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Full text of "National convention of the Socialist Party, held at Chicago, Illinois, May 10 to 17, 1908 part 2"

1 



172 



MORNING SESSION, MAY IS. 



MORNING SESSION, MAY IS. 



173 



ing class and not the middle class, and 
when I raise my voice in defense of 
immediate demands, I want it clearly un- 
derstood that it is the immediate de- 
mands which will be put into operation 
if the Socialists get control of Congress 
in the United States, that it is an injunc- 
tion to our representatives in any legis- 
lative body that we want immediate 
government ownership of railroads, of 
telegraphs, of telephones, and other pub- 
lic affairs of that kind by the various 
governmental bodies, or administrative 
bodies, for the purpose of improving 
the condition of the _ wage-earners en- 
gaged in those industries. 

There is a little step to be taken be- 
fore we realize our ultimate aim. There 
will be several years required for the 
transition period, and during that period 
there are different conflicting interests 
between the small capitalist element and 
the large capitalist element, between the 
higher power and the lower power in the 
capitalist class, and during the time 
when the small capitalists are trying to 
get relief from the burden of taxation 
and other things they will advocate the 
government ownership of railroads and 
other things in order to release them 
from those burdens. The Socialist 
party will aid them in getting the 
government ownership, but always with 
this purpose in view of shortening the 
hours and taking advantage of that 
assistance which in some cases we rnay 
get from the smaller capitalist to brmg 
about the final extinction of all capital- 
ism. „ 

A DELEGATE: I never sav/ a So- 
cialist convention in such a muddle. I 
want to be protected from an oppor- 
tunist's platform on one side and an mi- 
possibilist's platform on the other. What 
is the situation here? The platform 
says we only want the land that is used 
for exploitation. Leaving out of con- 
sideration the millions of acres of land 
that are held out of cultivation, or out of 
use for many purposes— 

DEL. VANDER PORTEN (N. Y.) : 
That is exploitation. 

THE DELEGATE : The impossibil- 
ists want ownership of all the means 
of production and distribution, which 
would mean the whole of my yard, if 
I raised some potatoes. They are both 
confused, and it is due, in my opinion, 
' to the manner in which our platform is 
drawn. I stand for immediate demands. 



but I don't stand for immediate de- 
mands, unless the platform first tells 
us that what we want is a governmenl 
by the working class, and it does not do 
that. When I see a plank in the plat- 
form that tells the American working 
people that the Socialists stand for gov- 
ernment by the working people, the 
working class, a working class dictator, 
then 1 am in favor of immediate de- 
mands, but not before. One of the 
speakers, Comrade Simons, talked about 
Utopianism. Is it Utopianism to talk 
about an industrial state? Does the 
Platform Committee stand for a po- 
litical state? Under Socialism what will 
we stand for, a political representative 
state, or an industrial state? You have 
the political state, the present police 
state, of shipping and of all that goes 
with it. If Comrade Simons under- 
stands Socialism, and I believe he does, 
then he knows that the Socialist move- 
ment has for its aim to do away with 
the political state and substitute the in- 
dustrial state. I maintain that the plat- 
form does not point that out. The plat- 
form is Utopian in its preamble. I 
maintain the purpose of the Socialist 
movement is to get control of the Gov- 
ernment and establish a dictatorship of ■ 
the working class, under which owner- 
ship of the means of production and dis- 
tribution may be brought about. 

DEL. WANHOPE (N. Y.) : I wish 
to take a few moments of your time re 
garding this question of the nationaliza- 
tion of railroads, telephones and tele- 
graphs, contained in the first clause un- 
der discussion. The delegate from Illi- 
nois tells us that where there is na- 
tional ownership of public utilities it has 
benefitted the working class. I am not 
going to deny that. From my reading, 
I am inclined to believe that there is 
a great measure of truth in it. but 1 
want to say right here that there i» 
nothing absolutely necessary in the fact 
that national ownership of railroads, 
railroads under government ownership, 
benefits the working class. It generally 
does, however, but the reason I stand 
for it, is this, and this is a point that 
I think has been forgotten by all the 
speakers here. Today, we are seeing 
encroachments after encroachments on 
the regime of private property in the 
means of life, and every time a utility 
is taken over and made public by n;i 
tionalization, even with a capitalist gov 



* 



' I iment in control, so much does it limit 
I lie area of private ownership in the 
means of production and distribution. 

President Roosevelt is a good deal 
wiser than some of the delegates here, 
liecause when he sees these encroach- 
ments upon private ownership and calls 

I hem the greatest national disaster that 
. .in take place, he does that because he 
Liiows that when one encroachment is 
made upon the arena of private property, 

I I means opening the door to all others. 
Mid so far as this is advocated by the 
middle class, it is merely part and parcel 

III the same process of preparing society 
Inr collective ownership, which the great 
1 1 lists and the big capitalists are do- 
iiii^ in preparing society for this com- 
ing change. Let me say that if you un- 
'Irrstand the Socialist philosophy thor- 
niighly, you are not confused in argu- 
ment by the fact that certain classes in 

nciety are trying to save themselves by 

inmlating something that you want to 
'lo. Every one of you knows that the 
middle class is dying. Your philosophy 

liows you that it is doomed. It is be- 
iween the upper and the nether mill- 
■ lone, and must disappear. But ybu 
,ire afraid that this petty bourgeois ele- 
ment in its desperate effort to save it- 

I'lf by nationalizing utilities is there- 
liy going to save itself. They cannot do 
11. They are playing into your hands, 
liecause you understand the philosophy 
nf (lie situation, and they do not. It took 
me a long time to see some of these 
Miings. If you miderstood that no mat- 
ler what they do, or what they don't 
'In, they cannot stop this irresistible 
1 1 rift toward Socialism, it will greatly 

implify this whole matter. I care lit- 
lle for government ownership in itself. 
^'(l^ can't go to Russia and tell me the 
prople are better off there, but I see 
iliis movement as part of this irresistible 
IHiicess, and the capitalists themselves 

lie digging" their own graves, and when 
iMii see a little bourgeois shouting for 

Mvcrnment ownership of gas, or tele- 
I'lmnes, or telegraph, you simply see him 

h-.^ing shovelful! after shovelfuU out 
"I I he hole in which we will later bury 
I lie whole capitalist system. His efforts 

lie exactly the same as the efforts of 

I lie trade unions trying to reach the 
• liii'Stion of the monopoly of labor by in- 
iie.ising his wages. He cannot do it. 

I I a little business man does get his 
iiLU'gin over taxes increased, it means 



simply that the great trust is going to 
take that margin from him a little later 
on and his last state will be worse 
than his first. I ask you to consider to- 
day that every factor working in society 
is not working against you. Some of 
them are working in your direction, and 
it is your duty as a Socialist to co- 
operate with them. We are not going 
to get Socialism at once. There are a 
great many things that we are going to 
stand for that are of no immediate bene- 
fit to the working class, but they are 
part of the road that we have to travel. 
You may say that we see the cooperative 
commonwealth in the future, but it lies 
away ahead. We are not to reach it in' 
one bound. We do not know all the 
roads, the mountains, the valleys, the 
swamps and the pitfalls that lie between 
us and that co-operative commonwealth, 
but we do know that every force and 
tendency in society is working in the di- 
rection of that co-operative common- 
wealth, 

DEL. HAZLETT (Mont.) : I would 
like to add the voice of Montana for a 
constructive theory of Socialism. As 
was said by one of the grandest woman 
workers for International Socialism — 
she said that those who defended the 
ideas such as we have heard here in 
the name of revolutionary, scientific So- 
cialism, that the persons who advocated 
them were either very young, or very 
ignorant. So' it is, my friends, when 
we talk of the new order of society in- 
to which we hope to come, we talk about 
revolution without ever attempting to 
do anything to revolutionize the present 
system. How in the name of common 
sense can we change our condition with- 
out working upon some plan by which 
we can formulate that change? I re- 
member one time hearing the president 
of my university, David Starr Jordan, 
say that we had reached the time when 
mankind consciously affects the evolu- 
tionary process. Whatever that change 
may be into which we go, we ourselves 
have got to chisel out with the power 
of the human intellect which we have 
developed. We have got to formulate 
the change that is to come. I would not 
undertake to say whether we could all 
at once take over all the land or whether 
the little farmer should have his lit- 
tle farm, but I want to say that in 
Montana where the state already owns 
large areas of coal fields, that there is 



174 



MORNING SESSION, MAY IS. 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 15. 



175 



an immediate proposition that the So- 
cialists of Montana have got to work 
upon. So wherever we reach points 
upon which we, as representatives of the 
working class, can work, that is the 
thing that we should work upon, the thing 
next to us in the interest of the work- 
ing class, anything that will strengthen 
the hands of the working class, any- 
thing that will help them to move for- 
ward and make progress against capital- 
ism, and it is in our own dooryard where 
we must fight him today. I question 
very, much if upon a large comprehensive 
basis it is not going to be easier for 
us to expropriate the bondholders than 
it is the private capitalists. The pri- 
vate capitalists can give some sort of 
reason for its existence upon the ground 
of being a promoter, or of superinten- 
dency or something of that sort, but 
the bond holder can give no reason, no 
real reason, to society why he should 
draw his income from them; and so it 
is my friends, speaking for Montana 
and for what we have in a very small 
way entered upon— we have been striv- 
ing for a constructive plan of work, 
something that everyone can see is a 
benefit to the working class, and that is 
one reason why I think that this party 
should formulate demands in the interest 
of organized labor, as they go into this 
campaign confronting and fighting the 
capitalist government with its courts, 
that we should make this a battle cry, 
a battle program around which we could 
rally. I also thank Comrade Fieldman 
of New York, who spoke here with ref- 
erence to the unemployed, for the two 
points which he brought forward where 
the Socialist party has shown its intelli- 
gence, the matter of unemployed and the 
rent strikes in New York City. We 
stand for a constructive platform, at 
least the Montana delegation does, and 
I hope this convention of American 
Socialists will take their stand with the 
International Socialists of the world for 
common sense and reason against hot 
air and ignorance. 

A DELEGATE: I move the pre- 
vious question. 

SEVERAL DELEGATES: Second 
the motion.. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The previous 

question has been called for. Those 

in favor of that motion will say aye. 

Those opposed, no. The ayes have it. 

DEL. FURMAN: My motion was 



moved and seconded before any other 
motion that the words "all the land" be 
inserted in the first plank of the plat- 
form and there has been only one or 
two of the comrades who have spoken 
to the point. I take the position with 
the soapboxers on the corner — perhaps 
my experience has been about the same 
as the rest of you— about three times 
out of four there will be a single taxer 
come to the meeting and you have got 
to answer him, and if you don't have 
an express explicit statement in your 
platform, you will have to take_ up a 
large portion of your time talking hi 
language which the average fellow com- 
ing along the street will not understand, 
trying to make your position plain to 
that individual, because you have not 
worded your platform properly, making 
him understand and all others under- 
stand what you are driving at. The 
plank as it stands with the exception 
of that one omission is all right. Do 
you want a platform plank there that 
you can put intelligently to the ordinary 
working man who comes to the street 
corner and make him understand? U 
you want that, then you must necessarily 
have the public ownership of land there. 
That does not say that somebody is go- 
ing to have the privilege of using my 
tooth brush or my trousers. Neither 
does it say that every individual who 
occupies land and uses it as he has to 
do in the house in which he lives cannot 
occupy that land and that house. But 
it does put the thing plainly to the peo- 
pie who are not all educated up in the 
terminology which you use and which I 
use in the Socialist propaganda. I want 
it so plain that the wayfarer, though^ it 
fool, can understand it and read it while 
he runs. I want that in there and I have 
been instructed from New York in ij 
general way to have that plank voted 
for, and I want it at the head of tho 
platform because I consider it the mo.st 
important plank in the platform, and It 
should be worded so plainly^ that tho 
men who go out to explain Socialism call 
make the wayfarer understand what 
they are driving at. As land is one 
of the necessary essentials in the meann 
of production, it should be in the plat- , 
form. You should have it in such word* 
that no one will have to go around anit 
ask somebody else what it means. It 
does not mean that we shall take awav 
the farmer's little piece of land which 



111' is working on; it doesn't mean any- 
I liing of that kind, but if you don't put 
iliat in there it gives every Tom, Dick 
■ ind Harry who knows anything about 
I he theories of Henry George an op- 
portunity to make trouble for your 
.peakers, -to upset everything you say and 
linally you have got to come down to 
I lie proposition that land is just as nec- 
rssary as tools. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You have be- 
Inre you the proposition of the commit- 
ii'c, proposed to be amended by insert- 
ing the words "all the land" and second 
I he substitution of "collective" in place 
111' "national," where it pertains to the 
industries, and third you have the main 
question. Now, they are so bound up to- 
i;i'ther that it is impossible to make a 
ilivision and get a clear understanding 
nf the whole. I shall rule that on each 
llicrc shall be two for and two against 
I he proposition and I must hear from 
I he speaker which side he or she speaks 
hir, and whether it is the main question, 
I he first or second amendment. 

DEL. CANNON (Ari.) : I want 
lo point out to Comrade Clark of Texas, 
iliat when I called this matter to the at- 
iintion of the convention last evening 
,iiid asked Comrade Simons what was 
I lie meaning of the word "exploitation" 
Comrade Simons did not answer my 
Miiestion. Comrade Work came to his 
irscue and I was hammered down. 

[ contend that the public ownership 
nl all machinery and land is one of 
I he things for which the Socialist party 
I. working. If some of the comrades 
I'd up and tell us in Germany they are 
not working for that I move that we 
inform the German comrades that they 
lie behind the times. The idea of not 
including the land is nothing more nor 
I. ss than political expediency. I am go- 
ini;' to refer to a farmer state, and if 
irivspaper reports are true it is the most 
inosperous farmer state in the union, 
mil that is Oklahoma, Duscussing this 
|iii)l)Osition with the delegates from Ok- 
l.ihnraa I learned that eighty-nine per 
Mill of the farms in that state are 
inortgaged. You come along with revo- 
liilionary Socialism. Now are you going 
Im keep those farmers under that mort- 
' i;';c? Hearst or Billy Bryan would 
" nshamed to go out and offer those 
I n iiiers such a proposition as that . They 
nil tis that we must relieve the laboring 
I hiss of private ownership, but for po- 
hliral expediency we must not relieve 



the farmer of private ownership. I 
want to relieve 'the farmer. In Arizona 
we have more locals among the farm- 
ers than we have in the industrial cen- 
ters, and we don't preach graduated in- 
come tax or government ownership of 
railroads. We teach straight Socialism 
and the farmers are just anxious to get 
rid of their farms. The same condition 
exists in New Mexico and^ I am in- 
formed that in Texas the farmers are 
intensely anxious to get rid of the farms. - 

It was decided to have only four 
speeches after the ordering of the pre- 
vious question, instead of four speeches 
on each question and a closing speech 
by the chairman of the committee. 

DEL. COLE (Cal.) : I speak against 
this first clause in the report of the com- 
mittee, and I urge all constructive 
brainy and thoughtful people to listen 
So this argument. 

Comrades, there is nothing I desire 
more than a constructive platform, and 
the basis of that constructive platform 
must be greater power in the hands of 
the people. This clause is for national 
ownership of railroads, etc., etc., and the 
further you take it the worse you make 
it, and for this reason. You and I all 
know that our authorities today repre- 
sent only the capitalist class, and every 
atom of public property you put into 
their hands to handle the worse you 
make it for the people. The first thing 
you want is greater democracy, the in- 
itiative and referendum, the imperative 
mandate, and in a practical form, and 
those should come first before we have 
any public ownership more than we have 
now. 

Seven men control all the railroads 
west of the Mississippi from Canada to 
Mexico. Now then, you want public 
ownership of those railroads. Why? 
Because one set of capitalists want to 
down another set of capitalists. That 
is why you want national ownership of 
railroads. Suppose you get it. You will 
have them and these people will put the 
capital released from the railroads into 
other industries. We Socialists don't 
mean it that way. Don't you know — 
you do know — you do know that the 
Democratic party and that the Hearst 
party will make the same pledge in their 
platforms. Don't you know — you do 
know that we won't get any votes for 
our ticket by that sort of thing. The 
people who want that sort of thing will 
say there^ will be more votes for the 
Democratic party and so we will vote 



176 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 15. 



for them. But it is not a question of 
what we want to get. I want to say 
that there is a very serious danger be- 
fore the American people, more so than 
ever before. We have organized our in- 
dustries to a greater extent, we have 
larger capitalist and trust control than 
any other people on the face of the earth 
and the greatest danger we have to face 
is the further organization of industry, 
the further organization of capital be- 
fore we have the power m our hands 
to control it. Comrades, you have read 
that work by Jack London which paints 
the centralized organization of capital, 
the growth of this enormous power m 
their hands. When we have the initia- 
tive the referendum and the imperative 
mandate, then we can control the situa- 
tion We should make that our im- 
mediate demand. That should come first 
and then the Socialists and the working 
classes will be in such a shape that we 
can control legislation and safely take 
hold of these great utilities and run 
them ourselves. . 

DEL. WORK (Iowa) : I speak in 
favor of the committee's report and 
against the amendment inserting the 
word "land." I am in favor of _ the 
amendment substituting the word col- 
lective" for "national." There is one 
point that I want to make and that is 
that the committee to which the plat- 
form is to be referred as to style and 
so forth should put in the word "social 
after the word "other" and make it read 
"every other social means of transpor- 
tation and communication," because I 
think we are all agreed that we dont 
want the public or collective ownership 
of buggies, bicycles, and so forth, with 
which people transport themselves. 

Like Comrade Furman, I have had a 
little experience in speaking on the sub- 
ject of Socialism, not only on the streets 
of Chicago, New York City, and on Bos- 
ton Common, but also in the villages 
and hamlets in the East and m the 
Middle West and in some portions of 
the far West, and I know the greatest 
objection which the Socialist agitator 
has to go up against in those places and 
which the local comrades of the Socialist 
party have to go up against in those 
places is the fact that the farmers think 
that we want to deprive them of their 



little farms, which they are using on 
their own account. I don't want a para-^ 
graph or a word, inserted m this plat- 
form which will uphold the idea that 
we are going to expropriate the_ little 
farmer because the little farmer is not 
an exploiter. We have stated in the 
body of this platform which we adopted 
yesterday that the small farmer is ex- 
ploited, not in the same manner, but 
none the less effectively, as the wage 
worker We have already adopted that 
proposition, and therefore we have taken 
the stand that the small farmer is not an 
exploiter. If he is not an exploiter and 
is not using the land for exploitation 
why should that land be publicly owned.' 
We do not need to make it publicly 
owned for the purpose of carrying out 
our object. If we declare for the col- 
lective ownership of that land, then we 
bar all of that great section of the 
working class out of the Socialist move- 
ment, because they will not stand tor 
it The farming industry has taken an 
altogether different course of develop- 
ment from the other industries. It has 
been demonstrated by actual experience 
that the great farm cannot compete with 
the small farm, and therefore the col- 
lective farm is not scientific or economic. 
Cries of "no, no," and "I dont be- 
lieve it." 

DEL WORK: Furthermore, the 
fact that the farmers do operate then- 
farms privately, that material fact, the 
material surroundings of the_ farmers 
have their necessary psychological effect 
upon them and cause them to be opposed 
to the collective ownership of farm land, 
even if it were economic. The farmers 
are a portion of the working class, and 
we want the whole working class m the 
Socialist movement. We should not 
make a declaration in our platform 
which will bar out any section of the 
working class, but should try to attract 
the whole working class to our move- 
ment The farmers of the United States 
can be attracted to the Socialist move- 
ment if we will simply use a little 
common sense in order to state our 
position clearly so that they will not 
misunderstand it and will not think that 
we intend to take away their little farms. 

Adjourned until 2 P. M. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY IS. 



AFTERNOON SESSION 



177 



The convention was called to order at 
2 P. M. ■ 

COMMUNICATIONS. 

ASST. SEC. STRICKLAND: We 
have lots of greetings. We have only 
telegrams before us now; and comrades, 
some of these telegrams are very import- 
;int. 

Here is one from the Young People's 
Socialist League, Chicago: 

"Grand success to the Socialist con- 
vention. Three cheers for International 
Socialism." 

One from Urbana, Ohio : 

"Be courageous. The eyes of the 
world are upon you. Socialists. Fra- 
lernally, 

"F. Brown, Prest." 

"The Scandinavian SociaHsts send 
Ihrough their weekly newspaper greet- 
ings, hale and hearty. Your achievement 
will be our inspiration. 

"G.A.A. P.A.A." 

"Girard, Kansas, May 15, 1908. 
"Ben Hanford, Care Socialist Conven- 
tion, Brand's Hall, Chicago. 
"Hearty congratulations and hand- 
clasp across the spaces. The posts of 
iionor assigned us are posts of honor 
'inly because they are posts of duty and 
lesponsibility. You will vindicate bril- 
liantly the wisdom of the convention and 
I hope at least to keep it from reproach, 
(ireetings to the greatest convention ever 
assembled in the United States. Cheers 
for the revolution. 

"Eugene V. Debs." 

"Girard, Kansas, May 15, 1908. 
"iM-ederic Heath, Secretary Socialist 
Convention, Brand's Hall, Chicago. 
"Nothing would give me greater joy 
llian to appear before the convention and 
make in person my acknowledgement to 
I he delegates, but an extraorclinary sit- 
uation makes it next to impossible for 
me to leave here at this moment, and 
I am reluctantly compelled to beg for 
I he first and only time the convention's 
indulgence until I can report for duty, 
which I shall do without a moment of 
unnecessary delay. We have all caught 



the inspiration of the unexampled work 
you have done this week. It will make 
a shining place in American history. 
"Eugene V. Debs." 

"Girard, Kansas, May 15, 1908. 
"Frederic Heath, Secretary Socialist 
Party Convention : 
"My dear comrades ; — Deeply touched 
by the incomparable honor you have for 
the third time conferred upon me, I 
accept the nomination for the presidency, 
returning to each of you, to the conven- 
tion as a whole, and to the party at 
large, my sincere thanks. The hearty 
unanimity with which the nomination 
is made and the magnificent spirit in 
which it is tendered fill me and thrill 
me with inexpressible emotion and 
arouse within me all the latent energy 
and enthusiasm to serve the Socialist 
party and the great cause it represents, 
with all the mental, , moral and physical 
strenth of my being. 

"Personally, I had earnestly hoped the 
convention would choose otherwise, but 
as individual desire is subordinate to 
the party will, I can only wish myself 
greater strength and fitness to bear the 
revolutionary banner of the working 
class you have placed in my hands. 

"Permit me to congratulate you upon 
the nomination of Comrade Hanford, 
and to express my personal gratification 
in having a comrade so loyal to share 
in upholding the proletarian standard. 
At a later day I shall make formal 
answer to your notification. 

"This year the command to advance 
must be issued to all the hosts of so- 
cialist emancipation. The working class 
of the United States must be aroused 
this year and made to feel the quickening 
pulse, the throbbing hope, and the stern 
resolve of the social revolution. The 
greatest opportunity in the history o' 
the socialist movement spreads out be- 
fore us like a field of glory. 

"The principles of the Socialist party 
are resplendent with the truths which 
crown them. Its very name is prohpetic 
and its spirit is literal fulfillment in this 
auspicious hour supreme with oppor- 
tunity. Duty to the cause transcends 
all else, and touching elbows, and hearts 
keeping time to the quicksteps of the 



178 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15. 



179 



revolution, we march beneath the ban- 
ner (no compromise) to certain victory. 
"My soul love and greetmg to you all 
my comrades. My heart is full and 
overflowing. With every drop of my 
blood and every fibre of my bemg 1 
render obedience to your command, and 
offer myself, body and soul, to the So- 
cialist party, the working class and the 
revolution. Eugene V. Debs. 

DEL. FARRELL (Ohio) : I rise to 
call for three rousing cheers for Com- 
rade Debs. (Cheers.) 

FINAL REPORT OF COMMITTEE 
ON RESOLUTIONS. 

THE CHAIRMAN: On behalf of 
the Committee on Resolutions I ask the 
indulgence of the convention that they 
may present their final report, and it 
there are no objections we will take this 
matter up now. There are only one or 
two resolutions, and then their work 

will be done. t, i i- 

DEL SPARGO: The Resolutions 
Committee desires naturally to be re- 
lieved of its responsibilities. We have 
two matters only, which we believe the 
convention can act upon m a minute or 
two, and then we will ask for our dis- 
charge, and that will prevent the possi- 
bility of a waste of time occurring 
through our having to report from time 
to time. I will read the resolutions : 

PROPAGANDA AMONG SOLDIERS 
AND SAILORS. 

First- Those of you who have the 
report of the last national convention 
before you will find on page 277 a reso- 
lution relating to .the advisability ot con- 
ducting Socialist propaganda among the 
privates in the army and navy and state 
militia. The Resolutions Committee at 
-the convention four years ago reported 
adversely and was sustained by the con- 
vention by an overwhelming vote. The 
matter has been raised again, and your 
Resolutions Committee, realizing that it 
is impossible for us to do anything m 
the matter here, desires to offer this 
resolution : 

"The convention recommends thatthe 
National Executive Committee consider 
the question of instituting a special 
propaganda among the privates of ^the 
army and navy and the state militia." 

Comrade Chairman, I move the adop- 
tion of this resolution, referring the 



matter to the National Executive Com- 
mittee. (Seconded.) Carried. 

APPRECIATION OF ARRANGE- 
MENTS AND SERVICES. 

DEL. SPARGO : Second. This is a 
resolution which surely we can be unani- 
mous upon, as it is nothing more than 
the ordinary courtesies of a body of this 

"The convention hereby desires to 
place upon the record its appreciationof 
the arrangements for the convention 
made by the local comrades. To their 
efforts much of the success of the con- 
vention is due. 

"Thanks are also tendered to the sec- 
retaries of the convention for their ardu- 
ous and valuable services." 

Comrade Chairman, I move the adop- 
tion of that resolution. 

Seconded and carried. Committee 
discharged. 

FINAL REPORT OF FARMERS' 

COMMITTEE. 

DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.), chair- 
man of the Farmers' Committee, pre- 
sented the following report : 

I would like to say, first, that we have 
here a majority report, and that one' 
member of the committee will present a 
minority report, so that you will have 
both aspects of this subject before you. 
This is the resolution which we recom- 
mend : 

"Resolved, by the Socialist Party that 
the general program of Socialism will 
in itself, aside from any specific refer- 
ence to agriculture, bring a very great 
measure of relief to the agricultural 
working classes. 

"The socialization of industry, carry- 
ing with it as it will a vast improve- 
ment in the condition of the wage 
working class, raising their standard of 
living and thereby increasing' their 
power, will render more stable the mar- 
ket for farm products. 

"The collective ownership of the rail- 
roads and the great industrial monop- 
olies, by destroying their power of op- 
pressing the wage earning class, will at 
the same time destroy the power of the 
capitalist to exploit the farming class, 
thus securing to them immediate relief 
and advantage. 

"With reference to the specific appli- 
cation of Socialism to agriculture, llie 
first steps in the program of Socialisii> 



i 



should be taken against the great in- 
dustries which' are ripe for collectivism 
and already form a virtual monopoly. 
The farm- machinery trust, the beet su- 
gar trust, the oil trust, the land mon- 
opoly, and any other private monopolies 
that rriay arise within the agricultural 
sphere will be socialized among the first. 

"And as for the ownership of the 
land by the small farmers, it is not es- 
sential to the Socialist program that 
any farmer shall be dispossessed of the 
land which he himself occupies and 
tills." 

DEL THOMPSON: On behalf of 
the committee I move the adoption of 
this resolution. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The minority 
will please present its report. 

DEL. BARZEE (Ore.) : Comrades, 
you have got me in a very precarious 
position. I am more used to running 
round with the cows and the horses than 
to facing such a sea of faces as I see 
before me. 

I was appointed upon this committee 
and I took my place with them, and 
when I present my report you will not 
find it so very different from the one 
they have. I *ant to tell you my rea- 
sons for bringing in a minority report. 

W^e were called to convene imme- 
diately, which we did, in a back room 
here, or behind the curtain, and some 
instructions came to us very forcibly 
what we should do. We appointed a 
meeting and we convened at the next 
point for further consideration of the 
cfuestion. We agreed then, during that 
meeting, that it was not probable that 
we could agree, and that we would dis- 
agree upon a certain particular point 
which I will mention later. There was 
another meeting called peremptorily, I 
believe, behind the curtain again, which 
I attended. We were very near an 
.igreement on this proposition, when we 
were again informed by one of the mem- 
liers of the committee that it was pre- 
sumptuous for us to try to agree, and 
I was started off down the road. I was 
I old that there was no compromise on 
lliat point, and I left the committee to 
draft my report. After that meeting I 
was notified to participate in another 
"ne. Expecting the same thing, and not 
I icing able to compete with Chicago — I 
have always heard it was the windy 
rity — I did not go. That committee 
rould outwind me all right. 

.So if my report differs but little from 



theirs, you will understand why I bring 
in a minority report. 

I hereby submit the following minor- 
ity report and beg your consideration of 
the same. 

"We recognize the class struggle and 
the necessity for united action among 
the world's workers of every vocation 
as against the capitalists class exploita- 
tion. 

"The Socialist party stands for con- 
struction and nor destruction, for ad- 
struction and not destruction, for ad- 
thereby pledges to the small farmer pro- 
tection through the socialization of the 
national industries, in the production for 
use and not for profit. 

"We therefore recommend that the 
farmer study the economies of the co- 
operative social system as against the 
individual competitive system, and ally 
his political power in the struggle for 
existence with the party of his class. 
But, we insist that any attempt tp pledge 
to -'the farmer anything but a complete 
socialization of the industries of the na- 
tion to be unsocialistic." 

DEL. CLARK (Texas) : I move the 
adoption of the minority report. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You have be- 
fore you, comrades, the reports of the 
majority and the minority. The action 
occurs upon the acceptance of the minor- 
ity report. Are you ready for the 
quetsion ? 

DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.) : Mr. 
Chairman and comrades : There is a 
great deal of room for discussion, I 
realize, between those who believe that 
nothing should be done to prevent an 
individual following the line that his 
own mind would indicate, that nothing 
should be done by the collectivity to pre- 
vent an individual using certain forms 
of production, if he can do it himself. 
Under the machine philosophy, if it may 
be so dignified, I might use an acre 
or ten acres or twenty acres of land, or 
run a little mill or shop or mine myself, 
if I don't exploit somebody else. There 
seems to be a great deal of room for 
argument between those who adopt that 
line of argument and those who say that 
even if it is shown that I am occupying 
a piece of land or a mill or a little 
shop, like the old shoemaker's shop, if 
you please, and not exploiting anybody 
else, it should not be done, because I 
would not be working for the good of 
the whole. Some say that that would 
be a destruction of individuality. If 



180 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15. 






AFTERNdON SESSION, MAY 15. 



181 



that be true, then the capitalists are 
right when they speak of individual ini- 
tiative and the right of the individual to 
do what he pleases. 

Let us grant for the sake of argument 
that if I own five, ten or twenty acres 
of land, and make up my mmd that i 
can stand to work twenty-four hours 
a day and raise a certan amount of 
crop and do it myself, I ought to be al- 
lowed to do it. because I was exploiting 
nobody else. Let us agree for the sake 
of argument that I should have the right 
to do this; but would it not be more 
wise to do these things in general so- 
ciety' You would discourage me from 
so doing, even if you didn't want to 
prevent me in any way. It would be 
reasonable to use the tools and ma- 
chinery that have been supplied and by 
their use save so much human energy. 
It is not common sense, to say nothing 
of good economy, to hold that collective 
society should do everything and ought 
to discourage any individual from wast- 
ing his energies. 

I am reminded of an answer I made 
to a man some years ago, on the spur 
of the moment, to a question that is 
pertinent right now, and I am going to 
submit it to you and ask you to consider 
it He wanted me to help elect him to 
congress, and said that he believed in 
government ownership of railroads, and 
expected me to fall right m line. _ 

I said, "Why, we have it now. He 
said, "How do you mean?" I said, 
"Don't the railroad companies own the 
government and own the railroads, too.'' 
You have got government ownership 



r. 



" Then he said he believed in the mu- 
nicipal ownership of waterworks and 
electric light plants. He happened to be 
president of an independent oil refining 
Company, and I asked him about oil 
wells and oil refining machinery, whether 
he believed in government ownership ot 
those He immediately went up in the 
air and when he came down agam 1 
said I was willing to dispossess the rail- 
road companies when he was willing to 
be dispossessed of Ins o'l /^lls. Then 
he said "Where will you draw the line 
between social ownership and govern- 
ment ownership— between what the in- 
dividual might use as his private prop- 
erty and what society should contro 
and use"-and I said "At the yard gate 
I didn't mean by that that we were to 
fence off that little piece of land in the 



sense that "possession" means now, but 
when you are collectively using and col- 
lectively managing those things that you 
have collectively made — I don t care 
on how small a scale it may be— be- 
cause you ought to enlarge the scale on 
acount of economy; when you have 
done that you have stopped the possi- 
bility of traffic and of profit and re- 
moved the effects that grow out of that 
kind of thing. So you draw the Ime at 
the imaginary line of the fence. 

DEL. CAREY (Mass.) : I have only 
a word to say upon the matter and l 
say it because, as a member of the Plat- 
form Committee, my position might be 
understood. I think, first, that we ought 
to confine ourselves to the question un- 
der discussion. We need light upon the 
relation of the Socialist movement 
towards the farmer and upon the ques- 
tion of land and land ownership. 

I believe that I can make my position 
clear and it is this: I recognize the 
fact that today, under capitalism, land 
is the property of the nation, and by the 
national laws the management or owner- 
ship is regulated. Today the nation per- 
mits individuals to hold titles to land, 
subject to conditions. One condition, 
for instance, is that they must pay taxes 
on that land. If they fail to pay taxes, 
the nation takes it away from them and 
sells it to the next highest bidder. 

The theory of national ownership ot 
land is already affirmed by the present 
government. Now, then, what is the 
change that I wish should be made? II 
it is not specifically stated in the plat- 
form it should be made clear. 

I understand the platform committee, 
and I mention it in relation to the prop- 
osition submitted by the Committee on 
Fanners, while recognizing the fact that 
the nation theoretically today is the 
owner of the land, and since the form 
of the industrial development in tho 
agricultural districts is not such as tO 
make the operation of all agricultural 
industry collective as yet, that whlU 
affirming the national ownership of land, 
permission is given to individuals to USB 
that land on the basis of occupancy aiii( 
use but not to be used for exploitation. 
Now, I do not know whether that IK 
clear Let me repeat it and conchl(l9 
Today, under capitalism, the ownershlB 
of land is vested in the nation. We call-] 
not affirm it more clearly than it is al' 
ready affirmed by the present govern 
ment I deny the present manner 1); 



i 



which the government allots the land 
to individuals through titles. 

I say that the right position is that 
the ownership should be vested in the 
people collectively, the nation; second, 
the right to land should be determined 
by occupancy and use, and that that use 
should not carry with it the power of 
exploitation. This I understand to be 
the position of the Committee on Plat- 
form. If it is not, I as a member of 
the committee, disagree with it. I do 
not believe that the resolution brought in 
by the majority of the Farmers' Com- 
mittee expresses clearly that position, 
and hence I am opposed to it. 

DEL WAGENKNECHT (Wash.) : 
If we are anything we are Socialists, 
.and if we are Socialists we believe that 
ultimately this capitalist system will de- 
velop to a point whereby all means of 
production and distribution will be so 
centralized and so developed and so 
trustified that the Socialists will have 
very little trouble in managing them 
after they get them. Now, if the farmer, 
if the man who wishes land to use for 
himself, has a right to the use of that 
land, then it is also logical to suppose 
that I personally can at any time buy 
myself any machine of production any 
place in the world and use that machine 
of production for myself, manufacture 
the goods I wish to manufacture for 
myself, sell them myself, and get what 
t can get for them and keep that for 
myself. It is ridiciulous. It is re- 
actionary. There is not a man on this 
Hoor who will assume that industry, 
aside from the land question, will not 
develop and is not developing, is not 
trustifying. 

No man will disagree with that, and 
if that is a fact, is it not also a fact 
that farms are being owned more and 
more by corporations, that bonanza 
farming is becoming more and more a 
reality? 

I make this point, that all industry is 
lending to trustification. We can all 
.•igree to that. I make the point also 
(hat farms are being trustified. I make 
the point, and I reiterate what another 
comrade has said before, in speaking for 
Oklahoma, that 87 per cent of the farm- 
ers in Oklahoma are at present working 
their farms either under a mortgage or 
by renting them. If that is true, that 
condition will not last very long. 

DEL. PAYN^ (Texas) : If the So- 
cialist movement stands for anything it 



stands for the working class, the pro- 
letariat. The condition of the farmer 
today is exactly the same as that of the 
wage worker. The farmer may own his 
little piece of .land and raise his prod- 
ucts, but he does not finish production. 
Production is not finished until the 
product passes through all the different 
phases and is delivered at the door of 
the consumer. 

The same things that stand between 
the wage earner and the finished product 
stand between the, farmer and the fin- 
ished product. The same things that 
stand between the wage earner and eco- 
nomic independence stand between the 
farmer and economic independnce. 

Take the farmers today ; most of them 
are propertyless, most of them are land- 
less. They, as well as the wage earner, 
want the social ownership of all the 
machinery of production. The farmer 
is exploited because all along the line 
from the farmer to the finished product 
stand the capitalists who have trustified 
these industries. They stand there, and 
when they pull the string the farmer out 
there dances to their tune, and he is 
just as dependent as the wage earner. 

We stand for the collective owner- 
ship of capital, that which is used in 
wealth production, and I want to know 
if this convention of this movement 
which we call the great revolutionary 
movement is going to go down in his- 
tory as catering to a small middle class 
of land owners, or are you going to 
stand for the great proletarian farming 
class? I would just as soon belong to 
the Hearst element, or the Roosevelt Re- 
form element, or the Bryan element, and 
stand on their platform, as to stand on 
the one that has been offered here to- 
day. 

As I understand it, under Socialism 
there will be no wage earners. As long 
as you have wages it means that the 
worker is exploited. Wages means that 
there is a surplus value that is paid in 
profits to somebody. As I understand 
it, we don't stand for any sort of wages 
whatever. We stand for tne emancipa- 
tion of the working class, and in doing 
that we must stand for the collective 
ownership, not only of the means of 
wealth production and distribution, but 
also of the land. 

In this great struggle do not forget 
the proletarian class. In the year 1900 
only one per cent of the great working 
class owned their own homes. Wheti I 



182 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY IS. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15. 



183 



hear them talk about Socialism taking 
away their homes I say it will not take y 
them away from very many, because 
there are not many that have any. But 
Socialism would take the land away 
from nobody. But, as my friend over 
there has told you, the ownership of 
the land is already vested in the state. 
Socialism would simply take it and make 
it a different form, make it collective 
ownership. 

DEL. O'HARE (Okla.) : I do not 
want to take up my entire five minutes, 
but I do want to say that I agree with 
Comrade Carey that by the theory of 
government today— and there are twenty 
lawyers on the floor of this convention 
who are class-conscious Socialists who 
will undoubtedly confirm this state- 
ment—the state, the sovereignty, has 
never relinquished its ownership of the 
land. 

I agree with our brilliant and mag- 
netic comrade from Texas who has just 
spoken, that the common people haven't 
got the land. I submit that the com- 
rades who have spoken have all spoken 
to the same point, that we should de- 
clare to the farmers that we propose 
that the farmer whose present means of 
life is his interest in a certain tract of 
land will not be dumped out in the cold, 
like an Indian Territory renter when 
he cannot pay his rent, 

I live in a state where one-ninth of 
the land is owned absolutely and the 
title vests in the state of Oklahorna. 
And if you will get into a buggy with 
me and drive out into the country, you 
need pass only one school section to be 
able to identfy every other school sec- 
tion in the state; for no farmer ever 
turns an extra spadeful of dirt on that 
rented land, rented from the state of 
Oklahoma, that he don't have to turn. 
And you will find among the revolu- 
tionary, class-conscious Socialists out 
there that every one is fighting tooth and 
nail to get forty acres of land in fee. 
Now, Socialism proposes that until 
farming becomes co-operative, and so 
long as it is done on the present basis, 
that the man who is doing a piece of 
work shall have a place to put his feet 
while he is working. And I would like 
to have this Farmers' Committee agree 
to put in form this resolution that we of 
Oklahoma and we of Washington can 
all agree to, for we all want the same 
thing, that no man shall represent or 
^i no man understand that Socialism pro- 



poses to rob him of what he now con- 
siders the essential of his life, a place 
to be employed. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : Now 
let us talk a little common sense. I will 
be brief, because I am not an orator nor 
a perorator, as I would be told by our 
proletarian comrades from the state 
where they know it all. Do you want 
to learn anything about municipal 
ownership? Ask Wisconsin. Do you 
want information about the farmer 
question? Wisconsin knows all about it. 
And all because they have got a few 
aldermen elected and some men doing 
legislative work. 

DEL. THOMPSON: I object to the 
personalities. 

DEL. SLOBODIN : I say simply that 
they are people who know it all, and I 
do not. But I do remember that four 
years ago some comrades from Wis- 
consin told us that they wanted a mu- 
nicipal program. They said, "How can 
we go to work in our municipalities and 
our legislatures unless we have a mu- 
nicipal program. We must have a mu- 
nicipal program." Somehow or other 
this question was submitted to the com- 
mittee. I was doubtful at that time 
whether we needed a municipal program, 
but I concluded they were right. When 
I came here this time I expected, of 
course, to find them in the same frame 
of mind, but I find that the Wisconsin 
delegation say they don't want a mu- 
nicipal program. If they ask for an 
immigration resolution or a farmers' 
program, I will ask them to postpone 
consideration of the question for four 
years and refer it to a committee, and 
perhaps by that time they will have again 
reconsidered and they will say they don't 
want any farmers' program. If there is 
any farmer question in the state or any 
municipal question in the state, they can 
adopt any farmers' program to meet 
the situation. 

Now, Comrade Thompson, for the 
majority of this committee -comes before 
you with a certain first step towards a 
program, I would call it. They say they 
want certain things because that means 
"the raising of the standard of living of 
the wage-working class, which will inurp 
to the benefit of the farming class." 
Now, if that is what Socialism means, T 
haven't studied Socialism. Then I must 
go to Wisconsin. I must forget all thai 
I knew about Socialism and must learn il 
all anew. They say that the first step 



i 



towards Socialism, or words to that ef- 
fect,, is the socialization of the great in- 
dustries, and then they tell us that the 
first step towards Socialism is to get rid 
of the landlord. 

I favor the minority resolution with 
this exception : There is a phrase there 
which states that the farmer should join 
the party that stands for his class, or 
words to that effect. I move an amend- 
ment, or a substitute, to strike out the 
words "of his class" and substitute the 
words "of the working class," and then 
I will be satisfied to accept the minority 
report. (Seconded.) 

This amendment was accepted by 
Delegate Barzee. 

DEL. KNOPFNAGEL (III.) : Once 
upon a time I was an impossibilist. I 
came over to this country with ideas that 
a farmer cannot be made to understand 
what Socialism means and what Social- 
ism stands for. I have preached these 
ideas everywhere until some three or 
four years ago, when the state organizer 
of the state of Michigan first invited me 
to make a tour there. He sent me out 
among the farmers, much to my dis- 
satisfaction. 

When I came to the first farmer meet- 
ing I prepared myself, had all the fire 
ready, and began to talk as fiery as I 
could ; but I found out that I didn't talk 
fiery enough for the farmers. I found 
out that the farmers were more revo- 
lutionary than I was, and I considered 
myself more revulotionary than the 
American working class was. Then I 
came to the conclusion that if the So- 
cialist party wants to have the farmers 
with them, whether the farmer has land 
or has no land, there is no need of fear- 
ing to go before them with a strict revo- 
lutionary Socialist platform. You can 
go to him and explain to him the So- 
cialist principles. Show him the rela- 
tions between him as a farmer and the 
city working class. Show him his de- 
pendence and the dependence of the 
working class upon the same common 
enemy, and he grasps it and he under- 
stands it, and you don't need to go to 
him with Utopias to be realized in the 
future. 

Tell him in plain language that the 
Socialist party stands for the common 
ownership, not only of machinery, etc., 
but also of the land, and he is only too 
ulad to give that ownership of land 
into the hands of the people, in- 
stead of having it under the mort- 



gages of the capitalist class. Don't 
fear, comrades, to adopt the minority 
report as amended bv Comrade Slobodin. 

DEL. BERGER: There is no inten- 
tion and no inclination on the part of the 
platform committee to deny that we 
stand for the common ownership of the 
land. I fully agree with Comrade Carey 
on this point. It is simply a question 
of how he expresses it. But there can 
be no doubt that evolution was different 
in the agricultural field, that centraliza- 
tion in land has not taken the same form 
as it did in industry. 

In other words, the prediction of the 
Marxians that we would some day have 
centralized the small farms into big 
farms of one hundred thousand or a 
million acres has not come true. 

We do not know what the future of 
agriculture is going to be. We do not 
know whether in the future agriculture 
will be conducted on a very large scale 
or whether the future of agriculture will 
be the intensive farming of very small 
tracts. 

There is a great deal to be said on 
both sides. Just now it looks, with 
the inventions that are being made in 
the line of agricultural chemistry and 
in the use of electricity, that the future 
of agriculture will be intensive farm- 
ing, and that some day three or four 
acres will be sufficient to supply a 
family with all its needs. 

However, we are not going to make 
a platform or program for unborn gen- 
erations. We are dealing with the prob- 
lem as it is now. And the truth of 
the matter is that centralization has not 
taken place in agriculture, as it has in 
the field of industry. 

Besides there is another phase of the 
question to be considered. 

The process of manufacturing has 
been changed entirely by the inventions 
which took place in shop and factory. 
It has not only separated the producer 
from the product; it has not only sep- 
arated the man who uses the instruments 
from ownership of these instruments, 
but it has also changed the entire proc- 
ess. 

That is not the case in farming. 
There the introduction of the machine 
has not changed the entire process of 
agriculture. And it has not separated 
the owner of the farm from the farm; 
If you will look at the census, you will 
find the average size of farms in Amer- 
ica was about 139 acres in 1880, then 



184 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY IS. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY IS. 



185 



it went down to 134 in 1890, and then it 
went up again to 138 acres in 1900. 
The average size of the farms has prac- 
tically remained stationary during the 
last thirty years. It is true that there 
are more tenant farmers now than we 
ever had before, but that is due to the 
fact, that down South after the slave 
barons had been defeated, they divided 
up their big plantations and rented many 
small pracels to the negroes. That has 
changed the general average somewhat; 
that is, there are more tenant farmers. 
There is also the fact to be considered, 
that one can still get land in western 
states, for instance Wisconsin, at $S an 
acre, but, of course, it is wild land. 
You can get better land out west for 
$10 and $15 an acre. In short, the 
question is not the same in the field 
of agriculture, is not the same as in the 
field of industry. 

Let us look at these things as they are. 
We do not want to be carried away 
by revolutionary phrases and hot air. 
We cannot solve this problem by talk- 
ing loud and long. We will have to 
solve it according to experience and the 
results of scientific research. 

However, comrades, as I said, we are 
dealing with a question of today. I 
am willing to incorporate a phrase some- 
thing like what Comrade Clark of Texas 
suggested. It could be added to para- 
graph 4, where we are dealing with land 
and ought to read, "Occupancy and use 
to be the sole basis for any title." That 
phrase did not originate with me. That 
was an old plank I found in the platform 
of the Knights of Labor; and I think 
it is a very good clause to add. 

DEL. MORRISON (Ariz.) : I never 
thought it would be necessai-y for me or 
any one else who is devoted to the cause 
of revolutionary socialism, to oppose 
a report like the one presented here by 
the chairman of this Farmers Commit- 
tee. I have never supposed that a thing 
like this could ever possibly occur in a 
Socialist convention. If it was a Single 
Tax convention, if it was a Bryan or a 
Hearst meeting, if it was a Roosevelt 
Reform Society, or something of that 
character, I would not be surprised ; but 
to think that you, as delegates of the 
great revolutionary party are called upon 
to pass away your time in convincing 
this bourgeois Wisconsin crowd (laugh- 
ter drowned balance of this sentence). 
I am not trying to be smart or anything 
of that sort ; but I want to call your at- 



tention to the fact that in the year 1888 
the Populists held their national conven- 
tion in this same windy city, and the 
same sort of stuff that is interjected 
here by the chairman of this Farmers' 
Committee, was covered by the platform 
of that Populist convention. Is it possi- 
ble that we have so far forgotten our- 
selves that we will attempt to curry 
favor with a few capitalist farmers? 
Why is this resolution here? What is 
the object of it? What is the purpose 
of it? Is it to secure votes? Do you 
hope to deceive someone as to the actual, 
real program of scientific socialism? Or 
are you in other words, going to lie 
to the farmers of this country in order 
to secure their suffrage? Are you going 
to present something to them that_ you 
know is not contained in the Socialist 
program? Can you afford as represen- 
tatives of this great revolutionary party, 
to do that which in a few years you 
will be ashamed of? I say no. And 
you, when you vote upon this resolution, 
will answer no, because you will adopt 
the minority report. 

The time is past when we are called 
upon to play with words, with catch 
phrases for the purpose of securing the 
recognition of one petty class here and 
one petty group there. The time has 
passed when we should dally with words 
and phrases. We are called upon to 
mark out a straight line and follow it, 
and hew to it, let the chips fall where 
they will. 

DEL. LEE (N. Y.) : I desire to speak 
against the minority report, but I must 
say at the same time that I am com- 
pelled to speak as well, — or at least 
to vote as well, against the majority re- 
port. I don't believe, comrades, after 
having listened to the reports and to the 
discussion here today that we would 
do well to adopt either of these reports. 
I don't believe we are in a position to- 
day to take action upon the question of l| 
the Farmers' Program. 

In Germany and France and the var- 
ious countries of Europe, our comrades 
have given careful study to the agrarian 
question. They have appointed their 
committees which have worked for 
months and for years and have worked 
out farmers' programs. It has not im- 
pugned the revolutionary character of 
the party in France that they have had 
a farmers' program, or of the German 
Social Democracy because they have a 
farmers' program. 



It is right that the Socialist party 
should know what it is going to do in 
I he matter of the men who woi"k upon 
llie soil and that it should be able to tell 
them what it is going to do; and I think 
it is not in place for delegates on either 
side to_ charge that the other side is 
trying to cater for votes. Our Farmers' 
Programs are only an attempt at a solu- 
tion of what is going to be the meth- 
od of handling the land and vising it 
under the Co-operative Commonwealth. 
I don't think we are ready to answer 
that question. 

I think we ought to have a farmers' 
program in the real sense of the word, 
a program of measures in line with our 
other programs, a program setting forth 
the measures that the Socialist party 
is willing to support in order that the 
wage-working class and the working 
farmer class may come together for the 
reorganization of society upon a right 
basis. Such a program as that I should 
like to see. Such a program as that 
we do not have before us in either of 
these reports, and I, for one, shall vote 
against both; and if there should be any 
opportunity for the election of a com- 
mittee that should study the question, 
I should be in favor of it. 

DEL. KAPLAN (Minn.) : I want to 
say that both sides seem to me to be 
somewhat in error. When we say "Pro- 
letariat of the world, unite !" we do not 
merely mean the wage-workers of the 
world. Wage earners and farmers are 
both producers. If we take the position 
that the proletariat means only the 
wage-earners of the world, then we are 
today hopelessly in the minority, and 
will remain in the minority, for this rea- 
son: We know that between 40 and 50 
per cent of the wage workers of the 
country will never be converted to So- 
cialism. Marx tells us that we have 
nothing to hope for from the slum pro- 
letariat. I am not taking the position 
that because of that we are to look down 
upon them. The fact is that in all of 
our great ceters of population all over 
the country you find a great mass of the 
wage-earners hopelessly degenerate, 
hopelessly brainless, hopelessly desti- 
tute, as a result of their condition and 
environment. On the other hand there 
is what we might call the aristocracy 
of labor. When the Western Federation 
of Miners went on strike, some were 
asking for $2 and $2.25 a day, while 
others were getting $8, $9 and $10 a day, 



and these latter ones said that the others 
didn't deserve any more. There are 
those two foes to the working class, — 
the fools who are below and the fools 
who are up on top, both of whom will 
never be converted. So, let us recog- 
nize once for all that we have got to 
have the farmer and we have got to 
have the wage-worker. But we do not 
want to harmonize with the farmer 
from the standpoint of a middle class 
proposition. The farmer must recognize 
that the dollar question is his ques- 
tion, and that his question is our ques- 
tion. That is what the minority propo- 
sition means. Proletarians of the world, 
unite, upon the basis of the working 
class emancipation, for the emancipation 
of working class society. 

DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.) : I want 
to speak for the committee. I want to 
call attention to the fact that this reso- 
lution which the majority has reported 
does not pretend to be a platform. It is 
simply for the purpose of clearing up 
one point that is now under discussion. 
The convention has already agreed to 
the election of a committee to study this 
question. That was a part of the com- 
mittee's previous report, and it is now 
for the convention to elect such a com- 
mittee. 

I want to say in defence of the reso- 
lution of the committee, in regard to the 
point that Comrade Berger brought out, 
viz., that occupancy and use should con- 
stitute the only real title to the pos- 
session of the land. That is what I be- 
lieve every member of the majority of 
the committee had in mind, — so much 
so that if I had gotten the opportunity 
to offer the amendment, I would gladly 
have presented it and I believe all the 
committee would accept it. It is exactly 
our idea. 

We know that there is a very large 
proportion of the votes of this country 
on the farm, under agricultural condi- 
tions and environment, over 40 per cent. 
Less than 30 per cent of the votes of this 
country are under industrial conditions. 
When we get to the point where we 
want to do something, we must have 
some way or other of getting these two 
forces welded together. We never can 
win out with 30 per cent of the vote. 
We will have to have at least a substan- 
tial majority, and that, we cannot have 
without the farmers. 

DEL. DOWNIE (Wash.) : They 
have talked to you a good deal about 



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18T 



the difference in trustification of indus- 
try in manufacture and industry in agri- 
culture. Simons, in liis book "The 
American Farmer," points out the rea- 
son why the trustification in agricul- 
ture has, not taken the same course as 
it has in manufacture. And why hasn't 
it taken the same course? One of the 
principle reasons he points out lies in 
the fact that the farmer and his wife 
and his family working together can 
produce and put on the market farm 
products in competition with a higher 
state of production. Now, I ask you, 
comrades, do you stand for any such 
condition as this degradation and lack 
of opportunity on the part of the chil- 
dren of the rural communities. I tell 
you, comrades, we are just as much op- 
posed to children working on farms as 
we are to children working in the fac- 
tories, and we stand to abolish the whole 
present systern of production. Just one 
more point I want to make, and that is 
this^we have to take into considera- 
tion the different conditions that will 
underlie future action, as contrasted 
with the conditions our present action 
faces. When we get Socialism the 
conditions will be so changed that it 
will be impossible for private produc- 
tion for sale to be seriously consid- 
ered. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
is now upon the adoption of the mi- 
nority report as read. All in favor 
please say aye; contrary no. The 
chair is in doubt. A division is called 
for. 

A vote was then taken by show of 
hands, resulting in 99 votes for and 
.51 against. The minority report was 
declared adopted. 

The committee was relieved from 
further duty. 

Nominations were made for the 
Parmanent Farmers' Committe and 
voting deferred until the ballots could 
be , printed. 

REPORT OF PLATFORM COM- 
MITTEE RESUMED. 

THIC CHy\IRMAN: When we ad- 
journed at noon, the previous ques- 
tion had been called for on the adop- 
tioii of the first clause of the imme- 
diate demands. Comrades Cannon of 
Arizona, Cole of California, Work of 
Iowa, and Furman of New York had 
spoken on the question when the 



chair declared the convention ad- 
journed at 12:30. The question comes 
on the substitution of the word "col- 
lective" for the word "national." All 
you in favor of substituting the word 
"collective" for the word "national," 
signify by saying aye; contrary no. 
The ayes seem to have it. They have 
it, and it is so ordered. 

Now the question comes upon the 
adoption of the first amendment in- 
troducing the words "and all land" 
prior to the word "railroads." Are 
you ready for the question? 

Question called for; motion put and 
carried. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now comes upon the adoption of the 
report of the committee in its amend- 
ed form. 

The vote was taken by a show of 
hands, and the proposition as amend- 
ed was adopted by a vote of 102 to 33. 
The next paragraph was then read 
as follows: 

"2. The national ownership of all i 
industries which are organized on a 
national scale and in which competi- 
tion has virtually ceased to exist." 

DEL. BOOMER: I move to amend 
by substituting the word "collective" 
for the word "national." 

THE CHAIRMAN: Does the 
committee accept the amendment? 

DEL. SIMONS: I would, but I 
haven't the right to act for the com- 
mittee. 

The motion to substitute the word 
"collective" for the word "national" 
in the second paragraph was then 
put and carried. 

Motion to adopt the paragraph as 
amended was put and carried. 

The next paragraph was then read 
as fellows: 

"i. The extension of the public 
domain, to includes mine's, quarries, 
oil wells, forests and water power." 
There being no objection, the sec- 
tion was adopted. 

Paragraph 4 was then read as fol- 
lows: 

"4 The scientific reforestation of 
timber lands and the reclamation 
of swamp lands, all lands so re- 
forested or reclaimed to be perma- 
nently retained as a part of the pub- 
lic domain." 

DEL CLARK (Texas): I have an 
amendment that I believe will settle 



ill this controvers3'. I want to amend 
it by letting this clause appear at the 
l)eginning: "Occupancy and use of 
land to be the sole title to its pos- 
session." 

DEL. SIMONS: I will read it with 
your amendment: "Occupancy and 
use of land to be the sole title of 
possession. The scientific reforesta- 
tion of timber land and the reclama- 
lion of swamp lands. Lands so re- 
forested or reclaimed to be perma- 
nently retained as a part of the pub- 
lic domain." You will have to 
straighten that out. 

DEL. CLARK: At the meeting of 
I he platform committee it was agreed 
that something of this kind should go 
on there. 

DEL. SIMONS: It seems to me, 
.IS I understand it, that that is super- 
fluous. It is putting the same thing 
in twice, and confusing the language. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You have it 
now. Comrade Simons. 

DEL. SIMONS: It was just as I 
stated it. as they wanted it. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: It makes sense. 

DEL. CLARK: The purpose I 
aimed at was to amend it just as this 
is. The other was the committee's, 
f didn't know what the committee 
might do. I might just say I sug- 
gested this as the way I saw to settle 
it. I make this because I believe it 
will settle all this controversy that 
we have had. In the talk I made this 
morning against the proposition, the 
clause reported by the committee, I 
did so for the reason that I took a 
different position relative to the na- 
tional ownership and collective own- 
ership of these industries. You might 
say it is making a fine distinction be- 
tween these two terms, but the term 
suits me better. It may be simply 
a way of qualifying things, but I like 
the term better, and that is why I 
make the fight. It may be possible 
that in taking that position I aman 
idle dreamer. I want to plead guilty 
lo that fact. I want to say again, I 
will just answer an objection that was 
made this morning when I said the 
dreams that nations dream come 
true; if inore of you men become 
dreamers we will get along with this 
better than we do. We have been ac- 
cused of being Utopian, but I want 
to say that if you succeed in trying 



to poke these reforms down the 
throats of the Socialists of this coun- 
try in this convention, you vvill face 
a storm in your ranks four years 
from now, when they attempt to undo 
it. As far as I am concerned I am 
sorry that the question of the col- 
lective ownership of wooden shoes 
should have come into the question, 
but it seems that every time a man 
gets on the floor and takes a certain 
position on Socialism he is accused 
of believing in the collective owner- 
ship of tooth brushes. It is prepos- 
terous and absurd, and Comrade Si- 
mons knew I made no such declara- 
tion and said I had no such purpose. 
Get that clear in your mind. No 
man that had an eye single to the 
principle of this statement here would 
have made that accusation. _ I stand 
here for revolutionary Socialism, and 
I am glad to say that though my po- 
sition was criticised, I still maintain 
that position, and any individual who 
stands for mere reform has no place 
or lot in a revolutionary Socialist 
convention. (Applause.) I said that 
when I came here I came to take the 
land, and I meant that statement, and 
that if it came to a point of voting I 
would vote to down every reform that 
was proposed in this program, but I 
say again that I said that for peace 
and harmony I want to ask you to 
agree on a program that we could 
all endorse, but if this convention de- 
cided differently I shall stand by it 
after adoption and I shall support it 
just as faithfully as any of you when 
I leave the convention. I stand for 
that as amended here, and I hope that 
ends the controversy as far as I am 
concerned. 

DEL. SNYDER (Kan.): I would 
like to ask, as long as you put a clause 
as to the land in the first section, why 
we need to deal with these specializa- 
tions on the land at all. It seems to 
me, as long as you amended the clause 
to 'include all lands, that you might 
just as well cut off all the other speci- 
fications. I don't see any use in spe- 
cializing about different kinds of 
prairie land, etc., as it is all land. 

DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I 
want to speak for this amendment, 
and in doing so I would like to ask 
the comrade from Texas one ques- 
tion. If I understand the meaning of 



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189 



this amendment as he now presents 
it, he wants to make it state that oc- 
cupancy and use of land is the only 
title to possession. Do I understand 
that, comrade? 

DEL. CLARK (Tex.): Yes, the 
basis of title. 

DEL. THOMPSON: Now, I want 
to know from Comrade Clark, do you 
guarantee under that the farmer in 
the possession of that land? 

DEL. CLARK: Certainly, we guar- 
antee that possession. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: A point of in- 
formation. I would like to know if 
Comrade Clark and Comrade Thomp- 
son have agreed between themselves, 
what guaranty have they that the co- 
operative commonwealth will fulfill 
the promise? 

THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready 
for the question? (Question called 
for.) The question is now first upon 
accepting the amendment that Com- 
rade Clark submitted. 

DEL. BAUER (Cal.): I wish to 
speak against this long-eared amend- 
ment. We have just voted and de- 
clared for the collective ownership of 
all land. Now we are going to reverse 
our position and vest title to land in 
occupancy and use, which is the old 
anarchist position; it is not the So- 
cialist position. (Applause, and a 
voice, "Correct.") I actually thought 
we had a convention of intelligent 
men here, but we absolutely go on 
record for one specific thing, and then 
the next moment go in direct opposi- 
tion to the previous position. Where 
do we stand? Occupancy and use cer- 
tainly would give private ownership 
to men who own 1,537,000 acres of 
land, and the land owned by corpora- 
tions, merely because they say they 
occupy and use every foot of that 
land. Nonsense. We stand for col- 
lective ownership, and the title rests 
with the collectivity. (Applause.) No 
two-by-four farmer and no financial 
farmer or anybody else. How are 
you going to determine what he oc- 
cupies and what he uses? Are you 
going to have a special committee to 
say that you occupy and use so much 
land? If he chooses he can occupy 
every foot of land that he wants. 
That is the old anarchist position and 
not the Socialist position, and I hope 
in the name of logic and common 



sense you will exercise your intelli- 
gence and vote this fool amendment 
down. (Applause.) 

Del. Fieldman of New York moved 
the previous question, and it was sec- 
onded and carried. 

DEL, A. M. SIMONS: I rise to a 
question of information that will keep 
us from getting into a hole. I want 
to ask Comrade Clark of Texas if 
he won't consent to some such ar- 
rangement of words as this; otherwise 
I will say that we are going to have 
something that will sound rather 
silly when we get it out. I want to 
read this just as we have got it, on 
which we are going to vote: "Oc- 
cupancy and use to be the sole title 
of possession. The scientific reforest- ' 
ation of timber land and the reclama- 
tion of swamp land. Lands so re- 
forested or reclaimed to be perma- 
nently retained as a part of the public 
domain." I would strike out the first 
and last clauses. Permit me to make 
a sugestion that we do this: Pick 
out the clause and make the whole 
thing read like this, leaving out part 
of the committee's report: "4. The 
scientific reforestation of timber land 
and the reclamation of swamp lands; 
occupancy and use of such land to be 
the sole title to possession." Stop 
right there. 

DEL. CLARK: I am sure the com- 
rades here fully understand the po- 
sition I am taking in that matter, and 
if they do we will all agree. The 
position is this. As to the Wisconsin 
delegation, or those who vote for the 
platform as it has been stated, my 
conception of their position is this: 
That when we stand for the private 
ownership of lands as it was em- 
bodied there it means that the indi- 
vidual shall own his land privately 
and be protected by a title from the 
political state. My position is that 
he will not be protected by a title 
from a political state, but from an in- 
dustrial government, as you have 
wiped out the national ownership of 
that land. Understand, you don't 
vote for that if you know what the 
difference between industrial and na- 
tional administration means, from my 
standpoint. 

DEL. SLAYTON: A point of or- 
der. I object to any change of the 



I 



' 



report of the committee after the pre- 
vious question ha* been called for. 

TPIE CHAIRMAN: Objection has 
been offered, and the vote will be 
upon the amendment. Del. Hillquit 
has the floor. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: I will ask you 
to vote against the amendment, and 
kindly be careful hereafter in voting 
on the amendment. We do not real- 
ize here for the moment that when 
we adopt this phrase or these words 
we take something that we must ex- 
plain for four years more, and some- 
thing that we may not be able to ex- 
plain. I think before we make a 
laughing stock of ourselves we should 
take the time to consider that the 
more immediate demands are tempo- 
rary measures. With the collective 
ownership of all lands we have mixed 
up our program, and it will tack this 
phrase on to something which, first, 
has no connection with it, and sec- 
ondly, is an entirely unfounded as- 
sumption. What does the amendment 
mean? Occupancy and use the basis 
of title to land. How do we know 
whether the co-operative common- 
wealth will infer and arrange it m 
that way? Are we authorized to make 
that statement? Are we called upon 
to make that statement? Is it revolu- 
tionary, scientific Socialism, or is it 
an individual solution of anyone who 
happens to think that we can provide 
for legal rights in that way? Aren't 
we taking a long excursion into the 
domain of the future and into the do- 
main of speculation? It may be true 
that the dream of the dreamer may 
become a reality if this dream is the 
dream of the nation. But we have not 
come here to dream dreams and leave 
it to the future to realize them or to 
show them to be just mere pipe 
dreaitis. We have come here for some 
reason, and I think there is no reason 
which would justify us in taking this 
position and making this a part of our 
immediate demands. The Socialist 
state may just as well decide upon an 
entirely different basis for the distribu- 
tion of land. It may not at all be 
liound by our resolution here today 
that occupation and use forms a title. 
They may have other modes of estab- 
lishing title or regulating the use of 
l.ind. We have set forth in our main 
])latform that we stand for the collec- 



tive ownership of land, and have 
stated there plainly, as far as lan- 
guage is concerned, that every foot 
of the globe should be exempt from 
the absolute ownership of the people. 
(Applause.) We have put that in our 
main platform; then we have put it in 
our immediate demands; then comes 
a second demand creating another 
sort of land. Leave it alone. We have 
got enough to think of. 

DEL. WALDHORST (Ala.): I am 
for the immediate demands as sub- 
mitted by the committee. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Then against 
the amendment? 

DEL. WALDHORST: In our 
platform we declare in one place in 
the preamble a certain position, and 
then in the platform proper we state 
again a certain position, and. then we 
come to the immediate demands 
which have prevailed in all Socialist 
platforms, to my knowledge, for the 
last twenty years, wherever they have 
had a chance to publish any. Now, in 
the immediate dem, iids we declare a 
position against that which we have 
already stated in the preamble and in 
the platform. What are we after? If 
we don't want to state these positions 
over and over again, then we don't 
need any immediate demands. What 
of it? That is all nonsense. Now, any 
Socialist that will say that the title to 
land lies in occupancy, I don't know 
where he got that idea from. I never 
got any like that. My idea always 
was that when we get the Socialist 
state there will be no title to land. 
Not only that, Herbert Spencer 
stated, and if you will read his book 
on title to land, you will find the ex- 
planation of my position. I never 
heard of such a thing. If you want 
to declare that title to land shall be 
occupancy and use, that is single tax- 
ism and not Socialism. (Applause.) 
I do not recognize any title to any- 
thing except what is absolutely neces- 
sary for my personal and individual 
demands and for my family. And no 
more do I believe in the collective 
ownership of a tooth brush that is 
mine and I own it — or any other 
proposition of that kind. But I say 
this: I believe there was and there is 
no title to any land whatever, and 
never was. (Applause.) Just the same 
as it is necessary for me to own my 



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AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY IS. 



191 



plane and my saw that I can follow 
my trade, just as much is it absolutely 
necessary for the community or the 
nation to own the land from which 
and on which they raise the necessi- 
ties of life. Now, if you go ahead and 
state these propositions over and over 
again, then the comrade from Texas 
better study Marx over, and better 
study Herbert Spencer and Ruskin, 
too. I studied them all. I have been 
at it for twenty-seven years, and I 
found out I know less now than I did 
when I started. (Laughter.) But I 
know this, that the philosophy of So- 
cialism rests on a very simple prop- 
osition, and that is that all things 
necessary to the human race as a so- 
cial being or a nation or a community 
must be owned and should be owned 
by that nation or community or what- 
ever you may call it; the source of it 
must be owned socially and collec- 
tively. The distinction between na- 
tional and collective is a good deal 
if you study it. Not only that, but im- 
mediate demands are a thing that is 
permitted by Socialists of all coun- 
tries. For what reason? To give 
them a chance to ameliorate the con- 
ditions as they exist today and not 
under a Socialist state. We want to 
make the conditions so that we can 
raise the man from down in the slum 
up to a position where he will be able 
physically, mentally and morally _ to 
understand the position of the Social- 
ist that wants to give him a full 
chance to enjoy that which we call 
the joys of life. (Applause.) 

DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I wish 
to speak for the amendment. Com- 
rades, I haven't any voice or strength 
to waste, so I must ask you to listen 
carefully. I am a revolutionary So- 
cialist. (Applause.) Now, understand 
that, and please don't take my time in 
applause. I am simply stating things 
clearly. I am not bidding for ap- 
plause; that is not what I want. _ I 
am so much of a revolutionary Social- 
ist that I am going to quote with ap- 
proval the words of Karl Kautsky, 
who, with Bebel, stands as one of the 
leaders of the revolution — if_ you 
please, the leader of the revolution in 
the south of Germany. Is that satis- 
factory? 

A DELEGATE: No. 

DEL. GAYLORD: That depends 



on what you are thinking about. 
Kautsky is known as a "r-r-revolu- 
tionary." (Applause.) I want to read 
him. He says, "No Socialist who is 
to be taken seriously has ever de- 
manded that farmers should be ex- 
propriated." Do you understand that? 
This I quote from page 1S9 of the 
"Socialist Revolution," by Kautsky. 
A DELEGATE: Read the rest. 
DEL. GAYLORD: The whole 
book? No, I haven't got time. I 
read that a long while ago; that is 
why I can turn to it so easily. I have 
given the page, and you will have to 
take my word. I am making this 
speech myself, if you please. Now, we 
have come to the point where we 
recognize the necessity of discussing 
and studying this land question. That 
is a long step forward, and I am glad 
to see it. I want you to watch the 
vote in favor of this line of study and 
in favor of going forward in this way. 
Some one said here that the German 
comrades are behind the times. That 
is very interesting; it is almost cute. 

A DELEGATE: You will be, by 
reading that book. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Yes, I should 
say so. 

A DELEGATE: May I ask a ques- 
tion? 

DEL. GAYLORD: I am not going 
to stop till I get through. I am in 
order, and there is nothing the mat- 
ter but you. (Laughter.) Comrades, 
I have not time to read, but I want 
to suggest to you that you can find 
three different sets of agrarian or 
what we call agricultural programs; 
one drafted by a committee in which 
Bebel is a member for Northern Ger- 
many; another by a committee in 
which Dr. Quarck is a member from 
Central Germany; and another by a 
committee in which Von Vollmar, 
who is one of the so-called Bernstein- 
ian comrades, is from Southern Ger- 
many. I may get them mixed up, but 
the point I want to make is that in 
Germany there are three different 
kinds, just as in this country there are 
at least three. Coming back to the 
point at issue, I am not quite clear 
whether this ought to be put in a 
separate section or left in this sec- 
tion, and I do not care. But I want 
it embodied, because it agrees with 
Kautsky who is revolutionary; it 



agrees also with the comrades who 
are constructive. There are points 
where the revolutionary Socialists 
who say it with a "r-r-revolutionary" 
and those who are constructive, or, if 
you please, opportunists — there are 
points where they agree in all the in- 
ternational movement. This is one of 
the points. Therefore, I want that 
sentence included in these demands 
somewhere, and so I am in favor of 
the amendment. Put it in here, or put 
it in a separate section, I do not care, 
but put it in because it belongs there. 

THE CHAIRMAN: All in favor 
of adopting the amendment will sig- 
nify it by saying aye. Contrary, no. 
The noes appear to have it; thenoes 
have it. Now the proposition in its 
original form. All you that favor the 
same will signify it by saying aye. 
Contrary, if any. It is carried. 

Section 5 of the general demands 
was read as follows: 

S. The absolute freedom of press, 
speech and assemblage, as guaranteed 
by the constitution. 

DEL. HOEHN (Mo.): I move to 
strike out the word "absolute." There 
is either freedom of the press or there 
is none. I don't believe there is any 
absolute freedom, and then freedom. 

DEL. SIMONS: I think the word 
is used there simply as an emphasizer. 
I do not believe that as such it is out 
of the way. 

DEL. ROSS (Okla.) : I want to ask 
Del. Simons a question. What guar- 
anty can you give us that we have got 
a constitution? 

DEL. SIMONS: That is a question 
for the supreme court. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Llave you any 
objection to the section as read? 

DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I would 
like to ask a question first, and make 
a remark if I am allowed. Is a mo- 
tion necessary to do what Comrade 
Hoehn wanted? 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair 
would decide that in editipg that 
would be taken care of. 

DEL. SLAYTON: Then I want 
to move to amend by striking out the 
words that say "as guaranteed by the 
constitution." I will tell you why 
when it is in order. (Seconded.) 

DEL. FARRELL (Ohio) : I would 
like to ask the delegate from Pennsyl- 



vania if he has any, words to submit 
in place of that? 

DEL. SLAYTON: We don't want 
any words in place of it. Will Com- 
rade Simons please read it as it would 
st^nd with the words stricken out as 
my amendment proposes, and I will 
explain. 

DEL. SIMONS: "Absolute free- 
dom of press, speech and assemblage." 
It is absolutely guaranteed in the con- 
stitution in almost those words, and 
the idea was to have it preserved. 

DEL. SLAYTON: I wish to speak 
on the motion. 

DEL. SIMONS: The committee 
will accept that. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Then it is 
adopted. Proceed. 

DEBATE ON RELIGION. 

Del. Simons read the next section: 

6. That religion be treated as a 
private matter — a question of indi- 
vidual conscience. 

DEL. LEWIS (111.): I wish to 
make a motion and speak to it. I 
move that this part be stricken out of 
the platform. (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved that that part be stricken from 
the platform. Are you ready for the 
question? Comrade Lewis of Illi- 
nois has the floor. 

