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Open letter 

to the People of the 

United States 


Paul Schul^e 

Pastor i. R. 

Putbus / Riigen (Germany) 

Printed by Bernard & Graefe 
Berlin-Charlottenburgf 1 


Open letter 

to the People of the 

United States 


Pauil Schiil|c 

Pastor i. R, 

Putbus / RlSgerTi (Germany) 

Printed by Bernard & Graefe 
Berlm-Charlottenburg 1 

Putbws, Rtfgen, 
(Germany), February 1929. 

The Experts of the Powers have met in conference to 
establish uninterrupted peace between the former Entente and 
Germany and to decide upon the future of the German people. 

Anxiously and hopefully, the Qennan people will wait 
during the next few weeks as upon the resolutions of the 
conference does the future evolution of Germany depend. It 
is generally taken that the decisions will be greatly influenced 
by America and the conviction reigns that a possible and 
permanent order of relations can be introduced only by 

The problem is at present a purely financial one. The 
other powers cannot solve it because they are dependent on 
America and would be even more dependent if Germany did 
not pay them. 

America is rich as it never before was. It is in a position 
therefore to put the complicated situation in Europe, nay of 
the whole world, again on a supportable basis. It is only 
necessary to put Germany again in- a free and independent 
position as before, in order to enable her to establish a 
moderating, balancing infhience on her neighbours in Europe 
and the whole world. Americans were never threatened, never 
suffered from the German side. Its present condition is also 
such that no fears need be entertained from Germany, 

Germany can only be helped if she is put on a financial 
condition which enables her to free herself from financial 
burdens, reacquiring her political and financial independence. 

There are no two opinions on this point. And also on 
the fact that help can come only from America, 

llie question however is: What can America do to sacri- 
lice something for the stabilisation of relations in Europe — 
even if it is only a small sacrifice, that of a financial nature? 


iii America bound to take active part in the coming of changes 
and new order? Is America justified to speak and do some- 
thing special for Germany? 

I'he answers to these questions may be given in the form 
of the following questions : — 

Is it true that in the Treaty of Versailles the Armistice 
agreement of November 5 th, 1918, is not mentioned and is 
left specially unconsidered? The Armistice and the 14 points 
of President Wilson have moved the German people and that 
alone has made possible what the Versailles Treaty of Peace 
has brought — for without that nothing could have taken place. 
It changed the state-form, it gave up resistance and as a 
consequence the army nuirched home from its defensive posi- 
tions, laid down its arms and divested itself of warlike inten- 
tions — all due to faith in the promises of President Wilson 
for a peace acceptable and agreeable, for which all nations 
longed. It was a promise of peace whose fulfilment was bound 
up indissolubly with honor of the American President and the 
American people. 

There was no limit to the trust placed in the hopes of 
Wilson's peace intentions and in the wise decisions which he, 
as arbitrator of the world, should make. What has come out 
of it? All binding agreements were broken; the horrified and 
defenceless German people were dictated the peace treaty. 
Never was a people's trustfulness so disdainfully betrayed. 
The history of past millenniums does not show such an 
instance where a treaty was signed without amendment; there 
was no fear of the former enemy taking up arms and there- 
fore it was denied and turned into the opposite to the damage 
and slavery of a 60 miUion nation. 

The instrument of peace dictated in Versailles is juridi- 
cally null and void. About what it is morally and humanly, 
everyone has his own opinion. It is the biggest hoax known 
in history. That it was at all possible to enforce is due to the 
fact that the fundamentaliy moral English and American 
peoples were dinned into ears again and again with the 
monstrous propaganda that Germany was specially respon- 
sible for war, a statement that is long since recognised in these 
two countries as a lie. 

Is it true that when President Wilson entered upon his 
voyage on December 4 th on board '*George Washington" he 
telegraphed to his country as follows: — 

"The President goes to Europe to represent the ideals of 
Americans and to struggle for his 14 points/' 

What has come out of the weakness shown by the 
President Wilson as the offical representative of the American 

Is it true that other members of the American Peace 
Delegation in Paris held obstinately to the validity of the 
Armistice Treaty till the end? For example, the American 
Judge John Foster Dolles declared even on February 19 th, 
1919: "We have before us no unwritten paper upon which we 
can scrawl what we want. The paper before us has the signa- 
tures of Wilson, Orlando, Clemenceau and Lloyd George in 
black and white" (retranslated). 

