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Besidcs^lfe main topic tJiis book also treats of
Subject No, On page \ Subject No. On page
N
ON
THE GEEEK TEXT
OF THE
EPISTLE OF PAUL TO PHILEMON,
_** '
AS THE BASIS OF
A EEVISIOX OF THE COMMON ENGLISH VERSION;
AND
A REVISED VERSION,
WITH NOTES.
Udvra S's Soxitid'^ETs' TO y.a!).ov y.ars^ETS (1 Tbess. 5 : 21).
AMERICAN BIBLE UNION.
LOUISVILLE: BIBLE REVISION ASSOCIATION.
LONDON: TRUBNER & CO., No. CO PATERNOSTER ROW.
1860.
AMERICAN BIBLE UNION, )
No. 350 BROOME STEEET, NEW YORK. )
ALL the revisions, thus far published by the American Bible
Union, are preliminary. They are circulated in the expectation
that they will be subjected to a thorough criticism, in order that
their imperfections, whatever they may be, may be disclosed, and
corrected by the Final Committee. Until adopted by the Union,
the views expressed are those of the respective revisers,
AVM. H. WYCKOFF,
Corresponding Secretary,
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860, by
THE AMERICAN BIBLE UNION,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New York.
THOMAS HOLHAN, PRLYTER .AXD STEKEOTYPER, NEW YOKE.
"\
K 9 F
P E E F A C E.
OF the two principal parts which compose this
publication, the second is obviously dependent on
the first, though the first is complete, in a certain
sense, without the second. An exposition of the
text, as a mental process at least, on the part
of the interpreter (though the results may not be
written out), must precede a translation. The Notes,
therefore, here laid before the reader, have the same
interest and value as a means of understanding the
text of the Epistle, as if they were unaccompanied
by a revision of the Common English Version.
But the other portion of the work has also Us
separate claims on the attention of the Biblical
student. An addition of this nature has become,
within a few years, a common feature in the best
exegetical works published in this country, and in
PREFACE.
England. The fact sots forth an important truth.
It is felt more and more that critical attempts to
explain the meaning- of the Scriptures should, as the
proper test of their deliniteness and precision, term-
inate in an endeavor to express the sense as nearly
as possible in our own language ; and furthermore,
that they must assume this form, in order to render
such studies available in any great degree to the
bulk of English readers.
The topic last suggested here deserves a word
further. This matter of the history of the current
translation of the Bible, and a comparison of its
renderings, Avith those of the preceding transla-
tions,"" out of which the Common Version has
arisen, are opening to us a range of study, com-
paratively new and attractive certainly to those
who enter upon it. Some of the best scholars of
* It can not have escaped notice that the various English
readings have begun to form an important new material in our
works of Biblical criticism. Professor Alexander of the Prince-
ton Theological Seminary, whose recent death is a calamity to
the cause of sacred learning, has enriched greatly his New
Testament Commentaries by his copious illustrations of this
character.
6
PREFACE.
the clay are giving their attention to it. The stu-
dent of English literature will reap profit as well
as gratification from it. The different epochs of our
language are well marked in the style of the differ-
ent Torsions. We learn, thence, that the English
race, even since the dawn of Protestantism, and
during some of the most effective periods of the
national development, have not been dependent
upon an} 7 single translation of the Bible, but have
received their knowledge of the a-ospel through va-
O O 1 C3
riou? channels. It is no disservice to be taught that
the power of Christianity resides in its doctrines
and ideas, and not in any set of words or phrases
which it may outgrow with the advance of Biblical
science, and the mutations of language, and must
then, or should, discard for other forms. It is seen
from such recurrence to the past, to be the wisdom
of the church, to which have been committed the
Oracles of God, to open promptly every source of
religious knowledge to the many as well as the
few. The names of Wiclif, Tyndale, Frith, Cover-
dale, are witnesses how slowlv this truth has made
' */
its way in the world, in regard to the use and
treatment of translations of the Sacred word into
PREFACE.
the vernacular tongue of a people. The history
of the English Bible has been, from first to last, a
singular history of conflicts between an excessive
conservatism on the one hand, and the promptings
of a more expansive religious spirit on the other,
and a history, at the same time, of victories on the
side of truth and progress. It is well that the
public mind is turning itself back to inquiries which
arc so interesting and adapted to reassert and en-
force principles of vital importance.
There is much misapprehension still, I imagine,
respecting the precise nature of the enterprise, in
the interest of which this volume has been prepar-
ed. The object is not to supersede, but revise the
current Version of the English Scriptures. A new
translation of the original text, and a revision of
the translation of that text, arc very different
tilings ; and yet, different as they are. are con-
founded by many persons who would not be un-
friendly to what is attempted, if they would keep
in mind this important distinction. It is not pro-
posed to discard the present Version ; to cast
away its manifold advantages ; to introduce rash
and doubtful innovations ; to substitute a cumbrous
8
P R E F A C E.
Latinized style for the simple, nervous, idiomatic
English, which "brings the familiar Version so home
to the hearts of the people ; but simply to do upon
the work of our translators what they did upon that
of their predecessors ; to survey it afresh in the
light of the knowledge which has been gained
during the more than two centuries since they
passed away ; to make such changes, and such only,
as the general verdict of the best scholarship of the
age has pronounced to be due to truth and fidelity ;
to make these changes in a style of delicate har-
mony with the present language of the English
Bible ; to confirm its accuracy, where it is correct,
against false or unsupported interpretations, as well
as to amend it where it is confessedly incorrect ;
and thus, in a word, carry forward from our posi-
tion, if we might, the labors of the revisers (for
such they were) of James' age, as they carried for-
ward the labors of the generations before them.
On some other occasion I may have an oppor-
tunity to speak of the Greek text on which the
revision is founded, and some other kindred topics.
I have endeavored to unfold the contents of the
Epistle with candor and impartiality, and would
9
PREFACE.
hope that those who may examine the work will
judge of it in the same spirit. As to the rest,
the following words which I adopt from Arnaud's
Preface to his recent French Version of the New
Testament,* will vindicate me against the charge
of any thing extravagant in my aims and expecta,-
tions :
" Nos versions usuelles, qui remontent a plus
cVun siecle, sont susceptibles de nombreuses
ameliorations sous le triple rapport de la
purete du texte, du sense et du style, et de
divers cote's se fait sentir le besoin cVun
nouveau travail sur 1'un et 1'autre Testament.
Nous avons voulu apporter notre humble pierre
au monument que nous esperons de 1'avenir ;
que le public n'y voie pas une preuve de te'me'-
rite", mais de bon vouloir."
\
Newton Centre, April 13, 1860.
* Le Nouveau Testament, etc., Yersion nouvelle, par E. Ar-
naud, Pasteur. Paris, 1858. Pasteur Arnaud is favorably known
to scholars as the author of an able Commentary in French on
the Epistle of Jude.
10
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE 5
INTRODUCTION
Genuineness of the Epistle , . . 13
Time and Place of Writing , 16
Persons of the Epistle 19
Occasion and Object of the Letter 25
Its JEsthetic Character 28
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT 33
The Salutation 35
Character of Philemon 39
Intercession in behalf of Onesimus 47
The Greetings of Friends 64
REVISED ENGLISH VERSION, WITH PHILOLOG-
ICAL NOTES 69
REVISED ENGLISH VERSION, WITH MARGINAL
READINGS 79
APPENDIX 85
1. Letter of Pliny to Sabinianus 87
2. Received Translation of Philemon 89
INTRODUCTION.
-<
1.
GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE.
NOTHING is wanting to confirm the genuineness
of this epistle. The external testimony is unim-
peachable. It is not quoted so often by the earlier
Christian fathers as some of the other letters ; its
brevity and the fact that its contents are not di-
dactic or polemic, account for that omission. We
need not urge the expressions in Ignatius, cited
often as evidence of that apostolic father's knowl-
edge and use of the epistle ; though it is difficult
to regard the similarity between them and the lan-
guage in v. 20 as altogether accidental. See Kirch-
hofer's Sammlung, p. 205. The Canon of Muratori,
which comes to us from the second century (Creduer,
Geschichte des Kanons, p. 69 sq.), enumerates this
epistle as one of Paul's epistles. Tertullian men-
tions it and says that Marcion admitted it into his
collection. Sinope in Pontus, the birth-place of
Marcion, was not far from Colossas where Philemon
13
INTRODUCTION.
lived, and the letter would find its way to the neigh-
boring churches at an early period. Origen and
Eusebius include it among the universally acknowl-
edged writings (oftol.oyov/teva) of the early Christian
times. The epistle is so well attested historically,
that as De Wette says (EinZeitung, p. 278), its gen-
uineness on that ground is beyond doubt.
Nor does the epistle itself offer anything to con-
flict with this decision. It is impossible to conceive
of a writing more strongly marked within the same
limits by those unstudied assonances of thought, sen-
timent, and expression, which indicate an author's
hand, than this short epistle as compared with Paul's
other productions. Paley has a paragraph in his
Horse Paulina, which illustrates this feature of the
letter in a very just and forcible manner. It will
be found also that all the historical allusions which
the apostle makes to events in his own life, or to
other persons with whom he was connected, har-
monize perfectly with the statements or incidental
intimations contained in the Acts of the Apostles
or the other epistles of Paul. It belongs to the
commentary to point out the instances of such agree-
ment.
Baur, a leader in the destructive school of crit-
icism, would divest the epistle of its historical char-
acter, and make it the personified illustration from
some later writer, of the idea that Christianity unites
14
INTRODUCTION.
and equalizes in a higher sense those whom outward
circumstances have separated. See his Paulus, p. 475
sq. He does not impugn the external evidence. But
not to leave his theory wholly unsupported, lie sug-
gests some linguistic objections to Paul's authorship
of the letter, which must be pronounced unfounded
and frivolous. He finds, for example, certain words
in the epistle, which are alleged to be not Pauline ;
but to justify that assertion, he must deny the gen-
uineness of such other letters of Paul, as happen to
contain these words. He admits that the apostle
could have said oitldy%va twice, but thinks it sus-
picious that he should use it three times. A few
terms he adduces, which are not used elsewhere in
the epistles ; but to argue from these that they" dis-
prove the apostolic origin of the epistle, is to assume
the absurd principle that a writer, after having
produced two or three compositions, must for the
future confine himself to an unvarying circle of
words, whatever may be the subject which he dis-
cusses, or whatever the interval of time between his
different writings.
The arbitrary and purely subjective character of
such criticisms can have no weight against the varied
testimony admitted as decisive by Christian scholars
for so many ages, upon which the canonical authori-
ty of the Epistle to Philemon is founded. They are
worth repeating only as illustrating Baur's own re-
15
INTRODUCTION.
mark, that modern criticism in assailing this par-
ticular book runs a greater risk of exposing itself to
the imputation of an excessive distrust, a morbid
sensibility to doubt and denial, than in questioning
the claims of any other epistle ascribed to Paul.
TIME AND PLACE OF WRITING.
The letter to Philemon was one of the several
letters (Bphesians, Colossians, Philippians) which
Paul wrote during his first captivity at Rome. The
arguments which show that he wrote the epistle to
the Colossians in that city and at that period, in-
volve the same conclusion in regard to this epistle ;
for it is evident from Col. <i : 7, 9, as compared with
the contents of this epistle, that Paul wrote the two
epistles at the same time, and forwarded them to
their destination by the hands of Tychicus and Oncs-
imus who accompanied each other to Colossal A
few modern critics, as Schulz, Schott, Bottger, Meyer,
maintain that this letter and the others assigned
usually to the first Roman captivity, were written
during the two years that Paul was imprisoned at
Cesarea (Acts 23 : 35 ; 2-i : 27). But this opinion,
though supported by some plausible arguments, can
be demonstrated with reasonable certainty to be
16
INTRODUCTION.
incorrect. The question belongs properly to a gen-
eral introduction to the Roman group of letters, and
may be passed over hero without further remark.
The time when Paul wrote may be fixed with
V
much precision. The apostle at the close of the
letter expresses a hope of his speedy liberation.
He speaks in like manner of his approaching de-
liverance in. his epistle to the Philippians (2 : 23, 24),
which was written during the same imprisonment.
Presuming, therefore, that he had crood reasons for
i - * / ^_,
such an expectation, and that lie was not disappoint-
ed in the result, we may conclude that this letter
was written by him about the year A.D. 63, or early
in A.D. 64 ; for it was in the latter year, according
to the best chronologists, that he was freed from his
first Roman imprisonment.
Tychicus was the bearer also of the epistle to the
Ephesians (Epli. 6 : 21, 22), and hence that epistle
and the two to the Colossians and Philemon were
all written, no doubt, on the eve of the apostle's
acquittal. Men never traversed the Appian Way,
or crossed the Adriatic, bearing with them treasures
of such value to the human race, as the two mes-
sengers who conveyed these writings of Paul to-
Ephesus and Colossas. It is very possible that the
letter to the Laodiceans (Col. 4 : 16), which has not
come down to us, was entrusted to the same hands,
We do not know what circumstances may have con-
17
INTRODUCTION.
trolled the course of the journey. The most direct
way was to cross the northern part of the Greek
peninsula. They would embark at Brundusium, and
disembark at Dyrrhachium, on the other side. They
would then traverse the Egnatian "Waj 7 , along which
Paul had passed and scattered the seed of the word.
