὐδ᾽ ᾿Αρμενίους
ὑβρίξοντας ἐρρωμένης ἀμύνεσθαι.
Νῦν έ μοι δοκεῖ Λούκουλλος ὧν ὠφέλησε διε
αὑτοῦ τὴν πατρίδα βλάψαι μείζονα δι᾽ ἑτέρων.
590
517
LUCULLUS
two triumphs. Fasces wreathed with laurel were
carried before both commanders in token of their
victories, and since Pompey had made a long march
through waterless, and arid regions, the laure] which
wreathed his fasces was withered. When the lictors
of Lucullus noticed this, they considerately gave
Pompey’s lictors some of their own laurel, which was
fresh and green.* This circumstance was interpreted
as a good omen by the friends of Pompey; for, in
fact, the exploits of Lucullus did adorn the command
of Pompey. However, their conference resulted in
no equitable agreement, but they left it still more
estranged from one another. Pompey also annulled
the ordinances of Lucullus, and took away all but
sixteen hundred of his soldiers. These he left to
share his triumph, but even these did not follow him
very cheerfully. To such a marvellous degree was
Lucullus either unqualified or unfortunate as regards
the first and highest of all requisites in a leader.
Had this power of gaining the affection of his soldiers
been added to his other gifts, which were so many
and so great,—courage, diligence, wisdom, and justice,
—the Roman empire would not have been bounded
by the Euphrates, but by the outer confines of Asia,
and the Hyrcanian sea ; for all the other nations had
already been subdued by Tigranes, and in the time
of Lucullus the Parthian power was not so great as
it proved to be in the time of Crassus, nor was it so
well united, nay rather, owing to intestine and
neighbouring wars, it had not even strength enough
to repel the wanton attacks of the Armenians.
Now my own opinion is that the harm Lucullus did
his country through his influence upon others, was .
greater than the good he did her himself. For his
591
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
\ 3 3 , 4 / ,
7 Ta yap ἐν Appevig τρόπαια Πάρθων πλησίον
ἑστῶτα καὶ Τυιγρανόκερτα καὶ Νίσιβις καὶ πλοῦ-
τος ἐκ τούτων πολὺς εἰς Ρώμην κομισθεὶς καὶ τὸ
Τιγράνου διάδημα πομπευθὲν αἰχμάλωτον ἐπῆρε
Κράσσον ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν, ὡς λάφυρα καὶ λείαν
τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἄλλο δ᾽ οὐδὲν ὄντας. ταχὺ
, . ΄, ΄ 2" ia oree
μέντοι τοῖς ἸΪάρθων τοξεύμασιν ἐντυχὼν ἀπέδειξε
Ν ’ 3 > , ’ a
τὸν Λούκουλλον οὐκ ἀφροσύνῃ καὶ μαλακίᾳ τῶν
πολεμίων, αὑτοῦ δὲ τόλμῃ καὶ δεινότητι περιγενό-
μενον. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον.
XXXVII. ‘O δὲ Λούκουλλος ἀναβὰς εἰς
Ῥώμην πβῶτον μὲν κατέλαβε τὸν ἀδελφὸν
Μάρκον ὑπὸ Γαΐου Μεμμίου κατηγορούμενον ἐφ᾽
2? μη , 4 ,
ois ἔπραξε ταμιεύων Σύλλα προστάξαντος.
ἐκείνον δ᾽ ἀποφυγόντος ἐπὶ τοῦτον αὐτὸν ὁ
Μέμμιος μεταβαλόμενος παρώξυνε τὸν δῆμον, καὶ
e ’ ’ \ 4
ὡς πολλὰ νενοσφισμένῳ Kal μηκύναντι τὸν πόλε-
” » δι ν A am /
2 pov ἔπεισεν αὐτῷ μὴ δοῦναι θρίαμβον. ἐλθόντος
δ᾽ εἰς ἀγῶνα τοῦ Λουκούλλου μέγαν οἱ πρῶτοι
καὶ δυνατώτατοι καταμίξαντες ἑαυτοὺς ταῖς
a A / N a “ »,
φυλαῖς πολλῇ δεήσει καὶ σπουδῇ μόλις ἔπεισαν
τὸν δῆμον ἐπιτρέψαι θριαμβεῦσαι, οὐχ, ὥσπερ
ἔνιοι, μήκει τε πομπῆς καὶ πλήθει τῶν κομι-
, 2 Ν \ 3 [ ’
ζομένων ἐκπληκτικὸν καὶ ὀχλώδη θρίαμβον,
? \ a \ ef a / 4
ἄλλα τοῖς MEV ὅπλοις τῶν πολεμίων οὖσι Tap-
πόλλοις καὶ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μηχανήμασι τὸν
Φλαμίνειον ἱππόδρομον διεκόσμησε: καὶ θέα τις
2 AN 2 ε \ 3 3 4 3 \
3 ἦν αὐτὴ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητος" ἐν δὲ
592
LUCULLUS
trophies in Armenia, standing on the borders of
Parthia, and Tigranocerta, and Nisibis, and the vast
wealth brought to Rome from these cities, and the
display in his triumph of the captured diadem of
Tigranes, incited Crassus to his attack upon Asia ;
he thought that the Barbarians were spoil and booty,
and nothing else. It was not long, however, before
he encountered the Parthian arrows, and proved
that Lucullus had won his victories, not through
the folly and cowardice of his enemies, but through
his own daring and ability. This, however, is later
history.
XXXVII. Now when Lucullus had. returned to
Rome, he found, in the first place, that his brother
Marcus was under prosecution by Gaius Memmius
for his acts as quaestor under the administration of
Sulla. Marcus, indeed, was acquitted, but Memmius
then turned his attack upon Lucullus, and strove
to excite the people against him. He charged him
with diverting much property to his own uses, and
with needlessly protracting the war, and _ finally
persuaded the people not to grant him a triumph.
Lucullus strove mightily against this decision, and
the foremost and most influential men mingled with
the tribes, and by much entreaty and exertion at
last persuaded the people to allow him to celebrate
a triumph ;! not, however, like some, a triumph which
was startling and tumultuous from the length of the
procession and the multitude of objects displayed.
Instead, he decorated the circus of Flaminius with
the arms of the enemy, which were very numerous,
and with the royal engines of war; and this was a
great spectacle in itself, and far from contemptible.
1 66 B.C.
593
VOL. IT QQ
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
A A _A / e / δ. 2
τῇ πομπῇ τῶν τε καταφράκτων ἱππέων ὀλίγοι
καὶ τῶν δρεπανηφόρων ἁρμάτων δέκα παρῆλθον,
e , , Α a A
ἑξήκοντα δὲ φίλοι καὶ στρατηγοὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν,
\ / A e \ Ἁ / Ψ
μακραὶ δὲ χαλκέμβολοι νῆες ἑκατὸν καὶ δέκα ἅμα
παρεκομίσθησαν, αὐτοῦ τε Μιθριδάτου χρύσεος
e 4 / \ id / ‘
ἑξάπους κολοσσός, καὶ θυρεός τις διάλιθος, καὶ
φορήματα εἴκοσι μὲν ἀργνρῶν σκευῶν, χρυσῶν δ᾽
ἐκπωμάτων καὶ ὅπλων καὶ νομίσματος δύο καὶ
τριάκοντα. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἄνδρες παρεκόμιζον'
e / > 9 \ ,ὕ A Ν ἁ \ ‘
ἡμίονοι δ᾽ ὀκτὼ κλίνας χρυσᾶς ἔφερον, EE δὲ καὶ
πεντήκοντα κεχωνευμένον ἀργύριον, ἄλλοι δ᾽
ἑκατὸν ἑπτὰ νομίσματος ἀργυροῦ, μικρῷ τινι
δεούσας ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ διακοσίας μυριάδας.
4 \ / 9 A 4 4
ἐν δὲ δέλτοις dvaypagal τῶν ἤδη δεδομένων χρη-
μάτων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Πομπηΐῳ πρὸς τὸν πειρατικὸν
πόλεμον καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ δημοσίου ταμείου, καὶ
χωρὶς ὅτι στρατιώτης ἕκαστος ἐνακοσίας καὶ
/ ΝΜ 3 Ἁ ’ὔ ’
πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς ἔλαβεν. ἐπὶ τούτοις τήν τε
πόλιν εἱστίασε λαμπρῶς καὶ τὰς περιοικίδας
κώμας, ἃς οὐΐκους καλοῦσι.
ΧΧΧΥΤΙΙ. Τῆς δὲ Κλωδίας ἀπηλλαγμένος,
οὔσης ἀσελγοῦς καὶ πονηρᾶς, Σερουϊλίαν ἔ ἔγημεν,
ἀδελφὴν Κάτωνος, οὐδὲ τοῦτον εὐτυχῆ γάμον.
ἕν γὰρ οὐ προσῆν αὐτῷ τῶν Κλωδίας κακῶν
μόνον, ἡ τῶν ἀδελφῶν διαβολή: τάλλα δὲ βδελυ-
ρὰν ὁμοίως οὖσαν καὶ ἀκόλαστον ἠναγκάζετο
φέρειν αἰδούμενος Κάτωνα, τέλος δὲ ἀπεῖπεν.
᾿Ελπίδας δὲ θαυμαστὰς τῇ βουλῇ παρασχών,
ὡς ἐχούσῃ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἀντίταγμα πρὸς τὴν
τοῦ Πομπηΐου τυραννίδα καὶ τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας
594
LUCULLUS
But in the procession, a few of the mail-clad horse-
men and ten of the scythe-bearing chariots moved
along, together with sixty of the king’s friends and
generals. A hundred and ten bronze-beaked ships
of war were also carried along, a golden statue
of Mithridates himself, six feet in height, a
wonderful shield adorned with precious stones,
twenty litters of silver vessels, and thirty-two litters
of gold beakers, armour, and money. All this was
carried by men. Then there were eight mules
which bore golden couches, fifty-six bearing ingots
“of silver, and a hundred and seven more bearing
something less than two million seven hundred
thousand pieces of silver coin. There were also
tablets with records of the sums of money already”
paid by Lucullus to Pompey for the war against the
pirates, and to the keepers of the public treasury, as
well as of the fact that each of his soldiers had
received nine hundred and fifty drachmas. To crown
all, Lucullus gave a magnificent feast to the city, and
to the surrounding villages called Vicz.
XXXVIII. After his divorce from Clodia, who was
a licentious and base woman, he married Servilia, a
sister of Cato, but this, too, was an unfortunate
marriage. For it lacked none of the evils which
Clodia had brought in her train except one, namely,
the scandal about her brothers. In all other
respects Servilia was equally vile and abandoned,
and yet Lucullus forced himself to tolerate her, out
of regard for Cato. At last, however, he put her
away.
