20 -4- ■IWCUS GARVEY WD A TREMENDOUS Iff ACT NOT ONLY ON THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES AND ON SOCIO-POLITICAL ADVANCEMENT IN THE CARIBBEAN BUT ALSO ON NATIONALIST STRUGGLES IN Africa. Leaders such as Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and Kwame Nkru-wh of Ghana acknowledged their debt to him for the inspiration of his LECTURES AND WRITINGS. GARVEY ALSO HELPED TO ORGANIZE LIBERATION movements in South Africa, one of which The African National CONGRESS (ANC) -IS STILL TODAY IN THE FOREFRONT OF THE STRUGGLE FOR.HLMW DIGNITY AND JUSTICE IN THAT TROUBLED COUNTRY. AS I INTIMATED EARLIER, IT WAS CHIEFLY IN THE UNITED STATES THAT GARVEY WAS ABLE TO PUT INTO PRACTICE THE TENETS Cr HIS PHILOSOPW AM, EXPER.EICE THE GRATIFICATION OF THE SPONTANEOUS RESPONSE BY BLACK PEOPLE TO HIS EXHORTATIONS. HIS ARRIVAL ON THE U.S. SCENE IN 1916 HAS PRCP.TICXJS. HE DREW ON AND ADVANCE) THE WORK OF DISTINGUI^ED BLACK LEADERS BEFORE HIM. As SUCH, HE WAS ^ERELY A LINK, ALBEIT A VERY '"WANT ONE, IN THE CONTINUOUS CHAIN OF BLACK ACTIVISM, REACHING THROUGH TIME TO ANOTHER GREAT LEADER, DR. hfcRTIN LUTHER KING, JR. ft. Chairman and members of this honourable Ccmiittee, WE IN JAKA.CA ION0UR AND TREASURE THE MEMORY OF PAROUS GARVEY. BLACK PEOPLES THWKKVT THE VO*I> ARE INDEBTED TO HIM AND THANK GOD FOR HIS LIFE AM) HIS TALENTS. As WE CaEBRATE THE CENTENNIAL OF HIS BIRTH THIS YEAR, ITWU, EA mo st rmm mam IF mE STAm „ ms ^^ COTTR.BUTION TO THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT Of THIS HEMISPHERE WERE TO BE REEVED. IT ,S NW SIXTY YEARS SINCE HIS FIVE-YEAR SENTENCE WAS CQWTED BY PRESIDENT COOLIDGE. WITH THE HINDSIGHT AND CLEARER VISION OF THE ENSUING YEARS, A FRESH LOOK AT WE CIROMSTANCES Of GARVEY's PROSECUTICt, IS WARRANTED. 21 ffe. Chairman and Honourable Mmers of this Ccwiittee, House CONCURRENT RESOLUTION NO. 89 AS INTRODUCED BY CONGRESS^ CHARLES RANGEL IS IN HARMONY WITH REPRESENTATIONS MADE BY MY PRI^E MINISTER TKE RIGHT Honourable Edward Seaga to the President of the United States of Africa, Mr. Ronald Reagan. It is our view that history has vindicated the words and .ACTIONS OF MARCUS NjSIAH GARVEY; in conseouence of this he stands not only as Jamaica's First National Hero, but his bust now stands in the Kall of Heroes at the Organization of American States here in Washington, n.C. HIS POSITIVE CONTRIBUTIONS ARE NOW RECOGNIZED THROUGHOUT AFRICA AND OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD. THE ACCEPTANCE OF THIS RESOLUTION BY THE CONGRESS OF THE United States of America would assist greatly in convincing the supporters AND ADMIRERS OF KaRCUS GARVEY THROUGHOUT THE WORLD THAT THE CONSTITUTION OF the United States, whose 2C0th anniversary is being celebrated, does indeed GUARANTEE JUSTICE, (EVE/) IF DELAYED,) FOR ALL, IRRESPECTIVE OF RACE OR RELIGIOUS belief. Thank you te. Chairman i * hi. fi i^^^^^^p^^^teSftl^^^^^^^^^pl^*^^^^ rfl.*.-i£*ljA#.V 1 V j- ,V 22 Mr. Conyers. Well, we appreciate your eloquence, Ambassador Johnson. It is a very important and fitting way to begin these hear- ings. We now have the sons— the two sons— of Marcus Garvey . nst we have Dr. Julius Garvey, a heart specialist. I have looked over your vitae, which shows your affiliation over the years with Columbia, Einstein College of Medicine; Stonybrook; State Univer- sity of New York; and Long Island Jewish Hillsdale. We welcome you here and invite you to make any comments you would like to at this time. Dr. Garvey. Thank you very much, Congressman Conyers Mr Chairman, distinguished other members of the subcommittee Con- gressman Rangel, supporters. It is indeed a pleasure for me'to be here in many respects. What I learned of my father I learned largely Iron, my mother, who was his life-long helpmate and sup- porter and buttressed the organization when he was forced by cir- cumstances, to be away from the helm of leadership. I think she taught me well because everything that I have since read, since experienced, and since come to understand has confirmed mv con- father WilS V<?ry fortunatt> t0 have th °sen well as a My father created a revolution among black people, a revolution of the mind He traveled widely throughout the Caribbean, Centra American, South America, England, Europe, here in the United States. He read extensively. He met with many, many people from w s"th,t b': a f. hG 'T ned ° f \ he World situati °"" What h"oteer\?e'd e e be m , k C 'T C e , ver - vwh T were being used. Their resources own be Stern u n I nf I T'^'u "I Africa ' a ' ld Utilized to their own bettetment. Black people, who had been enslaved were con- Afric" B ns w^M den ' ed ,f heir nghtS ' eVe " in their own homeland of by slavery '" countnes to which they had been brought he H felMt k w at the , sit ™ tion and - because he was a man of destiny, ha hes\w VVhat L^ft^T*^ t0 C ° rreCt the situation peoples of the worl \ , f m 6 had t0 d ° was t0 Unite the black regain con rol 7,? nn Af ' ^T UP ,' n 0ne mi S»>ty allia ' lce a " d to 19U the „ ° ur African homeland. He therefore created, in U14, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and Africa NaTkTuTture ; e brk and i With i n th ' S framework^he created a new of blacks ' ' WaS baS6d S0lidly on th(; histor y nr?t°man ba o C n e'JhZ.T'^ h ° m ° habiIus - homo sa P ien *- the Sir 1 '^^^ ^hiack^ro^ypt^LS ffi ^ ::ds,r tfc " d iSuS " a- a s^ the wond, irs^&^ssi^ a ^^^ 1 s^£ : . ■ i s*'i>.;;; : ? ; t : pendence. and a strong economic base, he chaflen^^ne statt th^w^hisdeNunt' Hp' i l: ab,e - !?' .