They would meet with Christian hospitality at Thes-
salouica. Apollonia and Aniphipolis were on the
route. The disciples at Philippi would be eager to
hear tidings of the beloved apostle. From the Pass
over Symboluin they would look forth once more
upon the waters which divided Europe from their
native Asia. 3 - Neapolis, the port of Philippi, lay at
the base of that range of hills, and would afford
them the means to cross to Troas or to the mouth
of the Cayster or the Meeander. whence they could
proceed to Ephesus. Laodicea, and Colossal in such
order as their convenience, or the nature of their
errand might require.
a In a recent journey to Macedonia, the writer found that the
site of Philippi, with its ruins, and the present Cavalla, the
Xcapolis of the Acts (16 : 11), ma} 7 be seen distinctly in their
opposite directions from a hig'ht overhanging the road across
hsymbolum, which leads from the coast to Philippi. The places
arc about' ten miles distant from each other.
18
INTRODUCTION.
3.
PERSONS OF THE EPISTLE.
As to the persons to whom, and for whom the
letter was written, all that we know we must gather
from the epistle itself, and from the few intimations
in the epistle to the Colossians. Philemon, whose
name the letter bears, lived in all probability at
Colossal, a city of Phrygia, on the Lycns, a branch
of the Mceancler. The present Chonas in the same
neighborhood (Arundel, Seven Churches, p, 158) per-
petuates the ancient name.
Though it does not follow certainly that Phile-
mon dwelt in Colossa?, because Onesimus was a
Colossian, yet the obvious presumption from that
fact is that they belonged to the same place.
Wiescler's idea (Chronologic, p. 452), that he was
a Laodicean, not only disregards this presumption,
but rests on a false inference from Col. 4 : 17,
that Archippus (see v. 1) was a Laodicean, because
the apostle names him in that place (which was
accidental merely), after speaking of the Church in
Laodicea. Paul addresses the sl^are in that pas-
sage to the Colossians, and hence Archippus must
have been one of their number, and consequently
Philemon one of them also, since the two are
joined in the same salutation at the beginning of
19
INTRODUCTION.
the epistle (vv. 1, 2). Theodore t states the ancient
opinion in saying that the recipient of the letter
was a citizen of Colossse, and that his house was
pointed out there as late as the fifth century.
Philemon was a man of property and influence,
since he is represented as the head of a numerous
household, and as exercising an expensive liberality
towards his friends and the poor in general. All
the circumstances under which he appears in the
letter, indicate the possession of ample means and
a superior social rank. He was indebted to the
apostle Paul as the medium of his personal parti-
cipation in the gospel. All interpreters agree in
assigning that significance to aeavTov /.wt nooaoyelhis
in v. 19. It is not certain under what circum-
stances they became known to each other. If Paul
visited Colossre when lie passed through Phrygia
on his second missionary journey (Acts 16 : 6), it
was undoubtedly there and at that time, that Phile-
mon heard the gospel and attached himself to the
Christian party. On the contrary, if Paul never
visited that city in person, as many critics infer
from Col. 2 : 1, then the supposition which agrees
best with the history is that he was converted
during Paul's protracted stay at Ephesus (Acts
19 : 10), about A.D. 54-57. That city was the relig-
ious and commercial capital of Western Asia Minor.
The apostle labored there with such success that it
20
INTRODUCTION".
is said " all they who dwelt in Asia heard the
word of the Lord Jesus Christ." Phrygia was a
neighboring province, and among the strangers who
repaired to Ephesus and had an opportunity to
hear the preaching of Paul, may have been the
Colossian Philemon. It is evident that on becom-
ing a disciple, he gave no common proof of the
sincerity and power of his faith. His character, as
shadowed forth in this epistle, is one of the noblest
which the sacred record makes known to us. He
was full of faith and good works, was docile, con-
fiding, grateful, was forgiving, sympathizing, charita-
ble, and a man who on a question of simple justice
needed only a hint of his duty to prompt him to
go even beyond it. Any one who studies the epis-
tle will perceive that it ascribes to him these varied
qualities ; it bestows on him a measure of com-
mendation, which forms a striking contrast with the
ordinary reserve of the sacred writers. It was by
the example and activity of such believers that the
primitive Christianity evinced its divine origin, and
spread with such rapidity among the nations. 11
Onesimus was a native or certainly an inhabitant
of Colossas, since Paul in writing to the Church
a The legendary history supplies nothing on which we can
rely. It is related that Philemon became Bishop of Colos?a3
(Constit. Apost., 7 46), and died as a martyr under Nero.
21
INTRODUCTION.
there speaks of him (Col. 4:9) as os
one of you. This expression confirms the presump-
tion which his Greek name affords, that he was
a Gentile, not a Jew, as some have argued from
ftdhoTa Euol in v. 16. Slaves were numerous in
Phrygia, and the name itself of Phrygia was almost
synonymous with that of slave. Hence it happened
that in writing to the Colossians (3 : 22 sq. ; 4. : 1)
Paul had occasion to instruct them concerning the
duties of masters and servants to each other. Onesi-
nuis was one of this unfortunate class of persons, as
is evident both from the manifest implication in ow.
In cbs ov).oi> in v. 16, and from the general tenor of
the epistle. There appears to have been no differ-
ence of opinion on this point among the ancient
commentators, and there is none of any critical
1 *.*
weight among the modern. The man escaped from
his master and fled to Rome, where in the midst of
its vast population lie could hope to be concealed,
and to baffle the efforts which were so often made
in such cases for retaking the fugitive. See Walter,
" <^j i
Die Gcsc/tichte des Rom. Rcchts, II., p. 63 sq. It must
have been to Home that he directed his way, and
not to Ccsarea, as some contend ; for the latter
view stands connected with an indefensible opinion
respecting the place whence the letter was written.
Whether Onesimus had any other motive for the
flight than the natural love of liberty, we have nofc
22
INTRODUCTION.
the means of deciding-. It has been very generally
supposed that he had committed some offense, as
theft or embezzlement, and feared the punishment
of his guilt. But as the ground of that opinion
we must know the meaning of ijSiy.r t as in v. 18,
which is uncertain, not to say inconsistent with any
such imputation. Commentators at all events go
entirely beyond the evidence when they assert that
c
he belonged to the dregs of society, that he robbed
his master, and confessed the sin to Paul. Though.
' O
it may be doubted whether Oncsimus heard the
gospel for the first time at Rome, it is beyond
question that lie was led to embrace the gospel
there through the apostle's instrumentality. The
language in v. 10 is explicit on this point. As
there were believers in Phiygia when the apostle
passed through that region on his third missionary
tour (Acts 18 : 23), it is not improbable that Onesi-
mus was brought into contact with some of them
( -
at Colossas or elsewhere, and consequently may
have known something of the Christian doctrine
before he went to Rome. How long a time elapsed
between his escape and conversion, we can not de-
cide ; for Ttpos Moav in T. 15, to which appeal has
been made, is purely a relative expression, and
will not justify any inference as to the interval in
question.
After his conversion, the most happy and friendly
23
INTRO DUCT JON.
relations sprung up between the teacher and the dis-
ciple. The situation of the apostle as a captive and
an indefatigable laborer for the promotion of the
gospel (Acts 28 : 30, 31) must have made him keenly
alive to the sympathies of Christian friendship and
dependent upon others for various services of a
personal nature, important to his efficiency as a
minister of the Word. Onesimus appears to have
supplied this twofold want in an eminent degree.
We see from the letter that he Avon entirely the
apostle's heart, and made himself so useful to him
in various private ways, or evinced such a capacity
to be so (for he may have gone back to ColossaB
quite soon after his conversion), that Paul wished
to have him remain constantly with him. a His
attachment to him as a disciple, as a personal friend,
and as a helper to him in his bonds, was such
that lie yielded him up only in obedience to that
spirit of self-denial, and that sensitive regard for
the feelings or the rights of others, of which his
conduct on this occasion displayed so noble an
example.
There is but little to add to this account, when
we pass beyond the limits of the New Testament.
The traditionary notices which have come down
il The opinion that he desired his co-operation as a Christian
teacher does not agree with ira fiot Siay.ovT, in v. 13.
24
INTRODUCTION.
to us, are too few and too late to amount to much
as historical testimony. Some of the later fathers
assert that Onesimus was set free, and was subse-
quently ordained Bishop of Beroea in Macedonia
(Constit. Apost., 7, 46). The person of the same
name mentioned as Bishop of Ephesus in the first
epistle of Ignatius to the Ephesians (Hefele, Patrum
Apost. Opp., p. 152) was a different person. See
Winer, Realw., II., p. 175. It is related also that
Onesimus finally made his way to Rome again, and
ended his days there as a martyr during the perse-
cution under Nero.
4.
OCCASION AND OBJECT OF THE LETTER.
Under this head, too, all our knowledge must be
derived from declarations or inferences furnished
by the epistle. As the parties in the transaction
were all Christians, and Paul sustained such inti-
mate relations to the two who were estranged from,
each other, he was naturally desirous of effecting
a reconciliation between them. He wished also
(waiving the avrjxov, the matter of duty or right) to
give Philemon an opportunity of manifesting his
Christian love in the treatment of Onesimus, and
his regard, at the same time, for the personal con-
venience and wishes, not to say official authority,
25
INTRODUCTION.
of his spiritual teacher and guide. Paul used his
influence with Onesimus (Hvineftya, in v. 11) to in-
duce him to return to Colossa3, and place himself
again at the disposal of his master. Whether
Onesimus assented merely to the proposal of the
apostle, or had a desire at the same time to revisit
his former home, the epistle does not enable us to
determine. On his departure, Paul put into his
hand this letter as evidence that Onesimus was a
true and approved disciple of Christ, and entitled
as such to be received not as a servant, but above
a servant, as a brother in the faith, as the repre-
sentative and equal in that respect of the apostle
himself, and worthy of the same consideration and
love. It is remarkable to observe how entirely
Paul identifies himself with Onesimus, and pleads
his cause as if it were his own. He intercedes for
him as his own child, promises reparation if he had
done any wrong, demands for him not only a remis-
sion of all penalties, but the reception of sympathy,
affection, Christian brotherhood ; and while he solic-
its these favors for another, consents to receive
them with the same gratitude and sense of obliga-
tion as if they were bestowed on himself. Such
was the purpose, and such was the argument of the
epistle.
It may be assumed from the known character of
Philemon, that the apostle's intercession for Onesi-
26
INTRODUCTION.
inus was not unavailing. There can be no doubt
that agreeably to the express instructions of the
letter, the past was forgiven ; the master and the
servant were reconciled to each other ; and if the
liberty which Onesimus had asserted in a spirit of
independence was not conceded as a boon or right,
it was enjoyed at all events under a form of servi-
tude, which henceforth was such in name only. So
much must be regarded as certain ; or it follows
that the apostle was mistaken in his opinion of
Philemon's character, and his efforts for the wel-
fare of Onesimus were frustrated. Chrysostom de-
clares, in his impassioned style, that Philemon must
have been less than a man, must have been alike
destitute of sensibility and reason not to be moved
by the arguments and spirit of such a letter to ful-
fill every Avish and intimation of the apostle. Sure-
ly, no fitting response to his pleadings for Onesimus
could involve less than a cessation of every thing
oppressive and harsh in his civil condition as far
as it depended on Philemon to mitigate or neutralize
the evils of a legalized system of bondage, as well
as a cessation of every thing violative of his rights
as a Christian. How much further than this an
impartial explanation of the epistle obliges us or
authorizes us to go, has not yet been settled by
any very general consent of interpreters. Many
of the best critics construe certain expressions (TO
27
INTKODUCTION.
ayad-ov ill T. 14, and vne$ o Uyio in T. 21) as COH-
veying a distinct expectation on the part of Paul,
that Philemon would liberate Onesimus. Nearly
all ao-ree that he could hardly have failed to confer
"_. */
on him that favor, even if it was not requested in
so many words, after such an appeal to his senti-
ments of humanity and justice. The traditions io
which I have alluded indicate an ancient opinion
that such was the result of the apostle's mediation.
p*
o.
ITS .ESTHETIC CHAEACTEE.
The epistle has been universally admired as a
model of delicacy and skill in the department of
composition to which it belongs. The writer had
peculiar difficulties to overcome. He was the com-
mon friend of the parties at variance. He must
conciliate a man who supposed that he had good
reason to be offended. He must commend the
offender, and yet neither deny nor aggravate the
imputed fault. He must assert the new ideas of
Christian equality in the face of a system which
hardly recognized the humanity of the enslaved. 1
a Ample information respecting the system of slavery among
the Greeks and Romans will be found in Boeckh's Staatshauslial-
28
INTBODUCTION.
He could have placed the question on the ground
of his own personal rights, and yet must waive
them, in order to secure an act of spontaneous kind-
ness. His success must be a triumph of love, and
nothing be demanded for the sake of the justice
which could have claimed eveiy thing. He limits
his request to a forgiveness of the alleged wrong,
and a restoration to favor and the enjoyment of
future sympathy and affection, and yet would so
guard his words as to leave scope for all the gen-
erosity which benevolence might prompt towards
one whose condition admitted of so much allevia-
tion. These are contrarieties not easy to harmon-
ize ; but Paul, it is confessed, has shown a degree
of self-denial and a tact in dealing with them, which
in being equal to the occasion could hardly be
greater.
" The epistle," says Luther in the Preface to his
Commentary upon it, "presents a charming and
masterly example of Christian love. St. Paul takes
the poor Onesimus to his heart, stands as repre-
sentative for him. with his master, intercedes for
him as if it was himself who had sinned and not
Onesimus, divests himself of his own rights, and so
tung der Atliencr, which Mr. Lamb has translated (Boston. 1857) ;
Becker's Gallus, and Becker's Char ides (both exist in English) ;
Schweppe, Romische Rechtsgesch.ichte, \ 343 sq. ; and the article
Servus, in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Rom. Antiquities.