The Senate had conceived wondrous hopes that in
him it would find an opposer of the tyranny of
Pompey and a champion of the aristocracy, with all
595
..5]
©
to
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
’ 3 N 4 , e ,
πρόμαχον ἀπὸ δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως ὁρμώμενον
μεγάλης, ἐγκατέλιπε καὶ προήκατο τὴν πολιτείαν,
εἴτε δυσκάθεκτον ἤδη καὶ νοσοῦσαν ὁρῶν εἴθ᾽, ὥς
φασιν ἔνιοι, μεστὸς ὧν δόξης καὶ πρὸς τὸ ῥᾷστὸν
ἀναπίπτων τοῦ βίου καὶ μαλακώτατον ἐκ πολλῶν
ἀγώνων καὶ πόνων οὐκ εὐτυχέστατον τέλος
λαβόντων. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπαινοῦσιν αὐτοῦ τὴν
τοσαύτην μεταβολήν, τὸ Μαρίου πάθος μὴ
παθόντος, ὃς ἐπὶ ταῖς Κιμβρικαῖς νίκαις καὶ τοῖς
καλοῖς καὶ μεγάλοις ἐκείνοις κατορθώμασιν οὐκ
ἠθέλησεν αὑτὸν ἀνεῖναι τιμῇ τοσαύτῃ ζηλωτόν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀπληστίᾳ δόξης καὶ ἀρχῆς νέοις ἀνδράσι
᾿ γέρων ἀντιπολιτευόμενος εἰς ἔργα δεινὰ καὶ | πάθη
δεινότερα τῶν ἔργων ἐξώκειλε' βέλτιον δ᾽ ἂν καὶ
Κικέρωνα γηρᾶσαι μετὰ Κατιλίναν ὑποστειλά-
μενον καὶ Σκηπίωνα Καρχηδόνι προσθέντα
Νομαντίαν, εἶτα παυσάμενον' εἶναι γάρ τινα καὶ
πολιτικῆς περιόδου κατάλυσιν: τῶν γὰρ ἀθλη-
τικῶν ἀγώνων τοὺς πολιτικοὺς οὐδὲν ἧττον ἀκμῆς
καὶ ὥρας ἐπιλιπούσης ἐλέγχεσθαι. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν
Κράσσον καὶ Πομπήϊον ἐχλεύαζον τὸν Λούκουλ.-
λον εἰς ἡδονὴν ἀφεικότα καὶ πολυτέλειαν αὑτόν,
ὥσπερ οὐ τοῦ τρυφᾶν μᾶλλον τοῖς τηλικούτοις
Tap ἡλικίαν ὄντος ἢ τοῦ πολιτεύεσθαι καὶ
στρατηγεῖν. '
XXXIX. Ἔστι δ᾽ οὖν τοῦ Λουκούλλου βίου,
καθάπερ ἀρχαίας κωμῳδίας, ἀναγνῶναι τὰ μὲν
πρῶτα πολιτείας καὶ στρατηγίας, τὰ δ᾽ ὕστερα
πότους καὶ δεῖπνα καὶ μονονουχὶ κώμους καὶ
λαμπάδας καὶ παιδιὰν ἅπασαν. εἰς παιδιὰν γὰρ
ἔγωγε τίθεμαι καὶ οἰκοδομὰς πολυτελεῖς καὶ
596
518
LUCULLUS
the advantage of great glory and influence; but
he quitted and abandoned public affairs, either
because he saw that they were already beyond
proper control and diseased, or, as some say, because
he had his fill of glory, and felt that the unfortunate
issue of his many struggles and toils entitled him to
fall back upon a life of ease and luxury. Some
commend him for making such a change, and
thereby escaping the unhappy lot of Marius, who,
after his Cimbrian victories and the large and
fair successes which were so famous, was unwilling
to relax his efforts and enjoy the honours won, but
with an insatiate desire for glory and power, old man
that he was, fought with young men in the conduct
of the state, and so drove headlong into terrible
deeds, and sufferings more terrible still. Cicero,
say these, would have had a better old age if he had
taken in sail after the affair of Catiline, and Scipio,
too, if he had given himself pause after adding
Numantia to Carthage ; for a political cycle, too, has
a sort of natural termination, and political no less
than athletic contests are absurd, after the full vigor
of life has departed. Crassus and Pompey, on the
other hand, ridiculed Lucullus for giving himself up
to pleasure and extravagance, as if a luxurious life
were not even more unsuitable to men of his years
than political and military activities.
XXXIX. And it is true that in the life of
Lucullus, as in an ancient comedy, one reads in the
first part of political measures and military commands,
and in the latter part of drinking bouts, and
banquets, and what might pass for revel-routs, and
torch-races, and all manner of frivolity. For I must
count as frivolity his costly edifices, his ambulatories
597
3
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
κατασκευὰς περιπάτων καὶ λουτρῶν Kal ἔτι
μᾶλλον γραφὰς καὶ ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὴν περὶ
ταύτας τὰς τέχνας σπουδήν, ἃς ἐκεῖνος συνῆγε
μεγάλοις ἀναλώμασιν, εἰς ταῦτα τῷ πλούτῳ
ῥύδην καταχρώμενος, ὃν ἠθροίκει πολὺν καὶ
λαμπρὸν ἀπὸ τῶν στρατειῶν, ὅπου καὶ νῦν, ἐπί-
δοσιν τοιαύτην τῆς τρυφῆς ἐχούσης, οἱ Λουκουλ-
λιανοὶ κῆποι τῶν βασιλικῶν ἐν τοῖς πολυτελεστά-
τοις ἀριθμοῦνται. τὰ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς παραλίοις καὶ
περὶ Νέαν πόλιν ἔργα, λόφους ἀνακρεμαννύντος
αὐτοῦ μεγάλοις ὀρύγμασι καὶ τροχοὺς θαλάσσης
καὶ διαδρομὰς ἰχθυοτρόφους τοῖς οἰκητηρίοις
περιελίσσοντος καὶ διαίτας ἐναλίους κτίζοντος, ὁ
Στωϊκὸς Τουβέρων θεασάμενος Ξέρξην αὐτὸν ἐκ
τηβέννου προσηγόρευσεν. ἦσαν δ᾽ αὐτῷ περὶ
Τοῦσκλον ἐγχώριοι δίαιται καὶ κατασκοπαὶ
περιόπτων καὶ κατασκευαὶ ἀναπεπταμένων
ἀνδρώνων καὶ περιπάτων, ἐν αἷς ὁ Πομπήϊος
γενόμενος ἐμέμφετο τὸν Λούκουλλον, ὅτι πρὸς
θέρος ἄριστα διαθεὶς τὴν ἔπαυλιν ἀοίκητον ἐν
εἰμῶνι πεποίηκε. γελάσας οὖν ἐκεῖνος = Kira,”
ἐφ), “' σοὶ δοκῶ ἐλάττονα τῶν γεράνων νοῦν ἔχειν
καὶ τῶν πελαργῶν, ὥστε ταῖς ὥραις μὴ συμμετα-
βάλλειν τὰς διαίτας ; ” στρατηγοῦ δέ ποτε
φιλοτιμουμένου περὶ θέας καὶ χορῷ τινι κόσμον
αἰτουμένου πορφυρᾶς χλαμύδας ἀπεκρίνατο
σκεψάμενος, ἂν ἔχῃ, δώσειν, εἶτα μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν
ἠρώτησεν αὐτόν, ὁπόσων δέοιτο. τοῦ δὲ ἑκατὸν
ἀρκέσειν φήσαντος ἐκέλευσε λαβεῖν δὶς τοσαύτας"
εἰς ὃ καὶ Φλάκκος ὁ ποιητὴς ἐπεπεφώνηκεν, ὡς
598
LUCULLUS
and baths, and still more his paintings and statues
(not to speak of his devotion to these arts), which he
collected at enormous outlays, pouring out into such
channels the vast and splendid wealth which he
accumulated from his campaigns. Even now, when
luxury has increased so much, the gardens of Lu-
cullus are counted among the most costly of the
imperial gardens. As for his works on the sea-
shore and in the vicinity of Neapolis, where he sus-
pended hills over vast tunnels, girdled his residences
with zones of sea and with streams for the breeding
of fish, and built dwellings in the sea,—when Tubero
the Stoic saw them, he called him Xerxes in a toga.
He had also country establishments near Tusculum,
with observatories, and extensive open banqueting
halls and cloisters. Pompey once visited these, and '
chided Lucullus because he had arranged his country
seat in the best possible way for summer, but had
made it uninhabitable in winter. Whereupon Lu-
cullus burst out laughing and said : “ Do you suppose,
then, that I have less sense than cranes and storks,
and do not change residences according to the
seasons?’’ A praetor was once making ambitious
plans for a public spectacle, and asked of him some
purple cloaks for the adornment of a chorus. Lucullus
replied that he would investigate, and if he had any,
would give them to him. The next day he asked the
praetor how many he wanted, and on his replying that
a hundred would suffice, bade him take twice that
number. The poet Flaccus! alluded to this when
1 Epiat. i. 6, 45 f.
599
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
οὐ νομίζει πλοῦτον, οὗ μὴ τὰ παρορώμενα καὶ
VA ’ a , 3 /
λανθάνοντα πλείονα τῶν φαινομένων ἐστί.
XL. Νεόπλουτα δ᾽ ἦν τοῦ Λουκούλλου τὰ
δεῖπνα τὰ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν. οὐ μόνον στρωμναῖς
ἁλουργέσι καὶ διαλίθοις ἐκπώμασι καὶ χοροῖς καὶ
3 4 3 ’ 3 4 v
ἀκροάμασιν ἐπεισοδίοις, ἀλλ᾽ ὄψων τε παντο-
a A 4
δαπῶν καὶ πεμμάτων περιττῶς διαπεπονημένων
παρασκευαῖς ζηλωτὸν ἀνελευθέροις ποιοῦντος
ἑαυτόν. ὁ γοῦν Πομπήϊος εὐδοκίμησε νοσῶν'
A \ 3 “, ’ 3 Ἁ aA rd
τοῦ yap ἰατροῦ κίχλην αὐτὸν λαβεῖν κελεύσαντος,
“ 9 4 ζω 3 e a 3 4 ,
τῶν δ᾽ οἰκετῶν οὐκ ἂν εὑρεῖν ἀλλαχόθι φαμένων
θέρους ὥρᾳ κίχλην ἢ παρὰ Λουκούλλῳ σιτευο-
» Sy aA 3d A ) > > AN \
μένην, οὐκ εἴασε λαβεῖν ἐκεῖθεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰπὼν πρὸς
9 , gg » δ ? \ , ? ,
Tov ἰατρόν “ Οὐκοῦν, εἰ μὴ Λούκουλλος ἐτρύφα,
Doe 3 A ΝΜ 2 ν /
Πομπήϊος οὐκ ἂν ἔζησεν; ἄλλο τι παρασκευάσαι
“A a lal
τῶν εὐπορίστων ἐκέλευσε. Κάτων δ᾽ ἦν αὐτῴ
,ὔ Ἁ ? a [4 \ 4 3 fa) ἃ ‘
φίλος καὶ οἰκεῖος, οὕτω δὲ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν
’ “~
δίαιταν ἐδυσχέραινεν, ὥστε, νέου Tivos ἐν TH
a aA
βουλῇ λόγον ἐπαχθῆ καὶ μακρὸν ἀκαίρως ὑπὲρ
εὐτελείας καὶ σωφροσύνης διελθόντος, ἐπαναστὰς
ς lal
ὁ Κάτων “Ov παύσῃ," ἔφη, “ σὺ πλουτῶν μὲν ὡς
Κράσσος, ζῶν δ᾽ ὡς Λούκουλλος, λέγων δὲ ὡς
Κάτων; " ἔνιοι δὲ τοῦτο ῥηθῆναι μὲν οὕτως, ὑπὸ
Κάτωνος δὲ οὐ λέγουσιν.
e
ΧΙ]. ‘O μέντοι Λούκουλλος οὐχ ἡδόμενος
’ 3 A / 4
μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ σεμνυνόμενος τῷ βίῳ τούτῳ
δῆλος ἦν ἐκ τῶν ἀπομνημονευομένων. λέγεται
ὰ “BR 2 θ / 2 ,ὔ » ¢ ,
yap “EAXnvas ἀνθρώπους ἀναβάντας εἰς Ῥώμην
ἑστιᾶν ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας, τοὺς δ᾽ ὄντως ‘EX-
, 4 n
AnviKOY TL παθόντας, αἰσχύνεσθαι Kai διωθεῖσθαι
600
519
LUCULLUS
he said that he did not regard a house as wealthy in
which the treasures that were overlooked and unob-
served were not more than those which met the eye.
