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Making 

S ocialists 

out of 

College Students 



A Story of Professors and other Collegians 
Who Hobnob With Radicals 



By Woodworth Ctum 

Western Reserve University, 1900 



Published by the 

BETTER AMERICA FEDERATION OF CALIFORNIA 

724 S. Spring St., LOS ANGELES 



246584 



I 



" W£NT no mere puttering reforms," writes Professor 
Calhoun. "If the radicals will stick for ultimates and 
confiscation, I'll stay with them. One of the things that 

will hasten the revolution is to spread the notion that it can 

come soon." 

What do you think of that — you American mothers and 
fathers who are sending your boys and girls to our American 
colleges ? 

How does it impress you business men who* own property ? 

I know your first answer. You say that if Professor Cal- 
houn really wrote such stuff — and really believes it — he should 
be expelled from the college where he is teaching. 

But if you were convinced that other professors, ex-pro- 
fessors and college graduates, representative of leading educa- 
tional institutions in America, are preaching much the same 
doctrine, and are members of a society that has assumed lead- 
ership in endeavoring to co-ordinate the campaign of the Rus- 
sian Soviets, the I. W. W.'s, the Communists and practically 
all the other extreme radicals in this country, — what would 
you do about it? 

Immediately following the general election in November, 
1920, Associated Press news dispatches carried a story to the 
effect, that in the faculty at Stanford University, four pro- 
fessors had voted for Debs and three for the Farmer-Labor 
ticket. A call issued for a meeting of the "Debs for Presi- 
dent Club", on the campus at the University of California, is 
reported to have brought out three hundred students. The 
Socialist vote in California in 1916 was 43,259 and in 1920 
approximately 70,000. In the nation the complete Socialist 
vote in 1916 was 585,113 and in 1920 approximately 
2,000,000. At least another million Socialist votes went to 
the Farmer-Labor Party, the Non-Partisan League, and the 
Socialist-Labor Party. 

If such a program is actually being carried out, it is about 
time for real, red-blooded Americans to wake up, — isn't it? 

The bomb-throwing, bullet-shooting anarchist does not 
worry me very much. It is the subtle, highly intellectual, pink 



variety that is boring into the very heart of America. Such 
tragedies as the explosion in Wall Street on last September 
16th are horrible — monstrous, but they will never halt our 
progress as a people. America will carry on, despite Czol- 
golz, Tom Mooney, the McNamaras and their tribe. But 
when I find a slow poison being secretly and successfully 
injected into our body politic through the class rooms, I do 
worry — and so should you. 

I have kept rather close tab on the trend of radical thought 
and action for the past few years, but when Professor A. W. 
Calhoun's original letter to Professor Zeuch came into my pos- 
'^- session, I was astounded. Calhoun, at the time was of the 
faculty of Ohio State University, at Columbus. Zeuch was a 
professor at the University of Minnesota. A photo-static copy 
of the letter appears on the opposite page hereto. Bead it 
carefully. Note the sinister emphasis, particularly where 
Professor Calhoun says, "I wonder how many of his students 
draw the 'necessary' conclusions?" He is referring to the 
students of Professor N. S. B. Gras, also of the faculty of the 
University of Minnesota. 

The "Hayes" mentioned in Calhoun's letter is Professor 
E. C. Hayes, of the University of Illinois, department of 
sociology. 

Calhoun says "Grose saw Ross at Madison," and "Ross 

had some hand in the game." He is discussing Professor E. 

A. Ross, head of the department of sociology, University of 

*1 Wisconsin, and editor of the American Journal of Sociology 

(which has an extensive circulation among the colleges of this 

A*^ country). 

Do not overlook the significance of that last paragraph in 
ft Calhoun's letter. Beals was a Congregational minister prior 

to becoming a circulation agent for the "Bolshevist maga- 

• »» 

zine. 

And now that some of the names have been identified for 
you, — read that Calhoun letter over again. Does it not stir 
something in your very soul? Am I right when I say there is 
a job ahead for all of us who love America? 

However, that Calhoun letter is merely the introduction to 
this tale of pink professors, and their fellow-workers in the 
effort to undo America. 

\ 







PROFESSOR CALHOUN'S REMARKABLE 

LETTER 



55 E, Norwich Ay. , Columbus, 0. , July 29 



Dear Zeuch. - 



I think I accept al4 you aa.y aboutthe condition of the pro- 
letariat and the impossibility of the iasnediat revolution* But I am 
less interested in the verbiage of the LeftWAng than in the idea of 
keeping ultimates everlastingly in the center of attention to the ex- 
clusion of mere puttering reforms. One of the things that will hasten 
the revolution is to spread the notion that it can come soon. If the 
Left Wing adopts impoeeibiliet methods of campaign, I shall stand a- 
loof, but if they push for Confiscation, : Equality^,of _,^J°»p SP: c . Jtatys. 
and the speedy elimination of class privilege ^1 sK&rgc^^dthxhem 
rather than the yellows. 

If Gras is doing what he says and I am doing what he says, 
he is right in saying that he is doing the hetter job. I wonder, how- 
ever, how many of hie students draw the "necessary" conclusions: and 
il wonder whether I do all my students' -thinking for them. 

Ellery is feeling at Columbus enofi alpo at Illinois, I had a 
letter from Hayes about him. 