Is it true that the names of these best known representa- 
tives of the Entente have subscribed their agreement in the 
Allies' note with the conditions of peace — conclusions 
demanded by Wilson? That in the answer to Germany's 4th 
note of 23 October, Secretary of State Lansing informed the 
German Government under 5 th November that America and 
her allies have agreed to accept the well-known conditions of 
Peace demanded by Wilson, of which the only burdens to be 
placed upon German people were to be the repair of damages 
caused on land, water, and air? 

That is all true, and therefore it is understandable that 
when they simply set aside all these in Versailles a man so 
well known and belonging to the Anglo-Saxon race as Prof. 
Keynes described the action of the Allies as "dishonourable, a 
very deep-going dishonesty, a manner of action upon which 
none can think without a sense of shame" (retranslated). 

Even Wilson upon his return to U.S.A. considered it 
necessary to keep up appearances and sent to the rest of the 
American delegation in Paris which was indignant at this turn 
the following dispatch: Withdraw, if necessary completely 
break with the procedure which is incompatible with what we, 
in full conscience, offered to the enemy which we, in all honor, 
cannot any more change. 



It h Willi kiiou'ii, that this withdrawal took the fonri that 
Aiiii^rUii rdiinril lo ratify the Peace Treaty of Versailtes. 

I'liiihi-iilh lliis non-ratification of the great instrument 
or dtM'i'Mllon iorircd in Versailles had so Ottle effect, that 
thrri^hv ni»i A Ihllc of the horrible burdens imposed upon any 
(if th«- dt^hMtcd c<mtitries has been remitted. 

\U. k'ilitT of (iratz is right when he writes: None can 
ill II V tlu; cU'ar fact in history that the American Union is 
iiKihillv rcs|>onsihlc and remains, for the execution of the 
ArnilHticc of 5 Ih November 1918 which it transmitted to both 
rut t tics as tlieir 'IVustee and by their signatures recognised as 
Novtirt'tKH stales. 

Wi; may be excused if we bring all these facts clearly to 
the notice of American people without fhnching. Clearness is 
11 n iniiuirative necessity. America must know what the world 
thinks alioni her action. Great things are in the balance, not 
onfv tnj Its hnl also for America, 

VVIiiii lias been done in Versailles remains indelibly in 
his((nv, Un centuries, for milienniums. There is yet time to 
v\mi Infliiencc on it, as to whether it should be left to posterity 
tts a nia(k of shame for the present and for the future or 
wlu'lhcr to be rcjiretted as an aberration caused by excitement 
and passidn of tlie poison let loose by war but which should 
Uv coriTctcd and repaired in the wake of peace and reflec- 
tlon tollowinjt it. 

I'Hi us in Germany, it is a question whether through 
hriutili ol trust and through treachery, wx should be given 
ov»ir f(»r icetierations to dependence and to slavery or whether 
In faithbilncss and behef, truth and iustice before all the world 
tin- hihiliiicHi of promises given in full public will be made 
tttioil. VVdrtln^r the Anjerican people wilt get back its honor 
and \\r nur freedom, is in the balance. 

Ihr riiHiionsibilJty for both these lies with the American 
|i»ii|i|(' ulnttr :ind singly. 

Atni^rii .1(1 people are at bottom honorable, moral, reli- 
lllmih, aitd Heiisitive in point of honesty. We appeal to all 
Hif'tii* ht^thicls, We do not doubt that, if the Americans are 
fiittde Hitfrhlentlv clear about the real condition of things, so 
ilhii Ih. \ will Ite iMiule Uv think independently, they will come 

to the view that it is their duty to rectify the error into 
justice by enforcing the promises made at that time. 

Well and good, we appeal to all that is good and noble 
in the core of Americans. May they respond to our desperate 
appeal. The matter is in American hands. 

All that has been said here is nothing but truth. Hence 
we say: You Americans, being again on friendly footing with 
xxii __. give us our rights! Give us what has been promised! 
Let us have peace without vindictiveness, without punishment, 
as we hoped for and deserved from you. We only want what 
you through President Wilson have solemnly promised, sub- 
scribed to and recognised in the Armistice agreement. By 
doing so, you will dispel the darkness spread over the eyes of 
men before right and virtue, and the light of truth, good and 
noble in mankind will triumph in men's eyes. You can achieve 
all this by exalted action in the consciousness of self- 
knowledge, of regret and a new" resolution and you will 
thereby introduce the necessary ideal, you who strive for the 
rehabilitation of Man and the world -- ideals which have been 
trampled upon before the altar of Civilisation and Humanity 
as in confused giddiness in the savage days. 