XL. The daily repasts of Lucullus were such as
the newly rich affect. Not only with his dyed
coverlets, and beakers set with precious stones, and
choruses and dramatic recitations, but also with his
arrays of all sorts of meats and daintily prepared
dishes, did he make himself the envy of the vulgar.
A saying of Pompey’s, when he was ill, was certainly
very popular. His physicians had prescribed a thrush
for him to eat, and his servants said that a thrush
could not be found anywhere in the summer season
except where Lucullus kept them fattening. Pompey,
however, would not suffer them to get one from there,
but bade them prepare something else that was easily
to be had, remarking as he did so to his physician,
«What ! must a Pompey have died if a Lucullus were
not luxurious?’’ And Cato, who was a friend of his,
and a relation by marriage, was nevertheless much
offended by his life and habits. Once when a
youthful senator had delivered a tedious and lengthy
discourse, all out of season, on frugality and tem-
perance, Cato rose and said; “Stop there! you get
wealth like Crassus, you live like Lucullus, but you
talk like Cato.’’ Some, however, while they say
that these words were actually uttered, do not say
that they were spoken by Cato.
XLI. Moreover, that Lucullus took not only
pleasure but pride in this way of living, is clear
from the anecdotes recorded of him. It is said, for
instance, that he entertained for many successive
days some Greeks who had come up to Rome, and
that they, with genuinely Greek scruples, were at
last ashamed to accept his invitation, on the ground
601
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
A e 3 3 \ > e@ / : ,
την κλῆσιν», ὡς δι αὐτοὺς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν τοσούτων
3 / \ 9 ’ 3 a
ἀναλισκομένων" τὸν οὖν Λούκουλλον εἰπεῖν pet-
διάσαντα πρὸς αὐτούς: “Γίνεται μέν τι τούτων
καὶ δι’ ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες “Ελληνες: τὰ μέντοι
πλεῖστα γίνεται διὰ Λοὐκουλλον." ἐπεὶ δὲ μόνου
δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μία τράπεζα καὶ μέτριον παρε-
σκευάσθη δεῖπνον, ἠγανάκτει καλέσας τὸν ἐπὶ
τούτῳ τεταγμένον οἰκέτην. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, ὡς
οὐκ ᾧετο μηδενὸς κεκλημένου πολυτελοῦς τινος
>. \ ὃ , cD ys » 4 εξζ.:.:9 ὩΝ
αὐτὸν δεήσεσθαι “Ti λέγεις; ᾿ εἶπεν, “ οὐκ ἥδεις,
ὅτι σήμερον παρὰ Λουκούλλῳ δειπνεῖ Λούκουλ-
> ν Ἁ \ UA e > ’ 2 A 4
dos; ὄντος δὲ περὶ τούτου, WS εἰκός, ἐν TH πόλει
“A a A >
λόγον πολλοῦ, προσῆλθον αὐτῷ κατ᾽ ἀγορὰν
fies ς ‘
σχολὴν ἄγοντι Κικέρων καὶ Πομπήϊος, ὁ μὲν ἐν
»“ Ul , A ὶ 10 Il oh δ᾽
τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ὧν καὶ συνήθης, ἸΙομπηΐῳ
A ’ \ \ ,
ἦν μὲν ἐκ τῆς στρατηγίας διαφορὰ πρὸς αὐτόν,
a ,
εἰώθεισαν δὲ χρῆσθαι καὶ διαλέγεσθαι πολλάκις
Ὁ ) φ
ἐπιεικῶς ἀλλήλοις. ἀσπασάμενος οὖν ὁ Κικέρων
΄ \ a
αὐτὸν ἠρώτησεν, ὅπως ἔχει πρὸς ἔντευξιν: τοῦ δὲ
φήσαντος, ὡς ἄριστα, καὶ παρακαλοῦντος ἐντυγ-
χάνειν . Ἡμεῖς," ἔφη, - βουλόμεθα δειπνῆσαι
παρὰ σοὶ τήμερον οὕτως, ὅπως ἐστί σοι παρε-
σκενασμένα." θρυπτομένου δὲ τοῦ Δουκούλλου
καὶ μεταλαβεῖν ἡμέραν ἀξιοῦντος οὐκ ἔφασαν
ἐπιτρέψειν, οὐδ᾽ εἴων διαλέγεσθαι τοῖς οἰκέταις,
ἵνα μή τι πλέον κελεύσῃ “γενέσθαι τῶν αὐτῷ
γινομένων, πλὴν τοσοῦτο μόνον αἰτουμένῳ συνε-
3
χώρησαν εἰπεῖν πρὸς ἕνα τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐναντίον
ἐκείνων, ὅτι τήμερον ἐν τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι δειπνήσοι"
τοῦτο γάρ τις εἶχε τῶν πολυτελῶν οἴκων ὄνομα.
602
LUCULLUS
that he was incurring so much expense every day on
their account; whereupon Lucullus said to them
with a smile, “Some of this expense, my Grecian
friends, is indeed on your account; most of it, how-
ever, is on account of Lucullus.” And once, when
he was dining alone, and a modest repast of one
course had been prepared for him, he was angry, and
summoned the servant who had the matter in charge.
The servant said that he did not suppose, since there
were no guests, that he wanted anything very costly.
“« What sayest thou?’ said the master, “dost thou
not know that to-day Lucullus dines with Lucullus? ”
While this matter was much talked of in the city, as
was natural, Cicero and Pompey came up to him as
he was idling in the forum. Cicero was one of his
most intimate friends, and although the matter of
the command of the army had led to some coolness
between him and Pompey, still they were accustomed
to frequent and friendly intercourse and conversation
with one another. Accordingly, Cicero saluted him,
and asked how he was disposed towards receiving a
petition. ‘Most excellently well,’ said Lucullus,
and invited them to make their petition. ‘We
desire,’ said Cicero, “ to dine with you to-day just as
you would have dined by yourself.’’ Lucullus de-
murred to this, and begged the privilege of selecting
a later day, but they refused to allow it, nor would
they suffer him to confer with his servants, that
he might not order any thing more provided than
what was provided for himself. Thus much, how-
ever, and no more, they did allow him at his request,
namely, to tell one of his servants in their presence
that he would dine that day in the Apollo. Now
this was the name of one of his costly apartments,
603
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
καὶ τοῦτο σεσοφισμένος ἐλελήθει τοὺς ἄνδρας.
ἑκάστῳ γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, δειπνητηρίῳ τεταγμένον
’ δὼ
ἣν τίμημα δείπνου, καὶ χορηγίαν ἰδίαν καὶ παρα-
σκευὴν ἕκαστον εἶχεν, ὥστε τοὺς δούλους ἀκού-
Ψ ’ὔ a “IN/s ,
σαντας, ὅπου βούλεται δειπνεῖν, εἰδέναι, πόσον
δαπάνημα καὶ ποῖόν τι κόσμῳ καὶ διαθέσει
’ θ ὃ A \ ὃ A >) 70 δὲ ὃ ἴω > ΠῚ
γενέσθαι δεῖ τὸ δεῖπνον: εἰώθει δὲ δειπνεῖν ἐν τῷ
᾿Απόλλωνι πέντε μυριάδων: καὶ τότε τοσούτου
τελεσθέντος ἐξέπληξε τοὺς περὶ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐν
τῷ μεγέθει τῆς δαπάνης τὸ τάχος τῆς παρασκευῆς.
εἰς ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑβριστικῶς ἐχρῆτο τῷ πλούτῳ
καθάπερ ὄντως αἰχμαλώτῳ καὶ βαρβάρῳ.
XLII. Σπουδῆς δ᾽ ἄξια καὶ λόγου τὰ περὶ τὴν
τῶν βιβλίων κατασκευήν. καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ
γεγραμμένα καλῶς συνῆγεν. ἥ τε χρῆσις ἦν
φιλοτιμοτέρα τῆς κτήσεως, ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν
βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων
’, bd ’ e ’ \
καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων TOUS
“Ἕλληνας ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον
3 “a A N 4 3 ,
ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας καὶ συνδιημερεύοντας ἀλλήλοις,
ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ἀσμένως ἀποτρέχοντας.
πολλάκις δὲ καὶ συνεσχόλαζεν αὐτὸς ἐμβάλλων
εἰς τοὺς περιπώτους τοῖς φιλολόγοις καὶ τοῖς
πολιτικοῖς συνέπραττεν ὅτου δέοιντο" καὶ ὅλως
A e . “A
ἑστία καὶ πρυτανεῖον ᾿Εἰλληνικὸν ὁ οἶκος ἦν αὐτοῦ
a ’
τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς Ῥώμην. φιλοσοφίαν δὲ
πᾶσαν μὲν ἠσπάζετο καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν εὐμενὴς ἦν
? a 16 de “ ᾽ A ὃ / 3 2 a
καὶ οἰκεῖος, ἴδιον δὲ τῆς ᾿Ακαδημείας ἐξ ἀρχῆς
604
LUCULLUS
and he thus outwitted the men without their knowing
it. For each of his dining-rooms, as it seems, had a
fixed allowance for the dinner served there, as well
as its own special apparatus and equipment, so that
his slaves, on hearing where he wished to dine,
knew just how much the dinner was to cost, and
what were to be its decorations and arrangements.
Now the usual cost of a dinner in the Apollo was
fifty thousand drachmas, and that was the sum laid
out on the present occasion. Pompey was amazed
at the speed with which the banquet was prepared,
notwithstanding it had cost somuch. In these ways,
then, Lucullus used his wealth wantonly, as though
it were in very truth a Barbarian prisoner-of-war.
XLII. But what he did in the establishment of
a library deserves warm praise. He got together
many books, and they were well written, and his -
use of them was more honourable to him than his
acquisition of them. His libraries were thrown open
to all, and the cloisters surrounding them, and the
study-rooms, were accessible without restriction to
the Greeks, who constantly repaired thither as to
an hostelry of the Muses, and spent the day with
one another, in glad escape from their other
occupations. Lucullus himself also often spent his
leisure hours there with them, walking about in
the cloisters with their scholars, and he would assist
their statesmen in whatever they desired. And in
general his house was a home and prytaneium for
the Greeks who came to Rome. He was fond of
all philosophy, and well-disposed and friendly towards
every school, but from the first he cherished a
particular and zealous love for the Academy, not
605
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
a a ’ ,
3 ἔρωτα καὶ ζῆλον ἔσχεν, ov τῆς νέας λεγομένης,
καίπερ ἀνθούσης τότε τοῖς Καρνεάδου λόγοις
διὰ Φίλωνος, ἀλλὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς, πιθανὸν ἄνδρα 520
A 4 Ν
καὶ δεινὸν εἰπεῖν τότε προστάτην ἐχούσης τὸν
3 / b , a 4 oF
Ασκαλωνίτην ᾿Αντίοχον, ὃν πάσῃ σπουδῇ ποιη-
σάμενος φίλον ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ συμβιωτὴν
ἀντέταττε τοῖς Φίλωνος ἀκροαταῖς, ὧν καὶ
4 Κικέρων ἦν. καὶ σύγγραμμά γε πάγκαλον ἐποίη-
σεν εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν, ἐν ᾧ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς καταλή-
ψεως λόγον Λουκούλλῳ περιτέθεικεν, αὑτῷ δὲ
\ 3 , 4 Ἵ 3 4 N
τὸν ἐναντίον. Λούκουλλος δ᾽ ἀναγέγραπται τὸ
βιβλίον.