I have accepted the professorship of Sociology at De Pauw 
University. The job pays $2200 this year with assurance of $2400 if I 
stay a second year. The president has been here three times and had 
long interviews with me.. Besides we have written a lot. I told him I 
belong to the radical Socialists, I expounded my general principles 
on all important points. He knows also of the circumstances of my 
leeving Clark and Kentucky, He says he is in substantial agreement 
with most of what I have said and that he see3 no reason why I can 
not get along at Da Pauw. He says he feels confident it will be a per- 
manency. Ross had some hand in the game. Pres. Grose intervie\ved him 
at MadiBon last week and Rose wrote encouraging me to take the place. 
1 did not make any great effort. Grose knew that I did tist cere much 
one way or the other. He took the initiative almost from the start 
and I er.t back and waited. I'm afraid Greencastle is too small to do 
much with the co-op. Population 4000. 30 miles north of Blooraington, 
800 students, mostly in college, a few in School of Uusio , a few 
graduate students. Hudson is prof, of Ec. there. 

Beals was here last week. He is pushing the Nation. Says the 
circulation hu& quadrupled since they became Bolshevist. 

As ever. 



CtU^ 



"A. W. C." is Prof. Arthur W. Calhoun (then of Ohio State University) ; 
"Dear Zeuch" is Prof. W. E. Zeuch, then of the University of Minnesota, — 
now teaching at Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 



> INTER-COLLEGIATE SOCIALISTS 

On the ninth floor of the office building at No. 70 Fifth 
Avenue, New York City, you will find the headquarters of the 
Inter-collegiate Socialist Society, — organized more than ten 
years ago by a group of socialist professors and college grad- 
uates for the purpose of spreading radical propaganda in the 
schools and colleges of America. Their quarters are not large, 
so, when an important conference is desired, the socialist pro- 
fessors and their co-workers foregather at the "Inn-in-the- 
hills," a cozy and secluded resort hotel at Highland, N.- Y., — a 
little ways up the Hudson. It was at one of these conferences 
(June 24-30, 1919) that the first effort was made to combine 
the various radical forces and political malcontents in America. 
The idea was called "The Committee of 48." 

Lenin's thumb-print was on the birth certificate of the 
"Committee of 48"— an infant political cure-all which appealed 
for converts — and cash — but which blew up at Chicago early 
last summer. 

The waif would have died at birth, had not Lajpat Rai of 
India breathed into its lungs the unrest of Asia. America's 
leading radicals served as wet nurses — and it was palmed off 
as a child of political respectability. 

There is so much economic wood alcohol being peddled 
these days — so much political moonshine — that we have 
acquired the habit of analyzing and investigating. These are 
days when liberty loving men and women must read thoroly 
and think clearly, for the world is in crisis. 

So let us pull off the mask from this Committee of 48. 
One word that bobs up every five minutes in a socialist 
meeting was quite popular at that Highland, N. Y., conference 
of the collegiate socialists, — the word "ultimates." You remem- 
ber in that remarkable letter Professor Calhoun wrote to Pro- 
fessor Zeuch, Calhoun said: "I am less interested in the 
verbiage of the Left Wing (Communist Labor Party), than in 
the idea of keeping ultimates everlastingly in the center of 
attention, to the exclusion of mere puttering reforms.*' Well, 
this group at Highland agreed that the radical organizations 
would keep agitating for the "ultimates," but that the "new 
party" would go out for "mere puttering reforms," as the 



i < 









opening wedge. Let us keep this clear in our minds while we 
examine the personnel of the meeting. 

LENIN'S REPRESENTATIVE 

The real busy little talker was Albert Rhys Williams. He 
dominated that Intercollegiate Socialist Society conference and 
was made chairman of the special committee to draft the plan 
of action. The other members of this committee were Lajpat 
Rai, Albert DeSilva, Anna Strunsky Walling and Swinburn 
Hale. Perhaps these names mean nothing to you ; but if you 
have followed the development of radical thought for the past 
four years, these names will mean much. 

Albert Rhys Williams is the confidante of Lenin and Trot- 
sky, and it is through Williams that the Russian soviet gov- 
ernment got its hand in the game. Williams is a newspaper 
writer and was in Russia when the autocracy of the proletariat 
was established, under Lenin. Williams, with John Reed and 
Boris Reinstein, constituted the Bolshevist Propaganda Bu- 
reau — maintained headquarters in Petrograd, and, of course, 
were in the pay of the Soviet government. Reed became a 
fugitive from justice, having been indicted at Chicago for crim- 
inal anarchy. He died last October in Moscow, of typhoid. 
After the armistice, Williams returned to America to bring 
about a combination of all radicals. The "Committee of 48" 
was his "delivery of the goods." 

Lajpat Rai, another member of the original committee that 
planned the Committee of 48, is an East Indian and a radical 
writer. His book, "England's Debt to India," was suppressed 
in this country under our Espionage Act. He is the accepted 
representative in the United States of the "proletariat" of 
India. 

When Albert Rhys Williams' special committee finished its 
job and was ready to report, a second conference was called 
to meet at the headquarters of the American Civil Liberties 
Bureau, 41 Union Square, New York City, on August 29, 
1919. It was this bureau that inserted a full page advertise- 
ment in "The Liberator" for funds to help alien deportees. 
Roger Baldwin — the first director of the bureau — served one 
year in jail for failing to register in the draft. 