DEL. LEWIS: Comrade Chairman 
and comrade delegates : I am among 
those who sincerely hoped the ques- 
tion of religion would not be raised 
at this convention. I am willing to 
concede so far that we shall let sleep- 
ing dogs lie. (Applause.) I know that 
the Socialist position in philosophy on 
the question of religion does not 
make a good campaign subject. It is 
not useful in the propaganda of a 
presidential campaign, and therefore 
I am willing that we should be silent 
about it. But if we must speak I pro- 
pose that we shall go before this 
country with the truth and not with a 
lie. (Applause.) I believe in So- 
cialist scholarship, and I voted to have 
scholars on this Platform Committee 
in that sense; men who understand 
the Socialist philosophy, and we have 
at least half a dozen men on the Plat- 
form Committee who know that the 
question of religion is a sociological 
question; it is an anthropological 



192 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15. 



question; it is a question of chronolo- 
gy; it is a question of economics; it is 
a question of theosophy. There are 
few domains of modern thought that 
do not directly affect the question of 
religion. And when you say that it 
is merely a question of private con- 
science, you fly in the face of the 
science and the learning of your day. 
(Applause.) 

Now, I do not propose to state in 
this platform the truth about relig- 
ion from the point of view of the 
Socialist philosophy as it is stated in 
almost every book of Standard So- 
cialist literature; but if we do not do 
that, let us at least have the good 
grace to be silent about it and not 
make hypocrites of ourselves. (Ap- 
plause.) I have only one copy of this 
standard, recognized book. I have 
not access to my library at this dis- 
tance, and I borrowed it from Com- 
rade Miller. It is Karl Kautsky. He 
says; "So long as Christianity ruled 
the minds of men the idea of revolu- 
tion was rejected as sinful, as a sin- 
ful revolt against divinely constituted 
authority." But you must not go be- 
fore the people of this country in this 
campaign telling them that so long as 
Christianity rules their minds they 
will reject the idea of social revolu- 
tion. Oh, no, you must not be revolu- 
tionary. Comrade Gaylord; you must 
tell them they can be good Christians 
and accept the revolution as not be- 
ing sinful, but quite in harmony with 
divinely constituted authority. I say, 
let us either tell the truth or have the 
good grace and the common sense 
and the stamina and the manhood and 
the self respect to keep our mouths 
shut about it. Therefore I move that 
this be stricken from the platform. 
(Applause.) 

DEL. D'ORSAY (Mass.): Com- 
rade Chairman, I do hope that this 
clause can be stricken out. It ought 
to be stricken out without any ob- 
jection, without any discussion. But 
as Comrade Lewis has said he hoped 
the question of religion would not be 
brought up, well, he started it by 
.making the speech he made. 

DEL. LEWIS: It was because it 
was in the platform. 

DEL. D'ORSAY: Well, it could be 
obviated by not discussing it. The 
question of religion in the highest 



sense is a question of individual con- 
science, and if we would leave it out 
of our platform altogether the ques- 
tion of religion would adjust itself, 
and I do not think we have any right 
to bring up the question of religion 
in the Socialist platform. And an- 
other reason it ought not to be in 
there is that it is not a demand. If it 
was and if if had a place anywhere it 
belongs in our declaration of princi- 
ples. And I think on the whole ques- 
tion of immediate demands, if we 
would stick to the general demands 
and not go into specialization or spe- 
cial positive things, it would be much 
better. But you see we come in with 
a certain lot of immediate demands, 
and then we don't know where we are 
at. We go into everything, and there- 
fore we must cover every part of the 
Socialist philosophy. 

DEL. MILA TUPPER MAY- 
NARD (Col.): Comrades, are we 
really anxious to have working class 
solidarity by the revolutionary vic- 
tory, or are we anxious to air our 
special theories of religion or intol- 
erance? Can we seriously say that 
a movement that must be world wide 
must accept some particular form of 
materialistic, monistic, any kind of a 
negative position, or any kind of a 
positive position, for that matter? 
fThose of us who are Socialists and 
•^ho read with reverence and respect 
the words of a Ferri and a Kautsky, 
do not quarrel with them because 
they do not understand religion* a.s 
we do. We do not take their state- 
ments on economic matters and say 
they are false because they happen 
to develop a crude and childish idea 
of God and do not believe in that kind 
of a goO I sa3' that the German So- 
cialists, "^he foreign Socialists alto- 
gether, so far as I know, all of them, 
those who express themselves on re- 
ligion, have a perfectly ignorant and 
utterly childish notion of modern 
theological thought, and I for myself 
have always stated that I stood 
against any rabid religious position or 
any kind of religious position or de- 
nominationalism, but I do say that I 
think that rnodern cosmic theism is 
as much more profound than this 
childish monism as can possibly be 
imagined. The Socialist philosophy 
is the best bulwark that was ever 



i 



AFTERNOON SESSION, M^Y IS. 



193 



• 



made for a genuine cosmic theism. I 
^vould not believe there was any di- 
\inity or goodness in the world or 
.my meaning in the world if it were 
not for the fact that Socialism inter- 
lirets all this great cosmic jDroblem. 
1 1 interprets it in such terms as are 
consistent with the thought of a Tyn- 
dall, with the thought of a Huxley 
and with the thought of a Spencer. 
1 1 is absolutely consistent. And when 
this atheism is made to appear identi- 
cal with Socialism, those who so try 
to identify are. trying to put an im- 
pediment in the way of our progress 
which is utterly inexcusable. Can we 
accept the position of the Hindoo? 
Perhaps not. Possibly if we knew as 
much as they do we would accept it. 
But can we accept the position of the 
Mohammedans? We do not know 
much about it. But are we going to 
try to have international solidarity 
on the basis of some theory or what 
some otheg. man ought to believe if 
he don't? ri object to people putting' 
up some crude notion that existed a 
hundred years ago and saying it is 
the religion of my brother Christians 
or my brother workingmen who are 
Christians, and then knocking it down 
and saying that a man cannot be a 
Socialist if he accepts it. I believe the 
people who take this position know 
neither the philosophy of modern re- 
ligion nor do they understand tb.e real, 
cosmic significance of Socialisrn.^ (Ap- 
plause.)* 

DEL. REILLY (N. J.): The So- 
cialist Party has not thus far concern- 
ed itself with the particular religious 
opinions of its members, and conse- 
ijuently I have no pet theories or oth- 
er views to advertise. But I do say 
that I consider this plank in our plat- 
form of immediate demands as a most 
unnecessary one, to say the least. (Ap- 
plause.) I take it that these^ imme- 
diate demands express our views of 
things that we want to have as steps 
lo the co-operative commonwealth, 
.'ind I respectfully submit that as far 
.IS the government of this land is 
.oncerned religion is already treated 
as a private matter, and there is no 
use in asking that S'Omething be 
treated as a private matter with the 
individual when it already is the case. 
I thank you. (Applause.) 
DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : I 



move the following amendment. I 
move, in the first clause read to you, 
the insertion of this: "The Socialist 
inovement is primarily an economic 
and political movement. It is not 
concerned with the institutions of 
marriage or religion." And I move 
that after its adoption it be taken out 
from the program and inserted in the 
declaration of principles. (Second- 
ed.) The motion has been seconded, 
and I will say a few words to it. The 
very fact that there are Comrade 
Maynard and myself taking absolute- 
ly opposite views on religion, she be- 
lieving in the cosmic theism, I being 
an agnostic and always having been 
one, and both of us being neverthe- 
less good and useful members of the 
Socialist Party, proves to you that re- 
ligion is not connected with Social- 
ism either for or against it. (Ap- 
plause.) Yes, comrades, you would 
make a mistake. The fact that Com- 
rade Lewis as a scholar, as a student 
of psychology, of history, of ethics 
and of everything else, has in the do- 
main of religion come to the position 
of an agnostic and that ninety-nine 
per cent of us have landed in the same 
spot, does not make Socialism agnos- 
tic, nor is Socialism Christian, nor is 
Socialism Jewish. Socialism hasn't 
anything to do with that side of our 
existence at all. (Applause.) I say 
to you. Comrades, if we are to follow 
Comrade Lewis' advice and tosay in 
our platform and declaration of prin- 
ciples what is true, let us not be 
afraid to insert in it the things we are 
advocating day after day and on all 
occasions. The trovtble with us is 
that we have not always the courage 
of our convictions. I am confident 
that those who have applauded most 
emphatically, most noisily these ut- 
terances against the adoption of this 
plank, when they find themselves on 
the soap box and are asked the ques- 
tion, "Yes, but won't your Socialism 
destroy religion?" They will answer, 
"No, we don't agree on it. I person- 
ally may not be religious, but Social- 
ism has nothing to do with religion." 
And to show you how widespread 
this conception is, I will tell you one 
little incident. I had the great pleas- 
ure of meeting in debate recently a 
college professor of extraordinary 
erudition in social science, more than 



194 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY IS. 



1 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15. 



195 



the average. He said distinctly, "The 
reason why I object to Socialism is 
because it is against marriage and re- 
ligion." And I say to you, we have 
no right, especially after the subject 
has been brought up, to leave an im- 
pression among the people at large 
that Socialism stands for these things, 
for it does not stand against religion, 
or against marriage. Our comrades 
in Germany have the courage to say 
so openly. Let us have the same 
courage. (Applause.) 

DEL. UNTERMANN (Idaho): 
Comrades, no one will accuse me 
with any sympathy with Christianity, 
either as a church or as a religion. 
I am known in the United States as 
a materialist of the most uncompro- 
mising order. But I want it clearly 
understood that my materialist phi- 
losophy does not permit me to strike 
this plank out of the platform. (Ap- 
plause.) I want it understood that 
tny materialist dialectics do not per- 
mit me to forget the exigencies of the 
moment for our ideals in the far fu- 
ture. 

The Socialist platform in Germany 
has carried this very same plank for 
years, and the man who wrote it was 
the most uncompromising materialist 
in Germany, Karl Kautsky. (Ap- 
plause.) Karl Marx and Frederic 
Engels surely were known as uncom- 
promising Socialists, and they agreed 
with this platform. Would you ex- 
pect to go out among the people of 
this country, people of different 
churches, of many different religious 
factions, and tell them that they must 
Tiecome atheists before they can be- 
come Socialists? That would be non- 
sense. We must first get these men 
convinced of the rationality of our 
economic and political program, and 
then after we have made Socialists of 
them and members of the Socialist 
Party, we can talk to them inside of 
our ranks, talk of the higher philoso- 
phy and of the logical consequences 
of our explanation of society and na- 
ture. 

I know very well that this plank 
will be misconstrued into the very 
opposite of what we want to accom- 
plish by it. I know that those who 
are opposed to the materialist's inter- 
pretation of history, will construe it 
into a prohibition of the teaching of 
all materialist philosophy in the So- 



cialist movement. But we object to 
that interpretation, as they do the po- 
tion of Comrade Lewis. (Applause.) 
We want to be consistent and conclu- 
sive in our teaching. We do not 
think that we can interpret society and 
nature analytically and naturally in 
economics, and theologically in phi- 
losophy. We believe that there is only 
one method by which we can get at 
all this truth in all the world in all 
things, and that is by the inductive, 
analytical method of historical ma- 
terialism. And therefore we should 
interpret the facts of history as well 
as of nature from the standpoint of 
the materialist proletarian monist, 
but we should not go out in our prop- 
aganda among people that are as yet 
unconvinced and are still groping in 
ignorance and obscurity, and tell them 
that they first must become material- 
ists before they can become members 
of the Socialist Party. No. This dec- 
laration that religion is a private mat- 
ter does not mean that it is not a 
social matter, or class matter at the 
same time. It merely means that we 
shall bide our good time and wait till 
the individual is ready, through his 
own individual evolution, to accept 
our philosophy. It means that we • 
shall give him plenty of time to grow 
graaually to the things that are nec- 
essary to him, and those material 
things that affect his material welfare, 
the economic and political questions 
of Socialism. After he has grown into 
them it will be so much easier to ap- 
proach him with the full consequences 
of the Socialist philosophy. There- 
fore, I ask you to retain this plank 
in our platform. 

DEL. CAREY (Mass.): Upon this 
matter I wish to say as a member of 
the Committee on Platform, that ref- 
erence to religious matters and re- 
ligious institutions occurred in var- 
ious portions of various drafts that 
were submitted to us. My personal 
view was that all reference to such 
matters should have been stricken out, 
no matter what my own opinions 
might be, and no matter what my re- 
ligious convictions might be. That is 
none of your business. I do not con- 
sider that my religious views have 
anything to do with the struggle of 
the proletariat for economic liberty, 
and because I so viewed the matter, 



I deemed it unwise to have the mat- 
ter brought up, knowing the temper 
of some of the delegates, and thought 
it better that there should be no ref- 
erence whatever to the subject in the 
idatform. 

Some of it was stricken out, al- 
though some of the members of the 
committee saw fit to call me a cow- 
ard for asking that it be not referred 
lo. But we have troubles enough 
now; I want Socialism. I don't want 
to force upon the public, or upon the 
working class, a discussion of som« 
abstract philosophy that will obscure 
the question of the emancipation of 
ray class. And those who do want to 
force that discussion may be scien- 
tific, but it is not the science of the 
proletaire. For that reason I say that 
it is ^ unhappy — and it was not the 
working class members of the com- 
mittee who would have it there. It 
was the intellectuals — the literary 
men — 

DEL. LEWIS (111.): A point of 
personal privilege. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade 
Carey must be permitted to speak his 
raind. He has the floor. 

DEL. LEWIS: The comrade 
pointed directly at me. 

DEL. CAREY: Excuse me; I 
didn't mean you. (Laughter.) It is 
unfortunate that when I sweep my 
finger round the hall some place in 
the inclusiveness of this space is oc- 
cupied by Comrade Lewis. 

This is all I wish to say. Unfortu- 
nately this subject was brought up. 
It was unwise. But we must now act 
upon it. I say now pass this declara- 
tion that religion is not a public mat- 
ter; my religion is no concern of you; 
yours is no concern of mine. That 
the subject was brought up was un- 
happy; but it is here; and I belioae 
religion to be a private matter. {J. 
Iiave a right to believe in the exist- 
(!nce of a Heaven or a God. I am as 
j^ood a Socialist, so far as I am con- 
cerned, as I can be. Therefore I shall 
vote for the adoption of the part 
which. declares religion to be a private 
matter, although I believe it was un- 
wise Oft the part of the committee to 
force us into a discussion of the mat- 
ter, a matter that tends to obscure the 
issue in which I am interested, the ab- 
olition of economic tyranny, and the 



emancipation of my class from indus- 
trial exploitation. 

DEL. FARREL'L (C): While the 
previous speaker spoke in opposition 
to the amendment he spoke in favor 
of the adoption of the resolution as 
submitted by the committee. I want 
to say that I am here to speak in fa- 
vor of leaving out the whole thing, 
and in opposition to both the resolu- 
tion and the amendment. 

It is my personal experience that 
the question of religion brought into 
our movement by the enemies of So- 
cialism has tended to retard our 
rnovement more than any other ques- 
tion. On top of that I want to say 
that the resolution in my opinion was 
bad enough, but the amendment sub- 
mitted by Comrade Hillquit in my 
opinion is ten times worse. I want to 
say to you that in my humble opinion 
the time has arrived when this ques- 
tion of religion will serve to retard 
the Socialist progress in far less de- 
gree than it has in the past. I want 
to say to you that in my opinion the 
best thing you can do is to vote down 
both the resolution as submitted by 
the committee and the amendment 
of Comrade Hillquit. Cut out the 
question of religion altogether. 

I know that there have been men 
of practically every denomination 
known on the American continent in 
my local and the question of religion 
has been discussed, and it has not 
benefited us one bit. What we are 
here for is Socialism, for the emanci- 
pation of the working class, and 
eventually of the whole human race 
in the industrial field. I say to you 
then that it has been easier in the past 
for the speakers and agitators for So- 
cialism to answer the opposition when 
they brought in the question of re- 
ligion simply to say that Socialism 
has nothing to do with religion. Now 
let us continue along that line. I hold 
that if the matter is left in the pro- 
gram in that way it will tend to in- 
tensify the argument on religion, and 
in that way will tend to divert the 
discussion from the real issue and de- 
lay the emancipation of the working 
class and the emancipation of the 
race. 

For those reasons I am opposed to 
both the resolution as submitted by 



1^ 



196 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY IS. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15. 



197 



the committee and the amendment, 
and I hope this convention will be 
prudent and wise enough to vote 
down both of them. 

DEL. BROWN (Wash.): Proba- 
bly I shall not use all my time if you 
give me your attention. 

A DELEGATE: I hope not, 
Brown. 
DEL. BROWN: I thank you. 
We cannot afford to evade anything 
as .scientists. It is no answer to say 
that this is something with which we 
want nothing to do. If we mention 
a question, if the question is put to ' 
us we have something to do with it 
as Socialists. As scientific Socialists 
if you cannot face the gun and answer 
the question you have no business 
upon the platform. 

Now, as a matter of fact, we have 
something to do with both religion 
and with marriage. But our religion, 
in so far as we have to do with it, is 
our own individual private business. 
If any Socialist believes that the So- 
cialist philosophy does not deal with 
the question of marriage, let him look 
at the 600,000 women in this country 
who would love to be married. 

DEL STRICKLAND: The ques- 
tion before us is not understood by 
the speaker. The question of mar- 
riage has been taken out. 

DEL BROWN: I accept the cor- 
rection.' I didn't know it was taken 

out. ,. . 

Thp question of religion is a per- 
sonal, private matter. It has some- 
thing to do with the question ot bo- 
cialisra inasmuch as those people m 
this country who believe that the tri- 
umph of Socialism will destroy their 
religious beliefs should be disillusion- 
ed Their minds need our attention. 
Becausefas a matter of fact we know 
that a person must almost necessarily 
be a Socialist in order to be a real 
Christian in spirit. (Cries of No. 
and "Yes!") ,, „ , ^. 

The question is, shall we evade the 
issue by leaving it out of the platform, 
because you do evade it by remaining 
silent now. By recognizing it and 
analyzing it you do not evade it. The 
question is, can you afiford to evade 
it? 

DEL. STRICKLAND: The prop- 
osition is shall we wipe out Kautsky 
with Kautsky. The statement made 



by the platform committee is a sen- 
tence from Kautsky. It is quite in 
order to wipe it out with another 
sentence. The sentence just before 
is this: "The arguments against rev- 
olution are derived from the present 
ruling forms of thought. So long as 
Christianity ruled the minds of men, 
the idea of revolution was rejected as 
sinful revolt against divinely consti- 
teuted authority." 

. Now, comrades, you will notice if 
you consider that passage closely that 
the word Christianity is not used in 
any primitive sense, or with any ref- 
erence to its origin or its revolution- 
ary beginning, but with reference, 
comrades, to the Christian institu- 
tions, organized Christianity. 

Now, comrades, listen; you may say' 
that you will avoid this question. You 
may say you will not take it up. Very 
well, then, I serve notice on you that 
whether you do take it up or not, 
you will have organized religion to 
meet. 

Comrade chairman, I want to refer 
to a passage on page 110 of Dietz-' 
gen's "Philosophical Essays": "We 
have found that religion and Social 
Democracy have this in common — " 
look out, this is not a preacher talk- 
ing; this is the man whom Marx 
called the "Socialist philosopher." 
I read it again: "We have found that 
religion and Social Democracy have 
this in common, that they both strive for 
salvation, yet Social Democracy is in 
this respect more advanced in that it 
does not look for salvation in the 
realm of spirit, but in the world of 
material realities, taking the human 
spirit only as its god." 

If we have a common social origin, 
if both religion and social democracy 
have a common social origin, and if ' i 
economic determinism be true, and if 
the moral and ethical principles of so- 
ciety be based ultimately upon the , 
manner of economic production, how | 
drae you then say that we have noth- '- 
ing to do with religion. 

Please note that if we dodge this 
issue today, it will come up at an 
other time. Go to the history of the 
movement in Dubuque and inquiri' 
there, as to why there is no local paper 
there of the Iowa Socialists, and why 
the movement was cut in two in one i 
year, and they will tell you only by ^ 



referring to certain acts of a religious 
organiztition. We already have this 
issue to rneet, and I am in favor of 
the adoption of the committee's re- 
port because we ought to dare to 
make that declaration in the face of 
an official interpretation of. Chris- 
tianity rather than its original — for 
remember, comrades, according to 
Osborne Ward, Christianity carried 
the red banner of the working class 
for three hundred years. 

I favor the adoption of the com- 
mittee's report and ain opposed to the 
amendment. 

DEL. ELIOT WHITE (Mass.): 
Your ideal is to be perfectly free 
from prejudice. As scientific Social- 
ists you are perfectly free from preju- 
dice. I will start by saying that some 
of you may not know that I am an 
Episcopal minister in good standing 
in my church. Let me say next that 
although you are all free from preju- 
dice you think you know just what I 
am going to say. Now, if I can show 
by what I do say that I am saying 
what you did not expect you will 
acknowledge, won't you, that you 
liave a little bit of prejudice against 
me as a minister. 

I am in favor of dropping this 
whole thing out of the program. I 
don't think you expected me to say 
that as an Episcopal minister. I 
think if the Democrats and Republi- 
cans can leave that out of their plat- 
forms — why, in the name of common 
sense do we need is in ours? 

T want to object to what has been 
said on this floor about one of the 
speakers and the motives that have 
been imputed to him. I refer to Com- 
rade Lewis. It has been said here 
that he stated that a good Socialist 
could not be religious. He said no 
such thing. I consider that his po- 
sition was well taken, and his state- 
ments well made, and I stand for 
everything he said. 

Now, here is another queer thing 
about me as a preacher. I have an 
idea that it miglit be a good plan to 
liave in this platform the statement 
that no discrimination should be made 
by Socialists either for or against 
people on account of religious or non 
leligious beliefs; and you may think 
that the reason I say that is because 
I don't want atheists or infidels, so- 



called, to keep out Christians. But it 
is not that. There is more than one 
place where atheists and infidels are 
kept out by so-called Christians 

A DELEGATE: Will you oflfer 
that as an amendment to the amend- 
ment? 

DEL. WHITE: I want it let 
alone. Cut it all out. We have here 
a movement that we can stand up for, 
that we can stand in and be of it, 
and witness for its truth. If people 
don't like it they will have to dislike 
it. (Applause.) You should not 
keep on petting people to become 
Socialists. You can't do it. If they 
can't become Socialists because of 
their manhood and womanhood don't 
try to pet them into becoming So- 
cialists. They have got to find it out 
for themselves. I am sorry for some 
of my old bigoted Christian friends 
because they have so much to learn, 
and it is going to be a hard road for 
them for the next twenty-five years. 
Christianity is up against the biggest 
crisis it has ever faced — the Reforma- 
tion and everything else included — 
Christianity has its biggest crisis to 
face, it is in the greatest danger of 
going to pieces as a formal institu- 
tion, that it has ever been in. I am 
perfectly frank to say to you that 
Christianity as some Christians un- 
derstand it today is bound to go un- 
der, has got to go down. But that is 
merely White's personal opinion, and 
the next Christian may say that is 
nonsense. That is White's opinion; 
he holds his opinion and I hold mine. 

But in the name of common sense 
let us chisel out any mention what- 
ever of religion from one end to the 
other,' preamble, platform, demand 
and everything else. In the words of 
a previous speaker, "Let sleeping dogs 
lie." 

DEL. DEVINE (Ohio): On this 
question I find myself in a position in 
which none of the previous speakers 
has been. Therefore I sought the 
privilege of getting a chance to 
speak to you. I find myself in this 
position. Since I have Jseen in this 
convention I find myself one of the 
few who are actively engaged in fac- 
tories. I also find myself one who 
must take issue with a sentiment that 
is gaining in the Socialist movement, 
and one who must take issue with 



II 



198 



AFTERNOON SESSION. MAY 15. 



something that was said upon this 
floor last night. I want to say right 
here that we must be careful upon 
this question. I stand here today as 
one actively engaged in the factories-, 
and trying to get my co-workers into 
the Socialist movement. I find there 
men of all religions; I find there men 
of all kinds. I am asked by one class 
of men: How can I be a Catholic and 
a 'Socialist? I am asked that by 
Catholics. What I am does not mat- 
ter. They don't know. You don't 
know. The question is: Is it any- 
thing to either of us what the other 
is or believes on religion? I am asked 
by the Catholic how can I be a So- 
cialist and a Catholic? Now, I want 
to be in a position where I can har- 
njonize those things. Therefore I 
want this — I have taken this opportu- 
nity of making this point in particu- 
lar. I recognize that the church has 
taken an attitude against the Socialist 
party. I know of a comrade in the 
factory who was refused absolution 
because he was a Socialist. It seems 
to me I am forced to take the posi- 
tion I do today so that I can keep 
that comrade in the Socialist party, 
not so much for his vote as for his 
strength. That is what we are after. 
So I say that we should put nothing 
in our platform whatever; I am in 
favor of striking out entirely any ref- 
erence to any religious position that 
the Socialist party takes. 

DEL. HUNTER (N. Y.) : The rea- 
son I wish to have this plank in our 
platform is because I wish this ques- 
tion settled, so that everybody in the 
party can have absolute freedom to 
say what they please on this matter 
as a question of individual conscience, 
and say with authority that this po- 
litical party takes no religious view 
whatever. You know why the plank 
was put in the platform of the Ger- 
man party. For years and years the 
reactionaries of Germany went about 
trying to divide and keep divided the 
working class. How? By saying: 
"That is the party of atheists and 
agnostics." They are trying that in 
every part of Europe. They are try- 
ing it everywhere. Bebel is an athe- 
ist, and he campaigned for atheism, 
but not as a principle of the political 
party, but simply as a man, as a 
known Socialist expressing his own 



individual opinion. When the people 
in Germany came forward and said,' 
"Your party is a party of atheism and 
agnosticism," the other comrades 
wanted that statement in there to 
prove that charge false. In other 
words they wanted to settle this 
question once for all; to keep it out 
of the discussion. When I go — or 
somebody else goes— I very seldom 
go — to deliver a Christian lecture, 
and somebody says, "See what Lewis 
says," or "See what Bebel says," I 
want something like this proposed 
statement that is authoritative, not 
my own individual view, but the 
formal statement of the position of 
the party, that we as a party consider 
this matter to be one of individual 
conscience. The fact is plain that we 
are being attacked upon this question. 
It may or may not have been wise to 
bring up this matter at all, but if we 
vote it down, what will be the in- 
evitable result? It will be taken to 
mean that we do not consider it a 
matter of individual conscience, and 
that we desire to adopt views antag- 
onistic to those who hold certain re- 
ligious views. It will be so consid- 
ered. 

Now I say that we have to face 
more and more serious fighting upon 
this question. The debate on this 
religious question is going to become 
more and more heated. I believe 
there is a church in this country 
which is going more and more to at- 
tack Socialism upon this very point. 
I don't want to have to discuss it. It 
someone rises and presents the views 
of Bebel or Lewis or some one else 
and says: "Look; these men hold 
these views, and they are leading So- 
cialists," and I say, "I don't hold 
those views." "Well," they say, 
"these are leaders in your party, and 
you don't express the view of your 
party." Then you pull out the plat- 
form and show the party position in 
the matter. There is the declaration 
of principles; not that we believe in 
any religious view. I want the 
atheists in this party; I want all the 
Lewises, all the fellows who are fight- 
ing for the cause of the proletariat; 
we need every man — every man, no 
matter what his religious views. Let 
each man hold his own view; let him 
talk as he likes as an individual; but 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15. 



199 



don t let him go about and say that 
this^ political party is a party of 
Christians, or a party of atheists, or 
a party of agnostics; let them all talk 
Sociahsm. Let them have their be- 
liefs; let them say that this economic 
doctrine is in harmony with atheism; 
if that is their individual belief; let 
others say that it is in harmony with 
Christianity if that is their individual 
belief; let us have absolute freedom, 
take no position on the matter of re- 
ligion whatever, and prove to all who 
would attack us on this ground that 
it is a matter of individual conscience; 
that it is a private matter with which 
the party has nothing to do. 

I support the plank as brought in 
by the committee. 

DEL. STIRTON: I have tried for 
some time to get an opportunity to 
express the hope that this whole mat- 
ter would be stricken out. I want to 
call attention to the fact that no effort 
has been put forth or is being put 
forth to place the Socialist party in 
an attitude of hostility to religion. 
I do not do that; and we do not want 
that. All we want is to have this 
whole matter stricken out. And for 
this reason, first of all. If this state- 
ment is true that religion is no con- 
cern of our movement as stated in the 
amendment or in the original recom- 
mendation, that it is a private mat- 
ter — if that is a true statement, then 
we don't need it. If it is a lie. then 
we don't want it. That is what I have 
.striven to get the floor to say that 
I hose who take this position are not 
laking an anti-religious view. I was 
a Christian once; I am an atheist 
now; but that is neither here nor 
I here; we are not trying to put a 
religious or an anti-religious plank in 
the platform. We simply want it out. 

In reply to the position taken by 
line of the comrades who stated that 
ill the German Declaration of Prin- 
fiples they have this plank, I want 
lo say that there is an essential dif- 
Icrence between our situation in Ger- 
niany and in the United States. In 
(.crmany they have a recognized state 
rliurch, as there is in England and in 
nther countries, and there such a dec- 
l:i ration of principles might come in 
with a certain degree of propriety as 
.'.liowing that they were favoring the 



disestablishment of the state church 
But here there is no state church. 

I am opposed to this proposition 
because of the implication that would 
be drawn from it. The comrade said 
that we did not want it interpreted 
this way and that way. I am opposed 
to any declaration in our principles 
or resolutions or platform which puts 
us under the necessity of sending an 
explanatory treatise along with it. I 
am opposed to it. 

There is another thing. I am in- 
tensely and bitterly opposed to this 
statement being accepted as the 
declaration of the Socialist party for 
the very reasons which Comrade 
Hunter set forth as reasons why he 
supported the resolution; and that is 
that it is a sop to a certain element; 
a sort of apologetic utterance for the 
fact that many of our leaders choose 
to be atheists. I don't want to take 
the Socialist platform — I don't inten- 
tionally do it — sometimes a word may 
fall from me in the heat of discussion 
when I think what I have suffered 
from the ecclesiastical institution that 
calls itself Christianity — I don't want 
to have to make apologies, and say — 
THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate's 
time has expired. 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: Since the 
question ha,5 been opened up, I hope 
that a large number of the delegates 
will be privileged to participate in the 
discussion. I believe we are going to 
declare right today. And I hope that 
the previous question will not be 
voted so as to prevent any comrade 
who has any light to throw upon this 
subject from doing so. 

To begin with, I believe it was en- 
tirely unnecessary to put this in the 
platform at all, or any place else 
since It is sufficiently covered by the 
constitution. But since the subject 
has been injected into our proceed- 
ings, and in view of the character of 
the discussion here, and as it will ap- 
pear in the public press and be quoted 
from our official records, I am now 
and for these reasons in favor of the 
committee's original report. 

These scientists who are only 
Utopians I want to call to book. Let 
us assume that all religions sprang 
originally from the material interests 
of the people. Still can you say that re- 
ligions in all their varieties that are ex- 



1 



200 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15. 



tanl in the world today are primarily 
and now based upon the manner m 
which the people who believe m them 
obtain their livelihood? 
Cries of "Yes" and "No." 
NAT. SEC. BARNES: That is 
ritopianism. Suppose we agree fur- 
ther. So far as we know, fire was 
first produced by rubbing together 
pieces of wood. Must we therefore 
say today whenever we mention fire 
that it is connected with rubbing to- 
gether pieces of wood? The Indians 
have their heaven, their happy hunt- 
ing grounds, and they associate their 
means of livelihood directly with their 
belief. And looking back through the 
ages I presume that our original re- 
ligions were thus brought into exist- 
ence. Since that time we have de- 
our industry has become diversified, 
and our opinions have been dis- 
tributed over a great realm of purely 
mental effort or activity, but alto- 
gether remotely connected with the 
manner by which we make our living. 
Now we are concerned with the con- 
ditions of today. And the religions 
of today are very remotely connected 
in civilized countries with the ways 
in which we make our living, 
veloped faculties and sentiments and 
I want to say in conclusion, since 
this question has been injected and 
since the discussion has proceeded 
as it has and along the lines that it 
has taken, it will be quoted through- 
out the length and breadth of this 
land, to the detriment of our work it 
we do not make the right decision, 
I think it is right and proper that we 
should say as the committee has said 
that it is a matter of private opinion 
and personal belief. 

DEL HERMAN (Wash.): I am 
opposed to both the amendment and 
the original plank in the program. 
We are all agreed that sugar is sweet, 
we are all agreed that vinegar is sour. 
Why are we all agreed? We are 
ao^reed on those things because we 
know as a matter of fact that sugar 
is sweet and that vinegar is sour. It 
science means anything at all, it 
means that we are convinced that a 
certain thing is correct. In order for 
a position to be scientific, it must 
first be based on fact. Therefore, 1. 
say that all these sneers cast at sci- 
ence are superfluous. We should dis- 



cuss this question upon its merits.' 
We do not insist that any one should 
be an agnostic or an atheist before- 
they are allowed to join the Socialist 
party as some of the comrades have 
suggested. We do ask that a man or ^ 
woman shall understand something 
about the Socialist movement before 
they be allowed in the Socialist party, 

Comrade Untermann has said 

DEL. UNTERMANN (Idaho) :_ I 
rise to a point of order. The point 
is that I am misquoted; I took ex- 
actly the stand the speaker is taking. 
THE CHAIRMAN: The point is 
well taken. 

DEL. HERMAN: The question is 
this: we do not need this kind of 
plank in our platform. Our consti- 
tution states our position relative to 
religion and relative to race and rela- 
tive to nationality, and relative to sex. 
We don't need to have planks in our 
platform for any kind of religion you 
may believe in, or stating what kind 
of religion you shall believe in, Of 
what kind you shall not believe in, or 
stating that you shall have your own 
conviction on this question. Surely 
we have a right to our own opinion! 
on these matters. I have a right tO 
my opinion but I do not ask as an 
agnostic that we state our position 
with regard to agnosticism. I do not 
ask it. I do not ask that vve state our 
position in regard to atheism. I d«« 
mand that we remain silent on that 
question. So far as Christianity i| 
concerned— yes, we are opposed tO 

Christianity 

Cries of "No, no." 
DEL. HERMAN: Why? BecauH 
the church is the organized exprel" 
sion of Christianity. 

DELEGATES: That is n6t true, 
DEL. HERMAN: Christianity ll 
organized in the church, and that ll 
the only kind that we have the righj 
to recognize. Where does the church 
stand? Does it stand with the waM» 
working class. Does it stand with 
the proletariat or against it? As I 
church, I inean? Where does JohB 
Pierpont Morgan stand when he ffoel 
before the country and says that SO' 
cialism would destroy religion, thilj 
Socialism would destroy the home; I 
ask you, has he been excommunh 
cated from his church? Is not thi 
Catholic church a Christian instill 



EVENING SESSIOxN, MAY IS. 



tion? The church is the-' organized 
i-xpression of Christianity, and they 
are opposed to us, the wage-working 
class; they are lined up with the cap- 
italist class and are fighting with the 



201 

capitalist class, helping them to keep 
m slavery the proletariat of the 
United States and of the world. 

On motion the convention ad- 
journed until 7:30 p. m. 



;•. EVENING SESSION. 



Chairman Bandlow called the con- 
vention to order at 7:30 p. m. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The prop- 
osition before the house is the 
amendment to the report of the 
Platform -Committee bearing upon 
the question of religion being a pri- 
vate matter. 

The previous question was ordered. 

DEL. LEWIS (111.) : Let me make 
this statement. I have gone into con- 
ference between the afternoon ses- 
sion and evening session, with most 
of the members of the Platform Com- 
mittee, and I have reached an agree- 
ment with them which I am sure the 
convention would be glad to hear, and 
it will dispose of this question, I think, 
;imicably to all concerned. (Applause.) 
I would like to have the floor on that 
lor about two minutes. I think the 
members of the Platform Committee 
will agree. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there are 
no objections. 

DEL. LEWIS: Comrade Chair- 
man and Comrades: I will preface 
iny remarks by saying that I consider 
myself and every other delegate on 
I his floor as being present at this con- 
vention for the sole purpose of pro- 
moting the best interests of the So- 
cialist party. (Applause.) I am will- 
ing to waive any personal views of 
mine, and I believe the members of 
I he Platform Committee are in the 
same position, to promote those in- 
I crests. Since this convention ad- 
journed, I have been able to get into 
-(inference with Victor Berger, with 
Morris Hillquit, with Comrade Work 
,ind as many other members of the 
riatform Committee as possible. I 
inree with the sentiment expressed* by 
ilic National Secretary that while it 
might have been better to have left 
lliis question out in the beginning, 
now that it has been introduced, to 
uithdraw this question altogether 
ivciuld put us in a false position, or at 
I- ast render us open to false represen- 
i.ilion by the capitalist press. (Ap- 



plause.) And so, while it may not 
harmonize with my personal opinions 
to have this plank remain in the plat- 
form, I am willing to sink those per- 
sonal opinions rather than put the 
Socialist movement of America in a 
false position and lay it open to the 
attacks of our enemies, who are al- 
ways seeking some opportunity for 
misrepresentation. (Applause.) The 
only thing I was afraid of in this 
No. 6 as it appeared in the program 
was this: That such a declaration 
might be interpreted as limiting free 
speech on the Socialist platform, and 
that it could be misused to say that a 
Socialist speaker on the Socialist 
platform shall not be allowed to ex- 
pound the materialistic conception of 
history as it is expounded in the 
classic literature of the Socialist phi- 
losophy, and I maintain that anything 
that is good enough for our standard 
books ought to be good enough for 
our platform, and I wish to keep free 
speech open on that platform. I find 
that there is a unanimous agreement 
with that position among the Social- 
ists who have been elected by this 
convention to the Platform Commit- 
tee, and so if the Platform Commit- 
tee will give me an assurance that will 
go into the stenographic report of 
this convention that it is not the in- 
tention that this plank shall be used 
to limit free speech on the Socialist 
platform, so that it will leave it pos- 
sible for Comrade Carr, or Comrade 
Bentall, or any of the Comrades in 
that group to argue Socialism from 
the point of view of Christianity, I am 
perfectly willing they should do that, 
if I may argue Socialism from the 
point of view of materialism and some 
other man may argue Socialism from 
the point of view of atheism or agnos- 
ticism, or whatever may happen to be 
his point of view; that this argument 
in favor of Socialism shall be from the 
individual point of view or any man 
on the Socialist platform, irrespective 
of what his religious or anti-religious 
opinions may be, so long as his argu- 



202 



/ 
EVENING SESSION, MAY 15. 



1 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



203 



ment conforms with the classic posi- 
tion of Socialist philosophy. If that 
will be preserved with this plank in 
the platform, then I am willing that 
the plank shall remain, and I am will- 
ing to vote for it and ask those com- 
rades who loyally supported my po- 
sition this afternoon to go with me in 
support of that plank in that platform. 
(Applause.) 

DEL. KNOPFNAGEL (111.): .A 
point of information. I want a pomt 
of information from Lewis. I want to 
find out who has given him the right 
to put himself above the party. He 
has no right to agree for us. We can 
adopt anything we darn please. What- 
ever the delegates accept, we accept. 
We don't have to have any assurance 
from him. 

(Much confusion on the convention 

floor.) , , . 

DEL. LEWIS: I speak only for 

myself. ,,„ 

DEL. KNOPFNAGEL: Whatever 
the delegation accepts is adopted. 
You don't have to give it any assur- 

^"tHE CHAIRMAN: The delegate 
will be in order. 

DEL. LEWIS: I am pledgmg only 
my own vote. I am not pledging the 
vote of any other delegate to this con- 
vention. 

DEL. KNOPFNAGEL: You can 

vote against it. 

DEL. LEWIS: I am requestmg 
those who agree with me on this po- 
sition to vote with me in this matter, 
because I believe that to so vote is to 
the best interests of the Socialist party 
of America. After all, you will do as 
3rou please. 

THE CHAIRMAN : Comrade Slay- 
ton has the floor. For or agamst, 
Comrade Slayton? 

DEL. SLAYTON: I am agamst 
the plank as it stands in the commit- 
tee's report, and I am going to briefly 
tell you why. 

Someone said, on the floor, that 
these beliefs that we may hold con- 
cerning the supernatural origin of 
things have nothing to do with the 
struggle of the workingman for a liv- 
ing. I emphatically deny it. If I 
had a congregation, and could make 
them believe that they who were pro- 
ducing the wealth of the world were 
in tibe sitUr-^+'cin- of life that the Al- 



mighty Creator intended that they 
should be, do you suppose for a niu« 
ment they would get up and resist till 
conditions they found themselves illf 
No, wouldn't they be perfectly satin- 
lied, and couldn't my exploitation «() 
on, and could I not lead them, even with 
their consent, if they believed they 
were occupying the position that thcjf 
were destined to fill? It stifles r«j 
volt. A man ceases to be a rebel and 
becomes like a young robin, willinl 
to accept anything the old bird 
brings, whether worms or shinglt 
nails. 

I shall try to illustrate by drawing 
the parallel of the Indian and tilt 
buffalo, and by a materialistic intiif' 
pretation show you the application 01 
that parallel to the workingman. Thd 
Indian, when the buffalo was plenti- 
ful, imagined that the Great Spirit pill 
the buffalo there for his sole im 
When the grass got short and the blll^ 
falo migrated, so did the Indian, and 
the Indian imagined that the Grcijl 
Spirit was displeased. He coukhll 
see that there was any material roll' 
son for it. Of course, the buffalo led 
because the grass got short, and till 
Indian left because the buffalo li'fli 
and because he was dependent upOlj 
the buffalo for his food— a matorllll 
proposition in both cases. 

When the workingman gets out ill 
a job, he goes and hunts another, as tilt 
Indian hunted the buffalo, and wlltlj 
the workingman finds a job, he thanHI 
God that he has found 
the Indian thankei 
that he found the 
the same principle appl 
the parallel is absolutely perfect. 

DEL. SPARGO: Mr. Chairman, 
feel called upon to raise a point 
order that the delegate is not di.ictti 
sing the propriety or impropri 
including that statement in our 
form, but he is discussing the |! 
losophical questions involved. 

DEL. SLAYTON: I can nIkIW 
their relation, if you will permit ni«j_ 
DEL. SPARGO: I raise the ji ' 
of order. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The clll 
must rule that it is impossible for Iv 
to put into the mouths of dek'KUi 
words that refer to the questioilH 
issue. If a delegate does not niAl 




i 

■letyi 
ir pm 
ic phi' 



(lie best use of his time, that is against 
liim. (Applause.) 

DEL. SLAYTON: Right you are, 
liiit I am going to make use of it be- 
liire I get through. If Comrade 
Spargo will listen he will see that the 
ipijlicatioii to the Indian and the buf- 
i.ilo is perfect. If these things are 
Hue, if they act socially as well as 
individually, and if they act for the 
ivhole tribe of Indians as well as one, 
iiid if they be a fact, then every rela- 
lion or every effect or every religion 
IS the reflex of economic conditions. 
1 1 is the social reflex and has its 
rlfect on society as any other effect 
u-ts upon society. (Applause.) 

That being the case, religion be- 
i limes a social affair and not an indi- 
vidual affair. As for the program just 
l.iid down, that is the point that I 
want to make; when the tribe left, 
iliat was social, and it looked to the 
(ireat Spirit for interpretation. That 
IS the point in issue. If you do not 
want to lay it on the party, then leave 
• iut the plank, and then it is an indi- 
vidual affair as to whether he shall or 
.liall not interpret it or try to in- 
icrpret it as he pleases. But if you 
I lilt it in there, you recognize the re- 
ligious question and allow the other 
li'llow an opportunity to force you 
nil the defensive, by the very recogni- 
lion of it. Leave out the plank and 
vou can show the platform and say 
iliat we are not taking part in that 
matter, except as the other fellow 
i:iises it; but if you talk pure eco- 
nomics, nine times out of ten he does 
iiiit raise it at all. (Applause.) 

DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Comrade 
I'liairman and Comrades: As a mem- 
licr of the Platform Committee, I am 
'ine of the sinners responsible for this 
'liscussion; in fact, I am THE sinner. 
I am the man who suggested it. Like 
licorge Washington, I can say that I 
have done it with my little hatchet, 
II to speak. (Laughter.) And I am 
ivilling to own up. 

It is not a question as to whether 

ii'ligion is right or wrong. We are 

iHit to discuss that question here. 

lowever, it is a condition that we are 

ii|i against, and not a theory. 

In the first place, a plank of this 
lind you will find in every platform or 
program of every other civilized na- 
iMiu in the world. Yet in no country 



do they have as much reason for it as 
in this country. There is not a race 
in the world that is as thoroughly 
religious as the Anglo-Saxon race. If 
you want a party made up of free- 
thinkers only, then I can tell you right 
now how many you are going to have. 
If you want to wait, with our co- 
operative commonwealth, until you 
have made a majority of the people 
into free-thinkers, I am afraid we will 
have to wait a long while. (Applause.) 
I say this, although I am known, not 
only in Milwaukee, but wherever our 
papers are read — as a pronounced ag- 
nostic. 

However, comrades, this is not a 
question as to whether every other 
comrade agrees with me in. my views 
on religion. It is a question as to 
whether he agrees with my views on 
the economic question. That is all I 
am asking for. (Applause.) I am not 
to ask my fellow workman whether 
he is an agnostic or a Roman Catholic, 
or a Protestant, or a Presbyterian, or 
a Jew; I am simply to ask him 
whether he is a Socialist. (Applause.) 
That is the only position we can take. 

Now, the church is with the capi- 
talist class, without doubt, especially 
the church per se, the Roman Catholic 
Church. That church has always 
sided with the class in power. That 
church was with feudalism as long as 
feudalism was in power. On the 
other hand, as you well know, all the 
great philosophers of the Eighteenth 
century — Rousseau and Voltaire, and 
the others — the men who opposed 
feudalism — were pronounced atheists. 
The church was on the side of feudal- 
ism, while feudalism was on top, and 
the church now sides with capitalism, 
because capitalism is on top. The op- 
ponents of the ruling system must 
naturally expect the opposition of the 
church. And the church butts up 
against the same thing that it did a 
hundred years ago. In my home 
town, in Milwaukee, since we had an 
open discussion in the newspapers 
with Archbishop Messmer — now at 
the head of the Roman Catholic so- 
cieties of the United States — from that 
time on, there has been a constant 
agitation against all Socialists as 
Atheists. You can hardly find a paper 
in which we are not denounced as men 
who want to abolish all religion and 



204 



EVENING SESSION, MAY 15. 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



205 



abolish God. Something must be 
done to enable us to show that So- 
cialism, being an economic theory — 
or rather the name for an epoch of 
civilization — has nothing to do with 
religion either way, neither pro nor 
con. 

DEL. VANDER PORTEN (N. Y.): 
Comrade Chairman and Comrades: 
Nobody regrets more than I do that 
this question has arisen in this con- 
vention, but, as long as it occupies 
the position that it does, I believe that 
if there is to be any expression upon 
it, that expression should be the truth 
and not a lie. (Applause.) I am op- 
posed to the adoption of the commit- 
tee's recommendation and I favor the 
amendment on the ground that, as 
long as we are too cowarldy to ex- 
press what we believe, we should be 
silent entirely. (Applause.) 

Is there a man who will dare to say 
that religion is not a social question; 
that it is the question of the indi- 
vidual; that the Socialist movement is 
not involved in it? When we talk of 
being scientists and of science, and 
when we know that science and re- 
ligion do not mix, are we a body 
of men who recognize the need of 
studying and legislating for the so- 
cial, political and economic welfare ot 
the ignorant, down-trodden of the 
lower strata of society; or, instead of 
that, are we an organization of vote 
getters who would straddle every- 
thing? (Applause.) 

We must talk in tones that cannot 
be misunderstood when we talk at all, 
or we must remain silent. I am in 
favor, at any and all times, of speak- 
ing what I think and endeavoring as 
nearly 3^ possible to think what is 
right and truthful. (Applause.) When 
V we turn to rehgion and religious in- 
stitutions, we can look back into the 
Dark Ages and see our ancestors, our 
antideluvian ancestors, in their caves 
and holes, looking to the supernatural 
and the superstitious. But when we 
talk of educating mankind and when 
we talk of raising mankind above the 
level in which he is, then we have got 
to throw from his arms those crutches 
that bind him to his slavery, and re- 
ligion is one of them. Let it be under- 
stood that the moment the Socialist 
party's whole aim and object is to get 
votes, we can get them more quickly 



by trying to please the religionistO 
and those whose only ambition is to 
pray to God and crush mankind. (Ap- 
plause.) 

I have listened with patience during 
the many debates that have taken, 
place in this convention. I have lis- 
tened with patience and indulgence to 
the many straddles of important is- 
sues that are vital to the cause of 
Socialism and the progress ot the 
human family. I have seen those 
straddles, and I have seen things that 
have seemed to me entirely unnatural 
in a Socialist convention, but I have 
remained silent. But I can no longer 
still my voice and allow it to go on. 
Let us say nothing or say the truth, 
To spread forth to the world that re- 
ligion is the individual's affair and that 
religion has no part in the subjection 
of the human race, we lie when we say 
it. (Great applause.) The Socialist 
party has reached a stage where it has 
come to the turnpike, and will either 
have to stand for the truth or declare 
for opportunism of the barest kind 
and invite anybody and everybody to 
give us their vote, irrespective of th« 
importance of the views that they hold 
on economic slavery. 

DEL. CLARK (Texas): I rise to n 
question of personal privilege. My 
position was this: That, not being at 
the meeting of the committee whei\ 
they framed the immediate demands, 
I had nothing whatever to do with the 
insertion of that plank or any other 
of the reform planks in that platform. 
I informed the committee, when I left, 
that I would not touch any reform 
that would go into that platform, that 
I was opposed to the idea of religion, 
but on the other hand I advocated li 
statement, in the declaration of prin- 
ciples, that the church was on tlifl 
side of the capitalist class. 

DEL. SOLOMON: I rise to ii 
point of order. If Comrade Clark 
disagreed with the Committee, it wa« 
his business to bring in a minority ri'« 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chalfl 
holds with the point of order. 

DEL. SIMONS: We cannot, w«l 
dare not, and we do not want to touch ' 
any question as vital as this question i 
that is before us tonight. We are notjl 
going to be allowed to touch it. Al-I 
ready the battle is being fought withllll 



.iiid without our organization upon 
Ibis question. Comrade Berger held a 
Iiaper in his hand which he intended 
10 read, containing a speech of David 
Kose, delivered on the 4th of this 
month, not in campaign time, and 
lilled almost from beginning to end 
with bitter denunciation of the So- 
rialist party on the ground that it was 
.1 party of atheism, a party of agnos- 
licism, a party simply of anti-clerical- 
ism and against the church. That 
'iimply showed that today the capital- 
ist class is using the institutions of 
religion as it is using the institutions 
of government, for the purpose of 
class rule. And even the institutions 
of religion have turned themselves 
over to a man that is the creature of 
I he disreputable resorts of Milwaukee, 
in order to be used to beat down the 
workers in their election struggles. 
So I say to you that we cannot 
touch this question. At the same 
time, let us remember that be- 
cause capitalism uses the institu- 
tion of religion just as it uses the 
institution of the state, we have no 
more right to declare that there shall 
be no religion and that a man shall 
not have a right to stand where he 
pleases on religion, than we have to 
declare that we propose that there 
shall be no state, that we shall de- 
stroy the state or not use the state 
at this time. Do not misunderstand 
me in using that analogy. We do not 
ask to reach out and use the church 
lor our purposes, for we could not use 
it. But we say that while religion ex- 
ists, and it may exist forever — for let 
me tell you, there was a time when I 
was just as sure on all the prin- 
ciples of Socialism, on all the prin- 
ciples of religion and on all the prin- 
ciples of atheism. I have changed 
from one to another sometimes in my 
life, but I am not quite so sure now of 
,ill those things as I used to be. I 
am now truly an agnostic in science, 
in religion and in Socialism. (Ap- 
plause.) I do not know it all, but I 
want to know it all, and I believe that 
every comrade with me has a right to 
want to know and to work out his 
own investigation. 

And so a religion which has sur- 
\ ived savagery and barbarism and 
feudalism and well through capitalism, 
is not going to die tomorrow because 



here and there we spell God with a 
little "g" and sometimes hurl our 
darts at it; don't forget that. (Ap- 
plause.) And while that exists we 
have that right. I won't say that 
Comrade White, for instance, is not 
just as sincere, hasn't got just as good 
a brain as i have and isn't just as sin- 
cere in his belief that within his sys- 
tem of thought he can reconcile the 
materialistic principles of Socialism, 
the demand for the class struggle, 
with his religious notions, as I am 
that he cannot. If Lord Kelvin could 
reconcile his scientific knowledge — 
and he stood at the head of the sci- 
entific men of the world — if he could 
reconcile his scientific knowledge with 
religion, it is not for me to rise to 
such a tremendous height as to say 
that he was a fakir, or deceived. (Ap- 
plause.) So I ask you to take this 
plank announcing that we hold re- 
ligion to be a private matter. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now is on the amendment. 

DEL. COWAN (Ohio): I want to 
ask a question. Is the Mayor of Mil- 
waukee of more importance than the 
President of the United States, that 
he must be answered through this 
plank and the other through a special 
letter? 

DEL. LEWIS: Three members of 
the Patform Committee, before this 
session, promised to give me the 
pledge that I asked for in this speech. 
Two of them have used up their time 
without having done so. Now, I ask 
for this information. 

DEL. SPARGO: I raise a point of 
order, that no three members of this 
convention can give any pledge that 
will bind the Socialist party. (Ap- 
plause.) , 
_ THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
is on the acceptance of the substitute 
offered by Delegate Hillquit. 

(The question was put, but the re- 
sult being in doubt, a show of hands 
was called for, and the vote resulted 
in 79 for the substitute and 78 against, 
and the substitute was declared car- 
ried.) 

DEL. VANDER PORTEN (N. Y.) : 
I rise to make a demand for a roll- 
call upon that question. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair will 
not entertain a motion of that char- 
acter. 



206 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



.1 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



207 



DEL, VANDER PORTEN: I ap- 
peal from the decision of the chair. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The result of 
the vote had been announced. 

DEL. VANDER PORTEN: I 
raise a point of order. 

THE CHAIRMAN: State your 
point of order. 

DEL. VANDER PORTEN: That 
the chair has no right to render that 
decision. 

THE CHAIRMAN: It is in ac- 
cordance with the rule provided. 

A DELEGATE: Move to recon- 
sider. 

DEL. VANDER PORTEN: I with- 
draw the appeal and make a motion to 
reconsider. 

Delegate Brower also moved to re- 
consider. 
Seconded. 

Delegate Spargo moved to table the 
motion to reconsider. 
Seconded and carried. 
Delegate John M. Work, of Iowa, 
filed the following explanation of Iiis 
vote on the question of religion: ; I 
was in favor of the spirit of the sub- 
stitute, but I voted against it because 
I wanted an opportunity to vote in 
favor of the original report of the 
committee, i Doubtless others were in 
the same jfibsition. That probably ac- 
counts for the closeness of the vote 
on the substituteTj As my name was 
brought into theTiscussion by Com- 
rade Lewis, and I tried in vain to get 
the floor, I wish to say that while I 
certainly do grant every comrade free- 
dom of speech on this subject, both 
inside and outside the movement, I 
nevertheless very seriously question 
the wisdom of those anti-religious 
comrades who insist upon dragging 
their irreligion into their Socialist 
speeches and writings. They have 
done the Socialist cause an immense 
amount of harm. I utterly repudiate 
the assertion that in adopting that 
plank we adopted a lie. 

On the contrary, we adopted the 
literal and unqualified truth. Social- 
ism is not concerned with matters 
of religious belief. If Socialism causes 
any changes in religious opinions, it 
will be merely because of the fact that 
Socialism will elevate the human race 
to a higher plane of existence where 
it can discover and grasp new truths. 
And, in that day, the opinions now 



held by agnostics, atheists and ma- 
terialist monists are just as likely to 
be overturned as are those of any 
religionist. The idea that Socialist 
principles lead to agnosticism, athe- 
ism, or materialist monism, is false. 

PROGRAM CONTINUED. 

DEL. SIMONS (for Committee on 
Platform): We now proceed to the 
industrial demands: 

"7. The improvement of the indus- 
trial conditions of the workers: 

"(a.) By shortening the work day 
in keeping with the increased pro- 
ductiveness of machinery." 

Adopted without objection. 

"(b.) By securing to every worker 
a rest period of not less than a day 
and a half in each week." 

Adopted without objection. 

"(c.) By securing a more vigorous 
inspec,tion of workshops and fac- 
tories." 

Adopted without objection. 

"(d.) By forbidding the employ- 
ment of children under sixteen years 
of age." 

DEL. CANNON (Ariz.): The laws 
in most of our capitajist states do have 
a declaration for sixteen years of age, 
and I don't think that such a resolu- 
tion has a place in a Socialist con- 
vention. I move to amend by making 
it eighteen years of age. (Seconded.) 

DEL._ SIMONS: The committee 
wishes just a moment. I appreciate 
your desire to get through. The com- 
mittee took a day to consider that. 
The comrade is very much mistaken 
in his statement. I might say there 
are, I think, but two states in which 
that is true, instead of nearly all of 
them. 

DEL. JOHNS (Cal.): I do not 
think the objection of the comrade 
applies very strongly. There are sim- 
ilar objections to all the other planks. 
I think we better adopt all of these, 
and at the end there probably make 
a statement that will fix the thing all 
right, and not make the Socialist party 
ridiculous by having something the 
same as in the platforms of other par- 
ties. I favor adopting that clause 
along with the rest. 

DEL. MARGUERITE PREVEY 
(Ohio): I want to speak in opposi- 
tion to the amendment offered that 



the age be made eighteen. We as 
Socialists fully realize that you can- 
not legislate the child labor problem 
out of existence. We fully realize 
that as long as we have the capitalist 
system where the father of a family 
does not get wages sufficient to sup- 
port the whole family, the children 
must go into the shops and factories 
to earn a living, and that they can't 
be kept at school until sixteen. We 
are doing very well, as the legislation 
against child labor at the present 
time is not effective because the par- 
ents of the children must decide 
whether the child shall go without the 
necessities of life, or go into the fac- 
torjr, and the mother has to decide 
to let the child go into the factory in 
order that the child may have the 
necessities of life. That is a condi- 
tion that you cannot legislate out of 
existence until the head of the family 
gets the full product of his labor. I 
am opposed to the amendment for 
that reason. Don't let us make our- 
selves ridiculous. We should under- 
stand the child labor problem better 
than to apply, such an amendment to 
this proposition. 

DEL. HOLMAN (Tex.) : I am op- 
posed to that clause in the immediate 
demands. If that clause would say 
that -we oppose child labor and make 
a provision then so that the state 
should clothe and care for the child, 
then I would be in favor of that 
clause. But to make no provision for 
it, seems really worse to me than the 
mercy of the capitalist class in em- 
ploying them so that they may get 
food and raiment. If they will have 
it that the state shall make provision 
to take care of the child and feed, 
clothe and educate it, then I am for 
(he resolution; otherwise, I am against 
it. 

DEL. CANNON (Ariz.): Mr. 
Chairman and Comrades: On this 
i|uestion of child labor, I am no 
theorist. I have had the practical ex- 
|)crience, and if I make any mistakes 
in the statement that I am about to 
make, I call on the delegates from 
I lie anthracite coal region of Pennsyl- 
\ania to contradict me. Comrade 
f'revey here spoke and said that the 
poverty of the father and mother 
compelled the child to go to work. I 
know the poverty is there. I was 



born and raised in poverty. In fact, 
I have never been able to get out of 
that poverty. But the point I want 
to make is this: Before I was nine 
years of ag-e I became a wage-worker, 
and I have not been able to get out 
of that class since. I have tried many 
expedients, and finally I have been 
driven into the Socialist party, to get 
not only myself out of that class, but 
to get men and women and children 
of the future ages out of it. The 
same argument that Comrade Prevey 
advanced against making the age limit 
eighteen years was used against mak- 
ing it ten years, twenty-five years ago. 
(Applause.) The same argument was 
advanced against making it twelve 
years of age in the state of Pennsyl- 
vania twenty-five years ago. The 
same argument was advanced a few 
years ago when it was made sixteen 
years. Now, I realize that it is very 
little when we just raise that limit two 
years, but I want to point out to you 
that a child sixteen years of age is 
not yet matured, and that the young 
body with its unformed bones is not 
able to be in this struggle for exist- 
ence and mature properly so as to be- 
come one of the future citizens of the 
United States. The child is not re- 
sponsible for the poverty of the father 
and mother through which the child 
was driven into slavery too young. 
(Applause,) I agree with another 
comrade here who made a remark 
that this is no place for the declara- 
tion. Instead of putting in an age 
limit of this kind at which the chil- 
dren shall go to work in the capitalist 
society, let us put all our energies 
into getting Socialism, and never 
mind any of those immediate de- 
mands. And then your program about 
which we have been quarreling all 
afternoon and evening is nothing but 
a farce (applause), for every declara- 
tion you have made, the enemy are 
going to make one of their own, and 
just as radical, and they will make 
much more capital out of it. 

DEL. KORNGOLD (III,): I really 
did not know there were so many im- 
possibilists in this convention. (A 
voice, "One more.") You just found 
it out. If we are going to wait until 
we get Socialism, and if we are going 
to leave the child in the factory until 



208 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



209 



we get Socialism, then I am not a 
Socialist. (Applause.) You may talk 
of it as you please, I am not willing 
to do so. I am not willing to leave 
the children to starve in the factory, 
to let them work their bodies to mere 
skeletons until we have established 
the co-operative commonwealth. This 
is all very well in theory, but it does 
not work in practice. You ask the 
child in the factory whether he is 
willing to wait until you get the co- 
operative commonwealth and see the 
answer he is going to give you. (Ap- 
plause.) The child in the factory will 
be more grateful to the cheap re- 
former who is going to get him out of 
that factory hell than to the impossi- 
bilist Socialist who is going to make 
conditions all right after a while, 
when the child is completely ruined, 
and comes to the co-operative com- 
monwealth when he is about ready to 
die of consumption. This is the kind 
of policy a working class party 
stands for, is it? I am ashamed for 
comrades that will applaud such senti- 
ments. There is not a Socialist party 
in Europe or anywhere in the world 
which stands for any such impossi- 
bilist tactics, and I hope you will not 
stand for it. (Applause.) 

DEL. MOORE (Pa.): Comrade 
Chairman: I come from the State of 
Pennsylvania, and I want to call your 
attention to impossibilism. Four years 
ago, at the behest of the trade union- 
ists, we got a law adopted in the 
State of Pennsylvania prohibiting the 
employment of children under eight- 
een years of age in the bituminous 
coal mines. It was scarcely on the 
statute books before the district of 
Pittsburg of the United Mine Work- 
ers of America passed a resolution 
denouncing the law. I have here to 
back up what I say a member of the 
United Mine Workers of the State of 
Pennsylvania, coming from that dis- 
trict. Now, if you want impossibil- 
ism, go ahead. You who come from 
Wisconsin and talk practical Social- 
ism should take notice. 

DEL. KORNGOLD: That is not 
the question. 

DEL. MOORE: I don't care, I am 
addressing my remarks to all you 
impossibilists who label yourselves 
practical Socialists. (Applause.) I 
am telling you the fact that none of 



your theoretical ideas, none of the :' 
assertions as to Kautsky, Bebel and 
Marx can get around. I am giving 
you a fact. I will tell you, I believe 
that Comrade Clark in this delega- 
tion knows that when we some twenty 
years ago got a law prohibiting the 
employment of children fourteen 
years of age in the State of Pennsyl- 
vania we were driven out of the coal 
regions, and the very same argument 
was used then that is used now. Now, 
if you want to go on as the comrade 
over there told you, go on putting 
practical planks in your platform, but 
there is not a politician, no matter 
who he is, a Hearst, a Bryan or a 
Roosevelt, that can't beat you out. 
Go ahead and do it. Let me call your i ' 
attention to another one of the prac- 
tical Socialists. Theodore Roosevelt,^ 
they say, put into the laws of the 
United States a child labor law for 
the District of Columbia, that excepts 
out of its provisions every child that 
is employed in the District of Co- 
lumbia, but is a model in all other 
respects so far as the mills and mines 
— that don't exist in that district — are 
concerned. Now, if you want to go 
on with your impossibilism, go on. 

Del. Konikow moved the previous 
question, and it was carried. 

DEL. WOODBY (Cal.): Now, 
what I say I am going to say very 
calmly and dispassionately. There is 
a question before us as to whether 
this convention should adopt any im- 
mediate demands. I believe that we 
should, and I believe it for this rea- 
son: In my judgment, the time is 
coming when the Socialist party will 
go into power in some large city and 
in some of the states of the union, 
and they will do that long before they 
get in power in the nation. Let us 
suppose that in the last election in the 
city of Chicago the Socialists had car- 
ried the city and got the entire admin- 
istration. Now, I am going to ask you 
whether the Socialist party in the city 
of Chicago would have felt itself un- 
der obligations to do anything to re- 
lieve the workers in the city of Chi- 
cago. If they did, it would have to 
be done on the plan of immediate de- 
mands. (Applause.) Let us suppose 
that the Socialist party got control 
of the State of Illinois, and they may 
do that in many of the states of the 



I 



union long before they get control in 
I he United States. It is true in Ger- 
many; it is true in some of the Euro- 
pean countries where they have had 
control in some parts of the country 
for years. Now, then, suppose they 
^'ct control, will they attempt to use 
the state machinery so far as capital- 
ism will allow them to use it for the 
lienefit of the workers? Would the 
workers in the city of Chicago, in 
liower in the city of Chicago, attempt 
lo operate any of the municipal fran- 
chises? Would they? Or would they 
say with you gentlemen who are wait- 
ing for the setting up of the co-opera- 
live commonwealth, "No, we will not 
do a single thing. We will run the 
city of Chicago just as it is now being 
run until We can reach out and get it 
all." I tell you that I believe this is 
the line that we will have to take 
upon this question of government 
ownership. No Hearst party. Repub- 
lican party, or any other party is go- 
ing to declare in favor of government 
ownership without paying for the 
franchises. I am for the Socialist 
|)arty declaring in favor, as fast as 
ihey can get in possession in any lo- 
cality, of taking everything without 
:i cent of compensation, and forcing 
the issue as to whether there is to be 
compensation or not. (Applause.) I 
lake the ground that you have already 
paid for these franchises— already 
paid more than they are worth, and 
we are simply proposing to take 
possession of what we have already 
paid for. Well, you say the courts 
will defeat us. All right, let them de- 
feat us if they will. We will throw 
the responsibility for the defeat on 
the capitalist parties that defeat the 
thing. Another thing; I don't know a 
»;reat deal about what is being done 
over in Wisconsin, but my notion of 
il is that in Wisconsin they are doing 
iliings, understand. I believe in in- 
isting on taking everything in sight, 
understand, as fast as we can get it. 
Another thing: I don't know a Euro- 
jican nation, including Germany, 
I'rance, England, Holland, Denmark, 
Norway, Sweden, and all the rest of 
I lie countries, but what has a munic- 
i))al program. They go farther than 
I hat; they even start co-operative in- 
-.titutions under the direction of the 
.'Socialist party. Listen, we can't af- 



ford to wait for the alleviation of the 
suffering of the people. We must do 
it as fast as we can get in charge. 

DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.): Comrade 
Chairman and comrades, I am against 
this proposition, the same as I am 
against every other proposition in the 
immediate demands. (Applause.) Not 
because I am against preventing chil- 
dren going into the factories, but I 
am against trying to get votes on im- 
mediate demands. I am in favor of 
trying to get all the votes we possibly 
can on Socialism, and not on immedi- 
ate demands. (Applause.) I know we 
have in this country a growing move- 
ment among Socialists who are want- 
ing votes no matter how they will get 
them. They are willing to put in 
appeals to the farmers, appeals to the 
middle class, and appeals to every- 
body, so that they can get votes. 
They will get votes sometimes,^ but 
whatever they get of non-Socialist 
votes on this and other demands of 
the same kind, the result will be that 
they have in France at the present 
time, of Millerandism and a whole 
lot of the same evils, and anarchy 
following this, a growing anarchistic 
movement as the result of immediate 
demands. As Comrade Moore has 
told you, in the State of Pennsyl- 
vania we have people outside of the 
Socialist movement who are willing 
to do all that is possible to be done 
to shorten the hours of labor. It is 
not necessary for the Socialist move- 
ment to spend its time passing resolu- 
tions in favor of sixteen, eighteen, or 
twenty years. These are reform 
movements that other people will be 
well able to attend to without the So- 
cialists spending their time about it. 
Some of the comrades here speak as 
though they were going to be in 
power tomorrow and be able to give 
us all we desire in the way of immedi- 
ate demands. I hold that whenever 
the Socialist party gets so strong in 
power that it will be able to do some- 
thing that will be of permanent bene- 
fit to the working class, we will be 
able to get .Socialism and not immedi- 
ate demands. (Applause.) And so 
long as we are not sufficiently strong 
and sufficiently in power to get Social- 
ism, then the capitalist class will be 
in control and will allow only what 



210 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



I 



EVENING SESSION, MAY 15. 



211 



they wish to allow so as to prolong 
the present system. 

DEL. MORRISON (Ariz.): I have 
not asked for one word in this con- 
vention until now, and you know we 
lawyers don't say much, anyhow. 
(Laughter.) I am opposed both to 
the original and to the amendment, sorry 
as I am to say it. As highly as I es- 
teem my comrade, whom I love as a 
brother. Comrade Cannon, I am not in 
accord with him in his amendment, and 
of the two I would rather have the orig- 
inal, and I v/ill tell you the reason why. 
My comrade told us about his early days 
and about how he worked. Well, I 
think I can tell you something, too, 
comrades, of early struggles. Left alone 
in the world when I was nine years of 
age in the frozen regions of Minnesota, 
I wished to know something about the 
warld and went to work in the iron 
mines at eleven years of age. I think 
I know something of what it is to bow 
my neck to the taskmaster. And I will 
say, comrades, if I hadn't had a chance 
to work until I was eighteen I would 
not have been here to bother you with 
my voice, and I would have starved to 
death. Unless there should be some pro- 
vision in that, that we are going to 
have the power to feed these poor dev- 
ils that can't work, we had better shoot 
them. Then again, there ought to be in 
there a provision that no man ,shall ever 
get married till he is eighteen. I know 
a great many that got married before. 
Or, that no girl should get married. I 
think it is a preposterous thing unless 
we have some provision for support. Of 
course I expect to see Socialism ush- 
ered in tomorrow morning, and I know, 
since I have had a chance to have my 
say before this convention, it will be 
sure to come in. But now, we ought to 
look fairly at this. We have most of 
us graduated from the low priinary 
class, and I object as a Socialist and a 
Socialist worker, one who is willing to 
give his life and everything to the 
cause — I object to going back into the 
primary class. You have graduated, and 
I say, let us leave such things out. Let 
Willie Hearst and Bryan put them into 
their platforms if they wish, but for 
God's sake don't force me to go back. 
DEL. MILLER (Colo.) : Comrade 
Chairman and comrades, there are some 
of our friends who are very much op- 
posed to the sweet bye and bye people 
among the Christians. There are others 



among the Socialists who certainly be- 
long to the sweet bye and bye because 
they don't propose to do anything now. 
(Applause.) You and I who believe in 
doing things, who believe in telling the 
attitude of the Socialist Party toward 
the working class as you go down the 
highways and stand on the street cor- 
ners of this country, we have something 
more than word of mouth as a justifica- 
tion for what we have to say. We want 
to be able to put our hands upon the 
official declaration of the party and say, 
"This is the attitude of the Socialist 
Party upon this question." 

Some of the comrades tell us that we 
can do nothing until we have captured 
all the machinery of government. The 
men who have kept their eyes on our 
comrades abroad know that is not true, f 
They know that since the English work- ' 
men have turned their attention to poli- 
tics and put their men into parliament, 
instead of sending polite petitions up 
there, that the Taff-Vale decision has 
been reversed. And the comrades who 
have been taking part in the working 
class politics of Europe know that there . 
are not more than one-third as many 
men injured in the coal mines of Eng- 
land that there is in Pennsylvania. 
They know that there are not more 
than one-sixth the accidents upon rail- 
roads controlled by the state that there 
are in our own country controlled by 
private corporations. What is the use 
of getting so far away from the truth ? 
It is time that you scientific fellows 
should pay some regard to the actual 
facts in industrial life. , 

My friends, child labor is a atrse in 
this country, and everybody knows it. 
Why should not the Socialists declare 
their position upon that question? Don't 
you realize perfectly well that with the 
working class in power we should not 
have the courts continually sending out 
their injunctions? Don't you realize 
that a million Socialist votes this fall 
will make many laws constitutional that | 
have been held to be tinconstitution,-il 
before? Don't we know that the c;i|i 
italists as we march steadily on arc 
going to grant more and more of tin- i 
demands of the Socialist Party? l.i-l 
us agree dfefinitely what we want, for ^ 
remember what we want now we arc 
soon going to take. 

The laboring people of this counlry 
have just about reached the position 
where they are going to stop makinjj 



dividends for the capitalists and are 
going to make history for humanity. 

THE CHAIRMAN : The question is 
upon the adoption of the amendment to 
the motion. AH in favor of substituting 
the word "eighteen" for the word "six- 
teen," will say Aye. Those opposed. 
No. The Noes seem to have it. The 
Noes have it. All in favor of adopting 
the report of the committee as read will 
signify it by saying Aye. Those opr 
posed, No. The Ayes seem to have it. 
The Ayes have it; and it is so ordered. 
Proceed Comrade Chairman. 
DEL. SIMONS (Reading) : 

"(e) By forbidding interstate trans- 
portation of the products of child la- 
bor, of convict labor and of all unin- 
spected factories." 

THE CHAIRMAN : There being no 
objection that section is adopted. • 

DEL. SIMONS (Reading) : 

"(f) By abolishing official charity, 
and substituting in its place compul- 
sory insurance against unemployment, 
illness, accidents, invalidism, old age 
and death." 

DEL. COLE (Cal.) : I move a sub- 
stitute. Although it may seem a small 
matter I do it for this reason: our plat- 
form is supposed to be a sort of lesson 
for trades unionists who are looking for 
hints. This matter of insurance brought 
tip in this clause is about the same as 
the Bismarck State Socialist idea, which 
tends to draw on the small salaried 
workman, and make him pay out his 
small salary in insurance for himself ; 
.md thus take it out of the little work- 
ingman. It does not in any way help 
Iiim to get a bigger salary, nor does it 
lake anything from those who are ex- 
p'oiting him. My substitute is along the 
line of the Socialist philosophy. It is 
litis: 

"By pensions for the old and infirm, 
the funds for such pensions to be 
raised by general taxation." 
You understand, of course — I admit I 
ilo not always make myself very clear; 
hut the idea is that these pensions shall 
l>c paid out of the national treasury in 
I he same manner as the pensions for 
the widows of soldiers are paid. You 
ihi not tax the soldier as according to 
litis proposed clause you would tax the 
worker. You compel hiin to pay out of 
his salary the pensions you propose; but 
you do not tax the soldier. My sub- 
si itute provides that those pensions shall 
he paid out of general taxation of all 



the people who have property, thereby 
taxing a little from those who have been 
doing the exploiting. Although we may 
not get the power at once to put this 
in force the working class may take a 
lesson and may put it in force finally by 
their demands. 

The motion was duly seconded, put 
and lost. The original section was 
adopted. 
DEL. SIMONS (Reading): 

"8. The extension of inheritance 
taxes, graduated in proportion to the 
amount of the bequests and to the 
nearness of kin." 

A DELEGATE: Will the chairman 
of the committee explain to us what 
that means? 

DEL. SIMONS: That has been in 
since i888. 

DEL.^ WAGENKNECHT: Tiine it 
was going out. 

DEL. SIMONS: It means that the 
tax would increase by gradations; say 
nothing up to one thousand dollars ; five 
per cent on $io,ooo; 25 per cent on 
$100,000 ; 50 per cent on a million ; and 
so on, until we have the whole of it 
above a certain sum. 