Ἦσαν δ᾽, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, φίλοι σφόδρα καὶ
κοινωνοὶ τῆς ἐν πολιτείᾳ προαιρέσεως" οὐδὲ γὰρ
a [4
ad πάμπαν ἀπηλλάχει τῆς πολιτείας ἑαυτὸν ὁ
5 Λούκουλλος, ἀλλὰ τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέγιστος εἶναι
καὶ πλεῖστον δύνασθαι φιλοτιμίαν καὶ ἅμιλλαν,
¢€ Ν > ἡ vw > 2 S/S 4 34 .λ
ὡς οὔτε ἀκίνδυνον οὔτ᾽ ἀνύβριστον οὖσαν, εὐθὺς
3 “ 7 Ἁ 4 4 4 e A)
ἀφῆκε Κράσσῳ καὶ Κάτωνι" τούτους γὰρ οἱ τὴν
Hopmniov δύναμιν ὑφορώμενοι προεβάλλοντο
τῆς βουλῆς, ἀπολεγομένου τοῦ Λουκούλλου τὰ
πρωτεῖα: κατέβαινε & εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν διὰ
τοὺς φίλους, εἰς δὲ τὴν σύγκλητον, εἰ Πομπηΐου
\ 4 Ἁ a / 3 4 \
6 τινὰ δέοι σπουδὴν ἢ φιλοτιμίαν ἐπηρεάσαι. καὶ
τάς τε διατάξεις, ἃς ἐκεῖνος ἐποιήσατο τῶν βασι-
λέων κρατήσας, ἐξέκρουσε, καὶ νέμησίν τινα τοῖς
στρατιώταις αὐτοῦ γράφοντος ἐκώλυσε δοθῆναι
συμπράττοντος Κάτωνος, ὥστε ἸΤομπήϊον εἰς τὴν
606
LUCULLUS
the New Academy, so-called, although that school
at the time had a vigorous representative of the
doctrines of Carneades in Philo, but the Old Academy,
which at that time was headed by a persuasive man
and powerful speaker in the person of Antiochus of
Asealon. This man Lucullus, hastened to make his
friend and companion, and arrayed him against the
disciples of Philo, of whom Cicero also was one.
Indeed, Cicero wrote a noble treatise on the doctrines
of this sect, in which he has put the argument in sup-
port of “apprehension” into the mouth of Lucullus,
and carried the opposing argument himself. The
book is entitled “ Lucullus.””?
Lucullus and Cicero were, as I have said, ardent
friends, and members of the same political party,
for Lucullus had not withdrawn himself entirely
from political life, although he lost no time in
leaving to Crassus and Cuto the ambitious struggle
for the chief place and the greatest power, since
he saw that it involved both peril and ignominy.
For those who looked with suspicion upon the
power of Pompey, made Crassus and Cato the
champions of the senatorial party when Lucullus
declined the leadership. But Lucullus would still
go to the forum in support of his friends, and also
to the Senate, whenever there was need of combating
some ambitious scheme of Pompey’s. Thus, the
dispositions which Pompey made after his conquest
of the kings, Lucullus made null and void, and his
proposal for a generous distribution of lands to his
soldiers, Lucullus, with the co-operation of Cato,
prevented from being granted. Pompey therefore
1 Academicorum Priorum, Liber Secundus, qui inscribitur
Lucullus.
607
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
Κράσσου καὶ Καίσαρος φιλίαν, μᾶλλον δὲ συνω-
μοσίαν, καταφυγεῖν καὶ πληρώσαντα τὴν πόλιν
ὅπλων καὶ στρατιωτῶν βίᾳ κυρῶσαι τὰ δόγματα,
τοὺς περὶ τὸν Κάτωνα καὶ Λούκουλλον ἐκβαλόντα
τῆς ἀγορᾶς.
᾿Αγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν βελτίστων ἐπὶ τοῖς
γινομένοις προῆγον οἱ Lloprniavol Βέττιόν τινα,
συνειληφέναι λέγοντες ἐπιβουλεύοντα Πομπηΐῳ.
κἀκεῖνος ἀνακρινόμενος ἐν μὲν τῇ συγκλήτῳ
κατηγόρησεν' ἑτέρων τινῶν, ἐν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ Aov-
κουλλον ὠνόμασεν, ὡς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου παρεσκευα-
σμένος ἀποκτεῖναι Ἰ]ομπήϊον. οὐδεὶς δὲ τῷ λόγῳ
προσέσχεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παραυτίκα δῆλος ἦν ὁ
ἄνθρωπος ἐπὶ συκοφαντίᾳ καὶ διαβολῇ προηγ-
μένος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐφωράθη τὸ πρᾶγμα
μετ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ῥιφθέντος ἐκ τῆς εἱρκτῆς
νεκροῦ, λεγομένου μὲν αὐτομάτως τεθνάναι,
σημεῖα δ᾽ ἀγχόνης καὶ πληγῶν ἔχοντος" ἐδόκει
γὰρ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀνῃρῆσθαι τῶν παρεσκευακότων.
Χ LUI. Ταῦτα δὴ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀπῆγε τῆς πολι-
τείας τὸν Λούκουλλον. ἐπεὶ δὲ Κικέρων ἐξέπεσε
τῆς πόλεως καὶ Κάτων εἰς Κύπρον ἀπεστάλη,
παντάπασιν ἐξελύθη. καὶ πρό γε τῆς τελευτῆς
λέγεται νοσῆσαι τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῷ κατὰ μικρὸν
ἀπομαραινομένην. Νέπως δὲ Κορνήλιος οὐχ ὑπὸ
γήρως φησὶν οὐδὲ νόσου πα αλλάξαι τὸν Λού-
κουλλον, ἀλλὰ φαρμάκοις ὗπο τινος τῶν ἀπελευ-
θέρων Καλλισθένους διαφθαρέντα" τὰ δὲ φάρμακα
δοθῆναι μέν, ὡς ἀγαπῷτο μᾶλλον ὁ Καλλισθένης
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, τοιαύτην ἔχειν δυκοῦντα τὴν δύναμιν,
ἐκστῆσαι δὲ καὶ κατακλύσαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὥστ᾽
608
LUCULLUS
took refuge in an alliance, or rather a conspiracy,
with Crassus and Caesar, and by filling the city with
his armed soldiery and expelling from the forum
the partisans of Cato and Lucullus, got his measures
ratified.
As these proceedings were resented by the nobles,
the partisans of Pompey produced a certain Vettius,
whom, as they declared, they had caught plotting
against the life of Pompey. So the man was ex-
amined in the Senate, where he accused sundry
other persons, but before the people he named
Lucullus as the man who had engaged him to kill
Pompey. However, no one believed his story, nay,
it was at once clear that the fellow had been put
forward by the' partisans of Pompey to make false
and malicious charges, and the fraud was made all
the plainer when, a few days afterwards, his dead
body was cast out of the prison. It was said, indeed,
that he had died a natural death, but he bore
the marks of throttling and violence, and the opinion
was that he had been taken off by the very men who
had engaged his services.
XLIII. Of course this induced Lucullus to with-
draw even more from public life. And when Cicero
was banished from the city, and Cato was sent out to
Cyprus, he retired altogether. Even before his
death, it is said that his understanding was affected
and gradually faded away. But Cornelius Nepos
says that Lucullus lost his mind not from old age,
nor yet from disease, but that he was disabled by
drugs administered to him by one of his freedmen,
Callisthenes; that the drugs were given him by
Callisthenes in order to win more of his love, in the
belief that they had such a power, but they drove
him from his senses and overwhelmed his reason
609
VOL. IL. RR
bo
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἔτι ζῶντος αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν διοικεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν.
οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀπέθανε, καθάπερ ἂν 1 ἐν ἀκμῇ
τῆς στρατηγίας καὶ τῆς πολιτείας αὐτοῦ τελευτή-
σαντος, ὁ δῆμος ἠχθέσθη καὶ συνέδραμε, καὶ τὸ
σῶμα κομισθὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν ὑπὸ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων
νεανίσκων ἐβιάξετο θάπτειν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ
"Ἄρεως, ὅπου καὶ Σύλλαν ἔθαψεν. οὐδενὸς δὲ
τοῦτο προσδοκήσαντος, οὐδὲ ῥᾳδίας οὔσης τῆς
παρασκευῆς, ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ δεόμενος καὶ παραι-
τούμενος ἔπεισεν ἐπιτρέψαι τὴν παρεσκευασμένην
ἐν τῷ περὶ Τοῦσκλον ἀγρῷ τοῦ νεκροῦ κηδείαν
γενέσθαι. πολὺν δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς προσεβίω χρόνον,
ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἡλικίᾳ καὶ δόξῃ μικρὸν ἀπελείφθη, καὶ
τῷ χρόνῳ τῆς GENE φιλαδελφότατος γενό-
μενος.
ΚΙΜΩ͂ΝΟΣ KAI AOYKOYAAOY ΣΎΓΚΡΙΣΙΣ
I. Μάλιστα δ᾽ ἄν τις εὐδαιμονίσειε τοῦ τέλους
Λούκουλλον, ὅτι πρὸ τῆς μεταβολῆς, ἣν ἤδη
κατὰ τῆς πολιτείας ἐτεκταίνετο τοῖς ἐμφυλίοις
πολέμοις τὸ “πεπρωμένον, ἔφθη προαποθανὼν καὶ
καταλύσας ἐν νοσούσῃ μέν, ἔτι δ᾽ ἐλευθέρᾳ τῇ
πατρίδι τὸν βίον. καὶ τοῦτό γε πάντων αὐτῷ
πρὸς Κίμωνα κοινότατόν ἐστι.. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος
οὔπω συντεταραγμένων τῶν ᾿Βλληνικῶν, ἀλλ᾽
ἀκμὴν ἐχόντων ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου
μέντοι καὶ στρατηγῶν, οὐκ ἀπειρηκὼς οὐδ᾽ ἀλύων,
οὐδὲ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν στρατηγιῶν καὶ τῶν
1 ἂν supplied by Reiske.
610
52]
LUCULLUS
so that even while he was still alive, his brother
managed his property. However, when he died,!
the people grieved just as much as if his death had
come at the culmination of his military and political
services, and flocked together, and tried to compel
the young nobles who had carried the body into the
forum to bury it in the Campus Martius, where
Sulla also had been buried. But no one had ex-
pected this, and preparations for it were not easy,
and so his brother, by prayers and supplications,
succeeded in persuading them to suffer the burial to
take place on the estate at Tusculum, where prepa-
tions for it had been made. Nor did he himself long
‘survive Lucullus, but, as in age and reputation he
came a little behind him, so did he also in the
time of his death, having been a most affectionate
brother.