29
INTRODUCTION.
compels Philemon to relinquish also his." Eras-
mus says of the letter : " Cicero never wrote with
greater elegance." Bengel's gnomic description is,
" mire KOTEIOS." " It is a precious relic," says Meyer,
" of a great character. It pursues its object with
so much Christian love and wisdom, with so much
psychological tact, and without a renunciation of
the apostolic authority, is so ingenious and suggest-
ive, that this letter, viewed merely as a specimen
of the Attic elegance and amiability, may rank
among the epistolary master-pieces of antiquity."
"It is impossible to read it," says Doddridge,
" without being touched with the delicacy of senti-
ment, the masterly address that appear in every
part of it. We see here in a most striking light,
how perfectly consistent true politeness is, not only
with the warmth and sincerity of the friend, but
even with the dignity of the Christian and the
apostle. If this letter were to be considered in
no other view than as a mere human composition,
it must be allowed to be a master-piece of its kind."
Buckminster, in his admirable discourse on this epis-
tle, describes it in the same terms.
There is an extant letter of the younger Pliny
which he wrote to a friend whose servant had
deserted him, in which he intercedes for the fugi-
tive who was anxious to return to his master, but
dreaded the effects of his anger. Thus the occasion
30
INTEODUCTION.
of '-the correspondence was similar to that "between
the apostle and Philemon. It has occurred to
scholars to compare this celebrated letter with that
of Paul in behalf of Onesimus ; and as the result
they hesitate not to say, that not only in the spirit
of Christian love, of which Pliny was ignorant,
but in dignity of thought, argument, pathos, beauty
of style, eloquence, the communication of the apostle
is vastly superior to that of the polished Eoman
writer. 3 -
Some of those traits of the epistle which have led
to such an estimate of its merits, admit of being
illustrated in the notes ; but it must be left mainly
to a careful perusal of the epistle itself, combined
with a distinct view of the circumstances under
which it was written, to show how fullv it deserves
* /
the commendation which it has received.
a See Appendix, No. I.
31
NOTES
ON
OF THE
AS THE BASIS OF
A EEVISION OF THE COMMON ENGLISH VERSION.
JTOTES OK THE GREEK TEXT
OF THE
THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO PHILEMON.
HP OS QIAHMONA.
deCTfJ.LOS' XpKTTOV 'T^CTOU, KU.I
a
/cat (Tvvepycp ?7/za>z>, /cat * AJK^LCL rfj a
/cat 'Ap^LTTTra) TO) orvcrrpaTLCorr] 7y/xc3z/ ? /cat rfj
/car' OLKOV crov e/c/cA^cr/a- )(apty vfjup /cat
elprjvr) OLTTO Oeov irarpos TJ^&V /cat Kvpiov
'IrjGTOV XpLCTTOV.
Y. 2. a^y>7 in good MSS.
YERSES 1-3.
e Salutation.
Y. 1. Paul omits the apostolic title which stands usually at
the head of the epistles, because he writes as a friend to solicit a
favor, and not as a teacher to expound and enforce the truth.
^fov^.os y.al anoarolos Ssofuos in some copies is a worthless
reading.
^fsffficos Xqiorou %]aov, a prisoner of Christ Jesus (Eph.
3:1; 2 Tim. 1 : 8), i. e., who "belongs to Christ, whose he is, and
35
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
whom he serves ; or, more probably after the analogy of roZs
SeojtoTs rov evcr/ysliov in v. 13, genit. subject/', i. e., a prisoner
whom Christ Iras made such, whose cause lias brought him
to that condition. See Winer, 30, 2, /9. This allusion to his
captivity was suited to awaken sympathy, and dispose Philemon
to listen more favorably to the sufferer's request.
Timothy was with Paul at this time (Col. 1:1), and, as b
aSetyos shows, was not unknown to those addressed in the
letter. He assisted the apostle during his ministry at Ephesus
(Acts 19 : 22), and could have met with Philemon and other
Colossians at that period, or could have become acquainted with
them at Colossce, if Paul went thither, since Timothy was Paul's
companion in that journey (Acts 16 : 1, 6). Koch regards the
relation in o dSslyos as the universal one which makes every
Christian the brother of all other Christians, and not any specific
relation in which Timothy stood to Paul and the Colossians.
Swegyco fj/ndiv, our fellow-laborer. This term was applied
often to preachers of the gospel (2 Cor. 8:23; Philip. 2 : 25 ; Col.
4 : 11) ; but there is no evidence that Philemon sustained that
office, and without doubt other and more private modes of Chris-
tian co-operation are intended here. In opening his house for
public worship, and in performing so many benevolent acts for the
disciples of Christ, we see some of the proofs of his claim to such
an appellation. Priscilla is called awspybs in Eom. 16 : 3, who
certainly was not a preacher. Some critics connect fjpaiv with
ayaTtrjTM, as well as owEgycp, because the latter wants the arti-
cle. But another rule also makes awe^yco anarthrous, viz., that
the two nouns are appellatives of the same person. Winer, 19,
3, c ; Buttm., N. T. Spr., p. 86. The conclusion may be a just
one, but a better proof here would be that Paul is so apt to
limit this epithet ; compare Eom. 16 : 5, 8, 9 ; 1 Cor. 10 : 14 ;
1 Thess. 2:8; Philip. 4:1. The construction would be less
doubtful if rjftcav were attached to the first noun, instead pf the
36
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
second. On the contrary, aynyi^ros stands often alone, meaning
beloved and inferentially to be loved, wherever the person is known
or may be known.
Y. 2. *An '(pla o\'*A7tjziq (written -jrcp, or an, as in Acts 28 : 15)
was the wife of Philemon as most critics suppose ; at all events
must have belonged to his family or household, since otherwise
she would have been named here without any obvious propriety.
Unless she had been specially connected with Philemon, her name
would have stood naturally after the following name.
Whether we should read ayaTt^rrj (T., R.) or aSsltpfj (uniting
the two is out of the question), is uncertain. The appeal to the
external witnesses is not decisive. Tischendorf returns to ayam]-
Tjj in his second edition. Meyer urges with some reason that
uSs^.yjj may be the true word, and ayaTtrirfi a copyist's repetition
of the epithet applied to Philemon. Lachmann adopts adelyfj.
On the whole, it would be premature as yet to change the com-
mon text.
We are not to reach forward to the next clause for ^ucSv (a
proper name intervenes), but must supply it mentally after /-
7ti]Trj, if the pronoun (which is doubtful) really belongs there.
Arckippus filled some office among the Christians at Colossae ;
most probably as the earnest terms of the charge in Col. 4 : 17
indicate, that of a pastor or preacher. From his being mention-
ed thus in a private letter, it is evident that he bore some more
special relation to Philemon than that of a partaker of the com-
mon faitli. That this relation was the relation of father and son
(Olsh.), is a mere conjecture.
^uov, our fellow-soldier, implies more than
While Paul and Archippus labored for the spread of
the gospel, they encountered in that service similar dangers, priva-
tions, hardships ; compare Philip. 2 : 25 ; 2 Tim. 2 : 3.
Tfi HUT oly.ov oov ly.y.hriaiq, to the church (assembly, congrega-
tion) in thy house. In Col. 1 : 2 Paul says tois ev Koloaaais
37
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
is, to designate the Colossian believers in general, and hence
the limitation here after ey.y2r,oi a indicates that he refers not to
the entire body of Christians at Colossee, but to a certain number
of them, who were accustomed to meet for worship at the house
of Philemon. We have the same distinction in Col. 4 : 15 ; see
also Bom. 16 : 5, and 1 Cor. 16 : 19. Further, to regard the letter
as addressed to all the Colossians would be inconsistent with the
private nature of its contents. This local assembly would consist
naturally in part of those who belonged to Philemon's family, and
of others who were led as a matter of convenience, or from personal
connections, to assemble with him. The expression does not war-
rant the opinion that all the members of his family were con-
verts.
2ov after oly.ov refers to Philemon and not to the nearer name,
because he is the leading person, and is always meant when this
pronoun occurs (vv. 4, 0, 7). In such assemblies messages from
the apostles were announced or read (Col. 4 : 15, 16) ; hymns
were sung (Col. 3 : 1C) and prayers offered (1 Tim. 2:1); the
Scriptures were read and explained (1 Tim. 4 : 13) ; the Lord's
supper commemorated (Acts 2 : 46 ; 20 : 11) ; and in the weekly
meetings, at least, probably collections were taken up when some
exigency required it (1 Cor. 16 : 2, unless 7ta$> savrtp implies
that the contribution was private). Scenes like this Onesimus
may have witnessed under his master's roof; though his hearr
was not touched till he heard the truth again in a foreign land
(v. 10).
Y. 3. Xdois y.ul Eiotfvti, grace and peace, undeserved favor,
and all good, temporal and spiritual, which flows from that source.
The optative sty and not sarco is the suppressed verbal form.
Winer, $ 64, 26. Xdois, y.. r. L takes the place of the classical
xaigeiv or sv TtqaxTsiv. It was a new form of salutation sub-
stituted perhaps for the common one, because the latter as a sort
of prayer to the gods had a taint of heathenism.
38
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
b 9'sov, x. r. L, from God our Father. The terras differ in
this, that the former marks the relation which God sustains to
all men ; the latter that which he sustains to his spiritual chil-
dren, or such as believe on Christ. Kal connects the nouns with
this sense in some passages ; comp. Gal. 1 : 4.
'Hpcov may belong to y.volov as well as to Ttargos, but more
probably limits itself to the latter as the personal designation of
that relationship. Kvqiov mat/ omit the article as a well-known
title, but must omit it if r^uov be repeated. Buttm., JV. T, Spr.,
p. 87.
EvyapujTU) rco OecS fiov, Trdvrore
(TOV TTOlOV/JLeVO? 7TL T&V TTpOCTtVy/COV [JLOVy
cov (TOV TT)i> dyaTrrjv KOL rrjv TTLCTTLV, r\v
Trpo? rov Kvpiov 'Irjo-ovv KOI els'
TOV? ayiov?' G OTTCO? r} K.OLVWVLOL TTJ?
(TOV evepyvjs yevrjToa iv eiriyvtecrzi TravT^s aya-
6ov TOV iv -}-uv elf *
yapav
yap exofjiev woXX.ijv KOLL TcapoiKXrio~LV eiri
TTYi crov, OTL TO, crTrXay^pa TU>V ayicov dva-
TaL ia (jou, d\(p.
Y. 7. T. E. has y^iv Ib. Many read %a%ov
YEESES 4-7.
The Character of Philemon, and the Apostle's Joy and Gratitude on
liis Account.
Y. 4. In v%K<)ioTc5 (comp. Eom. 1 : 8 ; 1 Cor. 1 : 4 ; 1 Thess.
1 : 2 ; 2 Thess. 1 : 3) we see the apostle's habit of recognizing
the graces of the Christian as the fruits of grace.
39
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
T(o &(o tiov, my God, shows the apostle's tender sense of his
reconciliation and his consciousness of an interest in the divine
favor.
ITc'wroTE, always, which some refer to the participial clause
(Calvin, Estius, Ellicott), belongs to Ev^aqiotio (HagGnbach,
Koch. De TVette, Meyer, Wiesingcr) ; compare 1 Cor. 1:4; Eph.
1:16; Col. 1 : 3 ; 2 Thess. 1 : 3. The Syriac joins together the verb
and adverb. The thoughts are : "I remember thee in my prayers,
and never fail to give thanks to God for what thou art through
Him." ndvTors of itself may precede or follow the word qualified.
Gersdorf s Seilrage, p. 498. Lachmann and Tischendorf insert no
comma, because the rule is not to separate a verb and participle.
Mvsiav oov troiovusros means mentioning thce as the result or
proof of the remembrance (/nveinv) ; since the middle strengthens
the verbal idea of the noun as well as states it periphrastically,
and so in both ways differs from the active, which signifies merely
to cause or make that which the noun denotes. Winer, $38, 5, 1,
note; Matthise, $421, 4. The prayers of the apostle, in this
instance, consisted at the same time of thanksgiving (ev/^iarla),
and intercession (ureiav oov}.
^ETI\ tuJv TtooaEvzdJj; fiov, in my prayers, lit. upon. This prep-
osition, with the genitive, denotes often the epoch or time when
an event occurs ; see Matt. 1:11; Luke 3:2; Acts 11 : 28 ;
Bom. 1:9.
Y. 5. Axoucor, hearing, states the ground of ev^a^iardf, not
of IWELO.V oov 7coiovuvo3. The reason for his giving thanks
would not be named at all, unless it be found in this clause ; and
as we see from other passages (Bom. 1:8; Eph. 1 : 15 ; Col.
1 : 4), to leave the act unexplained would be contrary to Paul's
usage. 'Ay.ovcov, as a present participle, may refer to a single
report, or a repeated one. It is probable, from the nature of the
case, that Paul heard often that his friend was performing the
acts of piety which he here commends. Epaphras, who was a
40
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
Colossian, and was then at Rome (Col. 1:7; 4 : 12), and Onesi-
mus may have brought such tidings, or have confirmed them.
"Hv '/,EIS renders aov unnecessary before aydn^v, though the
article there does not exclude the pronoun. The sentence here, as
nearly all interpreters agree, involves a manifest chiasm (xia^uos).
The grammatical order would be aov rr t v Ttianv i]v s%is TTOOS
tov Kvoiov ^It^aovv y.al tt]V aya.7ti]v r t v %EIS sis TCnvras TOVS
ayiovs, i. e., thy faith ivhich thou hast tou'ards the Lord Jesus,
and the love which thou hast unto all the saints. So Theodoret,
Calvin, Grotius, Estius, Bengel, Koch, Kothe, De Wette, Wiesin-
ger, Alford and others.
A few critics, chiefly in order to avoid this transposition,
render niaTiv fidelity, instead of faith ; and thus the word would
denote qualities which Philemon could exercise at the same time
towards Christ and towards his followers. But Titans has this
sense very rarely in the New Testament, and never when coupled
thus with aydnq ; compare Eph. 1 : 15 ; 1 Thess. 3:6; 1 Tim.