THE CHAIRMAN : There being no 
objection the section is adopted. 

DEL. SIMONS : The next section is 
Section 9. (Reading) : 

"9. A graduated income tax." 
THE CHAIRMAN: No objection? 
It is adopted. 
DEL. SIMONS (Reading): 

"10. Unrestricted and equal suf- 
frage for women ; and we pledge our- 
selves to engage in an active campaign 
in that direction." 

DEL. WINNIE BRANSTETTER 
(Okla.) : I just want to call attention 
to one part of it — 

DEL. SIMONS : You want to call 
their attention to this pledge to take up 
active work? 
DEL. BRANSTETTER: Yes. 
DEL. SIMONS : It is recommended 
by the Women's Committee, and recom- 
mended by the Platform Committee. 

THE CHAIRMAN : Is there any ob- 
jection to this section as read? 

DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : There is 
an omission here. A slight grammat- 
ical or rhetorical omission. It should 
read "for men and women." I don't 
believe that as it stands now : "Equal 
suffrage for women," it makes any 
sense.' 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



213 



212 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



DEL. SIMONS: That is right. It 
is in the original draft. , 

THE CHAIRMAN ; There being no 
objection it is so ordered.^ 
DEL. SIMONS (Reading) : 

"il The initiative and referendum, 
S)iroportional representation, and the 
right of recall." , ■ ^- ^ 

THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? 

Adopted. , ,. N 

DEL. SIMONS (Reading) : , 

"la The abolition of the Senate. 
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? 

Adopted. . ^ ,. N 

DEL. SIMONS (Reading) : 

"13. The abolition of the veto pow- 
er of the President." ,-.■:, 
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? 

Adopted. ^^ ,. , 

DEL. SIMONS (Reading) ; 

"14 That the National Constitu- 
tion be made amendable by majority 

THE CHAIRMAN : I hear no ob- 
jection. It is adopted. 
DEL SIMONS (Reading): 

"iS Government by majority. Jn 
all elections where no candidate re- 
ceives a majority the resu t to be de- 
termined by a second ballot. 
THE CFIAIRMAN: Any objection? 
' DEL GOAZIOU (Pa.): I am" op- 
posed to the adoption of that last clause 
If I understand it right, it is the second 
ballot, as they have it in France. 
DEL. SIMONS : Yes. 
DEL. GOAZIOU: It seems to me 
if you want to open the door to aU 
kinds of fusion and ^^oi^f™^,^ ^^f ^te 
all that we need here.^ ^S 'i'fi„ France 
cause of the greatest trouble ^^J^'Hl 

'S^£-;^{ll^;£t£i^ 

and trying to help this friend and^tha 
friend and that is just what Gompers 
.avs Help our friends and figlit our 
enemies There can be no doubt tbat 
it has 'caused more dissatisfaction m he 
Socialist Party of France than anything 
else, due to the effect , of . this second 
vote, that is the fusing with the rad- 
icar parties after the first vote had 
failed to elect. I hope you will not adopt 
that section and say that _ we are in 
favor of that sort of thing in thjs coun- 
try We shall have lots of chance of 



fusion without getting a second ballot. 
I move to strike out that clause. 

DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.) : This 18 
the first time I have taken the time ot 
the convention. I do not desire to^ delay 
you more than a moment. I believe IV 
matter of such great importance to th« 
movement should not be decided here to- 
night. This is a matter for the entire 
organization to carefully consider 
throuo-hout the country, and therefore 1 
am in favor of striking this out and 
sending this matter to the various local.H 
for them to give it serious considera- 
tion • and after arguing it from all sidcil 
they can come back here four yeai'H 
from now ready to decide whether or 
not we desire to adopt this measure. 1, 
believe if that course is followed W(l 
shall have a better understanding ot tllCI 
•question and shall be able to vote mol'O 
intelligently upon it. I am therefore itl 
favor of striking out this clause. 

THE CHAIRMAN : It is moved and 
seconded that the section just read be 
stricken out. All in favor will say Ayel 
those opposed, No. The Ayes have il 1 
it is so ordered. 
DEL SIMONS (Reading) : ' m 

"15. The enactment of further meaa-'^" 
ures for general ' education, and foP 
the conservation of health. The ele- 
vation of the present bureau of edu- 
,cation into a department, and the cre- 
ation of a department of public healtll,. 
Is it clear what that means? 
Cries of "No" and "Yes. 
DEL SIMONS : We have a departs 
ment that takes mighty good care (11 
hogs But we have no department to 
take care of human beings. This is all 
attempt to make the government take lit 
least as much interest in men and wo- 
men and children as it does m hogl 
The other proposition is to exlxnd tli« 
bureau of education into a department 
which will be ready— perhaps this will 
suit our friends who want Utopia 
which will be ready for the co-opera 
tive commonwealth when it comes. 

THE CHAIRM^AN: If there is IT 
objection the section is adopted, 
DEL. SIMONS (Reading) : 

"16 The separation of the pfesem 
bureau of labor from the departmei"' 
of commerce and labor and its eleV' 
tion to the rank of a department. 
THE CEIAIRMAN: No objection 
It is adopted. ^ ,„ , .. s 
DEL. SIMONS (Reading) : 



"18. The free administration of 

justice." . , ,. . r 

That is a demand for an abohtion ot 
the fee system. 

THE CHAIRMAN: No objection? 
It is adopted. 

DEL.. SIMONS: That concludes the 
report with the exception of a single 
sentence from the other platform. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: Did you read 
the clause on the unemployed? 

DEL. SIMONS: It was adopted. 
This is the clause I wish to read.: 

"Such ra;easures of relief as we may 
be able to force from capitalism are 
but a preparation for the workers to 
seize the whole powers of government 
in order that they may thereby lay 
hold of the whole system of industry 
and thereby come into their rightful 
inheritance. 

There being no objection, the clause 
was considered carried. 

DEL. FIELDMAN : I think the chair- 
man has failed to report an immediate 
demand dealing with the unemployed 
problem. 

DEL. SIMONS : That we agreed to 
put — 

DEL. HILLQUIT: That is the one 
I was asking you about. 

A DELEGATE: A point of infor- 
mation. Wasn't there a clause about the 
election of judges?' 

DEL. SIMONS: I thought I read 
that. (Reading) : 

"17. That all judges be elected by 
the people for short terms, and that 
the power to issue injunctions should 
be curbed by immediate legislation." 
THE CHAIRMAN : Is there any ob- 
jection? 

DEL. VANDER PORTEN (N. Y.) : 
We have before us now the proposition 
of the unemployed, and the proposition 
last read that all judges be elected for 
short terms, and the power to issue in- 
junctions be curbed by immediate legis- 
lation. I wish to move that we amend 
that clause by making it read "that the 
power to issue injunctions shall betaken 
from them." I mean the power to issue 
in j tactions in its entirety. 

The motion was duly seconded. 
THE CHAIRMAN : Moved and sec- 
onded that the section be amended by 
making it read, "that the power to issue 
injunctions shall be taken from them. 
All in favor say Aye. Opposed, No. 
The Noes have it. The motion is de- 



feated. If there is no objection the sec- 
tion is adopted as read. The next 
business is the section in regard to the 
unemployed. 

DEL. SIMONS (Reading) : 

"We pledge ourselves to the fol- 
lowing program:. We demand imme- 
diate government relief for the un- 
employed workers by building roads 
and canals, by reforesting of the for- 
est lands, by reclamation of arid lands, 
and by extending other useful pubUc 
works; that all workers employed on 
such works shall be employed direct- 
ly by the government under an eight 
hour working .day and at the prevail- 
ing union wages. The government 
shall also loan money to the states and 
municipalities without interest for the 
carrying on of public works, and it 
shall contribute to the funds of labor 
organizations for the purpose of as- 
sisting their unemployed members, ' 
and shall take such other measures 
' within its power as will lessen the 
widespread misery of the workers 
caused by the misrule of the capitalist 
system." 

I wish to speak to that proposition. I 
move its adoption, 

DEL. FIELDMAN. (N. Y.) :, I have 
a substitute, Mr. Chairman. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Suppose you 
let Comrade Simons speak and then 
present your substitute. 

DEL. FIELDMAN : This has been 
thrashed out all day. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You might 
agree with Simons after he gets 
through, 

A DELEGATE: He might agree 
with the substitute. 

DEL, SIMONS : , I wish to make an 
explanation, I have kept out of several 
of these debates. I have let things go 
that I was opposed to. I just want to 
make it clear to you that this is a com- 
prehensive plan. It does not go into 
details; but leaves those to be worked 
out by those who may be in power. We ' 
are not going to be in power; and the 
only way in which we can force action 
on such a matter is by pihng up such a 
vote that they will give it to us in fear 
that we may take more. We have 
enumerated a few things that could be 
done; but we have not attempted to say 
how they shall raise the money; we 
have not attempted to go into small de- 
tails, as to financial administration, or 



214 



EVENIN.G SESSION, MAY IS. 



any of those things which helong to the 
capitalist class to decide. We have put 
in this clause the idea of contributing 
.to the unemployed fund of the unions, 
which is taken from the program in 
-Belgium, and which practically gave over 
to the organized workers of Belgium 
through their own organizations the 
power to control the funds for the un- 
employed, and thereby to control that 
army of the unemployed which is the 
most powerful army that is used for sup- 
pressing the power of labor. 

A DELEGATE; Is this to be in 
place of what we have been voting on 
in this convention? 

THE CHAIRMAN ; No, it is in ad- 
dition. 

A DELEGATE; At what place is it 
to be placed in the platform? 

DEL. SIMONS; I believe it was put 
at the head of the demands. Comrade 
Hillquit, what was to be the position in 
the platform? 

DEL. HILLQUIT; I think it ought 
to go at the very first because it is the 
most urgent matter at this time. 

DEL. FIELDMAN; I have a sub- 
stitute which I wish to offer and I 
Would like to have the secretary read it, 
and thus save that time and get the 
benefit of it in discussing this matter. 
ASST. SEC. REILLY (Reading) ; 

"The government shall employ 
every willing worker, their hours and 
wages to harmonize with the scales 
established by organized labor for 
similar work. Our government by the 
right of eminent domain shall take 
over such property as may seem nec- 
essary to promote the general welfare, 
build, equip and operate railroads, 
own the postroads, mines, factories, 
and provide any other useful work 
sufficient from time to time to employ 
all who need and apply for work; that 
all work be paid for by the day, and 
no work be let out under private con- 
tract ; that all money needed to put 
into effect the foregoing with all ac- 
cessories needful for their successful 
operation be provided by congress m 
harmony with the United States con- 
stitution, which reads (Article I, Sec. 
8) ; 'Congress shall have power to 
coin money and to regulate the value 
thereof.' All money issued for this 
purpose shall be full legal tender and 
paid by the national, state and muni- 
cipal governments direct to the work- 
ers for services rendered. The na- 



tional government to extend credit to 
the state and municipgilities at cost. 
That marketable products be sold to 
consumers at the cost of production 
and distribution, and that the price to 
the public for services be practically 
the cost of maintaining and operating 
the same." 

DEL. FIELDMAN : I move that this 
be substituted for the proposition of- 
fered by the committee. 
DELEGATES; Second the motion. 
DEL. FIELDMAN; We write the 
platform not for ourselves alone, but 
for those who understand us ; but never- 
theless if we desire other men who are 
dissatisfied with existing conditions to 
join us, it is up to us to explain to them 
the remedies that we offer in such lan- 
guage and in such terms and with such 
clearness and detail that they will un- 
derstand us and that they may thus see 
that there is really no difference between 
them and us. 

A great deal has been said here to- 
night against immediate demands. If a 
platform were written for socialists 
alone we could sum it all up in one 
sentence, "Down with Capitalism; up 
with Socialism." But because we ad- 
dress ourselves to those who do not 
understand us, but who, if they did, 
would agree with us, it is necessary for 
us to so write and construct our pro- 
nouncements and platforms that they 
will grasp our aims, and so unite with 
us in crystallizing them. 

And it is because the recommendation 
of the committee is couched in such lan- 
guage that you and I understand it, but 
the outsider would not grasp the full 
meaning of it, that I object to it in the 
first place; and it is because the report 
of the committee does not particular- 
ize sufficiently to make the question clear 
enough that I object to it in the first 
place; and it is because the committee 
provides for only one kind of work, and 
that is outdoor work, and everybody 
does not want to work outdoors, and in 
the third place I object to it because 
the committee does not show how it is 
to be done, when it can be shown clear- 
ly how it can and should be done — ^^I 
object to it — and in the fourth place it 
is impractical because it does not ex- 
plain the details that could be and ought 
to be explained; and I object to it be- 
cause the substitute not only makes the 
question clearer, but it explains how 
these demands can be carried out in 



4 




EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



21S 



I 



harmony with existing laws, and for 
I hose reasons I stand for it from top to 
liottom. If I only had the time to com- 
pare it — how much more time have I? 
THE CHAIRMAN ; Your time will 
lie up in one minute. 

DEL. FIELDMAN; I hope and I 
promise that there are very few going 
lo take the floor on this question, be- 
cause I think it is very simple and I 
wanted to compare it paragraph by par- 
.igraph— but I shall submit it to you 
with pleasure after you have heard the 
;iuthor of this proposition. 

Take the first clause ; ^ "We demand 
immediate government relief for the un- 
i-raployed workers." Now I think this 
better; "The government shall employ 
every willing worker." 

A DELEGATE ; What is the differ- 
ence ? 

DEL. FIELDMAN ; There is an im- 
portant difference. "Their wages to 
harmonize with the scale established by 
organized labor for similar work." That 
explains it in detail fully. Let us go 
further. "By building roads and canals, 
by reforesting the forests, by rec- 
lamation of lands, and by extending all 
other useful public works." 

Now I want to say that this is far 
better; "Our government by right of 
eminent domain shall take over such 
lU'operty as may seem necessary to pro- 
mote the general welfare"— "promote 
Ihe general welfare" is taken from the 
constitution of the United States, which 
proves that it is taken out of the laws 
<if this nation, already recognized and 
enforced. 

Furthermore: "By building and 
e(|uipping railroads and owning post- 
roads." "Postroads" is taken from the 
constitution also, which shows that the 
government of this nation has the power 
1(1 maintain roads, whether it be high- 
ways or railways — 
THE CHAIRMAN; Your time is 

DEL. RYAN (Ore.) ; I move that 
I lie time of Comrade Fieldman be ex- 
I ended. 

DEL. FIELDMAN; I have worked 
:l11 week on this thing. I have spent 
nights and days on it. 

THE CHAIRMAN; It is moved 
that the time of the speaker be extended. 
Those in favor will say aye ; those opi- 
posed, no. The ayes have it, and the 
lime of the speaker is extended. Com- 
r.ide Fieldman will continue. 



DEL. FIELDMAN; 1 lli:mk you, I 
have given a whole week to this propo- 
sition. 

We want the government to engage 
in every kind of work. This substitute 
provides that we take over for this 
purpose not only the highways them- 
selves, and the railroads, but the fac- 
tories, or whatever other useful work 
may be necessary from time to time to 
employ all who from time to time need 
and apply for work. 

"That all work be paid for by the 
day, and that no work be let out under 
private contract." Now you see here it 
is laid down that that is just outdoor 
work. It says "such work shall be di- 
rectly done by the government under 
an eight hour working day, at prevail- 
ing union rates." I want not only the 
prevailing union wages and hours, but 
all the union conditions in every indus- 
try according to the regulations of the 
unions engaged in that industry. 

Now we come to the second part of 
the report of the committee. 

"The government shall loan money to 
states and municipalities without inter- 
est." The committee does not show us 
where the government has got the power 
to loan such money. We want the 
people to know that the government has 
the power to do these things constitu- 
tionally, and lawfully. This report does 
not show that. But: here in the substi- 
tute on the other hand it is shown very 
clearly that all the money needed to 
carry into effect the foregoing with all 
accessories needful for its successful 
operation be provided by Congress in 
harmony with the United States consti- 
tution, which reads, Article I, Sec. 8 ; 
"Congress shall have power to coin 
money and regulate the value thereof." 
This is taken from the constitution, arid 
every American citizen who reads this, 
every American working man and work- 
ing woman who can read and under- 
stand, or who comes in contact with 
this, will see from this that the govern- 
ment has the power to coin money ; that 
the government may use that power in 
order to take over such work, and that 
that will make it possible for the gov- 
ernment to employ every willing worker 
in the country; and that is what we are 
after. 

We have got to make the American 
people understand that this government 
has the power now, constitutionally, if 
it wants to, to take hold of that work. 



216 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



EVENING SESSION, MAY 15. 



217 



It is by comparison that we arrive at 
the truth. I only learn the truth or teach 
it upon the basis of contrast and com- 
parison. 

I want to reach my fellow man. I 
want to show him not only what is to 
be done, but how it is to be done. When 
I convince my listeners that this govern- 
ment of the United States has now the 
legal constitutional power to take over 
these industries that shall make it pos- 
sible for this government to employ all 
the working men and working women so 
that they will not be forced to idleness 
— when I convince my listeners that the 
government has that power now^ — then I 
show them that the only reason the gov- 
ernment does not use that power is be- 
cause the capitalist class are in posses- 
sion of the government. Then they will 
understand that if they will put the men 
of their own class in possession of the 
government, then that government will 
be used in their interest and they will 
soon see also that there is no need for 
unemployment, and then they will join 
hands with us and the Socialist Party 
will go on to victory. 

DEL. DAN WHITE (Mass.) : I 
support the substitute. I do this be- 
cause while I yield to no man in my 
desire for the Socialist Revolution, yet 
I do believe in engrafting a plank of 
this kind in our platform. There is ab- 
solutely no abating one single jot of our 
enthusiasm for the overthrow of cap- 
italism. But we have gone on year 
after year during this period of indus- 
trial activity through which we have 
passed and we have said to the work- 
ers : "There will come a time when 
circumstances over which you hold ab- 
solutely no control, will draw you into 
an industrial breakdown." We told 
them that; and they laughed at us. But 
we knew it, because \ye were^ studetits 
of economic conditions. The industrial 
breakdown came. During that period 
we never told them when they asked us : 
"What will you do?" other than to say, 
"We will capture first the powers of gov- 
ernment and then usher in the new era 
by breaking down capitalism, and we 
shall benefit the workers thereby." 
Those were our words or words to that 
effect. Now that is not sufificient. Those 
who might be termed impossibilists 
here, and I think truly termed impossi- 
bilists, are talking about the triumph of 
Socialism. They want it. So^ do we. 
But they will never get it until doom 



cracks if they go on in the way they 
have been going. We cannot secure the 
aid of the working class in capturiiiR 
the powers of government unless we can 
give them something tangible, somethiud 
that will respond to their immediate in- 
terests. Unless you can do that, to go 
to them is useless. We must be oppor- 
tunists at least to that extent, if w« 
would awaken the working class to an 
interest in the Socialist philosophy, 
Down in Massachusetts we have beeit 
through the development stage. We un- 
derstand that it becomes absolutely nec- 
essary to lay practical propositions be- 
fore the workers. We have been suc- 
cessful in some cities in electing part 
of the city government. We have bectl 
able to enforce an improvement in con- 
ditions. We have been able under the 
authority of the municipality to broaden 
the scope of municipal activity, but 
whenever we did that they threw back 
the burden upon the workers by in- 
creased taxation, which in the final an- 
alysis they were forced to pay, and thai 
taught us to do something different from 
what we were doing; and we found that 
it was absolutely necessary to make 
practical demands. In the neighborinR 
towns around Brocton in MassachusettH 
they have been successful to some ex- 
tent in developing the socialist vote, if 
we do not say its philosophy; but all 
the time the private capitalist interests 
in those towns are being importuned to 
go into Maine or into New Hampshiri', 
They say "Take our idle factories and 
we will give you freedom of rent, abate- 
ment of taxation, all those things that 
will enable you to come down here and 
cheapen your production," and thus it it 
within the power of the capitalist class 
to desolate any city or town of thiH 
country today under the private owner- 
ship of industry. With a plank of this 
character going out and appealing to the 
working class, they would respond. I U 
say again we want those to come to tlio 
Socialist movement who are not yet So- 
cialists, and once having commenced tn 
vote the Socialist ticket they would 
gradually begin to understand our plii- 
losophy, and they will evolute just as tlui 
majority of us have evoluted to the po- 
sition we occupy today. I believe tliat 
is one good step in the direction of in- 
teresting the workers by putting thii 
plank in the platform of the nation;il 
Socialist Party. 
DEL. HURST (R. I.) : I do not 



f 



! 



wish to appeal to your sentiments or 
your propensities. I want your intellect, 
i want your thinking apparatus, that 
crowning jewel which man pos- 
sesses above the brute and which 
makes him its superior. That is 
what I am appealing to during the five 
minutes, which is far too short for 
my purpose. I want to say to you that 
during this crisis, during the hardships 
which the people are now undergoing, 
they are asking the question which they 
ask of our national organizers and our 
speakers everywhere: "What can you 
do if we give you the power? How can 
you do anything? The capitalists have 
all the money. What can you do?" 
Does anyone answer that question? No. 
I say the question should be answered. 
Has Comrade Hillquit answered that 
question? Has Comrade Simons an- 
swered it? True, he has with his pen 
given a scientific evolutionary method 
of evolving from this system into the 
other system, but they have not an- 
swered this question and they never 
will until they offer a fundamental prop- 
osition like that embodied in this docu- 
ment. I say this question should be an- 
swered and I say the Socialist Party is 
the logical party to answer it. Who 
else should answer it but the revolu- 
tionary party of the people? 

This proposition does answer the 
question clearly. It provides not only a 
possible but a scientific and probable 
means of transition from the capitalistic 
system to the co-operative common- 
wealth. That I can sustain on this plat- 
form against any of your superior in- 
tellects, and I would be glad to have the 
opportunity. It is constructive. It be- 
gins where you are. If I wish to get 
to that door I cannot take the second 
step first. If I am a common-sense man 
I must take the first step first. I will 
not attempt to do anything else first. 
This starts from where you are and 
enables you to go from the present sys- 
tem to the co-operative common- 
wealth. It puts it so plain before you 
that he who runs may read and under- 
stand, whether he be a Socialist or 
not. It is so plain that we believe you 
are going to vote for it. 

It is revolutionary. What do you 
mean by revolution if it is not complete 
change? This will bring about a change 
methodically and thoroughly and effi- 
ciently and there will be no resisting 



it and it will be absolutely irresistible 
in its march. It is utterly revolutionary 
if there is anything revolutionary. It is 
a class conscious proposition, absolutely 
so. There is nothing in it, nothing 
which can be read into it, which would 
imply that any other class under any 
conditions could extract anything out of 
it but the class who do the work. It 
is a class conscious proposition from 
which no other class can extract any- 
thing except those who do the work. 
Isn't it the class conscious proposition 
that we are looking for? Isn't it a. 
working class proposition? ^ That is 
what we have here and that is what we 
want to vote for, not a mixed up con- 
fusion. 

Delegate Hnrst's time was extended 
for ten minutes. 

DEL. HURST : I thank you for the 
extension of time. 

Now, this is absolutely an uncompro- 
mising proposition. It stands for no 
compromise. There is no resisting its 
onward trend. There is no sidetracking 
it. It is the one direction in which to 
travel and its conditions are laid down 
clearly. 

Some will say you cannot do it while 
the government is in the hands of the 
capitalists. The capitalists will not 
grant it and therefore it is not practical. 
My answer to that is that we are mak- 
ing a great many demands that are not 
practical. But it is practical.. It is 
practical to attract men and educate 
them upon what we want. When a man 
out of work finds that there is a party 
that knows how to acquire those things 
and is willing to offer a remedy if given 
an opportunity, then he will turn against 
the parties who have that power and 
refuse to use it. He will not starve 
when he knows how starvation can be 
avoided. It is because he has believed it 
impossible that he has been so patient 
and there is no reason why we should 
ignore these methods when we know 
that they are scientific, saying to these 
men, "Give us the power and then we 
will do what we promised to do." It 
is an honest proposition to offer a man. 
He wants to know how to do it. Your 
United States government does create 
money and does loan it to the national 
bankers at one-half of one per cent. On 
the first of May, 1908, the national 
banker was using six hundred and nine- 
tv-seven million dollars of that kind of 



1 



218 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



money. We are loaning it to the banker 
at one-half of one per cent. When the 
people of Chicago want to put up a three 
million dollar building they go to the 
banker and borrow the money back and 
paj' five per cent for thirty years' loan. 
We put up the three million dollar 
building; we do all the work from foun- 
dation to roof, the workers create every 
particle of it — we create the money, we 
loan it to him at one-half of one per 
cent and then borrow it back at five per 
cent on bonds running thirty years, 
which makes four and a half millions in 
interest, We pay the banker for allow- 
ing us to use our own money. We have 
just as much right to pay that money to 
laborers for work as we have to borrow 
it and pay it to the bankers. You never 
had anything in the platform that will 
develop half the interest that this plank 
will, nor one that will scare the capital- 
ist more. He knows that if this mat- 
ter is discussed the whole scheme will 
be exposed. There is no reason why 
we should ignore this opportunity. It 
will expose those things and at the 
same time will lead right on toward the 
goal that we are striving for. When 
you piut men to work and sell the pro- 
ceeds at cost of production and distribu- 
tion and you employ every man in that 
way eventually, where will the capitalist 
come in? Aren't they going to disap- 
pear when they come into competition 
with such a method as that? As they 
fall out of the capitalist industries they 
w.ill fall into this and we will put them 
to work and without creating any con- 
fusion and without bringing about a 
cataclysm, something which everyone 
but an impossibilist knows will never 
happen. The change will come about 
by evolution. It is a great opportunity 
if we only know enough to grasp it. 

DEL. POPE (Mo.) : On the igth of 
October, 1907, the bankers of New York 
decided that they would do something 
that the bankers of the world had never 
done before. They met and said : "The 
industrial condition of this country is so 
bad that we cannot save the banking 
business and the industrial business at 
the same time, so as we want to escape 
a deluge we will take a freshet,'.' and 
they issued certain documents, and little 
prosperity took the dose and she has 
been in a comatose state ever since. 

I want to say that this substitute is 
worth more than that whole platform, 
and every other immediate demand that 
you have put up here. I want to say 



that this is the key to the situation. 
This is fjie central point of attack, be- 
cause this resolution put before the 
people is an open challenge to the Re- 
publican and Democratic parties to re- 
lieve the situation if they can. In 1893 
the Republican party said that the Dem- 
ocratic party brought on the panic, and 
the fool Democrats didn't have sense 
enough to deny it. They said, "Well, 
we were caught with the goods, what 
was the use of denying it." Now, nine- 
tenths of the Republican party did not 
believe that a panic could come when 
the Republican party was in power, but 
on the 19th of last October the panic 
had commenced, and now there are five 
million Republicans in this country who 
don't know where they are at and they 
are waiting to see which way to go. 
Now, this resolution means something. 
It means if put in force that the panic 
would be broken. I believe it is the 
duty of every Socialist in the United 
States to ask every Democratic and Re- 
publican speaker when he is on the stump 
what is the cause of the panic and what 
is the remedy, and get his answer ; and 
when you do, if he doesn't talk Social- 
ism the people will know it and Social- 
ism will get a hearing that it never had 
before. 

I hope that this resolution will be 
adopted unanimously, and we will chal- 
lenge the Democratic and Republican 
parties to battle, and when we win, as 
we shall, it will be a sweeping victory 
for the working class. ' 

DEL. WOODBY (Cal.) : I want to 
find out from the last speaker where 
the constitution gives the right to take 
private property? 

DEL. FIELDMAN (N. Y.) : What 
does the right of eminent domain mean? 

DEL. WOODBY : The right to take 
property with proper compensation. I 
have not got the information I asked for 
yet. 

A DELEGATE: Did Comrade Hurst 
say that if we passed this resolution the 
panic would be broken? (Laughter.) 

DEL. HILLQUIT ; I am very much 
afraid that if we adopt the substitute we 
shall do exactly the opposite of what we 
think we are doing. 

There is not a man on this floor who 
is more in favor of practical immediate 
demands than I am. But those demands 
must be practical and the test of prac- 
ticability is: is it enforcible? If we 
should get out a good, strong demand 
for the relief of Unemployment and put 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



219 



it up to the present government, and the 
present government ignores it, we are 
put in a position of favoring something 
for the welfare of the working class 
which the government rejects. If we 
put ourselves on record as demanding 
something impossible under present con- 
ditions we are on record as hot air 
theorists. I say make not only an im- 
mediate demand, but an urgency de- 
mand, a demand to be enforced tomor- 
row, a demand to be enforced to relieve 
the present existing crisis. It must be 
made in such a form that the govern- 
ment, if it had the desire, could actual- 
ly enforce it. If it cannot be, we have 
liot even made a propaganda, or done 
anything useful, but have made our- 
selves a laughing stock for the nation. 
Now, consider. Assume that we are 
in Congress. I am a representative, say 
of New York, representing the Social- 
ist Party in Congress, and I move that 
the government shall employ every will- 
ing worker, affirming as a general prin- 
ciple he has the right to exist and the 
right to work, and demanding that as 
an urgency measure. I then proceed to 
state in what way it is to be done. I 
am compelled to show how to get the 
money. I say: "You have the power 
to stamp pieces of paper and call them 
dollars ; therefore go ahead, make your 
dollars, and the unemployed working 
men will get the paper as wages." 

A DELEGATE: Isn't that as good 
as anv other money? 

DEL. HILLQUIT: Oh, no. 
' A DELEGATE: Back of it stands 
the industry of the country. 

DEL. HILLQUIT : Then you will go 
back to the greenback days. 

A DELEGATE: Even if you do, 
what then ? 

DEL. HILLQUIT: I say that when 
you go before the working men of this 
country and say "Go to work for the 
government ; the government will em- 
ploy you all; and you will get paper 
which the government v/ill call money," 
with nothing to back it with, I say in 
that case we make ourselves ridiculous 
before the working men of America. 

It is proposed that the government by 
right of eminent domain shall take over 
property as the same may be necessary 
for the employment of • the workers. 
That means to take over practically all 
of the industries in the United States. 

A DELEGATE: Do you object to 
that? 



DEL. HILLQUIT: No. But if I 
ask them to do that immediately, if I 
put that in as part of the Socialist plat- 
form, and go to the working men and 
say: "You are out of work, and there 
is an eas3^ and practical method of giving 
you employment, to-wit : let the nation 
assume all the industries, print money 
and give all the working men work" — I 
say we should simply make ourselves 
ricUculous. 

DEL. ANDERSON (N. D.) : A 
point of information. I want to know 
from Comrade Hillquit if it is not the 
fact that the demand notes issued at 
the time of Abraham Lincoln were not 
full legal tender regardless of any gold 
back of them? 

DEL. HILLQUIT : They were not at 
the time. They were just as good as 
paper currency, except it so happened 
that the United States subsequently 
made them good in the regular way. 

DEL. ANDERSON: They were full 
legal tender and circulated at par. 

DEL. BAUER (Cal.) : A point of in- 
formation. The resolution says that the 
goods shall be sold to the consumers at 
cost of production and distribution. I 
would like to ask would the men em- 
ployed by the government come in com- 
petition with those employed by the cap- 
italists? 
A DELEGATE : They would. 
DEL. BAUER : I think I can say all 
I want to say in three imnutes. We 
know the secretary of the treasury loans 
money to Wall Street. We have the 
right to demand the same thing. Of 
course we have, but there is just one 
thing that we haven't got. We have the 
right, but we haven't got the might. We 
haven't the organized power to get 
what is our right. Let us recognize that 
it is just as easy to stand out for the 
whole Socialist proposition as it is to 
put through such immediate demands as 
that. What is the use of talking? Are 
we going back to the old greenback 
movement and thrash out the old money 
question again? I thought we had 
learned something in the last forty 
years. Apparently we have not. I 
think, however, that we are taking our- 
selves too seriously. I know that we 
are all statesmen and scholars and phil- 
osophers. I myself have a stack of res- 
olutions that high and I know they are 
better than any that are presented here, 
but I do not intend to present them to- 
night because it is getting late, but pre- 



220 



EVENING SESSION, MAY IS. 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 16. 



221 



pare yourselves for the worst in the 
morning. I hold, however, in the course 
of evolution this party will arrive at the 
point where it is a working class party. 
I know that the tadpole in its evolution 
toward the frog gradually loses its tail 
and I hope that the Socialist movement 
when it finally becomes a true working 
class movement, will also lose its tail, 
these immediate demands. I thought 
we had sense enough now to chop off 
that tail. You may think you are mak- 
ing history with your immediate de- 
mands. Don't flatter yourselves. The 
Democratic and Republican parties will 
go you one better on every immediate 
demand. The reform movements will 
go you one better and there will come a 
time when you will have to occupy the 
only position which you are entitled to 
and that is the clear fighting position 
of the revolutionary Socialist who knows 
that he can get nothing except under 



Socialism. Let it be whole hog or none. 
We will hew to the line. I move to lay 
this amendment on the table. I move to 
table the substitute. 

THE CHAIRMAN: A motion has 
been made and seconded that the substi- 
tute be tabled. 

Cries of "Division." 

THE CHAIRMAN: Those in favor 
of tabling the substitute will raise their 
hands and keep them raised until count- 
ed. 

The vote stands in favor of tabling 
the substitute 63 ; opposed, 45. The sub- 
stitute is tabled. The question is now 
upta the adoption of the resolution of- 
fered by the committee. Those in favor 
of the adoption of the committee's re- 
port will say aye. Those opposed, no. 
The report of the committee is adopted. 

The convention then adjourned until 
May i6th, 1908, at 10 A. M. 



SEVENTH DAY'S SESSION 




II 



The convention was called to order 
.i( 10 a. m. by Secretary Heath. 

Del. Bower of Illinois was appointed 
■ iKsistant secretary in place of Del. 
Strickland, who had to go home. 

Del. Wheat of California was elected 
c hairman for the day. 

THE CHAIRMAN: In view of the 
1 xperience of the past few days, a very 
lirief sentence or two of prefatory re- 
marks will be in order. I desire to say 
that in recognizing comrades who de- 
'iire to speak, I shall use my judgment. 
I desire to say further that the amount 
(if noise made by any delegate desiring 
I lie floor will have no influence upon 
I lie chair in getting recognition. I 
further desire to say that any comrade 
who after a decision of the chair has 
licen rendered, persists in shouting at 
I he chair or at the convention in defi- 
iiiice of the chair, will stand very little 
chance of catching the chairman's eye 
al anv subsequent period during the day. 
I'he business before the convention this 
morning is upon the report of the Com- 
mittee on Platform as a whole. 

KiiPORT OF Committee on Platform Re- 
sumed. 

DEL. OSBORNE (Cal.) : I want to 
,<ay this before I introduce the substi- 
Uite for the immediate demands. I 
asked the chairman yesterday if this 
substitute would be in order at the con- 
rhision of the discussion. I should have 
pireferred to introduce the substitute at 
I he time of that discussion and it would 
have saved, if adopted, all the discus- 
sion of yesterday afternoon and last 
night. I want the secretary to read it 
.iiid then I desire to speak upon it. 

ASST. SEC. REILLY (Reading) : 
"The Socialist party when in office shall 
always and everywhere, until the pres- 
■ lit syistem is abolished, make the answer 
111 this question its guiding rule of con- 



duct, namely, will this legislation ad- 
vance the interests of the working class 
and aid the workers in their struggle 
against capitalism? If it is in the in- 
terest of the working class the Socialist 
party is in favor of it. If it is against 
the interest of the working class the 
Socialist party is opposed to it." 

The inotion was duly seconded. 

DEL. OSBORNE : I think we are all 
opportunists when it comes to that, the 
only difference being that some of us 
are working class opportunists and some 
of us are middle class opportunists or 
capitalist class opportunists. I consider 
the entire program is an ultra middle 
class or capitalist class pronouncement. 
I recognize that there are two elements 
in this convention and naturally will be 
in all conventions. We do not all ex- 
pect to see a proposition from the same 
standpoint, and the whole question, to 
my mind, is this ; I should have liked to 
bring this up yesterday and decide which 
side of this question the convention 
stands, which would have saved time. 
I draw in my own mind the distinction 
between the part that the business man 
and the populist take in social evolution 
and the work of the working class in 
social evolution. I don't want to have 
to do any of the work that belongs to 
the capitalist class. They are doing that 
business well enough. Marx tells us 
that no social order can disappear until 
it has developed all the productive 
forces for which there is room within 
it, and that no society can appear until 
the material conditions for its existence 
have been created or are in process of 
creation out of the old society. I main- 
tain that it is the business of the cap^ 
italist class to develop all the productive 
forces for which there is room in this 
society, and it is also the business of 
the capitalist class to prepare the ma- 
terial conditions for the disappearance 



k 



224 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 16. 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 16. 



225 



be in ninety years. There are a great 
number of states that require one year's 
residence, a number that require two 
years and a few that require six months' 
residence. I do not deem it necessary to 
mal^e an extended speech on this ques- 
tion, because I believe that yovi are in- 
clined to favor it and, therefore, I will 
not bother you any longer. 

DEL. REILLY : I suggest that there 
be some age limit. You must remember 
that a person born in the United States 
is a citizen from the time of bis birth. 

A DELEGATE : I shall vote against 
that because of this fact. I do not be- 
lieve that the Socialist party should take 
any position stating what length of time 
any member of the working class should 
have to live in any part of the United 
States before they can vote. The trade 
unions require no residence before they 
allow the members to vote. I think all 
citizens should be allowed to cast a vote 
wherever they happen to be on election 
day regardless of ninety days or any 
other time of residence. I don't think 
the Socialist party should go on record 
as fixing any time that a citizen should 
live in one place before he can vote. 

DEL. PORTER (Neb.) : I should 
like to add the word "territory" after the 
word "state." 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection that will stand. 

A DELEGATE: In our town when- 
ever a corporation wants a franchise 
and the citizens are opposed to it, our 
corporations send over to Kentucky, 
just across the river, and they bring in 
negroes by car loads and ship loads 
and board them there thirty days and 
in that way most valuable franchises are 
grabbed by these corporations. In our 
state we have thirty days. If you make 
it five days you simply make it easier 
for the franchise grabbers to get every- 
thing they want. Therefore I oppose 
this. 

DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.) : A point 
of order. The matter of franchise is a 
matter for state legislation entirely. It 
is for the state convention to take action 
on this, not for the national convention, 
because each state makes is own laws 
regardless of the franchise laws in 
neighboring states. 

THE CHAIRMAN : The point is not 
well taken. 

DEL. FRAENCKEL (111.) :_ The 
comrade in front of me has raised a 
point which we in the large cities can 



substantiate. There should be no reso- 
lution adopted by this convention or . 
anything in the platform of this organ- 
ization that disfranchises any part of 
the working class. It is part of the cap- 
italist system in these days to prevent 
the working . class from voting. They 
are preventing women from getting the 
vote. They have to some extent pre- 
vented the working class from voting on 
election day. In Chicago and all large 
cities you will find that registration day 
is only an identification. If you set a 
time limit or if you were to make any 
kind of a limit there you work into the 
hands of those who want to prevent the 
working men from voting. If this reso- 
lution goes through you simply add an- 
other club to the weapons in the hands 
of those who are anxious to deprive us 
of the franchise, to slug us on election 
day or throw out our vote. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I move 
the previous cjuestion. 

The motion was seconded and car- 
ried. 

DEL. RAMP (Ore.) : I have listened 
to the speech of the comrade from Illi- 
nois against the amendment, and I would 
suggest to the Illinois delegation that 
they apply that argument to the whole 
immediate demand program. To those 
comrades who tell us that the capitalist 
class are going to take voters from one 
city to another, we reply that they are 
doing it and they have done it and they 
will do it. I tell you that they are ex- 
porting voters from one state. Two 
years ago in the town of Bisbee, Ariz., 
six weeks before electiton, six hundred 
of the workmen who were Socialists 
were driven out so they could not vote. 
They were disfranchised. Governor 
Waite, when he ran for the second term. 
was defeated by the same method. We 
have got to counteract these things that 
. the capitalist class do to disfranchise 
our voters. I recognize that the com- 
rades in eastern states have no concep- 
tion of the difficulties that the western 
states suffer from in this direction. In 
the West you are liable to meet a man 
in Montana in April, in Arizona in May, 
Colorado in June and California in An 
gust. There is continual moving about, 
and with these requirements of one and 
two years' residence they are disfran- 
chised all the time, and as a SocialisI, 
an impossibilist Socialist if you wish, I 
want to oppose that sort of thing. 1 1' 
the gentleman down here who made thr 



damnable speech a few moments ago — 
it is the man who makes the most ob- 
noxious speeches who put in bills for 
sleeping car accommodations, while the 
real Socialists are compelled to sleep in 
their seats. It is the men who sleep in 
water tanks and under hay stacks that 
I represent, and those men I am going 
to represent as long as I stand on the 
floor of any convention, and j'ou are not 
going to frighten me into- any submis- 
sion to the intellectuals. It is good dis- 
cipline that we are having rubbed into 
us here. I am not going to tell you that 
you are either too young or too ignorant, 
I am not going to call you any names, 
but I am satisfied to discuss this question 
fairly and honestly. But if you drive 
rae to it I can call names as hard as 
you can. 

A DELEGATE: A point of order. 
The gentleman is not talking about the 
question. 

THE CHAIRMAN : The chair rules 
that the point is not well taken. 

DEL. RAMP: You know that I am 
opposed to 'immediate demands, but if 
we are to put in any immediate demands, 
for heaven's sake don't turn down the 
Western States on this proposition, 
\vhich is a trade union proposition. 

DEL. KORNGOLD (111.) : A point 
of personal privilege. I want to say 
that the gentleman misunderstood Del. 
Morgan entirely. 

THE CHAIRMAN: That is not a 
matter of personal privilege. Comrade 
Mfargan, like everybody else, is liable to 
be misunderstood. 

DEL. BROWN (Wash.) : I had 
hoped that it would not require any dis- 
cussion to get this question before you. 
Away back in '96 I heard a man of no 
less eminence than General Howard, 
with one arm lost in the Civil war, 
standing before an audience make this 
declaration. He said : "If I had to make 
the laws regulating the franchise I would 
make a property qualification necessary 
for any man before he could exercise 
the right of sufl^rage; and with him on 
rhat stage on that occasion was Russell 
A. Alger, of Michigan, and other notable 
men. That burned its way into my be- 
ing. I know something about the fellow 
you call a proletarian, and, my friends, 
I have slept both in a Pullman and under 
a water tank. Now, there is a meaning 
m the resolution. What we want is to 
poll all our votes, and are you going to 
^■cfuse and reject this method of getting 



it? You gentlemen tell us that the cor- 
porations import voters. Well, the cor- 
porations if they go on organizing in- 
dustries to a point where you will have 
to industrialize them by your political 
aciton, why let them go on. Let us have 
it, but don't let us have a restricted 
franchise. Many Socialists of our coun- 
try are disfranchised, and I believe it is 
proper for us to protest against the 
further disfranchisement of our fellow 
citizens. It is important that we declare 
ourselves on this point. It has been said 
that this is a national question. Cer- 
tainly it is a national question, and this 
is a national convention, and the national 
convention should speak out. I think 
this resolution should pass. If it were 
in order I should like to make a further 
amendment. 

THE CHAIRMAN : That would not 
be in order. 

DEL. BROWN: Then I will simply 
say as one of my boys said when he got 
in a scrap! with his older brother, "It is 
not what you want that makes you fat; 
it is what you get." It is what we get 
that will make us fat, so let us get what 
we can. 

DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : I am 
opposed to the amendment for several 
reasons. In the first place, it has no 
business in a national platform, because 
it is a state matter. In the next place, 
it should not be passed, because it would 
affect different states differently. It 
would be a progressive measure in some 
states and a retrogressive measure in 
other states. It might be a good thing in 
one state and a dangerous thing in an- 
other, especially in the crowded indus- 
trial districts. I am opposed to it be- 
cause we should not burden our pro- 
gram with too many minute detailed de- 
mands. There are over two hundred 
delegates here and each one has a cer- 
tain pet measure, and if we all offer 
them and they are adopted you will have 
an unwieldy instrument. Furthermore, 
let me remind you that we have still four 
committees outstanding that we have 
spent a very large amount , of time in 
deliberation on the platform, and I be- 
lieve a true sense of propoi'tion should 
dictate the wisdom of dispensing with 
much discussion where it is not really 
demanded. If we don't the danger is 
that important matters coming later will 
be passed without any deliberation. 

A DELEGATE: I wish to speak 
against the amendment. It does not go 



226 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 16. 



1 



t 



far enough. You establish a legal resi- 
dence for traveling men of all kinds in 
order that they may vote in election. 
The capitalists provide for those; why 
should we not provide for our com- 
rades ? I think we should put in another 
clause and secure the vote for all our 
' comrades. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
recurs on the motion of Del. Brown, of 
Washington. Those in favor of that 
resolution will say aye. Those opposed 
no. The motion is lost. 

DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.) : I move that 
the original report that has been adopted 
section by section, be now tabled. (The 
motion to table was seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN : It is moved and 
seconded that the report of the Platform 
Committee in regard to immediate de- 
mands be laid on the table. 

DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.) : A point 
of order. The convention has already 
adopted those various sections. 

A DELEGATE: Does this include 
the entire demands, the industrial de- 
mands and the political demands? 

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, the whole 
thing. 

A DELEGATE: Would a motion to 
substitute be in order? 

THE CHAIRMAN: It is not in 
order. 

THE CHAIRMAN : The motion be- 
fore the house is that the program be 
laid on the table. Those in favor say 
aye. Those opposed no. The motion is 
lost. 

DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.) : I desire 
to offer a resolution to be embodied in 
the immediate demands. 

THE CHAIRMAN : In order to do 
that you will have to move to recon- 
sider. 

DEL. STREBEL: I will simply sub- 
mit it to your judgment and hope that a 
vote will be taken on it. I don't think 
that anything I can say in five minutes 
will change the preconceived ideas of 
any delegate. The resolution is as fol- 
lows : "The abolition of the power of 
the Supreme Court of the United States 
to pass upon_ legislation enacted by Con- 
gress as to its constitutionality. Legis- 
lation passed by Congress to be repealed| 
or abrogated only by act of Congress or 
referendum vote of the whole people." 

I move the adoption of this demand. 

THE CHAIRMAN : All in favor of 
that motion will say aye. Opposed no. 
The motion is carried unanimously. 



DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.) : I don't 
know whether I am in order or not. • 
My purpose is this; I want to put be- 
fore the rank and file of the party the 
preamble, platform and program, and 
at the same time, the platform that we 
had in the last national campaign, the 
two to go together to the membership 
for a vote. I make that now as a mo- 
tion, that the preamble, platform and 
program submitted by the committee as 
amended, and the platform of the last 
national campaign, shall be submitted to 
the membership for a referendum vote. 

DEL. SIMONS (111.) A point of 
order. The delegate cannot move to do 
that as we have already taken action 
upon the platform and it would be neces- 
sary to reconsider the vote of yester- 
day. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The point is 
well taken. 

DEL. SIMONS : I wish to move now 
the adoption of the entire report as 
amended. 

The motion was duly seconded. 

DEL. MORGAN : I move" the previ- 
ous question. 

The motion was duly seconded and 
carried. 

DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.) : I am op- 
posed to this motion because I want 
this carried out in a different way. For 
twelve hours we have debated this mat- 
ter of whether we are opportunists or 
impossibilists and whether we want or 
do not want immediate demands. I say 
that the rank and file should have an 
opportunity to vote on this matter. I 
say that most of the delegates in this 
convention are opposed really to this 
platform as it is adopted. They have 
taken something they do not want, to 
get something they do want. We have 
three thousand words, we have a pre- 
amble and platform that practically du- 
plicate themselves. Then when they 
come to the bedrock statement of prin- 
ciples it is very ineffectively put to- 
gether. This committee has done its 
work faithfully. I don't want to cast 
any reflection upon them, but I think 
that we should take the report and sub- 
mit it with the platform of the last cam- 
paign and let the rank and file decide 
which of these two is the most practical 
exposition of the Socialist philosophy. 

DEL. JOHNS (Cal.) : I am opposed 
to the adoption of this populistic hash, 
unless something like this is placed at 
the head of it, and I hope the motion 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 16. 



227 



will be voted down so that we may have 
a chance to consider its points. We have 
been told that the impossibilists, as we 
are called, are opposed to men having 
more wages now, or any benefits along 
the lines of these immediate demands 
until the Socialist party elects its candi- 
dates. Nothing could be more untrue, 
nothing could be more absurd than the 
position that these opponents of ours 
take. All of us who are called impossibil- 
ists are in favor of immediate benefits to 
the working class, but we are not in fa- 
vor of bamboozling the workingmen to 
get them. Now, I would like to place be- 
fore the immediate demands this propo- 
sition : "We call the attention of the 
workers of America to the fact that gov- 
ernment ownership of public utilities, 
old age pensions for worn-out wage- 
slaves, and all other steps with refer- 
ence to alleged benefits to the working 
class, can best be gained by rolling up a 
healthy Socialist vote, as has been done 
in the countries of Europe." We need 
not make any formal demand in our 
platform for any degree of state So- 
cialism of doubtful benefit to the work- 
ing class, because all that we ask and 
more will be granted by our masters 
when our vote on election day shall be- 
come great enough to be regarded as a 
menace. Then many things will be given 
to the workers by the Republican and 
Democratic parties. All you want here 
you will get if you roll up a great So- 
cialist vote and elect a few Socialists on 
your ticket. 

DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : Socialism 
is a phase of civilization, just as capi- 
talism is a phase of civilization, just as 
feudalism was a phase of civilization. 
You will never be able to say "We will 
get together tomorrow afternoon at 2 
o'clock and introduce the co-operative 
commonwealth." No one can tell the 
exact day or the exact year when capi- 
talism commenced as an epoch of the 
world's civilization. No one can tell 
me the exact day or year when feudal- 
ism ceased — we find a great deal of feu- 
dalism in Europe even now. And no one 
will ever be able to tell the day or year 
or even the decade when Socialism will 
begin to rule the world. Conditions are 
changing constantly. We are constantly 
working toward Socialism. It is con- 
tinuous steady work. Next year, or ten 
years, or twenty years, or a hundred 
years, from now, we shall perhaps still 
lie working toward the completing of 



our civilization — toward Socialism. The 
position of the impossibilist is a very 
easy one. All he has to do is to learn a 
few holy words and then stand on the 
street corner and shout. It is the cheap- 
est thing in the world. Our impossi- 
bilists are practically anarchists who are 
too cowardly to admit it. I have heard 
this shouting of blessed words before. 
Talk about proletarians and factory 
workers — if you look over the delegates 
here you will find that most of the im- 
possibilists came from states where they 
see the factory worker when he comes 
down the pike as a hobo. You will find 
that impossibilists come from states 
where factories are less frequent than 
moonshine distilleries. They come from 
states where Socialists are rare birds 
and where our party polls no vote. 

A VOICE: How about California? 

DEL. BERGER: In California you 
impossibilists have ruined our move- 
ment. Take the states of Illinois, New 
York, Wisconsin — they are solid against 
impossibilism. This platform is not an 
ideal platform, of course. Where there 
is a committee made up of men of vary- 
ing views the report will always be more 
or less patched. This platform does not 
satisfy me exactly, neither did the plat- 
form four years ago. We did the best 
we could. But we did something. But 
did you ever see an impossibilist do 
something? Except talking and calling 
those who do something bad names? To 
cut out the immediate demands would 
mean suicide for the party. It would 
make this party an impossibilist party, 
and an impossible party. So much for 
the freaks among the impossibilists. 

However, some of our impossibilist 
friends are well meaning and honest. 
But they are simply old populists who 
became sore at the "immediate demands" 
because the Democrats stole their party 
with the i6 to i platform, and they have 
been sore ever since. (Applause.) The 
Democrats stole the Populist platform 
easily enough, but it was not that steal 
that ruined populism. The economic con- 
ditions got to be such that the farmer 
received a dollar per bushel for wheat, 
in gold and not in silver. That killed 
the populist party, which was a farmers' 
party. It was not the stealing of their 
thunder by Bryan. HoweAjer. ever since 
there are a lot of those populists around 
l*oking for a party. Some of them have 
cut off their beards, learned a few So- 



228 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 16. 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 16. 



229 



cialistic phrases and now they are im- 
possibilist Socialists. 

Comrades, this party for a long time 
must be a proletarian city party, made 
up largely of the city element. The pro- 
letarian factory elements must dominate 
it and are going to dominate it, although 
we want the friendship and co-operation 
of the farmers. I hope the farmers will 
very soon have a political class organ- 
ization of their own and then those of 
our ex-populist friends who don't like 
our city party can go there and let their 
impossible beards grow again. We must 
have a working program for our party 
and we are going to have it. 

DEL. SIMONS: I want to make a 
little explanation on behalf of the com- 
mittee. In the first place, I think the 
thing is not fully understood. There 
are three parts to this platform. It is 
not the most perfect platform that every 
single person on the Platform Commit- 
tee would have liked to see. It had to 
be hurried through within two days, or 
we would have taken longer, so that we 
had the alternative of turning it in here 
as you have it there or throwing it on 
the floor. 

There are three parts, as you notice. 
The first is called the preamble, although 
I have very little use for the name. I 
think there ought to be one declaration 
of principles. The preamble is offered 
to you as a sort of permanent statement, 
a thing that can be kept standing in 
those Socialist papers that wish to keep 
some regular statement of Socialism in 
their columns all the time, whether fol- 
lowed or not by the immediate demands. 
I believe Berger will consent that the 
comrades of Washington and Oklahoma 
shall print that portion at the head of 
their paper and not say anything about 
the other if they do not feel like it, 
although they may want to talk about it. 
But as a matter of fact, this is a declara- 
tion of principles. Personally I believe 
the other parts are of equal or more im- 
portance. 

The second portion is intended as what 
is ordinarily called a platform, an indict- 
ment of present conditions. 

And having explained Socialism, and 
having indicted present conditions, it is 
then for us to saj' what we propose to 
fight for, what we want, and there we 
say to our comrades that in Chicago and 
New York and Milwaukee and St. Louis, 
wherever there is a great city, we are 
fighting not on the soap box alone. 



There is no single day in the last year 
and a half that there has not been a 
bitter fight on of some kind in the city 
of Chicago, on which the Socialist party 
had to take some party action, on the 
soap box, in the . paper, and wherever 
it had any chance or place to fight. We 
were in the fight, we were in the class 
struggle, and not talking about the class 
struggle. (Applause.) And because of 
that fact, because of the fact that we 
have got fights here all the time, be- 
cause this battle is on here, we want 
you to adopt this report of the Platform 
Committee as a whole, with its declara- 
tion of principles, its indictment of pres- 
ent society, and its program of the 
things that we are going to fight for. 

Now, it is said against this that we 
ought simply to say that when we elect 
people in the legislatures or anywhere 
we should make the question of the atti- 
tude and the effect of any measure on 
the working class their standard of ac- 
tion. I prefer that this convention shall 
decide what is in the interest of the 
working class rather than that a com- 
mittee shall. (Applause.) I believe in 
democratic rule. I believe in the rule of 
the rank and file, and I think we are to 
have a larger representation of the rank 
and file here in this city or state, that 
we shall have some men elected to the 
legislature or the municipality, and it is 
for us to say here what is to the interest 
of the working class and what is not to 
the interest of the working class. (Ap- 
plause.) We want to show what the; 
class struggle is, so that when our speak- 
ers go to the people we may be sure that 
they know what that means. Let us see 
that they know what they are talking 
about; and that they fill the people with 
something besides hot air. (Applause.) 
And, therefore, I want to ask you, com- 
rades, that when this comes to a vote 
you vote to adopt the report of the com- 
mittee, and then refer it to a committee 
to smooth out the language, and you will 
have had both reports before you, and 
when it is published you can see it, so 
that the committee cannot do any jug- 
gling with it. So I ask you to adopt the 
report. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The previous 
question is now to be put. 

DEL. WILLIAMS (Minn.) : I move- 
that the vote be called by roll-call. 
(Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is any 
useful purpose to be served by the roll- 



call, of course the convention can have 
it if it wants it. It consumes almost 
twenty minutes to take the roll-call. 

DEL. SIMONS : I rise to a point of 
order. It takes a majority to call for 
the roll-call. We are all on record on 
this. 

THE CHAIRMAN : As many as are 
in favor of the motion to adopt will say 
aye. Opposed by the same sign. The 
motion is carried. 

DEL. MORGAN (111.) : I move that 
the rules covering the discussion after 
the previous question is moved be 
changed. 

THE CHAIRMAN : You desire a re- 
consideration ? 

DEL. MORGAN : Yes, so that no one 
can be heard except the chairman of the 
committee whose report is under con- 
sideration. If I get a second I will tell 
the reason why. 

The motion to reconsider was sec- 
onded and carried. 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved and seconded that after the previ- 
ous question has been ordered it be the 
rule of this convention that no one but 
the person offering the resolution or the 
chairman of the committee offering it 
shall have the privilege of speaking. 

The motion was carried. 

Del. Maynard moved that the report 
of the Woman's Committee be the first 
order of business after adjournment. 
(Seconded.) 

Del. Solomon moved to amend that 
the report of the Committee on Consti- 
tution be the first order of business, on 
ihe ground of its greater importance. 
The motion was seconded and carried 
;is amended. 



INTERNATIONAL SECRETARY. 

DEL. LEE (N. Y.) : A point of 
order. On Monday, I believe, the con- 
vention voted that it would elect the 
Secretary to the International Socialist 
Bureau. That was, I believe, regularly 
on the order of business about two days 
ago, but was, as the chairman for that 
day informed me, inadvertently missed. 
My point of order is that the election of 
the Delegate or Secretary to the Inter- 
national Socialist Bureau should be 
taken up. 

THE CHAIRMAN: It may be taken 
up right now, if you like. It lacks ten 
minutes of adjourning time yet, and we 
can dispose of it in ten minutes. 

DEL. LEE : We are to elect a Secre- 
tary to the International Socialist Bu- 
reau ; that is to say, a representative of 
the Socialist party of America in what 
we may call the central committee of the 
Socialist party of the world. We have 
a secretary representative in that body 
already in the person of Morris Hill- 
quit, who has served there since the last 
convention. I nominate Comrade Mor- 
ris Hillquit for that position here. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Are there any 
further nominations ? 

It was moved and seconded to close 
the nominations. 

There being no further nominations, 
the chair declared the nominations 
closed, and Del. Hillquit was then unani- 
mously elected. 

COMMITTEE ON EDITING PLAT- 
FORM. 

It was moved and carried to elect a 
committee on the literary features of the 
platform. 

Lee, Simons and Berger were elected. 

The convention then, at 12:40, ad- 
journed until 2 p. m. 



1 



230 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 
AFTERNOON SESSION 



Chairman Wheat called the conven- 
tion to order at 2 o'clock. 

CANADIAN FRATERNAL 
DELEGATES. 

DEL. WORK (Iowa): I wish to 
move that the first order of business 
tomorrow morning to be to hear 
from the fraternal delegates from the 
Dominion of Canada. 

The motion was seconded and car- 
ried. 

Del. Branstetter called attention to 
the omission of the name of Del. Wills 
of Oklahoma from the ballot for the 
election of a Committee on Farmers' 
Program, and the delegates were re- 
quested to make pencil corrections 
accordingly. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON 
CONSTITUTION. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Commit- 
tee on Constitution has the floor. Will 
the delegates listen to the Committee 
on Constitution? 

Del. Gaylord, of Wisconsin, chair- 
man of the Committee on Constitu- 
tion, then made the following report 
on behalf of that committee: 

DEL. GAYLORD: I think the 
committee may be permitted a word 
by way of preface. We realize that 
some of these matters may not be 
agreed upon. The majority of the 
committee have agreed upon some 
things, which, frankly, we do not ex- 
pect the convention to accept at this 
time, according to reports that have 
reached us; but we have used our 
best information and our best thought, 
and what we recommend is, we be- 
lieve, in line with an efficient organi- 
zation. If you decide otherwise, it is 
for you to do so. 

Section 1, article I, is the same as 
the original draft. 

Article I. 
Section 1. The name of this or- 
ganization shall be the Socialist 
Party, except in states where a dif- 
ferent name has become or may 
become a legal requirement. 
It was moved and seconded that the 
article be adopted. Carried. 

Article II, section 1, was read as 
follows: 



Article II. 
Section 1. Every person, resi- 
dent of the United States, of the 
age of eighteen and upward, with- 
out distinction of sex, race, color or 
creed, who has severed his connec- 
tion with all other political parties^ 
and subscribes to the principles of 
the Socialist Party, shall be eligible 
to membership in the party. 

DEL. STARKWEATHER (Cal.):' 
Instead of the two words "distinction 
of" I wish to insert the three word.s 
"discrimination as to." It will then 
read, "Every person, resident of the 
United States, of the age of eighteen 
years and upward, without discrimi- 
nation as to sex, race, color or creed." 

THE CHAIRMAN: Do you make 
a motion? 

DEL. STARKWEATHER: I make 
a motion that this change be made. 

The amendment was seconded and 
carried. 

DEL. CANNON (Ariz.): I wish 
to oflfer another amendment to the 
same paragraph. I oflfer this amend- 
ment on account of something that 
came up in our local a few weeks ago. 
I move to amend by inserting so as 
to make it read as follows: "without 
distinction," or as amended by the 
comrade, "of sex, race, color or creed, 
who is not on the unfair list of or- 
ganized labor." (Amendment not 
seconded.) Now, in a few words I 
will explain my position. For nine 
months last year we had a strike in 
Bisbee, not for the closed shop, but 
for the open shop. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Excuse nw 
a moment. Do I hear a second to the 
motion? 

The amendment was seconded... 

THE CHAIRMAN: Proceed. 

DEL. CANNON: We had a striki- 
not with the closed shop, but with tiir 
open shop. 

DEL. MORGAN (111.): A point of 
order. The amendment would let in 
several detnocrats and republicans. 

THE CHAIRMAN: No, that is 
not a point of order. 

DEL. MORGAN: Yes, it is, 

THE CHAIRMAN: That is a^l| 
argument on the question. 

DEL. CANNON: After the strikol 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



231 



— that strike was to give us the privi- 
lege of working if we had the little 
red card of the Socialist Party in our 
pocket, and if we had the union card 
in our pocket that was all right. We 
struck. When the strike was over 
I hose people who had been unfair 
Irom beginning to end and wanted to 
■AO out to the world with a clear repu- 
lation made application in the So- 
cialist local, and I am sorry to say 
I hat at a packed meeting on one oc- 
casion one of them was admitted into 
membership in the Socialist Party, 
although it was done by vmfair means, 
and that man is free to go anywhere 
in the United States. You all know 
I hat the little red card of the Social- 
ist party is an evidence of member- 
ship, of comradeship, a respectable 
ilocument to show anywhere, and I 
just want to keep it that way. 

DEL. MORGAN: I move to lay 
I he amendment on the table. (Sec- 
onded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: Those in fa- 
vor of laying the amendment on the 
I able will says aye. Opposed, no. 
The chair is in doubt as to the result 
if the vote. Those in favor of laying 
I lie amendment on the table will raise 
I heir hands. 

DEL. O. F. BRANSTETTER 
(Okla.): Does the chair rule that 
when the amendment is laid on the 
table that carries the section with it? 

THE CHAIRMAN: No, the 
.imendment is that after the word 
"creed" there be introduced "and who 
IS not unfair from the labor union 
point of view." 

DEL. STRICKLAND: I ask for 
.mother reading of that. 

DEL. CANNON: "Who is not on 
I he unfair list of organized labor." 

THE CHAIRMAN: "Who is not 
1111 the unfair list of organized labor." 
'\s many as are in favor of laying the 
.iniendment on the table will raise the 
iiKht hand and hold it up until count- 
iil. Those who are opposed to lay- 
ing it on the table will raise their 
hands. There is no need of counting. 
The motion is carried and the amend- 
ment is laid on the table. 

DEL. WILKE (Ga.): I move that 
we insert the words "or her" after 
I ho word "his." In other words, if 
\\c adopt it, it will read "without dis- 
linction of sex, race, color or creed. 



who has severed his or her connection 
with all other political parties." 

THE CPIAIRMAN: Is there a 
second? No second. 

It was moved to lay the amend- 
ment on the table. 

THE CHAIRMAN: There is no 
second to the original motion. 

DEL. STIRTON (Mich.): A point 
of information, if the chair can decide 
or if there is some grammarian pres- 
ent who can decide this for me. In 
collections such as this I think that 
ordinarily masculine nouns are used, 
but they are common nouns in gen- 
der. Is that correct? 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair will 
state that ordinarily it is understood 
in what is called the generic sense. 

DEL. STIRTON: That is what I 
wanted to state. 

THE CHAIRMAN: They include 
both sexes. That is ordinarily under- 
stood. However^ that is a matter for 
this convention to decide. 

DEL HQGAN (Ark.): I desire to 
offer an amendment to section 1 of 
Article II, striking out the following 
words: "of the age of eighteen years 
and upward." (Seconded.) In sup- 
port of that amendment, comrades 
and fellow delegates, I desire to say 
that I am acquainted with a number 
of cases of young men and. young la- 
dies who are bright and earnest stu- 
dents of the Socialist philosophy and 
who desire to affiliate with the party 
and bear their just proportion of the 
expense of the maintenance of the 
organization, and who ought to be 
permitted to join, but owing to this 
provision in our national constitution 
they are unable to do so. In the in- 
terest of the organization and for 
this purpose I oflfer this amendment, 
and I hope it will carry without any 
discussion. 

DEL. GERBER (N. Y.) : Mr. Chair- 
man, I am opposed to the amendment 
offered by the delegate over there. 
I think if we do anything at all we 
ought to extend the age limit and 
not cut it down. Now, this is a po- 
litical party to a very large extent, 
and there is hardly a state in the 
Union in which a man can vote be- 
fore he is at least twenty-one years 
of age, and by this amendment you 
are going to make our party com- 
posed of little boys and girls, sixteen. 



232 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



233 



fifteen, fourteen and thirteen years 
old. If we can get the young people 
interested in the Socialist movement 
let the comrades organize them in 
Sunday schools or otherwise and . 
bring them up to become Socialists, 
and when they get to the age of 
eighteen they will understand the 
philosophy of Socialism and they will 
be a help to us, and not have little 
boys and girls in the party organiza- 
tion. (Applause.) Mr. Chairrnan 
and fellow delegates, this is no child- 
play affair. This is not an admiration 
society. We go in to do certain work, 
and this party is organized to do cer- 
tain work, and we want to have grown 
people to do the work. We don't 
care to have children in the party, 
but when they grow up they will be 
ready to become members of the 
party. 

DEL. McDEVITT (Cal.) : I move 
to lay the amendment on the table. 

The motion to lay on the table was 
carried. 

DEL. KRAFFT (N. J.): I move 
that the word "twenty-one" be sub- 
stituted for "eighteen." (Seconded.) 
I give you to understand that our 
members participate in the primaries, 
and if we make nominations of boys 
of eighteen our nominations will be 
contested. We must have men twen- 
ty-one vears of age. 

del: SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I 
move that that be tabled. We are 
tired of this child's play. We don't 
want a kindergarten. 

The amendment was laid on the 
table. . , 

DEL. SNYDER (Kan.): I wish to 
ask the committeemen why they did 
not bring these objections up while 
they were in the committee, instead of 
delaying matters now. This man was 
on the committee. 

DEL. ANDERSON (Minn.): I 
move to adopt the report as amended. 
The motion was seconded and Sec- 
tion 1 of Article II was adopted as 
amended. 

The next section was read as fol- 
lows : 

Section 2. Any person occupying 
a position, honorary or remunera- 
tive, by gift of any other political 
party (civil service positions ex- 
cepted) shall not be eligible to 
membership in the Socialist Party. 



It was moved and seconded that tho' 
section be adopted. 

DEL. ROSS (Okla.): A point of 
information from that committee. One 
time in my state, Oklahoma, I found 
a man who was holding a commission 
as a notary public, and when wc 
brought the attention of the State 
Committee to that fact there was a 
question raised. I want to say to yon 
that he is a good Socialist and has 
been the secretary of the local ever 
since he has been a member of the 
party, and that is more than two 
years. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You are desir- 
ing information as to whether the po- 
sition of notary public is a political 
position? 

DEL. ROSS: Yes. 
THE CHAIRMAN: We will hear 
from the chairman of the committee. 
DEL. ROSS: Mr. Chairman, my 
party — 

THE CHAIRMAN: No, let us get 
the information. Never mind what 
your party did. 

DEL. ROSS: No, but here is what 
I want to say. It was brought to the 
State Committee; I brought it up as 
a state committeeman. One of the 
committee replied that the National 
Executive Committee ruled that it wao 
not a political gift. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Let us hear 
what the opinion of the chairman of 
the committee is. 

DEL. GAYLORD: In the opinion 
of the committee such an office — well, 
I cannot speak for the committee, 
since the matter did not come up in 
any of our sessions, but if you ask 
me I would say that generally the of 
fice of notary public is not considered 
a political office. 

DEL. ROSS: That is what 1 
wanted to know. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
obiection to this section? 

DEL. O. F. BRANSTETTEK 
(Okla.): I move to amend by sub' 
stituting the words, "elective or ap 
pointive," before the word "position." 
DEL. GAYLORD: A notary public 
is appointed. 

THE CHAIRMAN: There is im 
second. 

DEL. ANDERSON (Minn.): I 
move to amend in the third line nf 
Section 2, after the word "any," by 



niserting the words "party other than 
the Socialist Party." In some states 
we put up tickets that don't declare 
for Socialism, and we are not clear 
whether that is against our laws or 
not. I move to adopt the amendment. 
( Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: Let the chair 
state it as the chair understands it. 

DEL. ANDERSON: I will read it 
if you wish. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Very well, 
read it as it should be. 

DEL. ANDERSON: "Section 2. 
Any person occupying a position, 
honorary or remunerative, by gift of 
any party other than the Socialist 
Party (civil service positions ex- 
cepted), shall not be eligible to mem- 
bership in the Socialist Party." 

The amendment was carried, and 
the section as amended was adopted. 
The next section was read: 

Section 3. A member who de- 
sires to transfer his membership 
from a local in one state to a local 
in another state may do so upon the 
presentation of his card showing 
him to be in good standing at the 
time of asking for such transfer. 
DEL. McDEVITT (Cal.): That 
should be "from the party in one state 
to the party in another state." There 
are m.embers at large in several states. 
DEL. GAYLORD: Where do you 
insert, and what do you insert? 

DEL. McDEVITT: "A member 
who desires to transfer his member- 
ship from the party in one state to 
the party in another state." 

A DELEGATE: That will not 
make any provision for transferring 
from one local to another local in the 
same state. 

THE CHAIRMAN: That is a 
matter for the state constitution. As 
many as favor this say aye. Opposed. 
The motion seems to be carried. It 
is so ordered. 

DEL. HAZLETT (Mont.) : I would 
like to amend by inserting — -I think 
the application card of the party 
should have a pharse which states 
that each one who signs that card 
shall believe in political action, and I 
vV'Ould like to speak if I can get a sec- 
ond. I have not stated it very clearly. 
THE CHAIRMAN: I wish the 
delegate would get that in a little 
more definite order and find the ex- 



act place where it ought to go, and 
then we can go on with something 
else. 

DEL. HAZLETT: I have it in the 
forrn of a resolution, but not fixed to 
go in there as a condition of mem- 
bership in the party, and that is what 
I want. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Can you get 
it in words that will be coherent to 
the convention? 

DEL. HAZLETT: If I do that 
will I have a chance? 

THE CHAIRMAN: I will rec- 
ognize you then, yes. 

DEL. GAYLORD: I will say to 
Comrade Hazlett that that would be- 
long properly in Section 1 of Article 
II. 

DEL. HAZLETT: It will be in- 
serted in Section 1? 

DEL. GAYLORD: That is where 
it should be, if it goes in. Prepare it 
for the purpose of introducing it. 

DEL. HAZLETT: I will. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I will give 
you a chance later on. 

The next section was read: 

Section 4. No member of the 

party in any state or territory, 

shall under any pretext interfere 

with the regular or organized 

movement in any other state. 

Adopted without discussion. 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT (Wash.): 
I wish to add a clause. There is a 
very conspicuous vacancy in this ar- 
ticle, and that vacancy is in regard 
to the membership pledge. We had 
an article in the old constitution 
which read something like this: "All 
persons wishing to join the Socialist 
Party must sign the following^ 
pledge," and the pledge was inserted' 
in the constitution, and that pledge 
belongs in the constitution, and I 
move that this article in the old con- 
stitution which deals with that pledge 
be inserted in this constitution as a 
separate section. (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: You will have 
it as Section S of Article II. 

DEL. A. M. SIMONS (111.): I 
rise to a point of order, that that does 
not state the article in the old con- 
stitution. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair 
rules that as the point is technically 
sustained, but not — 

DEL. SLAYTON: It does not ex- 



* 



234 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



ist. How can we introduce a certain 
clause in the old constitution which 
does not exist? 

DEL. WILLIAMS (Minn.): I 
have a cop}^ of the old constitution, 
and I cannot find any such passage 
at all in it. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Does the 
comrade from Washington desire to 
renew his motion under another 
clause? 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT: Yes, I 
make the following as an amendment 
to a separate clause in this article to 
read as follows: 

Section S. All persons joining 
the Socialist Party shall sign the 
following pledge: I, the under- 
signed, recognizing the class strug- 
gle between the capitalist class 
and the working class and the ne- 
cessity of the working class coti- 
stituting themselves into a politi- 
cal party distinct from and opposed 
to all parties formed by the proper- 
tied class, hereby declare that I 
have severed my relations with all 
other parties, that I endorse the 
platform and constitution of the 
Socialist Party, and hereby apply 
for admission to said party. 
Amendment seconded. 
DEL. MORGAN (111.): There was 
a section adopted a while ago which 
provided that those who apply shall 
give up their rnembership in any other 
party. 

DEL. REYNOLDS (Ind.) : Section 
1, Article II, covers that whole 
amendment which the comrade over 
there offers, and I move that we lay 
this on the table. 

DEL. GERBER (N. Y.): Does the 
■motion of the delegate from Wash- 
ington come before the house? 

THE CHAIRMAN: It is before the 
house, and there is a motion to lay 
it upon the table. 

DEL. GERBER: Then I second 
the motion to lay on the table. 

THE CHAIRMAN: It is already 
seconded. As many as favor it say 
aye. Opposed, the same. The motion 
to lay on the table is lost. 

DEL. GERBER: I ask for the 
floor. 

THE CHAIRMAN: This comrade 
(Del. Work) has the floor. 

DEL. WORK (Iowa): I move to 
amend by striking out the expression 



"propertied class" and insert the ex- 
pression "capitalist class." , (Sec- 
onded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: You have 
heard the amendment, that the words 
'■propertied class" be stricken out 
and the words "capitalist class" be in- 
serted. 

DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): A point of 
order. There is a motion before the 
house. 

THE CHAIRMAN: This is a mo- 
tion to amend the motion before the 
house. It is proper and in order. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : You' 
provide a certain general provision in 
this constitution, and then you want 
to provide how to carry it out, but 
you don't provide forms. If you want 
to do so you can in the first clause 
provide the form of application blank. 
THE CHAIRMAN: If you will 
excuse me, I will ask you to speak 
simply to the question as to whether 
you prefer "capitalist class" or "prop- 
ertied class." 

DEL. SLOBODIN: Can't I speak 
on this question? 

THE CHAIRMAN: Not until the 
main question is settled 

DEL. HAGEL (Okla.): I don't 
thmk we ought to have in there 
"propertied class" or the other word ' 
either, because there may be a party 
formed that does not consist of the 
propertied class; they may have a 
union labor party, and we want to 
vote against them the same as ve 
want to vote against any other party; 
therefore I oppose that. 

