Nietupski, Paul K. 2009. The Fourth Belmang: Bodhisattva, Estate Lord, Tibetan Militia Leader, and Chinese Government Official. ASIAN HIGHLANDS PERSPECTIVES 1:187-211.

Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

THE FOURTH BELMANG: BODHISATTVA, ESTATE

LORD, TIBETAN MILITIA LEADER, AND

CHINESE GOVERNMENT OFFICIAL

Paul K Nietupski (John Carroll University)

ABSTRACT

Social and political changes in the greater Labrang
Monastery region of northeastern Tibet, in southern Gansu,
eastern Qinghai, and northern Sichuan provinces are
described. Particular focus is on the major events and
phases of the lifetime of Jikme Tsultrim Namgyalba (1918-
1957) the fourth rebirth of the Belmang lineage, an
important member of the Labrang community during a time
of major change in regional history. Though this description
is specific to only one of the regional communities, its
changes were typical of others in the Tibetan northeast.

KEYWORDS

Apa Alo (Huang Zhengqing), Gelukpa, Gonpo Dondrup,
Hui, Muslim, Jamyang Zhepa, Machu, Labrang

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Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

INTRODUCTION

The life story of the Fourth Labrang Belmang lama, Jikme
Tsultrim Namgyalwa (Chinese, Huang Zhengming; 1918-
1957.2.11) is remarkable because of the various major roles
he played in the history and culture of the Sino-Tibetan
borderlands of Amdo. He crossed the divisions between
Tibetan and Chinese civilizations, between political and
social systems, and between monastic and lay life. More
than the story of an individual, his biography is illustrative
of four major phases in the history of the Labrang
community-at-large and how these phases evolved and
endured during the early twentieth century. Using
Belmang's life experiences as an outline, and building on
the tumultuous series of events in his early childhood, the
four phases were first, his ordination at age ten and
subsequent monastic education (1928-1937); second, the
period in his life and in the community at large when new
ideas and institutions were implemented (1937-1949); third,
the period of restructuring community and monastery
infrastructures (1950-1957); and fourth, after Belmang's
death, the dismantling of the monastic and social institutions
(1958-present).

During the period of Tibetan monasticism (1928-
1937), the Fourth Belmang functioned as a prominent
reborn lama and estate owner, holding religious and
political authority over his inherited properties. The second
phase in his life and that of the community was the period
of Tibetan modernity (1937-1949). He was stimulated by
such forward-thinking Tibetans as his brother, Apa Alo
(Huang Zhengqing) (1903-1997), their Chinese associates
Xuan Xiafu and Li Anzhai, such foreign friends as Marion
and Blanche Griebenow and others. He was assisted or at
least motivated by the governments of Sun Yatsen, Feng
Yuxiang, and the Nationalists, and by the Fifth Jamyang
Zhepa. He was also stirred by his 1937-1940 excursion to

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central Tibet. This phase in Belmang's life and in the life of
the community had many influences, but Belmang kept his
monastic vows intact and the changes in the community
were internally motivated and marked a period of evolution
and creative thinking on the part of several of the leading
Labrang Tibetans. The third phase was the period of reform
(1950-1957), notably after the Chinese Communist
revolution, marked by the implementation of social and
political ideologies and infrastructures that originated
outside of the Tibetan environment, and further by the
Fourth Belmang's personal transformation. The 1950-1957
third phase marked a shift to accommodation of Chinese
political structures. The fourth phase began in 1958, after
Belmang's death, with the restructuring of the Labrang
community's social and political structures. The first three
phases are evident in the biography of the Fourth Belmang
and in the history of the Labrang community, and the fourth
by the sweeping changes of 1958 and the following
decades.

In 1919, the Fourth Belmang was identified as the
rebirth of the Belmang lineage, and as such was regarded as
a living bodhisattva, an emanation body of a Buddha, and at
the same time the inheritor of his predecessors' estate. He
was granted all of the rights and privileges of his status,
which included the highest level of social and political
prestige. His inherited estate, his labrang, consisted of
revenue-generating pasture and agricultural landholdings,
corvee from the communities in those lands, and
sponsorship for religious and holiday services.