1 : 14 ; 2 Tim. 1:13; see also Col. 1 : 4.
Meyer objects to the above passages as irrelevant, because
there the order is nioris, ayaTtt], and different from that here.
But no writer is so mechanical as to place his words always
in the same order, and dyaTtrj, as the fruit of faith, may be men-
tioned first, as naturally as niari-s, the antecedent or source of love.
Ellicott suggests that ir,v Tciativ may belong, in its ordinary
sense, to nobs tbv Kvoiov 'Iqaovv y.al sis ndvras TOVS ayiovs,
i. e., faith towards the Lord Jesus, which is evinced at the same
time unto the saints. But that view leaves r>}v aydjt^v without
any specified object to which the love is directed (since fjv %is
would strictly carry forward ir t v Ttianv only), and overlooks the
manifest relation in which this passage stands to Col. 1 : 4, where
the terms in question are distributed without ambiguity. That
passage was written at the same time with this, and must reflect
the same meaning.
41
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
1-Lyiovs (s'vj'ip) designates Christians as holij or consecrated,
i. e.. to the service of Christ or God. As used in the New
Testament, it belongs to all who profess to be disciples, and
does not distinguish one class of them as superior in point of
excellence to another. It refers to the normal or prescribed
standard of Christian character rather than the actual one ; for
we find it applied sometimes to those who were censured for their
want of a correct Christian life. See 1 Cor. 1 : 2, as compared
with 1 Cor. 3:2; 11 : 21.
A r . G. Some refer on cos (as Meyer) to TJV e%ets, which thou hast
(viz., love and faith) in order that, etc. The reasons for this
connection, says Winer (53, G), are groundless. There are posi-
tive objections to it. AVhat immediately precedes is too sub-
ordinate to attract the thought here. Faith in Christ is an act
which the believer performs essentially for its own sake and for
himself, and not with a view to the cultivation of other graces, or
the benefit of other persons. After saying that he prayed so con-
stantly for his friend, Paul would naturally mention what it was
that he desired for him. The telic OTCCO* points out that object,
and must depend on fivEiav TCOIOVUBVOS.
As to the rest, the meaning of the verse turns chiefly upon
y.oivcovia r/js niarecos. It is not easy to decide confidently on
the sense of this expression. The following are the principal in-
terpretations :
1. The meaning may be the fellowship or communion of thy
faith, i. e., genit. subject i, or auctoris the participation of Phile-
mon along with others in the virtues, blessings, hopes, which ac-
company faith in the Redeemer. For y.oivtovia, as denoting a
coexistent participation (extended to different objects), see 2 Cor.
G : 14 ; 8:4; Phil. 2 : 1 ; 3 : 10. For this genitive relation, compare
Sixaioovvij iT]s ztiarecos (Rom. 4 :13), tlie righteousness or justifi-
cation which faith secures, and %^> tr t s TtiaTecos (Philip. 1 : 25),
the joy which results from faith. Kowiovov, in v. 17, implies
42
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
tins idea of Christians as linked to each other by certain com-
mon ties. The proximity of that term to this may be a finger-
sign to the meaning here. Koiviovia vudav sis TO evayythov, in
Philip. 1 : 5, many of the best critics understand in the same
manner. Approximations to the same thought, with variations
in the language, see in 1 Cor. 9 : 22 ; Eph. 3:6; 4 : 13 ; Col.
1 : 12 ; 1 Tim. 6:2; Heb. 3:1; 1 Pet. 5 : 1.
The apostle John's y.oivwvict involves this same idea of a co-
partnership between believers which unites them at the same time
with God and with one another ; though in his use the subjective
part, the kindredship of character, may prevail over that of the
personal benefits of the common faith (1 John 1 : 6, 7).
The train of thought then would be this : " Having' such evi-
dence (ay.ovcav, ?.. r. L) that Philemon was a sharer in the grace
of the gospel, the apostle, prays that his friend's participation in
the Christian fellowship, founded on his faith and evinced as so
real by his love, may become more and more perfect by his full
comprehension of all the duties and virtues (itavros ayad'ou]
which honor the Christian name (elsXoiarov 'Irjoovv}. Meyers
objection, that the genitive after y.oiviovia (except that of a per-
son) points out generally the object in which the participation
consists, is not conclusive. Nothing 1 is more common than the
genitive of the cause or source, and nothing in xoircovia. forbids
its connection with that noun.
2. Another rendering is ike community of thy faith, i. e., the
faith which thou hast in common Avith others (== y.ma y.oiv^v
Ttianv, in Titus 1:4). This explanation limits the Christian
unity to a single point, and fails to recognize the entire contents
of the y.otvcovia as unfolded in other passages. This is the view,
however, more generally adopted than any other.
3. The participation of t/nj faith means the participation of
others in the fruits of this faith, i. e., in his charities and other
acts of piety ; and the prayer of the apostle relates not to Phile-
43
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
mon but to those who received his favors. So Meyer, and after
him Ellicott. But iu the preceding verse it is the love which is
shown to the saints, while Christ is the object of the faith;
and hence with that meaning, we should expect rrjs rtyd^zrjs oov
instead of T^S Tciarecos. It is still more decisive, that (.ivziav
oov Hoiovfievos becomes so unmeaning, if uncos turns the mind
thus abruptly in a new direction, and leaves Philemon out of the
class of persons prayed for.
4. It is understood of the impartation (communication in that
sense) of his faith, i. c., by the same metonymy as before, of its
effects in the form of charitable acts. But in this instance, too,
T/~S (lyaxrjs would be a more obvious word than r/7s TCIOTEWS.
It may be urged also that the phraseology with that sense is un-
like Paul's. It is characteristic of him that he shriuks as it were
instinctively from giving any apparent countenance to the idea
that one person may impart faith to another.
jEV kTtf/j'waei,, y.. T. L, in a knoicledge of every good thing, i. e.,
relating to Christian truth and duty, every thing which it becomes
the believer to know (see the theoretical side in Col. 2:2), and
which it becomes him to do (see the practical side in Philip. 4 : 8) ;
not every blessing enjoyed by him, since ETC yrtuaei can not mean
experience. It is understood of course that the knowledge in
this case is not latent, but appears in the life, nothing else being-
true Christian knowledge. (Ecumenius : Sid tov IrcLyviovui as
y.al TC^atTEiv Ttai' ayaO'uv. Theophylact : ti> TCO tTtiyi'coay.eiv OK
ttav ayad'ov, TOUT san.v uyaTtuv y.al /usTazEiQioi^Eod'ai, y.. T. L
This clause, therefore, defines the mode in which the apostle
prays that Philemon's faith may show its increase or power, i. e.,
in his attainment of a still deeper insight into the truth, and his
manifestation of all the fruits of such wisdom. To understand Im-
yvtuoEL of the knowledge which others might acquire from Phile-
mon's example is to wrest the logical subject (nlaTecos oov] and
the predicate from each other, and is contrary to the altogether
44
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
analogous passage in Philip. 1 : 9. That faith and knowledge,
truth and obedience, may lean upon each other, may go hand in
hand, is everywhere, as here, the burden of the apostle's prayer
for the saints.
lEv rjaXv, in us, is the true reading, and not kv vulv, in you, as
in the English Version, after the received text. The soul is the
sphere in which the believer's faith operates. The fluctuating
text as De "Wettc observes, arose from the idea that the pronoun
must refer to the Colossians.
Els X()t.oTb>' fyoovr, unto Christ Jesus, i. e., his praise, honor ;
not in, as in the Common Version. The evidence for omitting
the words is unimportant. Some MSS. have XOIOTOV only.
V. 7. Xaoav yao EO%OI> } K. r. L, for Iliad (or ice have) much joy
and consolation. Fuo assigns the reason why Paul offers this prayer
with thanksgiving in Philemon's behalf. It refers not to any one
word or clause, but to the entire thought in the reader's mind at
this stage of the discourse. Meyer restricts the yao to evy/i^t-
orcij- but that word is not complete without the adjuncts. IIol-
'i.r t v belongs to both nouns. The apostle's joy (xaoav) alleviated
the sorrow of his captivity, and Tcaorixtyaiv describes that effect
of the happy tidings. Xd^iv has less support, but would mean
gratitude to God. i. e., for such piety in Philemon. Green
(Developed Criticism, p. 164) decides for y/igiv, chiefly because
as being less obvious, it might be more easily displaced. On
the contrary, tv^noiaiaj may have led some copyist to substitute
y/t()iv for zagdv. If we read evotcev (T. R.), we have (E. V.),
Paul and Timothy must be the subjects of the verb ; but ea/^ov
is better attested, as Griesbach, Lachmann, Wordsworth, Ellicott,
and others decide. Tischendorf has both forms in different edi-
tions. The aorist would refer to the precise time when the
apostle received the information which afforded him such joy.
Meyer prefers eo^o^ev, we had, but without sufficient reason.
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
In the translation I adhere for the present to the common read-
ing.
"ETTI rii ayaTfr. oov, in thy love, lit. upon, as the cause.
'On ra OTc'/My/^'a, y.. r. L, because the heatts of the saints have
been refreshed. This clause states a i'act, but does not define the
mode of the relief or consolation. It is to be understood no
doubt more especially of hospitality to strangers, and of succor
extended to the sick and needy, but as including also other
manifestations of a sympathizing spirit towards those afflicted in
mind or body. ZnLay/va, = Q^iTp , as denoting the seat of the
affections, the heart, is a common Hebraism.
The disciples whom Philemon assisted may have been not
Colossians merely, but persons from other places, especially mis-
sionary friends whom he entertained in his house, or forwarded
on their journeys. See Tit. 3 : 13 ; 3 John. v. 6. This conduct
of Philemon is an illustration of that trait in the character of the
primitive disciples, which compelled the heathen to exclaim :
"See how these Christians love one another!''''
'ASe/.(pe, brother, Paul says, and says here, because his heart
overflows with love at the remembrance of such kindness.
A 10 7ToXXrjl> ev XpLCTTCp TTappTjO'lai' <T
CTOL TO ctj^/coz', Sia rrjv
TrapaKaXo)' TOLOVTOS cov coy IlavXos
vTi-)?, vvvi <5e K.al decrfjLLOS 1 Irjcrov Xpi-
-s]0 s~ \~J~/
crrou, TrapaKaAco ere irepi rov fj.ou TC
ov ey.vvr]o~a ev rols decrfjiol? /J.QV, ' Ovq
11 TOV 7TOT6 CTOL axprjaTov, win 8e <TOL KOLL f.wl
~ 02/ aveTTep^a, OTOL- av de cturoz/,
V. 12. T. E. omits aoi
46
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
\3\ / /-\~v1Q\
ra efjia (nrXay^ya^ TrpocrXapov bv
eyco efiovXofjiriv Trpos efj.avrov Kareyeiv^ 'iva
VTrep crou diaKOvfj JJLOL iv rols $07-10?? TOU
evayyeXiov ycopis de rfjs arjs' yvcofjurj^ ou-
8ev r]6eXrjo~a Troirjcraiy \va fjur] GIS Kara avayKrjV
TO ayaOov crou 77, aAAa Kara eKOvo~Lov. raya
yap 8ia rovro eycopio-Ori Trpbs copav, 'iva aicovi-
3 \ 5 / 16 ' 7 ' S ~\ '\\*
ov avrov ccTre^s" ovKen co? oovAoVy aAA
VTrep SovAov, a8eX(f)ov ayaTrrjrov y p-aXicrra e/jLol,
TTOCTCO de fjiaAXov aol Kal ev crapia. Kal ev Kv-
PLCO ; li el ovv e/Jie e-^eif KOIVGOVOV, irpoo-Xafiov
avrov w? efj.e. El $e n rjdiKTjcre ere rj ofpei-
i, TOVTO ejuiol eXXoyei. 19 'JEyco ZTauAo?
r?) efj.fj \eipl, eyco aTrorLcrw f iva /J.TJ
Xeyco (rot on Kal o~eavrov p,oc Trpocro(peLAei?.
Nat, d8eX<pe, eyco crou 6vai}JLi]v ev
dvaTTavcrov fjiov ra (nrXay^ya ev
TreTvoiOtos rrj vTraKofj crou eypa^ra <TOI, eldcoy
ori Kal virep b Xeyco Tro^cra?.
V. 20. T. E. has
VEESES 8-21.
Paul entreats Philemon to forget the Past, and receive Onesimus
again as a Christian Friend and Brother.
T. 8. This paragraph (8-21) treats of the main subject of the
letter.
47
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
o, u-hercforc, on which account, i. e., since this character
of Philemon was the cause of such joy (v. 7), and hence Avar-
ranted the appeal to his kindness which follows. Some limit
10 to ^aoar, but ayaTrr,, as illustrated by on, v.. r. L, is the
principal word, and the other an incident merely. The ideas
flow into each other in the progression of the thought through
Si6.
noJJ.rjV SXCDV, though- having much boldness in
Christ. This boldness or confidence is that which Paul possessed
as an apostle, and might assert on this occasion, if he had thought
it necessary to exercise his authority in that sphere.
^ErcLriiaaEw aoi TO uvr^.ov, to enjoin upon thee that wliicli is
becoming, or proper ; compare Eph. 5:4; Col. 3 : 18. lA.vrjy.ov
retains this sense in the Romaic. The term, as Meyer remarks,
is generic, and includes the forgiveness and reception of Onesimus
as an instance of the category.
