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uLtondod to by one Nalional Secretary and 
Olio or two aKsiHCanl,'^, wc have now a na- 
tional ofllcQ compoaud of various depart- 
mvntu employing scores of people and doing 
a work which requires the greatest possible 
ofllciency in every way. . 

We have sought to attain two mam ob- 
jects In drafting this new Constitution 
which we are now about to submit to you. 
One was to maintain all features of true 
democracy in the Socialist org-anization 
The other was to increase the efficiency of 
the organization. While under the old Con^ 
stitution we had plenty of democracy, we 
had on the whole, very little efficiency. 
Now there is no conflict between the two. 
Democracy should not exclude efficiency. On 
the contrary, democracy properly under- 
stood spells efficiency, and we believe we 
have prepared a large scheme of organiza- 
tion in which both principles unite very 

The features of our old Constitution 
which we thought stood most sorely in need 
of amendment were those relating to the 
administration of the national organization. 
What we now have is a National Commit- 
tee a National Executive Committee, a Na- 
tional Secretary, convention and referen- 
dum. Each one of these five factors m our 
administration is practically independent of 
the others, to such an extent, at least, as to 
Interfere very often with each 9ther. 

For instance, the National Committee has 
practically the same powers and the same 
functions as the National Executive Com- 
mittee. The difference between the two is 
that one holds no meetings, and transacts 
busine'^s by correspondence. The other does 
hold meetings.- And very often we have a 
spectacle of this kind: Of two entirely op- 
posite motions originating: m each ot the 
two bodies, sometimes taking effect to- 
srether, and one nullifying the other; or a 
case of this kind, where, for instance, a 
large sum of money is appropriated by the 
National Committee without consulting- or 
taking into account the appropriations 
made by the National Executive Commit- 
tee The result has been a certain uncer- 
tainty. With this we have no sense of re- 
sponsibility in our national office. The Na- 
tional Executive Committee in its action is 
subject to. the National Committee, but not 
fully so, not completely so. It is a body 
elected by the membership of the party, in- 
dependent of the National Committee, and 
hence there is a certain rivalry between the 
two which Is not healthy for our work and 
for the welfare of the party. 

The National Secretary, again, is likewise 
elected by a general vote. He does not owe 
his existence to either the National Execu- 
tive Committee or the National Committee. 
He is an independent organ of administra- 
tion with duties prescribed by the Consti- 
tution, and elected directly by the mem- 

And there is another conflict, a certain 
eDUilict between the National Secretary and 
the Nation.-il Committee or the National 
Executive Committee. There is also a cer- 
Inln laxity in the relations between the Sec- 
ritnry. Ilie National Committee and the 
Niilhiniil lilxecntive Committee. He is sub- 
ordhialii to the other two bodies; and the 
i|iii--nnon n.rlK(rs very often, to which one 
primarily? and nothing is determined about 

■\V(> havo romT>lI''nted the situation by the 
<>l("cll(iii of iin liiil<i)i'tident N.ational Wom- 
iim'H ComtiiUI<M\ Ilk.'Wlso elected by general 
vole with 11. Hocrclnry or General Corre- 
fUioniliMil oC IMm coinmUtoc. Also that is m 
II f.miiowhnt linl«lluUo stttlus. 


Now, this feature, the lack of a center 
of responsibility for the administration of 
the party afCairs, has not worked well of 
late, and will certainly work still less so 
in the future as our party grows bigger and 
as its task becomes more important. 

Furthermore, Xn the election of these offi- 
cials and committees, we have not adopted 
the best method of getting the most effi- 
cient comrades to serve. As to the National 
Committee, we are not concerned with it. 
The states take care of that. As to . the 
National Executive Committee, the paradox 
has been this: That while the committee 
is strictly a business committee to attend 
to routine work, technical matter of organi- 
zation and propaganda of the party, holding 
a position which requires certain well- 
defined special qualifications, our election 
by general vote has necessarily degenerated 
into a sort of a general popularity contest. 
It could not be otherwise; because when we 
submit a string of names to 150,000 per- 
sons, 100,000 of whom have come into the 
organization, say within the last two years 
or thereabout, and when we submit men 
taken from any part of the country to all 
the voters of the entire country, we cannot 
expect anything else than that the best 
known names should be elected. Now, com- 
rades, as a. member of the National Execu- 
tive Committee, elected under the present 
mode, I will not be charged with special 
bias or personal bias against the mode of 
election. But let us take the last election 
as a concrete illustration, and what do we 
find? We have a National Committee com- 
posed of comrades who reside, two of thera, 
on the Pacific Coast, two on the Atlantic, 
and the rest somewhere in the middle west- 
ern states. We have elected them in alpha- 
betical order. They were submitted to us in 
alphabetical order, and they were elected m 
the order of the vote alphabetically. It may 
be a coincidence; it may be an accident, but 
it is still significant that with a single ex- 
ception, commencing with B — we had no a 
— the vote was alphabetical; Berger bems 
first; Harriman next; Haywood third; HiU- 
quit fourth; Irvine fifth; O'Hare sixth; 
Spargo seventh. You can analyze each and 
every one of them, and you will find that 
each and every one of them was elected for 
a reason entirely unrelated to his or her 
lualifications to be a member of the Exec- 
utive Committee; one because he did a very 
clever stunt in ' getting himself elected to 
Congress, and a very clever stunt or series 
of stunts in Congress. (Laughter.) He did 
well. But, let me tell you right now that 
Victor L. Berger may happen to be an ex- 
cellent man for the National Executive 
Committee; I will testify here as his col- 
league on the board that he is. But Victor 
li. Berger, holding the position that he does, 
and having done the work he had m Con- 
gress, might not be possessed of a single 
qualification for member of the National 
Executive Committee, and yet he would 
have beeri elected, anyway. . 

But I am not going to take up all the in- 
dividuals; but some have been punished by 
their friends or enemies for having^ written 
books, and we send them to the National 
Executive Committee; others for editing 
newspapers; others for other purposes, but 
not one because the party membership actu- 
ally know or thought that he or she pos- 
sessed special qualifications for this partic- 
ular office. The result is, let me tell you 
right now, that,' facing a national campaign 
we will be compelled to elect — that Is my 
personal opinion— a National Ca.mnai'^n 
Committee who can be on the job all the 
time. The National Executive Committee 
as elected cannot supervise and handle an<i 

MORNJNG vSlvSSlON, MAY 17, l'.)i;i 


manage a nutlnnal campulKn, one ..; li-; import.itii <liiUo.s. 

Now, Hlmliiu'ly. (Ii<» Niill<in;i| ,'^,ti-<-1;u-v 
Comrade Worlc, may br :,,., ox,rll,:,ii. uvj, 
lor the position, but I inu.k,, bold to :.LaLe 
that he was cdo'cted because he tcmporarUy 
held that r>osU]oii at the time of the elec- 
£^-*t, ^"'^ , f*"'-''-"^ National, Secretary, 
whether good, bad or indifferent, fit or un- 
fit, IS sure of re-election under the present 
method of procedure so long as he is willing 
to stand. Now, in some cases it may be an 
excellent thing; he may be the best man In 
other cases he may be the very worst fitted 
man for the position, and still will be re- 
?rA°AAA- ^^}n natural. How can you expect 
150,000 or 300,000 people from all over the 
country to know the qualifications of any 
one individual in the party for that partic- 
ular office? Make no mistake; the question 
of the National Secretary, his ability and 
ms fitness for the office, is more important 
than that of the National Executive Com- 
mittee or National Committee, for he is on 
the job every day and determines the prac- 
tical work and politics of the party every 
day m the year. f -r j 

Now, then, comrades, we say that this is 
not democracy, it is a caricature of democ- 
racy. Democracy does not consist in want- 
ing to have everybody do everything simul- 
taneously. (Applause.) It consists in a 
proper, intelligent arrangement by which 
the best fitted persons are elected to do cer- 
tain tasks, subject to the approval of the 
constituency, and with the power of the 
constituency to recall them at any time if 
they do not suit or make good. 

Now, your Constitution Committee sug- 
gests a general scheme which, in its opin- 
ion, will do away with all the objects men- 
tioned. We start out by saying, let us first 
of all create a body primarily responsible 
for the administration of the party affairs 
-bet every other administrative organ derive 
Its powers from that body, be responsible 
to that body, be controlled by that body, 
so that there shall be no conflict between 
them. Let us devise a method by which in 
the selection of our Executive Committee 
and officers we will have some intelligent 
discussion, a meeting face to face of the 
men chargeable with the duty of making 
the proper selection, an opportunity to go 
over the qualifications of the candidates an 
opportunity to intelligently consider the en- 
tire situation, and then make the selection 
after such consideration. 

We suggest that the re.sponsible body, the 
body. of primary power and responsibility, 
be the National Committee of the Socialist 
Party, elected by the states as heretofore 

W^e suggest that the Executive Commit- 
tee, as its name indicates, be an executive 
committee of that National Committee, and 
not an independent one selected by the 
m-embers. (Applause.) 

We suggest that the National Secretary 
be the Executive Secretary of the National 
Committee, and not an independent official. 
And we suggest, further, that the Na- 
tional Committee become a real, working 
functioning body. It is not such a body now! 
It has practically a mere nominal existence 
until it comes to some mischief or other as 
the voting of $1,000 for the victims of mine 
disaster-s, which could be URed for much 
more legitimate purposes and functions. 
Now, we propose to have the National Com- 
mittee meet regularly in actual session at 
least once a year, and in such meeting take 
up and discuss the organization problems 
and working problems before the party anfl 
dispose of them in an intelligent way. In 
other words, have a convention in miniature 
on the basis of representation which we 

propoao. That would moan about Vfi nuirn- 
bers ut proaont, probably 100 Iti a y(!ur or 
two, coiiung toguUn-r once a year, i-crclvlntf 
all n.'ports, iuvewUgatiiig Into Uio condition 
of the naUonal office, making cloctloiiH of ijii 
Executive CommiUee, and an JOxcm-iiUv** 
b'ecretary, a Woman's National CiunailUi-t 
and a General Correspondent J'or Ih^il Worn, 
an's Committee, all after due and i.i(jikt 

Yfe have in view also that tlih; will dis- 
pense with the biennial congre.ssi^s. ;i,,„i will 
at the same time give us a chance (o in v. 
annual conventions in miniaUa-o (An- 
plause.) Now, comrades, that is one of (Ik- 
most important points. There is not a So- 
cialist Party in the world which does not 
meet annually in convention for the trans- 
action of business, and if there is any partv 
tnat needs such meetings most urgently it 
is the Socialist Party of the United States 
at present in the period of its most rapid 
growth, for every year presents new prob- 
Ifr?^^' fiew situations, which should be dealt 
with intelligently and in session and bv 
debate, discussions and deliberations. 

Now we also propose that this National 
committee be composed primarily of the 
state secretaries of the various states, who 
will act as members-at-large for the state. 
It you want, and additional members, ac- 
cording to the membership of the respective 
states What we expect to achieve by it is 
the following. When we have our National 
Committee elected, or even our Congresses 
we send the most popular men today to 
them, but the actual workers of the party 
those who will have in their hands the exe- 
cution ot our decision, they very often stay 
away; they are not eledted. Now the Na.- 
tional Cornmittee, or the national organiza- 
tion for that matter, is nothing but a sort 
ot bureau or general agency for the- trans- 
action of the business of the Socialist Party 
m the, different state organizations. We 
have no existence outside of the state or- 
ganizations. The state ofganizations com- 
pose the physical party. The state organi- 
Kations do the work of the party. And as 
we grow that will become more and more 
the case, and for this reason it is important 
that the men elected by the state to trans- 
act the business of the Socialist Party 
withm the state, first, shall have a voice in 
the formulation of the general policies of the 
Socialist Party; and second, shall be in as 
close a touch with the general work as we 
can make it possible; for a state secretary, 
taking part in the national convention and 
returning to his state, will be best qualified 
to carry out the general spirit and policy of 
the pa^rty as determined in that meeting of 
which he constitutes a part. 

No-w, further, we provide also for a 
changfe in the method of conducting the 
referendum vote. We do not curtail it We 
leaveiit to the extent of requiring the same 
low r|!ercentage, Ave per cent, of the mem- 
bership, to initiate a referendum at any 
time. , But we make this change, comrades- 
Instead of allowing any local to initiate a 
referendum, we require the state, through 
the membership of the State Committee or 
the State Executive Committee, if author- 
ized to do so. to initiate a referendum; and 
It seconded by similar state organizations 
representing a total of five per cent of the 
membership or by any five state organiza- 
tions, then the referendum will be called. 

The reason for doing that is as follows: 
inrst, the present method of dealing with 
Jocals,_ where our entire scheme of or.ganiza- 
non IS based upon state division very 
largely. Second, When we have reached a 
point of having five thousand locals as we 




ilo, KOTHO of Uiem pomiioscil of scvoral thou- 
Miuiil iiirnibni's, aiKl otluT:, pI hall: a dozen 
nictnlxr!!, 11. Is, it is improper to 
iillnw rarh our of thoHo locals to initiate 
rrrcrriiiluin. VVhctlier Ihey will be subse- 
<liniiUly MUiporteti or not is another ques- 
tliiri. But in the meanwhile, Liocal Hono- 
Ivilxi may .submit for a referendum a motion 
tliiit we forthwith proceed to socialize all 
the Instruments of wealth and distribution, 
and other locals may submit similar refer- 
endums. The result is that our National 
Bulletin is clogged every week with dozens 
of such referendums, carried on from week 
to week without sense, right or reason. 
Now, we say that the local which cannot 
get the support of its own state for any 
proposition which it originates has no right 
to come before the national organization 
and demand its adoption. (Applause.) 

Comrades, this is a general outline. We 
have made other changes, many more which 
will come up as the Constitution or the 
draft of it is read, to you point by point. 
What we had in view by the entire scheme 
was to create a democratic, but neverthe- 
less strong, political organization, which 
will be in a position and which will be 
able to take advantage of the great oppor- 
tunities which unfold themselves before us 
in our work and propaganda day after day, 
and which we have been compelled to sorely 
neglect In the past. (Applause.) If there 
is no objection, our committee would like to 
have our very able reading clerk, Comrade 
Strickland, read the Constitution to the con- 
vention. . „ . 

DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): I move to 
take up the Constitution seriatim. (Sec- 
onded.) ^ ^ ii. i. 
DEK CALDWELL. (Pa.): I move that 
the Constitution be read as a whole, and 
then be taken up serlatiiii. (Seconded.) 

DEL. WITjLIAMS (Pa.): I make an 
amendment tha.t we take it up seriatim and 
read it. (Seconded.) _ 

The amendment was carried. 
Article I of the Constitution was read, 
and there being no objection was declared 

Article II was read. . 

THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? 
DEL. SLOEODIN (N. T.): I move to 
insert after the words "all other _ political 
parties" the two words "or organizations. 
(Seconded ) Under the commission form of 
government we will not have political par- 
ties in the cities where such methods are 
introduced. It will be political organiza- 
tions, and therefore we must provide 
whether a member has a right to vote with 
non-partisan so-called political organiza- 
tions Besides that, there are many politi- 
cal organizations. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The committee ac- 
cepts Is there any objection now as it 
qtands' The words are now in the report. 

del' MERRICK (Pa.): A point of in- 
formation. Will that. read "all other poht- 
ical. parties and orgamzations" or all other 
political parties and political organiza- 

^'^ THE CHAIRMAN: You will have to ask 

^'^Dm^mM^QUIT: What is meant, surely, 

*^ ^S'i"'i'ERllSi- "&e comrade, raised 
th?question of ambiguity on that and I be- 
lieve the committee should accept it 

DEL. HTLLQUIT: They will accept po- 
litical organizations" to make it perfect. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The committee's re- 
nnvt is "political organizations. 

DEL PATTERSON (Ohio):. In the next 
to the 'last line, after the various aTJalifica- 
t"oT.r numerated. a,re the words "shall be 

eligible to membership in the Socialist 
Party." I hold that whether he shall be or 
shall not be should be left to the local; 
that there should not be a construction 
placed upon that to the effect that if he 
comes up to the several political require- 
ments in this section that he is eligible and 
shall be eligible. There are quite a few 
people that, in my opinion, are not eligible 
even after they have fulfilled this require- 
ment. I want that changed to "may be eli- 
gible." Whether he shall be eligible, or the 
question of his eligibility, should be left to 
the local. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Do you make a mo- 
tion? That is not before us unless there is 
a motion. 

DEL. VIEBLING (Mo.): I move that the 
last clause be changed to read as follows: 
"May be admitted to membership in, the 
party." (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: Are S'-ou ready to 
vote on the amendment as made by Del. 
Vierling of Missouri? 

DEL. MOORE (Pa.): I oppose changing 
a, word. I think all that the delegate 
wants in the amendment is to cover it as it 
now reads. I don't want to put anything in 
there that would s'ive anyone a chance to 
point out in the Constitution and say, 
"This is what I am actually for." I think 
we already have enough without specifying 
a lot of other requirements. When it comes 
to dealing with people that are objection- 
able in any branch or in any local, we have 
the power to defeat them by our vote, and 
I do not think we would strengthen that by 
putting thLs in. I believe If we give people 
a chance to start a trial for heresy we 
would probably keep eligible people out of 
the party. ^ . - ^^ . 

DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): It is very im- 
portant that we safeguard our organization 
at this stage of its career. We have per- 
sons in the city of Cleveland that under no 
clrcumatances would we admit to our party 
organization. We know positively, beyond 
a doubt, that if they sought admission into 
the party organization, they would have ul- 
terior motives. There are some people m 
this world who are beyond redemption. 
(Laup-hter.) I stand for that amendment 
so that the admission of these people shall 
be at the discretion of the local, the mem- 
bers of the party who are on the firing line 
right there in that locality and who know 
all about the raw material. 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. T.): I am in faypr 
of this provision, too. That is exactly the 
way they are working at present. There 
is no reason to fear that somebody may get 
into the Socialist Party that is not wanted. 
It is a fact that we have the power to pass 
on the admission of members m the local 
organization. Up to this time we _ have 
always been able to keep out undesirable 
elements from the party, and if you accept 
this vou thereby make it so that they may 
be eligible. Tlie point raised by Comrade 
Moore of Pennsylvania is correct. It leaves 
it possible for the local organization to 
keep undesirable elements out of the party. 
I therefore vote in favor of the report of 
the committee. 

bEL. TAYLOR (111.): f ^5^^"* ''^„l"!S[: 
mation. Is it not true that the part of this 
Article that is printed in Plf" type is the 
old Constitution as it stands, and that the 
black-faced type is new material .' 

DEL HTLLQUIT: The statement should 
have been made by the chairman, or the 
rommlttle before, hut you will bear in mmd 
that In which is in light type represents 
sections Taken over bodily from ouif oM 



Constitution, while tho heavy lype contains 
the sections uinciidud op now HccHons. 

DIOI.. ViKUhlNC (Mo.): I would like to 
.•^lalc I fiat 111,. w(M(i ••shall" makes it obliga- 
loiy upon (lie l<Ha,l to admit the member 
who may come within the scope of the pre- 
ceding words. The Constitution of the Mis- 
souri Socialist Party says that they may be 
admitted if they conform to those words. 
If you say they shall be eligible, it is an 
Invitation to the applicant, and I believe 
that the local on the ground, that is, the 
local to which the application is made, 
should be the authority to say who shall be 
admitted to membership. Tou here in na- 
tional convention assembled may state In 
general terms what the qualifications shall 
be, taut after all it is the people to whom 
the application is made who should say 
whether or not he shall be admitted. I 
trust that you will vote for the amend- 
ment, because it leaves this power with the 
the local where the application is made, and 
you are only then exercising the rigMt 
which the comrade has spoken about. 

DEL. RBILLT (N. J.): It seems to me 
that the delegates who are afraid that un- 
desirable people will come in are unduly 
alarmed. What this Constitution really 
means is that no local shall make any other 
clause as a requisite for membership. We 
vote on applications for membership indi- 
vidually. We can appoint, if we want, com- 
mittees to investigate the candidate. We 
can, if we want, vote against admitting peo- 
ple to membership, and we do not have to 
give a reason. What this means is that no 
state or no local can draw the color line or 
can draw the religious line, or draw any 
other line except as provided here, and for 
that reason I favor the report of the com- 

The previous question was moved. 

DEL. PRIESTAP (Ohio): I am for the 
amendment. I am from Lima, Ohio, and I 
want to explain to you the difference be- 
tween "may" and "shall." We had quite a 
trouble in our local, which you all know, 
and the difference came right here. We had 
a lawyer who was nominated for the Board 
of Safety, and you all know that we dumped 
the whole bunch because they were not 
obeying the mandates of the Socialist Party. 
The trial turned on just exactly such words. 
They pay close attention to them, and when 
it says "shall," he sticks right to it. I 
admit that not all the members of the So- 
cialist Party in our locals have just exactly 
the same kind of milk in their cocoanuts, 
and when one of these fellows who are able 
to make trouble gets started he will make a 
great deal out of the difference between 
"shall" and "may." This word "may" 
should remain in that article. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I will have to give 
the floor to the committee, following the 
precedent. The committee tiks a right to 
speak five minutes in favor of the matter 
as it stands without amendment. 

DEL. GOEBBL (N. J.): It seems to me 
absolutely uiinecessary to debate this ques- 
tion. In the first place, I am not a master 
or authority on English, but I think many 
of the comrades are mistaking the word 
"eligible" for the word "elective." I want 
to call your attention to this fact: We 
have had this clause precisely as it stands 
for many years. (Applause.) We have 
almost 6,000 locals, and In all those years 
not even one of those 6,000 locals has asked 
for a change in this word. That is the best 
proof that it has worked all right through- 
out the United States. Let It stand. 

The amendment to substitute "may" for 
"shall" waa put and lost. ,« 

TH13 CHAIRMAN: Wo are now Koln^ 

to vote on Section 1 as reported. 

DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I am very 
much at sea if we are going to vote on th© 
whole section. I was under the Imyrossion 
that we are voting on this amendment I 
have a very important amendment to add 
in there. I was simply waiting patiently 
till this other amendment was disposed of, 
I have a very important matter to offer. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair stands cor- 
rected.' We will listen to the amendment. 

DEL. BESSEMER: I wish to add in the 
third line, after the word "creed" the words 
"or affiliation with any other labor organi- 
zation or movement." (Seconded.) 

The previous question was moved. 

DEL. BESSEMER: I have a right to 
speak on my motion, 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair has ruled 
that the amendment was permitted, hut not 
to be discussed. 

Del. Bessemer appealed from the decision 
of the Chair, and the appeal was sustained. 

DEL. BESSEMER: My reason for mak- 
ing that amendment is that I know of one 
specific ease at least where a member had 
been a member of the Socialist Party for 
three years, with his card with the due 
stamps on it, and he had been away from 
the city or out of the local for a year or 
two, and in that time had been very active 
or had advocated industrial organization. 
He came back to that town and appealed to 
the party to re-admit him. In the mean- 
time there had been considerable discussion 
in the local over the tactics of labor organi- 
zations, and it seemed that those who were 
opposed to industrial organization, for no 
other reason than they admittedly said they 
would not allow a man In their organiza- 
tion or in that local that would work or 
speak for industrial organization, and they 
voted against admitting that man to the 
party. We know that is not fair. This 
clause in here is no harm, will do no injury 
whatsoever, but it safeguards a man who 
wants to join any labor organization from 
being expelled or put out of the Socialist 
Party for that reason. We have gone on 
record here as being in favor of insisting 
upon members of the Socialist Party be- 
longing to labor organizations, and why are 
we afr.aid of putting a clause in there so 
that no man can be denied the right given 
him to belong, when we ask him to belong. 
I think it is a very sensible thing to put it 
in. It can injure nobody and may be a 
benefit. In case a man w^as denied the right 
to go into a local, if this clause is in there 
he has a good cause to appeal to the mem- 
bership at large of the state for protection, 
and If they would not give it he could ap- 
peal to the membership of the United 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): 1 want to 
speak against the amendment, and in speak- 
ing I will use the argument of Comrade 
Bessemer himself. He shows you the mem- 
bership card of a comrade that has been a 
member of the party, and he tried to join 
the party again. As a matter of fact, he 
has been a member of the party all tho 
time, and oiily has to go and pay his dues 
and he will be a member in good standing 
and will not require a new application. It 
is not a good argument to say you are go- 
ing to insert something new in the Consti- 
tution. If we are going to make an amend- 
ment to cover every particular ease, then 
we might as well provide what kind of 
clothes he shall wear in order to belong to 
the party. As to the objection raised by 
Comrade Bessemer in regard to appealing 



lo Uio Mtnto organliiatUni, thuro Is plenty of 
()I)lHprtuuHy ti) cover all tliat. 

Tlin (jiJi-wtiun way tlion put on the Besse- 
mer iiim;tidnioijt, and it was lost, * 

DEI.. MALKiEL, (N. Y.): I move to In- 
HOrt after "i)olittcal action" the words "for 
both niun and women." (Seconded.) 

DI3U LONDON (N. Y.): I rise to a point 
of order. The amendment is meaningless. 

THE CHAIRMAN: That is not a point 
of order. You will decide on that by voting 
on it. 

DEL. MALKIEL: I have made this 
amendment for this reason; Last year 
When the Woman's National Committee had 
the petition that Comrade Berger presented 
in Congress, we found that there were peo- 
ple who refused to sign it. We had circu- 
lated the petition among our party mem- 
bership, and more than once we were con- 
fronted with our party members who re- 
fused to sign the petition, on the ground 
that they did not believe in woman suf- 
frage. In our platforms we have declared 
for equal suffrage for both men and women 
for the last thirty or forty years or more, 
and it has remained until now. The time 
has come when woman suffrage, woman's 
enfranchisement, is a live issue. If we 
stand for it let the rnen and women joining 
the party pledge themselves to support it. 
I ask you to accept that, but I think the 
delegates will vote in favor of it. 

DEL. BODRIGUEZ (III.) : I want to speafe 
against the amendment. A person may be 
a member of the Socialist Party and may op- 
pose woman suffrage. I have spoken in favor 
of it at women's m'eetings time and time 
again. I have always advocated it, at all 
times and in all places. I think there should 
be such a plank in the Socialist platform, 
and when an applicant for membership in 
the Socialist Party signs his name he agrees 
v,fith the platform of the party, but the 
question of woman suffrage, in my opinion, 
is not a fundamental question of the class 
rtrugfrle. In other words, I do not believe 
th'-itin order for a man to believe that the 
class s^truggle is in existence and that It is 
necessijry for him to organize politically in 
order to capture the powers of government 
. — I do not believe that he must agree neces- 
sarily that that is impossible unless he also 
favors woman suffrage. I believe our con- 
stitutional requirements should be broad 
enough to permit men and women to be 
members of the party even if they do not 
see fit to agree with me on woman suffrage. 
There are men in the Socialist Party that I 
know who do not favor woman suffrage, 
and I honestly believe that they are good 
Socialists; but for various reasonis they do 
not favor it. We have some comrades in 
this convention that do not agree with the 
immediate demands in our platform. We 
agree with the platform, but I d«o not be- 
lieve it should be made a requirement in our 
Constitution that a man should absolutely 
say, "I believe in woman suffrage" before he 
can be admitted to membership in the So- 
cialist Party. 

DEL. SPARGO: I want to offer an 
amendment. The amendment I offer is this: 
To amend the latter part of the article 
which reads "and suta-sisribes to the prin- 
ciples of the Socialist party. Including po- 
litical action" by deleting the last three 
words, and to insert the words "platform 
and" before "principles," so that it will 
read "and subscribes to the platform and 
principles of the Socialist party, shall be 
eligible to membership in the party. If 
I get a second I will explain why. 