^ n0t shrink fr0m if ' He k "™ hA- uM'be b^d'tt^ w]S l h s° d^Ko-Kp -'ne fe ^t^^^^l^ion "' abUSe ' a " d bri "K ! * *«* — aS r™v CO i N ' VKR l Tha ' ,k , >0U ver X much - We now turn to Ma-cus Carney. Jr.. who was born in St. Andrew, Jamaica- eduVir'Mn London. England; the West Indies; ,nd New Yo k as a" engir e or ^T^'S'"^ ° XP T- "'-' V F ^ter^oSs om i ni ft i i , e o( Massachusetts. He has done a great deal o study and work on the life of his rather and I had the p Tvi lege hn rwhich e v??,'' y V ek ' Visi ° n ' >r ° rfu «i°»- ' think, from Hoi- and, in which you made some verv mportant comments about Crli -"" Just r ic, de ,n f i htCd ' h 1 !,t y ° U ^^ the SubTmrn tt'eeTn II 1 \i n'- welcome you for your own remarks. mil ee i, he Co,,n- a '. ,ma ,' 1 ' mcmbere °'''he Congressional Com- mitut in the Congiess, I welcome this opportunity to speak briefly on the matter in hand. As the older sen of Marcus Garvey I have consis ently articulated my father's viewpoint tecaC & view! Ga ve • wh, wVlT'TV / come . htre tod «y to state that Marcus u r\ t> , who was hounded by the imperialist powers of the world acting in conjunction with the FBI, pressuring the American jut hU S m TZT,i il MarCl ^ GurVOy ' ' harec « here to 'ay t J hat ant I ;?'"- ^u"' ' S a hero - "■respective of any conviction or SM Canbbeam* ^ ""^ '^'^ here in the U " ited »*« be'her.'nnV'n'' °* }!} e dcv «--l,»Pment of the system here that I can this matter ^H "^ « c ' ntlf ;' m( -'' 1 can be here speaking to you on order ifs in h ""^ a " d ' l ,' s in the progress of the social oider, it is in the progress of the democratic ethic, that a society a people and a country shows their greatness. Marcus Garvey wa^' a r/ce wJ '„ T S '° n - q t' te S u nlpl> ' t0 raise U P thc degraded African m*i K ? rem ^ mb er the times in which he started his work. Rr ,' il err ? r ° f 'y nchln «: 18 « 8 - w hen slavery was abolished in Bta/.ii, and a few years before, it had been abolished in the Span- sh-speak.ng countries So he came at a time when the black man was the most degraded in the world fi J h m,^'-? B f 0r l m B , elgians , ruled the Belgian Congo with an iron fist mutilating black people, African people in their own home- lands, m order to extract rubber. Those were the tiiaes; that was the age that spawned Marcus Garvey. He came with a clear mes- sage tor African people. Simply, to seek empowerment; to seek power over your social conditions; to seek economic power; to seek political power; to seek, to change the status quo, and that set the world against him. He preached a message of African identity that black men have a common heritage and a motherland of Africa. African pride that we, as a people, in our great civilizations in Northeast Africa, had 9i I *(4&ajaL*ai<k, ».i.Vj 24 created wonders for the world to see, that what we had done in the past, we could do again. And he emphasized, more than any other black leader, African self-reliance. If Marcus Garvey had lived today, he would be physically sickened at the sight of succeeding generations of black people, living on the welfare state. Marcus Garvey said rise up black man, you can achieve what vou will and he proceeded to do something about it. He established industries and factories and he established a Black Star Line which, eventually, was the cause of his downfall. But it is notewor- thy that Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, when he took power in Ghana, named the shipping line of Ghana the Black Star Line, so that the Black Star Litvj would live again. Marcus Garvey was persecuted by tlv> strangest conglomeration of people that the world has ever witnessed. At the same time that the imperialists were attacking him, he was under relentless attack by the Communists and the Socialists. And I want to emphasize that, for very rarely, in the history of the world, has one man or group or institution or organization been attacked simultaneously by the left and the right. And the Marxists were attacking him be- cause they wanted to use the black masses of America as shock troops for the revolution that they had in mind. Marcus Garvey faced persecution all over the world. The Negro World, his great newspaper that was written in English, Spanish and French, the only black organ that has ever been produced in three languages, and was intended to communicate with black people all over the world, was banned in all of the imperial coun- tries. The death penalty, in the Belgian Congo, existed for reading the Xegro World. Marcus Garvey was banned from entering Africa, lie was banned in many of the Caribbean Islands and the courts were relentlessly used to attack him here in the United States and in his own land of Jamaica. He was subject to attacks by the FBI, relentless persecution by the FBI and acts of bribery and corruption of the members, key members, of his movement, and in many parts of the South, intimi- dation against Garvey members. And this was a common practice in the imperialist colonies in West Africa and the Caribbean. If you were a member of the Garvey movement, you could lose your job immediately. Despite all of these things, Marcus Garvey created a great movement, a movement which many say has failed totally. The fact is that today he is recognized in many ways all over the world. He has been recognized by the Republic of Senegal on its post- age. He has been recognized by the Republic of the Cameroon on its postage. He is, of course, the National Hero of Jamaica, the First National Hero of Jamaica, and he is honored in the United States and in England by many institutions and public highways that bear his name. He was acknowledged by both Kwame Nkru- mah and Jomo Kenyatta, as a prime influence on their African na- tionalist outlook and my mother was honored by Nnamdi Azikiwe, the former President of Nigeria, when she visited there. He pur- posely asked her to come over to Nigeria in honor of Marcus Garvey. I want to close with some of the words of Marcus Garvey. To judge a man, it is better to judge him from his own mouth and 25 zrllT^J^/t"- \T nSd ?