V. 9. 4ia -r:r t v aya7tr t v, for love's salce ; i. e., as a tribute, so to
speak, to that principle, Paul asks that Philemon would exem-
plify his benevolence in the present case. The article defines the
love not as Philemon's, but as the characteristic virtue of all
Christians. This expression, therefore, and 8ib do not repeat
each other, as some needlessly repi'esent. The particular lovo
shown by Philemon (v. 7.) proved that he was not deficient in
this element of the Christian's nature, and hence (816) that he
could be moved by an appeal to it in behalf of Onesimus.
Ma/.l.ov TtvoaxrJ.ca, I beseech rather, i. e., than enjoin. MaM.ov
has often this alternative sense ; compare Matt. 10 : 6 ; 1 Cor.
5:2; Eph. 4 : 28 ; Philip. 1:12, etc. Though the apostls
might command, he waives that right, and takes the attitude of
one who entreats. The act of the one verb (iTtnaaaF.iv} is op-
posed to that of the other ; and Ttaqaxal.co is left purposely with-
out any object. The insertion of the pronoun here (C. V.)
encumbers the thought. If as belonged to the verb in both.
48
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
instances, it would naturally accompany the first, and be under-
stood after the second. A colon, not a comma, should separate
this clause from the next. Tischendorf has the correct punc-
tuation.
TOIOVTOS cov, being such a one, i. e., as he who lays aside his
office, and appeals to the benevolence and sympathy of his friend.
TOIOVTOS, as so taken, draws its antecedent from the preceding
context. The numerous instances in the New Testament, in
which this pronoun has such a retrospective force (see Brud.
Concord, s. v.), suggest that reference here. So most of the
later critics, as Hagenbach, De Wettc, Meyer, "Wiesinger, Elli-
cott, and others, understand the passage. " The Greek," says
Prof. Sophocles, "demands this explanation." Some of the
older writers advance the same view. See Wetstein ad loc.,
and Storr, Opusc. Academ., II., p. 231. The more common
opinion is that cos defines TOIOVTOS, and that the terms are cor-
relative to each other ; but the pronoun, as so used, responds to
olos, OJOTE, and not to cug. A sort of intermediate view makes
TOIOVTOS indefinite, being such a one as I am known to be, and
cos enumerative, to wit, as Paul, etc. The participial clause
belongs at all events to the second na^ay.alco, and not to the
first, as arranged in some editions of the text.
In cbc, Hav&os, y- T. L, as Paul an old man, etc., cos points out
the character (compare cos SeiaiSaifioveare^ovs, in Acts 17 : 22),
in which, after having said that he would beseech and not com-
mand, he proceeds to apply himself to this work of persuasion.
HavZos recalls the individual to whom the specified traits belong,
and does not suggest the apostleship as one of the grounds of
appeal, since fiattov Ttaciay.ctlco puts that argument expressly
aside. His age and his captivity are the considerations which
Paul urges, to give effect to his entreaty. JToeafivTys, an old
man (compare Luke 1 : 18 ; Titus 2 : 2) is not an official name,
elder, which would be TtoeafivTeoos, and being destitute of the
49
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
article, does not point him out as the aged one, as if he were
known in that distinctive way. If Paul was converted at the
age of thirty (i.e., 36 A.D.), and wrote this letter just before the
close of his first Roman captivity (64 A.D.), he was now about
sixty years old. See Commentary on the Acts, pp. 26 and 144.
According to Hippocrates a man was called TtgsofiuTTjs from
forty-nine to fifty-six, and after that y^cor. There was another
estimate, which fixed the beginning of the later period (yf^as] at
sixty-nine. See Coray's note in his Swsy.Stjfios, p. 167. If
Philemon was a much younger man than Paul, the latter might
call himself old, in part with reference to that disparity. Ewald
(Sendschreiben des Apostels Paulus. p. 457) finds an intimation in
yrgEfffiuTqs that Philemon was converted in early life, and had
been known to the apostle for many years before this correspond-
ence ; the fact may have been so, though the ground for such a
conclusion here must be held to be very slight.
4'eafiios brings the apostle to his friend's mind as bound with
a chain to his keeper, and unable to take a step except under his
surveillance.
V. 10. Ueql TOV euov riy.vov, concerning my child, as the
term imports, and not son, as in the current version, which would
be much less expressive. The apostle refers to his agency in the
conversion of Onesimus, as appears from the next words. Com-
pare 1 Cor. 4 : 14 ; Gal. 4 : 19. Ewald (p. 459) observes this
distinction in his rendering of the passage.
~Dv . . ... 0fiois, whom I begot in my bonds ; and whom,
therefore, as the sharer of his afflictions, he loved so much the
more tenderly. Hence not to heed the apostle was to turn away
a father pleading for his child. The later critics drop pov, after
dsofiois, but the article points to the same relation. Pressense
(Htstoire des trois premiers Siecles, vol. II., p. 56) infers from the
language here that Paul found Onesimus in prison, and was
the meaas of his conversion there. He overlooks the fact
50
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
that Onesimus must have been at large, in order to ]abor so
effectually for the advantage of the apostle (v. 11), and at all
events must have been released before the present letter was
written, as the apostle otherwise would have had no control over
his movements (v. 12). The bonds mentioned are those of Paul
only, and the nature of his confinement was such (Acts 28 : 31)
that all who desired could repair to him, and hear the Word
without molestation (ay.col.vTcos).
*Ovt']oipov belongs in sense to tExvov, but has been drawn into
the case of the relative. AViner, 65, 2. Onesimus (Wctst. ad
loc.) was a common name among the Greeks. Suddenly pro-
nounced in this case, it would have grated harshly on the ear of
Philemon ; hence Paul must prepare the way for it by forestall-
ing his friend's sympathy and interest, before the latter knows
who the person is for whom the apostle intercedes. Nothing
could be more happy than this delicate adjustment of the order
of the words to the idea. It will be observed that our trans-
lators insert the name after tiy.vov, with manifest injury to the
sense. Onesimus may have been standing in person before his
master, and jet Philemon never have surmised the object
of the letter till he reached this name so skilfully introduced.
Supported by such an advocate, and knowing the character of
the man in whose hands he had consented to place himself again,
the fugitive could present the letter in silence, and await the
result without anxiety.
The accumulation of motives urged in this verse, and the last
renders the passage one of remarkable power. Buckminstcr's
enumeration of the ideas agrees almost verbally with that of
Macknight. " He reminds Philemon of his reputation for kind-
ness, of his friendship for the writer, of his respect for character,
and especially for age, of his compassion for his bonds ; and, with
all this, lets fall an intimation, that perhaps some deference was
due to his wishes as an apostle.. On the other hand, he presents
51
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
before Philemon the repentance of Onesimus, and his return to
virtue, his Christian profession, and the consequent confidence
and attachment of Paul, his spiritual father."
V. 11. Tbv TTOTS ooi a^orjOTov, ivlio was formerly unprofitable
to thce. So the apostle could describe him on account of his
desertion and the consequent loss of service, and not necessarily
because he had committed some crime, or had been so worthless
before his escape. 'Of^autos as an adjective signifies useful, and
hence some critics have found a play on the word here : " He
did not show himself an 'Oi'^oinos truly ; but he is changed now,
and become worthy, yea, twice worthy (aol teal etioi] of that
expressive name." It is remarkable that none of the Greek com-
mentators recognize this correspondence between the words ; it
may be doubted whether it is not a discovery of the later critics.
With that meaning, as Rothe remarks, "Oin'^aiiiov would naturally
have called up avuvr^or, rather than ay^oTov, as the con-
trastive term.
Zol y.al sfiol zvy^rfitor, useful to tJtce and me. We are not
to assign a stronger sense to this adjective, than to y^oros.
The service in the two relations would be similar, i. e., not relig-
ious in one and personal in the other, but personal in both. See
on the next verse. Paul wrote many of his epistles by the hand
of an amanuensis. Slaves were often employed in that capacity,
and such were called scribcc. Becker's Gallus, I., p. 122. Possi-
bly Onesimus may have been trained to that art, and writing for
the apostle may have been one of the ways in which he was able
to assist him.
"Ov aviztEftya, ichom I have sent lack to [lice. The reason for
the restoration is that assigned in v. 14. The best authorities
add aoi after the verb. The epistolary aorist here views the let-
ter as already in the hands of the reader ; compare Gal. 4:8;
Eph. 6 : 22 ; Philip. 2 : 28. Winer, 41, 5, 2.
V. 12. -v SE avrov, but do thou receive him, i. e., to your con-
52
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
fid encc and affection. 4e, adversative, excludes the. idea of any
other reception than precisely this. The common text has TT^
POV, but inserts it from v. 17. The correct reading is ov Se
without any verb. The construction is anacoluthic, but not ob-
scure. The sequel of the sentence occurs in v. 17, and what inter-
venes is an instance of the turning aside to pursue other thoughts
which crowd upon the mind of the writer by the way, of which
Paul's fervid style affords many examples. See Winer, $63, 1.
. TOVT IOTLV, x. t. L, that is my own flesh, lit. my bowels = his
heart, as in v. 17, i. e., object of his tenderest love, dear to him as
Ins own soul, as part of himself. According to others, onlay/yet.
means son of my bowels, his offspring, spiritual child (Theodoret,
Chrysostom, Wordsworth). " But," as Meyer replies, " this mode of
describing the paternal relation would hardly be congruous
with ov lyewriaa. in v. 10. Paul constantly uses an^ay/va. to denote
the seat of the affections (2 Cor. 6 : 12 ; 7 : 15 ; Philip. 1:8;
2:1; Col. 3 : 12 ; Philem. v. 7, 15 ; compare also Luke 1 : 78 ;
1 Tim. 3 : 17) ; and has so used it here, where the person beloved
is called the heart itself, because he occupies so large a space in
its affections. All languages have a similar expression."
V. 13. "Ov lya> l^ovlo^uiv, whom I could have unshed, i. e.,
had it been a question merely of my own feelings or convenience.
The translation of the English Version is entirely defensible here.
The Greeks employed the imperfect of this verb (and so ev%6firjv)
to express a present wish with which as a matter of politeness,
or from the necessity of the case, they did not expect a compli-
ance. See note on Acts 25 : 22 ; Winer, 41, 2 ; Buttmann,
139, 13, 1ST. Some make efiovlofirjv the epistolary imperfect,
was wisliing, i. e., when he wrote, and still wished, but would not
allow the desire to influence his conduct. The idea remains
nearly the same, though the other is a much finer idiom in this
connection. Some render toas purposing, on the supposition that
this verb and E&S&CO differ always, as willed and wished in
53
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
English. But the words, like our corresponding terms, have in-
terchangeably a stronger or weaker sense, and the speaker's tone
at the moment, or the emphasis of the expression must show
whether the one or the other sense is meant in a given instance.
See Eost and Palm, Lex., L, p. 779. It is not to be supposed
that Paul, with his view of the claims of the aydrcrj, would be-
come willing to restore Onesimus after a previous determination
to retain him, but rather that he would be kept even from any
such incipient purpose by his unwillingness to violate the perfect
law of love. Scholars differ still respecting the relation of fiov-
7.oiiai and Iz&sl.co to each other ; and any exegesis on that basis
merely is uncertain. Sec, c. g., Yomel, Synonymisches Worter-
bucJt, p. 275, on one side, and. Tittmann, Synon. inN. Testamento,
p 124, on the other.
Ilobs tuavrov y.cn-/,iv, to keep with myself, where the verb
implies not merely detention or delay, but firm or permanent pos-
session. 'EuavTov, in this position, marks the collision of claim
or interest between Paul and Philemon.
Mhio oov, in thy stead, as his representative, substitute ; com
pare 2 Cor. 5 : 20. On vrteg, see Winer, $47, 5, /. The assumed
idea here is that the convert is indebted always to the teacher ;
and hence, as Paul on that principle had an undischarged claim
against Philemon, he says, in effect, that he would accept the
service of the slave, as an equivalent for what was due from the
master.
Mol St.ay.or?, might minister to me. The tense represents the
service as a present and continued one. Coneybeare (Life and
Epistles, II., p. 4G7) says, too strongly, that Paul wished to employ
Onesimus in the service of the gospel. Mol appears to limit the
act of the verb (put before it in the best copies) to the apostle,
and refers, in all probability, to the personal offices for which, as a
captive, he was so dependent on the kindness of others. For this
meaning of the verb, see Matt. 4 : 11 ; 25 : 44 ; Mark 1 : 13 ;
54
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON".
Luke 8 : 3. The ministry (Siaxovia) in Acts 11 : 29 ; 1 Cor.
16 : 15 ; and 2 Cor. 11 : 8, was one of sympathy and benevolence,
winch the disciples performed toward each other. The fact
merely of his being a slave would not show that Onesimus could
not have aided Paul as a preacher ; for the ancient slaves were
not excluded by law from the means of instruction, and there was
a class of them among the Romans called literati, on account of
the use which their masters made of their literary abilities.
Becker's Gallus, p. 121.
*Ev rols Seo/iiois tov evayyeJ.iov, in the bonds of the gospel,
i. e., genit. auctoris, into winch he had been brought, as a herald
of the gospel ; see on v. 1. " The bonds," says Wilke (Rketorik,
p. 143), "are those which the gospel suffers in the person of its
advocate." But it impairs the force of the tacit appeal to the
reader's sympathy to make the work here more prominent than
the agent.
"V. 14. Xco^ls Ss Ttjs ar t s yvcofttjg, but without thy consent;
not, thy mind, as a vox media, i. e., a knowledge of his disposition
whether favorable or unfavorable, since Paul could have no doubt
of his friend's generosity, if he could only act freely in the case.
OuSsv r t d'E).r t aa. Ttoc/joat, I U'islied to do nothing, i. e., in the
way of retainining Onesimus. The stronger sense of the verb
(willed, as Wordsworth) would be entirely appropriate here, but
is not necessary.
