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dency of this reform of the sixth century, appears in the cir-
cumstance that the proper supports of every really revolu-
tionary party, the proletariat and the freedmen, still contin-
ued as before to hold an inferior position in the centuries as
well as in the tribes." Yet from this time is to be dated the
existence * of an inferior class and of demagogues at Rome,
and in the next centuries appears full-grown the practice of
ambitus^ against which a multitude of laws contended in vain,
Rome here represents the tendency downward of an aris-
Tendencies in mo- tocracy, or rather an oligarchy containing a dein-
dern democracies, ocratic element. In the large modern democra-
cies the progress of things is from restricted towards univer-
sal suffrage. We must here make a dividing line between
the time when the right of suffrage was considered to be
granted by the community to those who would be likely to
use it in consistency with the public welfare, and as a trust
committed to such as had intelligence and integrity enough
to vote for good magistrates,—between such times, when the
practical view prevailed, and the more recent times, when
voting was considered to be a right of every grown-up male
person, when the right of suffrage and the right of citizenship
were co-extensive, and both were deduced from the rights of
man. The French democratic constitutions represent this
feeling of the equal political rights of men as formed under
the influence of Rousseau's doctrines, but never removed the
inconsistent of not admitting the female sex to the same
privilege or natural right. The constitution of 1793 declares
every man born and living in France, of twenty-one years of
age, etc., to be a citizen, and every citizen to have the right
of taking part in legislation and of appointing his representa-
tives or agents, Population is the otily basis of national
representation. In the constitution of the republic in 1848,
on the downfall of the Orleans-Bourbon dynasty, it is declared
*Momtnsen, u. s., ii., 421,