Del. A. M. Simons moved the pre- 
vious question. (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: If the com- 
rade will hold it in abeyance for a 
moment I will put the motion 

DEL. FIELDMAN (N. Y.): 

Wouldn't it be better to say, "all" 

THE CHAIRMAN: You are out 
of order. As many as are in favor of 
the amendment will say aye. 

A DELEGATE: Which amend 
ment is that? 

THE CHAIRMAN: The amend 
ment of Comrade Work,, to substitute 
"capitalist class" for "propertied 
class." 

DEL. POPE (Mo.): A question 
of information. I think that would 
have reference to the propertied 
class and other classes. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



235 



i. 



THE CHAIRMAN: No, some one 
suggested that, but the convention 
took no action. 

DEL. GERBER (N. Y.): A point 
of information. I would like to be 
informed, if this amendment is de- 
feated or accepted will the main ques- 
tion then be open 'for debate? 

THE CHAIRMAN: Certainly. 

DEL. GERBER: All right. 

THE CHAIRMAN: As many as 
are in favor of the amendment say 
aye. Opposed, no. The amendment 
is lost. 

DEL. GERBER: I rise to speak on 
the main question. I am opposed to 
the motion or to the clause offered by 
the delegate from Washington. I am 
opposed to it for the following rea- 
sons: I do not think it necessary for 
the constitution to prescribe every lit- 
tle form that will be used in our or- 
ganization, because all that is neces- 
sary in our constitution is to state 
the qualification for membership of 
any one who applies for membership, 
and Section 1, Article II, defines that 
explicitly. It says, "Every person, 
resident of the United States, of the 
age of eighteen years or upward, 
without distinction of sex, race, color 
or creed, who has severed his con- 
nection with all other pohtical par- 
ties, and subscribes to the principles 
of the Socialist Party, shall be ^eligi- 
ble to membership in the party." So 
that implies that when the application 
is made we will have the question in 
it that I state that I have severed my 
connection with all other political 
parties, that I do subscribe to the 
constitution of the Socialist Party, 
that I do subscribe to the platform of 
the Socialist party, and therefore am 
eligible to membership in the Social- 
ist Party. If I cannot do that I am 
not eligible. Hence it is unnecessary 
for us to waste time here and waste 
space in our constitution, because it 
is a matter of detail for our National 
Secretary to get the application blank 
up. 

DEL. BOOMER (Wash.): I favor 
the proposed new article or new sec- 
lion, for the simple reason that the 
iiledge of membership should be uni- 
form in all the states and the national 
organization should decide what that 
Iiledge of membership shall be, and 
not leave it to each state, perhaps to 



have a different clause; but it is sim- 
ply to have uniformity in the organi- 
zation that I favor it. We have had 
it before and it did no harm. Let 
us continue the same. 

DEL. GUY WILLIAMS (Minn.): 
In answer to the remarks of the last 
comrade that spoke, it seems to me 
that it is unnecessary for us to go 
into all the details of the executive 
duties of the executive officers of this 
party. It is left in their charge. The 
function of this convention is not an 
executive one, but a legislative one, 
and I believe we ought to leave to 
the executive officers the matter of 
drawing up all the different forms 
and other things of that kind that are 
necessarily the function of the ex- 
ecutive branch of the organization. 

The previous question was moved. 

Del. Bradford of California took 
the floor. 

DEL. A. M. SIMONS: I rise to 
a point of order. I moved the pre- 
vious question and was recognized by 
the chair and it was accepted, and I 
have yielded to but one member to 

crt pa It 

THE CHAIRMAN: The point is 
well taken. 

A DELEGATE: I make a point of 
order that the question was not put 
when he offered it. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The point is 
well taken and the chair will decide 
that we are to vote now as to whether 
the previous question shall be put. 
As many as want to put the previous 
question say aye. Opposed, the 
same sign. The motion is carried. 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT (Wash.): 
I do not agree with Delegate Williams 
of Minnesota. I think we need a lit- 
tle more than our National Executive 
Committee, and even our National 
Committee, this convention does. 
Now, it is not a question as to whether 
or not the first section of this article 
states the qualifications for member- 
ship, but it is a question as to whether 
or not we shall have a pledge, an of- 
ficial pledge, a constitutional pledge, 
a pledge provided for in the constitu- 
tion, so that no state can say, "This 
is our pledge," when that pledge may 
not be a pledge that is in conformity 
with Socialist Party principles, ac- 
cording to the constitution at present. 
By that I mean this, according to the 



■i 



236 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



237 



constitution of the Socialist Party, 
with that pledge left out, anybody 
can say he believes in our principles 
and can thereby become a member 
without any other qualifications. 
(An interruption.) 
DEL. WAGENKNECHT: I will 
speak my full five minutes, if you 
please. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Of course you 
will. Go on. 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT: Thank 
you. It seems to me to be the opin- 
ion here that the different state or- 
ganizations can take into the party 
anybody they please. Now, I say we 
should have a uniform pledge. We 
should make the person who wishes 
to join our party sign this pledge. 
We should make a person who wishes 
to join our party understand that 
the only way he can join our party is 
by signing the Socialist Party pledge. 
Now, the only way you can make 
this positive is by making a law, and 
the only way you can make a law is 
by including a pledge in the consti- 
tution. 

Question called for. 
THE CHAIRMAN: According to 
the motion that was passed with ref- 
erence to the previous question, no 
other speaker would be in order. As 
many as are in favor of the amend- 
ment offered by the delegate — 

A DELEGATE: A point of in- 
formation. Has the National Execu- 
tive Committee done away with the 
pledge cards entirely? 

DEL. SLOBODIN: No, we have 
got them anyhow. 

DEL. KUNATH (Ind.): I ask if 
this pledge that has just been read is 
not the uniform application card that 
is issued by the national office? 

THE CPI AIRMAN: It is the reg- 
ular pledge, which seems to be not 
provided for anj^where else in the 
constitution. 

DEL. GAYLORD: I want to ask 
the comrades or the chairman if any- 
body can answer whether the adop- 
tion of this would compel the Social 
Democratic Party of Wisconsin to 
use this form. We could not use it 
there. What would we do? The 
name of our party is the Social Dem- 
ocratic Party. 

DEL. WAGENKNECKT: Use 



the pledge with "Social Democratic" 
in it. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair 
would suppose that Section 1 of Ar- 
ticle I would necessarily cover that 
point. 

DEL. MORGAN (111.):, Accordhig 
to that pledge I will have to sell my 
house and lot before I can get into 
the party. 

THE CHAIRMAN: In answer to 
that I will say that we have all 
signed that pledge, every one of us. 

DEL. KERR (111.): A question of 
information. Is it not true that the 
proposition of the comrade from 
Washington is but a reiteration of our 
pledge that we have already signed, 
all of us. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. ,-■ Let me 
state; I will answer you. It is pre- 
cisely the effort, as I understand it, of 
the comrade who introduced the 
resolution, to get a pledge into the 
constitutional law of the party. 

DEL. KERR (111.): Yes, that is 
right. 

THE CPIAIRMAN: As many as 
favor the motion offered by the dele- 
gate from Washington say aye. Op- 
posed, by the same. The motion is 
carried and it is so ordered. The 
committee will proceed. 

DEL. HAZLETT (Mont.): I want 
to ask for information. You said that 
before we got through with Article 
II, I might present my amendment, 
and this is the ptace. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Not neces- 
sarily. At any time when you have it 
finished, any particular time you ask 
for the floor I will see that you have it. 
DEL. HAZLETT: This is the 
place to put in my amendment. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Are you abso- 
lutely ready? 

DEL. HAZLETT: Yes. 
THE CHAIRMAN: Then we will 
hear Comrade Hazlett. 

DEL, HOGAN (Ark.) : Before wc 
pass to Article III? 

THE CHAIRMAN: Nothing is ill 
order but the matter of Comrade 
Hazlett of Montana. 

DEL. HAZLETT: I move that the 
first section of the article on mem- 
bership shall be changed to read this 
way: "Every person, resident of the 
United States, of the age of eighteen 
years and upward, without distinction,! 



nf sex, race, color or creed, who has 
severed his connection with all other 
political parties, and subscribes to the 
l>rinciples of the Socialist party, in- 
cluding political action, shall be 
rligible to membership in the party." 
That every application for member- 
ship shall also include specifically 
that clause, belief in political action. 
sVlso that there shall be a section 
added to the membership article, a 
penalty clause to read like this: 

"Section 6. Any person who op- 
poses political action as a weapon of 
I he working class to aid in its eman- 
cipation, shall be asked to withdraw 
from the party." 

Amendment seconded. The reading 
of the amendment was received with 
applause. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair 
rules that the motion really includes 
three propositions, and with the con- 
sent of the mover and of the conven- 
tion I would like to divide the mo- 
lion. The first covering the amend- 
ment to Section 1; the second 
covering the amendment to the 
pledge, which would be our newly 
adopted Section 5; and the third, the 
Section 6 which is proposed to be 
added. Now, if the comrade will 
confine her remarks to the first part 
of that we will get that disposed of, 
and pass on and take them up one by 
one. They are really three proposi- 
lions. ... , .. 

DEL. HAZLETT: I will do so, if 
I may be allowed to speak on each 
one, especially the last. 

DEL. MILLER (Nev.) : A point 
nf order. The convention has already 
.idopted an amendment as to discrim- 
ination in sex. 

THE CHAIRMAN: She did not 
lake that into consideration, but that 
is a matter which we all understand, 
as to the "distinction." 

DEL. MORGAN (111.): I move 
I he previous question on the first 
clavise. 

Motion seconded by Del. Berlyn. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair 
u-ould rule that Comrade Hazlett has 
I he floor. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. _Y.) : She 
lias the floor on the previous ques- 
lidii, anyhow. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, she will 
liavc the floor afterwards, anyway. 



Yovi can yield if you want to right 
now. As many as favor the previous 
question, say aye. Opposed. It is 
so ordered. 

DEL. HAZLETT: I simply want 
to state that when the time comes I 
wish to speak to the motion on the 
last part, on the necessity of having 
the phrase "political action" in the 
application and in the constitution. 
It seems to me that if we have this all 
persons who join the Socialist party 
will take a pledge that they believe in 
political action, and then if they inter- 
fere with that pledge in any way, if 
they violate that pledge we can then 
bring the penalty part of the inotion 
that I made. That is all I have to say 
on that matter. 

Asst. Sec. Reilly read the pending 
amendment, as follows: 

"Moved by Hazlett of Montana to 
amend Article II, Section 1, to read: 
'Every person, resident of the United 
States, of the age of eighteen years 
and upward, without discrimination 
as to sex, race, color or creed, who 
has severed his connection with all 
other political parties, and subscribes 
to the principles of the Socialist party, 
including political action, shall be 
eligible to membership in the party.' " 

The amendment was put and car- 

ASST. SEC. DEL. REILLY: The 
second amendment of Comrade Haz- 
lett, if adopted, would read the same 
as the amendment offered and adopted 
from Comrade Wagenknecht, with the 
exception of the pledge that the ap- 
plicant would sign, that "I endorse 
the platform and constitution of the 
Socialist party, including the principle 
of political action." 

THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready 
for the question? 

Question called for. 

DEL. OSBORNE (Cal.) : A point 
of information. Have we any other 
action except political action in the 
Socialist party? 

A DELEGATE: Yes. 

THE CHAIRMAN: As many as 
are in favor, say aye. Opposed, the 
same. The motion is carried and it 
is so ordered. The secretary will give 
us the third proposition. 

ASST. SEC. REILLY: The third 
proposition is to add a new section, 
to be known as Section 6, that "Any 



I'l, 



|t'l 



I.!' 

■i! 



ill 

■I. f 

! I 

: ii 



j 



■i 



1 



238 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



person in the party who opposes po- 
litical action as a weapon of the work- 
ing class to aid in its emancipation 
shall be asked to withdraw from the 
party." 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I op- 
pose that amendment for the reason 
that any person who deliberately vio- 
lates the constitution of the party 
cannot be asked to withdraw, but 
should be expelled, and I am opposed 
to any clause in the constitution that 
makes it optional with the various 
states to ask such a member to please 
kindly get out of the party. I there- 
fore move to amend the motion or 
amendment, whatever it may be, to 
read that "any person violating the 
pledge or the clause of the constitu- 
tion with regard to political action or 
any other action shall be expelled 
from the party." (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: An arnend- 
ment is made and seconded. Discus- 
sion is now on the amendment. Will 
the Secretary read the amendment? 

DEL. HAZLETT: It seems to me 
if this means that if any person vio- 
lates the pledge in the amendment al- 
ready adopted on political action such 
person is to be expelled, I will accept 
the amendment if I am allowed to 
speak on this amended clause. 

DEL. SPARGO: I would like to 
ask whether that means if the 
amendment is in the terms offered by 
Del. Solomon? 

A DELEGATE: Yes. 

DEL. SPARGO: The terms of- 
fered by Del. Solomon are not as sat- 
isfactory, but Comrade Hazlett ac- 
cepted them. It is not a question of 
any member violating the principle 
of political • action, as I imderstand, 
but that any person opposing political 
action shall be expelled from the So- 
cialist party. I believe that Comrade 
Solomon will accept that wording, 
and Comrade Hazlett will 

DEL. HAZLETT: Yes. 

DEL. SPARGO that any per- 
son opposing political action shall be 
expelled from the Socialist party. 

DEL. HAZLETT: Yes. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The amend- 
ment, then, is in the form stated by 
Comrade Spargo. Comrade Hazlett 
has the floor. 

DEL. SMITH (Tex.): I wish to 
ask, would an amendment or a sub- 



stitute for the whole be in order? W« 
have now a motion, and an amend- 
ment to the amendment. 

DEL. HAZLETT: I accepted in 
my motion the amendment. 

DEL. SMITH: Would an amend- 
ment to the amendment be in order, 
then? 

THE CHAIRMAN: An amend- 
ment is in order if the comrade hat 
one to offer. 

DEL. SMITH: I wish to amend 
the amendment to read that no state 
organization nor local organization in 
an unorganized state shall retain any 
member in its organization who hai 
violated that clause of the constitu- 
tion pertaining to the qualifications ai 
regards political action. I do this be- 
cause under our constitution the na- 
tional organization would have no 
power to decline or rather to expel 
any party member. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Del. Spargo, 
may I ask you, isn't that virtually all 
covered in your statement? 

DEL. SPARGO: I merely ask 
that the motion and amendment be 
reconciled. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes; but isn't 
virtually all that the comrade statci 
here covered in your amendment? 

DEL. SPARGO: I think so. 

DEL. HAZLETT: I wish to speak 
on my motion. 

DEL. FARRELL (Ohio) : A point 
of information. I would like to ask 
the chairman whether all the dele- 
gates here would have to sign an- 
other application? The obligation ill 
the Socialist party does not declare 
for political action. 

THE CHAIRMAN: There is no 
information that can be given, I 
think. It is a matter of private opin- 
ion, like religion. (Laughter.) It in 
not a question that I can answer or 
that anybody else can answer, but it 
is a matter of opinion. Del. Hazlcll 
has the floor. 

DEL. HAZLETT: Comrade Chair- '. 
man and Comrades: While this i.s n v 
new departure, I presume, in the hii- 
tory of the constitution of the Amcr 
ican Socialist party, to present a pen 
alty clause, I think we should do m \ 
because of the necessity that him 
arisen within the Socialist party itself, 
There has been some trouble in vn- 
tain parts of this country already wilh 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



239 



a very decided tendency to do away 
with the ballot as a means of emanci- 
pation of the working class. Espe- 
cially in the locals in the western part 
of this country, those under the 
teachings of the Western Federation 
of Miners and the Industrial Work- 
ers of the World, do we find the 
party membership advocating direct 
action in place of political action. 
(.A.pplause.) I have found this in a 
recent trip to the west. I have found 
it through the Nevada locals. I have 
found it in some of the mining locals, 
and I have found it on the coast; 
even to such an extent that certain 
persons in the local of Butte, have 
pointed with scorn to our members 
who are advocating the political 
party and have called them maniacs. 
T wish to say, since this has come up, 
since we are scorned for advocatirig 
the ballot, there is such a menace in 
it that I have heard persons speak on 
the coast — and one of the men is in 
this convention, who was a speaker 
for the Socialist party — that would 
stand up and say to a crowd, "We 
don't ask your votes and we don't 
care whether we have your votes or 
not." Now, since this is the condi- 
tion we face, a condition that is 
spreading, the demand for direct 
:iction, saying that we will get noth- 
ing by the ballot and nothing can be 
■■ichieved by the ballot, I say it is the 
direct child of those revolutionary 
tactics (applause) by which theydo 
not want to do anything by political 
action in existing society. I wish to 
liave the constitution of the American 
Socialist party so framed that we can 
send out the word to the locals 
throughout the country so that they 
will know, when any man gets on the 
lloor of a local and begins to sneer 
at political action, that we shall have 
a guaranty of his expulsion from the 
party. (Applause.) 

DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): Comrade 
riiairman and Comrades 

A DELEGATE: What's the mat- 
in- with the women? 

DEL. PREVEY: Let us get cooled 
n(T a little while and get our reason- 
iiifC faculties in working order. What 
are we here for. in the first place? 

A DELEGATE: Political action. 

DEL. PREVEY: We are here_ as 
the representatives of the political 



party. We are drafting a constitut- 
tion in order that we may carry on 
the political party. When anyone 
signs an application saying that he 
subscribes to the principles of the 
Socialist political party, what in the 
name of common sense is he subscrib- 
ing to? I would be ashamed to have 
the constitution of the Socialist party 
go out from this convention with a 
lot of superfluous language tacked 
on. (Applause.) I want an oppor- 
tunity to speak on this clause before 
it is adopted, but owing to the fact 
that a whole lot of people here seemed 
to want to get up and show that they 
could make a Socialist speech, we 
wasted a lot of valuable time. (Ap- 
plause.) Please don't applaud; I want 
all of my time. And now we are 
rushing through the most important 
part of this convention and drafting 
the means by which we are going to 
carry on the work of the Socialist 
party. In the name of common 
sense, let us give this careful consid- 
eration, and do not, in an important 
part of the work of this convention, 
in the constitution, make babies of 
ourselves. This is what clause that 
we are amending 

THE CHAIRMAN: We are on the 
addition of a new clause. 

DEL. PREVEY: I believe the ad- 
dition of a new clause. With the 
permission of those delegates, the ad- 
dition of a new clause is directly con- 
cerned with what we have just adopt- 
ed. I cannot make a motion, but I 
hope some other comrade will after 
I get through talking. The first 
clause I want to read because it bears 
a certain relation to the amendment 
that we are considering; that is why 
T want to read it: "Article II, Sec- 
tion L Every person, resident of the 
United States, of the age of eighteen 
years and upward, without distinction 
of sex, race, color or creed, who has 
severed his connection with all other 
political parties, and subscribes to the 
principles of the Socialist party, shall 
be eligible to membership in the 
party." What in the name of common 
sense have we got "party" in there 
for, if we don't mean political party? 
(Applause.) Why are we tacking a 
whole lot of superfluous language on^ 
there? It would read this way: 
"Subscribes to the principles of the 



1! 



240 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MA\' lo. 



party, and who believes in political 
action." When we sign the applica- 
tion it means that we subscribe to the 
principles of the political party, and 
if there are any in the locals any- 
where that do not believe in political 
action it is the duty of the comrades 
to throw them out of the window or 
somewhere else. (Applause.) Don't 
let us be babies, and I hope some 
comrade will have the good sense to 
offer a substitute for the whole. I 
cannot do it because it would not be 
according to parliamentary law. I 
move a reconsideration. 

DEL. BRADFORD: A question of 
personal privilege. I do not desire 
to take up the time of the convention, 
but I feel that in justice to the Cali- 
fornia delegates and our constituents 
I should state that I do not know any 
of our brothers who is guilty of what 
Ida Crouch Hazlett has charged, and 
I do not believe it is true. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): If it 
is the desire of this convention to give 
the national organization jurisdiction 
over individual members, admitting 
them into the membership of the 
party or expelling them from the 
membership of the party, I think the 
constitution should so declare and it 
should be drafted with that end _ in 
view. But until now our constitution 
has no such provision. It was not 
contemplated to give the national or- 
ganization jurisdiction over the mern- 
bers. In the state autonomy clause, it 
was provided that the respective 
states should have exclusive jurisdic- 
tion over individual members (ap- 
plause), and the national organization 
should have jurisdiction over the 
state only. (Applause.) You can pro- 
vide in your national constitution that 
the state constitutions shall include 
certain sections, and if they do not in- 
clude them you can expel a state or 
discipline a state. You cannot dis- 
cipline any member under the present 
constitution that we are working un- 
der or under the constitution as it was 
drafted by your committee. You can- 
not discipline a member of the party 
except a member of the National 
Committee or of the National organ- 
ization. I wish Comrade Berger had 
taken a tumble to himself. If we were 
working under that clause he advo- 



cates now there would have been at a 
certain time in the history of our 
party a motion made to expel him 
from the party, because outside of the 
State of Wisconsin he would not be 
a member of the Socialist movement, 
of the Socialist party. I do not know 
whether at the present time I am op- 
posing such a mode of procedure or 
advocating it, but I say that is what 
that provision tends to, that is what 
it does. It says a member who acts 
in a certain way shall be expelled 
from the party, but you provide no 
mode of expelling him. What, will 
you do? You cannot tell the State of 
Wisconsin or the State of Montana 
to expel a member, for if the State of 
Wisconsin or the State of Montana 
refuses to expel, what can you do? 
Nothing. You have jurisdiction of 
the state. You can expel the State of 
Montana or the State of Wisconsin, 
that is all. Now, I say that under the 
scheme, under the principles involved 
in this constitution as to state au- 
tonomy, we should have no section 
providing for the expulsion of indi- 
vidual members of a state organiza- 
tion, but leaving that to the state or- 
ganizations, and we should reserve to 
ourselves jurisdiction over the state 
organizations. If a state does not 
act as we have provided in this con- 
stitution, then we can take care of the 
state. The second proposition I op- 
pose, as to political action. That is a 
matter of opinion, just as much as 
religion is. (Applause.) A man inay 
be in our party and advocate anything 
he pleases. So long as he expresses 
an opinion merely he is not liable to 
expulsion. He is only responsible for 
acts; if he votes for the other party, 
or refuses to vote the Socialist party 
ticket when he has an opportunity to 
do so, and it is shown that he ha.s 
done so. But we are not in a posi- 
tion to force him to take political 
action, and if he goes to his local and 
says, "I do not advocate or I am o)) 
posed to putting up a ticket at this 
time," and he votes so, he is not li 
able to expulsion, because then it is 
a question of opinion, and I would 
not expel a man for expressing hii 
opinions. I am not in favor <il 
adopting a clause in the constitution 
that a man may be expelled for r\ 
pressing his opinion. Therefore I am 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



241 



: 



opposed to this amendment. (Ap- 
plause.) 

DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.): I am op- 
posed to the amendment offered. 
Whenever I get tired of political ac- 
tion I will withdraw from the Social- 
ist party, and every honest man 
should do the same. (Applause.) 
Now, I believe in political action, but 
if political action will only be to se- 
cure votes and elect a few men to of- 
fice without having Socialism in view, 
then you will have more people who 
will be opposed to political action. A 
statement has been made by the com- 
rade from Montana that there is a 
great nvimber of people who are be- 
coming' opposed to political action, 
due to the fact that there is more op- 
portunism in the Socialist party today 
than yesterday. (Applause.) If you 
will watch our movement from to- 
day on you will find that as oppor- 
tunism grows, the opposition to po- 
litical action will also grow. (Ap- 
plause.) A few weeks ago I made a 
lour of the eastern states and the 
New England states where there was 
a large number of people who had 
just come from France, and we found 
that nearly every one of them was an 
:inarchist, and every anarchist we 
found coming from France had come 
from the cities where we have had 
.Socialist municipalities. They have 
come from the center of opportunism, 
where the Socialist party has been 
used simply to get office for a 
few individuals and not to further So- 
cialism. (Applause.) And just as this 
has grown in France and every other 
country, you will find that opposition 
lo the ballot will grow in this coun- 
I ry. But I hope that if that day ever 
comes when I shall become opposed to 
political action, I will have the honesty 

10 say, "My friends, I part with you 
.iiid will not wait to be expelled from 
I lie Socialist party." But I hope that 
lh;it day will never come, and that I 
sliall continue to be a Socialist, try- 
ing to get Socialism and not office for 

11 few individuals. 

DEL. BARZEE (Ore.): I want to 
I .ill your attention to the fact that 
lliis convention has been run by the 
inlellectuals in this convention all the 
way through, and the further fact 
iliat you will find that the member- 



ship, the proletariat, will themselves 
come here and destroy this thing four 
years from now. They will carry it 
into their home locals, and you will 
feel the pulse on what you are doing 
here before this is through. 

DEL. LAURA B. PAYNE (Tex.): 
I am sorry that the feeling has arisen 
in this convention that we find here. 
It is more imaginary than anything 
else, and when we try to draw the 
dividing line between the opportun- 
ists and the impossibilists, the im- 
possibilists are telling the opportun- 
ists that they are impossibilists, and 
vice versa, and they hardly know 
where they are. So far as that mo- 
tion is concerned, I think it is abso- 
lutely unnecessary. Political action 
is understood, and I never heard that 
question raised before in my life con- 
cerning the political party, the So- 
cialist party. I am constantly in the 
field and I know many others that 
are, and we are trying to induce the 
working people in every way to vote 
in their own interest, and that means 
political action. You have put it 
down here that black is black, and 
then down a little further you have to 
explain that black is black. It seems 
to me you have unnecessary words 
there and that you have put in some- 
thing insisted on by a portion of this 
convention which is really unneces- 
sary, even for the purpose for which 
you intended it, for you cover all po- 
litical action that you need without 
that in there, and I think it would 
look better and sound better with 
that as it used to be, and I say just 
leave it out. (Applause.) 

DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Comrade 
chairman and comrades, there is a 
growing tendency not only in this 
country, but in other countries, to 
deprecate political action. That ten- 
dency you can see in Italy and 
France, even in Germany to some ex- 
tent, although less there than any- 
where else, and in this country. The 
syndicalists in Italy fight political 
action. They call themselves Social- 
ists and are members of the Socialist 
party. There is a strong element, or 
was at least, in this country, doing 
the same thing, and I have heard it 
pleaded many a time right in our 
own meetings by speakers that come 



242 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



243 



to our meetings, that the only salva- 
tion for the proletariat of America is 
direct action, that the ballot box is 
simply a humbug. Now, I don't know 
how this question is going- to be 
solved. I have no doubt that in the 
last analysis we must shoot, and when 
it comes to shooting, Wisconsin will 
be there. We always make good. 
(Applause.) But I want you to un- 
derstand that that is not a question 
for this party to decide. 
A DELEGATE: That is right. 
DEL. BERGER: We are to have 
a political party. 

A DELEGATE: That is right. 
DEL. BERGER: And we want to 
keep out of the party everybody who 
is not in harmony with our main prin- 
ciples and who is opposed to the 
fundamental idea of the party, which 
means the ballot box. In order to 
be able to shoot, even, some day, we 
must have the powers of the political 
government in our hands, at least to 
a great extent. I want that under- 
stood. So everybody who is talking 
to you about direct action and so on, 
and about political action being a 
humbug, is your enemy today, be- 
cause he keeps you from getting the 
powers of political government. They 
talk about the opportunistic move- 
ment in Wisconsin, saying that we 
are bourgeois. Now, I want you to 
understand, brothers and delegates, 
that there is not a party in this conn- 
try anywhere that is as clearly prole- 
tarian as the party in Milwaukee. 
(Applause.) Ninety-five per cent of 
our entire membership and of our 
voters are clearly trade union and 
laboring men, so much so that we 
have not even enough of the middle 
class, not enough lawyers, to fill our 
offices; so much so that from now on, 
if we are to grow, we must get some 
of what you call the middle class and 
intellectuals; although I will say that 
intellectually our movement in Wis- 
consin, and particuarly in Milwaukee, 
is probably better educated than any- 
where else in the country, for the 
simple reason that we do it all by lit- 
erature. (Applause.) We have no 
soap-box orators. My oratory is a 
sample, you know. We do it by giv- 
ing them Socialism, by giving them 
facts. We do it by literature, and 
lots of it. So, as far as education is 



concerned or the principles of So- 
cialism and the ability to talk on 
every question that comes up of ev- 
ery kind from a Socialist point of 
view, there is no party in the country 
that is as well educated as the Mil- 
waukee party, although it is clearly 
proletarian. (Applause.) I will say 
this: if this was only a particular 
case, I would sa}^ it was sufficient tOi 
leave it out. But the spirit of anarchy 
and the spirit of impossibilism is 
growing in this country. I am not 
going to address myself to our 
friends, the populists, because I know 
they will be all right very soon, but 
there is another element now, similar 
to the syndicalists in the old coun- 
try; and therefore, in order to state 
our position right in the beginning 
we ought to have this in the consti- 
tution. I beg you to accept the 
amendment of Comrade Hazlett, but 
in such a way as to make it com- 
pulsory on the state to expel, a mem- 
ber, and so as to keep the principle 
of state autonomy under which our 
party grew to such fine proportions 
intact. 

DEL. BAUER (Gal.): I wish to 
say one word against the proposed 
amendinent, and it is this: this 
amendment can be directed only 
against one class of people. 
A DELEGATE: The anarchists. 
DEL. BAUER: Wait a minute; T 
am going to say what I want to say. 
The men who are honest and sincere, 
who want to join our party which i.s 
a political party — we don't have to 
have an iron-clad contract, and have 
them swear on a stack of bibles that 
they are going to vote for the ticket 
and support the political party. So 
that the amendment cannot apply tn 
the honest and sincere; it can only 
apply to those who attempt to get 
into our party and who are insincere. 
It is known, and I maintain, that yoti 
cannot by a membership pledge of 
an5^ kind control those who are in 
sincere and dishonest; they Avill sign 
anything you may frame — the Pin 
kerton spy, the anarchist, if you 
please, or the impossibilist if yon 
please, if he is insincere. The dis 
honest will come in anj'how, and yon 
will have to fight it out inside of your 
organization. 
DEL. MORGAN (III.): I move 



rhe previous questions. (Seconded.) 
THE CHAIRMAN: The previous 
question will now be put. As many 
as favor it say aye. Opposed by the 
same sign. The motion is carried 
and it is so ordered. Del. Hazlett 
has the floor. 

DEL. HAZLETT: I do not care 
to make a speech at all on this, be- 
cause I have stated all my reasons 
for it. The things that have been 
said show that the amendment is a 
proper one. Comrade Bauer said 
that the persons in the Socialist party 
who are advocating direct action and 
who are decrying the ballot and po- 
litical action are persons who are in- 
sincere and in the pay of citizens' 
associations, and spies, and so forth. 
That is not true. I will say of my 
personal knowledge that there are 
many people that are my friends, 
men I have known for many years, 
within the ranks of organized labor 
in this country, and that I do not 
think there are any in any place in 
the Socialist party who are more sin- 
cere or who believe what they say 
more than these men who are today 
idvocating direct action. They are 
doing it because of the wrong teach- 
ings in our partv. 

DEL. YOUNG (Fa.): A point of 
information. I ask for a definition 
in English of "direct action." 
A DELEGATE: "Anarchy." 
THE CHAIRMAN: Does the 
Ijhrase occur in the amendment? 
A DELEGATE: No. 
THE CHAIRMAN: It does not 
Dccur, and therefore the question 
cannot be asked at this time. The 
i|uestion now comes upon the adop- 
tion of the amendment, which is the 
addition of the sixth clause or sec- 
lion to Article II. The secretary 
will read the section. 

ASST. SEC. REILLY: It is to add 
;i new section to be known as Section 
() of Article II, to read that "any 
member of the party who opposes po- 
litical action as a weapon of the work- 
ing class to aid in its emancipation 
■ihall be expelled from membership in 
I he party." 

The question was put on the adop- 

lion of the amendment, and, a divis- 

Hiii being called for, it was adopted 

liv a vote of 82 for and 48 against. 

DEL. BRADFORD (Cal.): A 



question of personal privilege. I do 
not desire to waste the time of this 
convention, but there has been a 
statement made here which, in 
manifest fairness to the comrades 
here and to the members of the 
movement in their state, we desire 
and we deserve an answer or a desig- 
nation from the comrade on this 
floor who has made that statement. 

THE CHAIRMAN: What is the 
statement that you refer to? 

DEL. BRADFORD: A statement 
was made by Comrade Ida Crouch 
Hazlett that one of the members of 
the California delegation here pres- 
ent practically has repudiated direct 
action in his public utterances and 
taken a position for which one of our 
members in California is now under 
suspension from the party, and for 
which, if we allow this thing to be 
ignored and to have no statement of 
it in this convention, we will go back 
and be seriously handicapped in our 
work. I know I speak in behalf of 
several comrades here of the delega- 
tion, and I think I speak in behalf of 
all of them, in asking Comrade Haz- 
lett to designate that member of our 
delegation. 

A DELEGATE: A point of order. 
There are no charges made here un- 
less they are made in writing, I un- 
derstand. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The comrade 
from California raises a point which 
the chair must permit, not because the 
delegate comes from California, but it 
seems to me in justice to any delega- 
tion, and the chair must ask the com- 
rade from Montana, Comrade Hazlett, 
if she is willing to name the person 
in the California delegation to whom 
she referred, and give him an oppor- 
tunity to either affirm or deny the 
charge. 

DEL. ANDERSON (Minn.): A 
point of order. I do not believe the 
comrade said he was in the California 
delegation. She said it was in Cali- 
fornia. 

DEL. HAZLETT: I do not wish 
to get any delegate or delegation in 
trouble at all, and I do not think I re- 
ferred to the California delegation. I 
said in my speech, as far as that dele- 
gate was concerned, the delegate was 
a personal friend of mine and he has 



^ 



244 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



not said any more than many persons 
in our party have said. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
is whether you have here referred to 
the California delegation, and are you 
willing to say who? 

Objection was made by different 
members. 

DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): I object 
to the answer. I call for the regular 
order. 

DEL. GERBER (N. Y.): A ques- 
tion of personal privilege. I want^ to 
be recorded in the minutes as voting 
in favor of the resolution just carried. 
THE CHAIRMAN: Will you send 
your name up? 

A delegate made the point of order 
that the California matter was out of 
order and ought to be settled outside 
of the convention. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair de- 
sires to say that it is a question of 
personal privilege if. the comrade did 
refer to California. If she did not 
refer to California it is not a question 
of personal privilege. 

A DELEGATE: I object. It is 
not in the province of the California 
delegation to ask whether reference 
was made to any of the delegates 
present, as comrade Hazlett did not 
name the California delegation. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If Mrs. Haz- 
lett would say that one thing, whether 
she said California or not, it will set- 
tle it. , , 
A DELEGATE: She is not asked 

to say it. 

Objection by various delegates to any 
further proceedings in regard to the 
matter. 

THE CHAIRMAN: A true question 
of privilege has been asked. Did Mrs. 
Hazlett say California or did she not? 

DEL. HAZLETT: I did not say Cal- 
ifornia. 

THE CHAIRMAN: That settles the 
whole matter. 

DEL. BARZEE (Ore.) : A question 
of personal privilege and explanation. 
I am a member at present of the So- 
cialist party. We have passed in this 
resolution or part of the program a 
provision that any person opposing po- 
litical action shall be expelled from the 
party. I want to know what "opposi- 
tion" is. so that I may be able to stay 
in the party. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Please don t 



ask questions that I am not Competent 
and no one in this convention at this 
time is competent to answer. 

DEL. BARZEE : The question was 
passed upon. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I am not here 
nor is this convention here at this pres- 
ent time to interpret these matters. The 
order of business is to adopt this con- 
stitution or reject it, and any question 
as to what is in there is proper, but 
questions of opinion, questions of court 
decisions, we will not entertain. 

Del. Gaylord then read the first sec- 
tion of the next article, as follows: 

Article III. 

Section I. The affairs of the So- 
cialist party shall be administered by 
a National Committee, its officers and 
executive committee, the party con- 
ventions, and the general vote of the 
party. 

It was moved and seconded to adopt 
the section. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
objection? If not it is ordered adopt- 
ed. Proceed. 

The next section was read: 

Section 2. Three years' member- 
ship in the party shall be necessary 
to qualify for all national official po- 
sitions. 

DEL. HAGEL (Okla.)_: I wish to 
insert the word "consecutive," so as to 
make it read "Three years' consecutive 
membership." (Amtendment seconded.) 
DEL. GAYLORD: The committee 
will accept that. 

There being no objection, the section 
as amended was adopted. 
The next article was read: 

Article IV. 

Section i. Each organized state or 
territory shall be represented on tlic 
National Committee by one membrr 
and by an additional member ior 
every 2.000 members or major frac 
tion thereof in good standing in tlic 
party. For the purpose of determin- 
ing the representation to which eacil 
state or territory may be entitled, tllOj 
National Secretary shall compute &% 
the beginning of each year the avert 
age dues paying membership of suclr 
state or territory for the preceding 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



245 



year, 

THE CHAIRMAN: 
objection? 



Is there ailV 



DEL. DAVIES (Pa.) : I move to 
strike out 2,000 and insert 1,000. (Sec- 
onded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: There is an 
amendment made and seconded that 
1,000 be substituted for 2,000. 

DEL. DAVIES : I am not going "to 
take up any time, but I think 2,000 is 
entirely too much for the present 
strength of our organization. There are 
comparatively few states that have 
more than two National Committee- 
men, and not many at that. The aver- 
age membership in any one state 
throughout the whole union, even ex- 
cluding those unorganized, is not much 
more than 1,000, and you are going to 
have some weak states and you are 
going to have them with as much rep- 
resentation in the National Committee 
as the strongly organized states. Take, 
for instance, Pennsylvania or Ohio, 
states which have around 1,900 members. 
You are going to have some compara- 
tively insignificant numerically states 
having as much strength in the Na- 
tional Committee as those two. I am 
in favor of 2,000 when we have reached 
that stage. But I claim that we have 
not reached the 2,000 stage yet. I be- 
lieve in time you will have 10,000 or 
50,000, but that day is not yet. I think, 
in order to give states such as Pennsyl- 
vania, Ohio, Massachusetts and so on, 
a fair representation in the National 
Committee in proportion to their mem- 
bership, the only way you can do that 
is to retain it at 1,000, so that the states 
with but two or three or four hundred 
members will not be as strong in the 
National Committee as those other 
states. 

DEL. KUNATH (Ind.) : Then in- 
crease vour membership. 

DEL.' GAYLORD: There is one 
other item which I wish to call your at- 
tention to in the constitution which af- 
fects this, namely that we do not ask 
to have this constitution go into eflfect 
until the first of January, 1909. Second, 
we believe in the growth of this party. 
The party has been growing very rap- 
idly in the last six months. We ex- 
pect it to grow very much more rapid- 
ly in the next six months. The work of 
the National Committee is conducted by 
correspondence very largely. We ask 
that this be inserted for the sake of 
the effectiveness of the officers in the 
work of the National Committee. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I want 



to correct Comrade Davies when he 
states that a state which has but 400 
members will be entitled to the same 
representation on the National Commit- 
tee as Pennsylvania, with 1,900 mem- 
bers. That is not so. A state that has 
got only 400 members, according to this 
clause, will be entitled to one National 
Committeeman, and the state of Penn- 
sylvania will be entitled to two. A state 
that has more than 2,000 members and 
less than 3,000 will be entitled to two 
National Committeemen. A state that 
has got more than 3,000 will be entitled 
to three. 

The amendment was lost, and the 
section as reported was adopted. 

The next section was read, as fol- 
lows : 

Section 2. The members of this 
committee shall be elected by refer- 
endum vote of and from the mem- 
bership of the states or territories 
which they respectively represent. 
Their term of office shall not be more 
than two years. The members of the 
National Committee shall be subject 
to removal by referendum vote of 
their respective states. 
It was moved to adopt the section. 
DEL. MILLER (Nev.) : In another 
section, in Article VI., it says, "they 
shall hold office for two years." Here 
is a positive statement that says that 
their term of office shall not be more 
than two years. Why not have them 
more alike? I move you that in this 
section just read we change it to read, 
"Their term of office shall be two 
years." (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN : It is moved and 
seconded that the phraseology be that 
the term of office shall be two years. 

DEL. SLAYTON: I want to ex- 
plain why that is that way. The Na- 
tional Committeeman is a state officer. 
The constitution says he shall not hold 
office for more than two years, mean- 
ing that that leaves it to the state con- 
stitution and organization to provide if 
they want to that he hold office for 
only one year. But the National Exec- 
utive Committeeman is a national offi- 
cer, and therefore the constitution pre- 
scribes what the term shall be. 

The amendment was lost, and the sec- 
tion as reported was adopted. 
The next section was read : 

Section 3. The National Commit- 
tee shall meet whenever.it shall deem 
it necessary to do so. 



246 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



247 



Adopted without objection. , 
The next section was read : 

.Section 4. Expenses of the Nation- 
al Committeemen in attending meet- 
ings shall be paid from tire national 
treasury. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection it will be adopted. So or- 
dered. 

A DELEGATE: What does tliat 
mean, "expenses?" 

THE CHAIRMAN : It means all ex- 
penses. 

The next section was read : 

Section 5. No motion shall be sub- 
mitted to a referendum of the Na- 
tional Committee by correspondence 
■unless supported within thirty days by 
not less than five members of the Na- 
tional Committee from three differ- 
ent states. 

Minority Report". 

DEL. GAYLORD: On this point 
there is a minority report. You will 
find it in the first section of the minor- 
ity report. It is recommended by Com- 
rade Bell, and I think also Comrade 
Snyder. It reads : "To eliminate from 
Section 5, Article IV, sixth line, the 
words 'from different states.' " It would 
then mean that five members from any 
state or states could support a motion 
for the referendum by correspondence 
and it would go to the ballot. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I understand 
that the minority report is moved as an 
amendment. It is now up for discus- 
sion. 

DEL. GERBER (N. Y.) : I move 
that the report of the majority be adopt- 
ed. (Seconded.) 

DEL. HERMAN (Wash.) : Wouldn't 

this mean that it would be before the 

National Commiteemen for thirty days? 

THE CHAIRMAN: No, it says 

"within thirty days." 

DEL. GAYLORD: Just as soon as 
there are five supporting members from 
three different states the vote can be 
taken. 

The motion to adopt the majority re- 
port was carried. 

Section 6 was read, as follows : 

Section 6. The National Commit- 
tee shall adopt its own , rules of pro- 
cedure not inconsistent with the pro- 
visions of this constitution. 
Adopted without objection. 
DEL. FARRELL (Ohio) : I would 
like to say with reference to Section 3 



in regard to the National Committee 
meeting, that it should specify in what 
way they shall do business, whether by 
majority rule or not. But I presume 
Section 6 will cover that. 

DEL. GAYLORD: That will cover 
that. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection it is adopted. So ordered. 

At this point the chairman announced 
that the ballots on the Committee on 
Farmers' Program and Committee on 
Immigration could be collected, and 
they were accordingly collected. 

The chairman of the Committee on 
Constitution then read Article V, Sec- 
tion I, of the proposed constitution as 
follows : 

Section i. The duties of this com- 
mittee shall be to represent the party 
in all national and international af- 
fairs ; to call national nominating con- 
ventions and special conventions de- 
cided upon by the referendum of the 
party; to make reports to the nation- 
al convention ; and to receive and pass 
upon all reports and actions of the Ex- 
ecutive Committee. 

THE CHAIRMAN : Is there any ob- 
jection to this section? I hear no ob- 
jection and it is adopted as read. 

The chairman of the commrttee then 
read Section 2 as follows : 

Section 2. The National Commit- 
tee shall neither publish nor designate 
any official organ. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
objection? I hear no objection and the 
section is adopted as read. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Article VI— un- 
der this first section there is a minor- 
ity report. I will read the section first 
as reported by the committee : 

Section l. The National Executive 
Committee shall be composed of seven 
members, elected by the National 
Committee from the membership of 
the party, and they shall hold office 
for two years. The call for nomina- 
tions and elections shall be issued in 
the month of November of even num- 
bered years. 

Under this section there is a minority 
report to the effect that there should be 
struck out from Section i. Article VI. 
the words "the National Committee" 
and substitute therefor the words "ref- 
erendum vote." 

DEL. CLARK (Tex.) : I move that 
the minority report be adopted. 
The motion was seconded. 



THE CHAIRMAN : It is moved and 
seconded that the minority report be 
adopted. 

DEL. CLARK: The reason I make 
the motion is because we as a party 
claim that the Socialist Party is a dem- 
ocratic party, and stands for the elec- 
tion of our officers by the referendum. 
If we are a democratic party let us 
stay with those principles and let us 
stand against any effort that looks like — 
[ don't mean that the majority report 
intended to do it; I don't say that they 
had_ it in their mind, but it looks like 
we are drifting toward the centraliza- 
tion of power, and let us strike at any- 
thing that even looks as if it had a 
tendency in that direction; let us stand 
as a party that is ruled by the majority 
and assert that the rank and file have 
the absolute right to say who shall be 
the National Executive Committee. Let 
us hold this thing down to the rank 
and file and not let the power be con- 
centrated in a few hands, not build up 
something that smacks of a political ma- 
chine in the Socialist Party. 

If we let the rank and file control 
we shall be all right, they are the only 
ones who will aways guide us right and 
if we take away from the rank and file- 
Ihe least part of their powers we are 
treading upon dangerous ground, and 
I think we ought to substitute the min- 
ority report for the majority report. 
Let us stand for the rank and file and 
let them, have a voice in this matter. 
•\t least I hope you will adopt that 
minority report. 

DEL. PREVEY: I want to speak in 
opposition to the amendment; not that 
I am in favor of the National Comniit- 
lee electing the National Executive 
Committee so much, but because I be- 
lieve the manner in which the election 
.>f the National Executive Committee 
look place the last time we elected one 
was too cumbersome, too expensive and 
look up too much of the valuable time 
of our national officers. Com^des, I 
believe in democracy in the party but 
I also believe in a practical democracy; 
I believe in a democracy with which we 
can do business. I believe we can 
carry this worship of the name democ- 
racy to a point where it is supremely 
ridiculous. We use up the funds of the 
l>arty, take up the time of our officers 
who should be doing propaganda work 
making them do this sort of thing 



when they ought to be engaged ii( more 
important work. 

I am not afraid of the members of 
the Socialist Party. I do not think that 
any delegate to this convention should 
be afraid of the Socialist Party. We al- 
ways have the power to recall an offi- 
cer ; we always have the right to ini- 
tiative and referendum and we can re- 
call any of our officers at any time. I 
don't think we should be so suspicious 
of each other. 

I am opposed to the amendment be- 
cause I believe we should concentrate 
our efforts as much as possible in har- 
mony with Socialism to the propaganda 
of Socialism rather than waste so much 
valuable time iti electing officers. 

I was in Chicago when the national 
office was compiling the work connect- 
ed with the work of electing the Na- 
tional Executive Committee. I know 
that they had to work until 2 o'clock 
many mornings to compile that vote. It 
was also very expensive. 

I am opposed to the amendment, but 
I had hoped that the committee would 
bring in some plan, something better 
than the election of the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee by the National 
Committee. But I believe that we 
should vote down this amendment and 
some of us should offer something as a 
substitute, better than the amendment 
and better than the majority report. 

But this amendment would simply 
leave the situation as it is now. I am 
opposed to it for that reason, because 
I don't want to use up our forces in 
electing our officers. 

DEL. CARR (111.) : I have in mind 
to move presently, in order to meet 
Comrade Prevey's suggestion, that sup- 
posing this minority report is adopted, 
that the committee be elected by a ref- 
erendum, but from nominations made by 
at least ten branches. That will obvi- 
ate the difficulty presented in the argu- 
ments of Comrade Prevey. 

I am very much in favor of demo- 
cratic management of the Socialist 
Party, and therefore, not to take your 
time in making a longer speech, I am in 
favor of the minority report and when 
it is voted upon I want the floor to 
move this proposition, that the members 
of the Executive Committee to be elect- 
ed by referendum shall be nominated by 
at least ten branches. 

DEL. KNOPFNAGEL (111.) : I am 



1 



V 



248 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



not a business democrat. I want So- 
cial democracy, not business democracy. 
I do not want the National Committee 
to have too much power over the party. 
I want the rank and file to elect both 
the National Committee and the Exec- 
utive Committee and if we put into the 
hands of the National Committee the 
power to elect the National Executive 
Committee we have no power over 
either committee. One will wash their 
hands of the other and the other will 
wash their hands of tlie first. I want to 
get rid of the sort of thing we have 
had in the past, and for that reason I 
am in favor of social democracy and not 
business democracy. 

They talk about expending money. 
The money comes from the rank and 
file and not from the committeemen. 
They are engaged to do the work of the 
party and if they don't want to do the 
work of the party they can get out. For 
these reasons I shall vote for the minor- 
ity report. 

DEL. REILLY (N. J.) : There is 
such a thing as democracy running wild. 
It is also not always advisable for mem- 
bers of little or no experience in party 
affairs to have the same voice as mem- 
bers who are experienced. 

Cries of "Good" and "No," "No." 

DEL. REILLY : For instance, in the 
state where I come from, we won't al- 
low a member of the party to vote on 
a state referendum on less than six 
weeks' membership. 

The National Executive Committee is 
really a body that is created for con- 
venience merely to transact business that 
the National Committee itself otherwise 
would transact ; and in its very nature 
its acts must be subject to the approval 
of the National Committee. I respect- 
fully submit to you that if the Nation- 
al Committee is to pass upon the acts 
of the National Executive Committee, 
the National Commitee should also pass 
upon the election of that body that is 
to transact its business. 

Now, comrades, there is another 
point. I deny that under the referendum 
system the rank and file of the party 
have been choosing our National Ex- 
ecutive Committee. When I say this I 
do not wish to be construed as making 
a personal attack upon anybody. But 
take the last time that we elected a Na- 
tional Executive Committee. The high- 
est candidate upon that ticket only re- 
ceived a vote of one-sixth of the mem- 



bership of the party. He undoubtedly 
received a plurahty of the votes that 
were cast, but, comrades, you cannot 
get a referendimi on a matter that 
makes it as cumbersome as the election 
of the National Executive Committee is 
bound to be and have it efficient; you 
cannot get the majority of our members 
to leave their more important work to 
vote upon the election of the National 
Executive Committee. 

DEL. CLARK: I move the previous 
question. 

DEL. TUTTLE (Wis.) : Everything 
that has been said against democracy 
and against the referendum has been 
said every time by every one who was 
ever interested against people taking 
part in or taking care of their own af- 
fairs. 

A DELEGATE: I object to such an 
insinuation. 

DEL. TUTTLE: I have not made 
any insinuation. If I have I would like 
to know what it is. I object to any 
such imputation unless you back it up 
with proof. I want it understood that 
I stand for democracy in this move- 
ment. 

A DELEGATE: A point of order. 
The gentlemen are not discussing the 
question before us ; they are quarrel- 
ing. 

THE CHAIRMAN : The delegate is 
discussing the matter before the house. 

DEL. TUTTLE: I am doing the 
best I can and j'ou will excuse me if 
I can't do any better. I am opening 
myself to you and you can judge of 
me all the better. They said here upon 
the platform that we are not reall}' elect- 
ing our officers by the referendum, and 
when we proved that we were, then 
they tell us we should not do it anyhow. 
What kind of a thing is this, that wc 
can't do it and are not doing it, that we 
have done it wrong, and we ean't do il 
anyhow? I am in favor of doing it and 
I don't care how cumbersome it is. I 
want the people to have the right of 
referendum. I am not afraid of this to 
day, but I am afraid of it tomorrow, ll 
is not what we are doing today that 1 
fear, but it is because we go in and 
chop out this path, this calf path, and 
that is the path set for us to take and 
because the sheep walk through once 
we all follow. I don't want a precedcnl 
set, that there is anything better than 
the referendum and therefore I stand 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



249 



for the referendtira and I am going to 
vote for the minority report. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : The 
cheapest way to get popular with the 
masses is to get up and shout and 
scream and get yourself red in the face 
crying: "Hurrah for the people;'' 
"Hurrah for the rank and file;" 
"Hurrah for the referendum." 

I have voted for real democracy in 
the Socialist organization longer than 
some of those who are shouting so 
much for democracy. I have had spit- 
toons hurled at me because I stood for 
it. I have also studied democracy and 
I have arrived at certain conclusions. 
Democracy without the mechanism by 
which it can express itself defeats its 
own end. Democracy to be efficient 
must find a mechanism by which it can 
express itself. That is the first prm- 
ciple of scientific democracy. It is the 
people who have come from other or- 
ganizations into the Socialist ranks who 
sometimes make these mistakes. 

I stand for democracy just as much 
as an^' of them. I do not doubt the 
sincerity of those who talk so loudly for 
democracy, but I say it again that we 
must find a means by which this de- 
mocracy can express itself, and change 
its expression whenever it wants to. 

Here you have a scheme of organiza- 
tion in this constitution. You have the 
National Committee with its members 
elected by the rank and file. They are 
also removable at any time by the rank 
and file. You go farther and you hnd 
from experience that the National Com- 
mittee is the committee that must 
transact the executive business of the 
National organization and therefore you 
determine that the National Committee 
shall have its Executive Committee. 
Then what did you do? One time the 
Executive Committee was elected by a 
referendum. At that time I said and 
still think that it is not the best way 
of electing. But I was denounced up 
and down the country as an intellectual, 
and you, comrades, can see how wrong 
that accusation was. What was the re- 
sult? Your National Executive Com- 
mittee elected by the referendum vote 
assumed the function of a legislative 
body. It did more than the National 
Committee ever assumed to do. It 
passed resolutions of a fundamental 
character, on questions of principle, 
binding upon the Socialist Party. It 
assumed to instruct the delegates in the 



International Congress and to pass upon 
questions that would come up there. 
Yet they have no more to do with legis- 
lative work than had your national sec- 
retary. But they assumed to pass upon 
questions of principle. Why? Because 
it was exalted in its own estimation by 
the fact that it was elected by a refer- 
endum vote. That came from the fact 
that you elected for the sarne purpose 
two committees with co-ordinate pow- 
ers and not one subordinate to the 
other, because the National Committee 
is in charge of the party organization 
and the National Executive Committee 
was also. So I am in favor of the re- 
port. 

DEL. WOODBY (Cal.) : It seems to 
me that this whole thing can be amicably 
settled by having the National Commit- 
tee, which is elected by a referendum, 
elect its own executive committee from 
its own number. Let me explain what 
I mean by that. Every one of us is 
elected by the referendum who comes to 
this convention. We come to this con- 
vention and then as a method of doing 
business we select certain committees 
who are to expedite our work. But we 
select them from those who have al- 
ready been elected by a referendum. 
Now, if the National Committee, which 
is elected by a referendum, in its method 
of doing business is allowed to elect its 
own executive committee, but from its 
own number, we then secure all that we 
are arguing about, it seems to me, with- 
out the necessity of taking a further 
referendum to elect the members of the 
executive committee. 

I would like to see the Executive 
Committee elected from the^ National 
Committee, and made responsible to the 
National Committee, so that the Na- 
tional Committee, if it did not like the 
work of the Executive Committee, 
could undo that work, just the same 
as if we don't like the work of a spe- 
cial committee of this convention we 
can change its work from the floor of 
the convention or dismiss them alto- 
gether and select another committee. 

It seems to me that in that way we 
secure all that we want on both sides 
without the expenses and cumbersome 
work of electing a national executive 
committee and yet have the executive 
committee responsible to the National 
Committee. 

If the two committees differ from 
each other now, then the National Com- 



250 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



inittee has no power whatever to re- 
verse the action of the Executive Com- 
mittee, if they are at loggerheads. Do 
3'ou understand me? 

Suppose we had committees to take 
care of our business that we cannot 
very well handle in committee of the 
whole, if we have no power to dismiss 
that committee at all, and we get here 
at loggerheads, then we can accomplish 
nothing at all. 

I want to repeat it again, so that you 
can see what I am after. Elect the Na- 
tional Committee by referendum and 
then have the National Committee, 
merely as a method of doing business 
select from those men that the people 
have already elected by referendum, an 
executive committee responsible to them 
for their action. It seems to me that 
secures the whole thing. I would like 
to offer as a substitute for both the 
minority and the majority report: "The 
National Committee shall select its ex- 
ecutive committee from its own num- 
ber." 

DEL. SNYDER (Kan.) : As one in 
the minority I wish to speak in favor 
of the amendment. It is said that I 
am a crank, but I desire to say that if 
there is any difficulty with the rank and 
file it is because they have not had the 
opportunity to practice democracy 
enough. The officials have too much 
power because democracy is not spread 
enough. I know of no other way to 
get practical democracy before the rank 
and file better than to have this idea of 
the referendum spread among them. I 
don't care how many times you send out 
a referendum to the rank and file, it 
does some good. It helps to educate 
the membership in looking after its of- 
ficials. If you put into the hands of a 
few men the power to elect their execu- 
tive committee and their financial sec- 
retary and so on, you put it out of the 
hands of the rank and file and eventual- 
ly they will do with that just as they 
do with their state secretaries and 
others; they will let them do all the 
work and lose sight of the organiza- 
tion. This keeps them acquainted, and 
that long list of names— I think we had 
125 names submitted, but they get the 
rank and file acquainted with the mem- 
bership of the Socialist Party, with the 
leaders of the Socialist Party of this 
countrv and it does more in that way 
than anything else you could think of. 
I say I am in favor of keeping the 



power in the membership of the party' 
as far as possible and I believe we 
should strike out "National Committee" 
and substitute "Referendum vote." 

There is no use in talking. Any per- 
son who knows the power that rests in 
the officials of our party today knows 
that the officials have too much power. 
Today I could throw the whole state 
of Kansas into absolute confusion for 
the next year. I could simply stop the 
whole campaign, because it is in my 
power as state secretary to put out the 
whole vote at the present time, at a 
time that comes before the primary next 
August. There is only the time between 
now and the 22d of June, and the mem- 
bership could not possibly find me out 
ini time if I saw fit to do that. So I 
want to get them so well acquainted with 
the officialdom of our party so that no 
such situation can ever come by some 
officials acting improperly. It is for 
this educational feature that we ought 
to keep this in. Let us first get real 
powerful democratic action before we 
put too much power in the hands of our 
officials. I am for the minority report. 
DEL. SPARGO (N. Y.) : I desire to 
speak in favor of the election of the 
National Executive Committee by the 
members of the National Committee 
whose executive body it is to be. 

I am not at this time disposed to admit 
that there is that danger of despotism 
from officialdom in our Socialist Party. 
I say if it is true of Kansas, or of any 
other state in this union, then it is time 
that the comrades in those states began 
to mend their fences. But it is not 
true of the National organization of the 
Socialist Party. 

I say to you, comrades, that so far as 
our State of New York is concerned, 
for example — and I doubt not that that 
state is representative of the vast ma- 
jority of the states — no man who is 
state secretary can override the wishes 
of the membership of the party. 

Now, to the question. What is it that 
we have to face? Why do we have a 
National Executive Committee? We 
have a National Committee as the legis- 
lative body of our party between con- 
ventions. That National Committee is 
too large, too unwieldy to carry on all 
of its business efficiently. For one 
thing, it is too expensive for the party 
membership to bring them together as 
often as a committee must meet. Now, 
if your National Committee is to be 



1; 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



251 



anything more than a farce, comrades, 
you must say to that National Commit- 
tee, "Choose you the men whom you 
will make your executive officers," or 
else what happens? You elect one 
body, the National Committee, by a ref- 
erendum-vote, and then you ask for a 
referendum vote of the party again on 
the question of an executive committee. 
What do we find? We find that under 
the rule of democracy, so. called. — it is 
not democracy but its perversion moboc- 
racy — we find that under that moboc- 
racy which takes the place of democracy 
in the minds of some of our party mem- 
bership, we have Colonel Dick Maples 
nominated for the highest position in 
our party and polling a thousand votes 
when he is not even a member of the 
party. 

Comrades, where are you going? 
Here we have right in our own state 
of New York men nominated, mainly by 
people living far away from New York, 
who have simply been misled by the 
glamor of a name or newspaper talk; 
and thus men out of touch with the 
party life, out of touch with its spirit, 
are elected to carry on the work of the 
party over and above the men who have 
been chosen on the National Commit- 
tee. 

If you want a political party I ask 
you to set efficiency above mobocracy; 
if you want a political party I ask you 
to set organization above anarchy, com- 
mon sense above demagogism. 

DEL. GOEBEL (Pa.) : I want to 
l)e perfectly frank in this matter. I 
would sooner see the Socialist Party 
ifo to destruction through the mistakes 
of its membership than be saved by the 
leadershipi of some Moses. In the sec- 
ond place, I want you to state facts and 
not simply finespun theories. We used 
to have a method of electing the execu- 
tive committee which resulted as indi- 
cated by Comrade Spargo. But we 
i-hanged it by a referendum vote of the 
membership the country over. Why 
ilid we change it? There must have 
been a reason. We knew the reason. 
You know the reason. In the last two 
years, under this new method of elect- 
ing the Executive Committee with the 
r.-mk and file voting for them, what did 
we have? We are told that we can't 
ilo business if we are required to vote. 
( 'an anyone tell me in the history of 
I lie party where the party has made 



more progress than during the last two 
years with the National Executive Com- 
mittee elected by the rank and file? Not 
only that. We have had something 
else, a greater thing, the assurance that 
we do not need a lot of self-appointed 
Moseses. What else happened? The 
old method is absolutely unfair. I have 
recently come from New England. New 
Hampshire, in my honest judgment, has 
not sixty members paying dues, but it 
elects a member of the National Com- 
mittee. That National Committee man 
has as much power in determining and 
shaping the policy of the party as one 
who comes from New York with 2,000 
members. Is that fair, is that honest? 
Is that democracy? Is that standing 
for the rank and file? I stand for the 
rank and file with all its mistakes, even 
with all the mistakes, for with all their 
mistakes they come in the long run 
nearer to doing the right thing than 
the gentlemen who tell us we must be 
saved from ourselves. Don't forget the 
two years' of progress under a National 
Executive Committee elected by the 
rank and file who don't know how to 
do things. 

DEL. BERLYN (111.) : I want de- 
mocracy. And I also want to protest 
against these insinuations against the 
Committee on Constitution, who are 
called officialdom. Not one of them is 
in the pay of the Socialist Party,— of 
the National party,— not one. I have 
been elected by the delegates at this 
convention on the Constitution Conmiit- 
tee. To that committee I have brought 
such knowledge and experience as I 
have, to express the opinion of the 
membership that I come in contact with, 
and tried, as nearly as I could, to get 
that into the party constitution. It is 
delightful of Comrade Goebel to make 
the comparison between the National 
Committeeman of New Hampshire and 
the National Committeeman from New 
York. He says that is not democracy, 
and that the National Committeeman 
from New Hampshire is only elected by 
sixty votes, and the National Commit- 
teeman from New York by two thou- 
sand, or a portion of two thousand, be- 
cause I believe they have four mem- 
bers. But the same Comrade Goebel 
wants some iiuportant functions of the 
party to be put in the hands of the Na- 
tional organizers, who are only ap- 
pointees. Now, don't you forget that., 
That is favoring democracy! When it 



252 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



is me, why then it goes ; when it isn't, 
then it doesn't go. 

Democracy is something like India 
rubber. You can stretch it any way you 
like. I have got a taste of your refer- 
endum business right in my cigar 
workers' union. Socialists obtained a 
victory about fourteen years ago, and 
we have established everything by the 
referendum. Yet, they robbed us of our 
convention, and after a referendum 
they established an oligarchy that it 
would take the force of a revolution to 
abolish, and that was all done in the 
name of democracy. You are very in- 
consistent in this matter. You want a 
National Executive Committee and you 
want a National Committee. If you 
don't want a National Committee, 
abolish it, but if you must have a Na- 
tional Committee, then let them con- 
trol the National Executive Committee, 
and then if we are dissatisfied with the 
work of ttie National Committee select- 
ed by the various states, you won't by 
a referendum vote; if we should be dis- 
satisfied with the work of the National 
Executive Committee, and receive pro- 
test from the membership against cer- 
tain actions of the National Executive 
Committee, and we wanted to get busy, 
we wanted to respond to this sense of 
democracy, to respond to our constit- 
uents who have elected the National 
Committee, then the National Execu- 
tive Committee is shielded by the Na- 
tional referendum, and their time of 
office would be expired before we could 
set in motion the machinery to remove 
them. If the National Committee had 
control, which they ought to have — I 
don't want to be on it any more; I 
don't want to be on the National Com- 
mittee, but I have been there through 
the referendum vote of my constitu- 
ency, but if the National Committee is 
to have control, yon must put it in the 
hands of the National Committee, and 
then if there is any general dissatis- 
faction among the members in the vari- 
ous states, they can set the machinery 
in motion to compel the National Com- 
mittee to take such action as would 
respond to their wishes. 

Your ideal of democracy is all right 
where perfect discussion can take place, 
and where the questions can all be 
thrashed out, where the people can come 
together as they do in Switzerland, 
with their umbrellas, and vote on any 
question they want to. But you can't 



have a referendum in the United States 
and call all the people together from 
all parts of the country and have one 
big mass meeting and settle it. For 
heaven's sake, act in the line of common 
sense and reason; keep democracy at the 
bottom as the basis, but keep the or- 
ganism acting efficiently, and let each 
organ of the body respond to the ac- 
tion of all the others. That is the only 
way you will get efficiency. 

COMRADE GAYLORD: I wish to 
read for the information of some of the 
delegates from Article IV: 

"Section i. Each organized state or 
territory shall be represented on the 
National Committee by one member, 
and by an additional member for 
every two thousand members or ma- 
jor fraction thereof in good standing 
in the party." 

I also want to read to you the last 
clause of Section 2 : 

"The members of the National 
Committee shall be subject to removal 
by referendum vote of their respective 
States." 

The members of your constitution 
committee have been accused of having 
intellect, and we plead guilty to the 
charge. I just want you to listen a 
moment. We believe' in democracy, but 
we do not believe in democracy as a. 
fetich. Democracy has been applied in 
this convention to some extent, and 
even here sometimes I have seen votes 
carried with a whoop and a hurrah 
without even properly knowing what 
they were voting about. I see some 
who applaud vigorously whenever de- 
mocracy and the referendum are men- 
tioned, who in private conversation with 
me, have played upon the phrase, "The 
masses," and punned upon it, spelling it 
with the "m" removed from the last 
word and attached to the first word— 
you can make your own pronunciation. 
I was a little astonished. It is in this 
way that we learn who are the people 
who do believe in democracy. I believe 
in both democracy and eiliciency. Til 
discussing the wording of the constitu- 
tion in committee, we conceived that 
the National Committee is the hand of 
the party membership, it is the hand 
with which the party does its business. 
We also conceived that the National 
Committee cannot very well transacl; 
the minute details of the National of- 
fice, the attending to the bookkeepinx'. 
buying stationery, putting the Natioii;il 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



2S3 



'ill 



.Secretary under bond, and seeing that 
It is done. We conceive that the Na- 
tional Committee must have a hand also 
to attend to these things. Some things 
may be done by correspondence. But 
the National Committee must have a 
hand, and that hand must be the Ex- 
ecutive Committee. You will find as we 
j;o farther that we provided a hand, if 
you please, for the National Executive 
Committee, in the National Secretary. 
l'\irther, we give him authority to se- 
cure his own assistants in his office. 
That is logical. It all goes together, 
and is one piece. It is not contradictory 
at any point, and back of it all you 
have quicker control over the National 
Secretary or his clerks through the re- 
call of your National Committeeman, 
than you have by a National referen- 
dum. 

DEL. FARRELL (Ohio): I move 
I he previous question. 

The motion was seconded by several 
delegates. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The previous 
(|uestion has been moved. All those in 
favor of the motion that the main ques- 
tion be now put, say "aye." Those op- 
posed, "no." The "ayes" have it, and 
the previous question is ordered. 

DEL. CLARK (Texas) : What we 
want to do is to get down to business, 
and not go back to Dick Maples. If we 
Iiad been conducting referendums in 
this party and been doing it constantly, 
and had enough of them the party mem- 
l)ership would have found out that Col. 
Dick Maples was not a member of the 
.Socialist Party. And the fact that we 
were not doing it, left us entirely ignor- 
ant of whether Colonel Maples was a 
member of the party. But bear in mind 
that a majority of the voters found out 
j-eadily that Dick Maples was not a 
member, and we have a way of keeping 
:i man from taking a position even if 
lie is elected, so there is no danger of 
Dick Maples getting control of the party, 
even though the rank and file don't 
know who are their members. There is 
.1 way of heading them off, and hence 
liiere is no danger on that score. 

The position taken by Comrade" Sny- 
der was not that he could ultimately 
overthrow the wishes of the people of 
Kansas, but his position was that he 
ei)u1d do it in a way that their purpose 
would be thwarted to a great extent be- 
fore they would find out what he had 
done, and that he could for the tjine 



throw the state into confusion. Yet 
they would find it out in the long run, 
but they would not do it quick enough 
to prevent the confusion. 

This all comes down from one ques- 
tion. It means that if the National 
Committee elects the National Execu- 
tive Committee and thereby deprives the 
rank and file of the control of the Na- 
tional Executive Committee, the result 
must be that you have delegated all your 
power to the National Committee, be- 
cause if the people who compose the 
rank and file of the National movement 
are not allowed to choose the National 
Executive Committee, it is evident that 
you have delegated your power to the 
National Committee, and they in turn, 
have used that power in a way that is 
not in harmony with the real principles 
of the referendum or of the Socialist 
Party. It makes no difference who you 
elect, or how you do the voting. I am 
one of the fellows that believe that the 
rank and file of the Socialist Party of 
the United States will not go wrong 
ultimately. They may do it occasion- 
ally, as in the case of Dick Maples, but 
ultimately they will not do wrong, but 
when we delegate the power to a cer- 
tain small body of men, they may do 
the wrong thing. For the sake of de- 
mocracv, I say leave it to the rank and 
file. 

Democracy has been laughed at here. 
I regret to say that that term has been 
laughed at by men who stood on this 
floor. But the term "democracy" means 
a great deal to the rank and file of the 
Socialist Party, and these people who 
have criticised this term are not the 
friends of the democracy that is dear to 
the hearts of the men who make up the 
Socialist Party of the United States. 

Keep down this idea of concentration 
and the future of the Socialist Party is 
safe. 

Comrades, do you agree with the men 
who believe in business, who believe in 
expediting matters, who believe that 
those at the head of this organization 
know more how to run the affairs of 
the Socialist Party than the working- 
class rank and file? I tell you that the 
man who says that thinks that those 
who compose the National Executive 
Committee know how to run the affairs 
of the party better than the rank and 
file. I would rather risk the affairs of 
the party in the hands of the wooden 
shoe common farmer on Spiny creek, 



;i 



I 

Til 



i 



254 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



than the individual who makes that as- 
sertion. 

Turn this down, for Heaven's sake ! 
Don't delegate your powers to the head 
of the organization, but keep it down 
wkh the wooden shoe men, if you please. 

THE CHAIRMAN : The question is 
now upon the adoption of the minority 
report. 

DEL. REILLY (_N. J.) : The mo- 
tion is on the adoption of the minority 
report, which is to strike out the words 
"National Committee" and substitute 
the words "referendum vote," and the 
sense of it is that the National Execu- 
tive Committee shall be elected, by a 
referendum vote. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready 
for the question? 

Cries of "division," "division." 

THE CHAIRMAN: As many of 
you as are in favor of the adoption of 
this minority report will raise their 
right hands. 

DEL. CLARK: Remember you are 
voting for the people. 

DEL. GOEBEL: Let us have a roll 
call and put them on record on this. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The convention 
is to adjourn at 6 o'clock, but the dele- 
gate desires a twenty-minute roll call. 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT (Wash.) : 
A point of order. The roll call cannot 
be demanded at any moment. 

DEL. SLOBODIN : I move that the 
roll call be taken. 

The motion was seconded, and car- 
ried. 

The Secretary then called the roll as 
follows : 

Yes : — ARK., Hogan, Le Fevre, Snow ; 
ARIZ., Cannon, Morrison; CAL., Cole, 
Starkweather ; COLO., Maj'nard, Buie, 
Floaten, Miller; DEL., Henck; GA,, 
Wilke; IDAHO, Chenoweth, Rigg; 
ILL., Hunt, Knopfnagel, Carr; IOWA, 
Work, Hills; KAN., Snyder, Brewer, 
Katterfeld ; KY., Seeds ; LA., Hymes ; 
MICH., Stirton; MINN., Nieminen; 
MO., Gallery; MONT., Westleder, 
Peura; NEB., Porter; NEV.. Miller; 
N. J., Goebel, Strobell; N. Y., Lewis, 
Fieldman, Furman, 'Klenke; N. C, 
Quantz ; OHIO, Ziegler, Devine ; 
OKLA., Branstetter CO. F.), Ross, 
Dome, Block, O'Hare; PA., Young; R. 
I., Hurst; TENN., Vose; TEXAS, Mc- 
Fadin, Bell, Payne, Clark, Buchanan, 
Rhodes, Thompson; UTAH, Leggett; 
VT., Wilson; VA., Dennett; WASH., 
Hendrickson, Boomer; WIS,, Thomas, 



Melms, Berger, Thompson, Tuttle, 
Sandburg, Jacobs ; WYO., Groesbeck. 

No:— ALA., Waldhorst; CAL., Brad- 
ford, McDevitt, Wheat, Woodby, Tuck, 
Merrill, Osborne, Johns, McKee, Bauer; 
CONN., Smith; FLA,, Pettigrew; ILL., 
Collins, Bentall, Berlyn, Kerr, May W. 
Simons, A. M. Simons, Smith, Korngold ; 
IND., Dunbar, Kunath; IOWA, Roh- 
rer. Brown; ME., Pelsey; MASS., Ko- 
nikow; Eliot White, D'Orsay; MINN., 
Peach, Kaplan, Thorsett, Ingalls, Will- 
•ams, Anderson; MO., Hoehn, Brandt, 
Pope; MONT., Graham, Hazlett, Am- 
brose, Harvey, Powers ; N. J., Kearns, 
Krafft, Reilly; N. Y., Solomon, Wan- 
hope, Lee, Slobodan, Paulitsch, Gerber, 
Spargo, Strebel, Fuhrman ; OHIO, Pre- 
vey, Cowan, Bandlow, Vautrim, Jones, 
Farrell, Hayes; OKLA., Hagei, Davis, 
Boylan, Wills; ORE., Barzee, Ramp; 
PA., Adams, Clark, Davies ; UTAH, 
Syphers; WASH., Herman, Wagen- 
knecht, Krueger, Downie, Martin; W. 
VA., Houston; WIS., Gaylord, Weber, 
Heath; WYO., O'Neill. 

Absent : — ALA., Freeman ; ARK., 
Perrin, Penrose, Jones ; CONN., 
Schieldge; IDAHO, Unterraann; ILL., 
Brower, Fraenckel, Morgan, Stedman, 
Walker; IND., Strickland, Reynolds; 
IOWA, Shank; KAN., Wilson, McAl- 
lister; MD., Toole, Lewis; MASS., 
Carey, Hitchcock, Dan White, Mahoney, 
Putney, Cutting. Fenton; MICH., Lock- 
wood, Menton. Hittunen ; MINN., Rose, 
Maattala, Macki; MO., Garver, 'Behrens, 
Lipscomb; N. PL, Wilkins, Arnstein ; 
N. J., Killingbeck; N. M., Metcalf; 
N. Y,, HiUquit, Hunter, Flanford, Van- 
der Porten, Peiser, Cole; N. D., Bas- 
sett, Anderson; OKLA., Winnie K. 
Branstetter, Edwards, Reynolds ; ORE., 
Varner, Ryan, Crabtree; PENN.. J. E. 
Cohen, G. N. Cohen, Foley, Moore, 
Maurer, Ringler, Slayton, Schwartz ; 
S. D., Atwood. Knowles ; TEXAS, Hol- 
man, Smith ; WASH., Brown. 