It is a question whether TO aya&6v aov is to be taken
as specific or general. In the first case, the benefit of thee (genit.
subjecti) , i. e., received from thee, means the favor for which Paul
would be indebted to Philemon in being allowed to have the
presence and the aid of so valuable an assistant. The reason,
then, which he assigns for returning Onesimus is, that without
taking that step Philemon would seem merely to acquiesce in the
surrender of his servant (y.ara avdy^v) ; whereas, by having him
under his control again, Philemon could place him at the disposal
55
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
of the apostle, and so testify his friendship for him, Kara kxov-
otov, i. e., in a voluntary manner, and by an unequivocal act.
Kara ixovoiov demands this view, if TO aynQ'ov denotes the
benefit of his having Onesimus with him to minister to him ; for
unless by sending back Onesimus it was to be left to the master's
option whether he would comply with Paul's known wishes or
not, the alternative of a voluntary or enforced concession was out
of the question. But if TO dya&bv, instead of this exclusive
reference to his retaining Onesimus, means thy good, or goodness
in general, any act of friendship (Calvin, Meyer, Ellicott), then
the apostle states a principle or rule, viz., that he could accept
no favor from Philemon in any instance, unless it was entirely
free and unconstrained. Hence, as the connection between him-
self and Onesimus had taken place altogether without the mas-
ter's agency or knowledge, he must send back the servant, since
even an acquiescence on the part of Philemon post faction would
be (cas) apparently y.ard ava.yy.qv, and not y.ard iy.ovacov. The
favor, according to this view, would be an extorted one in the
eyes of Paul, if Philemon could approve it only after the act.
The phrases TO dyaQ'bv, TO y.at.ov, TO TTOETCOV, and the like,
have more commonly this abstract sense, and indicate that sense
here. To understand the apostle otherwise, is to make his wish a
command. He surely would not say : " I desire the service of
this man, but must have your consent ; and therefore I send him
back to you, in order to see whether you will oblige me, or
keep him to yourself." We should miss here altogether the deli-
cacy which marks his conduct in every other part of the trans-
action.
"V. 15. Td'/^n. ydo Sid TOVTO e-/ i cooiad'q t for perhaps on this
account he departed; which is another reason (ydo} why Paul
had sent back Onesimus. He was unwilling to detain him, much
as he may have desired it on his own account, lest by so doing he
should thwart a possible design of Providence. That this is a
56
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
concurrent and subordinate reason, not the only one (Wiesinger,
Meyer, Eliieott), Is evident from the preceding verse (iva, as re-
lated to >}d-El.r i aa}. Paul says rd'^a, because he had no certain
knowledge of the divine purposes. Men can speak of them with
confidence only as they are revealed to them, and the apostle
makes no claim to such a revelation in this instance. He says
departed (s^co^Lad-rj), not fled, because he would not censure the
conduct of Onesimus, or awaken a resentful feeling 1 in the mas-
ter. The passive form has a middle sense (Acts 1 : 4; 18 : 1),
and the rendering, was separated, i. e., apologetic, not so much by
his own act as by a sort of providence, is incorrect. The use
of this verb excludes Schroder's singular opinion that Onesimus
was so worthless and incorrigible that his master drove him
away, and would not have him in his service, ztul tovro antici-
pates the clause Avhich follows. See Winer, $ 23, 5.
17^02 a>f>av, being opposed to alcovtor, is a relative expression,
and does not decide how long Onesimus had been absent from
Colossrc. The interval between his conversion and the return
was no doubt brief.
"I-va alionov ainbv artsyr^, that tlioii mighlest have him full}/,
(lit. off, so that nothing remains) forever. Alcoviov is an adjective
with the force of an adverb. Winer, \ 54, 2. The forever is the
entire future both here and hereafter. The relation in this case
can not be that of master and servant, which is temporary, but
must be that of believers in Christ, which makes them equal
sharers in the blessings of a kingdom which has no end. The
purpose (tva] is that of God, not Onesimns. The words of Joseph
to his brethren (Gen. 45 : 5, sq.) illustrate the teleological rela-
tion. The intensive aniyr^, as applied here to the new spiritual
bond, was suggested perhaps by the civil relation of the parties to
each other. The verb signifies to have in full, to possess ex-
haustively (compare Matt. 6:2; Luke 6 : 24; Philip. 4 : 18),
and the meaning here is, that Philemon, in gaining Ouesinius as a
57
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
Christian friend, had come into a relationship to him which maclo
him all his own.
~V. 1G. Ouy. KTI MS 8ov).oi', no longer as a servant, i. e., in that
relation as the only one in which they would henceforth stand to
each other. The meaning is not necessarily that the relation
itself would cease (the expression neither demands nor excludes
that limitation), but that a new element would enter into it. which
would raise Onesimus above the condition of a servant under
human laws, and give to him a title to the justice (Col. 4: 1),
humanity, love, and entire religious equality, which the Christian
brotherhood (aSehfia) confers on all believers, whether they are
Jew or Gentile, bond or free, male or female (Gal. 3 : 28).
In i'Tteo Sov/.ov the preposition may denote a superincumbent
relation, as well as a superseding one. For vnso = more than,
see v. 21 ; Matt, 10 : 37 ; Acts 26 : 13 ; Heb. 4 : 12. The
contrasted emphasis lies upon cos and i^tso, and the doctrine
is that the Christian master must forget the slave in the brother.
MdhoTa luol, especially to me (beyond all others except Phile-
mon), since Onesimus was so endeared to him as his son in the
faith, and as the sharer of his bonds. 'Eiiol is the dative of inter-
est or relation (Winer, $31, 4), and not the dative of the agent
after a passive verbal. Similar to this is ayanr^ol r t uiv lycvi']-
&>;T in 1 Thess. 2 : 8.
Kal li> aaoy.l, v., r. /.., both in the flesh, i. c., his temporal or
earthly relations, and in the Lord, i. e., his Christian or spiritual
relations. ~Ev an^xl answers here precisely to vara aaoxa in
Eph. G : 5, where Paul treats of the same subject. J?0| passes
readily to this meaning from its common use, as denoting that
which is natural to man in distinction from the new principle, or
TfvEvuK. imparted to him in virtue of his union with Christ.
The apostle employs the term often, as Koch remarks (p. 103), to
designate that outward side of human existence, which is appre-
hended by the senses as opposed to the inner and unseen life.
58
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
Onesimus had claims on Philemon which he could not have on the
apostle or any other stranger, because he had lived with him, and
labored for him so long, had been one of his household, perhaps
had been reared with him from infancy, and been an object of his
care and protection. The expression affords no proof of any
natural relationship between Philemon and Ouesimus. Kara
oafjy.a in Eph. 6 : 5 forbids utterly that inference.
V. 17. El ovv fis, y.. r. L, if therefore (Onesimus being sent
back under such circumstances) thou hast me as a partner, dost
count me a sharer with thyself in the faith, love, blessings of the
gospel. To spurn Onesimus, therefore, was to put the apostle
himself out of the pale of the Christian fellowship : that is the
argument. So nearly all critics, as Chrysostom, Theophylact,
De Wette, Koch, Meyer, Wiesinger, Ellicott, though with some
difference as to the relative prominence, which they assign to the
different effects of the gospel in this experience of believers which
makes them one. Not being limited by any term, y.otvcovbv must
include as much as the relation itself, which it defines, includes.
As applied to Titus in 2 Cor. 8 : 23, it means not merely a
friend, but a friend endeared to Paul by a conscious sympathy
in all Christian things. For the nature and extent of this y.ot-
vcovia, see references in note on v. 6. That in y.otvcovbv Paul
would remind Philemon of an admitted right of Christians to
share in each other's worldly possessions (partner in that sense),
as a reason why he should receive what he asks for Onesimus, is
far-fetched, and no longer urged as a possible meaning. This
singular view appears in the Geneva Version.
Uqoohafiov, v., r. L, receive him as me, i. e., not merely as a
partner, but as my representative in that character. Il^oah^ov
resumes the construction broken off in v. 12. c Qs identifies the
persons, and makes the reception a corollary of that identity.
Onesimus, in his character as a believer, had the same rights as
Paul had, and could claim their recognition as fully and justly as
59
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
the apostle himself. So one Christian could appeal to another.
Pliny, in his letter to Sabinianus, entreats his friend not to
torture the -wretch who was a suppliant for his mercy. The
Roman laws, which were severer in this respect than the Greek
laws, allowed a master to take the life of an absconding servant.
See Becker's Charildes, p. 370. A brand-mark at least (ariyfta)
was the penalty of an unsuccessful attempt to escape from servi-
tude. The SganeTqg sonyfisvos (Aristoph. Aves, 759), or brand-
ed fugitive, was a common sight on the estates of the wealthy
Athenians.
V. 18. El s TI, y.. T. L, but if he wronged thee in any thing,
or oiveth aught (rt repeated). The two verbs in the protasis may
be understood of two distinct acts ; the first of running away, the
second of some peculation or dishonesty befoi-e the flight; or
they may both refer to the same act under different aspects, viz.,
the running away viewed first as an injustice, which Paul asks his
friend entirely to overlook for his sake ; or (if that was too much,
and he must be indemnified for the wrong, then) as a debt, which
Paul says he was prepared to pay. Tovro favors the view of a
single act, since ravra would be more natural, if Paul referred to
the escape as one thing 1 , and a previous theft as another. It may
be urged, too, that r,8iy.rjae is too comprehensive, if oyeiket adds
another misdemeanor ; for if there was stealing in addition to the
escape, qSixqas has included that offense already. Unless byEilei
refers to the same act, it falls naturally into a different ethical
category from fjSixjjoe. The last objection, it is true, does not
apply to Meyer's interpretation (also Calvin, Bengel, De Wette),
viz., that r t Siy.ria alludes to a theft or some other fraud, which
ocpeiJ.et, defines euphemistically as a debt. But the greater diffi-
culty arises then, that we have no reference whatever to the
special offense of which Onesimus had been guilty, and which
Paul would be expected to exert his utmost skill to induce
the master to overlook. If, too, he had been alluding to an act
60
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
which was an immorality per se, a bolder expression than the
hesitating el (so appropriate to the running away) would have
been more natural. Schrader, Koch, Herasen, and others deny
utterly that the passage affords any reason for impeaching the
man's character before the flight, and Lardner says, sharply, that
it is no better than calumny to charge a person with crime on
such evidence. The copies read W.oya, ktt.oyei, and Ivloya, but
favor the first. Fritzsche decides (Epist. ad Rom. I., p. 311) that
the second is the only possible form. The word is not found out
of the New Testament (here and in Rom. 5 : 13), except in some
obscure fragments (Host and Palm, Lex., s. v.) ; but analogous
words leave no doubt of the meaning. 'Ett.oyet = y.araX6y?]aai
(Hesych.).
Y. 19. The addition of Ilavlos strengthens the emphatic syca.
A written pledge with such a name needed no other security.
""JEygayn, *. T. L, I have written it with my own hand, I will
repay. The first verb derives its immediate object from TOVTO sfiol
eU.oya, and anorLaca repeats the assurance that he will discharge
the obligation (avyy^ayrj) thus acknowledged by his own hand.
'InoTiaco belongs to the phraseology of pecuniary compacts. Paul
would not be apt to employ the hand of another to write a brief
and friendly letter like this. There is no proof that he had such
help in this instance. The emphasis falls evidently upon kycb
JJavl.os (note the repeated syoj], and not upon eyoaya, which rfj
fi7] '/siol accompanies for descriptive effect merely, as in Gal. 6 : 11.
The lyca sygaya does not except the other parts of the letter any
more than ya> EITIOV attached to eyco anoTiaco in a speech,
would prove that one person had uttered that declaration, and
another the rest of the discourse. Theodoret : avil y^n/n/naTiov
y.aT% Tiff 7ttOTo).f t v' tttiaav avTrji' yeygacpa.
"Iva. fit/ leyco (= ne dicam}, not to say, is an instance of the
ta^aauoTt^astas or prceieritio, by which a person says in
reality what he professes to pass over in silence. So Iva. fnj
61
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
in 2 Cor. 9 : 4. See Wilke, R/ietorik, p. 365. The iva
may depend on ey^awa or a suppressed thought ; "Accept this
pledge that I may not have occasion to insist upon my rights."
"On y.al, x. T. /,., that unto me thou owest also thyself besides, i.e.,
in addition to the favor requested for Onesimus. Kal and Ttgbs
in the verb strengthen each other. The indebtedness is that of
Philemon for Paul's agency in his conversion. Hence as the
apostle would say playfully, he was Philemon's owner in a much
better sense, than Philemon could claim to stand in that relation
to Onesimus.
"V. 20. Nal .... ovctiiirji', yea, brother, let me have joy or
profit of thee, be gratified with this evidence of thy loving spirit.
The phrase was a familiar one, implying the compliment, that to
obtain a favor we need appeal only to the giver's benevolence or
desire to make others happy. Eisner's examples (Observationes,
II., p. 331) are very incomplete. The usage is well illustrated in
Kost and Palm, Lex. s. v. Nal anticipates the affirmation of
the request. It snatches the answer from the mouth of the re-
spondent before he can utter it, like our familiar '' Yes, you will."
The claim on Philemon's gratitude, intimated in the last verse, is
the ground of this confidence. "Ovcdfiriv (aorist middle, from 6ft-
rrjui) is an uncommon word, and hence many critics suppose it to
be chosen for the sake of the alliterative resemblance to 'Ovrjai-
uos. The purport of the figure would be : " It is but fair, as a
matter of reciprocity, that I should receive profit from you (ovai-
(.n]v^ if you have profit from him ^Ovijoiftos) whom I send back
to you." Yet writers by no means agree in the admission of such
a witticism here. Meyer insists upon it with confidence. Winer
(| 68, 2) is undecided. De "Wette rejects the idea as fanci-
ful.