Such is the appeal of the Germans to Americans. 

To the last point a word more. It has been discussed 
even In the German Press that Americans,, with whose politics 
Germans were in agreement, had declared that we Germans 
were mistaken if we thought that none in America is any 
longer convinced of German guilt for the war. 

In Germany, the conviction is certainly supreme, the 
world has disillusioned itself of the belief in the German origin 
of the war which has been propagated with the help of iies. 
That is true of Europe -~ not only among the intellectuals. If 
the contrary is found, it is hypocritical untruth, spread by 
professional or business interests. If it were otherwise in 
America, it should surprise us. 

It must be admitted that the discussion of the origin of 
the war, the negation of the war guilt by the official, gover- 
mental side in Germany with diplomatic caution, an academic 
fhght and a generalisation and indifference can set people 
wondering, it has created in Germany also much surprise, 
vexation and contradiction. 


It t';nm(>i bv unknown in U.S.A. that private, patriotic 
circles ill (icnnany liave done more to elucidate the war guilt 
giH'stioii and still do, so that not more can be done nor is 
jiccussjiry. These circles are ready tosuppb^ the American 
petjple with ail material at their disposal. 

It can be proved that 99% of the German population in 
I'>14 had no idea of the nearness and magnitude of the war 
danjjer, and therefore could not have prepared for the war 

ft can also be proved that the official quarters in the 
<jovernment w^ho, of course, knew something but not much 
(jf the threatening danger of w^ar realised in darkest mood 
and expectation, in part, the end of the war hopelessly, and 
the supremacy of the overpowering, gigantic opponents. 
Naturally they did every preparation for the defence of the 
country, but they were never intended for active, aggressive 
and conquering purposes. Always campaign against compaign; 
to repel, to defend and to save the threatening and intended 
downfall. Unfortunately, German diplomats made the mistake 
of having put to their account the responsibility for the 
(mtbreak of war. 

It can further be proved that on the opposite side, there 
was absolute certainty of winning the war — for the Entente, 
depending only on the Russian hords to overrun Germany, 
never for a moment doubted victory. It can also be proved 
that years before the war, there were closed complete agree- 
ments among the Entente and they provided definite details for 
the division of Germany after it should be conquered, and the 
members of the Entente fixed details how the German colo- 
nies should be divided. 

'['here are so much materials to prove all that, should the 

American people go through them as impartial judges, they 

utnikl surely acquit Germans of all responsibility for the War 

ail hough Germany is pretendend to be first in responsibility. 

'Hie re is no want of proofs but of the knowledge of them, 
Wc shall place them at the disposal of the American public. 
If it will go through them, the monstrosity, that is alleged 
about I he Germans' sole responsibility lor the war and there- 
loic must bear the penalty for the crime which it never did, 
M ill disappear finally. 

Then, the peoples of the world will no longer look down 
upon the Germans as morally low, they will see the iniustice 
of their views as evidenced by their judgment and then alone 
they will lay the foundations for a real international peace and 
goodwill Then alone there will be real peace and harmony. 
It will then be possible to create a real world and^ manhood 
which is moral, true and honest, against this hotlowness and 
appearance in which we are vegetating in the world. 

America and American people alone can materialise it. 
Americans' must introduce it. They are morally bound to do 
so owing to their responsibility in the Armistice. 

To bring this matter to the heart of the whole American 
people is the aim of this letter. Every proof necessary as 
basis for the required change of heart and mind is at its 

And now, what can America do to bring pleace, rest and 
order in Europe and the world? What must it do to return to 
Germany and the world the trust in American honor and 

On this question also, much, very nmch has been written 
in Germany ^vhich is useful. 

It may be permitted to recapitulate the most salient, 
leading to quick decision and practical results. 

We purposely avoid here what may chiefly lead to extended 
discussion, such as the annexation of territories forcibly 
effected. On this question, Point 13 of Wilson's 14 demands 
the linguistically mixed territories of Posen and West Prussia 
if accorded the referendum and choice would certainly come 
back to us. In that case, Poland will probably be forced to 
seek its entrance to the sea on Lithuanian territory. It is 
how^ever advisable to wait for the discussion of this question 
till the Americans are prepared to return to general views upon 
which alone the damages unjustly done in point of annexation 
of territory can be repaired with other injustices. 