DEL. FIELDMAN (N. Y.) : I wish 
to change my vote from yes to no. 

The Secretary then announced thr 
vote as cast to be 69 "yes" and 83 "no." 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair dr 
clares the motion to substitute is lost, 

DEL, GOEBEL (N. J.) : I desire in 
have it put on record that 66 of the dele 
gates are already out of the Coiiveii 
tion, that is, one-third of the member 
ship gone. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now^ is upon the motion that we adnpl 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



255 



the Committee's report on this section. 
All those who favor the Committee's 
report will say "aye;" those opposed 
"no." The "ayes" have it, and it is car- 
ried. The report of the committee is 
adopted. 

DEL. GAYLORD: There is another 
minority report which you will find in 
the printed copy of the Constitution, and 
in all fairness to Comrade Bell, who 
spent considerable time in working it 
out, it should -be considered. It is a 
method of preferential voting. You 
have it there and you understand what 
it is. I will not read it unless the Con- 
vention calls for it. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The report of 
the majority on that section has been 
adopted. 

DEL. GAYLORD : Article VI, Sec- 
jon 2. 

"duties of national executive com- 
mittee.',' 

"Section 2. The duties of the Na- 
tional Executive Committee shall be 
to supervise and direct the work of 
the National Secretary; to organize 
unorganized states and territories ; to 
receive and pass upon the reports of 
the National Secretary, and to transact 
all current business of the National 
office, except such as is by this con- 
stitution expressly reserved for the 
National Committee, or the general 
vote of the party. The National Ex- 
ecutive Committee shall also formu- 
late the rules and order of business 
of the National Convention of the 
party not otherwiise provided for by 
this constitution, subject to adoption 
or amendment by the conventions." 
THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
objection? The section is adopted. 
DEL. GAYLORD: Section 3. 

• 'Section 3. The Executive Com- 
mittee shall adopt its own rules of 
procedure not inconsistent with this 
constitution or with the rules of the 
National Committee." 
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection the section will be adopted. 
There is no objection, and it is so or- 
dered. 
DEL. GAYLORD : Section 4. 

"Section 4. The Executive Commit- 
tee shall transmit copies of the min- 
utes of its meetings to all members of 
the National Committee, and all its 
acts and resolutions shall be subject to 



the revision of the National Commit- 
tee." 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection the section will be adopted. It 
is so ordered. 
DEL. GAYLORD: Section 5. 

"Section 5. The National Executive 
Committee shall meet whenever it 
shall deem it necessary to do so. Be- 
tween sessions all its business shall be 
transacted by correspondence." 
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection the section will be adopted. 
There is no objection and it is so or- 
dered. 

DEL. BELL (Tex.) : Will my pro- ■ 
posed method go into the records? 

DEL. GAYLORD : It goes in as part 
of the minority report. 

The Bell minority report was as fol- 
lows : 

To strike out from Section i, Article 
VI, third line, the words "National 
Committee" and substitute "referendum 
vote." 

To strike out from Section i. Article 
VI, the last sentence and substitute the 
following : 

The names of candidates shall be 
placed on the ballot in alphabetical ar- 
rangement. 

The member voting shall designate 
his first choice by writing the figure "1" 
opposite the name of his first choice; 
his second choice by writing the figure 
"2" opposite the name of his second 
choice; his third choice by writing the 
figure "3" opposite the name of his third 
choice, indicating his relative preference 
for each and every candidate named 
upon the ballot by diflferent and con- 
.secutive numbers. Any ballot not made 
in exact compliance with the aforesaid 
rules shall be void. 

The several National Executive Com- 
mitteemen shall each be indicated by a 
different number, and the member plac- 
ing in nomination a candidate shall in- 
dicate by number for which of the spe- 
cific ofiices the nomination is made. 

Ballotting for each National Execu- 
tive Committeeman shall be done as if 
they were different or dissimilar offices. 
The candidate indicated by the lowest 
sum total of numbers opposite his name 
upon the ballot shall be elected. 

Vacancies shall be filled in similar 
manner. 

Members of the National Committee 
may be recalled by referendum vote. 
The initiative for recall shall not be 



i 



256 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



held open but shall be sent out immedi- 
ately. 

DEL. GAYLORD: The next section 
is Article VIT, which reads as follows : 

Section i : The National Secretary 
shall be elected by the National Com- 
mittee, and shall hold office for two 
years. The call for nominations and 
election shall be conducted at the same 
time and in the same manner as that of 
the National Executive Committee. Va- 
cancies shall be filled in a similar man- 
ner. The National Secretary shall re- 
ceive as compensation the sum of Fif- 
t-een Hundred Dollars annually, and 
shall give a bond in a sum fixed by the 
National Executive Committee." 

There is a substitute offered by the 
minority. Comrades Snyder, Lipscomb 
and Bell, as follows : 

"The National Secretary shall be 
elected or recalled in the same manner 
as are the National Executive Commit- 
teemen, and vacancies filled in the same 
manner." 

DEL, STARKWEATHER (Cal.) : I 
move to amend by adding the words : 
"The Secretary shall be subject to recall 
by national referendum." 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT (Wash.) : 
The National Secretary is always sub- 
ject to recall. You can always recall a 
National Committeeman by referendum, 
because a certain number can always 
call for a referendum vote on any party 
matter. 

THE CHAIRMAN : The chair wdl 
rule unless it is otherwise insisted upon 
that this clause also falls with the action 
on the report on the other section. 

DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.) : I want to 
offer a substitute for the report of the 
majority, that the National Secretary 
shall be elected by a referendum vote of 
the iparty membership, the nominations 
and election to be held as under the 
present constitution. 

SEVERAL DELEGATES: Second 
the motion. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The subject be- 
fore the house is the Article of the Con- 
stitution just read. Comrade Goebel has 
the floor. 

DEL. GOEBEL : I have no desire to 
take your time, but even if I am the 
only man who votes that way, I shall 
vote against this majority report. I 
know of no finer scheme for building up 
a machine in the Socialist Party than 
we have here today, whatever may be 
the motives of the committee. One of 



the things that you and I have pointed 
out on the platform is that under the 
capitalist rule you have a chance only 
once every two years to elect your gov- 
ernors and state officers, and legislators. 
What have we here ? There are _ two 
radical changes. The membership is to 
have no voice directly in the election of 
the National Secretary, and then ' not 
satisfied with that, they propose that we 
shall have him appointed for two years 
instead of one. I protest against it. 
Just what we have had in the past we 
are to have again. I am a long time 
in this movement, and I know some of 
the history of the Socialist Labor Party, 
and I know what they ran up against 
from this same kind of organization, 
this closely centralized plan of organ- 
ization. What puzzles me is that with 
all that history in your recollection you 
still vote for such articles as this. I 
tell you that I am going to vote to have 
the rank and file elect this National Sec- 
retary, and not twenty or thirty or even 
forty men. 

A DELEGATE: I would like to 
know if the members of the National 
Committee were not always elected by 
referendum vote. 

DEL. VANDER PORTEN: They 
were always elected by referendum vote. 

THE CHAIRMAN : The question is 
on the motion by the delegate from New 
Jersey. Those in favor will raise their 
hands and remain so till counted. Those 
opposed will do likewise. 
' DEL. KEARNS (N. J.): I desire 
to be recorded as voting for this resolu- 
tion. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The vote is in 
favor of the motion 55 ; opposed 62. 
The motion is lost. 

DEL. RIGG (Idaho) : I move that 
when this is submitted to referendum 
vote the substitute be submitted with 
it, and the matter will then be tested. 

The motion was duly seconded. 

DEL. OSBORNE (Cal.) : I move to 
lay that motion on the table. 

The motion was dulv seconded. 

THE CHAIRMAN: A motion wM 
made by Comrade Rigg that the substi- 
tute and the committee's report be print- 
ed and sent to the referendum as an 
alternative. The motion was made and 
seconded to lay that motion on Ihi' 
table. A division is called for. 

DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.) : I should 
like to ask whether it is not true thai 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16. 



257 



all of this constitution by its provisions 
must go to the referendum. 

DELEGATES : Sure ! 

THE CHAIRMAN : Those in favor 
of the motion to lay on the table will 
raise their hands. Those opposed. The 
chair will say that when the constitu- 
tion is sent to referendum each member 
will have the opportunity to compare it 
with the present constitution, and they 
will compare it before they vote. 



The motion to lay on the table was 
declared carried by a vote of 61 for and 
52 against. 

A DELEGATE : A point of informa- 
tion. If any part of this proposed con- 
stitution is defeated on the referendum 
would the old constitution stand? 

DELEGATES : Sure. Certainly. 

It was decided that a defeated amend- 
ment could not be submitted to refer- 
endum. 

Adjourned until 9 a. m., May 17. 



258 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



259 



EIGHTH DAY'S SESSION 



According to the adjournment the 
previous day the convention was to have 
met at 9 o'clock, but it was considerably 
later when Del. Gaylord called the con- 
vention to order and called for nom- 
inations for Chairman of the dayi 

Del. Thompson, of Wisconsin, was 
elected Chairman for the day. 

National Secretary Barnes was by 
common consent declared elected tem- 
porary secretary in the absence of Sec- 
retary Heath. 

FRATERNAL DELEGATES FROM CANADA. 

The fraternal delegates from Canada 
were offered the floor. 

DEL. A. W. MANCE (fraternal dele- 
gate from Canada) : Comrades and 
friends, a good many of you know that 
I was from Canada originally, and after 
I got through with my work here in 
Chicago on the Weekly Socialist, I went 
home for a while to see my mother, and 
she treated me so well that I have been 
there ever since. When I got to To- 
ronto I thought I would not look at a 
Socialist or see one for at least a couple 
of months, because I wanted rest. I 
thought I wanted to get away from 
them. But I g:ot there Wednesday, and 
on Saturday night I was on the corner 
talking Socialism in Toronto (Ap- 
plause), and I got just as busy there 
as I was here. So it is the same spirit 
that dominates a man, no matter what 
part of the world he gets in. 

If you imagine, any of you, that you 
can get away from Socialism, you will 
have to travel farther into the woods 
than I have. I have traveled through 
Canada, and I have been away up in 
the North. Our movement there is very 
similar to what it is here. Conditions 
there are very similar to what they are 
here, except we are having or did have 
until last fall a particularly active land 
movement. The last of the great West 
'is now being opened up in western Can- 
ada. What was known as the American. 



frontier for more than a hundred years 
and had been rolling west has now 
started to roll north, and there is a 
great, tremendous territory opening up. 
But I am glad to tell you that within a 
week after the first settler goes any- 
where in a new community there is 
some kind of a Socialist document 
reaches him. I have been away up 1 
where the last settler appeared to be in 
the northern country, and there I would 
either find the Appeal to Reason or 
Wilsbire's Magazine or some other So- 
cialist paper or pamphlet. (ApplaUse.) 
The conditions there are very similar to 
what they are here. It is only an imag- 
inary line that divides us. We speak 
the same language, we wear the same 
kind of clothes, and we know no differ- 
ence between the laws of capitalism 
there and here. There is merely a dif- 
ference in name so far as the govern- 
ments are concerned. 

While you have been watching pa- 
rades of the unemployed of the United 
States in your cities, we in Toronto also 
had an unemployed problem, and I wish 
to tell you that when the unemployed, 
who numbered hundreds, thousands, yes, 
probably ten thousand, needed some one 
to speak for them the only ones who 
would hire a hall and lead them down 
and. talk to the authorities were the' So- 
cialist local of Toronto. (Applause.) 
We paid the hall rent for three days, 
talked Socialism to them, and then we 
took them down to the city hall and 
told the mayor the condition the people 
were in, and made speeches from the 
city hall steps. The council authorities 1 
there have a little more sense than they *' 
have here. We sent them word that we 
were coming and that we would be 
down there perhaps a thousand stronK 
at a certain time on a certain mornintf. I. 
They did not get the police force to 
mob us or do anything else. We gath- 
ered in front of the city hall two §iou- 
sand strong. We arranged to have our 



marshals march them down straight, al- 
most like an army, and from the time 
we left the meeting hall until we got to 
the city hall steps was the first time we 
saw a policeman anywhere. Then they 
told us to spread out, that the mayor 
was ready to receive us. There were 
whole portions of the city of Toronto 
that had to be fed by charity, just the 
same as you have here. Despite the 
fact that we have millions of acres of 
land and factories that can more than 
supply everything that the desire of a 
human being can ask for, there is pov- 
erty there the same as here. 

The immigration problem is just be- 
.ginning to reach them, and there is 
where our Socialist philosophers are 
running up against practical facts and 
coming into clash there the same as thev 
i.lo here. There is an attempt in British 
Columbia on the part of the white race 
10 keep the Japanese from overcoming 
ihem. As you know, we are building 
about 12,000 miles of new railroad 
through that country in the western and 
southwestern provinces. In British Co- 
lumbia there are about 125,000 white 
men, and had the business men suc- 
ceeded in the attempt to bring the 
coolies and Japs in there they would 
simply have had a rebellion on their 
hands in the British empire to keep 
them out. Those are the facts. I am 
not here to discuss the fine points in our 
])hilosophy, but there are the facts, and 
I am satisfied that that is one of the 
great problems that will bring the work- 
ing class of Canada, in the West at 
least, and those in the United States into 
line. Now, I believe in the Socialist 
philosophy, which says, "Workingmen 
of all countries, unite," but there is the 
fact, and inside of five years the white 
race in the western provinces of Can- 
ada will absolutely have a struggle to 
keep the Japanese and Chinese from 
overrunning the field. The problem 
there is just the same as here, exactly. 

Just one more point about our move- 
ment over there. It is young, healthy 
and strong. It is revolutionary, what 
there is of it. We have a large num- 
her of dues-paying members in Toronto. 
We have five locals of different lan- 
guages, Finnish, Jewish, English, French 
and Italian. We have over 400 of our 
I'iimish comrades there, and they are 
llie same as. they are everywhere. In a 
liopulation of 400 Finns there are 120 
ihies-paying Finnish comrades, and they 



have built a hall of their own that cost 
them $12,000. They have got a band 
and a little theater and almost every- 
thing you could desire, and they are just 
like their people ever3Tvhere, ready for 
Socialism, waiting for the rest of the 
workingmen to get ready. (Applause.) 

In British Columbia our comrades 
have succeeded in sending three mem- 
bers to the legislature, and our comrades 
from the West will bear me out that 
they are capable of holding up the ban- 
ner of Socialism and the red flag of 
liberty in that legislature. Although they 
call themselves impossibilists, they are 
the kind of impossibilists that I like, al- 
though I do not generally come under 
that head. (Applause.) ' They watch 
everything that comes up, and they are 
looking after the interests of the work- 
ing class. 

Our movement there is healthy, strong 
and revolutionary. It is just what a 
young movement ought to be, with a 
membership who really understand the 
princioles of Socialism, and we will yet 
see the time when the movement over 
there will probably grow as fast as any- 
where else dn the world. It appears 
that we have got economic conditions 
alike, just about the same the world 
over. Immigrants are rolling in, last 
year 300,000 of them. 

With one incident I will close. We 
have got about 30,000 immigrants in 
Toronto alone. They had a big preach- 
ers' meeting the other day in Toronto, 
and a very famous preacher there, a 
doctor, made a very impassioned speech 
. on the immigration question. He showed 
that at the rate the immigrants were ar- 
riving it was only a question of time 
until they would swamp the English 
population, because when you take into 
account that two millions of them are 
French in the province of Quebec and 
that they are in about the same condi- 
tion now that they were two hundred 
years ago in France when their an- 
cestors immigrated out there, they natu- 
rally got frightened. He said that every 
tenth man, I think it was, or fifteenth 
man, that you meet today is an immi- 
grant in the city of Toronto; every 
twentieth man that you meet in the 
Dominion of Canada is an immigrant. 
They came last year in great numbers, 
and there was a tremendous oroblem, 
and Dr. Wilson held up his hands in 
holy horror of the future. A few weeks 
afterward in the hall which the city 



260 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



',(11 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



261 



council owns and gave us free of rent 
to hold our M'ay Day celebration we 
had i,200 of these people gathered in 
that hall. There were the Italians, the 
Finns, the Jews, the Irish, and people 
of almost all nationalities. I stood be- 
fore that audience that night to make 
an address for the international So- 
cialist Party, and I referred to Dr. Wil- 
son's address and his fear and horror of 
these foreigners, and I said, "Doctor, 
-don't worry; as I look out over this 
audience I see a proof of one of 
the grand principles of Socialism, the 
brotherhood of man. Doctor, we will 
take care of them." (Applause.) 

DEL. J. E. DRURY (fraternal dele- 
gate from Canada) : I have just come 
over here to present greetings to you 
from Canada. The fact is that no mat- 
ter where you go you always meet So- 
cialists. We have just come over here 
to see how you run your business here 
and to see if we can learn anything. 
Possibly we can learn a little, if we can- 
not learn much. I think we are cer- 
tainly helping the American Socialist 
movement, and maybe after the next 
election we will return one or two of 
our members from Ontario to the legis- 
lature. (Applause.) 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTION 
RESUMED. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The business 
pending is Article VII, Section i. 

DEL. GAYLORD: I understand it 
was fully discussed, and it only remains 
for the convention to say whether or 
not it will adopt the report of the com- 
mittee on this section : 

"Section i. The National Secretary 
shall be elected by the National Com- 
mittee and shall hold oiBce for two 
years. The call for nominations and 
election shall be conducted at the 
same time and in the same manner as 
that of the National Executive Com- 
mittee. Vacancies shall be filled in the 
same manner. The National Secre- 
tary shall receive as compensation the 
sum of fifteen hundred dollars an- 
nually and shall give a bond in a sum 
fixed' by the National Executive Com- 
mittee." 

DEL. COWAN (Ohio) : I move its 
adoption. (Seconded.) 

DEL. OSBORNE (Cal.) : I would 
like to make an amendment. The 
amendment offered is where it reads 
that the National Secretary shall hold 



office for two years. I would make an 
amendment this way : "Shall be elected 
by the National Committee and hold 
ofiice at the will of the National Com- 
mittee," instead of two years. (Sec- 
onded.) 

DEL. FIELDMAN : If you want to 
kill the majority report, or rather the 
report of the committee, you cannot kill 
it any more effectively than by just 
placing in it this expression "at will." 
I do not say that Comrade Osborne in- 
tended it so, but if he did he could not 
devise a better method of having this 
thing killed, for the comrades in the 
Socialist party will never stand for the 
election of any officer to hold office at 
the will of any icommittee, that is to 
say, to hold it just as long as that com- 
mittee sees fit. (Applause.) I there- 
fore hope, comrades, that you will un- 
derstand, if not the purpose, the real 
effect of this, and that you will vote it 
down. Let the National Committee be 
commanded by the Socialist Party of 
this country; that the National Secre- 
tary be elected for two years, and after 
that two years we will elect either the 
same one or a new National Secretary. 
That is the sensible thing, and that is 
consequently the proper thing to do. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready 
for the question? 

(Question called for.) All those in 
favor say aye. Opposed, no. The noes 
have it ; the amendment is defeated. 
Proceed. 

DEL. BERLYN (111.) : Let us pass 
the article. 

The article as reported was again 
read, and on motion was adopted. 

Delegates Devine, of Oliio, and Stir- 
ton, of Michigan, asked to be recorded 
as favoring the election of National 
Secretar3- by referendum vote of the 
membership. 

DEL. MORGAN (111.) : A point of 
information. The section just adopted 
provided that a bond be given by the 
Secretary. I would like to ask the Com- 
mittee on Constitution if they have con- 
.sidered who is to hold that bond. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Will the com- 
mittee answer? 

DEL. MORGAN: Who is to hold 
that bond ? Who could sue on that bond 
if the Secretary violated any of his 
financial obligations? There are a lot 
of lawj'ers here. I want to find out 
what provision has been made to secure 
the funds of the party, whether they arr 



I 



secure now, or whether they will be 
secured by the giving of that bond. 

DEL. GAYLORD: I will ask Com- 
rade Slobodin to answer. 

DEL. SLOBODIN: The committee 
does not believe that the party can sue 
on the bond. Naturally it will be the 
National Executive Committee of the 
Socialist Party most likely. If there are 
trustees, then the bond is to go to the 
trustees, and they will be the ones to 
sue, or whoever the National Commit- 
tee may determine. 

DEL. MORGAN : I want to know if 
the committee has considered the fact 
that under the constitution as it now 
stands it now gives no protection abso- 
lutely to the funds of the party, and if 
Comrade Barnes should die today his 
lieirs would have absolute control of 
every dollar that is in his possession, 
and there is nobody in the party, under 
the present constitution or under that 
constitution, that has a right to sue for 
any pie<ce of property that is held by the 
party. I simply ask for information. I 
ask "the committee, before it finishes its 
report, to frame a section to go with 
that, or if you can tell us how we are 
satisfied that every dollar paid in by 
our members is secured by the proper 
officer under that constitution. 

DEL. BERLYN (III.) ; We never 
had in the constitution a clause for a 
bond. Now, I suggest that we have a 
clause providing for a bond. The rea- 
son is this, that in the report of the 
Executive Committee I notice a state- 
ment as to the manner of the disposal 
•of the money. It was decided by the 
Executive Committee that the National 
Secretary deposit the funds in the name 
of the Socialist party. Now there is 
established some control. You cannot 
liave a constitution with every point in- 
volved. We are generous, but experi- 
ence should teach us wisdom. I have 
got perfect faith in Comrade Barnes, 
hut it is the possibility that I want to 
protect the party against, and I believe 
I hat the Executive Committee or those 
whom we trust with the charge of the 
property will create such safeguards as 
are necessary and as experience teaches 
us from time to time. We are wasting 
time. We ought to get through by din- 
ner time and go home. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Let me suggest 
(liat Comrade Morgan frame this at this 
lime, as we are out of order technically 
,ind if he will frame his conception of 



how it should be drafted, whether it 
should embody a provision specifically 
providing for the details, we can intro- 
duce this under a motion to adopt as a 
whole, when it will be perfectly in order 
and get it as Comrade Morgan wants it. 
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection that suggestion will be ac- 
cepted and we will proceed. 

The remaining sections of Article VII, 
Sections 2, 3 and 4, were then read, 
with the explanation that they were 
identical with those in the old constitu- 
tion. The sections are as follows : 

"Section 2. The National Secretary 
shall have charge of all affairs of the 
National office subject to the direc- 
tions of the Executive Committee and 
the National Committee. He shall re- 
ceive the reports of the state organ- 
izations and of the local organizations 
in unorganized states and territories. 
He shall supervise the accounts of the 
national office, and the work of the 
lecture bureau, the literature bureau, 
and such other departments as may 
hereafter be established in connection 
with the National office." 

"Section 3. The National Secretary 
shall issue to all party organizations, 
in such way as the Executive Commit- 
tee may direct, monthly bulletins con- 
taining a report of the financial affairs 
of the party, a summary of the condi- 
tions and the membership of the sev- 
eral state and territorial organizations, 
the principal business transacted by 
his office and such other matters per- 
taining to the organization and activ- 
ity of the party as may be of general 
interest to tlie membership. Such 
bulletins shall not contain editorial 
comment." 

"Section 4. The National Secretary 
shall be empowered to secure such 
help as may be necessary for the 
proper transaction of the business of 
his office." 

The three sections were adopted with- 
out objection or discussion. 

DEL. WORK (Iowa) : I want to 
move an additional section, to be known 
as Section 5. 

"Section 5. The National Secretary 
may be recalled at any time by the 
National Committee or the member- 
ship." 

The amendment was seconded and 
adopted without discussion. 

DEL. GAYLORD: In Article VIII 
the committee makes only one sugges- 



I 









;f 



■■'.I 



.* 



■f.i 

.'ri 



262 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17, 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



263 



tion for a change in Section 2. It read 
formerly: "The lecture bureau shall 
have no connection with the work of or- 
ganization, and it shall have the right to 
make arrangements for the lecturers 
imder its auspices with all state or local 
organizations of the party." We make 
this suggestion : Strike out the phrase 
"shall have no connection with the work 
of organization." That seemed to us 
to be nonsensical, because the work of 
the lecture bureau almost unavoidably 
has connection with the vyork of organ- 
ization in new fields, and we want it to 
be so. On the other hand, we strike 
out the phrase "shall have the right to 
make arrangements with all local organ- 
izations," and make it "shall have the 
right to make arrangements with all 
'} state organizations." That means this, 
that if the National Secretary makes ar- 
rangements through the state organiza- 
tions to route speakers through the local 
organizations it is satisfactory and ac- 
cording to the constitution, but where 
the state secretaries prefer that such 
routing be through the state office en- 
tirely, 'then the constitution can permit 
it to be done in that manner. It re- 
moves the possibility of friction and 
misunderstanding. Now, in the first 
section there is no change as to the 
lecture bureau. 

The first section is as follows : 

"Section I. There shall be main- 
tained in connection with the National 
office a lecture bureau for the purpose 
of arranging tours for lecturers for 
the propaganda of Socialism." 
THE CHAIRMAN : You have heard 
the suggestion of the committee. 

On motion the section was adopted 
without discussion. 

The next section was read. __ 

"Section 2. The lecture bureau 
shall have the right to make arrange- 
ments for the lecturers under ^ its 
auspices with all state' organizations 
of the party." 

Adopted without objection. 
The next section was read. 

"Section 3. The National Commit- 
tee shall establish a uniform rate of 
compensation for all lecturers and or- 
ganizers working under its auspices." 
Adopted without debate. 
Article IX was read. 

"Section i. The National Commit- 
tee shall also maintain in the head- 
quarters of the party a department for 



the dissemination of Socialist litera- 
ture." 

"Section 2. The Literature Bureau 
shall keep for sale to the local or- 
ganizations of the party and others, 
a stock of Socialist books, pamphlets 
and other literature, and shall have 
the right, with the approval of the 
committee, to publish works on So- 
cialism or for the purpose 6i Socialist 
propaganda, but this clause, shall not 
be construed as authorizing the bureau 
to publish any periodical." 

"Section 3. The profits of the Lit- 
erature Bureau shall go into the gen- 
eral funds of the party treasury." 
The article was adopted without ob- 
jection. 

DEL. GAYLORD: To facilitate dis- 
cussion, and I know discussion will 
arise, I wish to say that the first sen- 
tence in Article X, is the same as the 
former Section i of "Conventions," and 
I will read it, 

"Section i. The regular National 
Convention of the party shall be held 
in all years in which elections for 
President and Vice President of the 
United States are to be held." 
There is no questiton on that, I be- 
lieve. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Any objections? ■ 
It is adopted. 

DEL. GAYLORD : As_ to the second 
sentence' under "Conventions," for the 
purpose of facilitating the discussion, 
not having had a chance to confer with 
the committee and learn the opinion of 
the committee, I wish to make this a 
separate section. 

"Section ( ) . A convention com- 
posed of National Committeemen, 
State Secretaries of various states 
and editors of Socialist newspapers 
designated by the National Commit- 
tee shall be held in all even nutnbered 1 
years when no regular ' convention is ' 
held, to consider and report recom- 
mendations upon the program, ■ agita- 
tion and organization of the party." 
I wish to say that I have added there 
what was definitely understood in the 
committee, but did not get ino print, A 
question has been raised, but Del. Slay- 
ton will confirm me when I say that it 
was definitely understood in the com- 
mittee that this was to be to consider 
and report recommendations upon pro- 
gram, agitation and organization of the 
party. May I speak just a moment on 



I 



that? I move the adoption. (Sec- 
onded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved and seconded that this section 
be adopted. The comrade ha.^ asked 
for the floor. 

DEL. GAYLORD : I think I can 
save time. I know you want to make 
amendments, , and I want to open the 
door for them. We did not have time 
in the convention for proper considera- 
tion. One of the most important things 
that the organization has done was when 
it was moved here to put this over till 
9 o'clock in the morning, and we do not 
know that we can do anything for four 
years unless we adopt this. There are 
important things that come up. We 
have not had a chance to get together 
and properly develop our ideas on agi- 
tation and organization. We need this 
opportunity. Now, how shall we secure 
this opportunity, in the simplest way? 
I am not absolutely sure it is the best 
way, but we have wanted something, 
and we formulated it this way. If you 
can find a better way, very well, but we 
felt the necessity of that, and the hap- 
penings in this convention have proved 
it. 

DEL. SLAYTON: I want to sug- 
gest to Comrade Gaylord a point that 
other speakers may take into considera- 
tion. You say to consider and recom- 
mend, or consider and adopt. What do 
they want to recommend? To whom 
will they recommend? To the National 
Committee. Therefore, instead of rec- 
ommend I move that it be to adopt 
measures. I move that as an amend- 
ment. 

DEL. SPARGO : There is one phrase 
in the clause as read as to this extra 
convention, this new form of conven- 
tion, to which I take very decided ob- 
jection. This committee has, I see, pro- 
vided that this convention shall consist 
of National Committeemen, National 
Executive Committeemen, State Secre- 
taries and editors of papers designated 
by the National Committee. In that 
sentence I think we are laying up a 
store of trouble for the party if we 
;idopt it, unless we make it that any 
editor of a Socialist paper can attend 
.-ind take part, or leave it to a vote of 
Die membership. If we place on the 
National Committee the responsibility of 
K;iying that only certain papers shall be 
represented, then there will inevitably 
arise, as I can see, jealousy between 



papers, and the papers not represented 
will want to carry on a fight, and it 
seems to me we could not devise a bet- 
ter plan to create friction than by, just , 
that thing, and I move as an amendment 
that those words "and editors of party 
papers designated by the National Com- 
mittee" be stricken out. (Seconded.) ' 

DEL. HAZLETT (Mont.): I think 
it is of the utmost importance that the 
editors of Socialist party papers should 
attend. Now I dO' not understand that 
you shall have those that are owned by 
the state organization or the city or 
local or county organization, but that 
all those papers which are recognized 
as representing the Socialist party should 
be represented, and it seems to me that 
we are never going to put the American , 
party on any correct basis of under- 
standing our position until we fortify 
the press of the American Socialist 
party. Our press is a disgrace. We 
only have a few that are not private 
papers that are more or less charged 
with a desire to graft on this move- , 
ment. We are not building up a local 
press that will fight the capitalists in 
our home towns and in different sec- 
tions of the country. Our money is 
being paid into certain ip'apers far off. 
Now, it seems to me if we are ever to 
have a press representing us in our local 
fights with the capitalist class we have 
got to build up a united party press. It 
seems to me in this conference I cannot 
see how it would in any way cause dis- 
pute if all the editors or representatives', 
of all the papty papers were asked to 
corne to this conference. I should not 
be in favor of having only certain ones 
have the right to represent the Socialist 
party, but I would like to have all the 
editors of the party papers. There isn't 
any paper I know of except the party 
paper in Montana, the Montana News, 
and the Social Democratic Herald, that 
are_ representative organs of the party. 
It is of the utmost importance to have 
good financial local support for these 
papers. The papers that go all over the 
country and take part in every Socialist 
conference, you don't have to go to 
their financial support. So I would wish 
to have included with the editors of the 
party press the business managers also. 

DEL. C. L. FURMAN (N. Y.) : I 
would like to ask if these editors will '. 

have only a voice and no vote, or 
whether they will have a voice and vote 
with the committee. 



. 



264 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



DEL, MAY WOOD SIMONS (111.) : 
1 understand this proposition is to the 
effect that the results of the meeting or 
conference or convention shall go out to 
the party for a referendum. I simply 
want to make an amendment. Is the 
motion or the amendment now before 
the house ? 

THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment 
is now before us, made by Comrade 
Spargo. 

DEL. MAY WOOD SIMONS : Then 
I wish to amend this in this form : that 
the editors of the papers and the busi- 
ness managers shall be included in the 
conferences, without a vote, but that 
they shall have the right to take part in 
the conferences. It seems to me this is 
absolutely essential. No one needs edu- 
cating any more than the editors of our 
papers (laughter and applause), and it 
is absolutely necessary that we should 
come in close contact with the organ- 
izers and with those who are mentioned 
in this to take part in the conference. 
Therefore^ I believe this form would be 
entirely satisfactory to the party if they 
are given the benefit of the discussion, 
but are not allowed to vote. We under- 
stand that these editors are not elected 
by the party, that is, the majority of 
them are not. Therefore, they should 
not have a vote in the conference, be- 
cause the matter is to go out before the 
party m a referendum. (Applause.) 
Amendment seconded. 
DEL. BERGER (Wis.) : Comrade 
Chairman and comrades, I agree with 
Comrade Simons that there is no one 
who needs education more than the 
editor. Not only that, but the editor is 
the one most apt to learn, as a rule. 
If he does not learn he will soon cease 
to be an editor. I can say this from ex- 
perience ; I have had many years ex- 
perience in editing papers, both dailies 
and weeklies, and I can say this from 
experience that I have had in editing a 
daily that went down and editing week- 
lies also that came nearer being an abso- 
lute success in every way, that is even 
financially, without having a gold mine 
to back it, than any other Socialist 
paper in the country. While we'have no 
surplus, we come near to paying our 
running expenses. In other words, I 
mean the Social Democratic Herald. A 
year ago it had a monthly deficit of four 
dollars. That is very little for a So- 
cialist paper, of course. But, of course, 
that is not the idea. I do not know of 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



265 



any editor who wants to come here to 
dictate to anybody. If the editors want 
to dictate they find other means than 
to push themselves upon any conven- 
tion in their capacity as editors. An 
editor can usually manage to be elected 
a delegate, let me tell you. I have al- 
ways heard that. Just look at Com- 
rade Lee ; how often has he been a dele- 
gate, or Simons, or Berger? Don't you 
forget it, we could become delegates if 
we want to. That is not the idea. It 
is not that Socialist editors would want 
to push themselves upon any convention 
as delegates. 

As I understand the idea of these 
conferences, and I have talked the mat- 
ter over with some of our friends, it 
is that this is the only country I know 
of and the only convention of Socialist 
parties where there is so little real the- 
oretical, real scientific theoretical dis- 
cussion going on. When an editor dele- 
gate gets up and talks, what he says 
and what he thinks is scientific, it is 
usually repeating the cheap phrases he 
had learned from some five-cent pamph- 
let, and that is the beginning and the 
end of all his phrases. There is a de- 
plorable lack of any good, real discus- 
sion from the Socialist scientific stand- 
point, from the real scientific standpoint 
in the use of a few phrases about clear- 
cuttedness and class consciousness and 
tincompromisedness and a good deal 
other nonsense. Not only do they use 
a few hollow words, but let me tell you 
that is not science. A man has to be 
able to talk about any subject, and we 
do usually to some extent in Milwaukee. 
We take up anything, whether it is a 
new pavement, whether it is some other 
subject that is before us, and ' treat it 
from a Socialist standpoint. 

Now, you can take up any subject; 
you can take up history and treat it 
from the Socialist standpoint. I under- 
stand these conferences are in off years ^J 
when we do not have any ticket to nomi- wt 
nate and no platform to make a figiil ^^ 
about, as to whether these amendments 
are scientific or not. As I say, they arc 
to be when we have the peace of mind 
to sit down and take up the questions 
before the people and treat them in a 
scientific manner from a theoretical So 
cialist standpoint, and then you will see 
that our other conventions will have a 
higher standard and a higher level 
That is what I understand the confer 
ence is to be for, and there is wIu'H' 



we need the editors and need them very 
badly. 

A DELEGATE: We must have 
them. 

DEL. BERGER: Now, it is entirely 
superfluous or really of little conse- 
quence whether you have a voice and 
vote or not. It does not make any dif- 
ference, br-ause they are not making a 
new constitution, they are not changing 
your platform ; they are simply to ex- 
press their opinions on certain subjects 
before the people. If you don't want 
me there as editor, then I will be elected 
the same as the others. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Let me suggest 
that we have the amendment offered by 
Del. Simons before us, and, if you can, 
dispose of that. I notice they are dis- 
cussing the main question. 

DEL. KONIKOW (Mass.) : I would 
like to know if Comrade Simons' 
amendment contains the words "desig- 
nated by the National Committee." 

THE CHAIRMAN: No, I think 
not. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Did you intend 
to have editors designated by the Na- 
tional Committee, Comrade Simons, or 
all Socialist editors? 

DEL. M. W. SIMONS : All Socialist 
editors. 

THE CHAIRMAN: We will fix it 
so as to include all Socialist editors. 

DEL. JOSEPHINE R. COLE (Cal.) : 
I would like to ask how you are going 
to designate those Socialist editors. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I cannot answer 
that question. 

DEL. WORK (Iowa) : I want to 
ask whether it is the intention of the 
committee that this conference shall 
have power to bind the party in any way. 

DEL. GAYLORD: The report as 
changed and approved by the members 
of the committee gives this conference 
authority to consider and report recom- 
mendations upon program, agitation and 
organization of the party. 

DEL. WORK: And not to bind the 
party? 

DEL. GAYLORD: Not to bind the 
party. The recommendations would 
have to go out in the form of a refer- 
endum and be adopted before they would 
bind the party. 

DEL. POPE (Mo.) : I am in favor 
of this, but I want to move, if it is in 
order at this time, a substitute for the 
whole, and then I want to give the pur- 
pose of it. I move as a substitute the 



following : "A convention composed of 
members elected by referendum vote 
shall be held in all even numbered years 
when no regular convention is held, for 
the purpose of" — — and then adding 
that. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Striking out the 
other? 

DEL. POPE: Yes, and if I get a 
second T will speak to it. (Substitute 
seconded.) This is my point: You 
know and I know that there is not an 
editor in the Socialist movement but 
what will be sent here on a referen- 
dum vote of this party. And what do 
we want? We want to have the edi- 
tors, the best minds in our conven- 
tions, and we want the conventions 
held by those who know just what to 
do. I want the brains of the Socialist 
Party sent to the conventions if pos- 
pisble, and that is the reason why I 
moved the substitute. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): Com- 
rade Berger and some people have 
got a notion that the referendum vote 
is a garbage barrel for all discarded 
notions and ideas. Therefore they 
do not understand those who want to 
refer to a referendum vote. Now, the 
constitution provides that the Na- 
tional Committee may meet wheiiever 
it deems necessary to do so. It is an 
expense, but it is a necessity at the 
same time for the National Commit- 
tee to meet anyhow. Now you have 
heard it frequently said that it would 
be good for the movement if the state 
secretaries of all the states would 
meet in a conference. It would be, 
indeed, but it involves an expense. 
You have heard it frequently said 
that it would be well for the move- 
ment to have the editors of Socialist 
papers hold conferences. No question 
about it, it would be well, but it would 
involve expense. All these confer- 
ences will take place within the next 
four years, and this obviates the ne- 
cessity of this sort of an independent 
conference, and it also will obviate 
the necessity of calling special con- 
ventions; that is, it may obviate the 
necessity for this sort of a conven- 
tion. What is the true power, the 
true influence of this conference, ac- 
cording to the recommendation of the 
committee? To adopt and recom- 
mend, that is all. To recommend does 
not mean that they have the power to 



266 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



submit to a referendum. After they 
recommend what shall be done? The 
National Committee will submit that 
by correspondence to see whetlier the 
membership will reject or adopt the 
recommendation. These recommen- 
dations will have no more than moral 
force. At the same time they are 
valuable for the purpose of education, 
as far as that is concerned. I say, if 
we create this convention or cre- 
ate this conference, let us make 
a success of it. There cannot be so 
many editors at that time of Socialist 
newspapers that they will outvote the 
conference, and I think the editors 
may be entrusted with a vote. Take 
the editors of education, and especi- 
ally the editors of the great Socialist 
papers in this country, the reason 
why they are so independent of the 
party is because they are not repre- 
sented in the councils of the party. 
I at one time thought that a certain 
editor, a well-respected comrade in the 
West, the editor of a newspaper that 
you all know here— I thought at one 
time, but I was mistaken, that he 
was dangerous to the movement. Now-, 
I think he should be included, even if 
he once advoted some of the cheap 
phrases of Hearst. I would admit 
him to the councils of the party, be- 
cause I know that if you place every 
honest man in a responsible position 
he becomes conservative. By all 
means let Wayland go to these con- 
ferences. By all means let Wilshire 
have equal powers, and I tell you they 
will hold themselves more responsible 
to the party than they do now. That 
is the reason why I want to have them 
in the councils of the party. I say 
by all means let us have them. It is 
merely a trial, after all. I do not say 
it will turn out a success. It may 
make trouble, but let vis have a trial 
of this conference, though it amounts 
to almost nothing. We may not en- 
dorse the recommendations after they 
are adopted. 

DEL. TUTTLE (Wis.): A point 
of order. Every one that has talked 
has been talking for one side. Give 
somebody a chance to say something 
on the other side. I want to say some- 
thing on the other side. 

DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): I am on 
the other side because I am not satis- 
fied either with what the committee 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



267 



has done or with the substitute. If 
I have any one hobby and have had 
ever since within one year of my be- 
ing national organizer, it has been this 
question of methods, better ways of 
doing things. I .say there is , some- 
thing wrong. I have said it all over 
the country, and this very proposition 
continues the wrong. You have got, 
for example, a number of men on the 
road as national organizers. You have 
absolutely no way at present by which 
you can get the benefit of those 
men's experience, by which those 
men can be brought in touch 
with other workers in the movement 
and teach the others what has been 
taught to them. It is only in this way 
that able men come to be recognized 
and put in the place they are fitted 
for. If I had my way we would not | 

call this a convention, because the 
moment you call it a convention you 
mix it up. I would call it a confer- 
ence. I would have certain people 
elected and sent to that conference 
whose expenses would be paid, and 
who would not have only a voice but 
a vote in that conference. I would 
also allow anybody that wanted to 
come to that conference to come and 
have a voice but not a vote, and pay 
their own expenses. The result would 
be what? We would gather together, 
in my judgment, the ablest men we 
have got in any line. I say that today 
the crying need of the Socialist party 
is better methods of work. We have, 
for example, I think I may freely 
say, no money. Time and time again 
I have said it, that it is not a ques- 
tion of money; it is a question of 
methods and I will prove it to you, 
just as other organizers have said, ^ 
Now, it is simply a question of get- 
ting these people together. If I had 
my way we would call it a confer- 
ence and not a convention. We would 
provide to have sent to the confer- 
ence at the expense of the national 
organization the National Committee- 
men, secretaries and the editors of 
papers, but no one else to have ex- 
penses paid. The national organizers, 
I would include them. It may seem 
personal, but I would include them, 
because they are the men that are 
comJng in touch with the movement 
and know not only the conditions in 
the big cites, but in the little cities, 



and the difficulties that the outlying 
local is up against as well as the big 
city local. I would bring these men 
together and pay their expenses, and 
have a regular set program for cer- 
tain days., I would have that confer- 
ence last at least one week. I would 
have a time fixed at which that confer- 
ence was to sit. I would have a time 
fixed with a definite program. One 
day I would have a lecture on the 
party press, as to the management of 
that party press, as to the editorship, 
as to the style of articles that were 
desired, as to the best methods of cir- 
culating those papers and advancing 
them in the neighborhood. I would 
have questions of organization. In 
other words, I would learn from the 
prohibitionist, I would learn from the 
church, I would learn from every oth- 
er organization every one of the ideas 
and tricks and methods that have 
given them a hundred times the 
power and influence that they would 
have had if it had not been for those 
methods. I am not satisfied with 
either article, and that is the reason 

' ^d"eL^'sOl!)MON (N Y.). I am 
opposed to all the amendments, and 1 
am in favor of the substitute motion 
of Comrade Pope of Missouri I be- 
lieve the recommendation of the com- 
mittee and the amendment practically 
means a national convention by ap- 
pointment, and means that _ people 
ought to be sent there, not m view 
of their merits, but becausethey hap- 
pen to hold a certain position in the 
party. It has been intimated here 
that a conference of various editors 
will have no effective value; in other 
words, they will not be able to carry 
out their decisions immediately, but 
they will go to a referendum vote. 
Now, let us consider, if there is a con- 
vention in which all the editors of 
the papers, all the state secretaries 
and members of the National Commit- 
tee decide certain things and have 
them submitted to a referendum vote, 
I want to ask you, what chance have 
you got to vote down a proposition 
of that kind. Here you have got all 
the editors on one side, you have got 
all the state secretaries on the other 
side, and they will all want to carry 
nnything that this convention or con- 
ference may decide. I say if it is nec- 



sary to have a special convention for 
the purpose of deciding theoretical 
questions, let us have a convention 
elected by a referendum vote of the 
membership of the party and not by 
appointment, which probably means 
delegates to a convention just to con- 
sider special matters. I say a com- 
rade who happens to be a state secre- 
tary may be a very efficient man in his 
own work and may be a very efficient 
man in clerical work, and yet may not 
be an efficient man to be sent to a 
national convention. I say if _ you 
want to have or to hold a national 
convention, let it be of members 
elected by the membership and not by 
appointment. . , ... 

DEL. LEE (N. Y.): I would like 
to ask for another reading of Del. 
Pope's substitute so as to make sure 
about some phrases in it. 

Del Reilly read as follows: Popes 
substitute is that a convention com- 
posed of members elected by reter- 
endum vote shall be held in all even- 
numbered years when no regular con- 
vention is to be held, to consider and 
report recommendations upon pro- 
gram, agitation and organization ot 
the party. 

DEL. LEE: I regret that I did 
not get the floor before Comrade 
Pope, because I have a substitute for 
the whole that is much shorter as well 
as simple, but of course it is out_ ot 
order now. I wanted to move sim- 
ply that a regular national convention 
of the party be held in every even- 
numbered year. This would ellect 
all the purposes which you are trying 
to effect by the proposition of the 
committee, by the two amendments 
and by the substitute. It would ef- 
fect it and at the same time entirely 
obviate the objection to having a con- 
vention or conference or whatever 
you call it that is at least partly ap- 
pointive instead of representative. It 
would not involve materially greater 
expense, and perhaps not greater ex- 
pense than the conference that you 
propose in the committee arrange- 
ment. It would not prevent the hold- 
ing of conferences of Socialist editors, 
organizers and so forth, because as a 
matter of fact most of the editors and 
organizers and state secretaries do 
often serve in our ordinary conven- 
tions as delegates, but they are elected 



268 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17 



because they are considered to be 
qualified as delegates. All this would 
command greater respect from the 
party membership than any irregular 
or special conference of the sort con- 
templated by the committee report 
and by the amendments, and it would 
have yet another advantage over those 
and Over the special sort of conven- 
tion contemplated in Comrade Pope's 
substitute for the whole. I do not see 
any reason, in the first place, I say, 
why we should have this sort of semi- 
official conference instead of a con- 
vention. And if we can have a con- 
vention elected by a referendum vote 
just in the same way that our nomi- 
nating convention is elected as Com- 
rade Pope suggests; if we give them 
any power, shall that convention have 
power only to consider and recom- 
mend, while a convention held in the 
presidential year is supposed to have 
power to act just as it has at the pres- 
ent time? Now, comrades, the short- 
est and most effective way to go about 
it is just the short, straight line. We 
know — and I have no doubt this has 
influenced the minds of the members 
of the committee — we know that the 
parties in the various countries of 
Europe, as a rule, hold their conven- 
tions annually, and we know it has a 
very good effect on the party if they 
do hold their conventions annually. 
This country is so large and holding 
conventions so expensive that it is 
impracticable or has been for us to 
hold our conventions annually. I do 
believe, however, that we are reaching 
the point where it would be quite 
practicable for us to hold regular 
conventions bi-ennially at least, and 
if it should be necessary make those 
conventions somewhat smaller; make 
the basis of representation one for 
500 instead of one for 400, or what- 
ever it happens to be; make the basis 
somewhat smaller. That would be 
better than to go on only once in four 
years and rush through our work in 
some respects very badly, as we are 
doing it at this time. I would like to 
have had an opportunity to introduce 
my substitute for the whole, which 
would provide simply that a regular 
national convention of the party be 
held in every even-numbered year. 

DEL. POPE: If I get my second 



to consent I will take that suggestion 
and let it be the substitute. 

DEL. LEE: I thank you. I wanted 
to do it awhile ago. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any 
objection? If there is no objection, 
then with the common consent Com- 
rade Lee's suggestion will now be- 
come a motion as a substitute for the 
whole. 

A DELEGATE: A point of order. 
This does away or conflicts with sec- 
tion 1, Article X, which states that 
we shall hold a convention every four 
vears. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Technically 
that is true, but at the same time it 
would not be fair to rule on it. 

THE DELEGATE: That can be 
obviated by calling it a nominating 
convention. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I will not 
sustain that point, because we may 
change that later if we wish to. 

DEL. JOHNS (Cal.): I am afraid 
I shall have to speak in favor of 
Comrade Lee's sulsstitute, though it 
is with great regret that I do so. It 
is not nearly so interesting as the 
form that was developing for the con- 
ference which we would have if things 
had gone on a little farther. The 
things are getting very close to me. 
I thought I was to be included in the 
regular form eventually. I thought 
the state and county organizers and 
secretaries would certainly be in- 
cluded and that I should not have to 
start a Socialist newspaper a month 
before this convention began. (Laugh- 
ter.) As it is, that is rendered unnec- 
sary, and I shall have to take my 
chances probably with the others of 
being elected. In fact, I think in 
spite of some disadvantages to some 
organizers and Socialist editors and 
so forth, it is after all the best way 
to let those come to that convention 
whom the membership actually want, 
instead of, of course, the ones that 
they should have. (Laughter.) 

DEL. GOEBEL: May I ask a 
question? 

THE CHAIRMAN: If he con- 
scnts. 

DEL. GOEBEL: I would like to 
ask the comrade to tell me when it 
has been posible for the state secre- 
taries and organizers to get together 



f 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



269 



even for four hours during this con- 
vention for a conference? 

DEL. JOHNS: Well, I don't think 
that there would be any greater proba- 
bility of their getting together as sec- 
retaries or organizers, Comrade Goe- 
bel, if the. choice of the membership 
for delegates to the convention were 
excluded by the form. I think it is 
up to them in the convention whether 
they should get together or not. If 
they don't come here it is probably 
because the membership don't care to 
have them come here. Of course, 
the desirability of having the organi- 
zation that the membership should 
have is great, but it should be remem- 
bered that in the end the only results 
of any value in the movement itself 
will be gained and determinad by the 
intelligence of the membership as a 
whole, and that the membership must 
get right before anything can be ac- 
complished, and they can get right 
only through practice in makmg mis- 
takes. Therefore, in spite of the loss 
of interest in this conference, I am in 
favor of Comrade Lee's substitute. 

DEL. CARR (111.): I rise to sup- 
port the substitute offered by Com- 
rade Lee and accepted by the others, 
for several reason. In the first place, 
I believe that the Socialist party rank 
and file is quite competent to decide 
upon the ones that it wishes to attend 
this conference or convention, and I 
am becoming very tired of hearing the 
cheap demagoguery that is used con- 
stantly in democratic and republican 
arguments against popular rule, 
against direct legislation and agamst 
the referendum, when used in a So- 
cialist convention. (Applause.) When- 
ever a member of that very select 
company, referred to in terms of pink 
tea by the comrade from the West, 
gets up to speak on any matter that 
seems to concern his chances or the 
chances of his clique to rule the So- 
cialist Party, he begins to assault one 
i)f the main principles of Socialism, 
direct legislation. Without direct leg- 
islation Socialism itself would be im- 
possible, and without direct legisla- 
tion the proper management of the 
Socialist Party would be impossible. 
[ have taken pride in a great many 
states of this union and in a great 
many cities and country villages of 
this country, in saying that the So- 



cialist Party stands for direct legisla- 
tion and practices it by running its 
party on the referendum plan (ap- 
plause), and I should be very sorry 
to have to go before these comrades 
again and apologize in having to ex- 
plain that it has ceased to be so dem- 
ocratic as it was before. I am in favor 
of this convention coming in this 
year between the national campaigns, 
because I believe the result of this 
convention will be of advantage to the 
party. The educational influence and 
the unifying influence of this conven- 
tion, and especially of this biennial 
convention, will be worth a hundred 
times more to the party than it costs. 
(Applause.) I believe with all my 
heart that if we had more of those 
conferences we would have not only 
a larger personal acquaintance, but it 
would be helpful. I am very happy 
to be able to agree with so many 
New York comrades in this matter 
of this referendum. I would like to 
suggest that it might be, if the com- 
rades desire others besides those 
elected to come and have a voice in 
this convention, that another section 
might be added, and, if it is the will 
of this convention, to have these spec- 
ified comrades come and have a voice 
in the national convention, and also 
Comrade Barnes. I would not object 
to that, but I do wish to insist with 
all my power, not only now but al- 
ways, on a referendum of these mat- 
ters to the party itself, and I do ap- 
prove with all my heart this conven- 
tion that is proposed. 

DEL. SNYDER (Kan.): I move 
the previous question. (Seconded.) 

DEL. GAYLORD: I wish to ask 
Comrade Lee whether he intends this 
section introduced by him and ac- 
cepted by Comrade Pope will simply 
take the place of the entire section, 
including the portion already adopted 
under "Conventions." I so under- 
stand it. 

DEL. LEE: I do so understand it. 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved and seconded that the pre- 
vious question shall now be put. All 
in favor — 

DEL. BERGER (Wis.): A point 
of order. If you adopt this to take 
the place of what was adopted it 
would abolish the convention for the 



270 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



271 



nomination of president and vice 
president. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I do not know 
whether that is true or not. If it is, 
it is a serious point. 

DEL. POPE: That is what I un- 
derstood when I agreed to Comrade 
Lee's motion. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The point of 
order is not sustained. 

DEL. POPE: I want to present 
this question: When I accepted Com- 
rade Lee's suggestion it was with 
this purpose; I had accepted it as a 
second section in that article. I did 
not mean to leave out the first clause 
there for a national convention which 
means to nominate. I did not mean 
that; I meant to accept it as a second 
part. 

THE CHAIRMAN: We have been 
proceeding this morning by common 
consent and courtesy so as to get 
through, and we have got into confu- 
sion a little by doing it, but let us find 
out and get what we want. I will 
listen to Comrade Lee, because he is 
involved. 

DEL. LEE: If Comrade Pope 
yielded to me with a certain under- 
standing of the purport of my motion, 
I think in fairness I should not insist 
on my amendment in that form. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I think that is 
fair. 

DEL. LEE: I suppose it will in- 
volve some editing of the words of 
the two sections, and for my part I 
am quite willing to entrust that to 
the constitution committee or who- 
ever may have charge of the matter. 

DEL. BERGER: A point of order. 
You cannot edit that one section. The 
editing must be done on the consti- 
tution as a whole. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Your point is 
sustained. 

DEL. BERGER: We cannot edit 
a part of the constitution. By adopt- 
ing the last substitute we abolish the 
convention to nominate president and 
vice-president. 

DEL. LEE: I mean distinctly edi- 
ting for style. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The point is 
sustained. 

DEL. CARR: A question of in- 
formation. Is it not true that if we 
accept this section as proposed by 
Comrades Pope and Lee it is only nec- 



essary to reconsider the first section 
and put in the word "nominating"? 
That will save lots of time. Let us 
adopt it and get done. 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT (Wash.): 
A point of order. A motion has been 
made and seconded for the previous 
question, and no more discussion is 
allowed. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The point is 
not sustained. Comrade Hunt of Illi- 
nois has the floor. 

DEL. PAULITSCH (N. Y.): I ap- 
peal from the decision. 

DEL. HUNT: I yield the floor to 
Comrade Simons. 

DEL. A. M. SIMONS (111.): I 
wish to ask the chair and the com- 
mittee also, doesn't the substitute of- 
fered by Comrade Lee destroy the 
purpose for which the conference or 
convention is called? There are cer- 
tain papers designated, according to 
this committee report, whose repre- 
sentatives are to attend this confer- 
ence especially. If I understand his 
proposition, it was to the effect that 
they were to be elected or be dele- 
gates to the convention. The very 
men that the constitutional committee 
wish most to be in this conference 
would not then be present. 

A DELEGATE: Wasn't it an ed- 
ucational conference that was in- 
tended? 

THE CHAIRMAN: That is cor- 
rect. Now, let us ask the secretary 
to read the proposition. 

DEL. TUTTLE (Wis.) : Mr. Chair- 
man, not one time during this discus- 
sion has anyone said that if we don't 
vote in favor of the editors coming 
they could not come here and would 
not come. But they can come here 
and will conie here. Then what is the 
use of all this discussion? 

THE CHAIRMAN: The secre- 
tary will now read what is before us. 

ASST. SEC. REILLY: There was 
first the report of the committee 
which Comrade Gaylord read, and 
which I would read if somebody had 
not taken my copy. The next was an 
amendment by Spargo of New York. 

DEL. SPARGO: Since the pur- 
pose of the amendment has been 
served, with the consent of my sec- 
ond, might I withdraw that? 

ASST. SEC. REILLY: All right. 
Then the next was a substitute by 



Comrade Pope of Missouri, and after- 
wards that substitute was changed by 
Comrade Lee with the consent of 
Pope and as now changed reads that 
"A regular National Convention of 
the party shall be held in each even- 
numbered year." 

DEL. POPE: Do you call that 
Section 2 of that article? 

ASST. SEC. REILLY: I don't 
know what you would call it. 

DEL. POPE: If that is what it is, 
we want to know it, because one con- 
tradicts the other. 

ASST. SEC. REILLY: You will 
have to ask somebody else. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You have 
heard what the secretary read. As I 
understand the motion now before us, 
the amendment is the one offered by 
Del. Pope, taken by Del. Lee, to the 
effect that a convention shall be call- 
ed every two years. If we don't want 
that we can vote it down and start 
over again and get what we do want. 
Are you ready for the question? 
(Question called for.) All in favor 
of this as read by the secretary — 

DEL. SLOBODIN: This is what? 
The amendment? 

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, the 
amendment offered by Comrade Pope. 
All in favor, say aye. Opposed, no. 
The noes seem to have it. 

Division called for. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Now, under- 
stand what you are voting on. It is 
the motion offered by Comrade Pope 
of Missouri, understand, that you are 
voting on, which is this: To substi- 
tute for the report of the committee 
the following: "A regular national 
convention of the party shall be held 
in every even-numbered year." All 
those who are in favor of this raise 
your hands until the secretary has 
counted them. Opposed, raise your 
hands. The vote stands 61 for, 46 
:igainst. The motion is carried and 
the section is adopted. What is your 
further pleasure? The section as 
adopted re'ads, instead of the com- 
niittee's report, as follows: "A regu- 
lar national convention of the party 
shall be held in every even-numbered 
year." If that conflicts in any way 
with the other you want to bring in 
your motion now and straighten it 
out. 

DEL. FARRELL (Ohio): I move 



to reconsider the action taken in 
adopting the first part of that para- 
graph. (Seconded.) 

the' CHAIRMAN: It is moved 
to reconsider the action taken in 
adopting the first part of that rec- 
ommendation. 

DEL. FARRELL: And in connec- 
tion with that, that it be drafted to 
correspond and be in harmony with 
that which we adopted; that is to say, 
to the extent that our national con- 
ventions be held every two years in 
even-numbered years. 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved and seconded to reconsider the 
action by which we decided to hold 
our national conventions. 

DEL. FARRELL: National nomi- 
nating conventions. 

DEL. C. L. Furman (N. Y.): 1 
think it is unnecessary to reconsider. 
I think I have a word that will clear 
it up. Instead of stating "a regular 
national convention," if you state "a 
regular national convention of the 
party shall be held," that will clear 
it up. 

THE CHAIRMAN: We will have 
to reconsider it. All in favor of re- 
considering, say aye. Opposed, the 
same. Carried. 

DEL. GERBER (N. Y.) : I move 
to amend by making Section 1 read, 
"A regular convention of the party 
shall be held in every even-numbered 
year." 

DEL. KERR (111.): A question of 
information. Is it not true that the 
adoption of this substitute will be 
sufficient, and if we have that new 
section we will have to reconsider 
this other, and it is only for the pur- 
pose of striking it out in order that 
there may not be a conflict? A mo- 
tion to strike out will settle it all. 
Isn't that motion made? 

THE CHAIRMAN: There is no 
motion before the house at the pres- 
ent time. 

DEL. KERR: Then I move to 
strike out the first section. (Sec- 
onded.) 

DEL. O'HARE (Okla.): It seems 
to me, as to the time of the conven- 
tion, that we should have a conven- 
tion held every presidential year for 
ihe purpose of nominating candidates 
and adopting a platfonn, and have a 
convention meet between times for 



I 



272 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



273 



the purpose of considering party or- 
ganization and propaganda; and I 
suggest or inove as a substitue for the 
original sentence, that we insert the 
words "A regular national convention 
of the party shall be held in all years 
in which elections for president and 
vice president are held, for the pur- 
pose of adopting a platform and nom- 
inating candidates," and then leave 
the second clause as we have adopted 
it, if this meets with the wishes of 
the comrades. Let me state it again. 
I have got five minutes to make it 
plain. Every four years we adopt a 
platform and nominate a ticket, and 
we want in between times to have 
our convention free from adopting 
the platform or nominating a ticket, 
and open to do something that we 
have long neglected, getting a con- 
ference for the purpose of organizing 
and systemizing our organization 
and progaganda. (Applause.) And 
I want to say that it is my opinion 
and the opinion of other comrades 
here, that while our platform and res- 
olutions are important, yet organiza- 
tion and propaganda are also impor- 
tant; and we have at this convention 
adopted no measures for permitting 
our comrades who are working to get 
together and find out how to work 
better. It is the intention of this sec- 
ond convention to enable them to get 
together. I want to say that at the 
c-onferences of the state secretaries, 
of which we had three, for an hour 
dnd a half, or an hour, at which over 
half of the state secretaries and or- 
ganizers met, they did not talk hot air, 
but they got down to business. (Ap- 
plause.) I beheve that Comrade 
Chase or any other comrade who took 
part in that conference will agree that 
tve talked more solid substantial busi- 
ness in the hour, or hour and a half, 
than they could possibly talk on organ- 
ization and propaganda before a con- 
vention which comes here for the pur- 
pose of nominating a ticket and adopt- 
ing a platform. Let me state my mo- 
tion again: That every four years 
we have a convention to nominate a 
ticket and adopt a platform, and ev- 
ery two years between we do not 
adopt a platform or nominate, but 
we have it as a conference of the 
workers of the Socialist Party, se- 
lected, if you please, out of the com- 



rades who have experience by the 
membership of their own state. They 
have got sense enough to know who 
are doing the work, and I trust they 
will send the workers to that body. 
One more point, as to the expense. The 
railroad fare for this convention is 
$8,000, and I will go back to Oklaho- 
ma and I will raise $700 more or be- 
gin to raise it to send the workers 
to this workers' convention, through 
a tax on every member for four 
years. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Is there a 
second to the motion? (Motion sec- 
onded.) It has been moved and sec- 
onded to substitute Comrade O'Hare's 
motion in place of the one that was 
offered. 

DEL. FARRELL: I move as an 
amendment to the motion, that this 
matter be referred to the committee 
to draft it in its proper form and bring 
it in at our afternon session. (Sec- 
onded.) ,. . 

The motion of Del. Farrell to refer 
to the Constitution Committee for the 
purpose of bringing in a revised draft 
was carried. , . ., . , 

DEL SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I wish 
to make a suggestion. The way the 
sections of this article were drafted 
before by this committee, in view of 
the fact of considering the section as 
it stood before, they will all have to 
be considered again by the committee 
and changed somewhat. Therefore I 
suggest that we go on to the next ar- 
ticle and leave this article till the 
committee reports. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I think that 
is a good suggestion. 
DEL. HAGEL (Okla.): I object. 
THE CHAIRMAN: It cannot be 
done except by motion. 

DEL. HAGEL: I would like to 
state my reasons why I think we 
should go ahead. I would like to in- 
sert a paragraph stating that _ in the 
years when there is no presidential 
election the representation in the 
convention shall be one for each state 
and one additional delegate for every 
600 members. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You can make 
that suggestion to the committee by 
going to them. The next order of 
business. We will now proceed to ar- 
ticle XI, leaving this present article 
for revision by the committee. 



Del. Gaylord read the first section 
of Article XI, as follows: 

Section 1. Motions to amend 
any part of this constitution, as well 
as any other motions or resolutions 
to be voted upon by the entire mem- 
bership of the party, shall be sub- 
mitted by the National Secretary to 
a referendum of the party member- 
ship, upon the request of twenty 
local organizations, in five or more 
states or territories, or any smaller 
number of local organizations hav- 
ing a membership of at least 2,000 
in the aggregate; provided, however, 
that the required number of re- 
quests for such a referendum shall 
all have been made within a period 
of 90 consecutive days. 
DEL. GEYLORD: I wish to say 
that all after the word "provided," as 
to the required number, etc., is addi- 
tional to the former draft of the con- 
stitution, and that I believe is the only 
change. 

It was moved to adopt the section. 
DEL. WORK (Iowa); I want to 
make a motion to amend. I want to 
amend by putting in the words "or 
branch" after the word "local" in both 
places. It should read "local or 
branch," because there are a number 
of places like Illinois, for instance, 
where the local takes- in the whole 
county. (Amendment seconded.) 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) : This 
proposition might appear very simple 
to our comrades in the western states 
where they have no large branches in 
the cities, but it is different in New 
York where there are some eight or 
ten foreign speaking branches run by 
one member, probably. I say you can- 
not apply the same rule to a branch 
as to a local. It will be very easy for 
anyone to get the required number 
of endorsements if you allow the 
branches to make an endorsement the 
same as a local. I say if a local is di- 
vided into more than one branch it 
should require another local to en- 
dorse a proposition before it is en- 
dorsed. 

DEL. O'NEILL (Wyo.) : I would 
like to call the attention of the com- 
rades to the fact that to make this de- 
pend on 2,000 members would require 
one-sixth of the total membership of 
the party that voted on the last refer- 
endum. It would take a very big per- 



centage to ask for a referendum, and 
it would be very hard to get that num- 
ber to support a demand for a refer- 
endum. I would like to cut that down 
to 500, and I make a motion to that 
effect. 

DEL. CARR (111.): I just wish to 
make the point that if we are to pit a 
city like New York with all its branch 
organizations as a local or a city like 
Chicago with all its branch organiza- 
tions as a local against a single branch 
of ten members in some small, 
sparsely populated county, it would be 
very unfair. The average branch in 
New York City is as large as the aver- 
age branch throughout the whole 
country. The whole of Cook County 
is one local in Illinois, and we do not 
want, for instance, Danville with a 
membership of 40 or SO, to have as 
much power in the referendum or in 
the appeal for a referendum as all of 
Cook County. Therefore if you add 
the word "branch" it will make _ it 
just, so that any ward branch of a city 
may count for one, the same as a 
local in a small town in the country. 
I submit that if there are 2,000 votes 
or 20 branches in New York City that 
want a referendum they have a right 
to it. Still, as there are 2,000 members 
scattered over a whole state or two or 
three states in some other part of the 
country, if we leave the word "local" 
here it will pit a local in Chicago or 
New York against branches in the 
country, which is not fair. Therefore 
I am in favor of the amendment pro- 
posed by Comrade Work. 

DEL. RIGG (Idaho): The objec- 
tion of the comrade is not well taken, 
inasmuch as it 'requires five different 
states. It is not a branch of one state 
that may demand it, but it must come 
from five dii¥erent states, and I think 
his position is not well taken on that. 

DEL. A. M. SIMONS (111.): I 
think no measure should be put 
through here that will allow a refer- 
endum to be called by the membership 
within a single state. We do not want 
every single state row that starts in 
this country to be brought directly 
into the national organization. We do 
not want a demand for the referendum 
unless it has the backing of the locals 
of at least one or two other states. If 
there are not three or four states that 
want it, we don't want it. 



274 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



I 



DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I am op- 
posed to the amendment offered by- 
Comrade Work, because there is no 
reason for it. Whenever we want a 
referendum, we can go ahead and get 
a referendum. If you adopt Work's 
aftiendment, you establish a bad prece- 
dent and a very bad rule. We recog- 
nize the local as the unit of organiza- 
tion. In the branch subdivision, it 
can initiate a referendum as far as the 
local is concerned, but it cannot and 
has no power to initiate a referendum 
as far as the state organization is 
concerned; and if you adopt Comrade 
Work's amendment, if any local in the 
city of New York, Brooklyn, Chicago, 
or any other large city, or a branch as 
he calls it, is in favor of anything of 
any moment, it can go and get a sec- 
ond and make or initiate a referendum 
vote, and you simply have that one 
part, and possibly a very small part, 
of a local to initiate or assist to bring 
about the initiation of a referendum 
which the whole local is against. 
Therefore it would be very bad prac- 
tice to adopt that. If there is any 
branch that wishes to initiate a refer- 
endum, let them get the endorsement 
of the whole local before they initiate 
it. 

DEL. FARRELL (Ohio): It seems 
to me that the matter as drafted there 
should be adopted to constitute our 
organization. The number of states 
included there is only one-eighth of 
the states of the union. The member- 
ship at the present time is about 40,- 
000, with only one-twentieth of our 
membership required for this purpose. 
Isn't that enough? Our organization 
is destined to grow much more rapidly 
in the future than in the past. There- 
fore I say, as we have wasted much 
valuable time in our convention and 
left some of the critical work for the 
last twenty-four hours, let us adopt 
this recommendation of the commit- 
tee and you will make no mistake. 

DEL. WORK: I made this motion 
for the benefit of New York and Chi- 
cago. I want it to be generally under- 
stood, because for example I live in a 
town where we only have one local 
and no branches whatever. The local 
has somewhere between 50 and 100 
members, and the present section as 
reported by the committee gives our 
local there with SO or 75 members as 



much power as the whole of Local 
Cook County or the whole of Local 
New York City, and I want our local 
only to have the same power which 
one assembly district has in New 
York City, so (turning to the Newf 
York delegation) I say I make the 
motion for your benefit, not for ours. 

DEL. KONIKOW (Mass.): I am 
in favor of Comrade Work's amend- 
ment. Comrade Solomon says that 
some of the foreign branches are run 
by one member. I emphatically pro- 
test against that. The foreign 
branches ought to stand exactly the 
same chance as any other branch. I 
think there is another provision that 
to have a referendum vote we need 
twenty branches, and if we accept 
Comrade Work's amendment, in or- 
der to have a referendum it would 
have to go before the whole country. 
Now, they seem to think that we 
members of the party have nothing 
else to do but count votes. Do you 
think it is no labor for any branch to 
get 2,000 members to send out a cer- 
tain referendum vote? Do you think 
we have nothing else to do but just 
work for votes? It is mighty hard 
work to get a referendum vote out to 
go before the different branches. It 
will really handicap the members in 
the large cities to bring a refer- 
endum vote before the party at all 
if we leave it entirely to the local. 
That is why I think we must try our 
best to give a chance to bring a refer- 
endum vote before the party in any 
special locality. That is, it seems to 
me, the intention of some here. I 
had some experience in the old 
S. L. P., where they required fifteen 
branches to send out a referendum. 
I think if there is a local with twenty 
or twenty-five branches and a brancli 
wants to bring a referendum vote be- 
fore the party, then it will be hard 
enough to get twenty others to en 
dorse it. Therefore I think it is besi 
to give a chance to all our comrades, 

DEL. STROBELL (N. J.): I am 
in favor of the amendment of Com 
rade Work simply because I tliink il 
ought not to be in the power of locals 
in the large cities to throttle those 
that want to express their views. Thai 
is all I have got to say. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : Then- 
are some comrades here who seem to 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



275 



have constituted themselves guardians 
of the referendum and of the minori- 
ties in New Jersey, and they always 
want to guard the minorities in New 
York. We know how they have 
guarded them. We have had some 
experience. Now, we are just as much 
entitled to a referendum as they are, 
but this constitution does not recog- 
nize anywhere the existence of 
branches of locals. This is the first 
time it recognizes that there are 
branches of locals. The unit of organ- 
ization .in all our local organizations 
is the local. The national secretary 
has not got the names of the secre- 
taries of branches; he does not know 
officially of the existence of branches; 
he knows of the existence of locals 
only. It will tend to disrupt the large 
locals if the minorities are allowed to 
rule. It is the principle of our organ- 
ization, whether it is a national or 
state, or local, or branch organization, 
that the majority rules. If a minority 
should be authorized by the national 
constitution to initiate things against 
the will of the members, then it will 
tend to disrupt the large locals. Now, 
there is a provision here giving the 
large locals preference over the small, 
and then there is a two thousand 
membership provision, which means 
that in any local containing 2,000 
members — and even Local Cook 
County or Local New York has 2,000 
members — it can initiate a referendum, 
and that is all we want. We do not 
want to have branches everywhere 
trying to initiate a referendum. We 
liave got to deal with the local 
through the national organization. 

Del. Williams of Minnesota mo-ved 
the previous question. The motion 
was seconded and carried. 

The amendment offered by Del. 
Work was then put to a vote and lost. 

DEL. A. M. SIMONS (111.): I want 
to make a further amendment^o that. 
1 do not believe that Local Cook 
County or Local New York ought to 
have the, right alone to initiate a ref- 
erendum, and yet it seems to me we 
ought to recognize their increased 
power, but I do not think that in any 
one state or city they ought to have, 
(hat power. So, therefore, I would 
insert there the words "or any smaller 
number of local organizations having 
;i membership of at least 2,000 in the 



aggregate and reaching into at least 
two states." 

A DELEGATE: "Three." 

DEL. SIMONS: Well, I am will- 
ing to take three, but I think there 
ought to be at least twenty members 
somewhere else in the United States 
that want that referendum, besides the 
one local. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Have you 
made it three? 

DEL. SIMONS: Three states. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Make it sure; 
"or any smaller number of local or- 
ganizations in" two or three? 

DEL. SIMONS: Three states will 
suit me. 

Del. Simon's amendment was sec- 
onded. 

DEL. FRAENCKEL (111.): The 
tendency of this convention is to ig- 
nore the referendum. We have sev- 
eral things passed that ought not to 
be accepted when this affair goes out 
to a referendum vote. I want to say 
this, Comrade Chairman and fellow 
delegates, that the basis of the So- 
cialist organization is the i-nember- 
ship, and not geographical division. 
I am not in favor of establishing a 
precedent that will tie the country 
against the city. It is the old story 
over and over. They are forcing the 
issue of the country against the city. 
I believe that where the membership 
lies the power ought to lie. I am not 
in favor of extending the chances for 
squabbles all over the country. We 
have enough of it now, and I -want to 
go on record as opposing any ten- 
dency to destroy the referendum vote 
or the membership work in this party 
organization. It will never do, and it 
will destroy the very thing for which 
we are organized. We have our 
faults; we are making mistakes by do- 
ing this or by doing something else, 
but we will make a bigger mistake by 
establishing any precedent whereby 
we take away from the membership 
the power to vote on anj;- question 
they want to. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready 
for the question? (Question called 
for.) 

DEL. p-ARRELL: I want to say 
this. Comrade Fraenckel ought to 
realize that it has been the experi- 
ence in our Socialist movement that 
where a local desired to initiate a 



1 



276 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



277 



referendum and placed a niattei' fairly 
before any other four or five locals, it 
has succeeded. Ovir Socialists are not 
such fools that they won't give you a 
show on a proposition if you fairly 
place it before them. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary 
will read the motion. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Do you accept 
my phrasing, Comrade Simons, which 
is, if amended, "or any smaller num- 
ber of local organizations in three 
states having 2,000' members in the 
aggregate"? 

DEL. SIMONS: Yes. 
The section as modified by the com- 
mittee was then adopted. 