(Amendment g'econded.) _ 

DEL. SPARGO; I think that It is en- 
tirely superfluous to say "any person who 

subscribes to the principles of the party, 
including political action." Where we hava 
had a controversy in our party between 
those who say that the -Socialist party 
ought to turn to Sabotage, n direct action 
— where we have had a controversy — 

DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): A point of order. 
Comrade Spargo is not talking to the mo- 
tion. He is introducing irrelevant matter 

THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Spargo is 
talking to his motion. 

DEL. SPARGO: Where we have had 
that discussion, when I have said to com- 
rades, "You are violating the decalogue," 
they have turned back to it and said, "Here 
is the article which provides the terms 
of admission to the party and membership 
in tlie party, and it says 'including political 
action,' " What does that mean if it does 
not mean that there are other kinds of 
action sactioned by the party? I have 
heard men stand up to defend Sabotage 
and say, "So long as I believe in political 
action of some Itind, I am within my right 
in the Socialist party In advocating Sabot- 
age." I want this party today to go on 
record, not that political action is sub- 
ordinate in our party, in its platform, in its 
rules. I want it to take this position: 
We are a political party, and any person 
who comes into the political party must of 
necessity accept the principle \of political 
action as a condition of membership. I 
know why it "Was Inserted In 1908. I know 
the abnormal condition under which that 
sentence was introduced into that rule. But 
I tell you that what we ought to demand of 
every applicant for membership In the So- 
cialist party is an unqualified declaration 
that he accepts the principles of the So- 
cialist party aa set forth in its platform 
and Its program. (Applause.) 

DEL, HILLQUIT: The reason why I 
speak against this proposition is not that I 
disagree with the spirit of Comrade Spar- 
go's remarks, but because I think his mo- 
tion does not properly carry out the spirit 
in which it is made. We have now in our 
platform a demand for political action to 
be recognized by applicants before they 'can 
be qualified for membership. The striking 
out of that phrase will be and should be 
interpreted as dispensing with that re- 
quirement. (Applause.) Now, we are not 
dispensing with this requirement. Fur- 
thermore, the substitution of "platform," 
so as to make the section read that the 
candidate subscribes to the platform and 
principles, is near repetition. The prin- 
ciples are expressed in the platform. 

A DELEGATE: Not at all. They are also 
expressed hx the resolutions. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: Well, T think our 
platform does represent our principles. If 
It does not, I do not know what does. I 
think our principles are expressed In our 
platform. I therefore think we would best 
leave It in as it is. 

The amendment of Del. Spargo was lost. 

Del Goebel moved the adoption of the 
section as read. Seconded. 

DEL. MALBY (Wash.): I rise to pro- 
pose an amendment covering the Inten- 
tion of Comrade Malkiel but inserting after 
the words "political action" the pnrase 
"and unrestricted political rights for both 

The' motion was seconded. 

DEL MALBY: I don't expect that this 
amendment will be carried. But I^orlng 
the matter before the convention with the 
hope that the necessity for any member^ ot 
the Socialist party of America bringing 
such an amendment to our party conven- 



Hon shall be m.ade forever unnecessary. The 
7\?L}^%-^^?-^^f''' *« "'*''• LHat Del. Malkiel 
-1 New iork knows exactly where she 

luil\» from and what she is talking about. 

.'Ueasks tor an amendment including wo- 

I'luu'rf =,^lf«^'''?- ?'V ^'^"^y Pi'i'^iSe because 

lioie are Socialist locals that have refused 

lo sign women's suffrage petitions that 

were presented to Congress by Comrade 

;,?'^«V ."y^ ^■"'^''l I speak not d a woman! 

., T ^feminist. I speak as a party man 

loud cheers) and an organization man 

(Hieers) when I tell you that if you don't 

iMit your women into this flght the cap- 

ilahsts will do it for you; and the| wm 

iMit not only the women into this fight but 

there will be unrestricted suffrage for the 

negroes of the south, and for every ele- 

ment m this nation that your masters think 

ran be used as a plug to destroy you as a 

];.,litical factor. I certainly trust that wt 

r 1 have at least a strong expression 

( I om this convention to the effect that no 

man is a Socialist— get it?— no man is a 

.Socialist and I give it back to RodHguez^ 

he IS not a Socialist, he is only a half baked 

politician If he stands against the right 

f>,Y°'?^f^ *!? 7°l^' O"^ Pa.ts on the back any 

other half baked working man who stands 

against the right of his working class 

^oifi" i5° '^i'^ll l"**^ .^^^ political field and 
make her flght for justice. 
„..^?i^- RODRIGUEZ (111.): I rise to a 
matter of personal privilege. 

(Cries of "take the platform.") 
,.F^h RPPIIIGUBZ: I d,on't desire to 
take the platform at all. I think you can 
all hear me and I think if Comrade Maley 
had listened before she would have heard 
me and understood me. It seems that she 
1 ^^h •'■ '^^^^ always stood for univer- 
sal suffrage, but in view of the remarks 
of Comrade Maley perhaps It is necessary 
to repeat what I said before. I have al- 
^I-'^S .®*o*^'5' ever since I became a member 
■ rH^^^^ party for equal and unrestricted 
nghta for men and women. My wife hap- 
pens to be a member of this party: every 
one of my wife's family are for women's 
suffrage, and all of my family are for wo- 
mens suffrage. What I said was this, that 
1 did not believe that it was absolutely 
necessary as a requirement before any man 
became a member of the party that he 
should first unrestrictedly and absolutely 
helieye that woman should have an equal 
ballot with man. That is what I said. 
Furthermore I said that we should have a 
plank m our platform declaring for equal 
Tights for men and women. I am sorry 
that Comrade Maley did not hear that. I 
stand just as atrong-ly for woman's suf- 
frage as does Comrade Maley. 

DEL MENG (Ark.): He did say a man 
could be a good Socialist and opposed to 
woman's suffrage. 

.^.^.^^ MALKIEL TN. Y.): T want to say 
(hat Delegate Rodriguez did say that a 
man could be a good Socialist and not 
believe in equal suffrage. 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): The statement 
has been made on this floor that a branch 
in ijocal New York is opnoaed to woman's 
suffrage because they refused to .sign a pe- 
lition that v^'as to be presented by Comrade 
I'.prger, If there was such a branch the 
reason they did not sign such a petition 
w!xs because they were utterly opposed to 
I he Idea of petitioning a capitalist con- 
jVToss to grant the vote to women; they 
did not believe that anything could be 
••nhieved by petitioning. That does not 
■I low that there is any local in New York 
"pposcd to giving woman political equality 
with man. 

inZ^t tlT^^'^^^'h ^f Comrade Muley to 

°. °,. .r. "^^"^ sexes" was carried. 

m^ sald"^'"" """'"^ ""^^^^^ ^"^' the chair- 

hav?^„S^^^^^f^= ^he amendment you 

"I'JI ,^"^' f^T*?? ^^ to insert the words 

a-nd unrestricted political rights for both 

A r^-^v lin"f "i^ ^^^'^^ "political action." 
A division has been called for 

^r-?^^;,.^^^^^^ <?• ^•>= 1 'I'elieve there 
^+ ^ fu°^ ^^^y of "s who do not under- 
stand this situation. What does the intro- 
duction of this clause mean^ 
^^V^F CHAIRMAN: There should not be 
any doubt about what this means but the 
secretary will read it again. Read the whole 
section as amended. 

THE SECRETARY (reading): "Article 2, 
TT °l^°? A- . Every person, resident of the 
United States of the age of 18 years and 
upwards without dicrimination as to sex 
race, color or creed who has severed his 
connection with all other political parties 
and subscribe to the principles of the So- 
cialist party. Including political action, and 
unrestricted political rights for both sexes, 
shall _be eligible to membership in the 

Upon a division the amendment by Com- 
rade Maley was carried; 135 aye, S6 no. 

DEL BESSEMER (Ohio): Are not the 
committee willing to change the word "his" 
to their." 

THE CHAIRMAN^: The masculine pro- 
noun carries both sexes according to the 
Chair's interpretation. 

DEL. WILSON (CaL): Do I understand 
that on every amendment that comes be- 
fore the convention now on this article 
■■^"S,^,!!! can be no more than two speeches? 
■THE CHAIRMAN: That is the Chair's 

■°?-4, ^^^®CN: I object. Every amend- 
ment that comes as a distinct motion on 
every one of these sections ought to be 
open to debate until the previous ques- 
tion IS called. 

DEL. BRUCE (Pa.): I appeal from the 
ruling of the Chair. 

THE VICE CHAIRMAN: An appeal has 
been taken. The question is, shall the 
Chair be sustained. 

DEL WHEELER (Cal.): At the early 
^ij, ^ session the presiding officer 

ruled that when an amendment offered by 
one of the delegates was before the house 
and another delegate offered an amend- 
ment the Chair ruled that in order not to 
confuse the question they would deal with 
one amendment at a time; and when that 
amendment was disposed of the other 
amendment could be put. That was the 
ruling of the Chair. That was the abso- 
lute understanding of every delegate in the 
house. And whether the Chair ruled other- 
wise or not I hold it is simply, fair that 
every amendment should be open to dis- 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair .dimply un- 
derstands that the previous qCiestlon being 
ordered, amendments .".re still in order, but 
the discussion is limited. T simply act 
under my understanding of the rule. 

On a division the decision of the Chair 
was overruled. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I am every glad to 
hear it. 

DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio.): I ask that 
the cominitloe include the following words 
and 1 otter nw an amendment if they won't 
ac_cept it that at the end of the first clause 
where it says "membership In the party," 
add the words "of the state in which he 
IS a resident." 

NATION A I, ^■.()C1A1, 

Tiw motion WHS Hoconded. 
DWI^. I.IOOAN (Ark.); A point of in- 
('<iriiiii.iioit. UcK\s tho four hour rule ap- 
ply Id dh' ro|iin-l, oC thlH committee? 
■r 1 1 |ij C 1 1 A I J i.M AW : I think it does. .^. 
UlOij. itoGAN: I want to say then that 
wo have consumed two hoiirs already in 
the discusMion o£ the first sectioti and at 
this rate we will never get anywhere- 

DEL. PATTERSON: The reason I 
bring this to your attention is that on 
many occasions men who have been ex- 
pelled from the membership in one state 
have gone over the border line into the 
next state and joined the organiKation in 
that state. A member being denied mem- 
bership at Toledo, Ohio, went down into 
Florida, and there he has exploited the 
Socialists by selling swamp lands, after 
joining the Local,, as I was told by a mem- 
ber of this convention^ — a Local which has 
since perished, and which only worked 
harm to the bona fide Socialist organization 
while It existed. That member was taken 
into membership in Florida, and there is 
no provision at the present time to pre- 
vent his being taken in, by making it com- 
pulsory that a state shall only accept 
those who are residents of the state. Resi- 
dence aualiflcations are determined politi- 
cally, so there is no trouble about that, and 
by making it binding that a man is only 
eligible in the state in which he votes you 
save the organization all kinds of trouble. 
On the other hand, there is nothing pre- 
venting that fellow from posing as_ a So- 
cialist, holding a Socialist card m the 
party Local, opposing the regularly organ- 
ized Socialist party, or becoming a candi- 
date for office. . ,„ , . 

DEL GOBBEL (N. J.): If we are going 
to do this thing let's do it right, let us take 
each individual word in this constitution 
and submit an amendment to _ it. I arn 
not here to fight for this committee, but 1 
am a member of the committee and I know 
that we have done our duty. I know there 
has not been a point presented so far that 
was not carefully considered and debated 
in the committee. The last comrade for 
instance, seems to forget that we have a 
provision in the constitution reiterated year 
after year that the -wiembership of each 
state shall have absolute control over its 
own membership. If a state can not take 
care of this thing the state ought to have 
all the trouble coming to it so far as I am 
concerned. We have had this provision 
year after year and the party has not gone 
to smash. The party'ls stronger today, ini- 
mensely stronger than ever before, and it 
you take up every article in the constitu- 
tion that we have been living under for 
years and try to amend them word for 
word, what are you going to do with the 
new provisions that are vital to the life ot 
this organization. Let us get down to busi- 
ness. Vote down this amendment and con- 
sider something that is essential. 

DEL. BOSWELL (W. Va.) : I move that 
the motion be laid on the table. 

The motion to lay on the table was car- 

"^^DBL. EDWARDS: I move that Section 1, 
Article 2, be adopted as amended by Com- 
rade Maley. And upon that I move the 
previous question. .. . „ ^, . 

DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I think this mo- 
tion is unnecessary. I think the Chair 
ought to adopt the rule that where there 
are no objections to a section the Chair- 
man ought to declare the report of the 
committee accepted as was done with the 
report of the Platform Committee. 

Section 1, Article 2 was then adopted as 


Section 2, Article 2 was then read. 
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I move to 
strike out in the first sentence the words 
"without the consent of the state organ- 
ization," and tliat the next sentence shall 
read, "No party member shall be a candi- 
date for public office of any party other 
than the Socialist party." 

THE SECRETARY: Del. Bostrom of 
Washington offers this amendment: That 
the section shall read, "No person occu- 
pying a position honorary or remunerative 
by gift of any party other than the So- 
cialist party (civil service positions ex- 
cepted) and no person whose principal 
source of income is derived from rent, 
interest and profit, shall be eligible to 
membership in the Socialist party. No 
party member shall be a candidate for 
public ofiice without the consent of tho 
city, county or state organization atcording 
to the nature of the office." 