Let us look around the room at 41 Union Square, and see 
who were present at this conference to perfect plans for the 
Committee of 48. The list includes Jos. Gilbert, of St. Paul, 
general manager of the Non-Partisan League; Oswald Garri- 
son Villard, editor of The Nation; Robert M. Buck, editor of 
The New Majority — Chicago's radical weekly; Elizabeth Gur- 
ley Flynn, a prolific writer of I. W. W. literature; Morris Hil- 
quit, New York socialist, born in Riga, Russia, and an official 
representative in America of the Soviet Bureau; Lincoln Col- 
cord, associate editor of The Nation; Professor Scott Nearing, 
radical agitator; Seymour Stedman, attorney, whose specialty 
for years has been defending I. W. W.'s, communists and 
radical socialists, and who was retained to defend the com- 
munists recently convicted at Chicago; Allen McCurdy, asso- 
ciate editor of The Nation; Crystal Eastman, editor of The 
Liberator; Albert Rhys Williams ; Walter Nelles, representing 
the American Civil Liberties Bureau ; James H. Maurer, presi- 
dent of the Pennsylvania State Federation of Labor; Rev. A. 
J. Muste, national organizer, Amalgamated Textile Workers' 
Union; Rose Schneiderman, president Woman's Trade Union 
League— and a dozen others. 



ADVOCATES SABOTAGE 

Elizabeth Gurley Flynn is the Joan d'Arc of the I. W. W. 
She is closely associated with Big Bill Haywood and goes with 
him whenever he speaks to foreigners who do not understand 
our language. She translates Haywood's speeches — makes 
I. W. W. speeches of her own, and writes books to prove that 
the pleasant little habit of sabotage is something all workers 
should acquire. She had authority to pledge Haywood's co-op- 
eration in promoting the Committee of 48. I have some of 
Miss Flynn's books on my desk. Let me quote from her 
"Sabotage": 

"I advocate sabotage. I am not going to attempt to justify 
sabotage on any moral ground. If the workers consider sabot- 
age is necessary — that in itself makes sabotage moral. Its 
necessity is its excuse for existence." 



Sitting next to Miss Flynn was Joe Gilbert, now of the 
Nonpartisan League, but who, back in 1905, was one of the 
delegates to the first convention of the I. W. W. at Chicago 
and who helped place William D. Haywood in nomination. 
A. C. Townley, who is president of the Nonpartisan League 
in North Dakota and Minnesota, was state organizer for the 
Socialist Party in North Dakota before taking hold of the 
League There are many very close connections in the leader- 
ship of the I. W. W., the Socialist Party, and the Nonpartisan ^ 
League. 

CONDEMNED BY GOMPERS 

Next to Gilbert was Oswald Garrison Villard, publisher of 
The Nation— all of which makes an interesting trio. President 
Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, in the Febru- 
ary (1920) number of The Federationist, condemns Bolshe- 
vism quite severely and laments publicly the dangerous radical 
influence "of those so-called journals of opinion, such as 1 he 
Nation, The New Republic, and The Dial" 

L. S. Gannett, graduate of Harvard, who was a member 
of the Highland conference, now an associate editor of The 
Nation, in the issue of The Nation for October 20, 1920 con- 
tributes a verv interesting apology for the I. W. W. and en- 
deavors to absolve them from all vicious intent and wrong 
doing. 

Remember that letter by Professor Calhoun, the last sen- 
tence of which was: "Beals was here last week; he is pushing 
The Nation and says the circulation has quadrupled since they 
became Bolshevist." Naturally the publisher of The Nation 
was not going to let the tag ends of radicalism of this country 
get together without his own influence being felt. 

Allen McCurdy sat next to Villard. A news writer in the 
St. Louis Post Dispatch had this to say of Allen McCurdy: 
"McCurdy was a Presbvterian minister, until as he says, he 
began to take religion too seriously. Now he is on the edi- 
torial staff of The Nation. He is much sought by movements 
desiring snap in their public proceedings." Lincoln Colcord, 
sitting next to McCurdy, was also a member of the editorial 
staff of The Nation. 



We find "Bob" Buck sitting next to Colcord Buck* 
editor of "New Majority," official weekly paper of the Chicago 
Federation of Labor. Fitzpatrick, of rfeel -g- "W^ 
r^ident of the Chicago Federation, and under his leadership 
^organlatton protested against deporting alier i rad.ca£ 

Fitzpatrick, in 1908 was nominated as a member of the 
National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party. 

THE PROFESSORS "SIGNED" 

This then was the group created at the "Inn-in-the-Hills," 
uJrZite'llectual glulale of the '^?^« *£*£ 
Society. National headquarters were ""mediately es ™*° 
at No 15 East Fortieth Street, New York City and a cal 
issued for a national conference, to be held at St. Louis last 
December. There are some three hundred names .officially 
published by the Committee of 48, as .«.<» o ft* Call 
This list includes the following professors: (I qmte.MKU.f0 
"Prof G. G. Benjamin, Iowa; Prof. Geo. A. Coe, in. i . , 
Prof, ctence M. Case, Iowa; Prof. Frank T Carlton, Mub.; 
Prof. Durant Drake, N. Y.; Prof. Leonard *£ »£* Caro- 
lina- Prof. Lawrence E. Griffin, Penn. ; ProL Bobert Hernck, 
m Prof M H. Hedges, Wis.; Prof. David Starr Jor- 
dan, Ca .• Prof Isidore°Kayfetz, N Y.; ***•*-»* f 
latourette, Ohio; Prof. H. G. Monlta., 111. ; Prof . H L. 
McCracken Iowa; Prof. William F. Ogburn, D. C., Brot. 
George MCrcady' Price, Cal.; Prof. Boscoe Pound Ma»a, 
Prof S George Bcbec, Ore.; Prof. Nathaniel ScWt, Cornell, 
1ST Y • Prof A. M. Schlesinger, Ohio; Prof. J. W. btimson 
Cal Prof Donald E. Taft, Ohio; Prof. N. B. Whitney, Iowa 

"'I .frflLrZm Professor John Smertenka of Grin 
nell College, Iowa, in which he declares that more than <* 
alsand professor's in the United State* were active in tb 
-ttempted organization of the Committee of 48. 