The Fourth Belmang's identification as a rebirth, a
tulku, by the senior lamas at Amchok Monastery 1 in about

1 The word 'monastery' in English is used for the Tibetan
dgon pa, literally an isolated place, or hermitage, a place of
solitude where religious practitioners live. The Tibetan
word grwa tshang also carries the meaning of 'monastery',

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Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

1919 and the 1924 verification by the Ninth Panchen Lama
brought considerable wealth and power. The process of
inheritance whereby the estate remained intact and
increased from one rebirth to the next brought wealth,
status, privilege, and political responsibility. In later years,
by virtue of his inherited and acquired status, the Fourth
Belmang held monastic offices at Labrang Monastery,
including Treasurer and Regent. 2

Two of the Fourth Belmang's brothers were Apa
Alo, a key figure in contemporary Gansu, and the Fifth
Jamyang Zhepa (1916-1947), the rebirth in the leading
lineage of Labrang Monastery. With two reborn
bodhisattvas in the family, as well as Gonpo Dondrup, the
fierce patriarch of the family, and Apa Alo, the eldest son,
this family was arguably among the most powerful in early
twentieth century Amdo.

THE EARLY YEARS— 1918-1928

The Fourth Belmang was born in Lithang (then in Xikang
Province, but now Sichuan Province) in the Tibetan Kham
region. The family patriarch, Gonpo Dondrup, is known to
have had interactions with the Chinese in the early twentieth
century, but in the early years after the fall of the Qing
Dynasty, the family left Lithang for the grasslands of
northern Kham and Amdo. Belmang and his siblings were

because it means a place where groups of monks study,
worship, and live. The latter term is also sometimes
translated as 'college', which is used here.
2 See the photographs of the Fourth Belmang's residence;
the Labrang seat of his monastic estate and temple; the
Fourth Belmang, ca. 1945; and also the delegation to
Chongqing in Zhabs drung tshang 1948, photo appendix,
15-16 and 28.

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raised in Tibetan nomad camps. 3 On their way to Labrang
and the installation of the Fifth Jamyang Zhepa, the family
stayed at Amchok, where reports say that the boy was
named Belmang's rebirth. This was confirmed in 1924 by
the Ninth Panchen Lama. 4

The family arrived in Labrang by 1919-1920.
Tension between the Muslims and Labrang Tibetans was
high and conflicts common in the 1920s, e.g., on 27 June
1924 there was a battle between the Muslims and Tibetans
in Ganjia, and again in Ganjia, on 25-27 April 1925 at
Serchentang. 5 In both battles, the Tibetans commanded by
Gonpo Dondrup fought the predominantly Hui, Xining-
based Ninghai Army led by Ma Bufang. The Tibetans were
ill-equipped, sustained heavy losses, and were routed. 6
Gonpo Dondrup, Apa Alo, the Fifth Jamyang Zhepa, and
the entire family left Labrang just weeks after the 1924
incident in July 1924 and remained in exile until 1927.

The group went first to Lanzhou, 7 but soon went on
to Tsandrok Monastery in Mema, Gannan for the winter of

3 The period between the family's departure from Lithang
and their 1919-1920 arrival at Labrang is not well
documented. The family left Lithang in about 1911 because
of the unstable political and military environment there, and
lived in Amdo nomad territory of northern Sichuan and
southern Gansu until 1919 (see Huang Zhengqing 1989,
Huang Zhengqing 1994).

4 See for example Chen Zhongren 2001, 1,009.

5 A brief description of this battle is given in Gong Ziying
1933, 23, 30.

6 A brief account of this battle appears in Zhang Yuwen
1991,93.

7 Zhang Yuwen 1991, 93; see Huang Zhengqing 1989, 31.

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1924-1 925. 8 They traveled further to Gomang Monastery in
Ngawa Tsodru, Sichuan, where they stayed for two years, 9
after which they returned to the high plains near Hezuo,
Gansu, at Mepo Garsar, where they stayed until June
1927. 10 In these years Apa Alo went to Lanzhou and
appealed to the Chinese authorities, then led by Feng
Yuxiang and his appointed officer, Liu Yufen, to
intervene. 11

The Fourth Belmang, his brother, Jamyang Zhepa,
their family, and entourage returned to Labrang in 1927,
after which the Xiahe County government was formally
established in 1928. Building on earlier initiatives, the

8 Interview. Tsandrok Monastery was founded in 1819. See
also Zhang Wenyu 1935, 308-309. For a description of
Tsandrok Monastery see Dbang rgyal 1993, 200-210.

