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Full text of "Political Science Of The State"

POLITICAL PARTIES.                           553
In recent times, when various interests make themselves
rties within par- ^ through their representative men, and new
ties                     classes of society are gaining new political power,
parties have become more difficult to manage and to satisfy.
Especially is this true with the sections of a liberal party,
which have views beyond one another, while a conservative
party can act together in opposing all innovations, such as
greater extensions of suffrage,  or changes in the relations
between state and church.    In these states of parties there is
great perplexity in respect to the course to be taken, and the
old question comes up, how far men allied in parties may. go
in their compromises and concessions.    These questions of
statesmanship and of morals, as was said, belong to the posi-
tive or progressive rather than to the negative or conserva-
tive side.    Many leaders of parties will go far beyond their
own conviction of what is best, in order to ingratiate their
extreme followers.    But all such concessions are questionable
and dangerous.    They are so because, if the leader has no
real conviction that they are right, many of his followers will
have the same want of conviction, and the party become weak,
while the extremists,  who have a theory to support, will
clamor,  even if their measures are  carried, for something
yet more undesirable.    And, on the other hand, the most
conservative of his party will leave him, as having left them
and the party principles, so that he may be tolerably sure of
handing over the reins of power to the other side at an early
day.    There must then come another organization of parties,
the one being formed out of the old conservatives and their
new friends, the other out of the more extreme progressives
and others whom they can rally around their standard.    Such
changes, or changes something like them, have taken place
under the British constitution, but, under our written consti-
tution and with the fixed continuance of elected magistrates
in office, are less likely to exist.
From this illustration we may advance to the result that,
in many constitutional monarchies with responsible ministers,
there must be such checkered compositions of parties as we