DEL. BOSTROM: The Socialist party 
proclaims itself to be the political expres- 
sion of the interests of the working class. 
In the platform debate last night we had 
an expression like this, "All political par- 
ties are the expression of economic class 
interests," and in another place, "The So- 
cialist party is the political expression of 
the economic interests of tho worliers. 
You say this in one breath and m Ihe 
next breath you are willing to accept into 
the party capitalists, people whose inter- 
ests are practically antagonistic to the in- 
terests of the working class. I know that 
the plea is made that members coming 
in here are sincere although they may bo 
connected with the Rockefeller interests 
but he comes in here because he is carried 
away by the speech of Comrade Sparge 
or some other great orator of the party. 
But you know that every trouble that ex- 
ists anywhere comes from the clash of eco- 
nomic interests. Tou know that was the 
trouble right here last night on the imme- 
diate demands. You see it there , Imme- 
diate demands are for the benefit of the 
tax paying class, for the farmers, for the 
business man. In the twelve years that I 
have been in the Socialist party I have no- 
ticed that economic determinism operates 
in the decision of questions in the Socialist 
party as everywhere else. The only cause 
of disturbance in this party has been eco- 
nomic interests. You can not make a party 
out of a lion and a lamb. I tell you that 
earnest as a man may be, sincere as a 
man may be when his economic interests 
are concerned he is going to look out tor 
them I realise that the opinion of this 
convention is not In favor of this amend- 
ment I don't expect it to carry, but I 
do want every man here recorded as stand- 
ing for or against the working class on 
this question and I shall demand a roll call 
on my amendment. 

DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I move to table 
the motion of Delegate Bostroni. 
The motion to table was carried. 
DEL. NAGLE (Okla.): I wisH to call 
the attention of the delegate from New 
York that when he asks to strike out the 
words "without the consent of the state 
organization", if that amendment is car- 
ried then no Socialist can accept office un- 
der under any circumstances. Now m 
Oklahoma and other southwestern states 
we have what is called the Goble election 
law; and they have what is called a state 
election board, a county election board ar>d 
•a precinct election board. If that amena- 
ment Is carried we are entirely at the 
mercy of the state election board. We may 
possibly get representation on those elec- 

MORiNlNG SiiSSlON, MAY 17, i'.)i2 


tlon boards if that article stands as it is 
written by the committee. The same thing 
is true of the second amendment. In many 
of the states they have the commission 
form of government. If that section as 
read is allowed to stand then we will be 
able to get action politically under the 
commission form of government, but if 
you amend it as the second amendment 
suggests we are cut oft from that. Now 
it is evident that the committee— I am not 
acquainted with any of them except by 
reputation^but it is evident that they were 
broad enough to understand the entire situ- 
ation; and I ask in behalf of our state 
especially that that section be allowed to 
stand just as written and It will amply pro- 
tect us under the election laws of the 

DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): I move that the 
last words of section 2 read as follows — 
that the following words be added: "And 
no member holding political office shall 
hold an executive office in the party at the 
same time." 

The motion was seconded. 

DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): This amend- 
ment does not belong here. We are not 
discussing- eligibility to office. That comes 
under a separate section. If we want to 
preserve order in dsbate let us take up 
the different subjects logically. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is 
well taken. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: As to Comrade Slo- 
bodin's amendment, if you adopt that it 
Would prohibit the acceptance of any ap- 
pointive ofBce, whether the state organiza- 
tion of the Socialist party was in favor of 
accepting it or not. Wliat the committee 
had in m.ind was certain instances that 
were cited to it. One is mentioned by 
Comrade Nagle, where a mayor of the 
city or other officer may appoint a Social- 
ist election official, not because the law 
compels him to do so, in which case it 
would not be a gift, but because in fair- 
ness, in recognition of the growtl^ and im- 
portance of the Socialist movement he 
feels that that would be the proper thing 
to do. Under this amendment he would 
have to decline it no matter whether the 
state committee or the local committee of 
the party deemed it of the utmost impor- 
tance. Another instance was a case in 
Illinois where the governor had the ap- 
pointing of a commission on workmen's 
compensation, to investigate that subject., 
A position on that commission was of- 
fered to a member of the party, a labor 
union man who accepted It. Under the 
old constitution he accepted it in violation 
of the constitution, and the state commit- 
tee of Illinois closed one eye to it. It was 
perfectly proper that he should accept, but 
it should not* be left to him alone to de- 
termine. It was up to the state committee 
to determine and this section would give 
the state committee power to determine m 
what cases he might sit on industrial com- 
missions, for instance, that are being ap- 
pointed in all the states, where it is highly 
important that if the Socialist party can 
be represented they should be represented, 
not to compromise, but on the contrary to 
bring out the most radical proposition that 
can be obtained. We don't want to cut 
off this possibility. If it should be a purely 
political office we have guarded ;ig:inist 
that in other sections, and it can n« 4 De 
done without the consent of the slate or- 
ganization, and none of you expect ;i state 
organization of the Socialist party to con- 
sent to the accepting of a purely political 

On this second point I tliink fc=lobodi)i 
misapprehended the object of it. He said 
it was self evident. It is Just the con- 
trary. We provide that no party member 
shall be a candidate for a political office 
witliout the consent of the Socialist or- 
ganization. He wants it to read "The 
candidate of any other party than the 
Socialist party." Our object was to re- 
strict the riglits of a raember to become 
a candidate claiming to represent the So- 
cialist party, without the consent of the 
organization. Under the laws of several 
states the selection of candidates does not 
rest with the party organization but rests 
with bodies of voters who call themselves 
Socialist voters at tlie primaries, and thus 
a party member who does not answer the 
qualification and is not ,desired by the 
party may get himself nominated on that 
ticket by persons not constituting the 
party organization of the state. So tliat we t 
provide that no one can accept the posi- ■ 
tion on even a Socialist party ticket with- 
out the consent of the local or state or- 

DEL. SLOBODIN: I will speak now. I 
have been national secretary, state secre- 
tary, in every position in the party from 
national committeeman down; I know the 
politics of the party thoroughly. T say it 
is I not in the interest of the party that any 
member of the party should take an ap- 
pointive office, even when given by capi- 
talist politicians. It is not In the interest 
of the working class. It is against the 
intereSits of the working class. I do not 
say that every man who accepts such an 
office will work against the interest of the 
working class deliberately; but it is against 
the interest of the working class in that 
it confuses class lines. I know that Mayor 
Gaynor would readily offer prominent So- 
cialists that I have in mind a position on 
some committee, for the purpose of repre- 
senting, we will say, the interests of the 
worl!:ing class; biit if he accepLs it will 
finally be against the interests of the work- 
ing class insofar as it tends to confuse 
the class lines and insofar as the working 
class will be taught that they can accept 
benefits from the capitalist politicians. 
That is why it should be prohibited abso- 
lutely. As to the second point, that was 
not intended for this purpose at all. If 
it was intended to prohibit Socialists from 
accepting offices in the Socialist party with- 
out the consent of the state or local or- 
ganization that would be a good provision. 
The provision wliich I referred to is a,n- 
other one. It is a better one, and this is 
the reason for it, that they shall not ac- 
cept any public office, or stand as candi- 
dates for any public office, other than in 
the Socialist party. The first provision is 
not necessary in the national constitution. 
That may be left to the state organization 
to deal with. If a party member not nom- 
inated by your state or local organization 
designedly stands as a candidate at the 
primary election, or stands as a candi- 
date against the decision of your local 
or state organization you yourselves will 
know how to deal with it The provision 
which T contend is this that he shall not 
be a cnndiidate of any party or organization 
other tbau the Socialist party. 

Tbn nmendment of Delegate globodin was 
then dor<'ated, and Section 3, of Article 2 
w.iM imssod as reported by the committee. 

Dl'^L. WHEELER (Cal.): Will the com- 

mittce consent to put in the sixth line 
without the consent of the state or local 

NA;ri()NAi, sociAiJS'r convention 

|)||JI,. nilJjQUlT: The committee de- 

Til 10 CHAIRMAN: The committee lias 
rol'UMcd your request. The section as re- 
iiorlnd Is adopted. Proceed with the next 

Article 2, Section 3 was then adopted as 

Article 2, Section i was also adopted 
without objection. 

Article 2, Section 5 was adopted without 

Article 2, Section 6 was then read. 

DEL,. GARVER (Mo":): I move to amend 
by striking out the words "against the 
person" in the second line and inserting 
the word "sabotage." As amended it will 
then read "Any iTiember of the party who 
opposes political action or advocates 
crime, sabotage, or other methods of vio- 
lence as a weapon of the working class to 
aid in its emancipation, shall be expelled 
from membership in the party." I de- 
sire to say that the ctualifying words 
"against the person" imply that If the 
crime is against property it might be per- 
mitted. Under such a construction we 
might be considered as advocates of ar- 
son; under that construction we might be 
considered advocates of dynamite; under 
that construction we might be considered 
advocates of railroad wrecking. I contend 
that it is high time for this convention to 
take a distinct stand and declare that It 
is opposed to every form of crime and vio- 
lence (great cheering). Why this commit- 
tee composed as it is of representative men 
of the convention should put in a qualifying 
clause Implying that crime must be against 
the person to be denounced I can not un- 
derstand. You all know that Jim Mc- 
Namara said that he didn't intend to kill 
any one in Los Angeles; that he simply 
intended to injure the building that was 
blown up, I want to say that that line 
can not be drawn. It is high time that 
this convention should go on record on this 
subject. In inserting this word "sabotage" 
1 will say that I have been asked the 
meaning of the word. The meaning that I 
have in mind was given to me by one that 
was qualified to define it, a member of this 
convention having the right to a voice and 
vote. I think it Is pretty thoroughly under- 
stood and that there will be no confusion 
in the mind of any delegate and that this 
amendment will be adopted. 

DBT.. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to strike 
out this whole section 6. The last delegate 
in his remarks has proven that he\ is not 
clear in his own mind as to what he' wants 
done. He has admitted that there is a 
question as to what the word sabotage 
means. Yesterday afternoon the delegates 
in this convention did the greatest thing 
that was ever done in the history of the 
Socialist party. Now after you have 
adopted a section to which we all agreed, 
that the members of the Socialist party 
must stand for political action in every 
sense, is somebody going to drag m some- 
thing here, raise a bugaboo and overthrow 
everything that we did yesterday? That 
section of Article 2 should be stricken out. 

A DELEGATE: The syndicalists will 
have to go, . , . 

DEL. MERRICK: The proposition Of 
what Is meant by violence, and what is 
meant by these different terms would be 
dragged in here; there will be recrimina- 
tions back and forth, I want to say to you 
that it is absolutely superfluous, and even 
if you thought it ought to go In it should 
not be in that section but should be m 
Article 2, Section 1. It has no relevancy 
here whatever. It Is entirely superfluous 

and is a proposition that will make serious 
dissension in the convention, and then when 
you are through you won't be agreed on it 
then. Every delegate in the convention 
will have a different idea what it means. 
You will go back to your state wrangling 
and jangling over that section. I predict 
there won't be a member in any local who 
will agree with any other member as to 
what this meant when it went in. Let us 
all get together and strike out this section. 
Let us proceed in the spirit that was mani- 
fested yesterday afternoon and last night. 

DEL. STALLARD (Kan.): I wish to 
move and to speak in support of the amend- 
ment, that we strike out the following 
words, "or advocates crime against the 
person or other methods of violence." 

THE CHAIRMAN: That amendment is 
o"ut of order. We have two amendments 

DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I expected this 
exact motion. The situation developed yes- 
terday was too smooth. It was so general, 
so all inclusive — 

THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate must 
speak to the subject. 1 do not propose to 
permit the speakers to wander so far afield 
from the subject. 

DEL. GAYLORD: Now, Mr. Chairman, 
I am a judge of words, and I know that I 
am talking to the subject. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Well, do so, and go 

DEL. GATLORD: 1 am doing so. If you 
will keep quiet and let me. 

Comrades, I say it, and I say again, be- 
cause it is pertinent that the situation yes- 
terday called for more definition. It was 
understood very well by those who knew 
the forces at work in this convention that 
the moment must come, before we left this 
hall to go home, when there should be a 
definition of what was meant in this resolu- 
tion. We will have it; and so will you. I 
shall not consent, nor will the Wisconsin 
delegation, to leave in the platform and 
constitution of this party any uncertain 
phrases which will be interpreted one way 
by one group and another way by another 
group; and in this way lay the foundation 
for interminable turmoil and disagreement, 
confusion and the destruction at the 
wrong time, of this organization. 

A DELEGATE: I would like to know 
what the delegate from Wisconsin is talk- 
ing about. 

THE CHAIRMAN: He is talking to the 
motion to substitute — 

DEL. GAYLORD: I am talking to the 
motion to strike out the whole paragraph. 
That is what I said I was talking about, 
and I am not going to be contused about 

I am sorry the committee put in those 
words "against the person." The distinc- 
tion has well been made on the floor of 
the convention already, that the crime 
Elgainst property is a thing that this party 
cannot stand for. No crime. We cannot 
stand for any crime. We definitely repudi- 
ate crime of any kind; and since the ques- 
tion has been raised we dare not evade an 
absolutely definite expression on that point. 

However, to go further and to come Im- 
mediately within the range of that which 
the chairman will doubtless understand, 
neither dare we permit our party organiza- 
tion to present its principles, ' the basis of 
this organization, the platform and program, 
to the people of this country, to the working 
class, who are looking for something that_is 
clear cut, except in language that is de- 
cisive and easily understood. Neither dare 
we present ourselves to them in language 


concerning it which is of doubtful inter- 
pruLation. I for one shall not and cannot 
uLund for any quibbling and evasion. I 
know whereof I speak when I speak of 
quibbling and evasion. In the mountains 
of Pennsylvania have I met it. Out on the 
coast, in halls hired by the Socialist party 
for me to speak in, have I met it. All 
(he way in between, from the prairies of 
Texas far up into the factory districts of 
the cities have I met it. I know what I 
;i,m talking about when I talk about, quib- 
bling and evasion, and uses of words that 
are given double meanings. No. We know 
what we want. A political party having 
for its principles and foundation the ac- 
quirement and intelligent use of political 
power. And those whom I have met, and 
they are on this floor, those whom I have 
met who have quibbled about this, evaded, 
and split hairs when they were in my pres- 
ence and afterwards were plain enough to 
suit the devil himself, these cannot fool 
me. You fool others but you cannot fool 
me. I know what the workers of this na- 
tion are talking about. They do not stand 
for crimes against property, not even in 
the name of the labor unions. Crimes 
against property are all closely identified 
physically with danger to life of the work- 
ing men. We 'want no chances taken. Prop- 
erty is a tiling that we use. The use of it 
is our livelihood. The use of it properly is 
our labor, our living. Property is the 
product of human labor. 