9 Interview.

10 Huang Zhengqing 1994, 73-74. These events are
summarized in Huang Zhengqing 1989, 80 and Zhang
Qiyun 1970,31.

11 In Zhang Yuwen (1991, 93), the sequence of events and
who was in charge are unclear. In 1922, Gonpo Dondrup,
(Huang Weizhong) is cited as chief negotiator between
Muslims and Tibetans. However, after the 1924 battle in
Ganjia, the text says that Apa Alo/ Huang Zhengqing and
the Fifth Jamyang Zhepa went to Lanzhou and appealed to
the Chinese for help. In 1924, Apa Alo was twenty-one
years old, and the Fifth Jamyang Zhepa was eight years old.
It appears that the editor of this anonymous manuscript has
conflated the facts; other sources report that the young
Jamyang Zhepa stayed in Gannan and northern Sichuan
until just prior to returning to Labrang in 1927. The text
states further that Apa Alo was interested in both assistance
for the Tibetans' political cause and for their culture.

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following years brought attempts to modernize Labrang, 12
whose authorities allowed a broad range of educational
initiatives, the presence of different religions, and economic
and technological innovations, though oral sources report
resistance. This was the Fourth Belmang's childhood
environment.

PHASE ONE: BELMANG'S
YOUTH AND EDUCATION, 1928-1937

There were two elementary schools in Xiahe beginning in
1928 13 and continuing into the 1940s. One was exclusively
Tibetan and the other was for all local ethnic groups. 14 Oral
accounts report that Belmang attended one of the new
schools. From 1927 until 1937 the Fourth Belmang studied
as a monk at Labrang, and completed the entire course of
study, modeled on that of Lhasa's Drepung Monastery. He
is described as an accomplished monk and scholar, and
especially proficient at memorization. He is reported to
have completed and excelled in the entire monastic
curriculum at Labrang's Tosam Ling College, which
included debate, tantric ritual, sand mandala construction,
and other subjects.

12 Other infrastructure projects at Labrang included a
commercial group in 1918, a post office in 1923, a tax
bureau in 1927, and a telegraph office in 1928 (Deng Long
and Zhao Shi 1991,2).

13 Si Jun 1984, 76.

14 Huang Zhengqing 1994, 77, 99; Huang Zhengqing 1989,
41-42.

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Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

PHASE TWO: BELMANG
CROSSES BORDERS, 1937-1949

Belmang traveled to Lhasa with his brother, the Fifth
Jamyang Zhepa, in 1937. He entered Gomang College at
Drepung Monastery and studied there for at least two full
years, traveling to the major monasteries in central and
western Tibet, and returning to Labrang in 1940 at age
twenty-three.

Building on the educational initiatives already
established, the following decade brought new ideas to
Labrang through the office of the Fifth Jamyang Zhepa and
the assistance of Belmang, who was an increasingly active
figure in public politics, and their oldest brother, Apa Alo,
whose status as a political and militia leader increased
rapidly. Meanwhile, Belmang remained an active religious
figure. The Fifth had founded Gyuto College at Labrang in
1928, and refinished it in 1942 with Belmang's active
involvement and installment as second abbot. It was at this
time that Belmang wrote the Labrang Gyuto Rulebook/
Chayik. He was a key functionary at Gyuto and deeply
involved with the teaching and learning of the major
Gelukpa tantras. 15 Evidence of his character is in his taking
in and personally nursing his ailing older brother, Khyenrab
Dondrup, and while occupied with other work, and against
tradition, personally administering his own estate
properties. 16 In addition to his other activities, Belmang
planted a great number of trees in the Labrang region
during this time. 17

15 Drakgonpa konchog tenpa rabgye (Brag dgon pa dkon
mchog bstan pa rab rgyas) 2001, 552.

16 Drakgonpa konchog tenpa rabgye (Brag dgon pa dkon
mchog bstan pa rab rgyas) 2001, 552, 554.

17 Chen Zhongren 2001, 1,009; Zhabs drung tshang 1948,
44.

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Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