One would think after the Chicago fiasco of the Com 
ra ittee of48 that even the pink professors would give up the 
lb tion to amalgamate the radicals of America for an n 
leCive campaign against our form of government. But o 
h? contrary I am assured by no less an authonty tha 
Harry WLaidler, A. M, Pb. D., of Wesleyan Un.versit; 



■■OTK^H 



editor of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society's official monthly 
publication, The Socialist Review, that "concrete plans for 
(radical) cooperation must wait for future developments." 

Just to show that the pink collegians have not lost heart, 
another conference was called at that secluded "Inn-in-the- 
Hills," at Highland, N. Y., June 22 to 28, 1920. In addi- 
tion to the usual group of distinguished educators, and other 
college men and women, there were present the following 
"guests of honor": 

"GUESTS OF HONOR" 

Jack Beyer, for fifteen years a leader of and organizer 
for the I. W. W., confidential lieutenant of Big Bill Haywood, 
and recently released from Leavenworth penitentiary. Beyer 
has been working with "Red" Doran in New York City, col- 
lecting money for the defense of members of the I. W. W. 
charged with various crimes against the United States, such 
as the murder of our soldier boys at Centralia ; 

Robert Minor, an American, a confessed Bolshevist, a 
defender of Tom Mooney, — and who was arrested by the 
American military authorities at Coblenz, Germany, for dis- 
tributing Bolshevist literature amongst American troops, with 
a view to inciting mutiny; 

I. Hourwich and Gregory Zilboorg, — both Russians and 
direct representatives of the Soviet Bureau; 

Ben Legere, of Winnipeg, international organizer for the 
One Big Union, and now secretary of the Textile Workers' 
Union at Lawrence, Mass. 

Gertrude Nafe, organizer for the United Communist 
Party ; 

W. W. Liggett, propagandist for the Nonpartisan League 
of North Dakota; 

Swinburne Hale, of the executive committee of the Com- 
mittee of 48, and a lawyer who has been acting as attorney for 
"deportees;" 

Mary Gawthorpe, organizer for the Amalgamated Cloth- 
ing Workers' Union; 

A. J. Muste, formerly a clergyman in Massachusetts and 
now secretary and director of the Amalgamated Textile 
Workers' Union; 



Anna Strunsky (Walling), sister of Rose Strunsky, and 
leader of women radicals in New York City; 

Griffin Barry, associate editor of the London Herald, — the 
English radical daily newspaper which was tendered a gift 
of $375,000 by the Soviet Propaganda Bureau for "services 
rendered" — but which gift was refused by reason of an 
aroused public sentiment; 

Joseph D. Cannon, a leader of the radical wing of the 
American Federation of Labor; 

Vijaya Rao, an East Indian agitator and affiliated with 
the British Labor Party; 

Louis Boudin, leading disciple and proponent of the Karl 
Marx school of extreme socialism; 

W. W. Lefeaux, socialist leader in the Winnipeg "soviet" 
strike ; 

Roger Baldwin and Earl Humphries, both of whom have 
served time in prison as conscientious objectors, — and, 

Alex Trachtenberg and Algernon Lee, both directors of 
the Rand Socialist School at New York City. 

The remainder of the two hundred delegates who regis- 
tered at that remarkable conference at the "Inn-in-the-Hills" 
were mostly professors, ex-professors and collegians who are 
now actively aiding the radicals. For instance, Evans Clark, 
professor at Princeton University but more recently confi- 
dential advisor to the Soviet Bureau and in its pay, presided 
at one of the sessions. 



CORNELL REPRESENTED 

Professor Nathaniel Schmidt of Cornell University was 
an active participant in the conferences, — as was Harriett 
Stanton Blatch, of New York City, suffrage leader and a 
member of the Socialist party. Mrs. Blatch, in addressing 
the delegates, said: "I do not want to be considered a radical 
of the right wing, for I belong to the radicals of the left" 

The above pronouncement by Mrs. Blatch is particularly 
interesting when taken in connection with current advertis- 
ing of "Books for Women". The Weekly Review (New 
York), October 27, 1920, page 389, carries a half-page adver- 
tisement by "The Woman's Press", calling particular attention 



to the latest book by Mrs. Blatch, entitled, "A Woman's Point 
of View: Some Roads to Peace". The publishers further 
announce that this book is "a record of facts with construc- 
tive conclusion and a strong program for progress by one of 
America's foremost thinking women". 

Here, then, is another evidence of the subtlety of the work 
that is going on. 

I have in my possession the official report of that six-day 
conference, written by Laidler. Here are some of its high- 
lights : 

"We demonstrated that liberals and radicals of every 
stripe can meet together amicably and can discuss fully their 
divergent programs for social progress. We came to no ex- 
plicit agreement as to how these respective groups of radicals 
could best cooperate. * * * A number of these movements 
have not as yet found themselves. Concrete plans for co- 
operation must wait for future developments. * * * This first 
free forum of all the important liberal and radical groups was 
a distinct success. 

"Zilboorg declared that our choice now lay between the 
dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia and the dictatorship 
of reaction; and that it was the duty of socialists to support 
the former." 

Laidler quotes Hourwich of the Soviet Bureau as defend- 
ing the Bolshevik program in toto and predicting for it a 
permanent success. Says Hourwich: "There remains (in 
Russia) only a very small group of dissatisfied capitalists and 
professional people, — and these lack the economic strength 
necessary to overthrow the (Soviet) government." 