THE CHAIRMAN. Your time is up. 

On motion Del. Gay lord's time was ex- 
tended five minutes, and he proceeded: 

Now, to come just to the point, I stand 
for striking out the words "against the 
person," and Inserting the word "sabo- 
tage." Some will object that they do not 
know what that word means. I did not 
originate its use. Let us take the use of 
it as they do, subtle and insinuating and 
suggestive rather than definitive. Let us 
take the meaning and meanings and all the 
meanings given the word. We do not want 
any of it. None of it. We don't want the 
touch of it on us. We do not want the 
hint of it connected with us. We repudiate 
it In every fibre of us. I know it is, capa- 
ble of double meanings, just because those 
who have adopted Its use ask us "what do 
you mean by sabotage?" What do we 
mean? We mean what you mean, and we 
ilo not want It, Political action undertaken 
as a method of the working class battle, 
accepts for the time being the present 
definition of crime. It includes and implies 
the right of the majority to change its 
definitions of crime in so far as we may 
I)e able when we have the power, accord- 
ing to such light and knowledge as may 
come to us on the basis of our experience, 
but for the present, for the maintaining 
of the social order which we have, and un- 
der which we live, and under which we 
must live, for the maintaining of such per- 
sonal safeguai-ds for liberty and life, and 
(he pursuit of happine-ts as we have, and 
T am frank to say that I prefer to take 
(hose that we have rather than ask for 
those which may not be granted by the 
advocates of direct action and sabotage. 
These safeguards we know and understand. 
Ttipy do not suit us and we propose to in- 
I ri\ase them, to increase the personal use 
III' personal liberty, the personal use of per- 
onal powers, but we do not propose to 
ili";troy them. Though they do not suit 
ir:; (hey are protections in some degree. We 
iiropose to increase expression in them by 
iiii Toasing the imperfect facilities of social 
h lion for the common welfare. This is 
iiiv imderstanding of the matter, and in 

this I feel safe in saying that I speak for 
the comrades from Wisconsin. 

DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): Probably 1 
won t have the beautiful flow of language 
or use as many words as the delegate from 
Wisconsin has used. I am in absolute 
harmony with the clause in the constitu- 
tion brought forward 5sy the committee. I 
am also in harmony with the amendment 
proposed by the comrade here, putting In 
the word "sabotage." 

A DELEGATE: What are you talking 
about, then? 

DEL. SADLER: I object to any indi- 
vidual attacking any member of this or- 
ganization by misrepresentation and words 
that do not mean anything. 

A DELEGATE; What do you mean? 
Who is talking? 

THE CHAIRMAN: Order in the house. 
Let the Chair regulate this. The comrade 
will talk to the motion or yield the tloor. 

DEL. SADLER: I will speak to the mo- 
tion. Comrades, there is no subtle mean- 
ing to the phrase as has been suggested by 
the delegate from Wisconsin, There are 
no two members of the Socialist party 
who agree on the word sabotage. Not 
only that, but I think it is out of place 
m the Socialist constitution and political 
organization, striving to get political power 
For this reason: The Socialist party a po- 
litical organization, has no use for sabotage, 
crime, or anything else of that kind. As 
a political organization it is not within 
our jurisdiction to use sabotage, and there- 
fore it has no place in our programme. It 
is only an economic organization that can 
use it, and not a political organization. 
Therefore, it seems to me, out of place 
and I am sure that the committee was in- 
telligent enough, broad enough, and had 
experience enough to know that if it had 
a place in there they would have put it in. 
So, therefore, I am opposed to the inser- 
tion of the word "sabotage" in our consti- 

DEL. GOBBEL; I am speaking now as 
an individual and not as a member of the 
committee. On the committee we were di- 
vided on the use of that word "sabotage," 
Those are the members of the committee 
who were better trained in English, useft a 
term that they said meant the same thing, 
so that after all there was no real division. 
I think that all nine members of the com- 
mittee stood directly against that thing 
that is meant by those who use the word 
"sabotage." For myself, I know that I 
stand against it. This is a political or- 
ganization. If we are a political organiza- 
tion and stand for certain things, and do 
not stand for certain other things, let us 
say so. Why not? What is lost by being 
honest? Now, I am perfectly frank in 
telling you what I am after, what I am 
driving at. I want to say that when a man 
speaks for the Socialist party, in a hall 
which is paid for by Socialists, that he 
ought to talk what we mean Tiy Socialism. 
(Applause.) I speak again, as Comrade 
Gaylord spoke, from bitter experience. I 
have traveled in the service of this Social- 
ist party in practically every part of the 
■United States, and what do I find? I find 
the movement in locality after locality dis- 
organized, I find them fighting amongst 
themselves. Why? Because men have 
come into the Socialist party and instead 
of advocating' the principles and tactics 
of the S'ocialist political organization, they 
have advocated the tactics of an economic 
organization — sabotage. This is the point, 
^et it. If they are amongst those that want 
to talk sabotage, let them g-o out on an- 



other plaforrn anfl talk it. I for one much 
ae 1 disagree with them, am perfectly franlc 
to say it. Sabotage means jack-ass meth- 
ods of fighting capitalism. In the end it 
spells taut the philosophy of anarchism, the 
philosophy of the individualist that takes 
upon himself to know better than the or- 
ganization, the collectivity, can know. To 
me, it is a jack-ass method of fighting 

But after that, and this is the only ques- 
tion before the house, shall we say what 
we mean by political organization, and 
thereby make it possible for the good loyal 
comrades all ovei- the country to have an 
interpretation that will enable them to 
say whether a tnember of the party is 
talking political organization, or whether 
they are advocating what they are pleased 
to call the econamic weapon in the fight 
against capitalisni. 

Now, what did happen in regard to those 
resolutions, precisely the same resolutions 
that were adopted four years ago, on labor 
organizations? We have seen that some 
of our comrades got up on this platform, 
and approving these same resolutions that 
were adopted two years ago — four years 
ago — they have put on them an interpreta- 
tion that would «.llow them to go out to- 
morrow and say, "They endorsed sabotage; 
they have endorsed all that we havQ been 
doing and saying in the name of SocialisnSs" 
It was as smooth a political trick as I 
have ever seen iii a political convention in 
all my experience. "What I shall do in my 
economic organization, what I am liable to 
do, that is my business. It is not a sub- 
ject for discussion here; but, what I shall 
do in the political organization as an ex- 
pression of my economic interest, is a sub- 
ject for discussion here. This is what 
we are trying to say: Do we believe in 
sabotage as a weapon along political lines? 
If not, let us say so. „„ ^ 

DEL. MAX HAYES of Cleveland: What 
I have to say I v^iil try to make very brief. 
1 understand th^t it costs something like 
$500 an hour to conduct this convention. 
1 haven't taken much time and I don't 
intend to take a.ny more than I can help. 
When I came to this convention as a dele- 
gate elected by Socialists in the city of 
Cleveland, I believed that I was commg 
to a gathering that was purely political in 
its nature, that this is a political party, a 
political organization, with which we are 
affiliated that has no right to dictate to 
or take part in the affairs, the politics, or 
principles o£ organizations oa tlie economic 

field. But apparently there Is a spirit 
growing in the Socialist Party that sooner 
or later, in the not very distant future, un- 
less we proceed along the same Imes that 
the Socialists throughout the civilized 
world who are in the vanguard in the 
political movement. to overthrow capitalism, 
and that adhere to the same principles and 
policies that we do, that have been a suc- 
cess in these other nations than we are, 
as I say, confronted by a new spirit that 
has arisen which attempts to draw the 
political organization in behind the eco- 
nomic organization. In some .parts of 
the country this spirit is rapidly de- 
veloping to the anarchistic point where 
if men life Johann Most were still 
on earth, they would undoubtedly make ap- 
plication to join. I want you comrades, 
and particularly those of you who have 
not practical experience in the every day 
struggles in the industrial field, to go slow, 
and I refer particularly to some of our 
so-called parlor variety of Socialists. Some 
of the intellectuals who have never be6n 
in the labor movement, but sit m their 
parlors and theorize and write books that 
tell the industrial workers what to do. The 
point that I wish to make is simply this: 
You yesterday adopted a declaration re- 
garding the matter of organization on the 
industrial field, which certainly ought to be 
'■ satisfactory to every right thinking, honest- 
minded man and woman in the Socialist 
movement. Let us stand by that. Keep 
your hands of£ the A. P. of L. Keep your 
hands off the I. W. W. Keep your hands 
off any labor organization. As far as the 
A F of L. is concerned, no resolution that 
vou would adopt here would be sufficient to 
drive me to join the L W: W. if I didn't see 
fit to do so. We can take care of our own 
affairs on the industrial field. We do not 
want you to butt in. Leave the industrial 
field to the unions. _ , , , L .-' 

THE CHAIRMAN: The original motion 
is the adoption of the report of the com- 
mittee. Article 2, Section 6. An amend- 
ment is offered by Garver of Missouri, to 
strike out in this particular section the 
words "against the person," and to insert 
the word "sabotage" in the same place. The 
amendment to the amendment Is offered by 
Merrick of Pennsylvania to strike out the 
entire section. That is the status quo just 

"°The convention will be adjourned until 
2.30 this afternoon. . ^^ ; 

Whereupon the convention adjotirnea un- 
til 2:30 o'clock p. m« same day. 




ltJ«iia<ilii', J-(u.bJ4iAliiV"t.iiikiJ£'J^.'.Lil''i^tuly-.iJk-L< it 

Chairman Duncan called the convention 
to order at 2:30 p. m. Consideration of 
the Constitution was resumed. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question before 
the house is on the amendment offered by 
Del. Garver of Missouri, to strike from 
Section 6 the words "against the person," 
and insert the word "Sabotage," and on 
the substitute ofEered by Del. Merrick of 
Pennsylvania to strike out the entire Sec- 
tion 6. The Chair recognizes Del, Beiiyn 
of Illinois. 

DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I wish to make 
a motion relating to the special order. 
You know that this afternoon at three 
o'clock, according to the previous action, 
we are going to nominate candidates for 
President and Vice-President. I wish to 
make this motion: That when we take 
up the nominations, a roll call of states 
be made, giving each state an opportunity 
to nominate. (Seconded.) 

DEL. SPARGO: I offer an amendment 
to the motion. The amendment is that 
instead of going into the nominations at 
three o'clock, we go into the nominations 
as soon as the business before us is dis- 
posed of, that is, as soon as the report 
of the Constitution Committee is disposed 

DEL. BARNES: I accept that, 

DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.); I offer a sub- 
stitute that we have a special session to- 
night, beginning at eight o'clock, the 
special order of which shall be the nomi- 
nation of presidential and vice-presidential 

On motion of Del. Prevey of Ohio the 
motion of Del. Barnes was laid on the 


Consideration of the Constitntion was 
then resumed. 

DEL. BERLYN (111.): I desire to state 
to the comrades that this is the time l;or 
clearness. The motion to strike out that 
entire paragraph is liable to becloud. 
There have been .aspersions cast that we 
are yellow. We want to go on record 
where we stand. I am in favor of put- 
ting the word "sabotage" in, I will vote 
with the committee if they will consent 
to it and I will tell you why. I know 
what sabotage means. I know why I 
became a Socialist. I was a trade union- 
ist before I was a Socialist, and the meth- 
ods used by the trade unionists did not 
appeal to me, and I wanted a better way. 
"Sabotage" comes from the French word 
"sabot," wooden shoes — putting the boots 
to them. Now, you will say that is one 
definition. That is true. 

What does "boycott" mean, and where 
did it come from? It is Irish, and it 
meant Englishman ■who was oppressing 
the Irish, and they set an example of iso- 
lation. Everybody understands now V\rhat 
Captain Boycott stands for — boycott. And 
to'day "sabotage" has its positive signifi- 
cance just the same. 

Now I am not trying to dictate to the 
economic movement. When they will 
come in actual contact with the capital- 
ist class they will adopt such methods 
and manners of fighting as they deem 
proper. That is their business, and I do 
not Tvant to Interfere with them, but as 
!i. Socialist who has found a better way, 
In our party, when this thing hag been 
ihrust on us we should have the courage 
(:o say where we stand. Tliere is no duck- 

ing in this. I won't duck. The Socialist 
party is organized. It has a better way, 
because it tries to do things for the whole 
working class — and the best that the eco- 
nomic movement does is to carry on a 
guerilla warfare. But that is the evi- 
dence of the class struggle. We should 
not suppress them, and in all their strug- 
gles, whatever they do, they do what 
seems right to them, and we will give 
them support. But that does not permit 
a man to preach sabotage or violence 
from our platform. 

We make the propaganda for the cap- 
ture of tlie public powers, to realize the 
declaration of principles and the various 
planks in our platform. What we , So- 
cialists appeal to the workingmen to do 
is to unite and get all you can until you 
get all. And to do this, and to speak 
plain English, is not yellow, » 

To some of these boys who talk about 
being yellow, I would like to say if they 
were in some of the scrapes that I was 
they would know something about who 
Is yellow and who is not. Ask the boys 
in Colorado, w^hen I went out there six 
years ago, if I was yellow, if I didn't go 
anywhere, wherever they told me. I 
would g-o to hell if they told me. Isn't 
that so, Ploaten? I went to Trinidad and 
I went to Cripple Creek, and I was the 
first fellow that spoke there after the 
deportations. I didn't hesitate. I had the 
gun put to my nose in Chicago, and I 
made fun of the fellow that did it. But 
that is neither here nor there. The ques- 
tion is a question of party policy. We 
are striving- to realize ideals .and propo- 
sitions responsive to the needs and as- 
pirations of the working class. There are 
elements that have intruded and have 
used our party as a stalking place to 
preach anarchy. I won't weaken and we 
won't have anarchy preached in our plat- 
form. We are not going- to do it. 