Belmang was actively involved in resolving
confrontations between Machu in Gansu and Ngawa in
Sichuan 18 in 1942 and, in 1943, he was appointed senior
member of a delegation to Chongqing, where he met
Chiang Kaishek, and presented the Nationalists with support
for a reported thirty aircraft for the Chinese military. 19 He
was appointed Treasurer of Labrang Monastery in 1944, the
second highest monastic office at Labrang. A year later he
was appointed as a functionary of the Nationalist
government, the Director of Xiahe County's Provisional
Advisory Committee and he was selected to represent
Labrang at a Gansu provincial meeting in Lanzhou 20 in
1946 during which modern sources report that he
introduced ideas about developing and revolutionizing the
borderlands. 21 The Fourth Belmang was thus fully engaged
in his dual monastic and political offices; recognized by the
monastic and lay religious community as a reborn
bodhisattva and estate owner, and as a regional political
authority by the central Chinese Nationalist government.

He served as Chief Administrator of the Xiahe
branch of the Nationalist government's Three Principles of
the People 22 Youth League later in 1946 and, in the same
year, established the Amdo Monthly Journal and served as

18 Chen Zhongren 2001, 1,009.

19 Chen Zhongren 2001, 1009. The Chinese sources agree
that the Labrang authorities donated aircraft, which suggests
the Labrang authorities provided money designated for
aircraft.

20 Zhazha 2002, 187.

21 Chen Zhongren 2001, 1009. This is fairly strident rhetoric,
and if it does describe Belmang's activities, he did this as a
functionary of the Nationalist government and as Treasurer
of Labrang Monastery.

22 Chen Zhongren 2001, 1009; see also the detailed account
in Che Manbao 1999, 628-630, 124-130.

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its editor, or according to certain reports, co-editor with Wu
Zhengang. Later in early 1947, he worked with the Gansu
provincial government to promote Labrang's
communications, public health, and education
infrastructures. 23 Shortly after the Fifth Jamyang Zhepa's
death in 1947, Belmang was assigned Regent of Labrang
Monastery and later (in 1951) took charge of locating and
identifying the Sixth Jamyang Zhepa; 24 again demonstrating
mastery of monastic and religious affairs. At the same time
he was engaged in innovative initiatives with Labrang's Han
neighbors. Belmang continued to serve as Regent of
Labrang Monastery from 1948-1949.

In this phase of his life, and in the life of the
community, there was much contact and sharing with
Labrang's Chinese neighbors; a continuation of cross-border
contacts established at the founding of the monastery and
earlier in Amdo history. Belmang's family was from
Lithang, where the patriarch Gonpo Dondrup had had much
contact with the Chinese. Selective borrowing of
innovations from the Chinese was an ongoing process. This
period marks a new interest in innovations taken from
various sources, not only from Labrang's Chinese
neighbors.

The list of initiatives and exploration of outside
sources in this period is long. First, public education was
increasingly valued in Labrang and even in remote areas,
and in some cases for women. 25 Chinese sources and
resources were tapped, but the Labrang authorities also
established contacts with foreign, non-Chinese missionaries,

23 Zhazha 2002, 187.

24 Drakgonpa konchog tenpa rabgye (Brag dgon pa dkon
mchog bstan pa rab rgyas) 2001, 554.

25 For a full list of the educational and other initiatives at
Labrang, see Nietupski, forthcoming.

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including the Griebenows, and others. 26 A degree of
ideological pluralism from sources other than China is
marked by documented encounters with the Griebenows,
and by the Labrang authorities allowing the construction of
their Christian mission on monastery property. Other
advances included allowing the rebuilding of a Linxia-based
Muslim mosque in Xiahe, and support for construction of a
Guandi Temple in Xiahe, both on monastery property.
Further, in these years the Jamyang Zhepa and his family
personally supported the expansion of the Ngakpa College
just outside of Labrang's monastery walls, a development
without precedent in other Tibetan areas. 27

In addition to these local developments, Jamyang
Zhepa's and Belmang's 1937-1940 excursion to Lhasa
resulted in initiatives at Labrang based on central Tibetan
models. For example, the central Labrang political office,
the Yiktsang, was established on the model of Lhasa's
Ganden Potrang. The Jamyang Zhepa also built a family
residence, Tashi Rabten, outside of Labrang Monastery
modeled on Lhasa's Norbu Lingka. Other rather 'grassroots'
Tibetan initiatives included the revitalization of Labrang's
Tibetan arts, notably the development of Namthar, a
monastic music troupe. China served as one source for this
1937-1949 phase of Labrang's development, but it was by
no means the only well-spring of culture and politics. Using
Belmang's life history as an indicator, he retained his
monastic vows during these years and was fully involved in
Buddhist monastic life.