COMPARISON OF LUCULLUS AND CIMON
I. One might deem Lucullus especially happy in
his end, from the fact that he died before that
constitutional change had come, which fate was
already contriving by means of the civil wars. His
country was in a distempered state when he laid
down his life, but still she was free. And in this
respect, more than any other, he is like Cimon. For
Cimon also died before Greece was confounded, and
while she was at the acme of her power. He died,
however, in the field, and at the head of an army,
not exhausted or of a wandering mind, nor yet
1 About 57 B.c.
«-.
wi
6
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
τροπαίων ὅπαθλον ποιούμενος εὐωχίας καὶ πότους,
΄ 4 > ’ Ἁ δὶ 3 lA
ὥσπερ Πλάτων ἐπισκώπτει τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ὀρφέα,
τοῖς εὖ βεβιωκόσι φάσκοντας ἀποκεῖσθαι γέρας
2 ¢ ΄ >” \ 842 \
ἐν ἅδον μόθην αἰώνιον. σχολὴ μὲν οὖν καὶ
ig [4 N , ς fe ‘
ἡσυχία καὶ διατριβὴ περὶ λόγους ἡδονήν τινα καὶ
θεωρίαν ἔχοντας εὐπρεπέστατον ἀνδρὶ πρεσβύτῃ
καὶ πεπαυμένῳ πολέμων καὶ πολιτείας παρα-
, \ > 9,9 © , e 4 ,
μύθιον" τὸ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἡδονήν, ὡς τέλος, καταστρέψαντα
τὰς καλὰς πράξεις ἤδη λοιπὸν ᾿Αφροδίσια τῶν
πολέμων καὶ στρατηγιῶν ἄγοντα παίζειν καὶ
a 9 ΕΣ A A ? , ION
τρυφᾶν οὐκ ἄξια τῆς καλῆς ᾿Ακαδημείας, οὐδὲ
\ 4 a 2 3 > ΄
τὸν Elevoxpatn ζηλοῦντος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκεκλικότος
πρὸς τὸν ᾿Επίκουρον. ὃ καὶ θαυμαστόν ἐστιν'
ὑπεναντίως γὰρ ἡ νεότης τοῦ μὲν ἐπίψογος καὶ
ἀκόλαστος γεγονέναι δοκεῖ, τοῦ δὲ πεπαιδευμένη
καὶ σώφρων. βελτίων οὖν ᾧ πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον ἡ
μεταβολή: χρηστοτέρα γὰρ ἡ φύσις, ἐν ἧ γηρᾷ
μὲν τὸ χεῖρον, ἐπακμάζει δὲ τὸ ἄμεινον...
Καὶ μὴν ὁμοίως γε πλουτήσαντες οὐχ ὁμοίως
διέθεντο τὸν πλοῦτον. οὐ γὰρ ἄξιον ὁμοιῶσαι τῷ
νοτίῳ τείχει τῆς ἀκροπόλεως, ὃ τοῖς ὑπὸ Κίμωνος
κομισθεῖσιν ἐτελέσθη χρήμασι, τοὺς ἐν Νέ ἐᾳ πόλει
θαλάμους καὶ τὰς περικλύστους ἀπόψεις, ἃς
Λούκουλλος ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβαρικῶν ἐξῳκοδόμει
ύρων' οὐδέ γε τῇ Κίμωνος τραπέζῃ τὴν Aov-
κούλλου παραβαλεῖν, τῇ δημοκρατικῇ καὶ φιλαν-
θρώπῳ τὴν πολυτελῆ καὶ σατραπικήν. ἡ μὲν
γὰρ ἀπὸ μικρᾶς δαπάνης πολλοὺς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν
διέτρεφεν, ἡ δ᾽ εἰς ὀλίγους τρυφῶντας ἀπὸ πολλῶν
-
612
COMPARISON OF LUCULLUS AND CIMON
making feastings and revellings the crowning prize
for arms and campaigns and trophies. Plato! ban-
ters the followers of Orpheus for declaring that for
those who have lived rightly, there is laid up in
Hades a treasure of everlasting intoxication. Leisure,
no doubt, and quiet, and the pursuit of pleasantly
speculative learning, furnish a most fitting solace for
a man of years who has retired from wars and
politics. But to divert fair achievements to pleasure
as their final end, and then to sport and wanton
at the head of Aphrodite’s train, as a sequel to wars
and fightings, was not worthy of the noble Academy,
nor yet of one who would follow Xenocrates, but
rather of one who leaned towards Epicurus. And
this is the more astonishing, because, contrariwise,
Cimon seems to have been of ill repute and un-
restrained in his youth, while Lucullus was dis-
ciplined and sober. Better, surely, is the man in
whom the change is for the better; for it argues a
more wholesome nature when its evil withers and
its good ripens. ;
. And further, though both alike were wealthy, they
did not make a like use of their wealth. There
is no comparing the south wall of the Acropolis,
which was completed with the moneys brought home
by Cimon, with the palaces and sea-washed Bel-
videres at Neapolis, which Lucullus built out of the
spoils of the Barbarians. Nor can the table of
Cimon be likened to that of Lucullus; the one was
democratic and charitable, the other sumptuous and
oriental. The one, at slight outlay, gave daily sus-
tenance to many; the other, at large cost, was
prepared for a few luxurious livers. It may be said,
1 Republic, ii. p. 363.
613
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
παρεσκευάζετο χρημάτων. εἰ “μὴ νὴ Δία τῶν
πραγμάτων ἐποίει διαφορὰν ὁ χρόνος" ἄδηλον
γάρ, εἰ καὶ Κίμων ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων καὶ στρατη-
γιῶν εἰς ἀπόλεμον καὶ ἀπολίτευτον γῆρας ἀφεὶς
αὑτὸν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἂν ἐχρήσατο σοβαρᾷ καὶ πρὸς
ἡδονὴν ἀνειμένῃ διαίτῃ" καὶ γὰρ “φιλοπότης καὶ
πανηγυρικὸς καὶ τὰ πρὸς γυναῖκας, ὡς προεί-
ρηται, διαβεβλημένος. αἱ δὲ περὶ τὰς πράξεις
καὶ τοὺς “ἀγῶνας κατορθώσεις ἡδονὰς ἑτέρας
ἔχουσαι τῶν χειρόνων ἐπιθυμιῶν ἀσχολίαν ποι-
οῦσι καὶ λήθην ταῖς πολιτικαῖς καὶ φιλοτίμοις
φύσεσιν. εἰ γοῦν καὶ Λούκουλλος ἐτελεύτησεν
ἀγωνιζόμενος καὶ στρατηγῶν, οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὁ ψογερώ-
τατος καὶ ᾿φιλομεμφότατος εὑρεῖν μοι δοκεῖ δια-
βολὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν περὶ τῆς
διαίτης.
ΤΙ. Ἔν δὲ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ὅτε μὲν ἀμ ότεροι.
καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἀγαθοὶ γεγό-
νασιν ἀγωνισταὶ δῆλον' ὥσπερ δὲ τῶν ἀθλητῶν
τοὺς ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πάλῃ καὶ παγκρατίῳ στεφανου-
μένους ἔθει τινὶ παραδοξονίκας καλοῦσιν, οὕτω
Κίμων ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πεζομαχίας καὶ ναυμαχίας
ἅμα τροπαίῳ στεφανώσας τὴν “Ελλάδα δίκαιός
ἐστιν ἔχειν τινὰ προεδρίαν ἐν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς.
καὶ μὴν Λουκούλλῳ μὲν ἡ πατρίς, Κίμων δὲ τῇ
πατρίδι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν περιέθηκε. καὶ ὃ μὲν
ἀρχούσῃ τῶν συμμάχων προσεκτήσατο τὰ τῶν
πολεμίων, ὁ δ᾽ ἄλλοις ἑπομένην παραλαβὼν ἅμα
καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἄρχειν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων
κρατεῖν ἐποίησε, Πέρσας μὲν ἀναγκάσας ἡττη- 529
θέντας ἐκβῆναι τῆς θαλάσσης, Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ
614
COMPARISON OF LUCULLUS AND CIMON
indeed, that the difference in state was due to the
difference in time. For it is at least possible that
Cimon also, if he had retired after his active cam-
paigns to an old age which knew neither war nor
politics, might have led an even more ostentatious
and pleasure-loving life. He was fond of wine and
given to display, and his relations with women, as I
have said before,! were scandalous. But success in
strenuous achievement, affording as it does a higher
pleasure, gives public-spirited and ambitious natures
no time to indulge the baser appetites, which are
forgotten. At any rate, if Lucullus also had ended
his days in active military command, not even the
most carping and censorious spirit, I think, could
have brought accusation against him. Thus much
concerning their manner of life.
II. In war, it is plain that both were good fighters,
both on land and sea. But just as those athletes
who win crowns in wrestling and the pancratium
on a single day are called, by custom, “ Victors-
extraordinary,’ so Cimon, who in a single day
crowned Greece with the trophies of a land and sea
victory, may justly have a certain pre-eminence
among generals. And further, it was his country
which conferred imperial power upon Lucullus,
whereas Cimon conferred it upon his. The one
added his foreign conquests to a country which
already ruled her allies ; the other found his country
obeying others, and gave her command over her
allies and victory over her foreign foes, by defeating
the Persians and driving them from the sea, and
by persuading the Lacedaemonians voluntarily to
1} See Cimon, iv. 8.
615
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
3 πείσας ἑκόντας ἐκστῆναι. εἰ τοίνυν μέγιστον
ἔργον ἡγεμόνος εὐπείθειαν ἐργάσασθαι δι᾽ εὐνοίας,
Λούκουλλος μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατε-
φρονήθη, Κίμων δ' ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων ἐθαυ-
μάσθη: παρ᾽ οὗ μὲν γὰρ ἀπέστησαν, πρὸς ὃν δὲ
μετέστησαν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ὧν ἄρχων ἐξῆλθεν, ὑπὸ
τούτων ἀπολειφθεὶς ἐπανῆλθεν, ὁ δὲ μεθ᾽ ὧν
ἑτέροις ποιήσων τὸ προσταττόμενον ἐξεπέμφθη,
τούτοις αὐτὸς διδοὺς τὸ παράγγελμα κατέπλευσε,
τρία τὰ πάντων δυσκολώτατα διαπεπραγμένος
ὁμοῦ τῇ πόλει, πρὸς μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους εἰρήνην,
παρὰ δὲ τῶν συμμάχων ἡγεμονίαν, πρὸς δὲ
Λακεδαιμονίους ὁμόνοιαν. ;
4 Μεγάλας τοίνυν ἐπιχειρήσαντες ἀμφότεροι
καταλύειν ἡγεμονίας καὶ καταστρέφεσθαι τὴν
᾿Ασίαν πᾶσαν ἀτελεῖς ἐγένοντο τῶν πράξεων, ὁ
μὲν καθάπαξ διὰ τὴν τύχην: ἐτελεύτησε γὰρ
στρατηγῶν καὶ εὐημερῶν: τὸν δ᾽ οὐ παντελῶς ἄν
tis ἐξέλοιτο τῆς παρ᾽ αὐτὸν αἰτίας, εἴτ᾽ ἠγνόησεν
εἴτ᾽ οὐκ ἐθεράπευσε τὰς ἐν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ
διαφορὰς καὶ μέμψεις, ἀφ᾽ ὧν εἰς τηλικαύτας
5 ἀπεχθείας προῆλθεν. ἢ τοῦτό γε καὶ πρὸς
Κίμωνα κοινόν ἐστι" καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνον ὑπήγαωγόν τε
εἰς δίκας οἱ πολῖται καὶ τελευτῶντες ἐξωστρά-
κισαν, iv’ αὐτοῦ δέκα ἐτῶν, as φησιν ὁ Πλάτων,
τῆς φωνῆς μὴ ἀκούσωσιν. αἱ γὰρ ἀριστοκρατικαὶ
φύσεις ὀλίγα τοῖς πολλοῖς συνάδουσι καὶ πρὸς
ἡδονὴν ἔχουσι, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ προσβιαζόμεναι τῷ
κατευθἧψειν διαστρεφομένους ἀνιῶσιν, ὥσπερ οἱ
τῶν ἰατρῶν δεσμοί, καίπερ εἰς τὰ κατὰ φύσιν
1 εὐνοίας with S: εὔνοιαν.