DEL. CASSIDY (N. Y.): In my opinion 
there have been, during my eleven years 
in the Socialist party, different times 
when our movement has been threatened 
from two different directions. At one time 
it seemed as if it was threatened from 
the opportunist end. But I want to say 
tonight — and I am not usually a positiv- 
ist on most things — that the great dan- 
ger, the tremendous danger that faces the 
movement today is from the end that 
smacks of, that smells of violence and 
anarchy. (Applause.) I want, comrades, 
to give you some facts to show you how 
imminent this danger is to the movement 
at this time. Most of you have read about 
the May day demonstration and parade in 
Union Square, New York, on the first day 
of this month, and what happened at that 
meeting. I was the Chairman of that 
meeting, and I think I can speak with au- 
thority. What happened? In the first 
place, I want to precede this by telling 
you that for years the New York Social- 
ists and labor organizations have com- 
bined in a conference and have carried 
out a parade on the first of May, which 
was followed by a mass meeting, usually 
in Union Square. Heretofore we have had 
no trouble Heretofore the anarchists have 
kept their hands off. The most they have 
done has been to stand on the sidewalk 
as we passed by on parade, to stand on 
the edge of the crowd, sneering at us; 
because we have no more bitter and vi- 
cious enemies today than the anarchists. 
(Applause.) When the parade arrived in 



Union Sqiiarc, I was on the, platform, 

:il)i)iit aa bU- as this platform here, with 
II. litUt! projecting' space about as big as 
LhlB tor the wyeaker. ^ . ^ . 

UlilU BJiJaSMlilR (Ohio): A point of or- 
der. Are we discussing- what happened in 
New York, or this amendment to striKe 

THE CHAIRMAN: I rule that the com- 
rade is talking to the question and cit- 
ing- this as an illustration of the point 
he wishes to make. 

DEL. CASSIDY: No unusual prepara- 
tion had heen made for this meeting. \ve 
did not anticipate, we did not suspect 
what happened that day. There were two 
entrances to the platform. When the 
meeting- was about to open, the anar- 
chists, about fifty or sixty of them, all 
Italian immigrants, began to act. hit- 
teen or twenty, like a big wedge, came 
up the stairway on this side. Anotlier 
fifteen or twenty rushed up on this side 
of the platform. As our platform was a 
little his/her than this from the ground, 
thev climbed up to the top and took pos- 
session of the speakers' stand. I realized 
that we were up againsjt something i 
realized that that was a moment that 
might have been turned into another Hay- 
market affair and used to discredit the 
Socialist movement throughout this coun- 
try. (Applause.) I went to these men 
standing on the platform and taking the 
full space up. I went to the first man 
and said, "I am Chairman of this meet- 
ing and I ask you to stand back for the 
spekkers." He says, "No, no no, this la 
workingman's meeting." Well, 1 says, 
"yes, that is true; this is a workingman s 
meeting, but we have got to have order 
at a working-man's meeting.' No, no, 

no this workingman's meeting. I went 
and got three or four committeemen, and 
we came back again and pleaded with 
them and asked thprn to get back. They 
said no. The only answer was, "Work- 
ingman's meeting," and there was noth- 
ing too bitter, there was nothing too vile 
for them to hurl at the Socialist move- 
ment. Now, comrades, I am going to state 
that. Let me tell you another peculiar 
incident about this meeting, a significant 
incident. Heretofore at meetings the po- 
lice department of New York has given 
us so many police that we were defended. 
There were police on the right, front and 
rear. But on this occasion, for some rea- 
son that you can guess at and attach 
whatever signiflcanoe you like to it, there 
was no police on the platform. ()n this 
occasion, for the first time in the history 
of any kind of parade in New York, not 
even one policeman was sent along to 
escort the parade, and even the police 
along the road said, "What is the mat- 
ter? Why haven't you got a police es- 
■cort?" Under that situation we stayed 
there, and these ugly, vicious men stayed 
there. And you must remember that these 
men do not fight with their fists. They 
have a knife, or worst of all, there is 
a bomb, for they are the class that want 
to use force. One of our committee said, 
""We can send out in the Square and get 
fifty husky trade union Socialists and 
ihrow them. ofC the platform." I said, 
"No, let not one comrade hit anybody or 
do any act of violence." I was afraid, 
not for myself, but .afraid for the move- 
ment (Applause.) These men stayed 
there. The organizer of Local New York, 
Comrade Gorbcr, telephoned to police 
headqunrters for men, but they sent us no 
men. The iiollceman in charge of the 
police omplf'VtMl 1n the Square refused to 
come on the platform. Under these con- 

ditions I permitted these men to stay 
there as the best way out of the diffi- 
culty. Now, let me show you — (confu- 
sion, interrupting the speaker.) No, I am 
not going to waste your time; I am keep- 
ing straight to tlie point. I want to show 
vou where we are drifting, unless we take 
a hitch-up. Why dia these Italian anar- 
chists have the courage to do something 
that they did not attempt before? Of 
course, a comrade here asks What did 
they do?" You have read the descrip- 
tion. One of the things they did was to 
hiss at the speakers and so on. Another 
thing that they did was that a bunch of 
them in front said, "Take down that flag. 
I says, "What flag?" He says, ' The 
American tlag." I says, "You will not 
take it down, damn you; you will not take 
it down." (Applause.) And they wedged 
toward the flag, and we got our comrades 
and we stood back and held them back. 
I said, "Comrades, don't strike, don t 
strike." Because I did not think tliey 
would strike back with their fists, it 
might have been with a weapon, nnd 
then I did not know what might hap- 
pen. We talked and argued with them, 
and finally appealed. Socialists tried to 
protect the flag, and anarchists tried to 
tear it down. It managed to go do-wn, 
although it was not trampled by anybody. 
Now, to my point. Why did they eet 
the courage to do that? Why? Let ine 
show you, comrades. I am only giving 
you these facts the way I see the thing. 
When the Lawrence hunger strike start- 
ed out .it brought the Socialist party m 
connection with the local I. W. W. in 
New York, and it brought the L W;. \\. 
in connection with the Italian Socialist 
Federation. The Italian Socialist Federa- 
tion took these men as members. As to 
what we call the Italian Socialist Federa- 
tion I will explain. 

(Del. Carev of Massachusetts moved to 
extend the soeaker's time five minutes.) 
DEL. HICKBY (Tex.): A point of or- 
der. Under the rules the time for nomi- 
nations is here now. It is three o clock. 
THE CHAIRMAN: It is not yet tliree 
o'clock, the motion is that the time of 
the speaker be extended five minutes. In 
two minutes it will be three o'clock. 

DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to 
amend that the time be extended two 
minutes, . , ;j xu 

The amendment was carried and the 
speaker's time was extended two minutes. 
DKL. CASSIDY-- When the Lawrence 
strike broke out, what did we Socialists 
do? In every struggle of the working 
people for better conditions, we g-o to 
their rescue. In this particular csise we 
came in contact with the local I. W. W. 
and through that with this Italian Social- 
ist Federation. Now, let me explain what 
this Italian Socialist Federation is. The 
Italian Socialist Federation, so-called, is 
an organisation that is not affiliated, nor 
can it be, nor does it desire to be, with 
the Socialist party in any respect. They 
frankly tell you that they are anarchists. 
The Italian anarchists, the Socialist Fed- 
eration, took an active part in the Law- 
rence strike. They sent finances. They 
were the chief agency in bringing the 
Lawrence children to New York City. In 
that way many members of our party, 
through the I, W. W. got mixed up in 
this once case. Now, comrades, m this 
wav is the danger. Now, about the local 
I. W. W. I am telling you facts now, 
and you can draw your own conclusion. 
When this attack on the Socialist party- 
May day meeting was made, the local I. 
W. W. called a meeting, and a motion was 


made at that meeting, tliat they ropudinte 
the actions of these men who took the 
platform and tlirew down the national 
nag, and the vote repudiating the action 
•of these men was taken, and it was only 
carried by a vote of 28 to 31. . 

DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): I move to 
suspend the rules and continue the dis- 
cussion. (Seconded.) 

DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I move to 
amend that we change the order of the 
day so that this pending discussion on 
this section of the Constitution shall be 
finished and disposed of bg:fore we pro- 
ceed with the regular order. (Seconded.) 

THE CHAIRMAN: That motion has al- 
ready been laid upon the table. 

DEL. ALEXANDER; A point of order. 
There has been business transacted since 
the motion to lay on the table was car- 

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion at Ahia 
time is that the rules be suspended and 
that we proceed with the dicussion of 
this motion before the house, this par- 
ticular section. 

DEL. MERRICK; I wish to speafe 
against suspending the rules. 

DEL. ALEXANDER: I wish to Speak 
for suspending the rules. 

DEL. MERRICK; At the, beginning of 
this convention, you recognized the im- 
portance of providing for the nominations 
at some definite time, in the Interest of 
accomplishing the best interests of this 
convention. You knew that such situ- 
ations as this were going to come, and 
that is the reason you put that rule in 
there. Now, are you going to the 
whole order of business and bring about 
confusion here and produce a situation 
that your better judgment showed you at 
the beginning of tMs convention might 
follow? There were several motions and 
amendments made here' for the purpose 
of placing the nominations earlier in the 
convention, and as a compromise you 
finally fixed Friday afternoon at threg 
o'clock. Now that time is here. If you 
begin to suspend the rules I can., tell you 
that you do not know what you are go- 
ing to do or where you are going to land. 
Stick to the program and vote this down. 

On motion of Del. Richardson (Gal.) 
the previous question was ordered. 

DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): The way to do 
is to finish what you have in hand before 
you proceed to the next business. This 
Constitution is the result of five days' 
work in the cohimittee, and the issues in- 
volved in this discussion are very likely 
to affect the decision of the convention, 
or to bear upon the decision, certainly, 
with reference to the nominations. 

THE CHAIRMAN: As many as are in 
favor of suspending the rules and con- 
tinuing the discussion will signify it by 
saying aye. Contrary, no. The Chair is 
in doubt. 

DEL. KOOP (111.): A point of order. 
If the Chair would state that it only 
means this clause, I think we would all 

THE CHAIRMAN: That is what the 

DEL. KOOP: He did not state it the 
last time. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair did not 
state it the last time, because he sup- 
posed it was perfectly well understood 
that it means this section. As many as 
are in favor of suspending the rules and 
continuing this discussion until this sec- 
tion of the Constitution is disposed of 
will raise their hands. Those opposed 
Will raise their hands. The motion is 
carried; for, 168; against, SI. 

ni'.L. i'H,[i;viOY ((Hiio); I wiHh wo 
iMi},;Ut bo. ;i,l»lo. to (liwruas this particular 
oiaut^o without sJiowing .sucli prujuiilue In 
our discussion. This clause l.s very im- 
portant to the working cla,ys. Many of 
those who have already spoken on tlila 
particular clause seem to thinli that wo 
are now meeting the same issues In our 
movement as we did four, live or ten years 
ago. Let me call your attention to the 
fact that as the working class draw up 
closer and encroach more and more upon 
the material interests of the capitalist 
class, the class struggle is growing more 
intense. The capitalist class is going to 
devise new ways and meajis of beating 
down the power of the working class. 
The working class, on the other hand, as 
they realize that they must meet the 
greater power of the capitalist , class, are 
also adopting new tactics. Now, then, we 
did not hear anything about Sabotage 
four years ago in our national convention. 
We did not know anything a,bout the 
word. I do not know anything about it 
now. because I have not had occasion to 
fight in the ranks of the workers in" a 
strike or anything of that kind. If I 
had, maybe I would know something 
about Sabotage. Let me call your atten- 
tion to another thing. We did not know 
anything about the working class being 
accessories before the fact in every case 
where there is a strike, as we do now. 
(Applause.) The capitalist class are so 
interpreting the laws of this country now 
that they are convicting worktngmen of 
crimes everywhere in the United States 
for being accessories before the fact. 
Don't forget that. Now, then, in the in- 
terpretation of this word "Sabotag-e" as 
given by Delegate Gaylord, from Wiscon- 
consin, this morning, he said that it meant 
a destruction of property. Comrades, I am 
surprised that the Boston delegation did 
not rise en masse, because they come, 
frona a city w^here the earlier patriots 
destroyed property In the American Revo- 
lution. (Applause.) In Boston, when the 
rebels threw the tea over in the harbor, 
that was Sabotage. We have a monu- 
ment in Akron, Ohio, built to the mem- 
ory of John Brown, who was also a rebel. 
Now, the capitalist class are interpreting 
the laws so that In every strike where 
there is any property destroyed, tlie 
working men who are out on strike raay 
be indicted for being accessories before 
ithe fact and be jailed, when they had no 
part In destroying this property that was 
destroyed while they were on strike. If 
we adopt this clause, which as Delegate 
Gaylord Interprets It means the destruc- 
tion of property, are we, the Socialist 
party, going to expel fromi the party a 
workingman convicted by the capitalist 
courts of destroying property? (Voices, 
"No.") Now, don't let us render any as- 
sistance to the capitalist class. They are 
convicting the workers everywhere ojf 
destruction of property. How can we de- 
termine whether the workingmen de- 
stroyed the property or not? How can 
we? I am in favor of striking out this 
entire clause for this reason. I am heart- 
ily In favor of this part of Section 1 of Ar- 
ticle II that we adopted with reference to 
political action. It says that all who 
subscribe to the principles of the Social- 
ist party, including political action, shall 
be eligible to membership In the party. 
I have no sympathy -with anybody that 
joins the party for the purpose of using 
t<hc Socialist party to further the inter- 
est's of some other organization, (Ap- 
plause. ) I do not care whether that other 
organization is the A, F. of L., the I, W. 