The political importance of Labrang's close Chinese
neighbors was certainly not ignored, a fact that in itself
marks a degree of innovation. Belmang represented a group

26 The contacts between the Fifth Jamyang Zhepa and the
Griebenow family are well documented in the Griebenow
letters, e.g., Nietupski 1999.

27 See Nietupski, forthcoming.

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Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

in 1948 consisting of Apa Alo and seventeen officials from
Labrang's main and branch monasteries at a meeting of
Nationalist government delegates. This group remained
intact until 1949, when the Fourth Belmang at least
acknowledged and Apa Alo formally joined the Chinese
Communist Party. 28 The impact of this on Labrang's
fortunes was far reaching, extending in the following
decades to Labrang's benefit. Apa Alo was appointed
governor {zhou zhang) of Gannan Tibetan Autonomous
Prefecture. The 1949 Communist victory brought only
minor changes in Labrang.

In sum, it is fair to ask how much influence the
Chinese had at Labrang and the extent of their reforms, or
how much reform the Tibetans implemented at Labrang.
The Fourth Belmang and his associates clearly saw the need
for engaging the Chinese, and were also keenly interested in
new political ideas but this does not, in itself, indicate a
willingness to abandon Tibetan religion and cultural
systems. Evidence of both modern innovation and
adherence to traditions is discernible in Belmang's public
life and ongoing religious activities.

PHASE THREE: MACHU, 1950-1957

Many of Labrang's territories (e.g., Ngulra and Machu) had
monastery-appointed representatives (rngo ba), but in Dzoge
Mema and Machu there were also other officers from the
Labrang Monastery central office. The next phase of the
Fourth Belmang's life and that of the Labrang community is
marked by his assignment to a monastery office in Machu,
where his office was later conflated into the Chinese

28 For Apa Alo, Sheng Jingxin (1989, 18); for Belmang,
Drakgonpa konchog tenpa rabgye (Brag dgon pa dkon
mchog bstan pa rab rgyas; 2001, 558).

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Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

Communist Party's local government, which regarded
Machu as a county (xfari). Belmang was the first of the
Machu CCP office holders, beginning in about 1953. Thus
there was some attempt to preserve Labrang's political
hierarchies at the same time as allowing new structures, but
this period marked a significant change in Belmang's life
and in the life of the community. These were the post-
Communist revolution years, marked by the formal entry of
Apa Alo into the Communist Party in 1949, and by the
urgent need for the Labrang Tibetans to recognize the
changes in the Chinese vision of their new political system.
These post-revolution years were chaotic in China,
and though ideologically cognizant and often sympathetic to
the new political ideas, there was little change in
sovereignty and administration in Labrang and in its
territories. This is made evident for example by the ongoing
and long-simmering conflict between two tsowa 'clan
groups' 29 Metra Shul and Tu Me, in Machu and Ngulra that
had been smoldering since violent clashes in 1937 and
1941. The Labrang authorities attempted to intervene each
time. Belmang was involved in negotiations between Machu
and Ngawa in 1942. Again, in 1951, there was fierce
fighting in Ngulra, and a local fighter (Abo Karmo) killed
two men from Ngawa. An oral account cites 1952, when
Apa Alo called a meeting of all the local leaders, as a
pivotal year in the effort to resolve this dispute. 30 However,
several local leaders were unwilling to join what was
reportedly perceived as a Beijing-instigated attempt at unity
mediated by the Labrang authorities. Belmang and the

29 For a detailed discussion of this complex social unit, see
Nietupski, forthcoming. 'Tsowd may indicate an extended
family or clan, or several unrelated families or clans. It was
a common social unit in nomad areas.

30 Interview.

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Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

Labrang authorities were nonetheless in charge of the
greater Machu region.