Prof. Evans' Clark, (who, by .the way, now registers as 
of Amherst College) protested against America helping the 
a nti -Bolsheviks, — especially the Poles. Arthur Gleason, presi- 
dent of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society, declared that 
"the workers are tired of producing for private profit." 

REV. MUSTE SPEAKS 

Rev. A. J. Muste is quoted as stating that all labor unions 
have for their objective "the overthrow of the existing order 
of society." And, now listen to this, — from Muste: 






\ 



"The older unions have the advantage — they are not sub- 
ject to such wide-spread attacks as are those which publish 
their revolutionary aims. One of the problems before the 
labor movement is that of stating, in American language, the 
functions of revolutionary unionism. Radicals should not 
needlessly sabotage. Radical unions should guard against the 
setting up of rival organizations, but, on the other hand, they 
should not go into the American Federation of Labor, except 
on their own terms. The radical labor movement must beware 
of going off half-cocked." 

Of course Jack Beyer, of the I. W. W., boosted his or- 
ganization and outlined its affiliation with the One Big Union. 
He boasted of tying up the water-front at Philadelphia 
through the membership of "7000 negroes and whites" and 
declared the I. W. W. has 260,000 members in good stand- 
ing, — and is growing fast. 

Laidler quotes Cannon of the A. F. of L. as saying that 
Gompers is through and that industry is well on the way to 
complete socialization. He quotes Swinburne Hale as frankly 
admitting the Committee of 48 was "a combination of dis- 
contented radicals" and that the movement must succeed be- 
cause America "is now run by a soviet of bankers and lawyers. 
We demand a government that will protect the privilege of the 
workers." 

REPRESENTS "LEFT WING" 

Trachtenberg was going good at that conference. He 
represented the left wing and declared the "lefts" to be in 
control of the party. Laidler thus quotes Trachtenberg: 

"Capitalism is breaking up; social revolution has already 
begun; we must prepare the mass of workers for the great 
change. When the revolution comes there must be dictator- 
ship of the proletariat during the transitional period — and 
the workers alone must be in control. We must get into the 
industrial struggle and ally ourselves with the labor move- 
ment, urging workers to secure as much control as possible 
in industry — and train themselves now for problems of 
management. 

"We should affiliate with the Third Internationale of 
Moscow." 



Algernon Lee, in his speech to the conference, blamed 
William Randolph Hearst for almost destroying the Socialist 
Party in 1905, saying that when Hearst organized his "Inde- 
pendence Party," the socialists all flocked to it. 

There is a lot more of this kind of stuff in Laidler's official 
report of the conference, — but why quote it further? You 
have the stage setting and the list of performers. Participants 
all ran true to form. You know what they said. 

But the last paragraph in Laidler's official report of this 
week's conference T must quote for you verbatim. In reading 
it you must remember that Zilboorg is the Soviet publicist and 
that "wobblies" are members of the I. W. W. 

"The final meeting adjourned for a marshmallow 
roast and a 'sing' on the mountainside near 'the ruins,' 
and listened until past midnight to the Russian folk 
songs, led by Gregory Zilboorg, and to Jack Beyer's ab- 
sorbing tales of the wobblies." 

How romantic, — and how significant, when compared with 
the first paragraph in Laidler's report of this conference, 
which declared its purposes to be discussion of a 
for social progress. 



program 



PAUSE— AND THINK 

Now, — you who have children attending college, — pause a 
moment, and think. Was the professor who teaches your girl 
or boy sociology or political economy present at that con- 
ference? I do not know, — but do you not think you should 
find out? That is your job, — and no one else's. 

I have been informed that the Intercollegiate Socialist 
Society has a total membership .of some 11,000, more than 
2000 of whom are active members of the teaching forces in 
our leading schools, colleges and universities. 

It would not matter much, however, if there were only 20 
professors attending those conferences and subscribing to 
those principles — if the particular professors who happen to 
be teaching your boy or girl are among the twenty, — would it? 

One thing for which we must give the socialist professors 
credit, — they are playing the game in the open. I have men- 



tioned the monthly publication of this Intercollegiate Socialist 
Society, "The Socialist Review." Almost any issue of thii 
magazine teems with this same sort of propaganda. I h.iv< 
before me the issue for August, 1920. The back cover adver- 
tisement is by Upton Sinclair, offering his book, "Brass 
Checks," for sale. 

On page 94 I find the names of the editors and their 
respective colleges, as follows: 

"Editor, Harry W. Laidler of Wesleyan; managing editor, 
W. Harris Crook of Oxford. 

"Editorial Board 

"James W. Alexander of Princeton 
"Evans Clark of Amherst 
"H. W. L. Dana of Harvard 
"Lewis S. Gannett of Harvard 
"Felix Grendon of Columbia 
"Jessie Wallace Hughan of Barnard 
"Winthrop D. Lane of Michigan 
"F. F. Rockwell of Wesleyan 
"Alexander Trachtenberg of Trinity 

"Contributing Editors 
"Louis B. Boudin Stuart Chase 

"Arthur Gleason 
"Rev. John H. Holmes 
"Jas. H. Maurer 
"James Oneal 



Freda Kirchwey 
Florence Kelley 
S. Nuorteva 
Rev. N. M. Thomas' 



Prof. Dana formerly was on the faculty at Columbia, but 
with Prof. Cattell, was removed by Dr. Nicholas Murray 
Butler because of anti-American activities. Under date of 
September 2, 1917, Dr. Butler wrote to Prof. Dana, dis- 
missing him, with the following statement: 

"You have, throughout the summer, been in close, public 
association with individuals and organizations that in one form 
or another, are striving to weaken the national effort and 
nullify the national will." 