Section 2 was then read by Del. 
Gaylord, as follows: 

Section 2. Whenever a request 
for a referendum shall have been 
made as above provided, the Na- 
tional Secretary shall forthwith 
cause the same to be published in 
the party press, and shall allow such 
question to stand open for thirty 
days, within which time amend- 
ments may be offered thereto in the 
same manner in which an original 
request for a referendum is to be 
made, and at the close of the said 
period of thirty_ days the original 
motion submitted to referendum, 
together with all and any amend- 
ments which may have been offered, 
shall be submitted to the vote of 
the party members, and such vote 
shall close fifty days thereafter. 
A motion was made and seconded to 
adopt the section. 

DEL. O. F. BRANSTETTER 
(Okla.): Is it the understanding of 
the committee that these referendums 
shall be published in the Bulletin? 

DEL. GAYLORD: It does not say 
so. 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: It is an- 
nounced in the weekly Bulletin, which 
is the manner of publication, and goes 
to such of the press as desire to use 
it. It is generally used. 
The section was then adopted. 
The next section was read: 

Section 3. All propositions or 

■ other matters submitted for the ref- 

■ erendum of the party shall be pre- 
sented without preamble or com- 
ment. 

The section was adopted without 
objection or discussion. 



Section 1 of Article XII was read 
and adopted, as follows: 

Section 1. The formation of all 
state or territorial organizations, or 
the reorganization of state or ter- 
ritorial organizations which may 
have lapsed, shall be under the di- 
rection of the Executive Committee, 
and in conformity with the rules of 
the National Committee." 
The next section was read: 

Section 2. No state or territory 
maj' be organized unless it has at 
least ten locals with an aggregate 
membership of not less than 200, 
but this provision shall not affect 
the rights of states and territories 
organized prior to the adoption of 
this constitution. When the mem- 
bership of any state averages Itj' 
than ISO per month for any six con- 
secutive months, the National Com- 
mittee may revoke the charter of 
that state. 

DEL. GAYLORD: I will say in 
explanation that the committee was of 
the opinion that where a state organ- 
ization is not efficient to the point of 
maintaining its membership up to the 
figures of 150 for six consecutive 
months it calls for some sort of action 
to promote efficiency if possible. 

It was moved and seconded to adopt 
the section. 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: I would like 
to ask Comrade Hurst, if he is pres- 
ent, how that will affect Rhode Island. 
DEL. HURST: We have at this 
time 218. Last year we averaged 135. 
NAT. SEC. BARNES: How will it 
affect Alabama? 

DEL. WALDHORST: We have 
250 members. 

DEL. HENCK (Del.): I would 
like to state for Delaware that we 
were organized on county lines, and 
that it would be impossible for us to 
come under that head because we 
have only three counties. 

DEL. GAYLORD: How many 
members? 

DEL. HENCK: That is not the 
point. We never could be; there are 
only three counties in the state. 

DEL. GAYLORD: This has noth- 
ing to do with counties. It is simply 
a question of how many members you 
have. 

DEL. HENCK: I understood it as 
ten or more locals. 



DEL, GAYLORD: Are you organ- 
ized at present as a state organiza- 
tion? 

DEL. HENCK: We are an unor- 
ganized state. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Then it does 
provide that you must have at least 
ten locals. 

DEL. HENCK: That is what I 
say. We have only three counties. 

DEL. O. F. BRANSTETTER: I 
move to strike out the number ten. 

DEL. REILLY (N. J.) : I just want 
to refer to the point the comrade from 
Delaware raised, as to the manner in 
which it affects New Jersey, because 
•it is organized; but Delaware is a very 
small state, the second smallest state 
in the union; it has only three coun- 
. .ks and it probably would not be pos- 
sible for that state to become an or- 
ganized state organized on county 
lines. I think the purpose of the com- 
mittee would best be served ii ten 
locals" was stricken out and we make 
it "a membership of 200." 
.- DEL. SOLOMON: It seems to me 
the comrades don't understand that a 
county is usually composed of more 
than one city, and nothing prevents 
the comrades in Delaware from work- 
ing along county lines, and when- 
ever they are ready to organize the 
state as a state organization let them 
form their five or six or ten locals and 
they will then have the required num- 
ber of locals in that state. 

DEL. DOWNIE (Wash.): I move 
an amendment to change the word 
"with" to "or" in the third line, so as 
to read "or an aggregate membership 
of not less than 200." (Seconded.) 

DEL. BRANSTETTER: Under the 
reading as amended, if there were 
ten locals with an average member- 
ship of six in each local of the state, 
you would have a state organization 
able to be formed with sixty mem 
bers, under this kind of organization. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You are cor- 
rect. 

DEL. CARR (111.): I just wish to 
call attention to the fact that we have 
been having the same difficulty ^ we 
were in a while ago. The word "lo- 
cal" seems generally to refer to the 
county organization. The word 
"branch," I understand, is the real 
meaning of the proposition. It has 
been heretofore recognized that 



branches having five members con- 
stituted a unit, and that a certain iium- 
ber of those branches could institute 
a referendum. If the word "local" 
were changed to "branch," your diffi- 
culty would be obviated with refer- 
ence to Delaware and other states. 

The amendment of Del. Downie, 
changing "with" to "or," was adopted. 
THE CHAIRMAN: The action 
now recurs on the motion to adopt 
the section as amended. Are you 
ready for the question? 

DEL. HURST (R. I.) : A point of 
information, as to the intent of this 
expression "may revoke." I take it 
that the intent is that^^that is not to 
be construed as "shall." 

DEL. GAYLORD: No; it is not 
mandatory. 

The section as amended was then 
adopted. 
The next section was read" 

"Section 3. The platform of the 
Socialist party shall be the supreme 
declaration of the party, and all 
state and municipal platforms shall 
conform thereto; and no state or 
local organization shall under any 
circumstances fuse, combine _ or 
compromise with any other political 
party or organization, or_ refrain 
from making nominations, in order 
to favor the candidate of such other 
organizations, nor shall any candi- 
date of the Socialist party accept 
any nomination or endorsement 
from any other party or political 
organization." 

It was moved and seconded to 
adopt the section. 

DEL. KAPLAN (Minn.): May I 
ask a question? The question I want 
to ask is this: Suppose the Socialist 
Labor Party desires to endorse our 
candidates in any state in the union, 
how about that? 

THE CHAIRMAN: Can't do it. 
DEL. GAYLORD: We cannot ac- 
cept it. 

DEL. HAGEL (Okla.): I wish to 
amend by inserting "provided, when 
the Socialist party has no ticket in 
the field, that all members of the 
party must abstain from voting." 
(Amendment seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved and seconded to amend as the 
comrade from Oklahoma will read. 
DEL. HAGEL: I wish to amend 



278 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



by inserting the following: "Pro- 
vided, when the Socialist party has no 
ticket in the field, that all party mem- 
bers abstain from voting." The rea- 
son I ask for this amendment is that 
in a number of places where the com- 
mission form of government exists, in 
certain cases the Socialist party is 
driven from the field. It cannot have 
a ticket in the field, and we ought to 
abstain from voting in such cases. 

DEL. FARRELL (Ohio): I move 
to amend the clause to read that when 
a ticket is not placed in the field ev- 
ery Socialist shall go to the polls and 
write the word "Socialist" on the bal- 
lot. (Seconded.) 

DEL. POPE (Mo.): In the State 
of Missouri they have a primary law 
that requires that if you do not go to 
the polls and vote at the primary you 
lose your right to vote. We are sup- 
posed to have common sense enough 
to go to the polls whether we have a 
candidate or not. 

DEL. BERGER: If you adopt this 
it would make it impossible for us in 
Wisconsin to go into the field in many 
cases. For instance, under the state 
law judicial elections are non-partisan. 
Now, while we put up a ticket it goes 
on the ballot as a non-partisan ballot. 
Neither the Republican, nor Demo- 
cratic, nor Social Democratic party 
can put up a partisan ticket. They all 
go on as non-partisan tickets. If you 
adopt this, we cannot have any ticket. 
We have a good chance in that state 
to elect our judges, but we have to 
elect them as non-partisan judges. 
You cannot have all this rot and so 
on; it is pure and sheer nonsense. It 
is also sheer nonsense to compel us 
to stay out of the election entirely. 
Then there may be a state law passed 
this winter to make the municipal 
election at Milwaukee non-partisan. 
What will yoit do then? Of course we 
will have our ticket, but it will be a 
non-partisan ticket. So if you accept 
this you make it impossible for us to 
participate in any further elections, 
judicial or local. If you adopt this, 
then we have a chance to vote just 
once in two years or once in four 
years. Now, we cannot accept this. 

DEL. HAGEL: I want to ask a 
question. Is it not a fact that when- 
ever this occurs, it is the Socialist 
party that does put the ticket in the 



field, but it does it in the name of a 
non-partisan affair? 

DEL. BERGER: Yes; we do it. 
We put up a ticket, but it is non- 
partisan. 

• DEL. GROESBECK (Wyo.) : In 
the choice of two evils, it is better to 
take neither, not the least. 

DEL. BERGER: This is not a 
choice of two evils. We put up a 
ticket, but it does not go on the ballot 
as a Socialist ticket; it goes on as a 
non-partisan ticket. For instance, our 
judicial ticket this spring; we had a 
ticket at the municipal election from 
top to bottom, but the man nominated 
for judge did not go on as a Social 
Democratic candidate. Under the law 
•he had to go on as a non-partisan can- 
didate for the judiciary; that is the re- 
quirement of the law. So if you ac- 
cept anything providing that we can- 
not vote unless "Socialist ticket" is on 
the top, then you cut us out. Don't 
.you understand me? You simply cut 
us out. 

DEL. KORNGOLD (111.): This 
clause is absolutely foolish; it is very 
foolish. The whole trend of events 
is today towards non-partisan tickets. 
We Socialists don't want it, but we 
cannot help ourselves, we are in the 
minority. The trend of the entire na- 
tion IS today towards non-partisan 
tickets. There are countries in the 
\yorld already where the non-partisan 
ticket exists, and if the old politicians 
inside of four years or at any time 
carry any number of cities for the 
non-partisan tickets, it means that 
about half of the Socialist party will 
be disfranchised. Besides, how am I 
going to keep track of a man, whether 
he votes the party ticket or not? It 
is not possible to keep track of them. 
This has absolutely no meaning. It 
can hurt nobody but ourselves. 

DEL. KILLINGBECK (N. J.): If 
we adopt that, it will mean that three 
counties in New Jersey will be unable 
to vote on a single question. I don't 
want to make a speech or reiterate 
what the other delegate says, but it is 
a fact that it will be impossible for us 
to vote on a single question in at 
least three counties. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Our party is a 
political party. The school boards 
and _ judiciary are elected by non- 
partisan vote. This motion if adopted 



MORNING SESSION, MAY 17. 



279 



would take away the political party, 
or the party where it was strong and 
otherwise able to do something prac- 
tical. Our party has but three mem- 
bers on the school board in Milwau- 
kee, elected on a non-partisan ticket. 
Do you want us to take them off? We 
have got a first class chance of putting 
a man on the bench this spring on the 
non-partisan ticket. Don't you want 
us to do that? If you don't want us 
to do that, what do you want us to do? 
DEL. TUCK (Cal.): I don't wish 
any act to be done here to prevent the 
Socialist party from putting its candi- 
date on the ticket, but I think we 
should take such steps as are possible 
to see to it that while we are at it we 
prevent the possibility of putting can- 
didates on the ticket who are inde- 
pendents. The organization should 
select those candidates and should as 
an organization stand back of them. 
Now, in California we have precisely 
this situation: many cities have adopt- 
ed the non-partisan plan of election, 
and unless we have in force some rule 
it will enable members in those places 
where the organization is lax to lay 
down and allow individuals to go out 
with individual petitions and get on 
the ballot as independents without 
the support or by the authority of the 
Socialist organization in that city. We 
have a case of that in the county of 
Alameda, where I came from. In the 
city of Alameda the same law you re- 
fer to is in force as to the non-par- 
tisan ticket, and in that city they took 
advantage of this from the fact that 
there is no rule, and a number of indi- 
vidual members rushed out with their 
hidividual petitions to secure the 
necessary signatures to put them- 
selves on the ticket. The organiza- 
lion was not compelled under the con- 
stitution to take action, and i* left it 
I.O a hit or miss proposition of the 
individual. Now, I understand this 
proposition would compel the organ- 
ization as such to make the nomina- 
lions in its organization, go back of 
the proposition of getting the signa- 
tures necessary to put them upon the 
ticket as independents, and then ad- 
vertise them as the regular nominees 
of the Socialist party. If we cannot 
have the names printed upon the bal- 
lots the organization should stand 
liack of them and for them and adver- 



tise the fact that they are the repre- 
sentatives of the Socialist party, and 
not allow any individual to pose or 
nominate himself as the representative 
of the party. For this reason I hope 
this will be adopted. 

DEL. LEE (N. Y.): It does not 
seem to me that the amendment is 
necessary, nor that the adoption of 
this amendment would produce the de- 
sired effect in any case where that ef- 
fect would not be produced without it. 
The section as reported by the com- 
mittee is perfectly clear as to the 
spirit and intent of this convention, 
which represents the spirit and intent 
of the party. Now, there are cir- 
cumstances, as has been pointed, out, 
in Wisconsin, there are circumstances 
in Ohio with regard to the school 
boards, I believe, and there are cir- 
cumstances in New Jersey with re- 
gard to the school committees, I be- 
lieve, and it occurs in various places 
with regard to judicial, school, town- 
ship or village nominations and so on, 
that we must comply with the law and 
at the same time comply with the let- 
ter of this proposed amendment. We 
have to comply with the law or else 
have no ticket in the field at all. We 
have to comply if we can, and in gen- 
eral we will comply, with the spirit 
of the party constitution. And I tell 
you, comrades, it is a lesson that we 
may learn from observing society 
around us, from observing the laws 
of the land and how they work — it is 
a lesson that we may apply in our 
party organization. You cannot al- 
ways prevent wrong things from be- 
ing done by putting a prohibition in 
the constitution, and I do not think 
we will do well to put too many pro- 
hibitions in the constitution. I re- 
member that I have read that in the 
exciting days of the convention in the 
French Revolution, when they were 
denouncing different men as traitors, 
as bad citizens, and ordering them un- 
der arrest, one very patriotic delegate 
got up and said, "Mr. President, I 
move that all the bad citizens be 
placed under arrest." Now, evidently 
the delegate's intention was very 
good, but unfortunately the proposi- 
tion was something that could not be 
put into effect. You have to a certain 
extent to leave it to the common sense 
and good faith of members to obey 



280 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



the spirit of the constitution, and 
when you go on putting in amend- 
ments and amendments that are al- 
ways additions of more and more 
clauses, you simply increase the op- 
portunities for misunderstanding, the 
opportunities for friction and for con- 
flict; you simply make it more diffi- 
cult for your constitution to work. 

DEL. STEDMAN (III.): I want 
to move to table the amendment. 

The motion was seconded and the 
amendment tabled. 

DEL. INGALL'S (Minn.): I wish 
to ask the committee, would it not be 
advisable to put a clause in that sec- 
tion providing that no member of the 
Socialist party should become a non- 
partisan candidate in any state where 



it is required? In other words, here 
we have got in a certain state . 

DEL. GAYLORD: I understand 
tlie vote of the convention just settled 
that to the contrary of your idea. 

The section was then adopted. 

DEL. GOEBEL: I understand that 
a lot of the delegates' tickets expire 
tonight and they have got to leave at 
6 o'clock. I can stay. I want to give 
them a chance to stay here until the 
convention's work is over. We do not 
need a long dinner hour today. I 
move that we adjourn to meet again 
at 1 o'clock. 

The motion was seconded, and the 
convention then at 12:30 adjourned to 
meet at 1 o'clock p. m. 



1 



AFTERNOON SESSION 



The convention was called to order 
at 1 o'clock. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I know we are 
all anxious to get what little of our 
business is still remaining finished up, 
so as to get away. We have yet to 
hear the report of the Constitution 
Committee, the report of the Women's 
Committee, the report of the Finnish 
translator, and the report of the Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means. There 
may be others. 

A DELEGATE: There is stdl the 
report of the Committee on Foreign 
Relations and of the Committee on 
Government by Commission. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON 
CONSTITUTION RESUMED. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Comrades, we 
are now at work on the constitution. 
The next order of business is the read- 
ing of the next section. Let us pro- 
ceed. 

DEL. GAYLORD (reporting for 
the committee): The committee was 
instructed to redraft the section con- 
cerning the two kinds of convention. 
Your committee recommend the fol- 
lowing. There are two sections un- 
der "Conventions," you will notice. 
The committee recommend that we 
insert the word "nominating" before 



the word "convention," so that it 
reads: 

The regular national nominating 
convention of the party shall be held 
in all years in which elections for 
President and Vice-President of the 
United States are to be held. 
We recommend that that section 
stand thus. Then the second section 
we recommend should read as fol- 
lows : 

A congress of the party to con- 
sider and report upon the program, 
agitation and organization of the 
party, shall be held in each even- 
numbered year when there ^ is no 
national nominating convention. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Now, comrades, 
if I can speak a few minutes on the 
points inchided here, I think it will 
save time. I want to make the mat- 
ter clear that we want to have two 
different kinds of conventions. As the 
second one proposed is for the study 
and consideration of party matters wo 
thought it advisable that it should 
have a separate name, and we sugge.st 
that it be called a congress, in order 
to distinguish it from the convention 
which is supposed to be for nominat- 
ing. The basis of representation 
should be such as to cut down the 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



281 



number attending. I believe those are 
the essential points. 

A DELEGATE: Wliat is the basis 
proposed? 

DEL. GAYLORD: I will say 800. 
I have that on my paper, but if you 
want to change it, that is for you to 
do, and you can do it easily. There 
is one other matter, in regard to the 
accrediting of the delegates; you will 
notice that in the section that follows: 

THE CHAIRMAN; You have 
heard the recommendation of the com- 
mittee; are you ready to adopt it? 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): The 
basis of representation is not clear to 
me. 

DEL. GAYLORD: One delegate 
for every 800, and one at large. 

DEL. SOLOMON: I desire to 
amend the committee's report to read 
that there shall be one for every 500. 
(Seconded.) 

DEL. O'HARE (Okla.): To an- 
swer a question that was asked me by 
the chairman of this committee, there 
was $8,000 spent for railroad fares at 
this convention for 220 delegates, 
which averages $36 per delegate. On 
a basis of 12 cents per capita, which 
would be the tax in two years, the 
average appropriation for a delegation 
of 800 members for one delegate, will 
allow about $96 per delegate for ex- 
penses. If we cut it down to one for 
500 members, it would allow $60. So 
you see we have considerable leeway. 
We can even go as low as a delegate 
for every 300 members. I simply say 
that if we did, it would cost just ex- 
actly the amount that was necessary 
to pay the expenses of this conven- 
tion. 

DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I believe 
one for every 500 is far more demo- 
cratic. I am willing to give the mi- 
nority every chance, but I don't be- 
lieve in being ruled by the minority. By 
the present system New York or Wis- 
consin or any of the other big states 
can send only one for every 500, while 
a state with only 50 members sends 
the same. In other words, it takes 
about ten Socialists in Wisconsin or 
New York to have as much voting 
power as one in Vermont. I am very 
willing, as I say, to give every state, 
small or large, one delegate, but be- 
yond that we ought to have a system 
whereby we shall not be ruled by the 



minority. Even with one for 500, ten 
Socialists in Washington have as 
much voting power as 100 in Wiscon- 
sin or New York, and with one for 
800 it would be still worse. That is 
why I advocate, in spite of the cost, 
to make it one for every 500. 

The amendment was adopted. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I 
move the adoption of the section as 
amended. (Seconded.) 

A DELEGATE: I want to speak 
on that motion. I believe we are mak- 
ing a serious mistake. I got an esti- 
mate from the National Secretary. If 
we hold this convention as proposed 
in 1910 we will swamp the national 
office with a $3,000 or $4,000 deficit. 
I don't think we have any business 
to do it. I think that instead of this 
proposed convention there should be 
a meeting of the National Committee. 
This eight or nine thousand dollars 
has to come out of the movement 
somehow or some place. 

DEL. FIELDMAN (N. Y.): We 
have already decided that question, 
and there is no use discussing it un- 
less we reconsider our decision of 
this forenoon. 

The question was called for, and the 
section as amended was then adopted. 

Section 2 of the report, now becom- 
ing Section 3, was next read, and was 
adopted without objection. The sec- 
tion is as follows: 

Section 3. Special conventions 

of the party may be held at any time 

if decided upon by general vote of 

the party membership. 

Section 4 (former Section 3) was 
read: 

Section 4. The dates and places 

of holding such regular or special 

conventions shall be fixed by the 

National Committee. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection this section will be adopted. 
It is adopted. 

DEL. O'HARE (Okla.): I want to 
suggest the following amendment, 
that the time of holding the said con- 
vention shall be not earlier than the 
first of June, because on the first of 
June of every year the railroads give 
a reduced rate of one and one-third 
fare. For illustration, if we had held 
this convention a month later the 
party would have been saved two 



282 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



283 



or three thousand dollars in fares. 
(Amendment seconded.) 

DEL. GAYLORD: If we change 
this, then they will change their rate 
to get ahead of you. That's all there 
will be to it. 

The amendment was lost, and on 
motion the section was then adopted. 
Section 5> originally Section 4, was 
read, as follows; 

Section 5. The basis of repre- 
sentation in any national nominat- 
ing convention shall be by states, 
each state and territory being en- 
titled to one delegate at large and 
one additional delegate for every 
400 members in good standing; pro- 
vided, however, that no delegate 
shall be considered eligible unless 
he is a resident of the state from 
which the credential is presented. 
DEL. McDEVITT (Cal.): I wish 
to oflfer an amendment. I have here 
a tabulation showing the cost on the 
basis of one at large and one for ev- 
ery 200. If you will take these figures 
you will find that the small state with 
200 members gets one delegate for 
each 100 members. My amendment is 
that we should have one delegate at 
large for each state, and one additional 
delegate for every 400 members or 
majority fraction thereof above the 
first 400. (Amendment seconded.) 

DEL. SOLOMON: I desire to of- 
fer a further amendment, that we add 
to the recommendation of the com- 
mittee . , 

THE CHAIRMAN: Is that to be 
a stibstitute or an amendment? 

DEL. SOLOMON: An amendment 
to the amendment, if there is another 
amendment before the house, to add 
the words "Provided that the dele- 
gates shall have been members of the 
party for at least two years." 

DEL. McDEVITT: We have al- 
ready adopted a provision that every 
official should have been a member 
for at least three years. 

DEL. SOLOMON: Delegates 
would not be officials. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
before us is on the amendment offered 
by Del. McDevitt of California. Will 
the Secretary please read the amend- 
ment as offered by Comrade Mc- 
Devitt? ^, , 
DEL. GAYLORD: The amend- 
ment provides that a state shall be en- 



titled to one delegate at large and one 
additional delegate for every 400 
members or majority fraction thereof 
above the first 400. 

DEL. McDEVITT: I accept the 
amendment. 

DEL. INGALLS (Minn.): Do I 
understand that each state shall have 
one delegate for each 400 members or 
major fraction thereof, provided that 
no state shall have less than one dele- 
gate? 

THE CHAIRMAN: No; provided, 
as I understand Comrade Solomon's 
suggestion, ,that you accepted, provid- 
ed that these delegates shall have 
been members of the party at least 
two years. Are you ready for the 
ciuestion? 

DEL. GAYLORD: Comrade Mc- 
Devitt's motion is superfluous, because 
the states that have a greater delega- 
tion than one also get an additional 
delegate for the first 400. You get 
one delegate at large anyway, and if 
you have got 40O you get two dele- 
gates, and if you have more than 400 
delegates you get an additional dele- 
gate for a major fraction of 400. It 
makes no difference at all. We can 
let it stand as it is. 

The amendment of Del. McDevitt 
was adopted. 

A DELEGATE: I want to ofifer 
an amendment and tell the reason why 
it is offered. In the last three lines is 
the provision that "No delegate shall 
be considered eligible unless he is a 
resident of the state from which the 
credential is presented." I want that 
changed to read: "A member of the 
party in the state from which he is 
sent," so that there will be no viola- 
tion of the constitution. 

DEL. ROSS (Okla.): That is im- 
plied all the way through the constitu- 
tion. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Do you insist 
upon that? 

THE DELEGATE: Yes. 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved and seconded to include in the 
section a provision requiring each 
delegate to be a member of the state 
from which he is sent. Are you ready 
for the question? 

A DELEGATE: That is already in 
there. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Is it already in 
there? 



I 



« 



DEL. BERLYN (111.) : Not in that 
form. He ought to be "a resident of 
that state." I think the amendment 
offered by the comrade is superfluous. 
The delegates are elected by general 
vote of the party members in their 
state. 

The amendment was lost on being 
put to a vote. 

The section was adopted as amend- 
ed. 

The next section. No. 6, originally 
Section S, was read: 

Section 6. Railroad fare of the 
delegates going to and coming from 
the conventions and congresses shall 
be paid from the national treasury, 
and such expenses shall be raised 
by setting aside 10 per cent of the 
national dues for this purpose. 
DEL. GERBER (N. Y.) : For the 
Committee of Ways and Means I de- 
sire to offer a substitute for that sec- 
tion: That the fares shall be raised 
by an assessment of five cents in ev- 
ery quarter of the year when the con- 
vention is held. 

DEL. WORK (Iowa): These spe- 
cial assessments are a nuisance. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I do 
not see any necessity for this amend- 
ment, as exactly the same thing is in 
the constitution. It provided for 10 
per cent, and the Committee on Ways 
and Means suggests 10 per cent. Five 
per cent every second year is the same 
as 10 per cent in one year. 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: Here is the 
proposition submitted by the commit- 
tee, which I hope will not be adopted. 
I do not want to occupy your time, 
but I do want to say a few words hi 
support of my opinion. I think the 
greatest accompHshment of this party 
from the organization standpoint, up 
to this time, is the fact that we have, 
by the special assessment levied re- 
cently, covered our entire liabilities on 
this score. There was not a man in 
the movement, I believe, who thought 
we would be able to do that; not a 
man who believed that we had suf- 
ficient vim and sufficient money in 
our organization to rise to the 
occasion. Aside from that, I think 
it is an excellent means of agi- 
tation, preparing for a convention. 
Every member of the party, by reason 
of this special assessment, has been 
personally appealed to on the question 



of this convention. It has been 
brought to his attention that we are 
going to have a national Socialist 
convention on May 10th. All are 
asked, as individual members, to con- 
tribute a certain sum, mutually agreed 
upon, to meet the expenses of that 
convention. Thus it is brought home 
to them; not only to them, but to a 
number of persons outside of our 
party, who have had their attention 
drawn to the fact that we are going to 
have a national convention. The re- 
sult has been that where members 
have paid their special assessments, 
their interest has followed their con- 
tribution, and this convention has at- 
tracted more attention than any con- 
vention held by the American Social- 
ist Party. I believe this result will 
follow in the future from a special 
assessment. The fact that the com- 
rades over the country have so re- 
sponded induces me to believe they 
will do so again. The agitation start- 
ed several months before the conven- 
tion assembled. For that reason I 
believe that a special assessment, 
whenever it is required in the con- 
vention year, is the best means of 
covering this fund. 

DEL. GAYLORD: I owe the con- 
vention and Comrade Krafift an 
apology, and I wish to make it. In 
the minority report, under the head- 
ing "Article X," half way down the 
last column of the printed page, you 
will find, under Section 5, which is 
offered by Comrade Krafft of the 
committee as a substitute for that 
which has been read: 

Railroad fare of the delegates, 
going to and coming from the con- 
vention, shall be paid from the na- 
tional treasury, and such expenses 
shall be raised by a per capita as- 
sessment on the entire membership. 
(No delegate from any state shall 
be allowed voice or vote in the con- 
vention until this assessment from 
his state shall have been paid in 
full.) 

DEL. SPARGO: I move the adop- 
tion of the minority report. (Second- 
ed.) 

DEL. BERLYN (111.): V*/e hear a 
good deal about the agitational effect 
of this 35-cent assessment. Now, we 
know that this is a proletarian move- 
ment, and we know that we are just 



f 



284 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



at the beginning of an industrial de- 
pression. We know further that our 
party membership is steadily increas- 
ing, and to make our party member- 
ship right we must go to work and 
make it as easy as possible to bear 
the burdens that come upon it. With 
the increase of membership we have 
increased means. Now, it makes no 
difference — and I have had experience 
in these things for years and years — 
it makes no difference how much 
money you raise, you can always find 
a way to spend it. You can also argue 
that when you have certain sums of 
money raised you can set it aside for 
certain specific purposes. The first 
special assessment may work very 
well, the second one may call out a 
kick, and the third one perhaps some- 
thing different which we do not de- 
sire. I have no doubt that the next 
national convention, instead of rep- 
resenting 41,000 members, will repre- 
sent away over 100,000 members. We 
have minimized the number of dele- 
gates possible by doubling the re- 
quirements, making it 400 instead of 
200. Now, let us go to work and say 
to the proletarian whom we ask to 
join this party: "We are going to 
ask you to pay for everything that is 
done in the party. This is your party, 
but we are not going to make it so 
burdensome that the tax we impose 
upon you will drive you out of the 
party." I believe that the setting aside 
of 10 per cent is the common-sense 
proposition of the proletarian move- 
ment. 

DEL. .SOLOMON (N. Y.): I want 
to speak in favor of the minority re- 
port. The last part of Section 5 says: 
"No delegate from any state shall be 
allowed voice or vote in the conven- 
tion until this assessment from his 
state shall have been paid in full." If 
I understand the meaning of this 
clause it means that if ^ state is en- 
titled to ten delegates, and they have 
only happened to pay at the time of 
the convention the assessment for 
eight delegates, then the other two 
shall not be seated. Am I right? If 
the state has only paid the assess- 
ment for 1,500 members at the time 
the convention is in session, they will 
be deprived of two delegates, or three, 
as the case may be. 

DEL. GAYLORD: May I inter- 



pret it as the committee understood 
it? No delegate shall be seated until 
the assessment shall have been paid 
in full. 

DEL. SOLOMON: What assess- 
ment? 

DEL. GAYLORD: The full as- 
sessment. "No delegate from any 
state shall be allowed voice or vote 
until this assessment shall have been 
paid in full." That shuts out the 
whole delegation from that state. 

DEL. SOLOMON: That is so 
much the worse. I say it is a very 
dangerous proposition and will in- 
volve great confusion, in many forms. 
It will take us ten days to seat the 
national delegates. 

DEL. BERLYN: I have had a lit- 
tle bit of experience with this special 
assessment business. People who are 
members of the various fraternal so- 
cieties know that a decrease of mem- 
bership occurs during the time that 
they take up a special assessment, or 
have a semi-annual assessment for the 
purposes of defraying national or gen- 
eral expenses of the organization. My 
trade union has had this experience, 
and every trade union that ever tried 
it has had the same experience. 

DEL. JACOBS (Wis.): There will 
sometimes come a time, as it is this 
year for instance, when for a member 
to pay this special assessment jvillbe 
a burden. If we adopt this provision 
that no delegate shall be seated until 
the entire amount has been paid in 
full, how will it work out? Here is a 
state organization that has been at 
work as a state organization, spend- 
ing their money as fast as they get it; 
they collect dues from the members 
during the year and spend this money 
for organizing purposes, and they buy 
their due stamps from the national 
organization. Now, you say they 
shall not be seated until they have 
paid the special assessment. Per- 
haps the times are such that they are 
not able to pay their special assess- 
ment. I am opposed to both of these 
propositions, the original repor: of 
the committee and the minority re- 
port, and I wish to offer a substitute 
for the whole, and I wish to explain 
why. My substitute is that "The rail- 
road fare of the delegates going to 
and coming from the conventions 
shall be paid from the national , 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



285 



treasury." What sense is there in 
setting aside 10 per cent? If that is 
more than enough to pay it, it remains 
in the treasury; if it fc not enough to 
pay, what are you going to do about 
it? Why not pay it from the national 
treasury? 

DEL. SLOBODIN: Comrade 
Barnes has privately informed me 
that the average balance in the na- 
tional treasury during the last year 
or so, the daily balance was about 
$60 and the monthly balance about 
$100. If conventions are to be held 
every two years, at an expense of 
$7,000 or $8,000 for the railroad fares 
of the delegates, where shall we get 
it? 

DEL. GAYLORD: The idea is 
that out of the general funds of the 
organization a certain amount should 
be set aside for the purpose of meet- 
ing these expenses, and should al- 
ways be held on hand and should not 
be spent for any other purpose; that 
is all. It stands to reason that you 
must either have a special assessment 
or you must set aside a certain 
amount for the purpose of paying 
these expenses; because the national 
office is run always according to the 
money on hand. It does not lay 
aside thousands of dollars for con- 
tingent expenses, unless authorized 
to do it. 

DEL. PAULITSCH (N. Y.) : I am 
opposed to the substitute offered by 
the delegate from Wisconsin, and also 
to the proposition of the minority 
committee. I believe the one brought 
in by the Constitution Committee is 
the right one, and I hope to see it 
adopted. I take this position because 
of the experience I have had with 
various organizations that I am affili- 
ated with. 

DEL. KEARNS (N. J.): I want 
to explain the position of the State of 
New Jersey. There was no intention 
on the part of the framers of that 
resolution to debar any from the con- 
vention save those who are not pro- 
vided for by the payment to the na- 
tional treasury of the assessment. 
That is, if there is a delegation of ten, 
and the assessment has provided for 
but eight, two shall be excluded. That 
was the intention of this resolution, 
and it has simply been misstated in 
the minority report. 



DEL. FARRELL (Ohio): I be- 
lieve we ought to make this section of 
our constitution a little bit elastic. I 
don't think we are going to lose any- 
thing by placing a little more power 
in the hands of our National Secre- 
tary and Executive Committee, and if 
this 10 per cent fails to defray the ex- 
penses of any national convention, 
they should have the power to raise 
the balance in other ways. I would 
like to add, to the original proposi- 
tion, that in case the 10 per cent fails 
to cover the expense of any national 
convention, that the National Execu- 
tive Committee, in connection with 
the National Secretary, shall have the 
power to raise the necessary amount 
by a special assessment. It could 
probably be done by an assessment of 
two or three cents per member. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You can 
bring that up after this is settled. 
The vote is first upon the substitute 
offered by Del. Jacobs of Wisconsin, 
providing that the funds for the dele- 
gates' fares shall be paid out of the 
general funds of the party. That has 
been offered as a substitute for the 
whole. Are you ready for the ques- 
tion? All in favor please say aye; 
contrary, no. The noes have it and 
the motion is lost. The next ques- 
tion is on the minority report of the 
committee. ' 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: Since the 
delegates have divided this report in 
their argument, I think it would be 
well to divide the minority report, 
which covers two subjects, so that we 
can vote intelligently on each one. It 
reads as follows: "Railroad fares_ of 
the delegates going to and coming 
from the convention shall be paid 
from the national treasury, and such 
expenses shall be raised by a per 
capita assessment on the entire mem- 
bership." That is one part of it; the 
other part is: "No delegate from any 
state shall be allowed voice or vote 
in the convention until this assess- 
ment from his state shall have been 
paid in full." 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection we will divide the question 
into those two parts. (Question 
called for.) We will vote first on the 
part that he read first. Are you 
ready for the question? 

DEL. SNYDER (Kan.) : I wish to 



286 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



287 



say that I am in favor of the original 
report of the committee, for this rea- 
son, that we have a state org-aniza- 
tion fund for which dues are collected 
each month. The membership, in- 
stead of paying into this organization 
fund, had to pay this 35 cents to the 
national office, and it cost the State 
of Kansas about $100' that went into 
the na.tionaI treasury and came out of 
the state organization fund. I believe 
the national oflSce ought to provide 
for the delegates' fares, and leave our 
state organization fund alone. 

The question was put on the adop- 
tion of the first part of the minority 
report, and the result being in doubt, 
a vote was taken by a show of hands, 
resulting in the adoption of the part 
in question by a vote of 69 in favor 
and 34 against. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now comes upon the adoption of the 
second part of the minority report. 
The Secretary will read the second 
part. 

Del. Gaylord read the second part. 

DEL. KEARNS (N. J.): I move 
to amend by adding that the delega- 
tions be seated in proportion to the 
amount of assessment paid by their 
respective states. (Amendment sec- 
onded.) 

DEL. D'ORSAY (Mass.) : I would 
like to ask the mover of that amend- 
ment, who is to decide which of the 
delegates are to be seated? 

DEL. POPE (Mo.): If we have a 
provision of that kind the state that 
wants to select its delegates from the 
proletariat will be left behind. Some 
one will get up and say, "I will 
pay the fare," and he will be sent 
there. I am opposed to that part of 
it and hope you will vote it down. 
The Socialist Party is strong enough 
in New York and other places to help 
the weaker states. 

DEL. REILLY (N, J.): We have 
had in this convention 219 delegates, 
before some of them went home, rep- 
resenting a membership of 37,000 odd. 
Some of the states have paid in to 
the national treasury much more in 
proportion than the expenses of their 
delegation would amount to. The 
reason in most cases where a state 
has failed to pay its full quota of 
^.ssessment or failed to have it in 
sight, is because no eiTort was made 



by the state organizations to get the 
assessment collected. Instead of that, 
time has been given to factional fights 
and retaining control, and, as a result, 
some states have come here with del- 
egations out of all proportion to the 
amount that they have contributed to 
the railroad fares of the delegates. 

The previous question was called 
for, and the amendment of DeL 
Kearns was lost. 

The question was then put on the 
adoption of the second part of the 
minority report, and the motion was 
lost. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now recurs on the motion that was 
made early in the debate, providing 
that the expenses should be paid by 
special assessment of five cents a , 
quarter during convention years. Are 
you ready for the question? 

DEL. CARR (111.): I wish to call 
the attention of the convention to the 
fact that the special assessment this 
year was 35 cents, that many paid 
double, and that many who are not 
party members paid; and to fix the as- 
sessment so low as five cents a quarter 
will probably not provide enough 
money. I think it should be left to 
the body that fixed the assessment be- 
fore, the National Executive Com- 
mittee. 

DEL. SOLOMON: I don't see the 
necessity of coming in now with an- 
other motion to make it five cents. 
Why not leave this matter entirely in 
the hands of the National Executive 
Committee? It may be that five cents 
will be too little; it may be that they 
will require more than that. I move 
that the motion be laid on the table. 

The motion to lay on the table was 
seconded and carried. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now recurs on the adoption of the 
section as amended. 

DEL. COWAN (Ohio): I have an- 
other amendment, just a short one, 
namely, that the assessment be levied 
not later than the last of January in 
the convention year. (Amendment 
seconded.) 

DEL. CARR: I move that this mat- ' 
ter be left to the National Executive 
Committee. 

DEL. WILKE (Ga.): I move to 
lay upon the table the question of fix- 



ing the time for levying the assess- 
ment. (Seconded.) 

DEL. SOLOMON: The motion is 
out of order for the reason that we 
have already voted on the other 
ground which we have taken. 

The point of order was not sus- 
tained. The motion to lay on the ta- 
ble was then put and carried. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now comes on the adoption of the 
section as amended. 

DEL. O'HARE: We have adopted 
a rule that the nominating convention 
shall be on the basis of 300 — is that 
right? 

A DELEGATE: 400. 

DEL. O'HARE: I stand corrected. 

Our next convention, according to 
that rule, will have 140 delegates, if 
we do not grow. If we grow to 40,- 

000 we will have 165 delegates. There 
are 218 delegates here, and by the 
rules we have adopted our convention 
will be cut down one third. That 
rule was not adopted with the thought 
and consideration of this body. I do 
not think there is any man in this 
convention that knows how many del- 
egates would be here according to 
the rules adopted, except those who 
have figured it out this way. Now, 
comrades, I don't wish to cut down 
the size of our national convention. I 
am in favor of increasing it to an 
economical size, but not an expensive 
or extravagant size; and I propose 
that we refer this schedule back to 
the committee to investigate if such 
change is well made when, with the 
funds at the disposal of our party, we 
might have a convention at least as 
large as this convention, and have, 
to that extent, that much democracy, 
instead of restricting it to 100 known 
names. 

DEL. FIELDMAN: A point of 
order, Mr. Chairman. We have al- 
ready decided that matter. 

The point of order was sustained. 

DEL. O'HARE: I move a recon- 
sideration. I voted for the motion, 
and I have a right to do it now that 

1 have changed my mind. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade 
O'Hare will have to make his motion 
to reconsider after wp have passed 
this point which is now before the 
house. 

DEL. GAYLORD: I want to say 



a word on the report of the commit- 
tee, I am sorry, comrades, that you 
have rejected the method of the reg- 
ular setting aside of a small amount 
from the regular assessments. You 
have got to raise the money some- 
how. If necessary to raise special 
funds for other purposes you can do 
it. The provisions of this constitu- 
tion contemplate throwing the work 
of organization — an expense which 
has hitherto fallen upon the national 
office — more and more back upon the 
state organizations, putting them 
more and more upon their ow^n re- 
sources, and helping them by aid 
from the national office where neces- 
sary. I am opposed to the adoption 
of the section as it has been amended. 
I hope that you will vote it down and 
introduce another section that will 
put it upon the basis originally re- 
ported. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion 
now recurs on the adoption of the sec- 
tion as amended. Will the Secretary 
please read the section as it now 
stands before us, so that we will 
know where we are at? 

The section was read, as follows: 
Railroad fare of the delegates go- 
ing to and coming from the conven- 
tions and congresses of the party 
shall be paid from the national 
treasury, and such expenses shall be 
raised by a per capita assessment 
on the entire membership. 
The question was then put on the 
adoption of the section as read, and 
it was adopted. 

Del. Gaylord then read Section 6 of 
Article X, which section, by reason 
of renumbering, became Section 7 in- 
stead of 6 as originally numbered. 
The section is as follows: 

Section 6. That the election of 
delegates to the National Conven- 
tion shall take place not later than 
sixty days preceding the National 
Convention and the respective State 
Secretaries shall furnish the Na- 
tional Secretary not later than thir- 
ty days preceding such convention 
with a list of the accredited dele- 
gates to the convention. 

The National Secretary shall pre- 
pare for publication a printed ros- 
ter of the accredited delegates, to 
be sent to each delegate and for- 
warded to the party press for pub- 



288 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



289 



lication. That such list shall con- 
tain the occupation of each dele- 
gate and his oiBce or employment 
in the party. That all official re- 
ports required to be presented to 
the National Convention shall be 
printed and sent to each delegate 
elected at least fifteen days before 
the date of the convention and fur- 
nished to the party press for publi- 
cation. At the time and place set 
for the opening of the National 
Convention the National Secretary 
shall call the convention to order, 
and shall call the roll to ascertam 
the ntimber of uncontested dele- 

The following order of business 
shall be observed: 

1. Election of Chairman for the 

day- „ J- 

2. Election of Secretary, Readmg 
Clerk and Sergeant-at-Arms. 

3. Nomination of the followmg 
Regular Committees: 

Contested Seats — 7 members. 

Platform — 9 members. 

Constitution— 9 members. 

Resolvitions — 9 members. 

Ways and Means — 9 members. 

Reports of National Officers— 7 
members. 

International Relations— 5 mem- 
bers. 

After opportunity for decima- 
tions the complete list of nomina- 
tions above provided for shall be 
printed at once in ballot form. 

4. Report of Committee on Rules, 
appointed by the National Execu- 
tive Committee, according to Ar- 
ticle VI, Section 2. 

DEL. GAYLORD: There is a 
minority report on this, that you will 
find under "Convention," where it 
reads: "Add to Article X after the 
last section: 'The Committees on 
Platform, Constitution and Resolu- 
tions shall be elected by a referendum 
vote four weeks prior and they shall 
meet two days prior to the conven- 
tion.' " The adoption of which would 
cut out the Platform, Constitution 
and Resolutions Committees under 
item 3 of the rules of order specified. 

TFIE CHAIRMAN: You have 
heard the two reports, the majority 
and the minority. 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT (Wash): 



I move the adoption of the majority 
report. (Seconded.) 

DEL. WORK (Iowa): I would 
like to ask if it is intended to put the 
word "congressess" in after "conven- 
tions" and make it apply to both. 

DEL. GAYLORD: In the article 
on congress it reads that the order 
of business of the congress shall be 
prepared by the National Secretary, 
subject to approval by the congress. 
DEL. WORK: I want to ask 
whether this section applies to con- 
gresses as well as conventions. 

DEL. GAYLORD: The whole sec- 
tion does not apply. . . 
DEL. WORK: It is intended, is it 
not, that those whose credentials are 
sent in in advance shall be the per- 
manent organization, without a cre- 
dentials committee acting on them/ 

DEL. GAYLORD: The section on 
congresses reads, "Delegates shall be 
elected and accredited otherwise as 
for a nominating convention. 

DEL WORK: I want to move an 
amendment, to add to the second 
paragraph, right at the end, and they 
shall permanently organize the con- 
vention," so there will be no need of 
any credentials committee before we 
proceed to the permanent organiza- 
tion of the convention, and so we will 
not waste a day's time. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Doesn t it 
mean that by the ascertaining of the 
number of uncontested delegates and 
the election of officers? _ 

DEL. WORK: I think it virtually 
does, but it does not say so; that is 

^ THE CHAIRMAN: Will you ac- 
cept it? 

DELEGATES: No. 

DEL. GAYLORD: There .is no 
objection to it if the comrades wish 

it. . , ., 

DEL. WORK: I was in doubt as 

to the meaning. 

DEL SLOBODIN: I object to it. 

DEL. WORK: I think it is neces- 
sary, because I myself was in doubt 
what it meant. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Write it out. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair- 
man has accepted it. The question is 
on the adoption of the majority re- 
port as thus amended. All in favor 
say aye. Opposed, no. The motion 
is carried and the section adopted. 



I 



DEL. GAYLORD: We are now 
on Article XII, Section 4: 

Section 4. In states and terri- 
tories in which there is one central 
organization affiliated with the 
party, the state or territorial or- 
ganizations shall have the sole jur- 
isdiction of the members residing 
witliin their respeci:ive territories, 
and the sole control of all matters 
pertaining to the propaganda, or- 
ganization and financial affairs 
within such state or territory; 
their activity shall be confined to 
their respective organizations, and 
the National Committee and the 
sub-committees or officers thereof 
shall have no right to interfere in 
such matters without the consent 
of the respective state or territorial 
organizations. 

The section was adopted without 
objection. 

Section 5 was read, as follows: 

5. The state committees shall 
make monthly reports to the Na- 
tional Secretary concerning their 
membership, financial condition and 
general standing of the party. 
DEL. GAYLORD: On this there 
is an objection by Berlyn. He says: 
"My objection to this article is that 
the party has no means to enforce the 
same." 

On motion the section was adopted 
as reported. 

Section 6, being the same as in the^ 
former constitution, was read as fol- 
lows: 

Section 6. The State Committee 
shall pay to the National Commit- 
tee every month a sum equal to five 
cents for every member in good 
standing within their respective 
territories. 

Adopted without objection. 
DEL. OSBORNE (Cal.) : I would 
like to amend that, to make it seven 
cents instead of five. 

The amendment was not seconded. 
The next section was read: 

Section 7. All state organizations 
shall provide in their constitutions 
for the initiative, referendum and 
imperative mandate. 
Adopted without debate. 
Section 8 was read: 

Section 8. No person shall be 
nominated or endorsed by any sub- 
division of the party for candidate 



unless he is a member of the party 
and has been such for at least one 
year, but this provision shall not 
apply to' organizations which have 
been in existence for less than one 
year. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no 
objection the section will be adopted. 
DEL. C. L. FURMAN (N. Y.): I 
want to make a motion to have in 
place of No. 8 as follows: "No per- 
son shall be nominated or endorsed 
by any subdivision of the party for 
candidacy for a political or state 
party office unless such person has 
been a member in good standing of 
the party for at least two consecutive 
years." (Seconded.) 

DEL. POPE, (Mo.): I am opposed 
to that, and I will tell you why. We 
are having all over this country more 
locals being organized. Take my 
state. Just lately one county has 
been organized, and they are getting 
pretty near ready to elect a county 
ticket. I know it is all right, but I 
would like to say that they have a 
hard time to get men suitable. If 
you require a guaranty of two years, 
we cannot hope to have in those dis- 
tricts members that can take hold of 
this thing. 

DEL. FIELDMAN, (N. Y.) : A 
point of order. This does not ap- 
ply to locals that do not exist for 
two years. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Your point 
is not sustained, for the reason that 
he has got a motion to substitute 
what he read for what the commit- 
tee has. That would put this out of 
business. 

DEL. POPE: I want to say 
further that in a number of places 
our comrades are going to be pre- 
vented from getting candidates. In 
the great state of Missouri, in the 
city of St. Louis, we do not have 
enough members to nominate from 
the local to furnish candidates even 
for circuit judges, etc. We have to 
take mechanics and everybodj^. I 
am willing to say I do not care if 
you keep every lawyer off the ticket, 
but I will tell you what I don't want 
you to do ; I don't want you to say 
to the comrades in the rural dis- 
tricts that a man must be a member 
for two years. The proletariat is 
going from one place to another. 



290 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



291 



When they get ready to nominate 
one man who has been in the party 
they don't know where he is; he has 
to have a job, and he is gone, and 
when they get ready to nominate a 
man he is gone somewhere else to 
get work. That is why they go. I 
sa5^ give us a chance to get these 
people for our candidates. Don't 
go and put a thing in like this. 

DEL. ANDERSON, (N. D.): I 
want to say for the information of 
this delegation that the Socialist 
party for the first time put up a 
Socialist ticket in the city of Devil's 
Lake this spring, and if this propo- 
sition had been the rule, we would 
not have been able to put a ticket 
in the field at all, and, consequently, 
could not have voted. I am opposed 
to it. , ^ 

DEL. PORTER, (Nebr.): I move 
to table the amendment. 

The motion was seconded and 
carried. 

DEL. SOLOMON, (N. Y.): An- 
other amendment. I renew Comrade 
Furman's amendment, with the ex- 
ception that the clause shall not ap- 
ply to newly organized locals. 
(Amendment seconded.) _ 

DEL. GAYLORD: Organized less 
than two years? 

DEL. FURMAN: Yes. 
D E L. GAYLORD: Organized 
less than two years? 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved and seconded to substitute 
for the section offered by the com- 
mittee the section offered by Del. 
Furman, with the exception that this 
section shall not apply to those lo- 
cals which have not been organized 
for two years. 

DEL. SOLOMON: Now, it is all 
right to make an appeal for some_ lo- 
cals that are unable to get sufficient 
comrades to run for the various of- 
iices, and we, therefore, are compelled 
not to place in nomination comrades 
for the different positions. We have 
had some experience in New York, 
and I believe Comrade Furman, who 
made the main motion,_ had that par- 
ticular experience in view. If I am 
not mistaken about five years ago we 
placed in nomination William Brew- 
ster, I believe, for attorney general of 
the state of New York, and while he 
was a candidate he endorsed the 



Democratic party at that time. I say 
that in a large local which is organ- 
ized two years, if they cannot find,, 
comrades enough to run for the vari-'J 
ous oifices, it is improper to place in,| 
nomination a comrade who has just-l 
recently become a member of the'j 
party, even if they have not enoughjj 
to represent the party. They will,., 

create a great deal of trouble andj! 
place the party in a difficult position;, 
if elected. It is better not to have,! 
anyone elected than to have one 
elected that will make a laughing', 
stock of the party. I 

DEL. WOODBY, (Cal.): We- 
have known men who sold out the 
party, and some of them have been 
members of locals for years. In rny 
judgment, a man who understands its I 
principles is no more liable to do it' 
after he has been in the party six: 
months than five years. Most of the 
men who have done that kind of 
thing, who gave us the most trouble, 
so far as I recollect, are men that 
have been in the locals for years, as 
far as that is concerned, so I don't 
think a few months either one way 
or the other, is a matter that will set- 
tale this thing. I have known a man 
being in a local only six months, and 
even before he came into it he might 
know more about it than some that 
have been in six years. It is the per- 
sonal integrity of the person inter- 
ested that determines as to what a 
man will do. The fact that some men 
might have done that and have not 
been in the local for over a year is 
no evidence that some fellow won't 
do it that has been in more than six 
years. 

DEL. GAYLORD: I wish to read 
from our constitution in Milwaukee. 
It seems to me this is a matter for 
the local and state organizations. Un- 
der the old • constitution, in Wiscon- 
sin we take care of that in the state 
and local organizations. The con- 
stitution in Milwaukee provides that 
any person that has been a candidate 
on the ticket for the old parties shall 
not be endorsed under at least five 
years. 

DEL. AMBROSE, (Mont): I am 
opposed to this two-year clause, for 
the reason that in the western coun- 
try we have a hard time getting mem- 
bers to serve as delegates to the con- 



vention, let alone nominating them 
for office. We have in the city of 
Butte a town of 90,000 inhabitants. 
There have been times in Butte, one 
year, where we had to put a dead man 
on the ticket, a man that had been 
dead for three years, because we had 
no man that we could put on. 
(Laughter.) 

Now, we go into a convention to 
nominate, and we have got men in 
some of the wards there who are in 
such a position that they cannot ac- 
cept a nomination because their jobs 
depend on it. The amalgamated com- 
panies have such a control on the 
town that if a man accepts a nomina- 
tion on the Socialist ticket it is equiv- 
alent to losing his job, and the con- 
sequence is that in the first ward we 
had to go to work and take a dead 
man, a former member of the local, 
and put the dead man on the ticket, 
and he beat the Repubhcan. (Ap- 
plause.) We don't want to be re- 
stricted. We have a man there in our 
city that we elected on the Socialist 
ticket as alderman in the city of Butte 
and he was a member for two years 
and eight months in the Socialist 
party, and in good standing, and 
as soon as he was elected to 
office he sold us out, and we put in 
his undated resignation as we had it, 
sworn to before a notary public, and 
the Democrats and Republicans ac- 
cepted it in the city council and turned 
around and renominated him. I say 
one year is sufficient, and let each 
state take care of its own business, 
and let the national office take care of 
that, and if we have got anything to 
submit to a referendum we can take 
care of that, too. 

DEL. KUNATH, (Ind.) : Comrade 
Chairman and comrades, I believe 
this matter should be left to each 
state and each local to have the com- 
mon sense to state the time of mem- 
bership in the Socialist party. We 
have a member in Evansville who 
slipped into membership in the local 
just long enough to be on the ticket 
and we nominated him. We put him 
on the ticket as a candidate, and he 
turned around and worked for the 
Democrats. He was twro years a mem- 
ber of the Socialist party. Now, I 
had not been a member of the Socia- 
list party for two years when I was 



put up for the office of coroner. I had 
been just eight days in the Socialist 
party when I was put on the ticket as 
a candidate for coronor. I have not 
turned around and sold out the party. 
I have been a Socialist since 1866, 
when Bebel made his first speeches in 
Germany. When I came to Evans- 
ville there was not a Socialist organi- 
zation, and the Socialist Labor party, 
I didn't know anything about it, and 
later on I joined the Populist party, 
though I didn't stand for their prin- 
ciples exactly and when they fused 
with the Democrats I had enough. I 
said to the populist members: "If 
you fuse your organizations together 
I have enough." And so it came about 
that right after the Democratic party 
and Populist party fused together we 
established the Social Democratic 
party in Evansville. I became a mem- 
ber of that about eight days before 
the county convention, and I was 
put on the ticket for coronor. Did 
that lead to any corruption or con- 
fusion? No. Leave that alone and 
leave it to the good, common sense 
of every state and of every local to 
act according to common sense. 

It was moved and seconded to table 
the amendment. 

DEL. SOLOMON: I withdraw 
the amendment. 

The section as reported by the com- 
mittee was then adopted. 
The next section was read: 

Section 9. Upon the written 
statement of five members of the 
National Committee from three 
states that they have good grounds 
for believing the provisions of this 
constitution to have been violated 
by any state organization, the Na- 
tional Executive Committee shall 
fix a date for the hearing of both 
sides to the controversy. If, after 
the hearing, a majority of the Na- 
tional Executive Committee believes 
the charges to be well founded, it 
shall transmit the statements of 
both sides to the party press and to 
the members of the National Com- 
mittee. Thereupon the charter of 
a state may be recalled after a ma- 
jority of the National Committee 
so decides and such decision has 
been ratified by a referendum vote 
of the party initiated for this pur- 
pose by the National Committee. 



292 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



293 



It was moved and seconded to 
adopt the section. 

DEL. BERGER, (Wis.): I want 
to speak against the adoption of that 
section. 

DEL. STEDMAN, (III.): So do I. 
DEL. BERGER: For the follow- 
ing reasons: It is absolutely con- 
trary in spirit and in execution to 
the section, Seij. 4, that you have 
adopted just about five minutes be- 
fore. Now, what is the. sense and 
the use of adopting state autonomy 
in one clause, and then open another 
door and knock it in the head? If 
you had had this other in, our party 
would have been split up about five 
times during the last six years, State 
autonomy has kept us from interfer- 
ing in Washington, and having a 
cleavage all through the country. 
State autonomy has prevented getting 
into trouble in Utah, Nebraska, and 
in a good many other cases. Why 
not let the comrades settle it them- 
selves? It is entirely unnecessary, 
and once, when you tried to override 
state autonomy in the case of Wis- 
consin you almost got yourselves into 
trouble. Leave it to the comrades _ m 
the respective states. The constitution 
and the principle of state autonomy has 
worked well. Please do not try to 
override it simply by opening new 
gates and new ways of interference. 
You will find it will require scientific, 
uncompromising, clear-cut, revolu- 
tionary, and so on — class conscious, 
I have omitted one — National Com- 
mitteemen who will find fault with 
almost anything, and you will have 
troubles continuously. You can find 
even now they will find fault with every- 
thing we have done here. • They will find 
fault with nominations and with the So- 
cialist movement in its tactics, and you 
will have continuous trouble. We got 
along so nicely with the principles of the 
constitution as we had them until now. 
Don't kill a good thing. I move that 
this be stricken out. 

DEL. STEDMAN: Move to table. 

DEL. BERGER: I move that it 
be tabled. 

DEL. STEDMAN: I second the 
motion to table. 

DEL. SLOBODIN: A point of or- 
der. A man can't make a speech and 
make a motion to table. 



THE CHAIRMAN: Your point of 
order is well taken. 

DEL. STEDMAN: I now move to 
lay on the table. (Seconded.) 

DEL. HERMAN: A point of or- 
der. This means to lay the amend- 
ment on the table? 

DEL. STEDMAN: It means to 
lay the whole thing on the table. 

THE CHAIRMAN: All in favor 
of the motion to lay on the table 
say aye. Opposed, no. 

A division was called for, and a 
vote being taken by a show of hands, 
the motion to lay on the table was 
carried, 73 in favor, 28 against. 

The next section was read, becom- 
ing Section 9, instead of 10, as orig- 
inally numbered: 

Section 9. In case of controversy 
in any state as to the validity of the 
title of its officers and the question 
of recognition by the natibnal or- 
ganization, a referendum of the 
membership of said state to deter- 
mine the qviestion may be taken in 
the following manner: 

A call signed by not less than 
one-third of the total membership 
of the state in good standing at 
the time the controversy arose, ask- 
ing the National Executive Com- 
mittee to conduct a referendum of 
the said state membership for the 
election of officers for the position 
in dispute shall be filed with the Na- 
tional Secretary. 

Upon receiving such call the Na- 
tional Executive Committee shall 
conduct a referendum of the mem- 
bership of said state for the election 
of officers for the position in dis- 
pute. All locals appearing on the 
state list at the national headquar- 
ters in good standing at the time 
the controversy arose shall be priv- 
ileged to make nominations, and 
all members in good standing at 
that time shall be entitled to vote. 
DEL. GAYLORD: This is the ar- 
ticle that was adopted recently by the 
referendum. 

DEL. SLOBODIN: There is a 
minority report. 

DEL. SOLOMON; I move that 
this be tabled. (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved 
and seconded that this section be laid 
on the table. 



DEL. WALDHORST, (Ala.): I 
want to know whether this article was 
adopted by a referendum of the party. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. 

DEL. WALDHORST: Then I 
want it to stay in there. 

The motion to lay on the table was 
lost. 

DEL. ROSS, (Okla.): I move the 
adoption of the majority report, 
(Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved 
and seconded that the report of fhe 
committee be adopted. Are you ready 
for the question? (Question called 
for.) 

DEL. HERMAN, (Wash.): I think 
Washington at least has a right to 
he heard on this proposition. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Everybody 
has got a right to be heard. 

DEL. HERMAN: This has af- 
flicted us to some extent. I want to 
appeal to your common sense. In the 
state of Washington, under the pre- 
tense of getting one-third of the 
membership in good standing at the 
time the controversy arose, people 
have gone out in the state in the name 
of a temporary committee of the So- 
cialist party and have gotten signa- 
tures to petitions, and many of these 
signatures were of people who were 
not only not members of the party at 
the time that the controversy began, 
but were never members of the party, 
and I have in my pocket at the pres- 
ent time a resolution from a local in 
Hamilton, Washington, that I want 
to read in connection with this, to 
prove my statement. A copy of this 
is on file in the national office. 

"The members of the local of this 
place desire to call your attention to 
some important existing facts regard- 
ing the facts of some individuals 
working in the interest of the tem- 
porary committee of the Socialist 
party of Washington, located in Se- 
attle. 

"First: That an attempt was made 
by fraudulent means and trickery to 
disrupt and disorganize this local with 
the ultimate purpose of turning it over 
to said temporary committee. 

"Second: That many signatures 
have been placed petitioning for a 
referendum vote to remove the pres- 
ent state -committee of the Socialist 
party of Washington, of persons who 



were not members of the Socialist 
party or of any local. Likewise, those 
members of Hamilton local who 
signed said petitions, on having a 
clearer understanding of the premises, 
now repudiate and condemn said peti- 
tion. 

"Third: That bulletin No. 3 for 
March, sent out by the temporary 
committee, states that they have a 
local at this place, which, to our 
knowledge, has no existence. 

"Fourth: The work of the tem- 
porary committee has been fraudu- 
lent, crooked and unreliable, and con- 
demns itself at this place. It is not 
an exemplary effort and if taken as 
a criterion of other localities, we con- 
demn it from start to finish. There- 
fore, we, the undersigned members of 
Hamilton Local present at this meet- 
ing, demand that our names be with- 
drawn from said petition. 
"(Signed.) C. W. PIERCE, 

Cor. Secretary; 
THOMAS W. THOMP- 
SON, Chairman; 
JOHN B. FLICK, 
B. W. PIERCE, 
W. B. FENN, 
N. JOHNSON, 
E. O. RICHARDSON, 
E. B. FLICK, 
THOMAS BOLAN, 
A. J. WEAVER, 
I. M. JOHNSTON, 
R. L. JOHNSTON." 
Now, we have gone to other places 
in the state of Washington, where 
similar conditions prevail, and some 
of the representatives of this same or- 
ganization went to Aberdeen, Wash- 
ington, and got members who were 
expelled from the party because they 
had voted for candidates nominated 
by the Republican and Democratic 
parties; they were expelled from the 
party, and these people organized, and 
I doubt not but what their signatures 
also appear on the petition. They 
have accepted the signatures of men 
and women who were not only mem- 
bers at the time the controversy be- 
gan, but who were never members of 
the party and perhaps never will be 
if they first understand Socialism. 

Therefore, I say that the same con- 
ditions which prevail in the state of 
Washington will also prevail in your 
state in case you carry this amend- 



"1 



294 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



2pS 



ment, and allow a certain element to 
create trouble within your organiza- 
tion. I therefore move. Comrade 
Chairman, that this portion _ be 
stricken out from the constitution. 
(Seconded.) 

DEL. BERGER: Comrade Her- 
man did not add an iota in favor of 
striking out this proposition. His ex- 
perience proves the possibility of pro- 
tecting a minority and at the same 
time guaranteeing the right of the 
majority. He was up before the ex- 
ecutive board. All of them were up 
before the executive board. We m- 
vestigated the proposition right here 
last week, and, finding that a number 
of members there stated to have been 
in opposition were not there under 
their signatures, and, furthermore, 
listening to different arguments, we 
declared that we had no power m the 
premises under the same rule. bo, 
why strike out a proposition which 
works beneficially in your own exper- 
ience. Comrade, right over there? 
They brought over 700 signatures, but 
not half of them were in the party at 
the time this happened, and, there- 
fore, we ruled it out of order, that is 
all. On the other hand, there is a 
possibility of a small crowd, a small 
crowd of politicians— for there are 
politicians also in the Socialist move- 
ment, I find that, and pretty tricky 
ones — 

A DELEGATE: Berger! 
DEL. BERGER: No, sir. I will 
say one thing, comrades, that,_ of 
course we know that every organiza- 
tion of necessity is a machine. You 
■will never have an organization that 
is not a machine, but at the same time 
you ought to save the rights of minori- 
ties, especially in cases where there 
is fanaticism, ill will, and so on. We 
are not angels; I haven't seen any 
angel's wings cropping out here any 
place, and, least of all, did I see any 
flapping in Washington when they ap- 
peared and told their story, and let 
me tell you it was the story of a 
pretty shrewd lot of politicians man- 
aging a state. Yet they have an or- 
ganization and they took the part of 
the organization, and that is all there 
is to it. Comrades, minorities ought 
to be safeguarded or we would have 
conditions arising like they had in 
Nebraska, when about five men held 



the entire organization of the state 
of Nebraska; that was about all. Be- 
sides, that has been adopted by a 
referendum about six months ago, 
and we have no right to set aside a 
referendum of the party, a general 
referendum of the party in this con- 
vention this year, no right whatso- 
ever. (Applause.) Therefore, com- 
rades, I ask you to vote against the 
striking out of this part. 

DEL. CARR: I do not wish to dis- 
cuss the question, and as two speeches 
have been made, and it is perfectly 
fair to have one on each side, I move 
that we lay this motion on the table, 
to strike out. (Seconded.) 

DEL. HERMAN: A point of or- 
der. According to the rule adopted 
yesterday the mover of the proposi- 
tion has the right to speak after the 
previous question has been ordered. 
DEL. CARR: This is not the pre- 
vious question. 

THE CHAIRMAN: No previous 
question has been called for. It is 
moved and seconded to lay the mo- 
tion to strike out on the table. Those 
in favor say aye. Opposed, no. The 
ayes have it and the motion is car- 
ried. 

It was moved and seconded that the 
section be adopted. 

DEL. WILLIAMS, (Minn.): Com- 
rade Chairman, I move that this sec- 
tion be amended with these words to 
follow the end of the last paragraph: 
"All members in good standing at, 
that time to be entitled to vote, pro- 
vided, that one or more locals notify 
the National Secretary within forty- 
five days that such petition is being 
circulated protesting against the elec- 
tion of these officers." This will 
make a prescribed time in which this 
petition may be filed. We don't want 
to have to go about a year or six 
months back, and I think it is best 
to set a time limit at which to make 
it good. (Amendment seconded.) 

It was moved and seconded to lay 
the motion to amend on the table. 
Carried. 

,THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now recurs on the adoption of the 
report as read. All in favor say aye. 
Opposed, no. The motion is carried, 
and the section is adopted. 

DEL. GAYLORD: At the bottom 
of the last column of the report. Sec- 



I 



tion 11, of Article XII, as it reads 
here now becomes Section 10. This 
has since been approved by a major- 
ity of the committee, so it becomes 
a part of the majority report. I read: 
_ Section 10. The National Execu- 
tive Committee shall appoint sec- 
retaries to reside in the unorgan- 
ized states, who shall be selected' 
as far as possible from the section 
in which the state is located. A 
salary not to exceed $18.00 a week 
shall be allowed them, and they 
shall have complete charge of or- 
ganization in their respective states. 
They shall hold office subject to 
the National Executive Committee, 
provided that when there are not 
less than ten locals and 200 mem- 
bers in any state a state organiza- 
tion may be formed, which shall 
then elect its own officers. 
It was moved and seconded to adopt 
the section. 

DEL. SOLOMON: I want to 
amend by adding the following clause: 
"subject to the approval of the mem- 
bers in those states." (Amendment 
seconded.) 

DEL. GAYLORD: May I ask for 
a point of information. 
DEL. SOLOMON: Yes. 
DEL. GAYLORD: How could 
you have a state organization with- 
out having the approval of the mem- 
bers in that state? 

DEL. SOLOMON: I take it for 
granted that this means, I believe, 
that the national office shall have no 
right to send a person there as a 
state organizer when the members 
of that state are opposed to it. 

DEL. GAYLORD: That applies 
to the first part. 
DEL. SOLOMON: Yes. 
DEL. GAYLORD: You did not 
say so. 

DEL. WALDHORST, (Ala.): A 
point of information. Section 3, of 
Article XII, minority report, says: 
"The National Executive Committee 
may provide in weak or unorganized 
states, with the consent of the organ- 
ized Socialists of the state, a State- 
Secretary Organizer. The committee 
shall have power to arrange salaries 
and other details." 

Now, there are two of these here. 
I would like to know whether the 
committee proposes to introduce Sec- 



tion 3, of Article XII, also, or just 
the one down below Article XII, Sec- 
tion 11, in the minority report' 

DEL. SNYDER, (Kan.): I can 
answer that. We withdrew that in 
favor of the one read by Comrade 
Gaylord. 

DEL. GAYLORD: It was the ar- 
rangement to give a weak state some 
leeway. It might organize with 200, 
but if it got below ISO the national 
office would help it out and take 
charge. 

DEL. WORK: In order to make 
this correspond with the rest of the 
constitution it should state there "not 
less than ten locals or 200 members 
in good standing," and I so move. 

The amendment was seconded and 
carried. 

DEL. WALDHORST: I move to 
add where it says "reside in the un- 
organized states," the words "or weak 
organized states." 

DEL. GAYLORD: That comes in 
the next section. 

DEL. WALDHORST: Do you 
want to adopt that down below? 

DEL. GAYLORD: Yes, we pro- 
pose that also. 

DEL. KERR, (111.): Along in the 
second line the word "shall" was, I 
think, put in by mistake instead of 
"may," and it makes it mandatory on 
the committee to appoint secretaries 
to be selected from the states, which 
I do not think was intended. I ask 
the committee to change the "shall" 
to "may." 

DEL. GAYLORD: I will ask how 
many of the committee here accept 
that? Comrade Slobodin, do you ac- 
cept it? 

DEL. SLOBODIN: Yes. 

DEL. GAYLORD: All right; we 
accept it. 

DEL. O'HARE: A point of in- 
formation. How many unorganized 
states are there? 

A DELEGATE: Eight. 

DEL. MILLER, (Nev.) : I am op- 
posed to this whole business. In the 
first place, if the state is weak, it is 
an unwarranted interference with the 
state organization. The provision 

provides that the National Committee 
may appoint a secretary, but it does 
not say where he shall come from. 

DEL. GAYLORD: It does pro- 
vide. 



296 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



297 



A DELEGATE: I move to cor- 
rect by striking out the words "to 
reside" and putting "residing" there. 

DEL. GAYLORD: On that point 
I will say that in an unorganized 
state we are less likely to find a man 
who understands the party and its 
methods who will be capable of tak- 
ing charge of such an important work 
as building up a new organization. 

A DELEGATE: No carpet bag- 

DEL. OSBORNE, (Gal.) : I think, 
since they are interested in bringing 
this amendment up, that these secre- 
taries and organizers should be ap- 
pointed in all unorganized states, not 
may be appointed. They may be ap- 
pointed now, the national organizers 
in any state, but the point is, that 
unless it is mandatory upon the com- 
mittee to appoint a secretary in each 
unorganized state. We want to make 
a change there. Therefore, I oppose 
the amendment because it is the orig- 
inal proposition introduced by the 
committee. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I understand 
the committee accepted the word 
"may," and it is there. Are you ready 
for the question? 

DEL OSBORNE: We are voting 
on the amendment that they may ap- 

^°THE CHAIRMAN: No, the 

amendment is to change from the 

, words "to reside" to the word resid- 

"^The amendment was lost and the 
section as read was then adopted. 

Del Gaylord then read Section ii, 
originally numbered 13, as follows: 
Section 11. The National Execu- 
tive committee is authorized to give 
financial assistance from the na- 
tional organization to any state or- 
ganization applying for same, and 
having a membership of less than 
' ■ 1,200, to enable the secretary of said 
state to secure a living wage while 
giving his entire time to the work 
of organizing the state. 
On motion the section was adopted. 
The next article, 13, was read: 

Section 1. The location of the 
headquarters of the party shalL be 
determined by the National Com- 
mittee. 

Adopted without discussion. 
DEL. GAYLORD: Next, inserting 



a new article to be numbered 14: 
Section 1. Deleg;ates to the In- 
ternational Congress shall also be 
elected by a referendum in the year ', 
when the congress is held; one del-' ■ 
egate for every 5,000 members. 
It was moved and seconded to 
adopt the article. 

DEL. SPAR GO: I rather object 
to the limiting of the number of dele- 
gates that may be sent by the party 
under that motion. If they would 

strike out that clause and amend it 
so that the number of delegates to be 
sent should be determined by the Na- 
tional Conimittee in that year, I think 
that would cover the situation. As a 
matter of fact, at the present time we 
would be permitted to send only eight, 
whereas it might be advisable to send' 
a larger number, providing we could 
do it. ^ ^, 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: The pur- 
pose of this amendment now under 
consideration is to apply to our dele- 
gates across the water the same pro- 
vision we have applied to delegates 
to the National Convention; that is, 
that the organization, as such, shall 
defray their expenses, and not favor 
those who can pay their own w^ay. 
(Applause.) Consequently, I think 
this should be adopted- If you allow 
the National Committee to determine, 
as previously, they may decide on 
one, according to the finances that 
we have on hand, or two, and then 
permit those to have credentials who 
can pay their own expenses. 

DEL. SPARGO: No, no. A point 
of order. 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: Then you 
will wipe that out? 

DEL. SPARGO: Yes. 
DEL. GAYLORD: All right, then 
that is done. But if. you adopt the 
proposition that is now before you, 
on the present basis of membership, 
we would elect eight members by 
referendum, and then we would have 
to provide the means to send them, 
across the water, and I think that isjfl 
proper. . ^ • ' 

DEL. SPARGO: The pomt I de- 
sired to make was as to just that. 
I think we will air agree that no per- 
son should represent the party at an 
international congress merely becausej 
he happens to have money to go DIM 
a picnic. That has been done hereto-fl 



fore, and it has not been representa- 
tive of this party. I think we are 
a so- agreed that they should be 
elected by a referendum, but if we fix 
now that we must elect one delegate 
for each 5,000 members, it would 
mean that we have to elect eight and 
send them, whether we had the 
money at the time or not, or whether 
T ^^f fu '" "" campaign when, we 
needed that couple thousand dollars 
1 say we can very well afford to let 
the National Committee determine 
the number, but insist that the elec- 
tion be by a referendum vote 

DEL BERGER: Coming 'to think 
ot It, I will have to oppose the 
amendment, of Comrade Spargo. We 
have an International Congress onlv 
once m every three years, 'and if we 
should need money we can always 
issue a special assessment for that 
purpose. But the expense is not as 
big^as some people imagirie. All we 
need is probably two or three hun- 
dred dollars per delegate, not more 
as a rule. Now, if this great Amer- 
ican party is to be represented at all 
we ought to have at least one repre- 
sentative for every 5,000 members in 
good standing. So far we had usually 
one man there and then everybody 

? ,^^d money could take himself 
and his wife and his cousin and his 
grandmother, and could simply have 
credentials, and there they were rep- 
resenting the proletariat of America 
Now, ©f course, I have nothing 
against the comrades who are able to 
go. On the contrary, I was very 
sorry I could not go. But I don't be- 
lieve it is the proletarian way. We 
ought to have representatives repre- 
seijiting our party, and we ought not 
to be stingy on account of a couple 
hundred dollar's for sending them 
there. I move you that the report as 
originally read be adopted. 