In response to the ongoing hostility to attempts at
promoting group solidarity in the Labrang community on a
Chinese Communist model, Belmang went to Beijing in
1952 to study the Chinese language, politics, and history at
the Central Nationalities Institute. This course of study was
rather brief (the level of Belmang's comprehension of the
Chinese language, for example, is unclear), but it was a tacit
acknowledgement of Chinese authority for, in the next year,
Belmang returned to serve as a delegate to the People's
Committee in the newly formed Gannan Tibetan
Autonomous Region. When the Gannan Tibetan
Autonomous Prefecture was founded, Belmang served as
delegate to the People's Committee for the first two terms of
that office.

In Machu, Belmang retained his local prestige and
properties, and after his return from Beijing in about 1953
he was a delegate to the Committee on Governance in the
Border Regions of Three Provinces and in 1955 'county
commissioner' of Machu County. 31

The Fourth is reported to have become a
swashbuckling figure in these years — perhaps on his return
from Beijing and assumption of his assignment in restive
Machu. A number of his contemporaries reported that he
rode with the local militia in skirmishes against neighboring
nomad groups, and the Sichuan Mewo, and otherwise
abandoned his monastic vows. The disputes between
Labrang's territories and Mewo in Sichuan continued until

31 Drakgonpa konchog tenpa rabgye (Brag dgon pa dkon
mchog bstan pa rab rgyas; 2001, 562). The Tibetan refers to
Belmang's position as gtso gan 'executive leader', 'director'
for both of these posts, but the Chinese uses 'delegate' {wei
yuan) for the first and 'county leader', 'county director', or
'county commissioner' (x/an zhang), for the second.

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1956-1957, when they were finally resolved by the Labrang
authorities. 32

From 1953-1957, Labrang authorities promoted
development in agriculture, the pastoral economy in nomad
areas, commerce, the introduction of technology and
transportation infrastructures, increase of population, and
regional recognition of the Communist Party, and unity
among minority groups. 33 In his essay describing three years
of development in the region (dated 1 October 1956,
published in 1957), Apa Alo reported progress in all of
these areas. 34 Belmang worked as a Labrang estate owner
and political representative with two loyalties: Labrang and
his heritage, and Beijing and its power. He died in 1957,
leaving behind a relatively intact religious infrastructure,
nomad society, and religious hierarchy.

PHASE FOUR:
DISMANTLING AND REDEFINITION, 1958

The period after Belmang's death is marked vividly by the
decade beginning in 1958, during which the Chinese Red
Army and central government took Labrang's territories.
The much reduced Xiahe County was now fully under the
jurisdiction of the Chinese central government. Monastic
officials were dismissed, monks were often forced to

32 Interview. This source mentioned the Fifth Jamyang
Zhepa's 1940 visit to Ngulra. See the account of these
events from 1937-1951 in 'Jam dbyangs (1991, 61-62).

33 On several occasions, Apa Alo mentions successes in the
Me (Mes, dMe) region, which has a long history of conflict
with Labrang (See Huang Zhengqing 1957, 8, 20).

34 See Huang Zhengqing (1957, 15) on the role of religion
in 'new society', and how monks were working in
community offices.

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renounce their vows, and community tribal leaders were
forced to capitulate, or in cases of resistance, engage in
battle with the Red Army, be imprisoned, or executed.
Monastic buildings and temples at Labrang Monastery were
destroyed or converted to different uses in attempts to
redefine community values, for example by building a
livestock slaughterhouse on the site of a destroyed Buddhist
temple. Makley (2007) has shown that gender roles were
modified after 1958. Livestock and property were
confiscated, and attempts made to increase industry and
agriculture. In brief, this phase, marked by the death of the
Fourth Belmang, signaled a major Chinese effort to change
social, religious, and political structures at Labrang.

CONCLUSION

The Fourth Belmang was a reborn bodhisattva, an example
of the fully developed Tibetan Gelukpa model. His rebirth
was prophesied, he was identified, was educated to the
standards of Gelukpa scholarship, and was fully initiated
into and educated in many aspects of Tibetan Buddhist
tantrism. He was also an estate owner, whose estate was an
example of a pre- and post-Chinese Amdo social, political,
and economic community.

The Fourth was an individual seeking to bridge the
gaps between Tibetan society, politics, and religion,
demonstrating strong commitment to Tibetan religious,
social, and political structures. He also confirmed a
commitment to educational, technological, social, and
political reforms after his return from Lhasa in 1940. These
commitments were not seen as mutually contradictory; a
devotion to Tibetan Buddhist beliefs, reborn bodhisattvas,
estate structures, and nomad social and economic structures
for Belmang did not preclude modernization, including
education, social, and political changes. His greatest

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contribution was his ability to promote and preserve
Labrang's heritage while simultaneously engaging his
neighbors and the new ideas and challenges they brought,
unlike the contexts of his predecessors, the Nationalists and
later, the Communist Chinese.