Please keep in mind that this was the first six months 
during which we were actively engaged in war against 

246584 






USING THE PULPIT 
I already have told you about Prof. Clark and Trachten- 
berg Maurer is president of the Pennsylvania Federation of 
Labor and a pronounced radical. Jimmie Oneal is general 
manager for the Rand Socialist School at New York. Nuor- 
teva was private secretary to Ludwig A. K. Martens, so-called 
"soviet ambassador" to the United States; he is a Russian and 
a recent deportee. The two members of the clergy, Holmes 
and Thomas, have been identified with this sort of propa- 
ganda for some time; Thomas was a witness for the five so- 
cialist members of the New York legislature who were twice 
suspended. Rev. Holmes is an agent for Upton Sinclair s 
radical publications, and advises his congregation in New 
York to read Sinclair's writings— most of which appear in 
the extreme Socialist newspaper, The Appeal to Reason. 

Among other sympathetic advertisers in the August num- 
ber of the Socialist Review, we find the Rand School; Soviet 
Russia, official magazine of the Russian Soviet Government; 
and the Labor Film Service, which offers dramas, based on 
the writings of iconoclasts." 

The leading article is by Girolamo Valenti, general labor 
organizer for the Italians in New York City, in which the 
writer declares Lenin is more popular in Italy than he is in 
Russia and that Italy is more completely sovietized than any 
country except Russia. He describes how easily and effec- 
tively Italian workers have taken possession of industry and 
how they can make and un-make governments. He recom- 
mends that the American Federation of Labor wake up and 
describes the easy manner in which socialization of industry 
can be accomplished through strikes. 

Other articles are of the same general trend. 

"STUDENT" MEMBERS 

I also have before me an application blank for member- 
ship in the Inter-collegiate Socialist Society. It mentions 
"active" members and "student" members. Then there is a 
blank line for the name of the applicant and another blank 
line for "college or school." 



And right here — mothers and fathers, and business men 
generally — is another place to pause — and think. Is your boy 
or girl being importuned to become a member of this society 
and a subscriber for this magazine? I do not know, but do 
you not see a very important job looming up before you? 

It it not a job you can delegate to "George/Veither; 
you cannot pass the buck. If you are too busy — all 
right, forget it,— but unless you and your neighbors 
who really believe in America and cherish the right of 
private property, do give some of your time and thought 
and money to courageously defending our principles of 
government— your children may not have to worry 
about too much business; they may get their "ration" 
tickets from the local socialist commissar. 

The evidence could be multiplied almost indefinitely, but 
if the evidence you have does not warrant shaking off the 
lethargy, additional evidence would simply be a waste of 
everybody's time. The founder of the Rand School of Social 
Science was Professor George Herron, formerly of the faculty 
of Grinnell College, Iowa. The most brilliant propagandist 
in the radical ranks today is Professor Scott Nearing, who 
was relieved of his job at Toledo University, because of his 
economic unsoundness. Professor Kirkpatrick, of Chicago, is 
the author of some of the most destructive radical literature 

of the day. 

Helen Pratt Judd, for fifteen years a teacher in the 
Wicker Park School at Chicago, was one of the group recently 
tried at Chicago, as members of the Communist Labor Party 
and charged with advocating the forceful overthrow of the 
government. Mrs. Judd was secretary of one of the Com- 
munist Labor branches. 

O. J. Arness was a teacher in the South High School at 
Minneapolis,— with decided radical tendencies. He was dis- 
covered to be a member of the I. W. W., in good standing, 
was ousted from the high school and is now chief clerk to the 
Trades and Labor Defense Committee. 

Frederic C. Howe, who was removed as Immigration Com- 
missioner at the Port of New York, because of his very 



friendly and very cordial relations with Emma Goldman and 
other comrades", was formerly a lecturer at the Universities 
of Wisconsin and California. He then became publicity man- 
ager for the Plumb Plan League. He was one of the charter 
members of the Committee of 48. 

James H. Collins, of the staff of the Saturday Evening 
Post, in that periodical, (issue November 20, 1920) pays his 
respects to radicalism generally and has this to say, concern- 
ing the efforts being made to bore into the class rooms : 

"The spread of radicalism in our colleges is perhaps most 
marked of all. The cartoon type of radical, with his whiskers 
and bomb, has a very limited field of activity — any police- 
man would arrest him on sight. The college radical, on the 
contrary, can move in every circle. It is not easy to explain 
him. Sometimes he is a self-seeker and loves notoriety. 
Again, his hostility to society is based on envy. Ambitious, 
but lacking energy, he hates people who succeed through 
energy, and sours on life. Some of this intellectual radical- 
ism is attributed to the materialism of the age, socialism and 
similar philosophies being based on the material concept of 
history. Other observers charge it up to slipshod teaching of 
history and economics, students lacking the solid grounding 
that would put superficial radical theories in proper perspec- 
tive. * * * 

"The teachings of a radical college professor may have 
great influence. In one college recently some of the students 
made a demonstration when a radical professor was dropped 
from the faculty. * * * 

"We regard the parlor Bolshevist, like the soap-box orator, 
with amused tolerance. Yet he is dangerous in two ways: 
First, as an out-and-out revolutionist who will take your prop- 
erty if he gets a chance, enslave or kill you and demonstrate 
his philosophy along Russian lines generally — though apart 
from this he may be a very likable fellow. Second, if not an 
out-and-out revolutionist, then he illustrates the strong intel- 
lectual appeal of radical philosophies. These are penetrat- 
ing many quiet places by means of radical books and periodi- 
cals, and often crop up among teachers, clergymen and other 
leaders of normal American communities. * * * 



"Never having worked with his hands, nor mingled with 
wage earners, nor been creative or constructive in any way 
himself, the intellectual radical sees nothing difficult in the 
revolutionary program of first tearing everything down and 
then building from the ground up, entirely new." 