616 ᾿
COMPARISON OF LUCULLUS AND CIMON
Φ
relinquish the command. Granted that it is the
most important task of a leader to secure prompt
obedience through good will, Lucullus was despised
by his own soldiers, while Cimon was admired by
the allies. His soldiers deserted the one; the allies
came over to the other. The one came back home
abandoned by those whom he commanded when he
set out ; the other was sent out with allies to do the
commands of others, but before he sailed home
he himself gave commands to those allies, having
successfully secured for his city three of the most
difficult objects at once, namely, peace with the
enemy, leadership of the allies, and concord with’
the Lacedaemonians.
Again, both attempted to subvert great empires
and to subdue all Asia, and both left their work
unfinished: Cimon through ill fortune pure and
simple, for he died at the head of his army and at
the height of his success; but Lucullus one cannot
altogether acquit of blame, whether he was ignorant
of, or would not attend to the grievances and
complaints among his soldiery, in consequence of
which he became so bitterly hated. Or perhaps
this has its counterpart in the life of Cimon, for he
was brought to trial by his fellow citizens and finally
ostracised, in order that for ten years, as Plato says,!
they might not hear his voice. For aristocratic
natures are little in accord with the multitude, and
seldom please it, but by so often using force to
rectify its aberrations, they vex and annoy it, just as
physicians’ bandages vex and annoy, although they
bring the dislocated members into their natural
1 Gorgias, p. 516.
617
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ἄγοντες Tas παραρθρήσεις. ταύτης μὲν οὖν ἴσως
ἀπαλλακτέον τῆς αἰτίας ἑκάτερον.
III. Πολὺ δ᾽ ὁ Λούκουλλος προῆλθε τῷ πολέ-
μῳ τόν τε Ταῦρον ὑπερβαλὼν στρατοπέδῳ
“Ρωμαίων πρῶτος, καὶ τὸν Τίγριν διαβὰς καὶ τὰ
βασίλεια τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἐν ὄψει τῶν βασιλέων,
Tiypavoxepta καὶ Κάβειρα καὶ Σινώπην καὶ
Νίσιβιν, ἑλὼν καὶ καταφλέξας, καὶ τὰ μὲν βόρεια
μέχρι Φάσιδος, τὰ δ᾽ ἑῷα μέχρι Μηδίας, τὰ δὲ
πρὸς νότον καὶ τὴν ἐρυθρὰν θάλασσαν οἰκειωσά-
μενος διὰ τῶν ᾿Αραβικῶν βασιλέων, συντρίψας
δὲ τὰς δυνάμεις τῶν βασιλέων, ἀπολειφθεὶς δὲ
μόνου τοῦ τὰ “σώματα λαβεῖν, ὥ ὥσπερ θηρίων εἰς
ἐρημίας καὶ ὕλας ἀστιβεῖς καὶ ἀβάτους ἀποδι-
δρασκόντων. τεκμήριον δὲ μέγα" Πέρσαι μὲν γὰρ
ὡς οὐδὲν μέγα πεπονθότες ὑπὸ Κίμωνος εὐθὺς
ἀντετάττοντο τοῖς Ἕλλησι, καὶ τήν γε πολλὴν
δύναμιν αὐτῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κρατήσαντες διέφθει-
ραν, Τιγράνου δὲ καὶ Μιθριδάτου μετὰ Λούκουλ.-
λον οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἔργον ἐγένετο, ἀλλ᾽ ὃ μὲν ἀσθενὴς
ἤδη καὶ συγκεκομμένος ὑπὸ τῶν πρώτων ἀγώνων
οὐδ᾽ ἅπαξ ἐτόλμησε δεῖξαι Πομπηΐῳ τὴν δύναμιν
ἔξω τοῦ “χάρακος, ἀλλὰ φυγὼν εἰς Βόσπορον
κατέβη κἀκεῖ κατέστρεψε, Τιγράνης δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἑαυ-
τὸν γυμνὸν καὶ ἄνοπλον φέρων ὑπέρριψε Top
πηΐῳ, καὶ τὸ διάδημα τῆς κεφαλῆς ἀφελόμενος
ἔθηκε πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν, οὐ τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ κολακεύων
Πομπήϊον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὑπὸ Λουκούλλου τεθριαμ-
βευμένοις. ἠγάπησε γοῦν ἀπολαμβάνων τὰ σύμ-
βολα τῆς βασιλείας ὡς ἀφῃρημένος πρότερον.
618
COMPARISON OF LUCULLUS AND CIMON
position. Perhaps, then, both come off about alike
on this count.
ΠῚ. But Lucullus was much the greater in war.
He was the first Roman to cross the Taurus with an
army ; he passed the Tigris and captured and burned
the royal cities of Asia, —Tigranocerta, Cabira, Sinopé,
and Nisibis, before the eyes of their kings ; he made
his own the regions to the north as far as the Phasis,
to the east as far as Media, and to the south as far as
the Red Sea, through the assistance of the Arabian
kings; he annihilated the forces of the hostile
kings, and failed only in the capture of their
persons, since like wild beasts they fled away into
deserts and trackless and impenetrable forests.
Strong proof of his superiority is seen in this, that
the Persians, since they had suffered no great harm
at the hands of Cimon, straightway arrayed them-
selves against: the Greeks, and overwhelmed and
destroyed that large force of theirs in Egypt;!
whereas, after Lucullus, Tigranes and Mithridates
availed nothing: the latter, already weak and
disabled by his first struggles, did not once dare to
show Pompey his forces outside their camp, but fled |
away to the Bosporus, and there put an end to his |
life; as for Tigranes, he hastened to throw himself,
while unrobed and unarmed, at the feet of Pompey,
and taking the diadem from off his head, laid it there
upon the ground, flattering Pompey thus not with
his own exploits, but with those for which Lucullus
had celebrated a triumph. At any rate, he was as
much delighted to get back the insignia of his
royalty as though he had been robbed of them
before. Greater therefore is the general, as is the
1 454 B.c. See Thucydides, i. 109 f.
619
PLUTARCH’S LIVES
, 4 , “ ᾽ , ew 3
μείζων οὖν στρατηγός, ὥσπερ ἀθλητής, ὁ τῷ μεθ
ἑαυτὸν ἀσθενέστερον παραδοὺς τὸν ἀντίπαλον.
Ἔστι τοίνυν Κίμων μὲν συντετριμμένην τὴν
βασιλέως δύναμιν καὶ τὸ Περσῶν φρόνημα συνε-
σταλμένον ἥτταις μεγάλαις καὶ ἀπαύστοις
φυγαῖς ὑπὸ Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ Παυσανίου καὶ
Λεωτυχίδου καταλαβὼν ἐπενέβη καὶ ὑποπεπτω-
κότων καὶ προηττημένων ταῖς ψυχαῖς τὰ σώματα
ῥᾳδίως ἐνίκησε, Λουκούλλῳ δὲ Τιγράνης ἀήττητος 523
ἐκ πολλῶν ἀγώνων καὶ μέγα φρονῶν συνέπεσε.
πλήθει δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἄξιον παραβαλεῖν τοῖς ἐπὶ Λού-
κουλλον συνελθοῦσι τοὺς ὑπὸ Κίμωνος κρατηθέν-
τας. ὥστε πάντη μεταλαμβάνοντι δυσδιαίτητον
εἶναι τὴν κρίσιν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἀμφοτέροις
ἔοικεν εὐμενὲς γενέσθαι, τῷ μὲν ἃ χρὴ κατορθοῦν,
τῷ δ᾽ ἃ φυλάττεσθαι χρὴ προμηνῦον, ὥστε καὶ
τὴν παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ψῆφον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν ὡς
ἀγαθοῖς καὶ θείοις τὴν φύσιν ἀμφοτέροις.
620
COMPARISON OF LUCULLUS AND CIMON
athlete, who hands over his antagonist to his
successor in a weaker plight.
Moreover, and still further, Cimon made his onsets
when the power of the king had been broken, and
the pride of the Persians humbled by great defeats
and incessant routs at the hands of Themistocles,
Pausanias, and Leotychides, and easily conquered the
bodies of men whose spirits had been defeated
beforehand and lay prone. But when Tigranes
encountered Lucullus, he had known no defeat in
many battles, and was in exultant mood. In point
of numbers also, those who were overpowered by
Cimon are not worthy of comparison with those who
united against Lucullus. Therefore, one who takes
everything into consideration finds it hard to reach a
decision. Heaven seems to have been kindly
disposed to both, directing the one as to what he
must perform, and the other as to what he must
avoid. Both, therefore, may be said to have received
the vote of the gods as noble and god-like natures.
Digitized by Google
ἃς.
A PARTIAL DICTIONARY OF
PROPER NAMES
A
Acestodorus, possibly the Acesto-
dorus of Megalopolis, of un-
known date, ΠΟΥ of a work
**On Cities.’’
Achaia, a province in the north
of Peloponnesus, seat of the
Achaean League (280-146 B.c.).
In 167 B.c., the Komans deported
1000 Achaeans to ltaly, where
they were held for seventeen
years. Among them was the
historian Polybius. The name
Achaia was afterwards given to
the whole of southern Greece as
ὃ Roman province.
Acharnae, the largest deme, or
township, of Attica, some eight
miles to the north of Athens.
Adiabené, the western province of
Assyria, lying along the Tigris
river.
Aeolian Isles, a group of islands
lying between Sicily and Italy
(Lucania).
Aeschines the Socratic, a disciple
of Socrates, and author of Socra-
tic dialogues.
Agesilaiis, king of Sparta 398-361
B.0
Albania, a country lying between
Armenia, the Caspian Sea, and
the Caucasus mountains, to the
east, of Iberia.
Allia, δὴ insignificant stream,
joining the Tiber about eleven
miles above Rome, from the
east.
Amisus, a city of Pontus (or Paph-
lagonia), on the southern shore of
σ᾽
᾿
the Euxine Sea, some one hundred
miles east of Sinopé.
Ammon, a Libyan divinity, identi-
fled with Zeus and Jupiter. His
most famous oracle was in an
oasis of the Libyan desert.
Amphiaraiis, a mythical seer and
prophet, king of Argos, who
perished in the expedition of the
Seven against ‘Thebes.
Anaxagoras, of Clazomenae, in
Ionian Asia Minor, influential
at Athens as an advanced thinker
from about 460 to 432 B.c., when
the enemies of Pericles secured
his banishment.
Andocides, an Athenian orator,
prominent 415-290 B.c. He
betrayed the oligarchical party,
incurring its hatred, and vainly
tried to win the favour of the
democratic party.
Andros, the most northerly island
of the Cyclades group, S.E. of
Euboea.
Anio, a large river of Latium,
rising in the Apennines, and
joining the Tiber about three
miles above Kome, from the east.
Antiochus the Great, king of
Syria 223-187 B.c.
Antiochus the philosopher, of
Ascalon, pupil of Philo in the
school of the Academy, a friend
of Lucullus, and a teacher of
Cicero. He died in 68 B.c.
Antipater, regent of Macedonia
after the death of Alexander
(828 B.C.), victor over the con-
ederate Greeks at Crannon, in
Thessaly, 322. He died in 319.
623
DICTIONARY OF
Araxes, a large -river rising in
Armenia, and flowing east into
the Caspian Sea.
Arbela, an Assyrian town near
which (at the village of Gauga-
mela) Darius suffered final de-
feat at the hands of Alexander,
in 331 B.c.
Archelaiis, of Miletus, the natural
philcsopher, said to have been
a pupil of Anaxagoras, and a
teacher of Socrates.
Archidamus, king of Sparta from
361 to 338 B.c., when he went
to the aid of the Tarentines in
Italy, and was killed in battle.
