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done—cripple the church power by preventing it from having
the use of property, by taking away the existing means of
support ; in other words, by coming, as far as this religious
body is concerned, upon the plan of voluntary support,
leaving to it to do its own work in its own way, with the
proper state provision against disloyalty. As for extremes
beyond this, it must not be supposed that a war or insur-
rection excited by ecclesiastical arts has a right to different
treatment from any other.
We cannot help feeling, however, that as the Roman power
has always temporized, so it always will. Since the times of
the nationalization of countries under one suzerain, it has
lost one means of effectual interference in the affairs of states
—that of taking the part of one power in society against
another power, of turning to its own account that strife of
elements that existed in feudal society. The national feeling
is now so much stronger than it was in the thirteenth century
that it would surely prevail in a quarrel between the authori-
ties of a state and ecclesiastical powers. Nor can it be
doubted that a common feeling would pervade Europe when
the question affected the independence of states.
We have still two points to determine : how far ought the
potion of reii- state to go in protecting religious institutions,
gums worship.        an(} are there any religious offences which ought
to come within its criminal code.
I. Protection of worship can be put on the same ground
on which the prevention of distubance is put in any other case
when men are gathered in lawful assemblies, and with still
greater reason, because public worship is a great end, and an
important means of religion, without which the vast benefits
which the state derives from it, and the individual may derive,
cannot be realized. The disturbance may proceed from
enemies without or ill-disposed persons within the assembly.
In either case it may be repressed by ordinary police regula-