W, or nil Indnitoiiili'iit organization of any 
IUikI. VVIniii w«j conio into tlie Socialist 
parly wts IlKlit tiio political battle. But 
tlio (kiytruction of property will not take 
jjliico by political socialists. As one com- 
rado auid, tiiat will be done in the eco- 
nomic t'.rganizalions. Now if th§ politi- 
cal org-aniKation is going- to bacli up the 
Vorklng class on the economic field, we 
must back them up and we must not dis- 
criminate when the capitalist class says 
thev have destroyed property somewhere, 
somehow. Let us stick to the working 
class. (Appiause.) 

DEL. DOBBS (Ky.): The comrade who 
has just preceded me has inadvertently 
given the strongest possible reason why 
you should leave this clause as reported 
by the committee, when she instances the 
case of the Boston Tea Party. Now, any- 
one who knows the signiflcance of that 
event knows that it was an outburst on 
the part of John Hancock and a band of 
smugglers who used their own selfish in- 
terests to accomplish their purposes. (Ap- 
plause.) Here is just the point: if you 
fail to include in the Constitution this 
clause as reported, you are going- to fur- 
nish the basis for "provoking agents." It 
means that if you strike out the clause, 
or if you do not leave this clause in there, 
it means that the capitalist agents in 
the organizations will start expeditions 
of sabotage and make the working class 
responsible. (Applause.) There is the 
point. There may be exhibitions of Vio- 
lence as the comrade from Ohio has in- 
stanced, but they are the exceptions, and 
we cannot, in fairness to ourselves, base 
our actions on these exceptional outbursts 
which in the dim future may prove to be 
approvable. We, in this convention, rep- 
resent, it seems to me, the high tide of 
Socialism. Heretofore we have been in. 
something of a chaos. Now we have come 
to a position wliere we are a force in 
civilization, and if the socialist movement 
is to realize all that is best in it, it must 
now and here irrevocably put the stamp 
of its disapproval upon any anti-social, 
anti-eonstructlve proceeding. (Applause.) 
We have got not only to allow the old 
members of this party, who have been 
fighting in it from the beginning, to go 
back to our respective constituencies with 
a declaration such as this in the Consti- 
tution, but we have a larger and wider 
duty. The working class is entitle 1 ta 
the best that there is in our civilisation, 
and I protest against this attitude upon 
the part of soTj;e members of this party 
that, beesiuse there are -not more sool 
things in capitalism and civilization as it 
exists, therefore, we should repudiate 
capitalism and civilization and all its 
work. The working class is entitled to 
the best, and if the capitalist class de- 
sires to stain its hands with fraud ana 
to practic^^ violence, let us, who repre- 
sent a new and constructive force, take 
our stand in favor of order as against 
chaos. (Applausp.) 

DEL. BENTALL: T am speaking against 
this section because of the discussion that 
has larlsen. Not because I am in favor 
of violence, cr in favor of any crime 
ngnlnst nny T»'rson; but I am against 
putting the Rocinlist party in a position 
whero wo have to put out something like 
this to the world, throwing_ a suspicion 
oviir us: the sarno as we did two years 
ni',o, or Pour ycnrs ago. when we told 
111.' world wo wcro neutral on religion. 
AVo IkuI no IvMMln-'SS telling the world 
Unit; liny ought 1o havo known that any- 
•wiiy. 'IMiIh voiir T und<M-Ktii,nd that is not 
In 'ltu> prill I'luiii, iithI nowliero in our lit- 

erature. We have learned a lesson. Why 
should we now go on record, doing the 
same fool thing over again. 

The reason for all this is not because 
there are some Socialists who stand for 
violence, or because there is a tendency 
towards Sabotage in the Socialist party 

not for a moment. There are some 

speai^r-rs who have not been on the square 
in this business. They are trying to 
throw dust in the fact of the people, and 
In' the face of the rank and file of the 
Socialist paj^ty. This is the kernel of the 
whole busiifess. There is an element in 
the Socialist party today that is progress- 
ive and wants to go forward, wants to 
move and go ahead and use the best 
possible methods, so that we may gain 
something and there is another element 
that stands conservative, reactionary, 
monkeying with tlic old, outworn machin- 
ery. There is the division and you can 
talk for ten months, and that is the only 
thing, and not Sabotage or violence or 
anything of the kind. Now, come out and 
be square, every last one of you fellows. 
When I was on the board of the Chicago 
Dailv Socialist, I fought against the hor- 
rible thing of violence, and mentioned a 
specific instance; when a little girl came 
down froiM her day's work and scabbed 
and in the corridor were two great big 
men. They knocked in three of her ribs; 
they crushed her jaw, and put her in the 
hospital for several months, and she is 
a cripple for life. I said, "I stand against 
that sort of thing," and every other mem- 
ber of the board of the Chicago Daily 
Socialist said: "Oh, you are foolish; go 
on and let thera do It." Barney Berlyn, a 
member of the board himseli, and Geo. 
Koop, one of them, and Mary O'Reilly. 
DEL. KOOP: I «eny it. 
DEL. O'REILLY- I deny it. 
DEL. BBNTALX.: I am not going be- 
hind the bush. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Stick to the sub]ect. 
DEL. BBNTALL: This is the subject. 
In spite of the fact that I have stood for 
all the peaceful means without advocat- 
ing the slightest violence, because I advo- 
cate this form of organization that says 
that violence may be .absolutely unneces- 
sary; because of that, they say that I am 
a direct actionlst, and want violence. This 
is the reason that we have to come out 
squarely, and not come with things to 
throw dust in one another's eyes. So, as 
we have said before, we stand for politi- 
cal action, and that we stand for those 
things that make it possible for us to 
gain our purpose through our intelli- 
gence, through our ballot, through our 
organization, and not through bloodshed, 
and you don't need any of these things. 
A DELEGATE: Move to extend his 

DEL. BENTALL: I don't need more 
time. I have done enough now to keep 
the other fellows quiet for a while. 

DEL. O'REILLY (111.): I rise to a ques- 
tion of personal privilege. When I rise 
to a question of personal privilege on 
the attack that was made upon me, that 
was made upon the Dally Socialist Board 
of Directors and upon some of us named 
specifically and upon me especially, I 
won't be able to tp-lk upon the question 
now before the house — so don't call me 
down for not talking to the question. 
However, I shall come as close to talk- 
ing to the question as the last comrade 
from Illinois. 

I say, as I always have said, not only 
must Y;re stand against sabotage and vio- 
lence in our platform and in our princi- 
ples, but we must stand against it in o«r 

tactic;s when we face the practical Issues 
at tlie time of the strikes. 

Now we had a personal controversy on 
tlio Board of Directors of the Dally So- 
cialist in Chicago, with which contro- 
versy you liave no business to be tiotti- 
ered at tliis time, and with which I would 
not bother you were it not for the per- 
sonal attack which has been made upon 
me and which I must answer. 

This is the first time Bentall has ever 
faced me with such a statement, such a 
charge, because lie dare not face me with 
such an accusation in Chicago where 
everybody knows better, and knows that I 
w,as right in that controversy. 

^Ve had a strike in Chicago. Comrade 
Bentall blundered as editor of the Daily 
Socialist, not becaXise he to6k one side or 
the other — he never takes sides — lie blun- 
dered because he tried to be on both sides 
of the question, and because he knew 
nothing whatever of the issue. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Speak to your ques- 
tion of personal privilege. 

DEL. O'REILLY: Comrades, I have 
been attacked, and I would not care at all 
if it was merely an attack on me, but you 
are not going to attack the position of 
the Daily Socialist on the subject of labor 
unions; you are not going to, attack the 
Board of Directors of the Daily Socialist; 
you are not going to misrepresent Mary 
O'Reilly without my talking baek. 

At the time of our strike, the Garment 
Woii;kers' strike in Chicago I went to Ben- 
tall as a friend — I thought he was a friend 
of mine — and begged him not to stand for 
ithe labor leaders at the head of that 
strike. I knew^ they were crooked; .1 
know it today. Robert Norine, President 
of the Garment Workers there in Chi- 
cago, and tlieir National President were 
the type of leaders for which we could 
not stand. Bentall refused to take any 
information from the trade unionists who 
knew the situation. He went from meet- 
ing to meeting during that strike beg- 
ging for votes for the Socialist party. 
You never saw such catering to trade 
unions in all your life as Comrade Ben- 
tall went through during that strike. 

THE CHAIRMAN. Defend your own 

DEL. O'REILLY: This is my position. 
He took an automobile and took in Robert 
Norine and the crooked officers of the Gar- 
ment Worliers' Union, aifd with them he 
went out vote begging, vote getting in 
the cheapest clap-trap kind of a way. He 
sent that bill for the automobile to the 
Executive Committee of the Socialist 
party and after a protest they paid that 
bill. Then he came out in an attack upon 
the people who had tried their very best 
to save tliose poor hungry garment worker 
girls from being defeated by that grafting 
cro'svd of trade unionists, and Comrade 
Bentall did this because he did not under- 
stand the situation. I answered him in 
the Daily Socialist and the Daily Socialist 
repudiated the position he had taken and 
withdrew him from his position on the 
editorial commirtee of the paper. ■ That is 
Hie history of the Daily Socialist trouble 
that he bases his attack on. I have a 
copy of the article in my hand in which 
T review the -wliole thing and that was 
lirinted in the Daily Socialist. This is the 
first time Bentall ever had the nerve to 
I'Moe me and attempt to .answer, and I 
Ihink it will be his last. 

DEL. KOOP (111.): I rise to a question 
of personal privilege. Bentall attacked 

THE CHAIRMAN: We have passed that 
(luostion now. 

DEL. WHITE (Mass.): Koop was named 
directly by Bentall. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If we are going to 
allow every person wliose name la men- 
tioned to rise to a question of personal 
privilege we may take up all of the time 
of the convention, which costs ?B a min- 
ute, and we shall get no business done. 
We shall have a big bill to pay for these 
personalities. If the convention wants the 
Cliair to allow all of this dirty linen to 
be washed in public, the Chair will let 
them wash it. 

DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): It is not dirty 
linen. But it is my opinion that it is 
going out of the road of this convention. 

DEL. KOOP: If the Chair had called 
Bentall down at the start this would not 
have happened. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair did call 
him down .as soon as he got into person- 

DEL. WHITE (Mass.): The other day a 
man who is not a delegate here permit- 
ted the same rights that Delegate Koop 
now asks for. I don't believe this is a 
washing of dirty linen. Tliis had better 
be thrashed now than to be held in abey- 
ance. It will have to be thrashed out 
some time. I think it is only fair and 
just that a comrade who has served in the 
ranks as many years as Koop should be 
given a hearing in this case. I move that 
Comrade Koop be granted a hearing on 
the question of personal privilege. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I will allow Com- 
rade Koop the floor on. the question of 
personal privilege. 

DEL. KOOP (111.): I want to stand be- 
fore you here and deny the statement 
made by Comrade Bentall that we stood 
for slugging a girl or anyone else. We 
have never advocated that. We have al- 
ways opposed it. Just now we have the 
example in Chicago where men of wealth, 
the Lawsons, the Hearsts, who have the 
police department back of them, who have 
the thugs that they can buy v/ith their 
money back of the police courts, hired 
to slug union printers, that are scabbing 
on the pressmen and stereotypers at the 
present time. I have seen this myself; 
and you can't do a thing. This rule as it 
is put forth by the committee should be 
adopted. The capitalist class have the 
power; they have the army, the militia, 
the police back of them who will put 
sabotage into use, not when the I. W. W. 
wants it, but when the capitalist class 
wants it. Adopt the report of the com- 

DEL. BREWER (Kan.): On the square, 
wouldn't it be a beautiful thing if we 
should split over ,a w^ord that only 5 per 
cent of us know anything about. That 
is exactly what this word sabotage 
amounts to in this convention. If it is 
Inserted, or if it is not Inserted in this 
Constitution, < the capitalist press will 
probably be compelled to notice it and 
give a definition of it in explanation. To 
my mind it is a word that is unnecessary 
in this document. It is quite evident that 
it is this word that is creating the fric- 
tion, and I want to submit to Comrade 
Gaylord, the man who injected it here, 
that yesterday in the constitutional com- 
mittee meeting he practically endorsed 
the ideas that we presented when we 
agreed to eliminate it frorn our report. 
My position as a Socialist is quite clear. 
I am sorry that there was not placed in 
our platform a declaration for industrial 
unionism, or the industrial form of or- 
ganization; and yet I am not a direct ac- 
tionlst; I am not an anarchist; I am not 
In sympathy with many of the tactics of 

. j/t I ,' f g-t .-'ff\K.|K-.'it)itfikjMi.i..ii^'»iiii»IIM-fiiv^i ■ I 



the iMcHcnt I. TV. W. But I have found 
mysiuU' confronted with this same trouble 
that ao many other Socialists who have 
traveled over the country have found 
themselves confronted with. I realize 
that there is a disrupting element in the 
I. W. W, in the direct actionista; as there 
Is a disrupting element even in the So- 
cialist party. But I am convinced that If 
this document had been adopted, before 
this discussion which has terminated in 
personalities, the use of personal epi- 
thets, and going Into personal histories 
with which this convention ha§ no con- 
cern, I believe that every man and woman 
in this convention would have gone from 
here with a new-born hope in their hearts 
regarding the onrushing National Social- 
ist movement. I believe that we would 
have had a keener feeling of fefflowship, 
of comradeship for each other, than we 
can possibly have after this difficulty that 
has been engendered by this particular 
specific word, around which so much 
seems to hinge. Franlsly, I want to sa,y 
that those who have injected it Into this 
report have simply raised hell. I feel 
that if this is voted down, and if it is 
adopted as it stands, it will answer all 
the purposes that it is intended to an- 
swer. If it is knocked out entirely I am 
satisfied that there will be a substitute 
that will cover the ground even better 
than the present one. 

DEL. BERGBR (Wis.): Our Milwaukee 
movement is short on phrases, but long 
on action. Let us be perfectly sincere 
about this matter— perfectly sincere. The 
time has come when the two opposite 
trends of thought, that we have had m 
our party must clash again. And the part- 
ing of the ways has come again. 