Archon Eponymous, the first of
the board of nine archons at
Athens, so called, after the
Roman conquest, because the
year was registered in his name.
Aristogeiton, slayer, with Har-
modius, of Hipparchus, the
brother of the Athenian tyrant
Hippias, in 514 B.c. The two
‘* tyrannicides ”? were afterwards
honoured as patriots and martyrs.
Ariston of Ceos, head of the Peripa-
tetic school of philosophy at
iene about 225 B.c. (pp. 9,
217).
Ariston the philosopher (p. 355),
of Chios, a Stoic, pupil of Zeno.
in his later life he taught
doctrines of the Cynic school.
He flourished about 260 B.C.,
and is often confounded with
Ariston of Ccos.
Aristoxenus the musician, a pupil
of Aristotle, and a philosopher
of the Peripatetic s:hool.
Armenia, a country lying north
of Mesopotamia and _ Assyria,
between the upper Euphrates
and Media. ;
Artaxata, the ancient capital of
Armenia, on the river Araxes.
See T'igranocerta,
Artemisia, queen of Halicarnassus,
vassal of Xerxes, who distin-
guished herself in the battle of
Salamis.
Asopis, a mythical personage,
mother of Mentor by Heracles.
624
PROPER NAMES
Atilius, M. Atilius Regulus, consul
for the second time in 256 B.c.,
when he was defeated and taken
prisoncr by the Carthaginians.
Atropatené, a province of Media,
to the east of Armenia.
Attalus, the name of three kings
of Pergamum, in Asia Minor.
B
Bithynia, a country of N.W. Asia
Minor, lying east of the Pro-
pontis, and along the coast of
the Euxine Sea.
Boédromion, the third month in
the Attic calendar, corresponding
nearly to our September.
Brundisium, an important city on
the eastern coast of Italy (Cala-
bria), with a fine harbour. It
was the natural point of de-
parture from Jtaly tothe East,
and was the chief nayal station
a the Romans in the Adriatic
8.
σ
Cabeira (or Cabira),a city of Pontus,
in the northern part of Asia
Minor.
Caepio, Q. Servilius, consul in
106 Β.σ., receiving the province
of Gallia Narbonensis, where, in
the following year, on the 6th of
October, his army was utterly
annihilated by the Cimbri.
Callisthenes, of Olynthus, a relative
and pupil of Aristotle, author of
a Hellenica, or History of Greece,
from 387 to 357 B.c. He accom-
panied Alexander the Great as
historian of the expedition, the
end of which he cid not live to see.
Cappadocia, a district in eastern
Asia Minor, south of Pontus, and
north of Cilicia.
Carneades, of Cyrené, head of the
Academy at Athens in 156 B.c.
(when he was one of an embass
of philosophers to Rome) and unti]
his death in 129 B.c. He was
famous for the persuasive force
of his eloquence.
DICTIONARY OF
Chaeroneia, a town commanding
the entrance from Phocis into
Boeotia, celebrated for the
battles fought in its neighbour-
hood. Here Philip of Macedon
defeated the allied Greeks in
838 B.O.
Chalcedon, a city of Bithynia, at
the entrance of the Euxine Sea,
opposite Byzantium.
Chaldaeans, a general name for
the inhabitants of Babylonia. -
Charon of Lampsacus, a “ logo-
grapher,” a predecessor of Hero-
dotus, who wrote a history of
Persia in annalistic form.
Chelidonian Isles, a group of
islands off. the coast of Pam-
phylia, in southern Asia Minor.
Chersonese (i.e. peninsula), here
(p. 447) of the Thracian Cher-
sonese, extending in a S.W.
direction into the Aegean Sea
west of the Hellespont.
Cilicia, a country in southern Asia
Minor, extending along’ the
Mediterranean between Pam-
phylia and Syria.
Cimbri, a northern tribe which,
joining with the Teutones, in-
vaded southern Europe. They
were at last annihilated by
Marius in 101 B.c.
Citium, a town on the southern
coast of Cyprus.
Cleidemus, the oldest annalist of
Athens, who flourished during
the closing years of the fifth and
the. first half of the fourth
century B.C.
Cleisthenes, the Athenian aristocrat
who introduced the democratic
reforms which followed the
expulsion of the tyrants in 510 B.c.
Cieitarchus (Clitarchus), a historian
who accompanied Alexander on
his expedition to the Fast, and
wrote a rhetorical history of it.
He was the son of Deinon.
Cleonae, a city nearly midway
between Argos and Corinth in
Peloponnesus. ‘The Nemean
games were celebrated ἰῇ its
territory.
Vou. II.
PROPER NAMES
Cnidus, a Dorian city in the S.W.
of Caria, in south-western Asia
Minor.
Colchis, a district at the eastern
extremity of the Euxine Sea,
north of Armenia.
Colophon, one of the cities of
Ionian Asia Minor.
Corcyra, an island in the Ionian
Sea, opposite Epeirus, the
modern Cortt.
Cos, an island off the S.W. coast of
Caria, opposite Cnidus.
Crannon, a town in cen
Thessaly, the seat of the wealt”
family of the Scopadae.
Craterus the Macedonian, a_half-
brother of Antigonus Gonatas,
the king of Macedonia (0b. 239
B.C.), who compiled historical
documents, such as decrees and
other published inscriptions,
bearing on the history of
Athens.
Critias, one of the “ thirty tyrants ”’
(404-403 B.0.), like Alcibiades a
follower of Socrates, author of
tragedies, and elegiac poems on
political subjects.
Cronus, the father of Zeus, identi-
tied with the Roman Saturnus.
Curius, Manius Curius Dentatus,
consul in 290 B.c., in which year
he brought the long war with
the Samnites to a close and
reduced the revolted Sabines.
In 275 B.c., he defeated Pyrrhus
at Beneventum. He celebrated
two triumphs in 290, and one“a
alo. i
Cyanean Isles, two islands at
mouth of the Bosporus, ὃ
entrance into the Euxine
the clashing isles of mythe
Cyimé, an Aeo ian city on tb
of Asia Minor, S.E. of Les
Cyrené, a Greek city ¢
nerthern coast of , Afr:
: , e245” ἢ
I I = af!
commercia! relations with, Riifra,
age, Greece, and Egypt. ’
Cyzicus, a city on the sou ryAfter
shore of the Propontis, in M; ‘Vere
strongly situated on the neck cer
a peninsula,
58. 625
~~,
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES
D
Damastes, of Sigeium in the Troad,
a historian contemporary with
Herodotus, and author, besides
rar other works, of a genealogy
ae e Greeks who fought at
‘roy
Deceleia, ἃ mountain citadel of
Attica, about fourteen miles from
Athens towards Boeotia.
Deinon (Dinon), of Colophon,
author of a History of Persia,
father of Cleitarchus the his-
torian of Alexander’s expedition.
+ Demetrius of Phalerum, regent at
Athens for Cassander 317-307
Β.Ο., & voluminous writer on
history, politics, poetry, and
philosophy.
Diodorus the Topographer (Perie-
getes), of Athens (probably), a
contemporary of Alexander the
Great, wrote on the deimes and
monuments of Attica.
Dion, of Syracuse, an ardent dis-
ciple of Plato, master of Syracuse
after the expulsion of Dionysius
II, assassinated in 353 B.C.
Dodona, a town in Epeirus, seat of
the most ancient oracle of Zeus.
E
Elaex, an Aeolic city of Asia Minor,
the port for Pergamum.
Epaminondas, Theban general and
statesman, friend of Pelopidas,
fell in the battle of Mantineia,
362 B.C.
Ephesus, one of the twelve Ionian
cities, in Lydia, Asia Minor, at
the mouth of the river Cayster.
Ephors, five chief magistrates at.
Sparta elected annually. The
first Ephor gave his name to the
ear, like the Athenian Archon
ponymous.
" ‘yghorus, of Cymé, pupil of Iso-
eet author of a highly rhetori-
history of Greece from the
down to
in which year he died.
founder of the _ philo-
a Dorian Invasion ”
Ase 340 B.C.,
Epicurus,
626
sophical school named from him,
born in Samos, 342 B.c., died at
Athens, 270 B.c.
Eratosthenes, of Cyrené, librarian
at Alexandria, most distin-
guished as geographer and
chronologist, a writer also on
phitgeopay and ethics, 275-194
Ἦν οὐ king of Pergamum in
Asia Minor from 197 to 159 B.o.,
and like his father (Attalus I), a
persistent friend of Rome.
Eurymedon, a river flowing through
Pamphylia, in southern Asia
Minor, into the Mediterranean.
Ἐ
Fabricius, C. Fabricius Luscinus,
like Curius and Atilius a repre-
sentative of the sterling ‘virtues
of the more ancient times, am-
bassador to Pyrrhus at Tarentum
after the disastrous battle of
Heracleia, 280 B.C., consul in
278 B.C., censor in 275, with the
ἕ severity of a Cato.
G
Gabinian way, Via Gabina (earlier
called Via Tiburtina), leading
eastwards from Rome to Tibur
(Tivoli).
Galatia, a district in central Asia
Minor.
Gordyené, a district of southern
Armenia, lying east of the river
Tigris.
Gorgias, of Leontini in Sicily,
famous for his eloquence, came
on an embassy to Athens iv
427 B.c., when sixty years of
age, and spent the rest of his
life in that and neighbouring
cities, amassing great wealth as
a paid teacher of rhetoric.
Granicus, a river of Troas, flowing
north into the Propontis
H
Hamilcar, surnamed Barcas, im-
placable enemy of the Romans,
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES
father of Hannibal, and founder
of the Carthaginian empire in
Spain, died in 229 B.c.
Hecatombaeon, the first month of
the Attic calendar, corresponding
nearly to our July.
Helots, a name given to the
original inhabitants of Laconia
who had lost both land and free-
dom. They were state slaves.
See Perioect.
Heracleia (p. 423), called Pontica,
to distinguish it from the many
other cities of the same name, a
city of Bithynia (or Phrygia
Minor) on the southern shore of
the Euxine Sea.
Heracleides, called Ponticus from
his birth in Heracleia Pontica,
a pupil of Plato and ‘ristotle,
and a learned and voluminous
writer on almost all possible
subjects. Cicero thought him
superstitious and uncritical.
Hieronymus the Rhodian, a disciple
of Aristotle. flourishing about
800 B.c. Little is known about
him, though he is often quoted
by Cicero.
Hippocrates, the second of that
name, and the most famous
phyacian of ancient times, 460-
B.0
Hyrcanian Sea, another name for
the Caspian Sea, from the
prey ince of Hyrcania to the 8.E.
of it.
I
Iberia, a country east of Colchis,
haa the Euxine and Caspian
as.
Ides, the fifteenth day of the
Roman month in March, May,
July, and October; the thir-
teenth in the other months.
Idomeneus, of Lampsacus, a pupil
and friend of Epicurus (342-
270 B.C.), author of biographical
works on “‘ The Socratics,” and
“The Demagogues.”
Ino, daughter of Cadmus, and wife
of Athamas, the king of Orcho-
menus in Boeotia. After her
death she was worshipped as
Leuocthea, a sea goddess. Ac-
cording to one of the many
myths connected with her name,
she became mad with jealousy
of a female slave, and slew her
own son. See Plutarch, Roman
Questions, 16.
Ton, of Chios, a popular poet at
Athens between 452 and 421
B.Cc., also author of a prose work
entitled ‘* Sojourns,” in which
he recounted his experiences with
famous men of his time.
Isocrates, the celebrated Attic
orator and rhetorician, 436-338
B.O.