«"« distinguished members of Con- gress r will read from the words of Marcus Garvey. He said "The «orld does not count races and nations that have nothing. Point me to a weak nation, and I will show you a people oppressed abuse taken advantage of by others. Show me a weak ra?e and I will show you a people reduced to serfdom, peonage, and s avery Show me a well-organized nation, and I will show you a people and a nation respected by the world." P P "Radical is a label that has always applied to people who are en- deavoring to get freedom. Jesus Christ was the greatest radical the world ever saw. He came and saw a world of sin and his program was to inspire it with spiritual feeling. He was, therefore, a radical George Washington was dubbed a radical when he took up his sword to fight his way to liberty in America, 140 years ago All men who call themselves reformers are, perforce, radicals. The cannot be anything else because they are revolting against the con- ditions that exist Conditions as they exist, reveal a conservative state and if you desire to change these conditions, you must be a radical I am therefore satisfied to be the same kind of radical, if through radicalism I can free Africa." Mr. Conyers. We would like to invite you, sir, to include anv fur- ther comments that you would like to make, in your prepared statement. Mr. Garvey. That is all right. I am going to close now with this last comment. 'No Negro, let him be American, European, West Indian or African, shall be truly respected until the race, as a whole, has emancipated itself, through self-achievement and progress, from universal prejudice. The Negro will have to build his own government, industry, art, science, literature and culture, before the world will stop to consider him. Until then, we are but wards of a superior race and civilization, and the outcasts of a standard social system." Mr. Conyers. Thank you very much. Mr. Garvey. Thank you. Mr. Conyers. Congressman Ra'ngeirAmbl 3d1 Jorm n °T)rf* Garvey, Marcus Garvey, Jr., we thank you very much for giving us this testimony. Mr Rangel. Mr. Chairman, at this time, I would like to submit, I°u ,e r . ei : ord > the testimony of the Honorable Alfred Rattray, on behalf of the People's National Party. [The statement of Honorable Alfred A. Rattray follows:] 26 s...j..e.^i.vT-n .:. -JHtAUQUARIEKS '-- - --'13 - IT J) 9 Old Hop* R.od CT7 1 92-7TS0> "V STATEMENT BY THE HON. ALFRED A. RATTRAY, O.J.; Ll.B.; F.C.A.; A.C.I.S., PRESENTED TO THE SU5C0MMI TTEE ON CRIMINAL JUSTICE OF THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON TrSE JLDICIARV, JULY 23, 198?. f.r. Chairman, Honorable Members of the Co-if.ittee, I arc Alfred A. Rattray. I thank you for the opportunity to present this statement to you on this very i -par tan t matter. I a-i a former Ambassador of Ja-iaica to the United States and a fcrrer Arrbass ado r/Pe rmar.en t Representative of Jamaica to the Organization of A-erican States. I an a renter of the Executive and a Shadow Minister for Investment and Foreign Trade of the People's National Part-,, which last formed the Government cf Ja-alca fror 1572 to IScO. I am also Chairman of the North A^e-ica Co.-r.iitee of the People's National Party of Jamaica. Marcus r.csiah Carvey is one of a select few *ho have had a profound effect upon world history and hu^an affairs during the 20th century. rest of the territories of the A.-. e ricas and the West Indies suffered con;. est b/ external pcv.ers, ar.d over tire there arose liberators who freed i-ci-.ica; territories or croups of territories from col on i a I i S-i, or fro*- fceisn occupation. Marcus Carvey car e along and ushered in a new concept of liberation, He viewed a .-.orld'deneaned by the scourge of colonialism - that syste- whose very purpose is the enforced exploitation of whole races and classes of people by others more powerful than themselves. He saw everywhere in the Americas ar>d in Africa, the denial of reasonable economic, social and educational opportunities for the vast majority of people. He observed the entrenched systems which deliberately and systematically debased and at times even sought to exterminate or enslave whole races, minority groups and disadvan;- /di sadvantaged. PRESIDENT Mi.-Iu.lMjnle,. VICE-PRESIDENTS Porlu S.mr-son. O D Rjmtalhe Sc>moor Mulling Win CHA1RMW p J. P. iim-wmi, DEPUTY CHAIRMAN Bobby Jonti.GENERAL SECRETARY' PjuI Robert* GENERAL SECRETARY, ORGANISING Donald Bui-tunm, TREASURER Robcii Pickcn B .l|. 27 tech: Selfishness aged persons. There seemed no end to this global oppression of one race b, another Of the weak and powerless by the stror.c, and ,„, powerful. The victims ,„„„ powerless to throw off the shackle which so effectively impeded their economic cultural, social and political mobility. The plight of ,„e K ^ ro , sc , la6 „ f other oppressed peoples everywhere seemed hopeless. Ahd .her,, the 20th century produced Karcus Carvey. He led and helped to a new breed of liberators who developed new strategies and employed new ques to wage war against the seemingly Inpregnable fortresses of hue™ t. exploitation, callousness, and cynicism. Tracing through the pages of history the methods and techniques used along the way to secure and perpetuate the bondage of oppressed peoples. Carvey noted that the negro race, and by extension all oppressed people, were the victims of nan's inhumanity to man. The, were victims of that brutal inh which produced the t-in systems of slavery and of colonialism, and which eve' today is dominant wherever one nation or class of people for whatever motive see.'