The following paragraph is copied from "The Railsplit- 
ter" — published weekly by the journalism class of the Lincoln 
High School, Los Angeles — under date of November 12, 1920: 
"Mr. Editor: 

"Are we coming to school to learn Anarchy or Bolshevism? 
That is not what I am coming for, but there is a certain 
teacher here that spends most of her time trying to stir up 
a hatred between the two great classes of our country, namely: 
Labor and Capital. She says that America is behind the 
times and then she named several countries, such as Italy, 
Russia and Germany, that are strictly up to date and were 
making progress. There is a revolution or civil war in each 
one of these countries. 

"L. B. R." 

PLAN IS INTERNATIONAL 

Do not think that this campaign among professors is con- 
fined to America ; it is distinctly international, as are all of 
the other active branches of the radical movement. At the 
last meeting of the International Congress of Socialist Stu- 
dents and Graduates, Professor Enrico Ferri, of the Univer- 
sity of Palermo, in addressing the delegates, said: 

"We should introduce socialism into the student's 
mind as a part of science, as a logical and necessary 
culmination of the biological and sociological science. 
No need of making a direct propaganda which would 
frighten many of the listeners. Without pronouncing 
the word 'Socialism' once a year, I make two-thirds of 
our students socialists." 

Just to show that this "indirect" program is becoming quite 
prevalent even in the United States, — there is an advertise- 
ment on page 488 of the issue of "The Nation" of October 
27, 1920, by Charles H. Kerr and Co., publishers of radical 
propaganda in Chicago. Note that the word "socialism" 



is not used at all. Here is the exact wording of the adver- 

tisement : 

"Correspondence courses in applied Marxian economics, in 
fifteen lessons. We supply study booklets and aid union 
locals in analyzing their own industries. Special offers to 
clubs. The labor leaders who are beginning to stand out all 
over the world are those who are applying Marx to industry." 
Clever, isn't it? Bolshevism is simply Marxian social- 
ism, plus force. It is the subtle campaign we must fight in 
this country. 

Federal Judge Martin J. Wade, of Iowa, in addressing the 
South Dakota Bar Association at its annual meeting, said: 

"Chief Justice White of the Supreme Court of the United 
States, tells us of a distinguished public man who had just 
been delivering, in one of our great American universities, a 
series of lectures on 'Our Constitutional System of Govern- 
ment.' He said to me, 'I was surprised to have one of my 
listeners — a student far advanced in his university life — say 
"It gave me so much pleasure to hear your lectures, for they 
were the first kindly words I have heard said about our gov- 
ernment since the commencement of my university career." 
"Justice White further said: 'I recollect, myself, a few 
' years ago, being in the atmosphere of a university, and, feel- 
ing that there existed among the student body either a pro- 
found apathy — or a great misapprehension as to our govern- 
men t — the division of powers which it created, and the limita- 
tions which it embraced, and in mentioning this impression to 
one quite familiar with the environment, I was surprised to 
hear him say, "Oh, yes, you are quite right— that is the im- 
pression which here prevails; indeed, I th ink it comes from 
the state of mind of the teaching body." 



LET US RECAPITULATE 

President Grose of DePauw was shown a copy of Pro- 
fessor Calhoun's letter, and so were the trustees at Ohio State 
University. Prof. Calhoun was relieved all the way round 
and is now down at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, helping con- 
duct a cooperative association that warehouses supplies in 



times of industrial peace and doles them out to strikers in 
times of industrial war. 

Prof. W. E. Zeuch left the University of Minnesota but 
was promptly employed by Cornell University, at Ithaca, 
N. Y. He was incensed at me for having made public the 
contents of Prof. Calhoun's letter, and I have on my desk a 
letter from Prof. Zeuch, dated at Cornell University. I believe 
this letter presents quite clearly the magnitude of the task that 
some real Americans have got to tackle sooner or later. Here 
are extracts from Prof. Zeuch's letter to me: 

"First of all, allow me to thank you for making Socialism 
an issue; it is the greatest political force in the world today. 
If we look to Europe, we find Russia, a socialist soviet re- 
public, triumphant over all enemies, internal or external. 
Germany is under the control of Socialists; Italy, Belgium, 
Holland, Denmark, Norway and Sweden are receiving dicta- 
tion from powerful socialist groups. France increased her 
socialist vote a half million in the last election and now has 
a thirty per cent radical electorate. England will soon have 
a labor government which accepts the principles of Socialism. 
Other nations on the continent are in similar condition. In 
Asia a new Chinese student movement accepts the socialist 
view and hopes for the success of Bolshevism in Siberia. In 
Japan radical doctrines have been given a tremendous impetus 
within the last few years. In South America the Socialists 
are organized, and are especially strong in Argentine. 



"IDIOCY FOR AMERICA" 

"So it goes, no matter what part of the world we survey. 
In an era so permeated with this doctrine, it would be the 
part of idiocy for America to attempt to remain isolated and 
ignorant. The socialists thrive upon intelligent criticism, and 
I am sure no group will be more pleased than they with your 
attempt to expose their doctrine. 