In Alsace-Lorraine alone the possibility of Referendum is 
still there. The right to it pronounced in the Peace Treaty has 
been suppressed with violence. It can be still restored. 
Locarno Treaty does not change the conditions, Germany has 
given up rights over Alsace-Lorraine. But the Alsace-Lorraine 

peciple have not «iven up Iheir rights to Referendum as to 
uliether they should join GeTmany or become autonomous. 

Similarly the case of South Tirol, Sudetic Germany and 
the annexed territory of Hungary is clear. By virtue of the 
Peace Treaty, these people have a right to referendum to 
decide whether they will recognise the newly imposed 
authority. The referendum wiJl decide the legality of their 
subjection and allegiance. Perhaps these territories will appeal 
one day to the League of Nations with their demands. 

However important it is to American people to know that 
the present territorial arrangements have nothing in common 
with justice but are enforced by violence only, we shall leave 
these questions aside today. Time Is pressing. The conference 
is sitting. Its specified object is to settle the Reparation 
question, and it is there that America can help us quickly, 
fundamentally and for all time. How? Through financial 
accomodation, be it through decree, be it as a present, a 
material gift by which America will clear off its moral obli- 

The matter is thus: The Entente countries arc of opinion 
that should America show friendship to Germany, it is also 
bound to cancel their debts to America. In America the people 
are opposed to this because the former Associates of America,. 
will use that sum for armaments against America herself. It is 
a fact that Germany pays yearly more to the Entente than 
these pay America. 

The way to show friendship to Germany without helping 
the Entente to increase their armaments against America 
would be, America takes upon herself the pajmients made now 
by Germany to the Entente countries. Further, the limit of 
(lerman payment be set upon a reasonable basis of German 
capacities. What excess has to be paid by Germany to 
America over the debts of these countries to America, probably 
some to France and Belgium, will be lent by America to 
Germany, so that Germany will free itself of its responsibilities 
at once. When Germany thus becomes the sole debtor to 
America. America can strike off these loans. Germany remains 
debtor to America, only for the cash lent her to pay off her 
obligations to France and Belgium only. 


Thus atone the problem can be solved, not in any otiier 
way. Every other resolution is dangerous to Germany and 
is against American interests, e. g, H Germany undertook to 
pay the war debt via Entente countries. Only when (jermany 
establishes direct footing with America, can Germans be 
really freed, not if Entente remains debtor to U,S.A. and 
Germany pays them. 

The Entente is not interested in loosening their grip over 
Germany. On the cotUrary. They will find ways and means 
to avoid the American proposal: Free German3'' ffom pay- 
ments and then we shall present you your payments. 

In such a case, either Americans who do not want to nor 
dare help theEntente to increase armaments against themselves, 
or Germany will have gained any advantage. 

America must take the whole matter in her hands, arrange 
payments directly between her and Oennany and then leave 
Germany free. 

Thus must America decide, decree; she has the power 
to do so. She must also be willing. The money which she 
will sacrifice is saved by the reduced armaments that will 

A sum within German possibilities for payment must be 
calculated moderately, and nothing should be laid in the way 
of developing Germany to freedom and independence. It is 
understood that after this determination of financial demands, 
occupation, checks etc. should be abolished giving us back 
our sovereignty and independence. America must solemnly 
bind itself, when we undertake the debts upon ourselves, to 
leave us free to ourselves. Our promise to pay is legally 
binding only upon this condition. 

Surely, it is somewhat very much which we appeal to 
America for. Perhaps no such demands were ever made by 
one people to another. Yet it is not so great in our estimation 
as that demanded before and made in the name of the Ver- 
sailles treaty. What is the question now? It is about a sum 
of money which cannot be great lor a rich country that 
.America is, but whose sacrifice will make a great impression 
upon the world, giving extraordinary impetus to the future 
of the world. America stands at the parting of ways, It 


carries the responsibility alone ior the future of her own and 
all peoples. 

If America fulfilled our wishes, then Versailles wiii go 
down to the bottom and will be forgotten in oblivion. Good- 
will and peace will cover up the past as was expected, at that 
time, of America, the protector of justice, the arbiter of the 
world for the healing of Mankind and for the blessing of 
Humanit3^ If America does not satisfy our desires, we must 
then point as warning to the eternal truth of the words: — 

History of the world is the court of the world. 

P. Schultze, Pastor, Putbus on Riigen. 


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