The received text has KV^'LM, instead of Xfuorqi, but against
decisive witnesses.
V. 21. nETtoi&ws .... ooi, having confidence in thy obedience.
62
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
as due not to Paul but Christ or God, since that which the apostle
had requested merely, the spirit of the gospel demanded as a duty.
For vnay.oii in this absolute use, see Rom. 6 : 16 ; 16 : 19. It
was natural that Paul should glance at this higher ground of
obligation, but it would disagree with the tone of the letter to
insist on his own wishes merely as claiming obedience. I concede
that the majority of critics put the latter sense on the expression.
"Eygaya aoi, have written to thee, i. e., at this time ; not wrote
(Common Version), as if he had written once already. See Schole-
field, Hints, etc., p. 128. The province of the Greek aorist em-
braces some of the uses of our perfect.
"On .... Ttoi^aeis, that thou wilt do also above what I say, as
well as (y.ai] according to it. 'Trtsg o has the emphasis. "Whether
the pronoun should be o or a is uncertain. Lachmann adopts the
latter, Tischendorf has both in different editions.
It is impossible for me to resist the impression that Paul meant
here that Philemon should liberate Onesimus, and allow him to
return to Rome, or use his liberty henceforth as his own master.
Having asked every thing short of that already, nothing but that
seems to remain for vrts^ o. Storr, De Wette, Hagenbach,
Koch, Alford, are among those who recognize a hint here that
Philemon would do well to crown his generosity to the slave by
making him a free man. On the contrary, some find the expres-
sion to be a delicate compliment merely to Philemon's philanthro-
py. Paul wrote to him so freely, he would say, because he knew
that his brother would grant not only what he had asked, but
more too, if he had asked it. Calvin's note on the passage de-
serves to be read. We may be sure that whatever Philemon
understood the apostle to say or intend, he was not slow to per-
form. Our having the epistle in our hands at this moment is good
proof that he was not remiss in acting up to every intimation of
what was expected from his friendship and love of justice ; for our
own feelings assure us that he would never have allowed such a
63
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
letter to see the light, if it was to exist only as a perpetual wit-
ness of his ingratitude and his severity.
22 r/ A ^ x Vf ' >-' /- '
ia oe i<ai eToijAF^e fjiOL t^eviav
'yap OTL 8ia rcov rrpocrev^wv
P.O.L VJJLLV. .cnra^TaL <re -Trapas o crvv-
os (JLOV ev X^PLCTTCO 'Ir/crov, Map-
rjfjLa.9, AOVKOLS, oi avvepyoi
rov Elvptov r]}JLU)V '/?;crou
XpL(7Tou /Aero, rov TrvevjuLaro
V. 23. T. E. has aona^ovrai
VERSES 22-25.
Paul hopes to be set free, and sends the Greetings of Friends at
Rome.
V. 22. "Afia tie, . r. L, But at the same time also (viz., that you
show this kindness to Onesimus) be preparing for me a lodging.
DQ Wette prefers this mode : At the same time 1 also request that,
etc. ^/e may be now, i. e., coutinuativc ; or may oppose the
favor desired for himself to that desired for Onesimus, i. e., ad-
versative. Kal adds the one request (ovaifi^v) to the other
(kToiita^E]. The imperative, as present, intimates that he ex-
pected to ai'rive soon, and would have the preparation made
promptly. Eeviav denotes a room or place for his reception as a
guest ; compare Acts 28 : 23. He may have desired this conven-
ience the more, because he traveled often with so many friends
(Acts 19 : 22 ; 20 : 4), and because he would need a place where
he could meet those who might desire religious instruction. This
journey to Colossas, as Neander suggests, may have been part of
64 "
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
a plan to visit the churches throughout Asia Minor. Hence some
argue that Paul must have written this letter from Ca^sarea, or
some other place, and not from Rome ; because he was intending,
before his captivity, to go from Rome into Spain (Rom: 15 : 28).
But he may have had reasons to postpone the Spanish journey
without relinquishing the purpose. Wiggers, Stud, und Krit.,
1841. Another remark may be made here. The apostle's medi-
tated journey to Philippi, of which we read in Philip. 2 : 24, re-
veals a harmony between that passage and this, which I do not
remember to have seen pointed out. Under most circumstances
it would be a contradiction to say, in one letter, that as soon as he
was released (for that is the implication) he would visit the
Philippians, and in another, that he would visit the Colossians ;
but in this case he could say both, because there was a route (see
Introduction, p. v) which would enable him to pass through
Macedonia on his direct way to Asia Minor. Putting the two
passages together, we see evidence of a plan in the apostle's mind,
the parts of which come out to view in the most casual manner,
but are found to be naturally dependent on each other, in con-
sequence of a fact presupposed in the plan, but known to us alto-
gether from another source.
'JE}.Tci'C,co, I hope, implies expectation as well as desire. As the
apostle must have had definite reasons for this hope, we may infer
that the event agreed with the anticipation, and hence that he was
freed from the captivity mentioned at the close of the Acts.
"On , . . r/ : ucov, that through your prayers (offered for this end)
J shall be given to -you ; in other words, that God in answer to
their prayers and as an act of mercy or gift (xapiofojooftat)
would cause him to be set free, and restored to them. We may
be sure that the praying friends at Colossoe were not the only cir-
cle in which supplication was made for Paul. The situation of
the great Christian leader at. .Rome must have fixed upon him the
eyes of the disciples in every land. When Peter was in prison,
65
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
13 : 5). He was expecting, ere long, to greet the Colossians in
person ; see Col. 4 : 10.
Arislarclius was a Macedonian (Acts 19 : 29), who accom-
panied Paul on his voyage to Rome (Acts 27 : 2). As he is
classed here among the aws^yoi, he appears to be called ovvat%-
fidlco-ros in Col. 4 : 10, because he made himself the apostle's
voluntary companion in his exile. To remember the brethren in
their bonds was accounted the same thing as being bound with
them (owSsSsiitvoi); see Heb. 13 : 3. There was no such inter-
val between the two epistles that he can be supposed to have been
put in prison after the letter to Philemon was written.
Demas and Luke are named together also in Col. 4 : 14. We
look into the prison again, after a few years, and but one of the
friends is watching at the side of the apostle. In 2 Tim. 4 : 10, 11,
Paul writes : " Demas has forsaken me, having loved this present
world ; only Luke is with me." We are reminded of Keble's
words in his Hymn on St. Luke :
" Vainly before the shr'me he bends
Who knows not the true pilgrim's part :
The mart3 r r's cell no safety lends
To him who wauls the martyr's heart.''
Y. 25. In xvgiov rjfttov the pronoun may include the community
of believers.
. rov Ttveviiaros i^itcav is more impassioned and earnest than
simply. We have this form of benediction in Gal. 6 : 18 ;
in Philip. 4 : 23, according to the text in some copies ; and in
2 Tim. 4 : 22.
^Iluajv is coextensive with r^tiv in v. 22.
'Aiife (T. E.) is a liturgic word. It was attached to some of
the other epistles also, as a response of the congregation. It ap-
pears in all the English Versions from Wiclif onward, but, being
no part of the text, should be dropped.
The subscript notice, in the current editions, concerning the
67
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
earnest prayer -was made for him, and an angel came and deliver-
ed him from Herod and the Jews (Acts 12 : 5 sq.).
'Tftif denotes those addressed in the letter.
V. 23. lAoTcd&Tai agrees with the nearest name, and is repeat-
ed before the others ; compare John 18:15; 20 : 3. Winer,
47, 2. The best copies testify for this form, and against aana-
ovrai (T. R).
The persons whom Paul salutes here are those saluted also in
the epistle to the Colossians, with the exception of Justus (Col.
4 : 11). It is conjectured that Justus may have been absent at
the moment when the apostle penned this letter. It is "worthy
of notice that Philemon is not mentioned in the epistle to the
Colossians ; for it confirms our view that the letter to them was
written simultaneously with that to him.
Epapkras was a native of Colossas (Col. 4 : 12), perhaps founder
of the church there (Xeander, Pflansung, II., p. 292), a preacher
at all events (Col. 1 : 7), and, as we see here, a sharer in Paul's
captivity. His being named apart from the owstiyol favors the
literal sense of avvaf/,ja,aharoe, i. e., that he also was in prison on
account of his religious faith. The term is more specific than
Ssaptos this, a prisoner in general, especially one held as such for
some alleged offense against the State, while awaty^ia^coros is a
captive in war. Though the Christian soldier may be thus van-
quished, such defeats are the means of ultimate victory. Epaphras
was a different person, no doubt, from Epaphroditus in Philip. 2:
25; for though the names may be interchangeable (Winer, Rcalw.,
I., p. 331), he was sent to Borne from Colossse, at the same time
with Epaphroditus from Philippi (Philip. 2 : 25), and the former
had his circuit of labor in Phrygia or Asia Minor, the latter, in
Macedonia. See Hertz., EncyL, IV., p. 80.
V. 24. Marie is supposed to be John Mark, the writer of the
gospel and Paul's companion on his first missionary tour (Acts
6G
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
origin and destination of the letter, states what was undoubtedly
true, but, like other similar additions, is not from the hand of the
author, though it may be traced to au early age. The notice has
its value, as a confirmatory argument in proof of the genuineness
of the letter, and the place whence it was written. Mill aud
K lister mention two manuscripts, which record at the end that
Ouesimus had his legs broken on the rack or the cross at Eome,
and so gained the rewards of martyrdom. And with this thought,
not historically confirmed, perhaps, but so entirely in harmony
with the vicissitudes of that age of the first confessors, we may
turn our eyes from this record of lowly life on earth, upward to the
scene where the Lord's servants, though they may have been the
slaves of men, are exalted and ennobled forever on thrones which
He hath prepared for them.
68
THE
REVISED VERSION
OF
THE EPISTLE OF PIE TO PHILEMON,
WITH
PHILOLOGICAL NOTES,
THE
KEVISED VEESION
OF THE
EPISTLE OF PAUL TO PHILEMON.
PAUL, a prisoner of Christ Jesus, a and Timo-
thy the b brother, to Philemon the beloved 6 and
a In inverting the names, the Common Version is not con-
sistent with itself ; compare v. 6 ; 1 Cor. 1:4; Gal. 4 : 14. The
variation is without any motive, and must be an oversight. This
order of the names is most common in Paul's epistles, though it
is not so frequent there as 'Irjaovs XQIOTOS.
b Our translators (I use the customary designation, though, as
the late Archdeacon Hare remarks, revisers would be more cor-
rect, since they merely wrought over the previous English Yer-
sions)* render the article by "our," i. e., the apostle and his
readers. But the limitation is not expressed, and may as well be
omitted. The article may signify "the brother" extensively
known as such, not in this particular circle alone; compare
2 John v. 1. See also Koch's explanation in the notes on the
Greek.
c As the same epithet occurs without the pronoun in the next
verse, it is more correct to omit it here.
* See Appendix, No. II.
71
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
2 our fellow-laborer, and to Appliia the beloved,
and Arcliippus our fellow-soldier, and to the
3 church* in thy house : Grace be* to you, and
peace, from God our Father and the f Lord Jesus
Christ.
4 I thank my God always, 5 making mention of
5 thee in my prayers, hearing of thy love and
faith, which thou hast toward the Lord Jesus,
6 and unto all the saints ; that the fellowship 11 of
V. 2. the sister Ib. Or, assembly
V. G. Or, communion
d The older English Versions (Tyndale, Crannier) have " con-
gregation." That is the better term etymologically, but has
passed into a different use. There are objections to " church,"
but as many or greater objections as far as I can see lie against
any other word.
e The Greek formula involves " be," and the Common Version
usually supplies it elsewhere ; compare 1 Cor. 1:3; 2 Cor. 1:2;
Gal. 1:3; Eph. 1 : 3, etc. The italics I strike out always,
because if they are necessary to the sense they belong to the text
as much as the other words, and if they are not necessary they
are interpolations. They were used first in the Geneva Version.
f " Our," before " Lord," occurs only in the Eheims Version.
% Tyndale places " always" here, in his first edition.
h The Common Version leans here upon the Versions from
the Vulgate ; for Wiclif has " comynynge," and the Eheims
" communication." The other Versions have " fellisshippe, fellow-
shyp" (Tyndale, Cranmer, Geneva) ; and our translators render
the same Greek word by that term in numerous other instances,
72
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
thy faith may become effectual in the knowledge
of every good thing which is in us unto Christ
Jesus. For we have much joy and consolation 7
in thy love, because the hearts of the saints have
been refreshed by thee, brother. Wherefore, 8
though having 1 much boldness in Christ to en-
join upon thee that which is becoming, 5 yet for 9
love's sake* I beseech rather ; being such a one, 1
V. 7. Or, I had
as Acts 2 : 42 ; 1 Cor. 1:9; 2 Cor. 6 : 14 ; Philip. 1:5; 2:1;
1 John 1:3, 6, 7, etc. " Communication," as used at present,
suggests a positively erroneous idea. "Fellowship" has at least
this advantage that it leaves the passage dpen to the questions
which arise out of the Greek. " Communion" or " participation"
are the next preferable terms.
1 The participial structure, as in the Greek, is better than the
verbal (Common Version). The question is not whether he
might have the boldness or not (for he claims to have it), but
whether he should give proof of it on this occasion.
1 " That which becometh" (Tyndale, Geneva) ; " that which
was thy dewtye to do" (Cranmer). Ellicott has " becoming."
k All the later English Versions, except the Rheims, copy this
fine expression from Tyndale.
i By the comma between "such a one," and "as," I have
meant to indicate, not decide, the question as to the relation of
the expressions to each other. The sense, as unfolded in the
note on the text, requires the other changes iu the common
punctuation, viz., a semicolon after " rather," and a comma mere-
ly at the end of the verse.