"I hold that Dr. Calhoun has the right, under our laws, to 
advocate any idea that he feels just. If there is any place 
in America where the free play of ideas should not only be 
permitted but encouraged, it is in our universities. When you 
drive a socialist out of the university you throw him into the 



radical movement. Instead of having an audience of a few 
students, he reaches htmdreds through the platform and thou- 
sands through the press and pamphlets. This has happened 
in this country time and time again: Professors Nearing, Kirk- 
patrick, Clark, Calhoun and Sims are doing a thousand times 
more to undermine capitalism, outside of the university than 
they did in it. Schools for workers are springing up in our 
cities and are being taught by these fired professors. They 
are educating the labor leadership that will be in control of 
this nation in the next decade. The more of them you get 
fired, the better. Keep up the good work. 

"I am in favor of a world for, of and by the workers. 
Divisions among socialists are all over the method of accom- 
plishment. Some would carry on a campaign of education and 
persuasion among all the people and work through political 
action ; others would organize the key industries of each coun- 
try and by means of a general strike force the nation to accept 
that policy; still others would combine both the political and 
the economic weapons. As for myself, I am a guild socialist." 

What are we going to do about it ? This is a free country, 
you know, — freedom of thought and speech and all that sort 
of thing. If all the professors in all the universities in 
America would start teaching nothing but socialism tomorrow, 
there would be no legal recourse. Furthermore, no thoughtful 
American wants any legal recourse against propaganda or 
teaching of this sort. The professors as individuals have a 
perfect right in America to put their doctrines over, if they 
can, but it is not in keeping with the American spirit to have 
this sort of economics taught to our boys and girls, and I do 
not believe that the fathers and mothers of the boys and girls 
who are attending school in America are going to stand for it. 

COULD YOU DEBATE IT? 

The Socialist propaganda must be intelligently opposed. 
If any one of these professors was to announce that he 
would address a public meeting in your town and challenge 
any citizen in your community to debate extreme socialism 
with him, — you could not find any one within a hundred miles 
who knows enough about socialism to take a chance. 



We have been asleep,— not only at the switch, but at both 
terminals. 

I have in my files a letter defending the socialist professors 
on the ground that their pay is so small that they naturally 
cannot be expected to have any respect for the rights of pri- 
vate property. There is a measure of truth in this, of course. 
We are just awakening all over America to the fact that we 
have not paid our teachers a wage commensurate with the 
intelligence and patience and sound judgment expected of 
them. However, I would never agree to the statement that a 
man's patriotism depends upon his income, — neither his 
patriotism nor his fealty to the principles of the American 
government. Shall we say that a man whose income is only 
fifteen hundred dollars a year is warranted in being an anar- 
chist ; eighteen hundred dollars a year precludes his being an 
anarchist but entitles him to be a bolshevist; two thousand 
dollars a year limits him only to communism or socialism; 
twenty-two hundred dollars a year excludes all of the other 
isms except socialism; — and when he gets up to twenty-five 
hundred dollars a year, he has reasonable grounds to become 
an American at heart and in action ? This is all wrong. Most 
of the best Americans we have in this country are receiving 
lees than twenty-five hundred dollars a year compensation. 

You must not get the impression that the teaching of social- 
ism dominates in the sociological departments of our American 
universities, — but its teaching is going on apace. The fact 
that so many professors have been discharged from leading 
universities for their unsound economic theories is evidence 
itself that the presidents and boards of trustees of those uni- 
versities are keenly alive to the developments. It is the duty 
of all real Americans to strengthen the hands of those pro- 
fessors who are valiantly fighting the socialist trend. Hunt 
them up in your own community — and help them defend 
America. 

Among such thorough American professors who are doing 
a heroic work at this time are Professor T. N. Carver of the 
Department of Economics, Harvard University, and Professor 
Laurence LaiTghlin, Emeritus Professor of Economics at the 
University of Chicago. Professor Carver has written a very 



clear preface to Brasol's "Socialism versus Civilization/' pub- 
lished by Seribners and which should be included in every 
American library. Professor Laughlin has recently published 
ten pamphlets, exposing not only the fallacy of socialism but 
also presenting some very excellent suggestions concerning 
present industrial difficulties. 

When we say that parents of boys and girls attending 
school in America should ascertain what sort of economics 
their children are being taught, it is in the hope that support 
and encouragement will be given to those educators who are 
endeavoring to develop sound American economics, — just as 
much as to expose the teaching of economic fallacy. 

THE REMEDY 

We, who love America and believe in her institutions, must 
do a little studying. We must learn over again the full mean- 
ing of the Preamble to the Constitution of the United States. 
We must brush up on the basic reasons for our economic sys- 
tem and we must talk these things with our children, so that 
they will understand. 

Those of us who have children in the high schools and 
colleges must talk with them concerning the doctrines that 
are advocated by their teachers. We have demonstrated in 
America throughout a hundred and thirty years that our 
economic system is the greatest incentive to advancement in 
civilization, but we must know some of the reasons and be able 
to convey those reasons to others. 

And we must perfect in each state and in each county 
organizations of right-minded Americans who are willing to 
devote a little of their thought and time and money to saving 
America from those who would bring about a social revolution. 

The bomb-throwing anarchist and bullet-shooting radical 
will never retard America. The big job is with the pink 
variety, — whose poison is injected quietly and where we least 
suspect it. 

What arc you going to do about it? 
Or are you too busy? 

Series D6— 15M — 12-20-20