< to do^l na:e another. Observing his people in Jamaica, in the Americas and in Africa, and learn- i.g from the lessens of history. Carvey noted that the conquest and subjugation of the human spirit was at least as important and as effective a strategy of enslavement, as the conquest and subjugation of the human bod,. The establish-ent and perpetuation of the political, social, economic a-d psychological bondage of the negro race, and indeed of all oppressed peoples were facilitated and indeed secured by the false notion of their Inherent infe-crit/. This notion was invariably implanted into their minds by their opp-essors - be they slave masters, colonial masters, or other breeds of exdoi ters . So carefully and relentlessly cultivated throughout the ages has been this notion of the inherent and inescapable inferiority of the oppressed, that it emerged as perhaps the greatest stumbling block to his liberation. The abiding greatness of Marcus Carvey, and that which assures for him his place in the history of mankind, is not only that he clearly perceived all this, but also that he embarked upon a process which showed the way for the liberation of the enslaved spirit of oppressed people everywhere - in Jamaica and the Caribbean; in the Americas; in Africa - everywhere. It was /this liberation . , ■se t h \ *■ 1 i !■(' r d t ! c.": o' t '■'. h'^ci^cd Spirit of the l^cro race ar.J of other oppressed ro;,-:^ tF;roL.5'ic>ut Ci world that u.t, the focus of Garvcy's strategies and (■-■-. .-v. .i's. He kr.-.s I r-.-a t ori.'L* the hy.-.irr spirit is liberated the hunan be i r.5 c."- rt*;>ch out and f i r~Iy grasp .md guide his Own destiny. By the power of his i uV.v, a--d his ph i lose: hies and by cxd"p!e, Garvey arc-used in the nigh if NeTro rj-:e ai appreciation of their tn.c wain', of their inherent worth, of their inherent c c - I i t y , and their p;.:cr,;ijl to achic.e. A profound believer and practitioner c' dc-ccracy he iu-^r,cd the Nc;ro race to unity of purpose and clarity of vision - c-'.d so; the-, en the road in pursuit of their political, economic,. and social e-z--.c ipaticn. Thus Garvey and the organizations he created and promoted waged v*;=' en igr.erarce and on inferiority syndre-es, and in their place, soued and r.-.- _r is'-.-d to Futurity r-.u-ari dignity, self respect and self estee-i. His teachings, which had a profound i.Tpact upon Black and other oppressed perple everywhere, helped to spa.-.n thai new breed of 20th century liberators ar.d set in ret i en in Africa, in the Caribbean and in North America that irresistable tidal u -:•■...■ which s-.cpl s*.:y colonial e-.pires and produced the rr.assive gains of civil rights fcr sc long de-ied to our people. Such giar.ts of h :;■ P adhere, 3.-d Or. f.. ia, cf Africa, cf 1 1 c- Story as r.ahatTa Gahrdi, Nandi Azikiwe, Kwame Nkrurr.ah,. tin Luther Kinq, Jr., scve of the 30th century heroes ica, and of the Caribbean with numerous others fro--. fluenced and inspired by Garvey in the tc 1 - ; 'ease ki :h 1 1 ~e . are a i_r.if,ir,g influence in that greet young .-.alien. lie has br L -n acclai--ed here, cf the A-ericas and his bust adorns the Hall of Herces of the Americas at l.-.e G.A.5- in this great city. His great s-,d untiring efforts which rt-ac-.ec o.t to the world were wrought mainly in the s~a II proud great nation of Ja-aica and in our rrighty proud great neighbour and friend the United States of A-c-rica. 7ncu'_ar.ds of your people share with us and others throughout the Americas, t-.e Car i Li-ean , and Africa a cc^r.cn pride in this great man. • • '. > . "> t x* 's *¥?• * -•'* X*' **.L ». ' a? ■'■ w -3* * fa "* -■™~«K!.S_ t J 1 30 Mr. Rangel. And point out to the subcommittee that v/e have with us, in the audience, the Deputy Prime Minister of the Govern- ment of Jamaica, as well as Queen Mother Moore, one of the disci- ples of Marcus Garvey and is celebrating her birthday here with us today, and so many others of the organizations. Mr. Conyers. Happy Birthday. Mr. Rangel. And the Marcus Garvey Centennial Committee are here. Let me thank the entire committee for the courtesy that you have extended to us today. Mr. Gekas. Mr. Chairman? Mr. Conyers. Yes. Let me recognize the gentleman from Penn- sylvania. Mr. Gekas. It dawned on me that with the Ambassador's appear- ance here today, I believe as far as I can remember, that he is, ac- cording to protocol, the highest ranking public official ever to testi- fy before this subcommittee. Ambassador Johnson. Profoundly honored. Mr. Gekas. We accept that honor. Mr. Rangel. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and if the committee would permit, I would like to join you for the rest of the hearing. Mr. Conyers. Yes, definitely. Please join us up here, Mr. Rangel. Rangei.. Thank you. Mr Mr. Conyers. I would like now to call our second panel, Dr. John Henrik Clarke, Professor Emeritus, Hunter College, New York City; Professor Judith Stein, Citv College of New York; Professor Robert Hill, University of California at Los Angeles; Dr. Tony Martin, Department of Black Studies, Wellesley College in Massa- chusetts. Ladies and gentlemen, will you all join us here. It is a very distinguished panel. All of the statements here that you have brought forward will, without objection, be made a part of our record, as well as thr additional documents submitted by Congress- man Rangel. This is a very distinguished panel of historians. There are a lot of questions I could ask you on a lot of subjects now that I have all of you before me, but we are here on a very limited purpose. Let us begin with Dr. John Henrik Clarke. We welcome you very emphati- cally to this subcommittee, sir. TKSTIMONY OF DR. JOHN HENRIK CLARKE, PROFESSOR EMERI- TUS. HUNTER COLLEGE, NEW YORK, NY; PROFESSOR JUDITH STEIN, CITY COLLEGE OF NEW YORK, NEW YORK, NY; PROFES- SOR ROBERT HILL, AFRICAN STUDIES CENTER, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES. CA; AND DR. TONY MARTIN PROFESSOR, DEPARTMENT OF BLACK STUDIES, WELLESLEY COLLEGE. WELLESLEY, MA Dr Clarke. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the invita- tion to address the committee. I will be brief and to the point. The one thing that the Nation had most against Marcus Garvey was not what they put him on trial for. They put him on trial for a neb- ulous, vague charge to cover up the fact that there was no law against what they really had against him. What he had done is to awaken in the African-American an awareness of what slavery and 31 oppression had taken away— had taken away from the Afro-Ameri- can, more than they had taken it way from any other immigrant group in America, the concept of "Nation." We were then and we are now, a nation within a nation, search- ing for a nationality. Every immigrant group in this country claims a nationality and once we claim a nationality, we will stop'answer- ing to the silly word "minority." We will understand that between the Caribbean Islands, the United States, and Brazil, it has the largest black population outside of Africa. There are nearly 200 million African people, with the population of Africa counted as •>00 million, not to count the millions of Africans in Asia, including 10 million Dravidians who are now proclaiming their African-ness. We are a major part of the population of the earth. Now, what Marcus Garvey did was to start black Americans to dreaming again, hoping again, feeling whole again, as a people, and to (eel whole again as a people, you must feel that you belong to the nation concept, that you must understand the nation concept. lie began to understand his uniqueness, through Garveyism, as an immigrant group. We were the only immigrant group that was in- vited here and the nature of the invitation will not be discussed here, but we were the only immigrant group that were invited here. In that invitation, they robbed us of the concept that we came from someplace that was big and we performed bigger things, built nations, and that for most of our existence on this earth, sve were a free, self-governing people and many times we did those jobs excep- tionally well, long before the first European wore a shoe or lived in a house that had a window. When you want to oppress a people, you have to destroy their self-confidence and historical memory, the memory of what they had then, so that they can be confused about what they are, and more confused about what they still must be. Garvey 's crime, declared by this Nation, that he had awakened in us old fires, old memories, that we had been more than servants, we had been kings, ruled nations, and we had ruled them excep- tionally well and we might do it again. And he began to create the semblance of nationhood, so that we could see ourselves within the framework of "nation." He came into an atmosphere, after the first world war, when we had been told, almost officially, that our lot would not be changed by virtue of having participated in the war. And then he got across to us, well, they brought you here to do labor. The labor they brought you here to do is somewhat obsolete now. They have got machines. Let us pack up. Let us get ready to go home psychologically, if not physically. Let us get our own ship. Let us get our own concept of nation and get it together. That frightened America. It would not have frightened them in any other immigrant group, except the black Americans, because the black American was not brought to the country to be given citizenship. When the dream was dreamed, he was not a part of the dream and when the promise was made, he was not a part of that promise. The concept of Garvey is that "I will lead you to a new dream, a new promise, and a new land." America did not want its slaves awakened and that was the real crime they charged him for. A ^wfeSWSwfciSSsSWfo jM^WJ^K^/T! nebulous case of using the mail for fraud was something they did not care anything about, because they do not care too much about what happened between blacks and blar' • until they decided to use it to conquer both of them. Thank yo r. Chairman. Mr. Conyers. Thank you very much. Pi^.essor Judith Stein, wel- come to our hearing. Professor Stein. Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the Committee, it is with great pleasure that I am here this afternoon. Marcus Garvey was indicted and convicted of the crime of mail fraud, in connection with the building of the Black Star Line, a shipping company. Because the Line failed, some people may think that there is a basis to the Government's case. What I would like to do this afternoon is show how and why the Black Star Line was intrinsic to Garvey 's conception of black progress, not a "scheme" as the Government charged. Other members of the panel will dis- cuss the politics behind the indictment and the trial itself. Today, our conception of a black leader is either a Martin Luther King, who self-consciously mobilized people to change laws, or elected representatives, who use formal mechanisms of govern- ment. It is easy to forget that this kind of politics depends upon a mobilized and voting black community, a sympathetic Supreme Court, Congress, academic community, labor movement, and public opinion. I recount these ingredients because, in order to under- stand Marcus Garvey 's place in history, it is necessary to recreate the world as it looked to him and many blacks during the period of World War I and the 1920s. Then, none of these resources existed. When Marcus Garvey came to New York in 191C, the civil rights issue had disappeared from national politics. After the election of 18 ii>. Congress refused, for instance, to permit the Army or Federal Marshals, to protect black voters. By the turn of the century, a southern advocate of black disfranchisement could confidently say 'We have now the sympathy of thoughtful men in the North to an extent that never before existed." In 1901, the last black represent- ative left Congress. The Supreme Court offered no more hope. As earlv as 1873, a five-man majority asserted that it was not the purpose of the 14th Amendment to transfer the security and protection of civil rights irom the States to the Federal Government. By the end of the cen- tury, the Supreme Court Justices, writing into constitutional law their own belief that blacks were inferior, produced a legal counter- revolution. Few intellectuals spoke out. Academics, clergymen, and editors vied to justify white supremacy by appeals to Darwinism and Anglo-Saxomsm. The few who remained concerned with racial injustice counseled gradualism, rather than immediacy. Thus, the bouth received all the permission it needed to institutionalize white supremacist beliefs. The key change at the turn of the century, was disfranchise- ment Political impotency affected every aspect of black life. Unable to participate in the enactment or enforcement of the law, southern blacks became increasingly vulnerable to physical as- sault, oppression, and Jim Crow. The southern changes were significant because in 1910, nine out ot every ten blacks lived there, three-quarters of them in rural areas, proscribed by the isolation and poverty of plantation labor, as much as the formal proscriptions of law. A few, mostly members of the tiny northern black elite, organized to protest the new condi- tions. But even the new NAACP, *stablished in 1909, did not W em promising. The civil rights organizations of the early 20th century, lacked adequate finances, political leverage, mass support, white allies, and access to the major institutions shaping public opinion and policy. Although northern Macks voted, their numbers were strategically insi^nilicant. Before the World War I migration, only one million were northern, and (hey were scattered. Five percent of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, it w0 percent of New York anil Chi- cago, and barely visible in Detroit, Cleveland, and Newark. Blacks fared no better in other parts of the world. By 1903, after 20 years of the «w imperialism,. Africans remained sovereign in only six of 10 political units. Con-lit ions were no better in March in Garvey 's Jamaica. Ruled by Greaf Britain, political participation in local government was limited by stiff property qualifications. Eco- nomically, old land and international competition depressed its sugar economy. Jamaicans went abroad to work; some of them emi- grated permanently. Thus. Marcus f/iirvey, born in 1HK7, grew up in a society where economic well-being, not to say opportunity, was meager for the mass of Jamaicans. The son of a master mason, the young Garvey was apprenticed t» his godfather, a printer. Like Benjamin Frank- lin, Garvey found that the printing trade brought him into a world of advanced thought and politic*.. Like other Jamaicans, however, he left the Island in 1910 and traveled throughout Central Amer- ica, England, and Europe, seeking work and some understanding of the ways that black life could be lettered. In London, he «>et other blacks., many from Africa, and he began tc believe that group, or Pan-Afr^an methods, could be efficacious. Returning to Jamaica in 1911, Y^i began a new organization, the Universal Negro Improvement Association. The name captured his Pan-African scope, but also reveled the main methods he would use. The word irriprovement, at (hat time, meant to make better, but it also implied that the way i/> make things better was through profitable enterprise. Economic development corporations then, were frequently called improvement companies. Yet, in Jamaica, economic prospects were not very promising. Garvey 's hopes remained, howler. He had read about the eco- nomic ideas of Booker T. Washington, the head of Tuskegee Insti- tute in Alabama, In March of 19Jft, he arrived in Harlem and sub- sequently traveled about the United States lecturing and learning. Garvey's optimism was fueled fey new changes in the United States. As the Nation entered th* war , black appointments in the Labor and War Departments, recognized the new importance of the black population, both as soldiers and as workers. One-half million migrated to the North. The higher wages earned by blacks in cities stimulated the growth of new blajk businesses. But all was not en- couraging. There was no major change in the legal status or the power of the Afro-American community in the South. The right to vote was still denied. An attempt by black sharecroppers to form a union in Elaine, Arkansas was met with violent repression. Contest* for Ms&mu&$L- 34 scarce housing, in some northern cities, triggered race riots. Yet, for the first time since the end