73
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
as Paul an old nmn, m and now also a prisoner
10 of Jesus Christ, I beseech tliee for my child
whom I have begotten in my bonds, Onesimus ;
11 who in time past was unprofitable to thee, but is n
12 now profitable to thee and to me ; whom I have
sent back to thee. But do thou receive him, that
13 is, my own flesh : whom I would have retained*
with myself, that in thy stead lie might minister
14 unto me in the bonds of the gospel. But with-
out thy consent I desired to do nothing that
m Bishop Middleton (On the Greek Article, p. 309) animadverts
on the error of the Common Yersion here : " The rendering of
Paul the aged, conveys the idea that the apostle was thus dis-
tinguished from others of the same name. The want of the article
in the original shows that nothing of this kind was meant. Paul
an old man is all that there appears." Dr. Wordsworth follows
this criticism.
n The Greek idiom often implies sari where we must insert
the copula. Winer, g 64, 2, a.
Some revisers propose "heart" here, as in vv. 7 and 20.
It is a false rule that we must use the same English word
always for the same Greek word. " Flesh" renders the translation
susceptible of the two-fold construction what has been put on the
original. It is thus left to the judgment of the reader whether
the idea is that of affection merely (see Eph. 5 : 29), or that of
kindredship at the same time.
P Tyndale, Cranmer, Geneva have " wolde fayne have retayn-
ed." The Common Yersion agrees with the Eheims.
74
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
thy benefit 5 may not be as it were of necessity,
but willingly. For perhaps he departed for a 15
season to this cnd, r that thou shouldesfc receive
him as thine forever ; s no longer as a servant, 4 16
but above a servant, a brother beloved, specially
to me, but how much more to thee, both in the
flesh, and in the Lord ! If thou countest" me 17
The older translators explain the word : " the good thou
doest" (Coverdale) ; " that good which springeth of thee" (Tyn-
dale) ; " the good which thou doest" (Granmer).
r "Therefore" (Common Version) is ordinarily retrospective,
and would mislead or perplex most English readers.
8 " Wholly and forever" would also give the idea.
' For this translation, see Dr. Conant's note on Matt. 8 : 9.
Slave (softened from sMave, and originally a national appellation,
Sklavonic or Sclavonic) is comparatively a modern word in our
language, and altogether too restricted to represent the Greek
Sovt.os. Schmitthenner (Worterbuch filr Etymologic, u. s. AV.,
p. 447) confirms this statement. Gibbon (Decline and Fall,
Ch. LV.) tQuches on the etymology of the term. All the ver-
sions in the English Hexapla render (i servant" here. Crudeii
reports but two instances of the word " slave" in the entire
English Bible (Jer. 2 : 14, and Rev. 18 : 13, for ocaftn.ro), and
lie reports all the instances that there are. As their contem-
poraries, e. g., Shakspeare, employ the term often, our translators
must have had special reasons for avoiding it. The reader will
find a few words on the matter in Dean Trench's Authorized
Version of the New Testament, p. 1 04. The topic deserves a fuller
illustration than it has yet received.
11 The Greek indicative demands the English indicative instead
75
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
18 therefore a partner/ receive him. as me. But w if
he hath wronged thee in any thing, or oweth
19 aught, put that 1 on my account. I Paul have
written it with my own hand ; I will repay.
Not y to say to thee that unto me thou owcst 1
20 also thine own self besides. Yea, brother, let
me have joy of thee in the Lord. Refresh my
21 heart in Christ. Having confidence in thy obe-
of the subjunctive, as in the Common Version. For the English
forms after " if," see Latham, English Language, $ 614.
v The Hexapla Versions (except the Geneva and James') have
"fellow," with its varied orthography of the different periods.
If we could restore that term, it would preserve admirably the
correspondence between the concrete expression here, and the
abstract in v. 6. Unfortunately, the word has acquired new
shades of meaning, which unfit it for a use so entirely elevated as
that required in this place.
w Though so many questions spring out of the original of this
passage, it will be seen that they are not of a nature to affect the
translation.
x The Greek has " this put," etc. (Ellicott's order, after most
of the earlier English Versions), but the difference is unim-
portant.
y "Albeit" has been silently exchanged for " although" in
many copies of the English Bible, in passages where it is found
in the original edition of 1611.
1 " Unto me thou owest" is the Greek order (followed in
the Peshito), and it may be as well to retain the emphasis in
English.
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
diencc I have written unto tliee, knowing that
thou wilt also do more than I say.
But at the same time be preparing 11 for me 22
also a lodging : for I hope b that through your
prayers I shall be given unto you. There salut- 23
eth tliee Epaphras, my fellow-captive in Christ
Jesus ; Mark, Aristarchus, Denias, Luke, my 24
fellow-laborers. The grace of our Lord Jesus 25
Christ be with your spirit.
a See note on the Greek text.
b The inexact "trust" (Common Version), which would be
, as in v. 21, reaches back to TyndakV " Spiro" of
the Vulgate preserved Wiclif and the Bheinis from that inad-
vertence.
c "Lucas," as in the Common Version, conceals from the
reader that he is identical with Luke (Col. 4 : 14 ; 2 Tim. 4 : 11).
" Marcus" also should be Mark, in conformity with Acts 12 : 12,
25 ; 15 : 39 ; 2 Tim. 4 : 11 (Common Version). Some would
restore the Latinized form in all instances, but the other sounds
have become too familiar to the English ear. Wiclif writes
"Aristark" for Aristarchus.
77
THE
EEYISED VEESION
OP
EPISTLE OF PAUL TO PHILEMON,
WITH
MARGINAL READINGS,
THE
EEVISED YEKSION
OF THE
EPISTLE OF PAUL TO PHILEMON.
WITH
MARGINAL READINGS.
PAUL, a prisoner of Christ Jesus, and Timo-
thy the brother, to Philemon the beloved and
our fellow-laborer, and to Apphia the beloved, 2
and Archippus our fellow-soldier, and to the
church in thy house : Grace be to you, and 3
peace, from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ.
I thank my God always, making mention of 4
thee in my prayers, hearing of thy love and 5
faith, which thou hast toward the Lord Jesus,
and unto all the saints ; that the fellowship of 6
V. 2. the sister Ib. Or, assembly
V. 6. Or, communion
81
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
thy faith may become effectual in the knowledge
of every good thing which is in us unto Christ
7 Jesus. For we have much joy and consolation
in thy love, because the hearts of the saints have
8 been refreshed by thce, brother. Wherefore,
though having much boldness in Christ to cn-
9 join upon thee that which is becoming, yet for
love's sake I beseech rather ; being such a one,
as Paul an old man. and now also a prisoner
10 of Jesus Christ, I beseech thee for my child
whom I have begotten in my bonds, Onesimus ;
11 who in time past was unprofitable to thee, but is
12 now profitable to thee and to me ; whom I have
sent back to thee. But do thou receive him, that
13 is, my own flesh : whom I would have retained
with myself, that in thy stead he might minister
14 unto me in the bonds of the gospel. But with-
out thv consent I desired to do nothing ; that
*/ o /
thy benefit may not be as it were of necessity,
15 but willingly. For perhaps he departed for a
season to this end, that thou shouldest receive
16 him as thine forever ; no longer as a servant,
but above a servant, a brother beloved, specially
to me, but how much more to thee, both in the
17 flesh, and in the Lord ! If thou countest me
18 therefore a partner, receive him as me. But if
V. 7. Or, I had
82
EPISTLE TO PHILEMON.
lie hath wronged thee in any thing, or oweth
aught, put that on my account. I Paul have 19
written it with my own hand ; I will repay.
Not to say to thee that unto me thou owest
also thine own self besides. Yea, brother, let 20
me have joy of thee in the Lord. Refresh my
heart in Christ. Having confidence in thy obe- 21
dience I have written unto thee, knowing that
thou wilt also do more than I say.
But at the same time be preparing for me 22
also a lodging : for I hope that through your
prayers I shall be given unto you. There salut- 23
eth thee Epaphras, my fellow-captive in Christ
Jesus ; Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, my 24
fellow-laborers. The grace of our Lord Jesus 25
Christ be with yonr spirit.
83
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
LETTER OF PLINY TO SABINIANUS.
It may be a convenience to some readers to have -within reach
this celebrated letter of the Eoman courtier to his friend, which
is mentioned in the Introduction, $5, p. ix. I transcribe the
Latin text, as presented in DCEEJNG'S C. PLIXII C^ECILII Secundi
Epistola, Vol. II., p. 242.
C. Plimus Sabiniano suo S.
1 Libertus tuus, cui succensere te dixeras, venit ad me, ad-
volutusque pedibus meis, tamquam tuis, haesit. Flevit multum,
multumque rogavit ; multum etiam tacuit : in sumraa, fecit
raihi fidem poenitentiae. Vere credo emendatum, quia deliquisse
2 se sentit. Irasceris, scio : et irasceris merito, id quodque scio :
sed tune praecipua mansuetudinis laus, cum irae caussa justissi-
3 ma est. Amasti hominem, et spero amabis : interim sufficit,
ut exorari te sinas. Licebit rursus irasci, si meruerit, quod
exoratus excusatius facies. Eemitte aliquid adolescentiae ip-
sius, remitte lacrymis, remitte indulgentiae tuae: ne torseris
4 ilium, ne torseris etiam te. Torqueris enim, quum tarn lenis
irasceris. Vereor, ne videar nou rogare, sed cogere, si precibus
ejus meas junxero. Jungam tamen tanto plenius et effusius,
quanto ipsum acrius severiusque eorripui, destricte minatus
nunquam me postea rogaturum. Hoc illi, quern terreri opor-
87
APPENDIX.
tebat, tibi non idem. Nam fortasse iterum rogabo, iterum impe-
trabo : sit modo tale, ut rogare me, ut praestare te deceat. Vale.
It is not easy to transfer the peculiai- elegance of such a com-
position to a foreign language. The following version from an
anonymous hand has at least the merit of being somewhat close
to the original. There may be a doubt respecting the exact
force of one or two expressions.
C. Plinius to his friend Sabinianus, greeting:
A FKEEDMAN of yours, whom you had said you were angry
with, came to me, and, prostrating himself at my feet, as if at
your own, clung to them. He wept much, and begged much ;
much of the time, too, he was silent ; in fine, he gave me a con-
fidence of his penitence. I believe him to be truly amended, be-
cause he is sensible that he has been delinquent. You are angry,
I know ; and you are angry, with reason ; that, too, I know ; but
the glory of clemency is greatest, when the cause of anger is most
just. You have loved the man, and I hope will love him ; mean-
while it is sufficient that you suffer yourself to be entreated.
You shall be at liberty to be angry again, if he should deserve
it ; which, having shown yourself exorable, you will the more
excusably do. Remit somewhat to his youth, remit somewhat to
his tears, remit somewhat to your own indulgent disposition;
do not torture him, lest you torture also yourself; for you are
tortured, when, lenient as you are, you are angry. I fear lest I
may seem, not to ask, but to compel, if to his prayers I add my
own. Nevertheless, I shall add them the more fully and freely,
inasmuch as I have sharply and severely reproved him, having
strictly threatened never hereafter to intercede with you. This
to him whom it was proper to alarm, but not the same to you.
For, perhaps I shall again ask, and again obtain ; let it be only
such as it may become me to ask, and you to grant.
Farewell.
88
APPENDIX.
No. II.
THE RECEIVED TRANSLATION OF PHILEMON.
The following paragraph from Professor Stanley's Commentary
on the Epistles to the Corinthians, is equally appropriate as ap-
plied to the Epistle to Philemon.
" In the Authorized Yersion of 1611 the Epistles were trans-
lated by the Fifth out of the Six Companies or Committees ap-
pointed for the whole work. It consisted of seven persons :
Dr. Barlow,
Dr. Hutchinson,
Dr. Spencer,
Mr. Fenton,
Mr. Rabbett,
Mr. Sanderson,
Mr. Dakins ;
each of whom translated a part to be submitted to the revision of
the whole Committee.
" To which of these, therefore, the translation of the Epistles to
the Corinthians in its present form is to be ascribed can not now
be ascertained. But inasmuch as the version of these Epistles in
1611, in common with that of the whole Bible, was professedly
based on the 'Bishops' Bible' of 1568, and inasmuch as the
alterations from that earlier version are very slight, the virtual
translators of the Epistles to the Corinthians, as we now have
them are those who were concerned in that work in the reign of
Elizabeth. Of these, the name of the translator of the First
Epistle is learned from the initials affixed. ' G.G.,' Dr. Gabriel
Goodman, Dean of Westminster."
The other epistles are distinguished by no such marks, and it
is not ascertained who translated or revised them.
89
APPENDIX.
The reader may be cautioned against being led by this state-
ment to ascribe too much originality to the " Bishops' Bible" so
called ; for that translation was very much shaped in its exegesis
and its phraseology by the earlier English versions, especially that
of Tyndale in 1534, which has been more closely followed than
any other standard. Some of the traditional interpretations and
current forms of expression may be traced to Wiclif, the pioneer in
these labors ; though his importance in this respect has been greatly
overstated by some recent writers. The very different state of the
English language when he wrote, and the i'act that he drew his
translation from the Latin Yulgate, and not from the Hebrew and
Greek, render his place in Biblical literature altogether unequal to
what it is in the history of his times.
Thus it appears that the Common or Authorized Version of the
Bible is by no means an original translation, as many persons sup-
pose ; but was the result of a series of efforts to improve the already
existing versions by rendering them more intelligible to the bulk
of readers, and more conformed to the progress of sacred learning.
90
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