326 POLITICAL SCIENCE. having been elaborated during the long experience of the Anglican race, has passed over in part to other nations which have come more lately into the possession of "par- liamentary government/' and is of vast importance for securing sober, quiet, and wise legislation. Indeed, but-for well digested rules, enforced by a speaker or presiding officer, in whose hands a degree of arbitrary power is necessarily lodged, it is difficult to see how free governments could well sustain themselves in times of great political violence. An- executive would have a pretext to disperse the members of a tumultuary assembly, and the institutions of a country would be in danger of falling into contempt. When members of such a body forget themselves and give way to outbursts of passion, they can be reprimanded by the chairman, and it is often in the power of a house to put a member under arrest for an offence, as well as to expel him for crime. This is not prop- erly punishment, but a means of preserving the order, digni- ty and purity of the department. Such a house has also power over persons not members who are allowed to be present. Unless the constitution prohibits, the proceedings may be secret, and an audience be commanded to retire, or particular persons may be arrested by the proper officer. Debates ought to be in all ordinary circumstances open, and full reports of proceedings to be permitted. In some countries, again, persons whose testimony is held to be im- portant—for instance, on public accounts or when charges of corruption are brought against members—may be sum- moned to appear before the house, and although in our con- stitution it is not expressly said that congress shall have such a power, this seems to be implied in the very nature and ne- cessities of the legislative function. Refusal to appear is con- tempt, and exposes to arrest by the officers of the legislative body and to imprisonment. In the exercise of these powers the legislative department verges on the judicial.