of Reconstruction, prospects for change appeared promising. Both the ideology of the war "to make the world safe for democracy" — and real changes in the world, the removal of the Russian czar, t!._ setting up of new nation states in Eastern Europe gave many people the sense that empires would be replaced by new democratic nation states everywhere. Although in retrospect, we know the changes were more limited, at that time the possibility of change stimulated many to organize and demand democratic rights. During this period, Garvey established branches of the UNIA in many Eastern cities. Although he protested unjust treatment of blacks and demanded self-determination, Garvey was not simply a critic. He did not believe that the Supreme Court Mr. Conyers. Excuse me, Professor Stein. Those two bells re- quire that all the members vote on a m.atter now pending on the Floor of the Congress, so we will take a short recess and we will resume your testimony as soon as we return. [Recess] Mr. Conyers. Will everyone take their seats please, so that the subcommittee hearings can proceed. The subcommittee will come to order. Professor, you may continue. Professor Stein. Garvey did not believe that the Supreme Court the national Government, or the South, would alter the key mecha- nisms of white supremacy. Rather, he continued to believe that economic power was a sure route to black equality He told an audience, on February 1, 1019, that blacks must become a commercial and industrial people." Garvey's solution was to build a Pan-African shipping line. From the perspective of i im« as . n - ot a " unsuitable vehicle for black aspiration. in in j, ships were preeminent symbols of national power. The United States Government created a corporation to increase the American fleet The shortage of shipping made it a very profitable H^rV- 00 - Mor P° v : er - ? shipping line offered Pan-African divi- dends. African and West Indian shippers felt that the British, who dominated their trade were discriminating against them in favor Rln,U T an J ^era-Many of them encouraged Garvey to build the E &tar ^ m< \ The idea appealed to blacks of ambition and talent, who found normal entrepreneurial routes blocked. Ameri- nnsitinnf h 'Tiu at , this time ./arely hired blacks in managerial un n in tn n^ g Mul ^ C ' °' le °[ Gar vey's ship captains, had been unable to obtain a position on the bridge after the War. snrne e n^ g K S r "'^ ^u ma ,. de clear - At the time . an <* still today, hTl £ a? beheved that the Black Star Line wa s the vehicle for a issue Hpc"' 3 JS T e ( !? en ¥ t ,\^!f aide of Garv ey's tried to clarify the ; 'The nL h f th • UI ? IA is not a "Back-to-Africa" movement, other Nefro." m AmenCa has had a better opportunity than any mJrWn , tHe UNIA Plan for Liberia was not an exodus, but in ™Uon co a M g H age i a - P ' a t u t0 build an infrastructure so hat the an l?Ji d Zl ° P IS tHe west ?rn ^y. The Black Star Line was an important link in the economic development of the black world ship AYt C h°ou P ^ a he ng the B !f C ^ Star Lin e, Garvey obtained htafiS ship. Although he acquired others, paid for by selling $5.00 shares, -ffeSife 35 ■ Line failed. Although Garvey and his associates takes, ultimately, they were victims of the depres- dcpression, by drastically reducing world trade, ling business unprofitable. At the same time, the American economy suffered a brief, but sharp, depression. Nation- wide unemployment hovered at 20 percent and over 100,000 busi- nessmen went bankrupt. The unemployment was greatest in the Tidewater area and midwestern cities, which had attracted many blacks during the war. Many of these areas were the homes of the strongest UNIA locals. Forced to seek work, many members became inactive. The unfavorable economic conditions proved deci- sive. Garvey fought a losing battle to sustain the Black Star Line. It was in this period of vulnerability that the Justice Department in- dicted him for mail fraud, an issue which others will address in detail. Identified as an agitator, a radical, and even a Communist by J. Edgar Hoover, the bureau chief had attempted to find a crime so that Garvey, an alien, could be deported. Failing to discover income tax violations, sexual improprieties, or passport irregular- ities, the Justice Department hit upon mail fivud at the time the Black Star Line was in economic difficulties. However, Justice Department documents reveal that the thread running through the prosecutor's case was that Garvey was, in the words of J. Edgar Hoover, a "dangerous race agitator." One must remember the context of that judgment and the meaning of those words. To many whites in power, the race question would be solved gradually and through the goodwill of sympathetic whites. To agi- tate, meaning to protest, was outside the boundaries of legitimate racial politics. To attempt to organize the masses of blacks, inde- pendently, was similarly out of bounds. To try to build a black shipping line could only be a fraudulent scheme to them. But by 1927, the efforts of Garveyites began to have effect. Con- gressmen, Senators, as well as ordinary people, joined the cam- paign for pardon. The Attorney General suddenly discovered that the facts of the case were not as the prosecutor had presented them, and that UNIA shareholders did not believe they had been defrauded. Nevertheless, the Government was still motivated by its conception of racial politics. Garvey was not pardoned. In 1927, his sentence was commuted and he was deported. Garvey, an alien, was the most vulnerable kind of political dissident. The legal system should not be used, as it was in all stages of this case, to suppress dissent or serve the political prejudices of bu- reaucrats. Exonerating Marcus Garvey, by passing House Resolu- tion No. 84 is not only an acknowledgement that many people admire Garvey's work. It will remind people that American justice has not been perfect and that the Nation can acknowledge its errors. Both effects will strengthen American democracy. [The statement of Professor Judith Stein follows:] ■$ 36 STATEMENT IN SUPPORT OP HOUSE RESOLUTION NO. 84, SUBMITTED TO THE SUB-COMMITTEE ON CRIMINAL JUSTICE OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, JULY 28, 1987 JUDITH STEIN PROFESSOI- ?