DEL. FIELDMAN (N. Y.); Just 
a word. I do not believe that it .is 
either sensible or just to leave it to 
any conimittee to determine the basis 
of representation. It should be done 
by the party as a whole. (Applause.) 

DEL. GAYLORD: If I under- 
stand the sense of those ^who intro- 
duced this, it will be as follows: 
Delegates to the International Con- 
gress shall be elected by a referen- 
dirm vote in the year in which that 



congress is held. There shall be one 
delegate for every S,000 members, and 
their expenses shall be paid out of 
the treasury of the national party. 
That is the sense. 

DEL. WORK: Is it not true that 
the delegates sent to the Interna- 
tional Congress have a right to cast 
a vote according to the number of 
members the party has in any coun- 
try, regardless of the number of dele- 
gates that are sent? 

DEL. BERGER: So far they were 
proportioned according to the na- 
tion, so and so many votes, and it 
was a very unjust apportionment, be- 
cause Biilgaria and Servia and the 
United States really had the same ap- 
potionment. But I understand that 
that is going to be changed. 

A DELEGATE: It has been 
changed. It is going to be changed, 
and then of course we will have a 
better representation according to 
*our standing. But at the same time, 
even if it has been changed, eight 
men can represent us a good deal 
better than one can, at any rate; and 
this great party, having about 40,000 
dues-paying members, ought not to 
be represented by one man, , but it 
ought to be represented by at least 
one man for every 5,000 members. 

DEL. A. M; SIMONS (111.): I 
think a word of explanation might 
here be in order. At the Stuttgart 
Congress there were, I think, eight 
committees, six or eight important 
committees. Nearly all the work of 
the International Congress was done 
in the committees. The fireworks 
were on the floor, but they don't have 
anything to do with what happens'; 
they are absolutely for the benefit of 
the galleries. The actual work is all 
done in committee, the actual discus- 
sion. There has no way yet been dis- 
covered by which one mati can serve 
on eight committees simultaneously 
and all busy. There are always that 
many committees. The result of it 
was that we simply had to divide up 
this year the best way we could. Of 
course there were quite a number of 
people who were, fortunately or un- ■ 
fortunately, according to the way you 
look at it, who were traveling in 
Europe incidentally, and I have noth- 
ing to say against them; they were 
very good comrades; we happened to 



flpW^ 



298 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



299 



be very lucky this year, but it was 
pure luck that this movement hap- 
pened to be represented well upon 
the committees. 

DEL. SLOBODIN: I think ninety 
days or four months or five months 
before the convention is better for the 
election. I move to amend so as to 
make it five months. 

DEL, GAYLORD: Does Berger 
accept that? I believe there can be 
no objection, though I don't see why 
that election should be held five 
months before the date of the con- 
vention. 

DEL. WORK: By the time of the 
next congress we will have at least 
60,000 dues-paying members. 

DEL. BERGER: I hope we will 
have them. 

DEL. WORK: That will give us 
twelve delegates. I think six is 
enough. I move to have one for 
every 10,000 members. 

DEL. O'HARE (Okla.): I am per-* 
fectly willing to pay my five cents to 
send a delegate, and this proposition 
to a delegate for every 5,000 mem- 
bers, if I understand Delegate Berger 
correctly, means that I will have to 
do without three stogies or one cigar 
to send that delegate; and I am in 
favor of the European movement 
knowing that we have got more than 
one or two Socialists in this country, 
and if we could send one hundred 
delegates and it would cost me no 
more than five cents to send them, 
I say let them go. (Applause.) 

DEL. KORNGOLD (111.): I have 
a little amendment to offer. I think 
the resolution reads that the expenses 
shall be paid out of the national treas- 
ury. I move that they be paid out of 
the national treasury or by special 
assessment. 

The motion was not seconded. 
The section as read was, then 
adopted. 

DEL. GAYLORD: We have Ar- 
ticle XV now, originally numbered 
XIV: 

Section 1. This constitution may 
be amended by a national conven- 
tion or by a referendum of the 
party in the manner above pro- 
vided. But all amendments made 
by a national convention shall be 
submitted seriatim to a referendum 
vote of the party membership. 



The article was adopted without 
objection. 

DEL. GAYLORD: One more ar- 
ticle, XVI, "Time and method of tak- 
ing efifect." Notice this carefully. I 
modify this; it was understood in the 
committee: 

Section 1. This constitution 
shall take effect and be in force on , 
the first day of January after the 
tirne of its approval by a national 
referendum of the party member- , 
ship. 

DEL. WORK: This is not a con- 
stitution. It is simply a proposal of 
some amendments to the old consti- 
tution. The old constitution is still 
in effect and will remain in effect 
until this is adopted or until next 
January. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Yes; that is, 
the old constitution. 

DEL, WORK: Therefore it should, 
be that "these amendments shall take 
effect," and so on. So I move to 
strike out the words "this constitu- 
tion" and substitute "these amend- 
ments." 

The amendment was not seconded. 
THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now is upon the adoption of the con- 
stitution as a whole. 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: It says: 
"This constitution shall take effect 
on the first day of January after its 
adoption by referendum." Apply 
that to what is before us. Suppose in 
two months this will be adopted by , 
referendum; it means this, that it 
only takes effect the first of next Jan- 
uary, while in here you have provided 
that the National Executive Commit- 
tee and National Secretary and other 
officers shall be nominated in No- 
vember. It would mean then that un- 
til November, 1909, there would he 
no nominations. 

DEL. GAYLORD: And no con^ 
stitution, either. 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: Oh, yes; 
the first of January it would be a 
constitution. 

DEL. INGALLS (Minn.): I move ' 
to amend by striking, out "shall take 
effect from and after its adoption by 
referendum." (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: I understand 
that was adopted. 

DEL. INGALLS: No. 

DEL. WALDHORST: I move a 



reconsideration of the previous mo- 
tion. (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved 
and seconded to reconsider the last 
vote on the last section so as to open 
it up again. 

DELEGATES: It was not adopt- 
ed. 

THE CHAIRMAN: By common 
consent, then, it was not adopted. 

DEL. WALDHORST: I move to 
amend by inserting in that a provis- 
ion that "this constitution shall take 
effect on and after its adoption by 
referendum." (Seconded.) 

DEL. FARRELL (Ohio): A point 
of information. I would like to ask 
the convention and also the National 
Secretary if it is not a fact that the 
old constitution stands in effect un- 
til this organization adopts a new 
one. 

THE CHAIRMAN : Yes. 

DEL. BERGER: A point of in- 
formation. Does that mean that we 
will have to go to work immediately 
and elect a new National Executive 
Board? 
DEL. INGALLS: No. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I should think 
it would mean that if this constitu- 
tional provision in regard to the mat- 
ter is adopted by the membership, then 
we would have to proceed. 

DEL. GAYLORD: We considered 
this ; we are just on the eve of a na- 
tional campaign. It will be trouble 
enough to get the referendum, and it 
might disturb our organization at pres- 
ent and our methods. Our affairs have 
been planned before this convention, and 
to change them between now_ and elec- 
tion day will disorganize things. Let 
this new constitution wait till the first 
of January. There is only one reason 
for passing that, and that is this, to get 
the new methods of organization in the 
states as provided for here. There 
need be no question whatever that the 
present Executive Committee and pres- 
ent National Committee will get at once 
in correspondence with them even be- 
fore this is adopted by referendum, 
because they see the sense of this con- 
vention and they will move in that di- 
rection as soon as it is adopted by the 
referendum. The present Executive 
Committee and National Committee will 
aim to carry it out so far as possible 
oven before the first of January. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 



now recurs on the amendment offered 
by Del. Ingalls of Minnesota, providing 
that this shall go into effect as soon 
as it has been adopted by the referen- 
dum. 

DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.) : I offer an 
amendment, "with the exception of the 
officers of the party, in which case it 
shall not go into effect until the new 
year." (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved and seconded to amend the 
amendment offered by Comrade Ingalls 
so as to provide that this shall apply 
except to the officers, who shall hold 
over until the first of January next. 
Are you ready for the question on the 
amendment offered by Del. Goebel? 

DEL. FARRELL (Ohio) : I ofifer 
a substitute for both. I move to lay 
them on the table. 

The motion to lay on the table was 
seconded and carried. 
The section was then adopted. 
DEL. GAYLORD: There is a sec- 
tion which was wanted to be drafted 
by common consent, with reference to 
trustees. This will go in under the "Na- 
tional Committee," I should say, or the 
article on "Management," Article III. 

DEL. STEDMAN : Comrade Gay- 
lord, I make a suggestion that that be 
referred to the National Executive 
Committee so that they will revise it 
afterward. 

DEL. GAYLORD: I will read this 
suggestion of a new section for this 
constitution : 

Section . The National Executive 
Committee shall elect three trustees 
in whom the title of all property of 
the National Committee shall be 
vested, who shall have the supervision 
of all title of property. Such trust- 
ees shall have authority to accept serv- 
ice for the party, and shall be the 
obligors in all bonds. All official 
bonds shall run to such trustees and 
their successors as obligees. 
DEL. STEDMAN: I do not think 
it is necessary to explain at length. It 
is simply so that when bequests are 
made to the party some person will be 
in a position to receive them. For in- 
stance, a man died some time ago out 
west and left property to the party. 
There was no one in the legal sense 
of the term who could take it, and con- 
sequently his will was not carried out 
at all. Such a party should be desig- 
nated. Again, a bond made out to the 



300 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



party is valueless, because in order to 
sue on it you would have to join every 
single member of the party as plaintiff. 
It was moved and seconded to adopt 
the section. 

DEL. MORGAN (III.) : I move to 
amend, that the Committee on Consti- 
tution be empowered to insert the nec- 
essary legal provisions which will safe- 
guard the funds of this party; because 
we are m doubt as to whether the pro- 
vision presented will fulfill that require- 
ment. (Seconded.) 

DEL. STEDMAN: I call Comrade 
Morgan's attention to the fact that this 
committee will be out of existence when 
the time comes. 

DEL. MORGAN: I am willing to 
change the committee from the Consti- 
tution Committe to the National Exec- 
utive Committee. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
now recurs on the proposition offered 
Dy Comrade Morgan to refer to the Na- 
tional Executive Committee. All those 
in favor say aye. Opposed, no. Carried. 
X he question is referred to the National 
Executive Committee. 

DEL. BERGER: I move you that 
we adopt now the constitution as a 
whole. (Seconded.) 

DEL. FARRELL: I want a word 
tor the constitution. I think I have 
something that might interest a great 
many m this convention, and it is in 
reference to the traveling expenses of 
the delegates. I wanted to bring it up 
before and was denied that right I 
want the expenses of the delegates paid 
from the National treasury. I want a 
reconsideration of the action. I can't 
make it ; jsome comrade who voted in the 
affirmative must make the motion that 
is suitable. The section, as I would 
amend it, would read: "Section 5. 
Railroad fare for the delegates going 
to and coming from conventions shall 
be paid from the national treasury, and 
such expenses shall be raised by setting 
aside ten per cent of the national dues 
for this purpose." This is the addi- 
tion ; "Such funds failing to bear the 
actual expenses of delegates, the Na- 
tional Committee together with the Na- 
tional Secretary shall have the power 
to raise the balance required by special 
assessment or special per capita assess- 
ment," 

DEL. COWAN (Ohio) : I move a 
reconsideration. (Seconded.) 




AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



301 



THE CHAIRMAN : It is moved and" 
seconded to reconsider the action which 
the convention took with reference to 
this particular section. All in favor 
of reconsideration say aye. Opposed, 
no. The noes have it and the motion 
is lost. The action now recurs on the 
adoption of the constitution as a whole 
as amended. 

DEL. HERMAN (Wash.) : I rise to 
make an amendment, if in order. My 
amendment is to strike out Section 10 
of Article XII. 

THE CHAIRMAN : I rule this mo- 
tion out of order on the ground that 
we ,have already taken action upon it 
and defeated it, and you cannot do it 
again. It is moved and seconded 
that the report of the Constitution 
Committee be adopted as a whole 
and sent to a referendum, as amended. 
All in favor say aye. Opposed, no. It 
is carried. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON 
WOMEN AND THEIR RELATION 
TO THE SOCIALIST PARTY. 

DEL, M'lLA TUPPER MAYNARD 
(reporting for the committee) : In or- 
der to avoid misunderstanding, it is well 
to make one or two statements prior to 
the reading of the report of the com- 
mittee. Many requests came from dele- 
gates and members of the party for a 
pronounced experssion on the suffrage 
question. No one doubted the position 
of the party. It was only that it seemed 
best to make it more emphatic that it 
is a part of the activity of the or- 
ganization to promote the suft'rage move- 
ment. 

_ The Platform Commitee took as posi- 
tive action as the Women's Committee : 
felt it could ask; therefore, they regard ', 
nothing further on that question as nee- ' '■ 
essarv. This is the language of the 
declaration, of principles, "Unrestrict- 
ed equal suffrage for men and 
women, and we pledge ourselves J 
to engage in an active campaign 
in that direction," That, we contend, is 
all that can possibly be asked of the 
organization. So we introduce nothing 
further relative to suffrage. 

Our main proposition has to do with 
a specific effort to increase and make 
more effective the agitation and propa- 
ganda and organization among women. 
Now, this must not be confused with 
outside efforts at propaganda. All that 



the report of the committee has to do 
with is efforts within the party, by the 
party, and foJ" the party. I make this 
statement in order that you may not 
confuse the report of the committee with 
possible activities outside of the party. 
This we may welcome, but as an organi- 
ization we have nothing to do with that 
line of activity. Now for the specific re- 
port of the committee. 

MAJORITY REPORT OF WOMEN'S 
COMMITTEE. 

"The National Committee of the So- 
cialist Party has already provided for a 
special organizer and lecturer to work 
for equal, civil and political rights in 
connection with the Socialist propagan- 
da among women, and their organiza- 
tion in the Socialist party. 

"This direct effort to secure the suf- 
frage to women increases the party 
membership and opens up a field of 
work entirely new in the American So- 
cialist party. That it has with it great 
possibilities and value for the party, our 
comrades in Germany, Finland and 
other countries have abundantly demon- 
started. 

"The work of organization among wo- 
men is much broader and more far- 
reaching than the mere arrangement of 
tours for speakers. It should consist of 
investigation and education among wo- 
men and children, particularly those in 
the ranks in or out of labor unions 
and to the pubHcation of books, pam- 
phlets and leafllets, especially adapted to 
this field of activity. 

"To plan such activity requires ex- 
perience that comes from direct contact 
with and absorbing interest in the dis- 
tinct feature of woman's economic and 
social conditions, and the problems aris- 
ing therefrom. 

"For this reason, the committee here- 
by requests this convention to take def- 
inite action on this hitherto neglected 
question. We ask that it make provi- 
sion to assist the Socialist women of 
the party in explaining and stimulating 
the growing interest in Socialism among 
women, and to aid the women comrades 
in their efforts' to bring the message of 
Socialism to the children of the pro- 
letariat we recommend the following : 

"ist. That a special committee of five 
be elected to care for and manage the 
work of organization among women, 
"2nd. That sufficient funds be sup- 



plied by the party to that committee to 
maintain a woman organizer constantly 
in the field as already voted. 

"3rd. That this committee co-operate 
directly with the national headquarters 
and be under the supervision of the na- 
tional party. 

"4th. That this committee be elected 
by this national convention, its members 
to consist not necessarily of delegates to 
this convention. 

"5th. That all other moneys needed 
to carry on the work of the woman's 
committee outside of the maintenance of 
the special organizer, be raised by the 
committee. 

"6th. That during the campaign of 
1908 the woman appointed as organizer 
be employed in states now possessing the 
franchise. 

MILA TUPPER MAYNARD, 
WINNIE E. BRANSTETTER, 
JOSEPHINE R, COLE, 
GRACE BREWER, 
M. T. PREVEY, 
SOL. FIELDMAN, 
ANTOINETTE KONIKOW, 
GERTRUDE BRESLAU HUNT, 
DEL." GROESBECK (Wyo.) : As the 
representative of a jurisdiction both ter- 
ritorial and state, that has recognized 
women for thirty-eight years, the state 
of Wyoming, where woman suffrage is 
an accomplished fact and recognized by 
all parties, I take pleasure, as one of 
the delegates coming from that state, the 
pioneer state of woman suffrage, in mov- 
ing the adoption of the report of this 
committee. (Seconded.) 

DEL. MAYNARD: You anticipated 
my stateinent that one member of the 
committee desires to make a minority 
report, Comrade Payne of Texas, 

DEL, LAURA B, PAYNE (Tex,) : 
Comrades, a committee was appointed 
to ascertain what relation the women 
bear to the Socialist movement. That 
was the way the question was stated 
here, and that was the idea I had of it; 
and I was surprised that they brought 
up any such questions as are contained 
in the majority report, and I was sur- 
prised that they appointed me on the 
committee, for on the committee I 
seemed to be the only dissenting voice. 
I may be wrong, but I am going to read 
my minority report, with your consent, 
and you can do with it what .you please. 
But I want to say to you now that I 
liope you will consider this thing clearly 
before you adopt the majority report, 



302 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



303 



for it contains more disasters to our 
movement than you have imagined. 

MINORITY REPORT OF WOMEN'S 
COMMITTEE. 

"The Socialist movement is the polit- 
ical expression of the working class re- 
gardless of sex, and its platform and 
program furnish ample apportunity for 
propaganda work both by and among 
men and women when we are ready to 
take advantage of it. The same blow 
necessary to strike the chains from the 
hands of the working man will also 
strike them from the hands of the work- 
ing woman. 

"Industrial development and the pri- 
vate ownership and control of the means 
production and distribution of wealth 
have forced women and children into 
the mills and factories, mines, work- 
shops and fields along with the men, de- 
pendent for job and wage on the mas- 
ter class. Into that mart of trade they 
go to sell their labor power, and when 
for no reason whatever they cannot find 
a market for it, they must seek other 
means of support. Driven to the last 
resort, men often become criminals or 
vagabonds, while women, for food, cloth- 
ing and shelter, sell themselves and go 
to recruit the ranks of the fallen. 

"Whether it be economic slavery to 
this extent — or whether it be within the 
bounds of the possibility of an honora- 
ble life — the cause is the same, namely, 
the private ownership of the means by 
which they must live. 

"It is contended by some that women 
because of their disfranchisement and 
because of their economic dependence 
on men, bear a different relationship to 
the Socialist movement from that of the 
men. That is not so. The economic de- 
pendence of our men, women and chil- 
dren — whether to a greater or less ex- 
tent — can be traced to the same cause, 
which Socialism will alone remove." , 

DEL. PAYNE (pausing in the read- 
ing) : Now, I wish to say right here, 
because of what was said by 'our com- 
rade in moving the adoption of the 
majority report, it was explained here 
that we would not raise the question of 
woman suffrage, but that question was 
raised all along in the discussions in our 
committee ; and in my report, which I 
think is the correct report regarding the 
question up for discussion, I think that 
that comes in and you cannot discuss 
this question without it. As the women 



are discussing it everywhere, I think 
since we have brought it upon the floor 
of this convention the best thing to 
do is to get a correct understanding of, 
it now, and that is the point we don't want 
to leave out. 

(The reading of the report was re- 
sumed.) 

"In regard to the ballot in some of 
our states the men are disfranchised, or 
practically so. by property qualifications 
and other requirements for voting, and 
it seems to this committee that you 
would just as well waste time in trying 
to regulate those things as in waging 
a special suffrage campaign for women 
at this time." 

DEL. PAYNE : That discussioti came 
up in committee while we were discuss- 
ing these things. 

(Report continued.) 

"There is one thing and one thing only 
that will remove these evils and that is 
Socialism, and the nearest way to it is 
to concentrate all our efforts — men and 
women working together side by side in 
the different states and locals, with an 
eye single to the main issue, The Class 
Struggle. 

"Therefore, my comrades of this con- 
vention, I respectfully submit the fol- 
lowing resolution : 

"Resolved, That there be a special 
effort on the part of the speakers and 
organizers in the Socialist party of 
America to interest the women and in- ' 
duce them to work iti the locals of the 
respective states, side by side with the 
men as provided in our platform, and 
constitution, and, be it further 

"Resolved, That great care shall be 
taken not to discriminate between men 
and women or take any steps which 
would result in a waste of energy and 
perhaps in a separate woman's move- 
ment. 

"Respectfully submitted, 

" LAURA B. PAYNE." 

DEL. BANDLOW (Ohio) : I move 
the adopition of the minority report. 
(Seconded.) 

DEL. KONIKOW (Mass.) : For the 
majority report. I would like you to give 
attention and understand this minority 
report in the right way. We divided 
the report into three parts. The first 
part was a general statement that the 
majority of the committee should ac-, 
cept a general statement about women 
taking some position in the party and 
that the economic condition of women 



will be solved only with the coming of 
Socialism. No one disputes that, and 
we accepted it fully. 

The second part is a statement of great 
importance. It commits the party to an 
entirely new policy which really would 
demand a reconsideration of the state- 
ments and declaration of principles al- 
ready adopted in our platform. The 
party has accepted in the general decla- 
ration of principles the following : "Un- 
restricted equal suffrage for men and 
women, and we pledge ourselves to en- 
gage in an active campaign in that di- 
rection." Now, the minority report op- 
poses that statement; I do not know 
whether you realize it. The minority re- 
port really states that no special effort 
in the direction of woman suffrage 
should be taken at the present time. The 
minority report states that women can- 
not get the suffrage until Socialism will 
be a reality. Now, Comrade Payne takes 
the stand that there is no use for us 
Socialists to do anything in the direc- 
tiori of woman suffrage; that woman 
suffrage will only come with Socialism, 
and therefore that we should concen- 
trate all our effort only upon the real- 
ization of Socialism and pay no atten- 
tion at all to the demands of hundreds 
and hundreds of women to do some- 
thing now if possible for us to get the 
suffrage. Now, comrades, I am afraid 
you may be caught by some general 
phrases in the minority report which are 
of no importance at all, because those 
general phrases cover our point. I 
want you to understand the real im- 
portant point of the difference between 
Comrade Payne and us. It is, do we in- 
tend to do something for woman suf- 
frage, or do we intend to wait until So- 
cialism comes ? If you accept the minor- 
ity report, it means that we decide to 
do nothing at all for woman suffrage ; 
that is, that we will wait till Socialism 
shall be realized. Now, I, in the name 
of hundreds and hundreds and thou- 
sands of women, protest against such a 
position for the Socialist party. If you 
want to get the women interested in 
the party you should do something for 
us today and give us a chance to work 
for woman suffrage, just as you decide 
to work for the suffrage of men now. 
Give all the same rights. I am afraid 
you do not understand the Payne mi- 
nority report, and I ask Comrade Payne 
if I do not state everything right. 



DEL. PAYNE: That is one of the 
main things. 

uEL. KONIKOW: That is one of 
the main things. You see that the mi- 
nority report means no woman suffrage 
until Socialism has come to be a real 
thing. If you assume to adopt the mi- 
nority report with such things, adopt it, 
but you will not have the sympathy of 
the women workers with you. 

The third part of it is that part in 
which Comrade Payne appeals that 
nothing should be done for woman, 
that woman is in the same condition as 
man, and that we should just do the 
same old way we have done until now, 
just go ahead in the same old way of 
neglecting the work until this time. I 
am afraid Comrade Bandlow, who 
moved to adopt the minority report, was 
confused by the phrases, because I can- 
not believe any comrade should not real- 
ize that it is time to do something for 
women, and inasmuch as we have ap- 
pointed a committe on the Farmers' 
Program, and appointed a committee on 
the union question and committees on 
many other questions — that it is at least 
time that we should pay enough atten- 
tion to work among women to give them 
a chance to do something in that direc- 
tion. Any one who listened to the re- 
port of the majority will understand 
that, for we thought it over carefully. 
We decided to have a committee of five 
under the direction of the National 
Committee. We ask you to have women 
on the committee, but I would be will- 
ing to have men on too, but we want 
on that committee only comrades who 
really have an interest in that work and 
will have some concern in that work, 
just as we have on other committees. 
When you selected the Farmers' Com- 
mittee you wanted to select farmers. 
When you selected the Committee on 
Labor Organizations you selected a com- 
mittee who were experienced and inter- 
ested, and so we should have a com- 
inittee of people who have had expe- 
rience in the same line of work. 

DEL. MAY WOOD SIMONS (111.) : 
Eleven years ago, when I was new in 
the work in the Socialist movement and 
had had little experience, I might have 
taken the position that is taken by the 
minority report. Today, when I real- 
ize that the Socialist movement, if it is 
to amount to anything, must deal with 
conditions as they are today, I know 



304 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



that we cannot ignore the question of 
how to carry on the propaganda among 
women. (Applause.) If you will recall, 
our comrade across the ocean, Keir 
Hardie, when the proposition was put 
to him, made the statement that while 
Socialism came first for the working 
class, first for the men in the working 
class, that suffrage was an all important 
question for the women, and he threat- 
ened then to leave if the Socialist party 
did not endorse the suffrage for women. 
Now, your majority report simply asks 
that the question of suffrage for women 
shall be emphasized. It does not ask for 
any separate organization. If any one 
comes before this convention and says 
that the economic condition of men and 
women is identical, I must say that that 
person has had little experience in con- 
ditions as they actually are. (Applause.) 
Now, I ask you this afternoon to adopt 
the report of the majority of the com- 
mittee. 

You cannot ignore this question any 
longer, and I believe that if you go out 
of this convention hall having ignored 
it, you will have put yourselves on rec- 
ord as not having any appreciation for 
all the work that has been done across 
the water by our comrades in Europe. 
They are recognizing this. The women 
in Finland and the women in various 
other countries of Europe have received 
—or rather those in Finland have re- 
ceived—the ballot, and they are more 
efficient workers in the Socialist party 
than they were before. 

Now, the only thing I want to say is 
that I believe women and the men who 
have formulated the majority report 
have seen years of experience in the 
Socialist movement, and they know that 
we must have a definite plan of propa- 
ganda among women. 

A motion to lay the minority report 
on the table was made and lost. 

DEL. FIELDMAN (N. Y.) : I want 
to discuss the majority report. To begin 
with, I want to emphasize the statements 
made by Comrade Konikow and Com- 
rade Simons, for we thoroughly agree 
with the preamble of the minority re- 
port. But I do not think it necessary 
for us to define the relation of men to 
women and of women to men. We be- 
lieve that we understand that relation. 
We do not believe that the Socialist 
movement needs to waste its energy in 
order to define that relation. We un- 
derstand that the onlv difference between 



men and women in America is that me 
have got votes and the women have not, 
and therefore it is necessary that we 
should make a special effort, particularly 
as a working class movement, as a So- 
cialist movement — we must make a spe- 
cial effort to secure the vote for wometi 
now under the capitalist system and the 
same rights that men now enjoy. (Ap- 
plause.) Therefore, while we recognize 
the principles that are expressed in that 
minority report, we do not agree with 
the stand that the reporter of the minor- 
ity report has taken. Let me show yoii: 
the stand that the comrade has taken 

From the very first day, from the verf.. 
first until the very last meeting of that 
comittee, Comrade Payne did not make 
one motion; Comrade Payne did not 
submit a single motion ; Comrade Payne 
did not amend a motion; Comrade 
Payne did not object to anything that we 
did in the shape of constructive work. 
Comrade Payne simply said, 'T am going 
to bring in a minority report;" it was a 
minority report, tomorrow and the day 
after tomorrow. We have accepted the 
nomination on the committee in order 
to do the work of the committee, in 
order to bring in a constructive program 
to this convention and to the Socialist 
party of America. We did not accept, 
any of us outside of Comrade Payne, the 
nomination that was offered to us, in or- 
der to block the work that the commit- 
tee was elected for the purpose of ac- 
complishing. It was the business of 
Comrade Payne on that committee to 
advise that committee and assist in its 
work by her work and her vote, but all 
that Comrade Payne did was to say, "I 
shall bring in a minority report." Com- 
rade Payne is a brilliant person, and-- 

DEL. MILLER (Colo.) : A point of 
order. He is not discussing the minority 
report. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Your point is 
well taken. 

DEL. FIELDMAN : I agree that the 
chairman has ruled correctly, because the 
chairman did not understand the spirit 
in which I offered this criticism. There 
is no person in this convention that ad- 
mires the brilliancy and the ability of 
Comrade Payne any more, perhaps not 
as much as I do. I am not saying this 
in order to attack Comrade Payne. My 
point is that our business was to do real 
work, and that is what the committee 
did. The committee recognizes the ne- 
cessity of not only declaring for these 




AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



30& 



things that we need, but of organizing so 
that the things that Comrade Payne 
stands for herself might be carried out. 
We know that because the Socialist 
movement, in addition to being a revo- 
lutionary movement, is first of all a 
political movement; that without be- 
ing political it cannot carry out its revo- 
lutionary program; and because the 
women have no political and civic 
rights, therefore, the Socialist move- 
ment in America has elected wo- 
men on the committee. That is why we 
have them, and we ask them that they 
shall not neglect the work that the men 
in the party have neglected. (Applause.) 

Del. Payne took the floor. 

DEL. GOEBEL: If you give her the 
last speech I move the previous question. 
(Carried.) 

DEL. PAYNE: I want to say one 
word in starting. Comrade Fieldman 
says that when we met in our committee 
meeting, I was the dissenting voice in 
the report. I did not accept any part 
of it, and when he undertook to explain 
my reasons I forgot I was a woman and 
forgot everything else but one thing for 
which I am striving and for which we 
are all striving, and that is the emanci- 
pation of the working class. 

I deny this everlasting nonsense about 
trying to organize the women in the So- 
cialist movement. You seem to think, 
some of you, that the one who brought 
in the minority report has had no ex- 
perience in the work. I dislike to refer 
to my own work, but for the last three 
years I have been constantly in the field. 
I do not speak only once or twice a 
week, but every night, and I speak to 
both men and women, and I have no 
time to do separate work for women, and 
I never say anything about it being a 
woman suffrage movement, nor do I 
want anything separate for women. 

In regard to that committee that they 
have advised be appointed, we already 
have them because we have a National 
Committee and also a National Execu- 
tive Committee, and what is the use of 
any more committees ? And as my Com- 
rade Fieldman says, there is no differ- 
ence in condition between men and wo- 
men, I agree with him that there is not, 
and so what is the use of all this dis- 
cussion? 

I want to say this much on the sub- 
ject of the woman suffrage movement. 
We have had a woman suffrage move- 
ment in this country for years, but 



we have not done much. In the 
states where they have woman suf- 
frage they still have capitalism and 
they , always will have capitalism. 
If we could have woman suffrage in this 
country I would be glad to get it. I 
wish women had the ballot, but since 
they haven't got it, by the time that we 
do get it with all the efforts we would 
make in a campaign for woman suffrage, 
the great system of capitalism which is 
already going to pieces and is falling by 
its own weight, would have been swept 
away. (Applause.) 

DEL. JOSEPHINE R. COLE (Cal.) : 
A point of order, that the comrade 
speaking is not talking on our report or 
presenting a proper minority report, but 
is talking on a plank in the platform 
already accepted by this convention, a 
plank in the platform which declares 
that we will take immediate steps to gain 
the suffrage for women. She is not pre- 
senting a proper minority report. 

THE CHAIRMAN : I cannot see that 
that is a point of order. 

DEL. PAYNE (resuming) : I agree 
that if woman suffrage would do any 
good or avail under present conditions 
I would say, let us have it. But you 
know it would not do any good. It 
would do very little good under capital- 
ism if we had it, and I know from every 
reasonable standpoint we would never 
get woman suffrage under capitalism. 
(Applause.) Sometimes I find where 
they understand just a little about So- 
cialism, they talk about the Socialist suf- 
frage movement. It always makes me 
sick. Sometimes when I go to cities to 
discuss Socialism I find the women gath- 
ering around in parlors and having these 
little pink teas. I beUeve in going among 
the ranks of the women workers any- 
where and everywhere. I admire the 
Wisconsin people, for they have got 
grand leaders. They are educators. They 
distribute literature and educate the peo- 
ple, and that is the thing to do. If the 
Socialist movement is not to educate the 
people as to class consciousness, then 
what in the name of common sense is 
it for? Let us join the woman suffrage 
movement and whoop her up for a wo- 
man suffrage movement. (Applause.) 

DEL. HANFORD: A question of in- 
formation. I would like to inquire of 
the speaker who has just closed if it is 
not a fact that in every country on earth 
where the working man is disfranchised, 



306 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



307 



we have to make a struggle for the bal- 
lot? 

DELEGATES : Sure. 
A DELEGATE : A point of informa- 
tion. The working men are beifig dis- 
franchised in this country. Let them 
make a struggle here. 

The question was then put on the 
adoption of the minority report by show 
of hands, and resulted 35 for, 70 against ; 
so the minority report was rejected. 

DEL. M'DEVITT: I move the pre- 
vious question on the majority report. 
(Seconded. Carried.) 

DEL. MAYNARD: I will not take 
your time in this convention, since it is 
rather late. It would seem from some 
of the discussion so far that some of 
you had no idea what you were doing. 
As a matter of fact, we have already 
settled, both by vote of the National 
Committee prior to the convention and 
by the action of the Platform Committee 
and in your convention by your adoption 
of its report, that the Socialists of Amer- 
ica are committed to the enfranchisement 
of women in the same positive, unequiv- 
ocal manner that the international move- 
ment is committed to the suffrage of all 
people. That much is settled. We do 
not intend to re-open the question. All 
that we have provided for is a means by 
which you can increase the propaganda 
of our principles among women; these 
principles to be both the political princi- 
ples and the general principles of Social- 
ism and the general matters of organiza- 
tion. It also provides that this be done 
by a committee, this committee to give 
attention to children the same as to 
women. 

One word as to the principle involved. 
The question is, shall we devote our- 
selves to congratulating ourselves on 
how logical we are, how finely we can 
pronounce a priori statements of theory, 
no matter how they will work. If we 
can only prove ourselves logical Marx- 
ians, then practical programs may be 
ignored, and the enfranchisement of wo- 
men will be as though it did not exist, 
and then we may fold our hands as if 
we were in the library or the academy 
and be perfectly content. The position 
of this party at this convention, I am 
thankful to say, is that we are outlining 
a definite program. It is a program that 
you all know ought to be fulfilled, and 
the reason why we can hope to fulfill it 
as no other party can, is because our de- 
mand for all these things and our de- 



mand for the suffrage is backed up by 
a working class party that knows what 
it wants and has the power to enforce it. 

All these matters that you call in a 
way opportunism are virtually practical 
ways of reaching our end. And they 
would be futile, they would be useless 
as we know only too well where reforms 
have proved to be utterly nothing and 
worse than nothing, were it not that they 
are backed by a revolutionary party that 
can enforce its demands by its whole or- 
ganization, by the whole philosophy of 
a party that means victory in the end. 
We are not asking that the old theoret- 
ical arguments for suffrage shall go on 
interminably, but that by the power of 
the working class the great half of the 
working class shall be put on an equality 
in political power with their brothers. 
(Applause.) 

The motion was then put on the adop- 
tion of the majority report, and it was 
adopted. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : A word 
as to the question of the woman's com- 
mittee. I move the following resolution : 
"Resolved, That the Woman's Commit- 
tee report annually to and its members 
may be removed or vacancies filled by 
the National Committee." (Seconded. 
Carried.) 

The convention then elected the Wo- 
man's Committee as follows : May 
Wood Simons, Antoinette Konikow, 
Winnie E. Branstetter, Meta Stein and 
Marguerite Prevey. 

PRINTING OF TRADE UNION 
RESOLUTION. 

DEL. FARRELL : I want to make a 
motion. Being interested in our organi- ' 
zed trade union movement, I do not 
think this action was taken yet and it 
was not my privilege at the time the mat- 
ter was adopted. I move that the con- 
vention instruct the National Secretary 
to have the trade union resolution print- 
ed for distribution among organized 
labor. 

The motion was seconded and carried. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON 
PRESS. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Comriiittee 
on Press is the next order of business. 
We will now listen to the report of the, 
Committee on Press. 

Del. May Wood Simons, chairman of 
the Committee on Press, then presented 
the report as follows : 



Your Committee on Press respectfully 
submits the following report : 

We recommend that the plate service 
heretofore established be continued in- 
definitely under direction of the national 
office, and, if possible, strengthened and 
improved, and that locals and individuals 
be urged to make special efforts during 
the coming campaign to pay for and se- 
cure the publication of this service in all 
possible newspapers of their respective 
communities. 

Your committee recognizes that the 
labor and Socialist press of the country 
is oftentimes at great disadvantage in 
securing reliable information on matters 
pertaining to industrial and political af- 
fairs, such as strikes, labor trials, injunc- 
tions, and especially the sessions of con- 
gress at Washington; and it is hereby 
recommended that the National Execu- 
tive Committee of the Socialist party take 
steps to establish an associated Socialist 
press service which will provide compe- 
tent correspondents where it seems to be 
necessary. 

It is recommended that this service be 
paid for by the papers using the same in 
proportion to the service rendered ; and 
it is believed that a small sum per week 
from each paper would be sufficient to 
make the service self-sustaining. 

Complaint has been received that our 
state secretaries are harassed by requests 
from private solicitors for lists of local 
organizations, to be used for circulariz- 
ing or other advertising purposes. It is 
suggested by this committee that all state 
secretaries thus harassed refuse the lists 
and request such solicitors to advertise 
their business in the Socialist press and 
reach the Socialist membership in that 
manner. 

As a supplementary report, the Press 
Committee respectfully submits the fol- 
lowing resolution: 

Whereas, Since the last convention, 
there has been established at Chicago a 
daily Socialist newspaper, named the 
Chicago Daily Socialist ; and, 

Whereas, The said paper is owned and 
controlled by the Workers' Publishing 
Company, composed of individuals and 
Socialist and trade union locals ; and. 

Whereas, The said paper has already, 
in the brief period of its existence, 
proved itself of inestimable advantage 
lo the part}' and to many of the edi- 
lors of the Socialist weekly papers, 
in furnishing them with prompt and 
accurate daily accounts of happenings of 



importance to the Sociahst party; there- 
fore, be it. 

Resolved by this convention that the 
party be congratulated upon this addition 
to its propaganda, and that the Socialist 
locals and party members be urged to as- 
sist the Chicago Daily Socialist, finanic- 
ally and otherwise, to the end that it 
may grow and flourish and be an en- 
couragement to the Socialists of other 
cities to emulate this splendid effort. 

It was moved and seconded to adopt 
the report. 

DEL. BRADFORD (Cal.) : I wish 
to move an amendment, that where the 
Chicago Daily Socialist is mentioned the 
New York Daily Call be included. (Sec- 
onded.) 

DEL. WORK : I am not exactly clear 
about the meaning of the first paragrapn 
there about establishing a news service 
of some kind. 

DEL. JACOBS (Wis.) : For the com- 
mittee I will say that we discussed this 
matter of the New York paper, and the 
committee was just as favorable to that 
paper as to any other, but that paper 
is not yet established, and you will find 
that the reading of the last line there 
will cover that point, that we encourage 
the establishment of other papers. Be- 
cause of the fact that the paper is not 
yet absolutely established, we did not 
feel justified in mentioning it. I hope you 
will understand. 

DEL. HERMAN : I would like to in- 
quire of one of the New York del- 
egation, if it is not established, when the 
New York Daily Call will appear? 

DEL. PAULITSCH: The 30th of 
May. 

DEL. HERMAN: It is not estab- 
lished? 

DEL. PAULITSCH: It comes out 
then. 

DEL. KORNGOLD : I do not under- 
stand how we possibly can speak of a 
paper that has not yet appeared, in 
high terms and give it all kinds 
of compliments on something when 
it has done yet absolutely noth- 
ing because it has not yet appear- 
ed. How can we possibly recommend 
such a publication and compliment it on 
its splendid work? It would simply 
make it nonsensical. Not that we do 
not wish all kinds of luck to the New 
York Call, but I think the amendment 
is entirely out of order. 

DEL. PAULITSCH: I will say that 
when the Daily Call appears on the scene 



308 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



it will speak so well for itself that it 
probably will not need this endorsement, 

DEL. BRADFORD: I think it does 
not make nonsense. It is practically es- 
tablished, and it seems to me -it would 
be better to include both of them. 

The motion on the amendment was 
lost. The motion to adopt the report 
was then put and carried. 

DEL. BOOMER: Wouldn't it be in 
order, to follow out the report just made, 
to appoint a committee to carry out the 
provisions of the Press Committee's re- 
port? 

THE CHAIRMAN : That is referred 
to the Executive Committee. 

DEL. BOOMER : I didn't understand 
it that way. 

REPORT OF AUDITING COM- 
MITTEE. 

The following report of the Auditing 
Committee was read: 

Your committee begs to report that 
' it finds the cash on hand in the Na- 
tional Secretary's office as follows ; 

Balance cash in bank $6,758.33 

Balance cash in office 418.6S 

Checks, money orders, etc 424.48 

Total $7,601.46 

We find that accounts have been 
audited by the Auditing Committee of 
the National Executive Committee up 
to May 8th, inst., and we concur in 
the report of that committee. 

Your committee has audited the 
books and accounts to May 12th, 
which includes the amounts which 
have been paid to the delegates for mile- 
age to the National Convention up to 
that date. 

Your committee recommends that the 
amount charged against Oklahoma, 
amounting to $158.50, as per the Na- 
tional Secretary's report, be charged 
off. It appears that the state never re- 
ceived the stamps for this amount, and 
that it was lost or misappropriated by 
the State Secretary acting at that time, 
and was never received at the National 
Office, nor were stamps issued therefor. 
The party, both state and national, lost 
the money, one furnishing nothing, and 
the other receiving nothing. 

In reference to the additional 
amounts appearing on the National 
Secretary's report, due the National 
Office for dues stamps, which, includ- 
ing the Oklahoma claim as above, 




AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



309 



amount to $604.96, we recommend that-V 
the National Executive Committee can- 
cel such accounts as in their opin- , 
ion are warranted, or which in their 
judgment are- uncollectible, and charge 
same to profit and loss account. As all 
purchases of dues stamps are now for 
cash, a repetition of this cannot occur. 

We are pleased to note that the 
National Secretary, in concurrence 
with the suggestion of the Auditing 
Committee of the National Executive 
Committee, now deposits the funds in 
the bank in the name of the ofBce in- 
stead of in the name of the individual 
secretary as heretofore, and we have 
verified this by inquiry at the West- 
ern Trust and Savings Bank. 

In conclusion your Committee wishes 
to congratulate the National Secretary 
and his assistants on the accuracy, neat- 
ness and completeness of their accounts 
and books. 
(Signed) 

MARK REISER, 

DANIEL KISSAM YOUNG, . 

WM. L. GARVER, 

W. W. BUCHANAN, 

GEO. E. BOOMER, 

Auditing Committee. 
On motion of Del, Pope, the report of 
the Auditing Committee was adopted. 

REPORT OF WAYS AND MEANS 
COMMITTEE. 



DEL. GERBER (reporting for the 
Ways and Means Committee) : We do 
not think it possible to outline a definite 
program that would meet the wants of 
all sections of the country. The condi- 
tions, circumstances and demands of the 
movement in the cities, on the farins, on 
the railroads and in the mines are so di- 
verse that we regard it as practically •' 
impossible to lay down any ironclad rule 
that would apply with any degree of sat-* j, 
isfaction to the various sections and in- ;! 
dustries. In the main, the questions of ' 
propaganda, education, organization and ' 
agitation must be left to the various 
states and municipalities to be_ worked ,. 
out in detail in accordance with their ''•* 
special needs. '■ 

It may be suggested, however, as a,/^ 
rule, that all localities should urge the ;f 
comrades to use their best efforts in one ^ 
move along the line of agitation and or- 
ganization. In the matter of agitation 
there are two powerful agencies both of 
which should be utilized to the full ex- 



tent, literature and public speaking. We 
urge upon the comrades everywhere the 
importance of securing subscribers to the 
Socialist papers, and the sale of Social- 
ist pamphlets and books. Again, Social- 
ist lectures have started thousands to 
thinking and working for their deliver- 
ance from the thraldom of capitalism 
who could not have been induced to read 
the printed page. Any means is to be 
recommended, whether in the form of 
periodical, book, lecture, drama or song, 
which will awaken the minds of the 
masses to the cause and cure of their 
economic ills. It is only a question of 
getting the masses to think. Observation 
has demonstrated that any people will 
accept Socialism as fast as they are made 
to understand it. An educated people 
will no longer remain in slavery. 

As to the matter of the raising of 
funds for campaign and similar purposes, 
the committee has the following to rec- 
ommend : 

1. We recommend the approval of the 
action of the National Committee that 
the National Secretary issue subscription 
lists, same to be sent direct to the locals 
by the National Secretary (he to send 
a statement of the lists sent to the lo- 
cals to the state secretaries), returns to 
be made by the locals to the state secre- 
taries who shall remit to national head- 
quarters. Fifty per cent of the collections 
on these lists to remain with the locals, 
30 per cent to go to the state commit- 
tees and 20 per cent to national head- 
quarters. 

We further recommend that state com- 
mittees and locals circulate none but the 
subscription lists coming from national 
headquarters. 

2. We recommend that the National 
Executive Committee get out campaign 
buttons, medallions and pictures of the 
candidates of the party for President and 
Vice President, same to be sold to the 
locals, state committees and party mem- 
bers, the proceeds to go to the campaign 
fund. 

We recommend that the state com- 
mittees and locals buy such buttons, me- 
dallions and pictures from national head- 
quarters only. That the National Secre- 
tary issue a circular-letter to the locals 
and state committees and through the 
Party Press to all party members and 
sympathizers not to buy any such but- 
tons, medallions or pictures from any 
other source than the national head- 
quarters. 



3. That the National Secretary send a 
circular-letter to all labor organizations 
in the country setting forth the stand 
the party has taken whenever the labor 
organizations were engaged in a fight 
with their employers and why the labor 
organizations should support the Social- 
ist party financially and otherwise, this 
letter to end with an appeal for financial 
assistance. 

4. That posters with the pictures of 
the presidential candidates be printed by 
the national office giving the time and 
place where either of the two candidates 
will speak, such posters to be used in ad- 
vertising meetings where candidates are 
to speak. 

5. That in the year when a convention 
is to be held, an assessment of S cents 
per member be levied quarterly on all 
members of the party, such income to 
be used to defray the railroad fare of 
the delegates to the convention. 

6. That the National Secretary con- 
tinue the use of the coupon book system 
for the purpose of raising funds for cam- 
paign purposes. 

7. We recommend the adoption of the 
minority report of the constitution com- 
mittee on section 3, article XII, of the 
constitution. 

8. That the National Executive Com- 
mittee and the National Secretary send 
a companion along with our candidates 
for President and Vice President when 
they are sent out on their campaign tour. 

9. That state committees and locals 
co-operate with the national office to 
make the ensuing campaign a success, 
and that all state committees and locals 
are requested to get their literature and 
their speakers from national headquar- 
ters as much as possible. 

In conclusion, your committee has the 
following to say: We do not think it 
possible to outline a definite program 
that would meet the wants of the move- 
ment in the varied and widely separated 
sections of the country. The conditions, 
circumstances and demands of the move- 
ment as found in the cities, on the farms, 
on the railroads, in the mines, etc., are 
so diverse, that we regard it as practical- 
ly impossible to lay down any iron-clad 
rules that would apply with any degree 
of satisfaction to the various sections, 
localities and industries. 

In the main, questions of propaganda, 
education, organization and agitation 
must be left to the various states and 
municipalities to be worked out in de- 



310 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



311 



tail in accordance with their special 
needs. 

It may be suggested, however, as a 
rule, that in no locality should the com- 
rades confine their efforts to any one 
method along the line of agitation, or- 
ganizalion or finance. In the matter of 
agitation there are two powerful agencies 
both of which should be utilized to the 
fullest extent; viz., literature and the 
public speaker. We urge upon the com- 
rades everywhere the importance of se- 
curing subscriptions to good Socialist 
papers, and the distribution of Socialist 
leaflets, pamphlets and books. Again, 
the Socialist lecture platform has started 
thousands to thinking of, and working 
for their deliverance from the thraldom 
of capitalism who could not be previous- 
ly induced to read the printed page. Any 
method is to be commended, whether in 
the form of periodical, book, lecture, 
drama or song, that will awaken the 
minds of the masses to the cause and 
cure of their economic ills. 

It is only a question of getting the 
message to the people. Observation has 
demonstrated that the common people 
are accepting Socialism practically as 
fast as they are made to understand it. 
An educated people will not long remain 
an enslaved people. 
Fraternally submitted, 
(Signed) 

M. A. SMITH, Chairman, 
JULIUS GERBER, Sec'y, 
HARRIET D'ORSAY, 
G. W. DAVIS, 
THOMAS L. BUIE, 
CHARLES SANDBURG, 
W. M. BRANDT, 
Committee on Ways and Means. 

It was moved to adopt the report of 
the Committee on Ways and Means. 

On motion of Del. Work, that portion 
of the report in regard to coupon books 
was stricken out. 

The report was then adopted. 

NEBRASKA CASE. 

DEL. GERBER: Here is the separ- 
ate report of the Committee on Ways 
and Means on the Nebraska situation. 
It is signed by the full committee: 

In regard to the Nebraska controversy 
that was referred to us, your committee 
after hearing both sides to the contro- 
versy, as well as the National Secretary, 
after going through the mass of docu- 
ments, have the following recommenda- 



tion to make : That all locals and mem- 
bers at large of the state of Nebraska ! 
continue the affiliating with the party and 
pay the dues direct to the national office, , 
and that all other Socialists in the state '• 
of Nebraska are requested to do like- J 
wise, and that a national organizer bef 
sent to that state to reorganize it as soonl 
as practicable. 

On motion of Del. Berlyn the report; 
was adopted. 

PAMPHLET ON UNEMPLOYED 
PROBLEM. 

DEL. POPE (Mo.) : I want to move : 
this ^ resolution : "Resolved, That the ' 
National Executive Committee prepare 
for propaganda a pamphlet fully discus- 
sing the cause and remedy for the unem- 
ployed problem." (Seconded.) 

In this campaign in which we are be- 
ginning, there is to my mind one central 
place where we must fight, and the dem- 
ocratic and republican parties are going 
to try to escape the issues. They are go- 
oing to belittle and befog and cloud the 
issue to keep out of the minds of the 
people the real issue. The real issue 
now is, "What is the cause of this unem- 
ployed problem, and what is the rem- 
edy?" And I want issued from the Na- 
tional Socialist party of the United States 
a document so that I can give 
that to my democratic and republi- 
can friends, so that the Socialists of the 
United States can go to the meetings 
of the democratic and republican parties 
and there be ready to distribute this 
pamphlet and ask this question of the 
democrats and republicans, "What is the 
cause of the unemployed problem, and 
what is the remedy?" And if they fail 
to comply with your request, then you 
can have this document and give it to 
them and say, "This is the position of 
the Socialist party." I hope this resolu- 
tion will be vmanimously adopted. 

The resolution was then adopted. 

PUBLICATION OF PROCEEDINGS. 

DEL. YOUNG (Pa.) : I move that 
the National Executive Committee be 
empowered to publish the proceedings 
of this convention. 

The motion was seconded and carried. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON GOV- 
EIINMENT BY COMMISSION. 

Del. Hills of Iowa presented the fol- 



lowing report of the committee on gov- 
ernment by commission : 

DEL. HILLS : Government by com- 
mission is a new form of municipal gov- 
ernment and has had various methods 
of operation in the cities in which it has 
been introduced. In tlie main, its gen- 
eral principle contemplates superseding 
the elective principle by the appointive, 
and when the elective principle is re- 
tained, it plans to displace the party 
method of election by a so-called non- 
partisan method. Where the system is 
in actual operation, it has resulted in 
eliminating all third party tickets from 
the field in the final elections. It is evi- 
dent that its only intent is to deprive the 
working class from any further partici- 
pation in an already very limited par- 
ticipation in the affairs of government. 
This so-called non-partisan movement 
is one of the many schemes of the capi- 
talist class to confuse the workers and 
obscure the class struggle and give the 
capitalist class a stronger hold upon 
the law-making power. 

The Socialist party recognizes that the 
class struggle exists within the capital- 
ist system of production ; that the in- 
terest of the working class is diametric- 
ally opposed to the interest of the capi- 
talist class, and that all activity is and 
must of necessity be an expression of 
the interests of these classes that are in- 
volved in the struggle, and for this pur- 
pose political parties are organized and 
constituted. 

The Socialist party stands opposed to 
any system of election of officers in city, 
state or nation, that will displace a party 
system of election or any system that 
proposes appointment to office instead of 
election. The system contains other fea- 
tures that in the short time at the dis- 
posal of your committee we liave been 
unable to fully analyze for want of suf- 
ficient data. We find that the form of it 
is intricate and technical, and that a care- 
ful study should be given it. 

DEL. HILLS : (pausing in report) : 
I will say right here that it appears our 
committee this afternoon decided to make 
a little change — that is, a majority of the 
committee. 

(Report resumed.) 

We therefore recommend that a com- 
mittee of five be elected by this conven- 
tion to investigate this question and re- 
port their findings to the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee within six months, 



and that said report shall become a basis 
for further action by the party. 

DEL. HILLS: Now, the change is 
this : a majority of the committee con- 
sulted and had agreed, for the sake of 
expediting the work of this convention, 
that instead of taking a long time to 
elect this committee, we would submit 
the proposition of having the National 
Executive Committee elect, this commit- 
tee. I say a majority of the committee 
is committed to that proposition. Now, 
before we take up the matter I might 
state this, that there are some delegates 
here who do not understand altogether 
what government by commission is. 
Some have suggested that we ought 
not to bring in a report against it. Some 
comrades, I believe, who have heard 
speakers speaking in Kansas City, re- 
port that they were very much pleased 
with this new system of govern- 
ment. Now, in regard to that, I 
want to say to the comrades here 
that President Eliot of Harvard Uni- 
versity is very much pleased with 
this system of government, and he comes 
out and speaks upon the subject in that 
way. In this respect, understand, the 
committee does not take any decided 
position on all points relative to this 
matter, but we do take a decided posi- 
tion against the so-called non-partisan 
feature of the election of officers in 
city, state or nation. And so it is for 
this purpose principally that we bring in 
our report, to show you the undemocrat- 
ic features of this system, to show you 
how it disfranchises tlie working class, 
how it is contrary to the interests of 
the working class ; and inasmuch, com- 
rades, as this system is rapidly spread- 
ing all over this country — and I can say 
as a resident of the City of Des Moines 
which I might say is now the fountain 
head of the commission form of govern- 
ment, admitting to the Texas comrades 
that the City of Galveston was the first 
place where it was tried — but since the 
City of Des Moines has established it I 
will say that the newspapers report that 
they are writing from all over this na- 
tion, writing to the City of Des Moines 
to get ideas on this plan of government 
by commission. I will say this to the 
comrades, that if the movement spreads 
out, if it begins to take in all our large 
cities, cities of 25,000 or over, and if it 
keeps on as it is, it will only be a ques- 
tion of a short time until the Socialist 
party will be eliminated from partisan 



312 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



politics in city affairs. Now, the ques- 
tion is for us to consider, can we as a 
party afford to be eliminated in that way, 
or de we want to go on the ticket as 
Socialists and not as non-partisan can- 
didates ? That is a question that is large- 
ly involved in this plan. 

There are some features about this 
system that might be meritorious, but we 
do not know. I believe Comrade Work 
might agree that there are some fea- 
tures about the commission form of gov- 
ernment that are meritorious, but as I 
say, we do not know. I would call 
your attention to this one thing; that 
whenever the capitalists go into the leg- 
islature to secure any new form of gov- 
ernment, any new scheme which espe- 
cially eliminates the Socialist party and 
disfranchises the working class, I want 
you to beware of what they are doing. 
I do not propose to take any more of 
your time, but I want you to consider 
this on its merits, and if you please, have 
this committee elected to further inves- 
tigate the question and report to the Na- 
tional Executive Committee for further 
action. 

The motion was seconded. 
_ DEL. HOLMAN (of Galveston) : I 
live in one of those towns — 

T.i.E CHAIRMAN : Do you make a 
motion ? 

DEL. HOLMAN : I say I live in one 
of those towns, and I would like to cor- 
rect a statement. 

THE CHAIRMAN : It is moved and 
seconded to adopt the report of the com- 
mittee. 

DEL. SPARGO : I desire to move an 
amendment : that the convention concurs 
in the first part of the report which 
pledges the, party that it is against the 
principle involved in government by 
commission, the principle of disfranchis- 
ing the working class. In place of the 
reference to the National Executive 
Committee, I desire that we content our- 
selves with a recommendation to the edi- 
tors of our party press that they give 
the matter due consideration. I do not 
believe this is a matter which in these 
coming months ought to take up the time 
of our National Executive Committee, 
so the motion is that we concur in the 
first part of the report, and that the 
editors of our party press be asked to 
give the matter due attention in their 
columns. 

The amendment was seconded. 

The previous question was moved. 



I 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



313 



DEL. JOSEPHINE R. COLE (Cal.) : 
Comrade Spargo does not distinctly state 
what words of this report we must adopt 
and what words we shall reject, and 
therefore I wish to oppose his amend- 
ment One point was to adopt the en- 
tire report which states distinctly that 
we are against anything which tends to 
do away with partisanship. We are -by 
that means placing ourselves, comrades, 
on an inconsistent platform, for in our 
platform we stand for direct legislation, 
and direct legislation is decidedly con- 
trary to partisanship and intends to de- 
stroy it, and I for one would be very 
glad to destroy partisanship. It is not 
the Socialist party that is going to help 
us. The people who understand So- 
cialist principles are voting for Socialist 
measures. Every movement we can make 
in the direction of an intelligent vot- 
ing population is a step in advance. I 
tried to make this point clearly when 
you were adopting your immediate de- 
mands. The principal thing we should 
work for now is an opportunity to be 
able to fight for what the party advo- 
cates. Now, as for government by com- 
mission, we all admit that we know 
nothing about it. We cannot advocate 
it and cannot refute it. But when we 
state that we are against anything that 
tends to destroy partisanship, we are 
making fools of ourselves, for we have 
distinctly stated that we stand for direct 
legislation. 

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been 
moved and seconded that the pre- 
vious question be now put. All in favor 
say aye. Opposed, no. Carried'. Com- 
rade Hills has five minutes to close. 

DEL. HILLS : I do not wish to take 
your time. 

The amendment of Del. Spargo was 
then adopted, whereupon the report as 
amended was adopted. 

ANNOUNCEMENT OF COMMIT- 
TEES ELECTED. 

Asst. Sec, Reilly then announced that 
the following comrades had been elected 
as the Permanent Committee on Farm- 
ers' Program : A. M. Simons, Algernon 
Lee, Emil Herman, Laura B. Payne, 
Carl D. Thompson, Frank I. Wheat and 
C. W. Barzee. 

He also announced that the following 
comrades had been elected as the Per- 
manent Committee on Immigration 
Question : Ernest Untermann. Victor 



L. Berger, Joseph Wanhope, John Spar- 
go and Guy E. Miller : 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON 
FOREIGN SPEAKING ORGANI- 
ZATIONS. 

Del. Knopfnagel, secretary of the 
Committee on Foreign Speaking Organi- 
zations, presented the following report : 
To the Delegates of the Convention: 

Comrades, we are not going to burden 
you with all the material which came 
before us for consideration. You have had 
enough of it these few days. We wish 
to state, however, that your Committee 
on the Relationship of Foreign Speak- 
ing Organizations to our party consider 
them worthy of our time and labors. We 
must not forget that they are proletari- 
ans, suffering from the rule and op- 
pression of the same master class you 
and we who are assembled here suffer, 
neither must we forget that they are the 
victims of the ward heelers and pros- 
titutes who sell themselves to blight the 
lives of millions of men, women and 
children by misleading those of the for- 
eigners who have not tasted of the food 
of the Socialist philosophy. 

We have had before us Comrade 
Fraenckel, Cook County Secretary; 
Comrade Max Kaufman, representing 
the Jewish Agitation Bureau of the So- 
cialist party, Rochester, N. Y. ; Comrade 
Smith, representing the Lettish Local; 
Comrade Skala, in behalf of the Bohe- 
mians. 

A thorough investigation into the af- 
fairs of the above named organizations 
resulted in the unanimous conclusion 
that our party pay more attention to the 
foreign speaking organizations. 

We, therefore, recornmend that all for- 
eign organizations be recognized as party 
organizations, provided — 

(1) They are composed of Socialist 
party members only. 

(2) Any foreign speaking organization 
having a national form of organization 
of its own be recognized only if all the 
branches composing this organization 
have been chartered by the national, state 
or local Socialist party organizations, and 
pay their dues to the respective Socialist 
party organizations. 

(3) No foreign speaking organization 
asking the S. P. for recognition shall 
issue their own particular national, state 
or local charters. Same to be issued only 
by the respective organizations of the 



Socialist party, as the case may require. 

(4) All foreign speaking organiza- 
tions affiliated with the S. P. must and 
shall conform in every respect vsrith the 
S. P. national, state and local constitu- 
tions, platforms and resolutions. 

(5) They should function only as agi- 
tation, education and organization bu- 
reaus of the S. P. 

U. SOLOMON, Chairman, 
LOUIS GOAZIOU, 
ESTHER NIEMINEN, 
T. HITTUNEN, 
S. A. KNOPFNAGEL, 

Sec. of Com. 
DEL. GAYLORD: I move to amend 
by providing that when application for 
membership is made by any persons 
willing to sign the party pledge, pay the 
dues and comply with the conditions of 
membership, no discrimination shall be 
made against them on account of their 
race. (Seconded.) 

DEL. SOLOMON : Isn't that now in 
the constitution of the party? Is it 
necessary to adopt a special resolution? 
DEL. GAYLORD: There is a good 
reason, and it is this : You cannot in 
the constitution tell a state organization 
just what they must do. The general 
conditions are prescribed in the consti- 
tution. This is a resolution, and there- 
fore is not mandatory in the form of 
the constitution. 

■ DEL. CARR (111.) : I did not under- 
stand the remark of the chairman of the 
committee when he referred to a pre- 
amble. He did not read it. If there is 
a preamble to that report it would be 
carried with the report. 
THE CHAIRMAN : No. 
NAT. SEC. BARNES: Comrade 
Gaylord is trying to cover a situation 
which is about as follows, as I ana in- 
formed. Local San Francisco decided 
to reorganize on the ward organiza- 
tion plan, and it has eliminated a 
strong Finnish organization which was 
heretofore conducted on nationality 
lines. I do not see how his proposi- 
tion will cure the matter, and I think 
we ought to have some further explan- 
ation from some comrade from San 
Francisco. 

DEL. TUCK (Cal.): As state sec- 
retary of California I will state that 
the state constitution of California does 
not make any specific provision for the 
organization of foreign branches, that 
is, any specific provision that protects 
them in any particular right. That is 



3U 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



reserved to the local, and it has hap- 
pened m San Francisco that that local 
has seen, tit to adopt a constitution 
which eliminates all foreign language 
branches or organizations from the 
party. The foreign speaking comrades 
are compelled to join the Syndical dis- 
trict branches of the party as individ- 
uals and take part in party business in 
the English speaking branches. That 
has been a great hardship on the Fin- 
nish comrades, and the Jewish com- 
rades I believe are also affected in the 
same way and they have the same 
ground of complaint. The Finnish com- 
rades protested against being deprived 
of the right of language organization, 
but I felt that I could do nothing in the 
matter as state secretary, as the local 
had the power in its hands. The Fin- 
nish comrades there still maintain a 
strong Finnish organization, pay dues 
to themselves or to their organization, 
but do not have the party stamp and 
have no part in party organization af- 
fairs. It is a hardship, and if this con- 
vention would do anything to help the 
matter it would be well for it to do it. 
But I fail to see how under state auton- 
omy it can do it except by putting it in 
the constitution. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
before the house is the adoption of the 
resolution offered by the comrade. 

DEL. McDEVITT (Cal.) : A ques- 
tion of privilege. I am local organizer 
in the state. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I am not sure 
that the convention wants to hear a per- 
sona! statement from an organizer. 
Does the convention want to hear it? 
DELEGATES : Yes. 
DEL. McDEVITT : The question of 
San Francisco is brought up, and the 
chair has heard from San Francisco, and 
I would like to answer if the chair will 
permit. 
THE CHAIRMAN : All right. 
DEL. McDEVITT : We have a large 
organization of the Finnish comrades in 
San Francisco. The headquarters of the 
local are in a hall owned by the mem- 
bers of the local in San Francisco. The 
Finnish comrades at present, so far as 
I know, are in entire harmony with the 
organization. A number of them are 
members. We get along there nicely to- 
gether. We have just co-operated in a 
May day Call in which an even number, 
comparatively speaking, of nationalities 
co-operated, and it was an immense suc- 



cess. I have not heard as local organ- 
izer of any request on their part for a 
change in our constitution at present. I 
believe, however, that if the convention 
thinks that some special provision should 
be made so that the nationalities can 
have a right to organize all over the 
city independently and not be forced 
in any way to ally themselves to the 
political subdivisions and towns, there 
would be no objection to that as far 
as I am concerned. I simply want to 
make this statement so as to show that 
at present there does not seem to be 
any misunderstanding between the Fin- ' 
nish comrades in San Francisco and 
the local. They are working in that 
territory and they are not being inter- 
fered with in any way; they have their 
own local and so on. Some of them 
are joining privately. The whole or- 
ganization as such does not seem to 
evince any particular desire to be a 
member officially of the party there, 
and when they do I do not believe 
there will be any trouble whatsoever 
in having an arrangement with them. 
Certainly I should favor giving them 
all opportunity possible there and else- 
where. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question 
is on the resolution offered by Del. 
Gaylord, providing — let the secretary 
read it. 

Asst. Sec. Reilly read as follows : 
"That no state or local organization shall 
refuse admission on account of race or. 
language to any Socialist comrades 
willing to comply with the constitu- 
tional conditions for membership." 

The motion on the amendment was 
carried, and the report as amended was 
then adopted. 

REPORT OF FINNISH TRANS- 
LATOR. 

The following report of the Finnish 
translator was presented without being 
read, and on motion adopted. 

Today the movement among- the Fin- 
nish population in this country is not 
the same trembling, weak organization 
that it was a short time ago. Prior to 
the year 1904. there were two different 
leagues of Finnish workingmen, each 
supported by several branches in dif- 
ferent localities and states. 

The two organizations, however, did 
not satisfy even their own members, 
who found that they were not on the 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



315 



right track, and that the opportunities 
for the work in hand were tlierebjr lim- 
ited; at least with two organizations 
there was no hope of accomplishing the 
best results. The sentiment rapidly 
grew for one organization and direct 
affiliation with the Socialist Party of 
America. However, this proposition 
raised a considerable discussion when it 
w^s learned that the Finnish organiza- 
tion as a whole could not join with 
the party. It was claimed that each 
Finnish branch or local connected with 
its respective county or state organiza- 
tion would disperse and abandon the 
lines of nationality, which some advo- 
cated, and it was recognized and ack- 
nowledged by both societies that not 
understanding the language of the 
country, and inability to express them- 
selves in the tongue, would disfranchise 
the Finns of their privileges as party 
members and prevent them from taking 
a part in the party affairs. But the 
issue, "Workers of the world unite," 
became as a principal matter, and with 
this as a basis all objections were con- 
sidered and weighed so as to be over- 
come by some way or other, and in the 
year 1904, at the first Finnish Socialist 
convention in Cleveland, Ohio, a resolu- 
tion was adopted calling for the affilia- 
tion of each and every local with their 
respective county and state organiza- 
tion. The activity in the year 190S 
showed much progress. New branches 
were organized and those already in 
existence filed their applications with 
their respective party organizations. The 
necessity of improving the methods and 
laying the plans for carrying on the 
propaganda work was realized by the 
members, and in spite of the financial 
difficulties the second convention was 
called together at Ribbing, Minn., in 
August, 1906. This convention was well 
attended and the basis of our present 
organization was founded and sugges- 
tions relating to the ways and means of 
the organization set forth by that con- 
vention. 

The activity of the Finnish comrades 
and the difficulties in the language com- 
pelled them to hire some one to do the 
translating. This was tried in the states 
of Minnesota, Michigan, and Wiscon- 
sin, and on this practical knowledge 
was brought up the idea of establishing 
a National Finnish Translator's office 
for the benefit of every Finnish branch 
in the country, and locating the same 



at the National Headquarters of the 
Socialist Party. A committee was 
elected at the convention to make the 
arrangements with the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee and with its permis- 
sion the National Finnish Translator's 
office was started at the National Head- 
quarters on the first of January, 1907. 

The Finnisli organization then con- 
tained S3 locals or branches, represent- 
ing a membership of some over two 
thousand, and during the year 1907 the 
number of branches increased nearly 93 
per cent, and at the end of the same 
year showed an increase in the mem- 
bership of 75 per cent. At present there 
are 115 locals or branches in the or- 
ganization, and the active Finnish locals 
throughout the country number 136. I 
might say that the exact number of 
members is not known, for the actual 
membership should be based upon the 
purchase of dues stamps, and as there 
are some states where the branches are 
compelled to buy their dues stamps di- 
rect from their respective county or 
state organization, therefore the trans- 
lator's office lacks the real account of 
the membership of the organization. The 
closest estimate I could make is about 
4,000. 

The organization is conducted by an 
Executive Committee of five members, 
who are elected yearly by a referendum 
vote ; a general committee, in which each 
state is represented according to the 
number of locals and by referendum of 
the membership. All the propositions 
regarding the Finnish organizations only 
are transacted through the translator's 
office, which also serves the purpose of 
the central office of the organization, but 
in compliance with the rules of the 
Socialist Party al! party affairs are con- 
ducted systematically by the various 
county and state offices. By this man- 
ner the Finnish party organizations are 
conducted in accordance to the consti- 
tution and the work done separately, 
each organization working in its proper 
sphere. For agitation and organization 
purposes the country has been divided 
into three organization districts, and a 
steady organizer is kept in the lield in 
each district. A number of books and 
leaflets have been distributed through 
the translator's office, and the party 
constitution, platforms and all national, 
state and county matters have been 
translated from English to Finnish and 
propositions from the locals for county, 



316 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



state or national office formed into Eng- 
lish. 

The office is maintained and all ex- 
penses of the organization paid from 
the general fund, which is gathered 
from three main resources : First is the 
S-cent assessment; special stamps are 
issued for that purpose and bought 
monthly by each local ; you will there- 
fore discover that the Finnish comrades 
voluntarily pay 5 cents per month in 
excess of the regular party dues. Sec- 
ond is the rebate allowed by the follow- 
ing states on dues stamps sold through 
the translator's office : Colorado, Idaho, 
Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, 
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Washington, West 
Virginia, Wyoming. The said rebates of 
the first year amounted to $558.23, and 
from January 1 to May 1, $240.79; total, 
$799.02. Third comes the contributions, 
which have been very liberal. 

The total receipts for the year 1907 
were as follows : 

Balance from 1906 $ 17-94 

Dues 4,128.36 

Finnish dues 1,652.10 

Literature and supplies 922.(^6 

Miscellaneous 608.46 

Total $7,329.52 

Total expenses for the same period : 

Dues to National Office $1,686.35 

Dues to State Committees 1,883.78 

Literature and supplies 1,199.23 

Miscellaneous 1,776.09 

Balance to hand 784.07 

Total $7,329.52 

From January 1 to May 1, 1908: 
RECEIPTS. 

Dues $1,701.10 

Finnish dues 817.65 

Literature and supplies 231.41 

Miscellaneous 482.90 

Total $3,233.06 

EXPENSES. 

Dues to National Office $ 695.40 

Dues to State Committees 764.91 

Literature and supplies 318.15 

Miscellaneous 997.69 

Balance to hand 456.91 

Total $3,233.06 

Balance from January 1 to 

May 1 $ 456.91 

Balance January 1 784.07 

Cash on hand May 1, 1908. $1,240.98 
There is no doubt that the recent 



progress in the party movement in Fin^ 
land has largely affected the success of' 
the Finnish organization in the United 
States. Although the conditions are dif- 
ferent here to those in the old country, 
the comrades whose veins are filled with 
the same blood can not be quiet and 
listen while the others are doing some- 
thing. While the Finnish comrades have 
maintained their own organization, sup- 
ported the National party and re- 
sponded to many calls for funds to 
aid the unions during the strikes, and 
for other purposes of general importance 
for the working class in this country, 
they have gladly and joyfully helped the 
movements in Finland and Russia, reach- 
ing their hands deeply into their pock- 
ets to meet the financial needs of the 
comrades on the other side of the ocean. 
The keen fight for this principle waged 
within the lines of the Finnish popula- 
tion in this country has sharpened the 
class issue and cleared the road for 
Socialism, so that it now is easy to reach 
the unorganized with our propaganda. 

Knowing that the Socialist Party of 
America stands firmly for the com- 
plete emancipation of the wage work- 
ers and for the greatest benefit to the 
working class, and realizing the intel- 
lectual and personal misery of those 
members of the working class who are 
using the intoxicating liquors as a bever- 
age and understanding the policy of old 
parties in trying to maintain the sys- 
tem of manufacturing and distributing 
the liquors and using the method as 
one of the strongest weapons against 
the awakening of the proletariat, there- 
fore the sympathy among the Finnish 
comrades generally is favorable to the 
temperance and prohibition movement, 
and for this reason the executive board 
of the Finnish organization by_ in- 
struction of the general committee, 
prepared the following suggestion to 
the National convention, which is here- 
with submitted for consideration. 

"Whereas, it is self-evident to all class 
conscious members that the using of in- 
toxicating liquors is dangerous for hu- 
manity; that it weakens the thinking 
ability, enfeebles enthusiasm, is a check 
to activity, and its every influence is de- 
basing rather than ennobling. 

"Further, its victims, lacking the pow- 
er of determination, are an easy prey 
to politicians pursuing self-interest. 

"Whereas, it is a fact that the cap- 
itaHst parties pick up all possible re- 




AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



317 



forms just for the mere purpose of 
catching votes, and using the reforms 
for bait; for instance, the Hearst party 
in New York and Dunne in Chicago, 
m past municipal elections. 

"And, Whereas, it is known that the 
program of the- prohibition party as 
a whoje actually is included in the pro- 
gram of the Socialist party, so it can be 
assured that the Socialist party, accept- 
ing the prohibition law, and inserting 
the plank in the party program, would 
cut out every chance for the existence of 
the prohibition party, in which many 
otherwise possessing the Socialist princi- 
ples are now enrolled. The illustration 
can be taken from the Socialist party 
of Finland, where this plank has been 
inserted into the party platforrn, its 
adoption has been a great factor in the 
advance and increase of the party in 
Finland." 

"Immediately after the adoption the 
public supporting the prohibition law 
was ready to join with the party and 
willing to help the Socialists in elections 
by all their might. The Socialist rep- 
resentatives in the Finnish Parliament 
must be credited for the bill recently 
passed, which prohibits manufacturing, 
selling and importation of all kinds of 
intoxicating liquors in Finland." 

"A majority of the Finnish popula- 
tion of America are energetic in the 
temperance movement, and so occupied 
thereby as to exclude them from partici- 
pation in the class contest. The tend- 
ency of the prohibition movement is for 
the general welfare and uplift of the 
human race, and in this sense is in ac- 
cord with the ideals and purposes of the 
Socialist party.' 

"We, therefore, recommend that a 
plank prohibiting the manufacture and 
sale of intoxicating liquors be inserted 
in the Party Platform." 

