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moment. And second, a policy of large-scale development, for all
peoples or regions who are backward in the sense of being below
standard in any aspect of life. This would not "pay" in the short-
range terms oflaisscr-fuiw finance, but will certainly do so in the long
run if our other two principles of co-operation and of freedom for
cultural development are borne in mind.

The final step in our argument remains—the need for entering upon
our revolution consciously and of set purpose, deliberately guiding its
course instead of allowing its blind forces to push and buffet our un-
planned lives. The war is not merely a symptom of the* world revolu-
tion; it is also one of the agencies for its accomplishment. The two
are bound up together.
Our best method for achieving the revolution deliberately is through
the proclamation of comprehensive, war or peace aims which include
the achieving of the revolution. Our enemies have long ago done
this. Hitler, for instance, has included in his aims the establishment
of a "new order" in Europe, with the establishment of CJcrnmny in a
dominant position as a "Master Race,1' and with the crushing both
of bolshevism and democracy in favour of National Socialism. Japan
has done the same with its slogan of Asia for the Asiatics, and its
project of the "Enst Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere," with Japan in a
similar dominant position as divinely appointed leader.
The war and peace aims of the United Nations are beginning to
take more definite shape. But they could and should become both
more comprehensive and more precise. For this it is not necessary
that we should refer explicitly to the revolution nor envisage its
complete fulfilment. But it is necessary that we take it and its im-
plications into account.
If the revolution in some form is inevitable, and if we agree that the
democratic way of carrying it out is the better way, that is the first
step. The next is to make sure that we understand the inevitable
trends of the revolution, and also learn how to translate the standards
and methods of democracy into the new terms that the changing
world demands. Then we shall have not only a body of principles
to act as a touchstone, but a set of general aims to give us our direction.
Our concrete schemes can then be framed in relation to those aims and
checked in detail against that touchstone.
It is surprising how much assistance such a coherent body of aims
and principles can give—on social security, on our treatment of