- ",".-'' RY THE CITY COLLEGE OF NEW YORK 37 Foe most people today, the model o£ a black leader la Martin Luther King, who self-consciously and deliberately tri«d to end disc iminatory laws and practices in the United States through the use of mass civil disobedience, or a black elected official who does the same through the formal mechanisms of government, while the course of the civil rights Bovement beginning after World War II— from protest to politics — seems inevitable, it was not. Many things changed between the two world wars which caused that route to change. In order to understand Harcus Garvey's place in history, it is necessary to recreate the world as it looked to him and many blacks during the period of World War I and the 1920s. From their perspective, King's way would have seemed Utopian. The Ingredients of the successful politics of the 1960s — a mobilized black community and a sympathetic Supreme Court, Congress, academic community, labor movement, and public opinion — did not exist. When Marcus Garvey came to New York in 1916, the circumstances of black life and the possibilities of black politics were much narrower. After the election of 1876, the civil rights issue disappeared from the national political agenda. After acting to end slavery and establish equality, including voting rights, the Congress permitted the white South to disregard black rights and disfranchise Afro-Americans formally and informally. Thus, it refused to permit the use of the Army or federal marshalls to protect black voters. By the turn of the century, a southern, white toiiB&Afe: .****. »3Sw "VJL"U advocate of disf ranchisement could assert conf ldentally that •ve have now the sympathy of thoughtful men in the North to an extent that never before existed. - In 1901, the laat black representative left Congress. The Supreme Court offered no nore hope. Although the aiii of the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment had been to protect the legal and political rights of Afro-Americans against arbitrary state action, a five-man majority asserted as early as 1873 that it was not the purpose "to transfer the security and protection of civil rlghte ... from the states to the federal government." Throughout the late nineteenth century, the Amendment was narrowed and state laws permitting or mandating segregation, excluding blacks from jury service, permitting disfranchisement, and barring interracial contact — in one state playing checkers in packs — were found to be acceptable. Writing into the Constitution their own belief that blacks were inferior. Supreme Court justices produced a legal counter-revolution Few American Intellectuals spoke out. Academics, clergymen, and editors vied to justify white supremacy by appeals to Darwinism and Anglo-Saxonism. The few who remained concerned with racial injustice counseled gradualism rather than immediacy. Thus, total acquiescence by Northern liberals and government officials gave the white l.C. Vann Woodward, Ibfi_Sixange_Caxee.x_oi'_,Ii»_CxO¥, 2nd rev. ed. (New York, 1966), esp. 70, 74. 2. SlflugblSIzBeufiE-Casea, 16 Wallace 36 (1673); and see UDiied_Slat4fl_^_c X uUc S han)s , 92 U.S. 5'2 (1876) and United fiialfiS_i._Bee.fi*, 92 U.S. 214 (1876) . „. .J5»_a« l _.iS_-a l Y-, ri . ,^. ^,__1_ii_y__ai 39 South all the permission it needed to institutionallie white supremacist beliefs. Senator Carter Glass of Virginia proclaimed at a constitutional conventioni "Discrimination! Why, that is precisely what we propose; that, exactly, is what this convention was elected for — to discriminate to the very extremity of permissible action under the li-itations of the Federal Constitution, with a view to the elimination of every Negro vcter who can be gotten rid of, legally." 4 And so it went. Political impot*ncy affected every aspect of black life. Unable to participate in the enactment or enforcement of the law, southern blacks became increasingly vulnerable to physical assault and oppression. Jim Crow laws mushroomed after the turn of the century. Atlanta mandated Jim Crow Bibles in its courtrooms. New Orleans segregated prostitutes, Oklahoma, telephone booths. Black schools, segregated before the new era, became marked by gross inequalities when blacks were excluded from the political community in the South. The southern changes were significant because in 1910, nine out of every ten blacks lived there, three-quarters of 3. William Gosaett, Bflcfiji Tbe_Bi_I_xy__I_aD__d£fl_in America (Dallas, 1963), ch. 7; I. A. Newby, _i___x____ DEfflD-I (Baton Rouge, 1965), ch. 1. 4. Cited in Paul Lewison, Bfl-£_-Cla__.<_a-,_--aX-yj A__isiei_ _-___a____uf_xas£_aD___bi-£_-Oii-i-_-i__-_£__flu_b (New York, 1932), 86. 5. Ibid., 84-85; 214-20; Woodward, Slxaos__Cax_:fiX__.-..iJim CXO-_ 97-102; Charles Wallace Collins, __£_______£___ A_>£Qd]_ei___a___-b--_£a-£- (Boston, 1912), 77-78; Horace Mann Bond , __tegxQ__d__a_i-D_iD__laba_ia __ J S_____i___o__a__a_d SifiBl (Washington, D.C., 1939).