The necessity of establishing and 
maintaining a translator's office for 
every nationality should be apparent to 
everyone. As far as the Finns are con- 
cerned, there is no doubt that both the 
National and Finnish organizations are 
greatly benefited by the office, and I 
think the same result could be reached 
among other nationalities. My opinion, 
however, is that the main thing is, first, 
to get good organizers of different na- 
tionalities, the kind who are well ac- 
quainted with the* tactics of the party, 
and set them on the field to explain the 
importance of trying to get posted with 



the party affairs and into closer touch 
with the party organization. I therefore 
suggest that the National Convention 
consider that proposition most seriously 
from the standpoint, not of trying to es- 
tablish translators' offices and offering to 
any nationality something which is not 
wanted or called for, but making all ef- 
forts to create the sentiment among the 
members that everyone ought to take an 
active part in the movement and the vital 
importance of securing a general knowl- 
edge of the movement of all the Socialist 
forces. This kind of work will require, 
not agitators, but organizers who them- 
selves are interested in the propaganda 
of forming one solid, unbreakable or- 
ganization, and as long as there is a 
large number of persons in the party 
membership who are unable to speak and 
understand the prevailing language it 
can not be done without establishing and 
maintaining national translator's offices. 
These offices should be located at the 
National Headquarters and maintained 
under the direction of the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee. 

Fraternally submitted, 

VICTOR WATIA, 
National Finnish Translator. 
May 10, 1908. 

PRINTING OF PLATFORM AND 
CONSTITUTION. 

DEL. ANDERSON (N. D.) : Hav- 
ing adopted our platform and constitu- 
tion, we all want it in a form that is 
handy to carry in our pockets and dur- 
able; and knowing by experience how 
easily the leaflet form is worn and de- 
stroyed, I move that our platform and 
constitution be printed in pamphlet form 
under good covers for distribution, and 
to be sold to the membership at not over 
ten cents a copy. (Seconded.) 

The chairman put the question, but 
before the announcement of the result 
was made — 

DEL. ANDERSON: I am not 
through. 

A motion was made to lay on the 
table. 

DEL. SLOBODIN: What do we 
want to sell the constitution for? I de- 
mand that the platform be printed. 

DEL. ANDERSON: I am not 
through with that resolution. I want 
the platform and constitution in leaflet 
form only, for free distribution, and 
that they be printed in pamphlet form 



318 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17. 



319 



so that we can carry it in our pocket 
and have it handy. 

Del. Solomon moved to refer to the 
National Executive Committee. Mo- 
tion seconded and carried. 

REFERENDUM ON CONSTITU- 
TION. 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT : I would 
like to ask a question of information, 
Mr. Chairman, whether the action of 
this convention will go to a referen- 
dum vote of the membership? 

DELEGATES: Yes. 

DEL. GOEBEL: Does everything 
go? To settle the matter, I move you — 

At this point some confusion occurred, 
and the chairman recognized National 
Secretary Barnes. 

NAT. SEC. BARNES: So far as I 
know, it is only provided that all amend- 
ments to the constitution shall be sub- 
mitted to the referendum, and if you de- 
sire the platform to be submitted a mo- 
tion should be made and voted. 

DEL. WAGENKNECHT: I make a 
motion that all acts of the convention 
be submitted to the referendum of the 
national party membership. (Seconded.) 

DEL. BERGER: No, not all. I 
make a point of order. My point of 
order is that we appointed committees 
and so on, and that is the act of the 
convention, and we cannot submit it to 
a referendum. It is nonsense. But I 
move as an amendment that we submit 
our platform and constitution to a refer- 
endum of the party. 

The motion on the amendment was 
seconded and carried. 

Delegates Lockwood and Stirton, of 
Michigan, explained their votes on this 
and other questions as follows : 

"Understanding that the individual 
delegates have the privilege of recording 
with the secretary of this convention 
their position on actions taken at this 
convention, we desire to have this state- 
ment become a part of the official files. 

"The State of Michigan, which we 
represent, has at two regular state con- 
ventions, and ratified by referendum 
vote, declared for three important prop- 
ositions. First, a unity of all the forces 
that make for the Socialist revolution. 
Second, for the principle of industrial 
unionism as against the principle of 
craft unionism. Third, for a party 
owned press. 

"We have consistently stood by every 



measure favoring these points on which 
the state which sent us has clearly ex- 
pressed itself, and have as consistently 
fought all motions to the contrary. 

"We believe our state, while favorable 
to municipal and state programs, or so- 
called immediate demands, is not favor- 
able to such demands in our national 
platform, but stands for the adoption 
of a clear cut revolutionary platform, 
without such demands, which are in 
their nature compromises with capital- 
ism. We have consistently stood for 
the revolutionary program against what 
we consider to be opportunism. 

"We have stood against any and all 
official expressions of tlie party on the 
question of religion. 

"Furthermore, we have in every in- 
stance stood for democracy, and among, 
other things for a referendum of the 
recently adopted national platform to 
the rank and file. 

"In all the above matters, we have 
been in the minority, and inasmuch as 
a roll call has not been taken, we wish 
to put ourselves on record and that this 
statement become a part of the files of 
this convention proceedings." 

DEL. SPARGO : Comrade Chairman 
and comrades, I suppose we will all 
agree that we want to go home. I sup- 
pose that likewise we are all agreed 
that we do not want this convention to 
melt away in a rabble. It is well that, 
having worked hard all week or eight 
days, we should end our convention in 
as good spirit as that with which we 
began our convention, and I am satis- 
fied that when we get back home and 
have had time to forget our tired na- 
tures and had time to think more calmly 
of our personal differences here, that 
each of us will look back to this con- 
vention as one of the greatest privileges 
in our lives. (Applause.) I believe sin- 
cerely — and I am not now making the 
conventional statement usual to such oc- 
casions — that we shall admit ten years 
from now that the convention of 1908 
practically marked the birth of the So- 
cialist movement as a political party of 
the working class in this country. (Ap- 
plause.) I am not going to ask you to 
listen to any sort of an address now. It 
is not even a motion, but I do ask you, 
comrades, let us rise and join in three 
cheers for the Socialist movement and 
the Socialist party. 

The delegates rose and gave three 
cheers amid great enthusiasm. 



PROHIBITION QUESTION. 

DEL. BERGER : There is something 
more. We have adopted a Finnish re- 
port containing the following: "We 
therefore recommend that a plank pro- 
hibiting the manufacture and sale of 
intoxicating liquors be inserted in the 
party platform." I cannot go back to 
Milwaukee with that. 

A delegate moved to reconsider. The 
motion was seconded. 

DEL. FARRELL: It was not 
adopted; it was only accepted. 

DEL. BERGER: I move that this 
be referred to the National Executive 
Committee. ( Seconded. ) 

DEL. FARRELL: Oh, no. 

DEL. BERGER : Then I move a re- 
consideration. (Seconded.) 

Del. lyOrsay of Massachusetts moved 
to refer to the National Committee. 
(Seconded.) 

It was moved to lay the motion on 
the table. 

Del. Stedman moved, and it was sec- 
onded, to refer to the National Execu- 
tice Committee. 

DEL. CARR : There is no use in get- 
ting so excited. Let us not do anything 
foolish. This report was adopted in a 
very foolish manner by the convention. 
Not having read it, I did not know what 



was in it, and I did not vote to adopt it. 

DEL. BERGER: The motion is to 
refer to the National Executive Board. 

DEL. CARR: I do not suppose there 
is any prohibitionist in this convention 
that would insist on a prohibition plank 
in our platform. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Make your mo- 
ton. Comrade Carr. 

DEL. CARR: I am not responsible 
for getting into this mess, but as I have 
got the floor — 

DEL. D'ORSAY (Mass.) : A point of 
order. 

DEL. A. M. SIMONS: A point of 
order. There is nothing before the 
house, and he has no right to talk. 

DEL. CARR : The disposition of this 
matter is before the house. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. 

DEL. BERGER: There is a motion 
to lay it upon the table. 

DEL. CARR : I am going to make 
a motion — 

DEL. SLOBODIN : I move that the 
report be received and referred to the 
National Executive Committee. 

Motion seconded and carried. 

It was then moved to adjourn sine die, 
and the convention then, at six o'clock, 
with the singing of the "Marseillaise," 
adjourned sine die. 



320 



SOCIALIST PARTY PLATFORM. 



SOCIALIST PARTY PLATFORM. 



321 



SOCIALIST PARTY PLATFORM. 



PRINCIPLES. 

Human life depends upon food, cloth- 
ing and shelter. Only with these as- 
sured are freedom, culture and higher 
human development possible. To pro- 
duce food, clothing or shelter, land and 
machinery are needed. Land alone does 
not satisfy human needs. Human labor 
creates machinery and applies it to the 
land for the production of raw materials 
and food. Whoever has control of land 
and machinery controls human labor, 
and with it human life and liberty. 

Today the machinery and the land 
used for industrial purposes are owned 
by a rapidly decreasing minority.. So 
long as machinery is simple and easily 
handled by one man, its owner cannot 
dominate the sources of life of others. 
But when machinery becomes more 
complex and expensive, and requires 
for its effective operation the organized 
effort of many workers, its influence 
reaches over wide circles of life. The 
owners of such machinery become the 
dominant class. 

In proportion as the number of such 
machine owners compared to all other 
classes decreases, their power in the 
nation and in the world increases. 
They bring ever larger masses of work- 
ing'people under their control, reducing 
them to the point where muscle and 
brain are their only productive prop- 
erty. Millions of formerly self-employ- 
ing workers thus become the helpless 
wage slaves of the industrial masters. 
As the economic power of the ruling 
class grows it becomes less useful in 
the life of the nation. All the useful 
work of the nation falls upon the 
shoulders of the class whose only prop- 
erty is its manual and mental labor 
power — the wage worker — or of the 
class who have but little land and lit- 
tle effective machinery outside of their 
labor power — the small traders and 



small farmers. The ruling minority is 
steadily becoming useless and parasitic. 
A bitter struggle over the division 
of the products of labor is waged be- 
tween the exploiting propertied classes 
on the one hand and the exploited, 
propertyless class on the other. In this 
struggle the wage working class can- 
not expect adequate relief from any 
reform of the present order at the hands 
of the dominant class. 

The wage workers are therefore the 
most deterniined and irreconcilable an- , 
tagonists of the ruling class. They 
suffer most from the curse of class 
rule. The fact that a few capitalists 
are permitted to control all the coun- 
try's industrial resources and social 
tools for their individual profit, and to 
make the production of the necessaries 
of life the object of competitive private 
enterprise and speculation is at tlie bot- 
tom of all the social evils of our time. 

In spite of the organization of trusts, 
pools and combinations, the capitalists, 
are powerless to regulate production 
for social ends. Industries are largely 
conducted in a planless manner. 
Through periods of feverish activity 
the strength and health of the workers- 
are mercilessly used up, and during 
periods of enforced idleness the work- 
ers are frequently reduced to starva- 
tion. 

The climaxes of this system of pro- 
duction are the regularly recurring in- 
dustrial depressions and crises which 
paralyze the nation every fifteen or 
twenty years. 

The capitalist class, in its mad race, 
for profits, is bound to exploit the 
workers to the very limit of their en- 
durance and to sacrifice their physical, 
moral and mental welfare to its own in- 
satiable greed. Capitalism keeps the 
masses of workingmen in poverty, des- 
titution, physical exhaustion and igno- 
rance. It drags their wives from Iheir 



homes to the mill and factory. It 
snatches their children from the play- 
grounds and schools and grinds their 
slender bodies and unformed minds in- 
to cold dollars. It distigures, maims and 
kills hundreds of thousands of working- 
men annually in mines, on railroads and 
in factories. It drives millions of work- 
ers into the ranks of the unemployed 
and forces large numbers of them into 
beggary, vagrancy and all forms of 
crime and vice. 

To maintain their rule over their fel- 
low men the capitalists must keep in 
their pay all organs of the public pow- 
ers, public mind and public conscience. 
They control the dominant parties and, 
through them, the elected public offi- 
cials. They select the executives, bribe 
the legislatures and corrupt the courts 
of justice. They own and censor the 
press. They dominate the educational 
institutions. They own the nation po- 
litically and intellectually just as they 
own it industrially. 

The struggle between wage workers 
and capitalists grows ever fiercer, and 
has now become the only vital issue be- 
fore the American people. The wage- 
working class, therefore, has the most 
direct interest in abolishing the capital- 
ist system. But in abolishing the pres- 
ent system, the workingmen will free 
not only their own class, but also all 
other classes of modern society. The 
small farmer, who is today exploited by 
large capital more indirectly but not less 
effectively than is the wage laborer; the 
small manufacturer and trader, who is 
engaged in a desperate and losing strug- 
gle for economic independence in the 
face of the all-conquering power of 
concentrated capital ; and even the cap- 
italist himself, who is the slave of his 
wealth rather than its master. The 
struggle of the working class against the 
capitalist class, while it is a class strug- 
gle, is thus at the same time a strug- 
gle for the abolition of all classes and 
class privileges. 

The private ownership of the land and 
means of production used for exploita- 
tion, is the rock upon which class rule 
is built ; political government is its in- 
dispensable instrument. The wage- 
workers cannot be freed from exploita- 
tion Vv'ithout conquering the political 
power and substituting collective for 
private ownership of the land and 
means of production used for exploita- 
tion. 



The basis for such transformation is 
rapidly developing within present cap- 
italist society. The factory system, with 
its complex machinery and minute di- 
vision of labor, is rapidly destroying all 
vestiges of individual production in 
manufacture. Modern production is al- 
ready' very largely a collective and so- 
cial process. The great trusts and 
monopolies which have sprung up in 
recent years have organized the work 
and management of the principal in- 
dustries on a national scale, and have 
fitted them for collective use and oper- 
ation. 

The Socialist Party is primarily an 
economic and political movement. It is 
not concerned with matters of religious 
belief. 

In the struggle for freedom the inter- 
ests of all modern workers are identical. 
The struggle is not only national, but 
international. It embraces the world 
and will be carried to ultimate victory 
by the united workers of the world. 

To unite the workers of the nation 
and their allies and sympathizers of all 
other classes to this end, is the mission 
of the Socialist party. In this battle 
for freedom the Socialist party does not 
strive to substitute working class rule 
for capitalist class rule, but by working 
class victory, to free all humanity from 
class rule and to realize the internation- 
al brotherhood of man. 



PLATFORM FOR 1908. 

The Socialist party, in national con- 
vention assembled, again declares itself 
as the party of the working class, and 
appeals for the support of all workers 
of the United States and of all citizens 
who sympathize with the great and just 
cause of labor. 

We are at this moment in the midst 
of one of those industrial breakdowns 
that periodically paralyze the life of the 
nation. The much-boasted era of our 
national prosperity has been followed 
by one of general misery. Factories, 
mills and mines are closed. Millions of 
men, ready, willing and able to provide 
the nation with all the necessaries and 
comforts of life are forced into idle- 
ness and starvation. 

Within recent years the trust and 
monopolies have attained an enormous 
and menacing development. They have 
acquired the power to dictate the terms 



SOCIALIST PARTY PLATFORM. 



323 



"322 



SOCIALIST PARTY PLATFORM. 



upon which we shall be allowed to live. 
The trusts fix the prices of our bread, 
meat and sugar, of our coal, oil and 
clothing, of our raw material and ma- 
chinery, of all the necessities of life. 

The present desperate condition of 
the workers has been made the oppor- 
tunity for a renewed onslaught on or- 
ganized labor. The highest courts of 
the country have within the last year 
rendered decision after decision depriv- 
ing the workers- of rights which they 
had won by generations of struggle. 

The attempt to destroy the Western 
Federation of Miners, although defeat- 
ed by the solidarity of organized labor 
and the Socialist movement, revealed 
the existence of a far-reaching and un- 
scrupulous conspiracy by the ruling class 
against the organization of labor. 

In their efforts to take the lives of 
the leaders of the miners the conspira- 
tors violated state laws and the federal 
constitution in a manner seldom equaled 
even in a country so completely domi- 
nated by the profit-seeking class as is 
the United States. 

The congress of the United States 
has shown its contempt for the inter- 
ests of labor as plainly and unmistak- 
ably as have the other branches of gov- 
ernment. The laws for which the labor 
organizations have continually petition- 
ed have failed to pass. Laws ostensibly 
enacted for the benefit of labor have 
been distorted against labor. 

The working class of the United 
States cannot expect any remedy for its 
wrongs from the present ruling class or 
from the dominant parties. So long as 
a small number of individuals are per- 
mitted to control the sources of the na- 
tion's wealth for their private profit in 
competition with each other and for the 
exploitation of their fellowmen, indus- 
trial depressions are bound to occur at 
certain intervals. No currency reforms 
or other legislative measures proposed 
by capitalist reformers can avail against 
these fatal results of utter anarchy in 
production. 

Individually competition leads inevita- 
bly to combinations and trusts. No 
amount of government regulation, or of 
publicity, or of restrictive legislation 
will arrest the natural course of mod- 
ern industrial development. 

While our courts, legislatures and 
executive offices remain in the hands of 
the ruling classes and their agents, the 
government will be used in the inter- 



ests of these classes as against the 
toilers. 

Political parties are but the expres- 
sion of economic class interests. The 
Republican, the Democratic, and the so- 
called "Independence" parties and all 
parties other than the Socialist party, 
are financed, directed and controlled by 
the representatives of different groups 
of the ruling class. 

In the maintenance of class govern- 
ment both the Democratic and Repub- 
lican parties have been equally guilty. 
The Republican party has had control 
of the national government and has 
been directly and actively responsible 
for these wrongs. The Democratic 
party, while saved from direct respon- 
sibility by its political impotence, has 
shown itself equally subservient to the 
aims of the capitalist class whenever 
and wherever it has been in power. The 
old chattel slave owning aristocracy of 
the south, which was the backbone of 
the Democratic party has been sup- 
planted by a child slave plutocracy. In 
the great cities of our country the 
Democratic party is allied with the 
criminal element of the slums as the 
Republican party is allied with the 
predatory criminals of the palace in 
maintaining the interests of the possess- 
ing class. 

The various "reform" movements and 
parties which have sprung up within 
recent years are but the clumsy expres- 
sion of widespread popular discontent. 
They are not based on an intelligent 
understanding of the historical develop- 
ment of civilization and of the economic 
and political needs of our time. They 
are bound to perish as the numerous 
middle class reform movements of the 
past have perished. 



PROGRAM. 

As measures calculated to strength- 
en the working class in its fight for the 
realization of this ultimate aim, and to 
increase its power of resistance against 
capitalist oppression, we advocate and 
pledge ourselves and our elected officers 
to the following program: 

General Demands. 

1 — The immediate government re- 
lief for the unemployed workers- by 
building schools, by reforesting of cut- 
over and waste lands, by reclamation 



of arid tracts, and the building of ca- 
nals, and by extending all other useful 
public works. All persons employed on 
such works shall be employed directly 
by the government under an eight-hour 
work-day and at the prevailing union 
wages. The government shall also 
loan money , to states and munici- 
palities without interest for the pur- 
pose of carrying on public works. It 
shall contribute to the funds of labor 
orgatiizations for the purpose of assist- 
ing their unemployed members, and 
shall take such other measures within 
its power as will lessen the widespread 
misery of the workers caused by the 
misrule of the capitalist class. 

2 — The collective ownership of rail- 
roads, telegraphs, telephones, steam- 
ship lines and all other means of social 
transportation and communication, and 
all land. 

3^The collective ownership of all 
industries which are organized on a 
national scale and in which competition 
has virtually ceased to exist. 

A — The extension of the public do- 
main to include mines; quarries, oil 
wells, forests and water power. 

5 — The scientific reforestation of 
timber lands, and the reclamation of 
swamp lands. The land so reforested 
or reclairned to be permanently retained 
as a part of the public domain. 

6 — The absolute freedom of press, 
speech and assemblage. 

Industrial Demands. 

7— The improvement of the indus- 
trial condition of the workers. 

(a) By shortening the workday 
in keeping with the increased pro- 
ductiveness of machinery. 

(b) By securing to every worker 
a rest period of not less than a day 

and a half in each week. 

(c) By securing a more effective 
inspection of workshops and fac- 
tories. 

(d) By forbidding the employ- 
ment of children under sixteen years 
of age. 

(e) By forbidding the intestate 
transportation of the products of 



child labor, of convict labor and of 
all uninspected factories. 

(f) By abolishing official charity 
and substituting in its place compul- 
sory insurance against unemployment, 
illness, accident, invalidism, old age 
and death. 

Political Demands. 

8 — The extension of inheritance 
taxes, graduated in proportion to the 
amount of the bequests and to the 
nearness of kin. 
9 — A graduated income tax. 
10 — Unrestricted and equal suffrage 
for men and women, and we pledge 
ourselves to engage in an active cam- 
paign in that direction. 

11 — The initiative and referendum, 
proportional representation and the 
right of recall. 

12 — The abolition of the senate. 
13 — The abolition of the power 
usurped by the supreme court of the 
United States to pass upon the con- 
stitutionality of legislation enacted by 
Congress. National laws to be repealed 
or abrogated only by act of Congress 
or by a referendum of the whole people. 
14— That the constitution be made 
amendable by majority vote. 

15 — The enactment of further meas- 
ures for general education and for 
the conservation of health. The bu- 
reau of education to be made a depart- 
ment. The creation of a department 
of public health. 

16 — ^The separation of the present 
bureau of labor from the department 
of commerce and labor, and the estab- 
lishment of a department of labor. 

17 — That all judges be elected by 
the people for short terms, and that 
the power to issue injunctions shall 
be curbed by immediate legislation. 

18 — The free administration of jus- 
tice. 

Such measures of relief as we may 
be able to force from capitalism are 
but a preparation of the workers to 
seize the whole power of government, 
in order that they may thereby lay 
hold of the whole system of industry 
and thus come to their rightful inherit- 
ance. 



324 



CONSTITUTION AS AMENDED. 



CONSTITUTION AS AMENDED. 



325 



CONSTITUTION AS AMENDED. 



ARTICLE I. 
Name. 

Sec. 1. The name of this organi- 
zation shall be the Socialist Party/ ex- 
cept in such states where a different 
name has or may become a legal re- 
quirement. 

ARTICLE TI. 
Membership. 

Sec. 1. Every person, resident of 
the United States of the age of eighteen 
years and upward, without discrimina- 
tion as to sex, race, color or creed, who 
has severed his connection with all other 
political parties, and subscribes to the 
principles of the Socialist Party, includ- 
ing political action, shall be eligible to 
membership in the Party. 

Sec. 2. Any person occupj'ing a 
position, honorary or remunerative, by 
gift of any party other than the So- 
cialist Party (civil service positions ex- 
cepted), shall not be eligible to member- 
ship in the Socialist Party. 

Sec. 3. A member who desires to 
transfer his membership from the party 
in one state to the party in another state 
may do so upon the presentation of his 
card showing him to be in good stand- 
ing at the time of asking for such 
transfer. 

Sec. 4. No member of the party, in 
any state or territory, shall under any 
pretext, interfere with the regular or 
organized movement in any other state. 

Sec. 5. All persons joining the So- 
cialist Party shall sign the following 
pledge: "I, the undersigned, recogniz- 
ing the class struggle between the capi- 
talist class and the working class and 
the necessity of the working class con- 
stituting themselves into a political par- 
ty distinct from and opposed to all par- 
ties formed by the propertied classes, 
hereby declare that I have severed my 
relations with all other parties, that I 
indorse the platform and constitution 
of the Socialist Party, including the 



principle of political action, and herel 
apply for admission to said party." 

Sec. 6. Any member of the parti 
who opposes political action as a weap- 
on of the working class to aid in its 
emancipation shall be expelled fiom 
membership in the party. 

ARTICLE III. 

Management. 

Sec. 1. The affairs of the Socialist 
Party shall be administered by a Na- 
tional Committee, its officers and ex- 
ecutive Committee, the party conven- 
tions, and the general vote of the party. 

Sec. 2. Three years' consecutive 
membership in the party shall be neces- 
sary to qualify for all national official 
positions. 

ARTICLE IV. 
National Committee. 

Sec. 1. Each organized state or 
territory shall be represented on t.ie 
National Committee by one member and 
by an additional member for every two 
thousand members or major fraction 
thereof in good standing in the party. 
For the purpose of determining the rep- 
resentation to which each state or terri- 
tory may be entitled, the National Sec- 
retarv shall compute at the beginning 
of each year the average dues-paying 
membership of such staie or territory 
for the preceding year. 

Sec. 2. The members of this com- 
mittee shall be elected by referendum 
vote of and from the membership of 
the states or territories which they re- 
spectively represent. Their term of of- 
fice shall not be more than two years. 
The members of the National Com- 
mittee shall be subject to removal by 
referendum vote of their respective 
states. 

Sec. 3. The National Committee shall ,|; 
meet whenever it shall deem it neces- 
sary to do so. 

Sec. d. Expenses of the National '! 



Committeemen in attending meetings 
shall be paid from the National Treas- 
ury. 

Sec. S. No motion shall be sub- 
mitted to a referendum of the National 
Committee by correspondence unless 
supported within thirty days by not less 
than five members of the National Com- 
mittee from three different states. 

Sec. 6. The National Committee shall 
adopt its own rules of procedure not 
inconsistent with the provisions of this 
constitution. 

ARTICLE V. 
Duties and Powers of the National 

Committee. 
•Sec. 1. The duties of this com- 
mittee shall be to represent the party 
l»i^"all national and international affairs ; 
to call national nominating conventions 
and special conventions decided upon by 
the referendum of the party; to make 
reports to national conventions, and to 
receive and pass upon all reports and 
actions of the Executive Committee. 

Sec. 2. The National Committee shall 
neither publish nor designate any official 
organ. 

ARTICLE VI. 
National Executive Committee. 
Sec. 1. The National Executive 
Committee shall be composed of seven 
n; embers, elected by the National Com- 
ipittee from the membership of the par- 
ti , and they shall hold office for two 
years. The ' call for nominations and 
elections shall be issued in the month 
of November of even nvimbered years. 

Sec. 2. The duties of the National 
Executive Committee shall be to super- 
vise and direct the work of the Na- 
tional Secretary; to organize unorgan- 
ized states and territories; to receive 
and pass upon the reports of the Na- 
tional Secretary, and to transact all cur- 
rent business of the national office, ex- 
cept such as is by this constitution ex- 
pressly reserved for the National Com- 
mittee or the general vote of the party. 
The National Executive Committee 
shall also formulate the rules and or- 
der of business of the national conven- 
tions of the party not otherwise provid- 
ed for by this constitution, subject to 
adoption or amendment by the conven- 
tions. 

Sec. 3. The Executive Committee 
shall adopt its own rules of procedure 
not inconsistent with this constitution 
or with the rules of the National Com- 
mittee, 



Sec. 4. The Executive Committee 
shall transmit copies of the minutes of 
its meetings to all members of the Na- 
tional Committee, and all its acts and 
resolutions shall be subject to the revi- 
sion of the National Committee. 

Sec. 5. The National Executive 
Committee shall meet whenever it shall 
deem it necessary to do so. Between 
sessions all its business shall be trans- 
acted by correspondence. 

ARTICLE VII. 
National Secretary. 

Sec. 1. The National Secretary shall 
be elected by the National Commit- 
tee and shall hold office for two years. 
The call for nominations and election 
shall be conducted at the same time 
and the same manner as that of the 
National Executive Committee. Vacan- 
cies shall be filled in a similar manner. 
The National Secretary shall receive as 
compensation the sum of Fifteen Hun- 
dred Dollars annually and shall give a 
bond in a sum fixed by National Execu- 
tive Committee. 

Sec. 2. The National Secretary shall 
have charge of all affairs of the National 
office subject to the directions of the 
Executive Committee, and the National 
Committee, He shall receive the reports 
of the state organizations and of the 
local organizations in unorganized states 
and territories. He shall supervise the 
accounts of the national office, and the 
work of the lecture bureau, the litera- 
ture bureau and such other departments 
as may hereafter be established in con- 
nection with the national office. 

Sec, 3. The National Secretary shall 
issue to all party organizations, in such 
way as the Executive Committee may 
direct, monthly bulletins containing a re- 
port of the financial affairs of the party. 
a summary of the conditions and the 
membership of the several state and ter- 
ritorial organizations, the orincipal busi- 
ness transacted by his office, and such 
other matters pertaining to the organi- 
zation and activity of the party, as may 
be of general interest to the member- 
ship. Such bulletins shall not contain 
editorial comment. 

Sec, 4. The National Secretary shall 
be empowered to secure such help as 
may be necessary for the proper trans- 
action of the business of his office. 

Sec. 5. The National Secretary may 
be recalled at any time by the National 
Committee or membership. 



I 



326 



CONSTITUTION AS AMENDED. 



CONSTITUTION AS AMENDED. 



327 



ARTICLE VIII. 
The Lecture Bureau. 

Sec. 1. There shall be maintained 
in connection with the national office a 
Lecture Bureau for the purpose of ar- 
ranging tours for lecturers for the pro- 
paganda of Socialism. 

Sec. 2. The Lecture Bureau shall 
have the right to make arrangements for 
the lecturers under its auspices with all 
state organizations of the party. 

Sec. 3. The National Committee shall 
establish a unifoirm rate of compensation 
for all lecturers and organizers working 
under its auspices. 

ARTICLE IX. 
The Literature Bureau. 

Sec. 2. The National Committee 
shall also maintain in the headquarters 
of the party a department for the dis- 
semination of Socialist literature. 

Sec. 2. The Literature Bureau shall 
keep for sale to the local organizations 
of the party and others, a stock of So- 
alist books, pamphlets and other litera- 
ture, and shall have the right, with the 
approval of the committee, to publisL 
works on Socialism or for the purpose 
of Socialist propaganda, but this clause 
shall not be construed as authorizintg the 
bureau to publish any periodical. 

Sec. 3. The profits of the Literature 
Bureau shall go into the general funds 
of the party treasury. 

ARTICLE X. 
Conventions. 

Sec. 1. The regular national nom- 
inating convention of the party shall be 
held in all years in which elections for 
President and Vice President of the 
United States are to be held. 

Sec. 2. A congress of the party to 
consider and report upon the program, 
agitation and organization of the party 
shall be held in each even numbered 
year, when there is no national nominat- 
ing convention. The order of business 
of the congress shall be prepared by the 
National Executive Committee, sub- 
ject to the approval of the con- 
gress. The basis of representation 
shall be one delegate at large 
and one delegate for every five 
hundred members. Delegates shall be 
elected and accredited otherwise as ,for a 
nominating convention. 

Sec. 3. Special conventions of the 
party may be held at any time if decid- 



ed upon by a general vote of the paif| 
membership. 

Sec. 4. The dates and places of hold- 
ing such regular or special conventions 
shall be fixed by the National Commit- 
tee. 

Sec. 5. The basis of representation 
in any national nominating convention 
shall be by states, each state and terri- 
tory being entitled to one delegate at 
large, and one additional delegate for 
every four hundred members, or ma- 
jority fraction thereof above the first 
400, in good standing; provided, how- 
ever, that no delegate shall be consider- 
ed eligible unless he is a resident of 
the state from which the credential is 
presented, and shall have been a mem- 
ber of the party for at least two years. 

Sec. 6. Railroad fare of the del- 
gates, going to and coming from the 
convention and the congresses of the 
party shall be paid from the national 
treasury, and such expenses shall be 
raised by a per capita assessment on the 
entire membership. 

Sec. 7. The election of delegates 
to the National Conventions shall take 
place not later than sixty days preceding 
the National Convention and the re- 
spective State Secretaries shall furnish 
the National Secretary not later than 
thirty days preceding such convention 
with a list of the accredited delegates 
to the convention. 

The National Secretary shall prepare 
a printed roster of the accredited dele- 
gates to be sent to each delegate and 
forwarded to the party press for pub- 
lication. That such list shall contain 
the occupation of each delegate and his 
office or employment in the party. That 
all official reports required to be pre- 
sented to the National Convention shall 
be printed and sent to each delegate 
elected at least fifteen days before the 
date of the conventions and furnished 
to the party press for publication. At 
the time and place set for the opening of 
the National Convention the National 
Secretary shall call the convention to 
order, and shall call the roll to ascertain 
the number of uncontested delegates, 
and they shall permanently organize the 
convention. 

The following order of business shall 
be observed •. 

1. Election of Chairman for the day. 

2. Election of Secretary, Reading 
Clerk and Sergeant-at-Arms. 



f 

I 
i 



3. Nomination of the following Reg- 
ular Committees : 

Contested Seats— 7 members. 
Platform — 9 members. 
Constitution — 9 members. 
Resolutions— 9 members. 
Ways and Means — 9 members. 
Reports af National Officers — 7 

members. 
International Relations — S mem- 
bers. 
After opportunity for declinations 
the complete list of nominations above 
provided for shall be printed at once in 
ballot form. 

4. Report of Committee on Rules, 
appointed by the National Executive 
Committee. 

ARTICLE XI. 

Referendum. 

Sec. \. Motions to amend any part 
of this constitution, as well as any other 
motions or resolutions to be voted upon 
by the entire membership of the party, 
shall be submitted by the National Sec- 
retary to a referendum of the party 
membership, upon the request of twen- 
tv local organizations, in five or more 
states or territories, or any smaller num- 
ber of local organizations in three states 
having two thousand members in the ag- 
gregate; provided, however, that the re- 
quired number of requests for such a 
referendum shall all have been made 
within a period of ninety consecutive 
days. 

Sec. 2. Whenever a request for a 
referendum shall have been made as 
above provided, the National Secretary 
shall forthwith cause the same to be 
published in the party press, and shall 
allow such question to stand open for 
thirty days, within which time amend- 
ments may be offered thereto in the 
same manner in which an original re- 
quest for a referendum is to be made, 
and at the close of the said period of 
thirty days the original motion submit- 
ted to referendum, together with all and 
any amendments which may have been 
offered, shall be submitted to the vote 
of the party members, and such vote 
shall close fifty days thereafter. 

Sec. 3. All propositions or other mat- 
ters submitted for the referendum of the 
party shall be presented without pream- 
ble or comment. 



ARTICLE XII. 

State Organizations. 

Sec. 1. The formation of all state 
or territorial organizations or the reor- 
ganization of state or territorial organi- 
zations which may have lapsed shall be 
under the direction of the Executive 
Cofnmittee, and in conformity with the 
rules of the National Committee. 

Sec. 2. No state or territory may 
be organized unless it has at least ten lo- 
cals or an aggregate membership of not 
less than two hundred; but this pro- 
vision shall not affect the rights of 
states and territories organized prior to 
the adoption of this constitution. When 
the membership of any state averages 
less than 150 per month for any six con- 
secutive months, tHe National Commit- 
tee may revoke the charter of that state. 
Sec. 3. The platform of the Sicialist 
Party shall be the supreme declaration 
of the party, and all state and municipal 
platforms shall conform thereto; and no 
state or local organization shall under 
any circumstances fuse, combine or com- 
promise with any other political party or 
organization, or refrain from making 
nominations, in order to favor the can- 
didate of such other organizations, nor 
shall any candidate' of the Socialist Party 
accept any nomination or endorsement 
from any other party or political organi- 
zation. 

Sec. 4. In states and territories in 
which there is one central organiza- 
tion affiliated with the party, the state 
or territorial organizations shall have 
the sole jurisdiction of the members re- 
siding within their respective territories, 
and the sole control of all matters per- 
taining to the propaganda, organization 
and financial affairs within such state 
or territory; their activity shall be con- 
fined to their respective organizations, 
and the National Committee and sub- 
committees or officers thereof shall have 
no right to interfere in such matters 
without the consent of the respective 
state or territorial organizations. 

Sec. S- The State Committees shall 
make monthly reports to the Natioiial 
Secretary concerning their membership, 
financial condition and general standing 
of the party. 

Sec. 6. The State Committee shall 
pay to National Committee every month 
a sum equal to five cents for every mem- 



328 



CONSTITUTION AS AMENDED. 



INDEX. 



329 



ber in good standing within their re- 
spective territories. 

Sec. 7. All state organizations shall 
provide in their constitutions for the 
initiative, referendum and imperative 
mandate. 

Sec. 8. No person shall be nominated 
or endorsed by any subdivision of the 
party for candidate unless he is a mem- 
ber of the party, and has been such for 
at least one year, but this provision shall 
not apply to organizations wrhich have 
been in existence for less than one year. 

Sec. 9. In case of controversy in 
any state as to the validity of the title 
of its officers and the question of recog- 
nition by the national organization, a 
referendum of the membership of said 
state to determine the question may be 
taken in the following manner: 

A call signed by not less than one- 
third of the total membership of the 
state in good standing at the time the 
controversy arose, asking the National 
Executive Committee to conduct a ref- 
erendum of the said state membership 
for the election of officers for the posi- 
tion in dispute, shall be filed with the 
National Secretary. 

Upon receiving such call the Nation- 
al Executive Committee shall conduct a 
referendum of the membership of said 
state for the election of officers for the 
position in dispute. All locals appearing 
on the state list at the National head- 
quarters in good standing at the time 
the controversy arose shall be privi- 
ledged to make nominations, and all 
members in good standing at that time 
shall be entitled to vote. 

Sec. ID. The National Executive Com- 
mittee may appoint secretaries to reside 
in the unorganized states, who shall be 
selected as far as possible from the sec- 
tion in which the state is located. A 
salary not to exceed $18.00 per week 
shall be allowed them, and they shall 
have complete charge of organization in 
their respective states. They shall hold 
office subject to the National Executive 



Committee, provided that when there are ] 
not less than ten (10) locals Or two hun- 
dred (200) members in good standing in 
any state, a state organization may bej 
formed, which shall then elect its own'| 
officers. 

Sec. II. The National Executive 
Committee is authorized to give finan- 
cial assistance from the national organi- 
aztion to any state organization apply- J 
ing for same, and having a membership) 
of less than 1,200, to enable the Secre- I 
tary of said state to secure a living' 
wage while giving his entire time to 
the work of organizing the state. 

ARTICLE XIII. 
Headquarters. 
Sec. 1. The location of the head- 
quarters of the party shall be determin- 
ed by the National Committee. 






ARTICLE XIV. 
International Delegates. 
Sec. 1. Delegates to the Interna- 
tional Congress shall be elected by ref- 
erendum in the year when the congress 
is held ; one delegate for every five thou- 
sand members, and their expenses shall 
be paid out of the treasury of the na-, 
tional party. 

ARTICLE XV. 
Amendments. 
Sec. 1. This constitution may be 
amended by a national convention or by 
a referendum of the party in the manner j 
above provided. But all amendments j 
made by a national convention shall be 
submitted seriatim to a referendum vote 
of the party membership. 

ARTICLE XVI. 
Time and Method of Taking Effect. 

Sec. 1. This constitution shall take > 
effect and be in force on the first day M 
of January after the time of its ap- ^ 
proval by national referendum of the 
partj' membership. 



INDEX. 



Abolition of Senate— 166, 212. 

Adams, Wm.-18, 61, 160, 164, 223, 254. 

Ambrose, Geo. H.— 17, 40, 61, 62, 161, 

164, 223, 254, 290. 
Amendment of U. S. Constitution— 156, 

212. 
American Federation of Labor— 96, 97, 

98, 99, 100, 102, 110, 154. 
Anderson, A. S.-17, 61, 159, 160, 164, 

219 223, 254, 290, 317. 
Anderson, Jules J.— 17, 61, 144, 160, 164, 

223, 232, 233, 243, 254. 
Arnstein, Louis— 8, 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 
Assistant Secretaries— 9, 10, 40, 221. 
Atwood, E. Francis— 14, 18, 61, 161, 164, 

223, 254. 
Auditing Committee- 
Provision for — JO, 11. 
Nomination of — 41. 
Election of — 62. 
Report of— 308. 

B 

Bandlow. Robert— 17, 61, 62, 160, 
164, 165, 201, 223, 254, 302, 303. 

Bannell, John— 17. 

Barnes, J. Mahlon — 7, 18, 23, 35, M 
38, 42, 58, 71, 72, 92, 158, 199, 
258, 261, 269, 276, 283, 284, 296, 
313, 318. 

Barzee, C. W.— 16, 18, 61, 62, 160, 
179, 183, 223, 241, 244, 254, 312. 

Bassett,' Arthur— 17, 34, 254. 

Bauer, Kasper-16, 22, 24 61, 62 
160, 164, 188, 219, 223, 242, 243, 

Behrens, E. T.-17, 61, 161, 164, 

244 
Bgll w. j._i8, 61, 62, 160, 164, 223, 

255, 256., _ ,^, 

Bentall, J. 0.-17, 40, 61, 62, 161, 

201, 223, 254. 
Berser Victor L. — 8, 13, IS, 18, 28 
41 49 50, 58, 59, 61, 62, 111, 
119 127, 131, 143, 144, 145, 152, 
I61' 164, 183, 185, 201, 203, 205, 



161, 



, 37, 
200, 
298, 

164, 



127, 
254. 
223, 

254, 

164, 

, 37, 
113, 
157, 
223, 



227, 228, 229, 240, 241, 242, 254, 264, 

265, 269, 270, 274, 278, 281, 292, 294, 

297, 298, 299, 300, 313, 318, 319. 
Berlyn, Barney— 11, 12, 16, 17, 22, 29, 

45, 61, 62, 113, 115, 161, 164, 223, 

237, 251, 254, 260, 261, 283, 284, 289, 

310. 
Bigelow, George E. — 62, 91. 
Bigelow, Mrs. George E. — 62. 
Bigelow, Sarah A:— 62, 91. 
Bills and Ordinances — 73. 
Block, Carrie C— 16, 18, 61, 160, 164, 

223 254. 
Boomer, George E.— 8, 16, 18, 34, 35, 47, 

49, 56, 62, 139, 140, 161, 164, 186, 

223, 235, 254, 308. 
Boylan, C. B.— 8, 18, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 
Bradford, W. S.— 16, 61, 139, 160, 164, 

223 235, 240, 243, 254, 307, 308. 
Brandt, Wm. M.— 17, 24, 61, 62, 74, 81, 

161, 164, 223, 254, 310. 
Branstetter, O. F.— 11, 18, 41, 61, 143, 

145, 158, 160, 164, 223, 230, 231, 232, 

254, 276, 277. 
Branstetter, Winnie E.— 18, 61, 62, 78, 

164, 211, 223, 254, 301, 306. 
Brewer, Grace D.— 17, 61, 62, 162, 164, 

223 254 301. 
Brower, James H.— 14, 17, 61, 71, 74, 

78, 139, 146, 151, 152, 161, 164, 206, 

221 223 254. 
Brown,' E. J.— 18, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 

54, 57, 60, 71, 161, 164, 196, 223, 225, 

226, 254. 
Brown, Margaret M.— 17, 61, 161, 164, 

223 254 
Buchanan, W. W.-18, 61, 62, 160, 164, 

223, 254, 308. 
Buie, T. L.— 16, 61, 62, 160, 164, 223, 254, 

310. 



Gallery, P. H.— 17, 61, 146, 160, 164, 

223, 254. 
Campaign Fund — 309. 
Candidates, State and Local — ^73. 



330 

Cannon, Joseph D.— 16, 31, 61, 160, 164, 
175, 186, 206, 207, 210, 223, 230, 231, 
254. 
Carey, James R— 17, 23, 41, 42, 61, 134, 
155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 
164, 180, 182, 183, 194, 195, 223, 254. 
Carr, E. E.— 61, 87, 125, 158, 160, 161. 
164, 201, 223, 247, 254, 269, 270, 273, 
277, 286, 294, 313, 319. 
Chairmen of Convention- — 9, 10, 19, 23, 
43, 64, 93, 165, 221, 258. 
rCharity, Official— 165, 211. 
Chenoweth, John— 17, 37, 61, 161, 164, 

223, 254. 
Child Labor— 165, 206, 211. 
Clark, Sam— 18, 61, 160, 164, 208, 223, 

254. 
Clark, Stanley J.— 8, 16, 18, 30, 35, 39, 
41, 61, 93, 103, 125, 160,- 164,' 167, 
168, 169, 175. 179, 184, 186, 187, 188, 
204, 222, 223, 246, 247, 248, 253, 254.' 
Cohen, George N.— 18, 60, 61, 160, 164, 

223 254 
Cohen, ' Joseph E.— 18, 32, 60, 61, 160, 

164 223 254. 
Cole, Josephine R.— 16, 26, 45, 47, 61, 
62, 72, 120, 160, 164, 175, 186, 211, 
223, 254, 265, 301, 305, 312. 
Cole W. E.— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 254. 
Collective Ownership— 165, 167, 175, 186. 
Collins, John— 17, 40, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 
Commission Government Committee — 
Provision for — 33. 
Nomination of — 43. 
Election of — 62. 
Report of— 310. 
Debate on Report of — 312. 
Committees- 
Auditing— 10, 11, 41, 62, 308. 
Constitution— 10, 11, 41, 62, 230-257, 

260-300. 
Credentials— 8, 9, 16-19, 21, 34. 
Editing Platform- 146, 229. 
Farmers' Program — 10, 13-16, 20-22, 

41, 62, 91, 178-186. 
Farmers' Program, Permanent — 91, 

186, 246, 312. 
Foreign Speaking Organizations — 10, 

22, 41, 62, 313. 
Government by Commission — 33, 43, 

62, 310. 
Immigration, Permanent — 105, 122, 

246, 312. 
Labor Organizations — 25-33, 41, 43, 62, 

93-102. 
Platform— 10, 11, 40, 41, 135-146, 165- 

176, 186, 300, 306. 
Platform, Elected by National Com- 
mittee — 11. 



INDEX. 

Press— 10, 11, 41, 62, 306-308, 
Resolutions— 10, 11, 62, 73-91, 103-135, 

178. 
Rules, Elected by National Commit 

tee— 9, 10-16, 19, 20-22, 25-33. 
Ways and Means— 10, 11, 40, 41, 62,;, 

308. 
Women and Their Relationship to th 
Socialist Party— 10, 11, 41, 62, 300 
306. 
Women's, Permanent — 301, 306. 
Communications — 8, 22, 42, 43, 61, 62, 

63, 64, 79, 93, 177. 
Constitutionality of Laws — 226. 
Constitution Committee^ — 
Provision for — 10, 11. 
Nomination of — 41. 
Election of — 62. 
Report of— 230-257, 260-300. 
Minority Reports of— 246, 255, 
283. 
Convict Labor — 165, 211. 
Cowan, Isaac — 17, 43, 61, 62, 83 

164, 205, 223, 254, 260, 286, 300. 
Crabtree, Mrs. Mollie— 18, 61, 160, 164, 

223, 254 
Credentials Committee — 
Provision for — 8 
Nomination of — 8. 
Election of — 9. 
Report of— 16-19, 21, 34. 
Minority Reports of — 34. 
Cutting, George G.— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 
254. 



INDEX. 



331 




160, 



D 



Davies, Edwin PL- 18, 48, 59, 60, 61,J 

160, 164, 223, 245, 254 
Davis. G. W.— 18, 61, 62, 164, 223, 251 

310. 

Debs, Eugene V.-S, 17, 22, 127, 129i 
135, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, lS2;i 
153, 154, 155, 156, 157. 158, 159, 160J 

161, 162, 163, 167, 177, 178. 
Dennett, A. H.— 18, 61, 72, 161, 164, 223..; 

254. 

Department of Education — 166, 212. ' 
Departemnt of Health— 166, 212. |i 

Department of Labor — 166, 212. i 

Devine, Thomas C— 61, 160, 164, 197,^ 

223, 254, 260. 
Dome, C. H.— 18, 61, 160, 164, 223, 254. ) 
D'Orsay, Harriet— 17, 61, 62, 141, 160,' 

164, 192, 223, 254, 286, 310, 319. 
Downie, John— 18, 161, 164, 185, 223, 

254, 277. 
Drury, E. A.— 21, 260. 
Dunbar, Robert— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 



E 

Editing Platform Committee — 

Provision for — 146, 229. 

Election of — 229. 
Edwards, L. S.— 15, 18, 61, 116, 160, 
164, 223, 254. 



Factory Inspection— 165, 206, 211.' 
Farmers' Committee — 

Provision for— 10, 13-16, 20-22: 
Nomination of — 41. 
Election of — 62. 
Reports of— 91, 178. 
Minority Report of — 179. 
Debate on Reports of— 179-186. 
Farmers' Committee, Permanent- 
Provision for — 91. 
Nomination of — 186. 
Election of— 246, 312. 
Farrell, D. P.— 17, 31, 61, 71, 96, 178, 
191, 195, 223, 238, 246, 253, 254, 271, 
272 274, 275, 278, 285, 299, 300, 306, 
319. 
Fenton, Alva E.— 17, 61, 62, 160, 164, 

223 254 
Fieldman. Sol.— 17, 47, 48, 61, 62, 80, 86, 
119 160, 164, 166, 167, 171, 174, 188, 
213, 214 215, 218, 223, 234, 2.54, 260, 
281, 287, 289, 297, 301, 304, 305. 
Finnish Translator, Report of— 70, 314- 
317. 
Action on— 314. 
Reconsidered — 319. 
Floaten. L. E.— 16, 40, 61, 161, 164, 223, 

254. 
Foley, Con F.— 18, 61, 160, 164, 123, 254. 
Foreign Speaking Organizations Com- 
mittee — 
Provision for — 10, 22. 
Nomination of — 41. 
Election of — 62. 
Report of— 313. 

Debate on Report of— 313, 314. 
Fraenckel, G. T.— 11, 17, 42, 61, 79, 160, 

164, 223, 224, 254, 275, 313. 
Fraternal Delegates from Canada — 21, 

230, 258. 
Freedom of Assemblage — 165, 191. 
Freedom of Press— 165, 191. 
Freedom of Speech— 165, 191. 
Freeman, Thomas N.— 14, 16, 61, 160, 

163, 164, 223, 254. 
Fuhrman, W. F.— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 
Furman, C. L.— 17. 61, 131, 132, 145, 
160 164, 167, 174, 176, 186, 223, 224, 
254, 263, 271, 289, 290. 



Gar-ier, William L.— 17, 61, 62, 160', 164, 
223, 254, 308. 

Gaylord, Winfield R.— 8, 16, 18, 36, 37, 
39, 61, 62, 157, 159, 161, 164, 190, 
192, 223, 230, 232, 233, 236, 244, 245, 
246, 252, 254, 255, 256, 258, 260, 261, 
262, 263, 265, 269, 270, 273, 275, 276, 
277, 278, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 
286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 292, 2H 295, 
296, 297, 298, 299, 313, 314. 

Gerber, Julius— 17, 40, 61, 62, 99, 160, 
164, 165, 223, 231, 234, 235, 244, 246, 
254, 271, 283, 308, 310. 

Goaziou, Louis— 18, 62, 160, 164, 209, 
212, 223, 226, 241, 313. 

Goebel, George H.— 9, 17, 25, 38, 44, 46, 
48, 50, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 61, 133, 134, 
153, 160, 164, 223, 226, 244, 251, 254, 
256, 266, 268, 269, 280, 299, 30S, 318. 

Graham, James D.— 8, 16, 17, 61, 62, 
161, 162, 164, 223, 254. 

Groesbeck, H. V.— 18, 61, 161, 164, 223, 
254, 278, 301. 

H , 

Hagel, John— 17, 33, ^1, 62, 122, 138, 

139, 160, 164, 223, 234, 244, 254, 272, 

277 278 
Hanfor'd, Benjamin— 17, 61, 87, 126, 128, 

130, 132, 134, 151, 160, 161, 163, 164, 

177, 223, 254, 305. 
Harvey, Arthur T.— 17, 61, 161, 164, 223, 

254. 
Hayes, Max S.— 61, 100, 120, 121, 122, 

159, 160, 164, 223, 254. 

Hazlett, Ida Crouch— 17, 27, 61, 62, 155, 

160, 161, 164, 173, 223, 233, 236, 237, 
238, 240, 242, 243, 244, 254, 263. 

Heath, Frederic— 8, 18, 19, 61, 161, 164, 
167, 177, 221, 223, 254, 258. 

Henck, Frank A.— 18, 61, 160, 164, 223, 
254, 276, 277. 

Hendrickson, Emil— 161, 223, 254. 

Herman, Emil— 18, 24, 49, 51, 53, 55, 57, 
59, 109, 122, 161, 164, 170, 200, 223, 
246, 254, 292, 293, 294, 300, 307, 312. 

Hillquit, Morris— 7, 9, 17, 23, 24, 41, 49, 
50, 61, 64, 66, 67, 71, 85, 88, 91, 131, 
132, 138, 143, 145, 146, 160, 161, 164, 
187, 188, 189, 193, 195, 201, 205, 211, 
213, 214, 217, 218, 219, 223, 225, 229, 
254. 

Hills, W. C— 17, 33, 61, 62, 76, 160, 164, 
223, 254, 310, 311, 312. 

Hitchcock, C. C— 17, 61, 161, 164, 223, 
254. 

Hittunen, Tom-17, 61, 160, 164, 223. 
254, 313. 



332 



INDEX. 



INDEX. 



353/; 



Hoehn, G. A.— 9, 13, 17, 24, 48, 49, 61, 

62, 73, 74, 17, 86, 87, 89, 90, 104, 105, 

107, 111, 159, 161, 164, 170, 191, 223, 
- 254. 
Hogan, Dan— 16, 61, 99, 137, 141, 160, 

164, 223, 231, 234, 236, 254. 
Holman. H. L. A.— 18, 61, 74, 121, 122, 

135, 137, 160, 163, 164, 207, 223, 254, 

312 
Houston, H. W.— 18, 61, 161, 164, 223, 

254. 
Hunt, Gertrude Breslau— 17, 61, 62, 161, 

223, 254, 270, 301. 
Hunter, Robert— 17, 61, 99, 100, 140, 141, 

161, 164, 198, 199, 223, 254. 
Hurst, Fred— 18, 61, 164, 166, 216, 217, 

218, 223, 254, 276, 277. 
Hutcheson, A.— 39, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 

59. 
Hymes, Alexander— 17, 61, 161, 164, 223, 

254. 



Immigration Committee, Permanent — 
Provision for — 105. 
Nomination of — 122. 
Election of— 246, 312. 
Income Tax — 165, 211. 
Ingalls, James S.— 17, 19, 61, 160, 164, 

223, 254, 280, 282, 298, 299. 
Inheritance Tax — 165, 211. 
Initiative and Referendum — 165, 212, 

289. 
Injunctions — 166, 213. 
Insurance against Accidents, etc — 165, 

211. _ 
International Congress, Delegates to — 

249, 296. 
International Secretary — 
Report of — 64-66. 
Election of— 10, 25, 229. 
Interstate Transportation — 165, 211. 



Jacobs, W. A.— 18, 61, 62, 161, 164, 223, 

254, 284, 285, 307. 
Johns, Cloudsley— 16, 61, 82, 104, 160, 

164, 167, 206, 223, 226, 254, 268, 269. 
Jones, Ellis O.— 17, 61, 62, 160, 163, 164, 

223, 254. 
Jones, J. Sam— 16, 61, 84, 161, 223, 254. 
Judges for Convention — 9, 40. 
Judges of Courts — 166, 213. 
Justice, Free Administration of — 166, 

213. 

K. 

Kaplan, M.— 17, 61, 62, 86, 88, 95, 123, 
124, 130, 134, 135, 158, 159, 160, 164, 
185, 223, 254, 277. 



Katterfeld, Ludwig E.— 17, 61, 160, 164, 

223 254 
Kearns,' H. 'r.— 17, 61, 66, 17, 90, 92, 

96, 98, 123, 160, 164, 223, 254, 256, 

285, 286. 
Kerr, Charles H.— 17, 61, 62, 124, 160, 

164, 223, 236, 254, 271, 295. 
Killingbeck, W. B.— 10, 17, 61, 160, 164, 

223, 254, 278. 
Klenke, August— 17, 61, 71, 160, 164, 

223 254 
Knopfnage], S. A.— 17, 62, 115, 160, 164, 

183, 202, 223, 247, 254, 313. 
Knowles, Freeman — 18, 61, 161, 164, 

223, 254. 
Konikow, Antoinette— 17, 61, '62, 79, 

164, 208, 223, 254, 265, 274, 301, 302, 

303, 304, 306. 
Korngold, Ralph— 98, 160, 163, 164, 171, 

207, 208, 223, 225, 254, 278, 298, 307. 
Krafift, Fred— 17, 19, 49, 61, 62, 161, 

164, 223, 232, 254, 283. 
Krueger, Richard— 18, 50, 51, 138, 161, 

164, 223, 254. 
Kunath, Otto— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 236, 

245, 254, 291. 



Labor Organizations Committee — 
Provision for — 25-33. 
Nomination of — 41, 43. 
Election of — 62. 
Report of— 93-95. 
Debate on Report of— 95-102. 
Lampman, J. S.— 34, 61, 160, 164, 223, 
Lee, Algernon— 12, 17, 27, 30, 32, 61, 

62, 93, 95, ,102, 160, 164, 184, 223, 

229, 254, 264, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 

279, 312. 
Le Fev're, Wells— 16, 61, 160, 164, 223,1 

254. 
Leggett, Robert— 18, 61, 161, 164, 223,] 

254. 
Length of Speeches— 8, 10, 22, 92. 
Letter to President of U. S.— 9, 73-90. 
Lewis, Arthur Morrow — 17, 44, 46, 47,1 

76, 77, 87, 88, 90, 107, 109, 110, 112,1 

113, 117, 140, 146, 161, 162, 164, 191,1 

193, 194, 195, 198, 201, 202, 205. 206, , 

223. 
Lewis. H. Claude— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223,1 

254. 
Lewis, Thomas J.— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223,^ 

254. 
Lipscomb, Caleb— 17, 61, 62, 161, 162,:i 

164, 223, 254, 256. 
Liquor Question— 90, 317, 319. 
Lockwood, Guy H.— 17, 61, 128, 129,J 

161, 164, 223, 254, 318. 



M. 

Maattala, J. G.— 17, 61, 161, 164, 223, 

254 
Macki, John— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 254. 
Mahoney, Patrick— 17, 61, 71, 160, 163, 

164, 223, 254. 
Majority Rule— 166, 212. 
Mance, A. W.— 21, 258. 
Martin, E. E.-161, 164, 223, 254. 
Maurer, James H.— 18, 61, 62, 160, 164, 

223 254. 
Maynar'd, Mila Tupper— 16, 61, 62, 141, 

160, 164, 192, 193, 223, 229, 254, 301, 

306. 
McAllister, A. S.-17, 61, 160, 164. 223, 

254. 
McDevitt, William— 16, 18, 19, 61, 71, 

98, 100, 160, 164, 223, 232, 233, 254, 

282, 306, 314. 

McKee, Harry M.— 16, 61, 160, 164, 

223 254 
Melms,'E. T.— 18, 61, 161, 164, 223, 254. 
Menton, Etta— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 254. 
Metcalf, W. P.— 18, 61, 161, 164, 223, 

254. 
Mileage of Delegates— 70, 71-73, 92, 

283, 300. 

Miller, A. Grant— 18, 26, 46, 47, 48, 49, 
55, 61, 62, 113, 115, 160, 164, 223, 
237, 245, 254, 295. 
Minority Reports-^ 
On Delegates Mileage— 283. 
On Farmers' Program— 179. 
On Manner of Electing Executive 

Committee — 246, 255. 
On Manner of Electing National 

Secretary — 256. 
On National Committee Motions— 

246. 
On Nebraska Case — 34. 
On Unity Question— 123. 
On Washington Case — 34. 
On Women's Relationship to the 
Party— 301, 302. 
McFadin, Alice— 18, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 
Merrill, Mary F.— 16, 61, 98, 160, 164, 

223 254 
Miller, 'Guy E.— 16, 23, 24, 25, 40, 41, 
61, 73, 106, 107, 109, 111, 160, 162, 
164, 210, 223, 254, 313. 
Moore, Edward— 18, 26, 61, 62, 123, 

160, 164, 208, 209, 223, 254. 
Morgan, Thomas J.— 8, 12, 17, 30, 40, 
51, 62, 160, 164, 222, 223, 225, 226, 
229, 230, 231, 234, 236, 237, 242, 254, 
260, 261, 300. 
Morrison, J. M.— 16, 61, 160, 164, 184, 
210, 223, 254. 



N. 

National Congress— 262.272, 280, 281, 

288. 

National Committee— 7, 8, 11, 262, 263, 

265, 266, 267, 276, 281, 289, 291, 296, 

297, 299, 301, 303, 305, 306, 309, 319. 

National Constitution as Adopted— 325. 

National Convention — 262-272, 280, 281, 

282-288, 296. 
National Executive Committee — 
Report on Washington Case — 43. 
How Elected— 246-255. 
Duties of— 255. 
Miscellaneous— 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 
67, 68, 73, 103, 123, 124, 178, 260, 
261, 276, 285, 286, 288, 291, 292, 295, 
296, 298, 299, 300, 305, 307, 308, 309, 
310, 311, 312, 318, 319. 
National Platform as Adopted — 320. 
National Secretary — 
Voice but No Vote— 10, 25. 
Report of— 67-71. 
How Elected— 256, 260. 
Duties of— 261. 

Bond of— 256, 260, 261, 299, 300. 
Compensation of — ^256, 260. 
May Be Recalled— 261. 
Nebraska Case — 
Credential Committee's Reports on — 

18, 34. 
National Secretary's Report on — 68. 
Ways and Means Committee's Report 
on— 310. 
Nieminen, Ester— 17, 61, 62, 114, 161, 

164, 223, 254, 313. 
Nomination of Candidate for President 

—10, 25, 40, 146-161. 
Nomination of Candidate for Vice- 
President— 10, 25, 40, 161-164. 

O. 

O'Hare, Frank P.— 18, 21, 40, 61, 91, 
137, 138, 143, 150, 159, 160, 164, 182, 
223, 254, 271, 272, 281, 287, 295, 298. 

O'Neill, W. L.— 18, 61, 103, 161, 164, 
223, 254, 273. 

Ordinances and Bills — 73. 

Organization — 40. 

Osborne, J. B.— 8, 14, 16, 18, 19, 32, 33, 
37, 40, 61, 97, 160, 164, 221, 223, 
237, 254, 256, 260, 289, 296. 

P. 

Paulitsch, Fred— 17, 40, 61, 117, 160, 
164, 223, 254, 270, 285, 307. 

Payne, Laura B.— 18, 61, 62, 83, 84, 160, 
164, 181, 223, 241, 254, 301, 302, 303, 
304, 305, 312. 



334 

Peach, Thomas J.— 17, 61, 160, 164, 

223 254 
Peiser, ' Mark— 17, 61, 62, 72, 98, 112, 

160, 164, 2S4, 308. 
Pelsey, Willis R— 17, 61, 161, 164, 223, 

254. 
Penrose, William— 16, 40, 61, 160, 164, 

223 
Perrin,'E. W,-16, 61, 62, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 
Pettigrew, A. J.— 16, 61, 161, 164, 223, 

254. 
Peura, John— 61, 161, 164, 223, 254. 
Photograph of Delegates — 63. 
Platform Committee — 
Provision for — 10, 11. 
Nomination of — 40. 
Election of^lO, 41. 
Report of— 135, 141, 165-167, 186. 
Debates on Report of— 137-141, 142- 
146, 165-176, 186-228. 
Platform Committee Elected by Na- 
tional Committee- 
Report of Referred — 11. 
Pope, Leander G.— 12, 17, 26, 61, 88, 
149, 160, 161, 164, 218, 223, 234, 254, 
265, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 278, 286, 
289 308 310 
Porter, 'g. C.— 18, 34, 35, 36. 37, 38, 61, 

161, 164, 223, 224, 254, 290. 
Powers, Johii— 17, 61, 161, 164, 223, 254. 
Press Committee — 
Provision for — 10, 11. 
Nomination of — 41. 
Election of — 62. 
Report of— 306. 
Debate on Report of— 307, 308. 
Prevey, Marguerite— 17, 61, 62, 97, 140, 
160, 164, 206, 207, 223, 239, 247, 254, 
301, 306. 
Proportional Representation — 166, 212. 
Putney, Squire E.— 17, 61, 62, 160, 164, 
223, 254. 

Q 

Quantz, J. J.— 18, 61, 160, 164, 223, 254. 



Ramp, B. F.— 18, 61, 160, 164, 223, 224, 

225 254. 
Recall, The— 166, 212. 
Reilly, James M.— 8, 16, 17, 34, 40, 61, 

98 140, 141, 144, 160, 164, 193, 214, 

221 223, 224, 237, 243, 248, 254, 267, 

270, 271, 277, 286, 314. 
Resolutions — 

On Appreciation of Arrangements 

and Services — 178. 
On Bills and Ordinances— 73. 



INDEX. 

On Deprecation of Violence — 103. 

On Free Speech — 122. 

On Immigration — 105. 

On the Liquor Question — 90. 

On Oppressive Primary Laws — 103. 

On Persecution of Mexican Labor 

Leaders — 103. 
On Propaganda Among Soldiers and 

Sailors — 178. 
On State and Local Candidates— 73. 
On the Unity Question — 123. 
Resolutions Committee — 
Provision for — 10, 11. 
Election of — 62. 
Reports of— 73, 75, 90, 103, 104, 105, 

122, 123, 178. 
Minority Report of — 123. 
Debates on Reports of— 76-91, 103, 
104, 106-122, 124-135. 
Rest Period— 165, 206. 
Reynolds, S. M.— 17, 61, 62, 1^,, 157, 160, 

164 223 234 254. 
Reynolds, W. B.— 18,' 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 
Rhodes, J. C— 14, 18, 61, 62, 161, 164, 

223, 254, 256. 
Rigg, E. L.— 17, 61, 62, 161, 164, 223, 

2S4, 273. 
Ringler, Robert B.— 18, 41, 61, 160, 164, 

223, 254. 
Rodgers, E. L.— 17, 161, 164. 
Rohrer, Edward J.— 17, 61, 62, 160, 164, 

223, 254. 
Roll Calls— 

On Washington Case — 60, 61. 

On Candidates for President— 160, 

161. 
On Candidates for Vice-Presidenf- 

164. 
On Motion to Table Substitute for 

General Program — 223. 
On Manner of Electing Executive 
Committee — ^254. 
Rose, L. D.— 17, 61, 161, 164, 223, 254. 
Ross, C. C— 18, 35, 37, 61, 72, 123, 164, 

191, 223, 254, 282, 293. 
Religion— 165, 191-206. 
Ryan, R. R.— 18, 61, 72, 160,, 162, 164, 

215 223 254 
Ryckman, A. H.— 93, 161, 164, 223. 
Rules Committee Elected by National 
Committee — 
Report of— 9, 22, 25. 
Debates on Report of— 10-16, 20-22, 
25-33. 



INDEX. 



335 



164, 
72, 
19, 

223, 



Sandburg, Charles— 18, 61, 62, 161, 164, 
223, 254, 310. 



Schieldge, William— 16, 61, 160, 

223 254. 
Schwartz, Fred L.— 8, 36, 61, 62, 

129, 160, 164, 223, 254. 
Secretaries of Convention— 9, 10, 

Seeds, Frank E.— 17, 61, 161, 164, 

254. 
Seidel, Emil-18, 21. 
Sergeant-at-Arms— 9, 10, 40. 
Sessions of Convention- 
First Day: 
Morning — 7-9. 
Afternoon — 9-22. 
Second Day: 
Morning — 23-33. 
Afternoon— 34-41. 
Third Day: 
Morning — 42-61. 
Afternoon — 61-63. 
Fourth Day: 
Morning — 64-79. 
Afternoon— 79-92. 

Fifth Day: 

Morning— 93-102. 
Afternoon— 103-125. 
Evening— 125-164. 
Sixth Day: 

Morning— 165-176. 
Afternoon— 177-201 . 
Evening— 201-220. ^ 
Seventh Day: 
Morning— 221-229. 
Afternoon— 230-257. 
Eighth Day: 
Morning— 258-280. 
Afternoon— 280-319. 
Shortening Work Day— 165, 206. 
Shank, John E.-17, 61, 11, 161 

223 254 
Simons; A. 'm.-U, 13, 17, 41 44, 
49, 58, 59, 61, 130', 132 135 
138 139, 141, 142, 143, 148, 150, 
152', 160, 161, 164, 165, 167, 169, 
■ 171 172, 175, 186, 187, 188, 191, 
206 211, 212, 213, 214, 217, 223, 
228 229, 233, 234, 235, 254, 264, 
273, 275, 276, 297, 312, 319. 
Simons, May Wood— 17, 61, 62 
163, 164, 223, 254, 264, 265, 303, 
306 
Slayton, J. W.-9, 18, 61, 62, 66, 
111 156, 160, 162, 163, 164, 179, 
191, 202, 203, 223, 233, 245, 254, 

Slobodin, Henry L-17, 21, 48 61 
67 103. 140, 160, 164, 168, 182, 
224 232, 234, 236, 237, 240, 245, 
254, 261, 265, 271, 272, 274, 281, 
285 288, 292, 295, 298, 306, 317, 



Smith, Alfred W.-16, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254 
Smith, M. A.-18, 61, 62, 109, 160, 164, 
223, 238, 254, 310. _^ ^_ 

Snow. W. R.-16, 61, 160, 164, 223, 254. 
Snyder, J. E.-17, 61, 62, 127, 160, 164, 
187, 223, 231. 250, 253, 254, 256, 269, 
285 295 
Soldiers and Sailors, Propaganda 

Among — 178. 

Solomon, U.-«, 16, 17, 21, 34, 35, 61, 

62, 92, 160, 164, 204, 223, 238, 254, 

267 273, 277, 281, 282, 284, 286, 287, 

290, 291, 292, 295, 313 318 

Snareo John- 9, 17, 22, 25, 48, 61, 62, 

'^X67?73, 74, 75, 80, 86.88 89,90, 

91 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, US. 118, 

121 122 123, 124, 130, 134, 147, 160, 

164' 169,' 178, 202, 203, 205, 206, 223, 

238 250, 251, 254, 263, 264, 270, 283, 

296, 297, 312, 313, 318. ^ ,, ^„ 

Stedman, Seymour-9, 10, 11- ^^,'.F',^2' 

?1 22 25, 49, 62, 64, 146, 148, 149, 

16'l, 163, 164, 223, 254, 280, 292, 299, 

Stirton,' A. M.-17, 61, 101. 125, 161, 164, 

199, 223, 231, 254, 260, 318. 
Strebel, Gustave^l7, 61, 62. 160, 164, 

212, 223, 226, 254. 
Strickland, F. G.-17, 34, 40, 51 61, 62, 
64 67 90, 91, 93, 119, 125, 130, 131, 
132, 133, 135, 139, 141, 146, 156, 160, 
164^ 165! 167, 177, 196, 221, 223, 231, 
254 
Strobed, G H.-17, 61, 138, 145, 159, 

161, 164, 223, 254, 274. 
Starkweather, Bertha Wilkins— 16, 61, 

143, 160, 164. 223, 230, 254, 256. 
Suffrage, Equal, for Men and Women 

—165, 211. 
Syphers, Grant— 18, 61, 161, 164, 223, 
254. 

T 
Tellers— 9, 40. 

Temporary Organization— 7, 8. 
Thomas. E. H.-18, 61, 62, 123, 161. 164, 

223 254 
Thompson, Carl D.— 18, 37, 61, 62, 91. 
152 153. 154. 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 
163 164, 167, 168, 169, 171, 178, 179, 
182 185, 187, 188, 223, 226, 254, 256, 
67, 258', 312. 

188 Thompson, J. C— 18, 61, 62, 161, 164, 

262, 223, 254. , ^^^ 

Thorsett, Elias— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

'223' Toole, 'William A.— 17, 20, 30, 61, 87, 

249 141 143, 149, 160, 164, 223, 254. 

283' Tuck, H. C.-8, 16, 34, 35, 36, 61, 138, 

319 160, 164, 223, 254, 279, 313. 



164, 

48, 
137, 
151, 
170, 
204, 
226, 
270, 

161, 
304. 



^%>.. 



INDEX. 



Tttt'tie, Howard-61, 62, 74, 76, 78, 117, 
158, 159, 161, 164, 223, 248, 254, 266, 
270. 

U 

Unemployed,^ The— 166, 171, 213, 310. 
Unity Question — 

Majority Report on — 123. 
First Minority Report on — 123. 
Second Minority Report on — 123. 
Debate on— 124-135. 
Untermann, Ernest — 8, 13, 16, 17, 38, 
41, 61, 110, 161, 164, 194, 200, 223, 
254, 312. 

V 

Vander Porten, C. H.— 17, 57, 59, 61, 

160, 164, 172, 204, 205, 206, 213, 223, 

254, 256. 
Varner F. C— 18, 61, 160, 164, 223, 254. 
Vautrim, Fred F.— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 
Veto Power— 166, 212. 
Voss, Joseph E.— 18, 61, 160, 164, 223, 

254. 

W 

Wagenknecht, Alfred— 18, 52, 53, 54, 55, 
62, 72, 108, 109, 110, 123, 124, 125, 
126, 129, 130, 160, 161, 164, 181, 211, 
223, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 254, 256, 
270, 288, 318. 
Waldhorst, F. X.— 16, 60, 61, 98, ' 160, 
164, 189, 223, 254, 276, 293, 295, 298, 
299. 
Walker^ John— 17, 161, 254. 
Wanhope, Joseph— 17, 61, 66, 67, 160, 

164, 172, 223, 254, 313. 
Washington Case — 

Credential Committee's Reports on — 

18, 34. 
National Executive Committee's Re- 
port on — 43. 
Debates on— 38-40, 44-60. 
Ways and Means Committee: 
Provision for — 10, 11. 
Nomination of — 41. 
Election of — 62. 
Organization Referred to — 40. 
Report of— 308. 



Weber, Frank J.— 18, 61, 62, 161, 164, 

223 254. 
Wesleder, Florence— 17, 61, 161, 164, 

223, 254. . 
Western Federation of Miners — 23-25, 

31, 73, 78, 100, 102, 119, 142, 185, 

239 
Wheat,' Frank I.— 16, 61, 92, 98, 143, 

144, 160, 164, 221, 223, 230, 254, 312. 
White, Dan A.— 17, 61, 158, 160, 164, 

216, 223, 254. 
White, Eliot— 17, 61, 160, 164, 197, 205, 

223 254 
Wilke, 'Max— 18, 61, 160, 164, 167, 223, 

231, 254, 286. 
Wilkins, William H.— 8, 17, 61, 160, 164, 

223 254. 
Wills, J. G.'— 18, 61, 62, im, 164, 223, 

230, 254. 
Williams, Guy— 17, 35, 61, 131, 142, 144, 

145, 158, 161, 162, 164, 171, 223, 228, 
234, 235, 254, 275, 294. 

Wilson, Benjamin F.— 17, 61, 62, 123, 

160, 164, 223, 254. 
Wilson, Lawrence Albert — 18, 61, 161, 

164, 223, 254. 
Woodby G. W.— 16, 57, 61, 106, 160, 
163, 164, 208, 218, 223, 249, 254, 290. 
Women's Committee — 
Provision for— 10, 11. 
Nomination of — 41. 
Election of — 62. 
Report of— 300, 301. 
Minority Report of— 301, 302. 
Debate on Reports of— 302-306. 
Women's Committee, Permanent — 
Provision for — 301. 
Election of — 306. 
Work, Jolm M.—S, 11, 17, 18, 20, 22, 25, 
37, 38, 41, 43, 45, 61, 139, 161, 164, 
167, 168, 175, 176, 186, 201, 206, 223, 
230, 234, 254, 261, 265, 273, 274, 275, 
283, 288, 295, 297, 298, 307, 310, 312. 



Young, Daniel Kissam— 61, 62, 88, 108, 
109, 160, 164, 223, 243, 254, 308, 310. 



Ziegler, E. J.— 17, 61, 160, 164, 223, 254.