J
Jason, the great hero of the
Argonautic expedition, husband
of Medeia.
L
Lamptrae, name of two demes, or
townships, in S.E. Attica.
Lemnos, a large island in the
cone part of the Aegean
ea.
Leucothea. See Ino.
Lycaonia, a district in central Asia
Minor, between Galatia and
Cilicia.
Lycurgus, the semi-historical law-
iver of Sparta, where he was
onoured as a god.
Lysias, the Attic orator, 458-378
B.O.
M
Maeotis, Lake, the modern Sea of
Azov, N.E. of the Euxine Sea.
Maimacterion, the fifth month of
the Attic year, corresponding
nearly to our November.
Mardians, a tribe on the southern
shore of the Caspian Sea.
Marsi, an ancient people of centra.
Italy, akin to the Sabines. After
their defeat in 89 B.c., they were
admitted to the Roman citizen-
ship, with the other Italians.
627
o
DICTIONARY OF
Melanthius, an author of tragedies
and elegiac poems, contemporary
with Cimon at Athens.
Melissus, Samos, a famous
natural philosopher, a disciple
of Parmenides, who led the
mians successfully against
ricles.
Mesopotamia, the region between
the Tigris and Euphrates rivers
above Babylonia.
Metageitnion, the second month of
the Attic calendar, corresponding
nearly to our August.
Metellus Pius, Q. Caecilius, ob-
. tained the surname of Pius for
persuading the people to recall
his father, Metellus Numidicus,
from banishment. He was a
successful general under Sulla,
and consul with him in 80 B.o.
He died about 63 B.c.
Mithridates, the sixth king of
Pontus bearing this name, com-
monly known as Mithridates the
Great, 120-08 B.c., the most
ee enemy of the Romans
in the :
Mitylené the largest city of Lesbos,
off the N.W. coast of Asia Minor.
Mygdonia, a district in the N.E. of
Mesopotamia.
N
Nausicrates (or Naucrates), the
- rhetorician, a pupil of Isocrates.
He composed models of funeral
orations for men of note.
Neanthes, of Cyzicus, a voluminous
writer of history, who flourished
about 240 B.c. He belonged to
the school of Isocrates.
Nepos, Cornelius, Roman _bio-
grapher and historian, a cor-
temporary and friend of Cicero.
Nicomedeia, capital of Bithynia,
at the N.E. corner of the Pro-
pontis.
ἀν nae the chief city of Mygdonia
qg.v.).
Nones, the ninth day hefore the
Tdes of the Roman month, falling
therefore on the seventh day of
628
PROPER NAMES
the month in March, May, July,
and October, and on the ffth
day of the other months.
Numantia, a city in the northern
part of Spain, taken after a
memorable siege by Scipio Afri-
canus, in 134 B.c.
O
Oropus, a town and district on the
northern and eastern borders
respectively) of Attica and
otia, much in dispute be-
tween Athenians and Thebans.
Orpheus, the mythical singer of
Thrace, and one of the Argonauts.
Ρ
Tagasae, a city in S.E. Thessaly,
at the head of a gulf of the same
name, famed in story as the port
from which Jason set sail with
the Argonauts.
Palatium, the Palatine hill of
Rome.
Pamphylia, a co on the south
coast of Asia or, between
Lycia and Cilicia.
Panaetius, of Rhodes, the Stoic
philosopher, chief founder of the
Stoic school at Rome, flourishing
between 150 and 110 B.o.
Parthia, in the time of Lucullus, a
vast realm to the east of Armenia,
A ia, and Mesopotamia.
Peisistratus, tyrant of Athens in
560 B.c , and during seventeen of
the thirty-three years thereafter.
Pelopidas, Theban general and
statesman, bosom friend of
= minondas, killed in battle
B.C.
Pergamum (or Pergamus), an
ancient city of Mysia, in Asia
Minor, on the river Calcus.
After 283 Β.0., it was the seat of
the Attalid dynasty.
Perioeci, the name of those in-
habitants of Sparta who kept
their lands and personal Libert
unlike the Helots, but who did
ee exercise the rights of citizen-
ship.
DICTIONARY OF
lerseus (pp. 347, 363), the last king
of Macedonia, son of Philip V.
He graced the triumph of Aemi-
lius Paulus in 167 B.c., and died
at Rome several years later.
Perseus (p. 411), the famous Argive
hero, son of Zeus and Danaé,
slayer of the Gorgon Medusa.
Phalerum, the ancient harbour of
Athens, before Themistocles forti-
fled the Peiraeus.
Phanias, the Lesbian, of Eresos,
the most distinguished pupil of
Aristotle after Theophrastus, a
prolific writer on philosophy and
history,—a historical romancer.
Phanodemus, a writer of Attic
annals, after the manner of
Cleidemus (q.2.).
harnacia, a city of Pontus, on the
southern shore of the Euxine,
N.E. of Cabeira.
Phasis, a river of Colchis, flowing
into the Euxine at its eastern
end.
» Philip (p. 139), of Macedon, father
of Alexander the Great, secured
the leadership of Greece in the
battle at Chaeroneia, 338 B.c.
Philip (p.335), Philip V of Macedon,
father of Perseus, from 216 B.O.
till his death in 179 a formidable
enemy of Rome.
Philo (p. 607), the Academic, of
Larissa, removed from Athens
to Rome about 88 B.c., where he
was teacher of Cicero, and where
he died about 80 B.c.
Phlya, a deme, or township, some-
where in the ΝΡ. of Attica.
Phrygia, a large province in western
and north-western Asia Minor.
Phylarchus, of Naucratis and
thens, a Greek historian who
flour about 220 B.C., to
whom Plutarch is much in-
debted in his Agis and Cleomen es.
Pitané, an ancient Aeolian city on
the N.W. coast of Asia Minor.
Polybius, the Greek historian of the
Punic Wars, of Megalopolis, in
Arcadia, born about 204 B.C., one
of the Achaeen exiles (see Achaia)
in 167. In Rome, he reekled in
PROPER NAMES
the house of Aemilius Paulus, and
became the intimate friend of the
younger Scipio, with whom he
was present at the destruction of
Carthage in 146 B.c.
Pontus, a large district in N.E.
Asia Minor, stretching along the
southern shore of the Euxine.
Potamus, the name of a deme, or
township, in eastern Attica.
Propontis, the intermediate sea
between the Aegean and the
Kuxine, connected with the
former by the Hellespont, with
the latter by the Thracian
Bosporus.
Pydna, a town on the Thermalc
gulf, S.E. of Macedonia.
Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus from 295
till his death in 272 B.o. From
280 till 274 he was canipaigning
in Italy and Sicily.
5
Sabines, a ple occupying the
weatern εἰ πὲς of the central
Apennines, in Italy. They were
finally subdued by Curius Den-
tatus in 290 B.c., and in 268
became Roman citizens.
Caesar, who made him governor
of Numidia, where he amassed
great wealth. He afterwards
wrote histories of the conspiracy
of Catiline and of the Jugurthine
war.
Samnites, inhabitants of Samnium,
the mountainous district of
central Italy lying between
Latium and Apulia. In 200 B.o.
Curius Dentatus won the honour
of putting an end to the Samnite
wars after they had lasted fifty
years.
Samothrace, an island in the
ΠΟ ΌΝΤΗ part of the Aegean
Scepsis, an ancient town east of
the Troad, which in later times
became subject to Pergamum,
and a seat of learning.
629
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES
Scopas, the Thessalian. See Cran-
non.
Seleucus, surnamed Nicator,
founder of the Syrian monarchy,
353-280 B.C.
Seriphus, one of the Cyclades
islands, S.E. of Attica, proverbial
for poverty and insignificance.
Sertorius, one of the greatest
soldiers bred by the Roman civil
wars, who successfully opposed
the best generals of the aristo-
cratic party in Spain from 82
eo till his assassination in
Sicyon, an important city in N.E.
eloponnesus, about two miles
south of the Corinthian gulf.
Simonides of Ceos, one of the
greatest lyric poets of Greece,
556—467 B.O.
Sinopé, an important Greek city
on the southern shore of the
Euxine Sea, in N.E. Paphlagonia.
Sophené, 8ἃ district of S.W.
Armenia.
Sophists, a general name for paid
teachers of rhetoric and philo-
sopy, like Gorgias.
Stesimbrotus, of Thasos, a sophist
and rhapsodist of note in Athens
during the times of Cimon and
Pericles.
Sthenis, of Olynthus, a famous
statuary at Athens, who flour-
ished about 350 Β.6. :
Strabo, the geographer . (philoso-
pher, p. 565), lived during the
times of Augustus.
T
Talaura, a stronghold in Pontus.
Tanagra, a town and district in
S.E. Boeotia.
Tarentum, a Greek city in 8.E.
‘ Italy. It surrendered to the
Romans in 272 B.0., was be-
trayed into the hands of Hanni-
bal in 212, and recovered by
Fabius in 209.
Taurus, a general name for the
lofty range of mountains ex-
tending from Lycia in Asia
630
Minor through Cilicia and south
of Armenia into Media.
Tegea, an ancient city in Β.Ε.
Arcadia, of Peloponnesus.
Tempé, a famous valley in N.E.
Thessaly.
Tenedos, an island about five
miles west of the Troad, in the
N.E. Aegean.
Tenos, one of the Cyclades islands,
S.E. of Attica.
Thargelion, the eleventh month of
the Attic calendar, corresponding
nearly to our May.
Themiscyra, a plain and city in
Pontus, near the mouth of the
river Thermodon.
Theophrastus, the most famous
pupil of Aristotle, and his suc-
cessor as head of the Peripatetic
school at Athens. He was born
at Eresos in Lesbos, and died at
Athens in 287 B.c., at the age of
eighty-five.
Theopompus, of Chios, a fellow-
pupil of Isocrates with Ephoruse
historian of Greece from 411 to
394 B.C., and of Philip of Macedon
(360~—336 B.O.).
Tibareni, a tribe on the northern
coast of Pontus. |
Tigranocerta, the city of Tigranes.
later capital of Armenia, in Myy-
donia, west of Nisibis, just south
of the Taurus.
Tigris, the great river rising in
Armenia and flowing between
Mesopotamia and Assyria.
Timocreon, of Rhodes, a lyric poet,
now known chiefly for his hatred
of Themistocles and Simonides of
08.
Timoleon, of Corinth, rescued
Syracuse from its tyrant (Diony-
sius II) and the Carthaginians in
. 848 Β.0., and became virtual
master of Sicily, though without
Office. He died in Syracuse,
337 B.O.
Troezen, a city in S.E. Argolis, οἱ
Peloponnesus.
Trophonius, received worship and
had an oracle in a cave near
Lebadeia in Boeotia.
8
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES
Tubero the Stoic P- 599),
Aelius, a pupil o ἘΔ ΕΝ,
flourished in the century before
Lucullus, and could not have
seen him playing Xerxes. The
jest may have come from Lucius
Tubero, the relative and intimate
friend of Cicero, who cultivated
literature and philosophy.
Tusculum, an ancient city of
Latium. fifteen miles S.E. of
Rome, in the Alban mountains.
It became a favourite resort of
wealthy Romans.
Tyrannio the Grammarian, of
Amisus in Pontus. He was
taken to Rome δι Lucullus,
where he became a teacher, was
patronised and praised by Cicéro,
and amassed wealth.
V
Vesta, an ancient Roman divinity,
identical with the Greek Hest
as goddess of the hearth and fire- “"
side. The Vestals were her
virgin priestesses.
X
Xenocrates, of Chalcedon, 3896-
314 B.c., a pupil and disciple of
Plato, became head οὗὐ the
Academy in 339 B.o.
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