In sum, the Fourth Belmang's biography illustrates
major periods in Labrang and Amdo's modern history — the
Tibetan monastic phase (1928-1937), the period of Tibetan
modernity (1937-1949), the period of reform (1950-1957),
and the Communist-led dismantling of monastic and
community social structures (beginning in 1958). Finally,
Belmang and his Labrang family and associates may be
considered in the same category as such other famous
Amdo individuals as Dobi Sherab Gyatso and Gendun
Chopel, whose exploits and views of changing Tibet are
comparatively well known. Taken together, these
individuals may be best understood as prominent figures in
sweeping changes in social and political consciousness, and
the beginnings of a broad-based group of forward-thinking
Amdo Tibetans.

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Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

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NON-ENGLISH TERMS

TIBETAN

Abo Karmo, a 'bos dkar mo

Amchok, a mchog

Apa Alo, a pha a bio

Belmang, dbal mang

Chayik, bca' yig

Dobi Sherab Gyatso, rdo sbis shes rab rgya mtsho

Drakgonpa konchog tenpa rabgye, Brag dgon pa dkon

mchog bstan pa rab rgyas
Drepung, 'bras spungs
dzong, rdzong

Dzoge Mema, mdzod dge smad ma
Ganden Potrang, dga' ldan pho brang
Ganjia, rgan rgya
Gelugpa, dge lugs pa
Gendun Chopel, dge 'dun chos 'phel
Gomang, sgo mang
Gonpo Dondrup, mgon po don grub
gtso 'gan, director, executive
Gyuto, rgyud stod

Jamyang Zhepa, 'jam dbyangs bzhad pa
Jikme Tsultrim Namgyalba, 'jigs med tshul khrims rnam

rgyal ba
Khyenrab Dondrup, mkhyen rab don grub
Labrang, bla brang
Machu, rma chu
Mema, smad ma
Mepo Garsar, dme po'i sgar gsar
Metra Shul, dme khra shul
Mewo, Mes (Dme) bo
mgo ba, representative
Namthar, rnam thar

209

Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.

Ngakpa Dratsang, sngags pa grwa tshang

Ngawa, rnga ba

Ngulra, dngul rwa

Norbu Lingka, nor bu ling ka

phyag mdzod, treasurer

rgyal tshab, regent

Serchentang, gser chen thang

Tashi Rabten, bkra shis rab brtan

Tosam Ling, thos bsam gling

Tsandrok, mtshan sgrogs

Tsowa, tsho ba

Tu Me, thu dme

tulku, sprul sku

Wangyal, dbang rgyal

Yiktsang, yig tshang

zhing chen gsum gyi mtha' khul srid gzhung las don u yon

lhan khang, Committee on Governance in the Border

Regions of Three Provinces

210

Asian Highlands Perspectives. 1 (2009), 187-211.
CHINESE

Anduo yuekan iSr^^f'J, Amdo Monthly Journal

Feng Yuxiang ^BE^

Gannan zangzu zizhizhou tfj^llKS^lilfn'iil, Gannan

Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture
Guandi ^^r
Hezuo -g-fp

Huang Weizhong fiffu 11 ^
Huang Zhengming fif ZEnp
Huang Zhengqing ^IE^
Hui

Li Anzhai (Li Anche) ^5fc;^E

Linshi canyi [[fiH\f"#iX> Provisional Advisory Committee
Linxia (ISH

Litang 5j|ij§ (Tibetan, // thang)
Liu Yufen Jljf $&
Ninghai ^g

Sanmin Zhuyi HJ5; JEX, Three Principles of the People
weiyuan g|j5|
Wu Zhengang iMfJgfM
Xiahe MM
xian H, county
xianzhang J|-f£:
Xikang MUt
Xining |§t

Xuan Xiafu Wf^X (Tibetan, Mra shis tshe ring)
Zhonghua minzu daxue ^^^WJk^ 1 , Central

Nationalities University
zhouzhang 'Jff-jx

211