There is no bridge between Socialism 
and Anarchism. There was no bridge 
when Karl Marx and Bakunim were fight- 
ing to a finish. There never can be any 
such brld^St 

Those of "you who stand for political 
action and for an effective and sane eco- 
nomic movement — who stand against the 
bomb, the dagger and every other form 
of violence — will know how to vote on 
this amendment without any further par- 

Comrades, the trouble with our party 
is that we have men in our councils who 
claim to be in favor of political action 
when they are not. We have a number 
of men who use our political organiza- 
tion — our Socialist party — as a cloak for 
What they call direct action, for L W. W.- 
ism, sabotage and syndicalism. It is an- 
archism by a new name. 

Now, Comrades, anarchy as such may 
be a beautiful philosophy. I don't blame 
anybo'Sy for proclaiming himself an an- 
archist; that is his privilege. But he 
ought not to foist himself upon the So- 
elallst party. , 

I have .known John Most personally. 
When nobody dared to preside in one of 
his meetings in Milwaukee in 1888 after 
the hanging of the anarchists in Chicago, 
and he asked me to take the chair, I did 
so. I told the audience that I did not 
asrree with Most in anything, but that I 
believed in free speech. And I give John 
Most credit that he did not try to fasten 
himself upon the Socialist party. He start- 
ed a group of his own. Those who be- 
lieve in the sstme principles as John Most 
did, should do as he did — leave the So- 
cialist party and join the Anarchists. 
(Loud cheers.) 

I desire to say that articles in the In- 
dustrial Worker, of Spokane, the official 
OFKan of the I. W. W. breathe the same 

spirit, are as anarchistic as anythine that 
John Most has ever written. 

I want to say to you, comrades, that I 
for one do not believe in murder as a 
means of propaganda; I do not believe in 
theft as a means of expropriation; nor 
in a continuous riot as a free speech agri- 
tation. , . 

Every true Socialist will agree with mB 
when I say that those who believe that 
we should substitute "Hallelujah, I'm a 
bum," for the Marseillaise, and for the 
"International," should start a "Bum Or- 
ganization" of their own. (Loud laugh- 
ter and great cheering.)) 

Comrades, I have gone through a num- 
ber of splits in this party. It was not 
always a Fight against anarchism in the 
past. In the past we often had to fight 
Utopianism and fanaticism. Now it is an- 
archism again that is eating away at the 
vitals of our party. 

If there is to be a parting of the ways, 
if there is to be a split — and it seems that 
you will have it, and must "have it — then, 
I am ready to split right here. I ana 
ready to go back to Milwaukee and ap- 
peal to the Socialists all over the coun- 
try to cut this cancer out of our organi- 
zation. , „ ^ X » 
The objection that the word "sabotage 
is not known is a subterfuge. We all un- 
derstand it. It is a French word, mean- 
ing — willful destruction of products, ot 
machinery or means of production. You 
know the French have also given us the 
word Socialism, but they were also the 
first to use the word Anarchism. 

You icnow where Anarchism leads to. 
Tou know where It led in 1886 in our 
country. It led to the Hay Market riots 
and to the gallows. In France in 1894 
the anarchist Ravachol headed a band of 
highwaymen and robbers in the name of 
the proletariat and expropriation for the 
benefit of his gang. Tou know virhat an- 
archism has accomplished this year in 
London and in Paris. It made individual 
brigandage possible under the cloak of an 
idea. I am not willing that, our party 
should stand godfather for any business 
of that kind. 

Some of the comrades over there said, 
that sabotage Is a matter for the indus- 
trial organization to take up or not to 
take up. They contend that some mem- 
bers may have to commit it because their 
economic organization— their union wants 
them to. My answer Is that any Socialist 
who is willing to commit such insane acts 
for his industrial organization, should quit 
our party. I would rather have such a man 
belong to the Malitia of Christ, like the 
McNamaras. I would prefer that a man 
committing murder or theft should have a 
membership card of the Knights of Co- 
lumbus than show the "red card." My 
time is up I see, 

that the time be extended. 

DEL. BERGER: I don't need any more 
time. I hope this convention will over- 
whelnalngly vote for the insertion of the 
word "sabotage" in this section. I want 
to put it up to every delegate to take a 
stand for either one side or the other. 

DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): Leaving out this 
word w^as a most egregious mistake. Ever 
since this discussion arose I have been 
studying in my own mind what would be 
the best thing for the Socialist party to 
do. But about forty minutes ago I came 
to the conclusion, and I will give you the 
reasons why I have made up my mind that 
the best thing to do is to strike out the 
whole clause. 



In the place the Socialist Party has 
never declared tor violence. It has never 
bi!i;n a party of violence. It has never 
liocn accu,sed of any such thing by those 
who were acquainted with its history. 
Tlicre is no reason w,hy we should blazon 
lorth to the world that we stand against a 
lliing when there was never a suspicion 
iimong ourselves or among those who 
knew us that we stood for it. It would be 
o(iually ridiculous as it would be for Job 
Harriman's wife from the glorious State 
of California to place upon his back a 
placard reading "My husband has solemnly 
pledged me that he will not get drunk 
during the National convention." If we 
should read such a sign on Harriman's 
coat the suspicion would immediately arise 
that he was in the habit of getting drunk, 
every time he went away from home. 'Now 
if we are gping to put the whole moral 
code in the constitution then I ask you to 
be equally consistent and put In a specific 
declaration against larceny, put in a speci- 
fic declaration against polygamy, put in a 
specific declaration against free love. We 
have never stood for larc'eny; we have 
never stood for polygamy; we have never 
stood for free love. We have never stood 
for what some of our friends are pleased 
to call direct action. This is a political 
party, and this assertion has no place an 
our constitution. Who ever heard of polit- 
ical sabotage? It is absolutely ridiculous. 
My friend Hayes of Ohio made a splendid 
speech in favor of striking out this whole 
section, although he didn't seem to realize 
it. He stood here speaking for the auton- 
omy of the trades unions and the labor 
unions, beginning this convention that we 
would not interfere with their business. 
Yet this constitutional committee comes 
here and proposesi to tell the trade unions 
what they should do and what they should 
not do. I am of the opinion it is none of 
our business. 

A DELEGATE: Read it again. 

DEL. HOGAN: I have read it and I 
can understand English. Now don't be 
alarmed about this threat of my big- 
hearted friend Berger, that he is going to 
split. That is a periodical threat of Berg- 
er's at every convention. Every time 
something doesn't go to suit Comrade 
Berger he goes up in the air and threatens 
to split. There is no danger of Berger 
splitting. He is loyal to the American 
Socialist movement and so are we. There 
is no need here for acrimonious discussion. 
There was no need for Berger or any other 
speaker who got on this floor to state that 
this was an effort to curb an anarchistic 
element. I believe this is a united party. 
I believe it stands for political action. I 
believe it stands for all that is best in 
the working class. We don't have to be 
labeled by a clause In the constitution. We 
don't need to tell people that we stand for 
law and order. 

DEL, SLATTON (Pa.): Those who In- 
sist that we do not understand the mean- 
ing of this word and therefore we ought 
to take out the planks; those who insist 
that by leaving it in we will negatively 
accuse ourselves of having stood for those 
things previously and that we are now en- 
deavoring to get out of it by an apology, 
(entirely overlook the facta involved. If 
Ihey don't understand the meaning of this 
word I am able to quote for their benefits 
from a man whom I believe they will ac- 
<'i-pt as second, if not first, in the organi- 
•/.ition that is alleged to practice these ' 
(hings. At least he advocates them an3' 
lliat ought to make it plain to you that 
Hmse who use the word have an Idea what 
iii« word means. Let us see if I can de- 

fine it. Direct action means exactly what 
it says. A mechanic knows that in order 
to get the best results the more directly 
you apply your power the more successful 
you will be. Direct action means that the 
workers shall be so organized that they 
can act directly for themselves in the place 
where they are employed without having 
to depend upon any one else. Sabotage as 
it prevails today means interfering with 
the machinery of production, without go- 
ing on strike. It means to strike but stay 
on the pay roll. It means that instead of 
leaving the machine the workers will stay 
at the machine and turn out poor work, 
slow down their work, and in every other 
wray that may be practicable interfere with 
the profits of the boss, and interfere to 
such an extent that the boss will have to 
come around and ask, what is wrong; what 
can I do to satisfy you people. That is a 
line of action that is not new, although 
the term may be new in this country. 
Vincent St. John in a spieech In a Pitts- 
burgh theafer on the 27th of last month — 

DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): Does he belong 
to the Socialist party? 

DEL. SLAYTON: I don't know whether 
he does or not, but I agree with the defini- 
tion of the word as he gave it. I am not 
dealing in personalities. Comrade Hogan 
says that we have not been accused of 
these things. Comrade Hogan ought to 
have the capitalist papers on his exchange 
list, for nearly all of them try to insist on 
'that very thing and the hired man of a 
certain religious organization did insist 
that it was the philosophy of Socialism, 
the doctrines preached by the Socialist 
party that were responsible for the acts 
of the McNamaras. I know that the So- 
cialist party has been accused of these 
things for years. We are told that the 
Socialist party ought not to dictate to the 
labor unions what they should do. We 
had a love feast yesterday in the debate on 
the party policy toward the unions, be- 
cause it gave to those who have been ask- 
ing us to endorse the substance of their 
form of organization a general statement 
with which they could agree. But now to- 
day when we say if we stand for you on 
the industrial field, if we back you up in 
your struggles regardless of the particular 
organizations to which you belong, we 
want you to say that you stand for cer- 
tain things that we stand for. Theti we 
are told that we are dictating. Suppose 
you want me to be a foster father to a 
child but you tell me that I must not tell 
the child what to do. You want us to go 
to their assistance in time of trouble but 
when v/e say here are certain things which 
we want you to endorse wo are told that 
we are dictating. When it goes your way 
you want us to endorse your actions, but 
when we want you to go our way you say 
we are dictating. . The fact is that these 
things have been done in the industrial 
field, and the fact is that some men who 
advocate doing them come on our platform 
after we have billed the meeting and have 
hired the hall, and tell the people that they 
do not believe in political Socialism. We 
political Socialists have the right to tell 
the world some of the things that we 
don t stand for, some of the things that I 
don't stand for, the things that you don't 
stand for, and among the things that we 
don t stand for is that a worker shall be 
foolish enough to destroy things. The 
.other day a comrade said "Oh, what pro- 
touna love you have for capitalist prop- 
erty. Well, I have profound love for the 
property that the working class has pro- 
duced and that the capitalist system have 
stolen from them; I have profound love for 

■I iSiA^"My^^^l'inli,i)iis^.lt'liliMili'^^ii^'^■^J■' L...rj/.. 





that oroperty because we want to get it 
tack for the Vor king class. But you can 
get it back if you destroy it. You will 
Save nothing to get back. I have profound 
love for the property produced by the 
working class. It is a splendid thing. It 
represents the crystalization of the world s 
great labor power, the crystalization of our 
livilizatlon. 1 have respect for it. I have 
resnect for the men whose lives nave been 
crystaliaed in those machines. I don t 
want men who have put their very life 
into those machines to destroy them. If I 
was in Russia I would be tor sabotage. I 
would be for it there because there is no 
other way to carry on the fight. My sym- 
pathies are engaged by the struggle m 
Russia, but when those people come to this 
country I for one shall do all m my power 
to keep the working class as far away 
from the things involved m this sort of 
strife as possible. 

DEL BESSEMER (Ohio): I am very 
sorry that it has become necessary for this 
convention that yesterday held such a 
beautiful love feast to get mto such a 
state as we are in now. Yesterday some 
men in this convention were . telling you 
how they agreed with every other man in 
the convention; that the impossible had 
happened: that men who had fought each 
Other for twenty years had shaken hands 
and we were to have harmony forever. 
Today they are going on the platforni and 
charging that a lot of us are anarchists. 
Now I want to divide my remarks into 
two parts. First I want to speak on the 
advisability of putting a clause or. thif 
kind in the constitution at all. But it we 
are going to put a clause in the constitu- 
tion saying that we don't stand_ for some- 
thing that no one has ever said the bo- 
cialist party did stand for why for 
Heaven's sake let us put everything m the 
constitution that the capitalist, class has 
ever charged us with, let us say that we 
don't intend to break up the home; that we 
don't intend to destroy incentive; that we 
don't believe in free love; that we would 
not destroy the institution of marriage 
and a whole lot of other fool things that 
they say we advocate. If we are going to 
defend one point let us defend them a,ll. 
Nobody has ever said that the Socialist 
nartv believed in sabotage. 


* DEL^'beSSEME'R: We are a political 
party trying to lay down a working pro- 
gram for the labor movement, and a great 
many of the speakers -who have been on 
the platform this afternoon have taken a 
slam at the T ~W. "W. I want to say fhat I 
belong to tbe detail Clerks Protective s*.s- 
soclation one of the A. P. oij^- ^or^ritz^- 
tions. I don't helone- to the L W. W. 
When T stand here and take exception to 
the remarks made by some of you people i 
am not doing it as a member of that or- 
ganization. You would think that_ every 
bit of violence ever committed m tne 
United States in working cl^^ss strug-gles 
have been done by the L W. W.; you woiiM 
imagine that the McNamar^s^ere I. W. W. 
men Thev were not I. W. W. men. It is 
unfair and it is not a pertinent question 
here today. It is simply a question before 
the convention as to whether we snail in- 
terfere with a matter that belongs to the 
labor nrgani'/iationa. I maintain that we 
have not. We should throw out the entire 

T want tf> sav in regard to this word, if 
whnt OomradoTTavwood said is right and 
hlFi hleri ia correct, tbat sabotage means 
dcstroyhig property, if tbat is so. Comrade 
Onvlnrd when he- went out and apgiealed 

for votes to be elected to the Legislature 
of Wisconsin meant to go down there and 
interfere with the established views on 
nroperty that the capitalist class had em- 
bodied in the legislation of Wisconsin 
then he was guilty of sabotage. It would 
seem that some of you in this convention 
think it is the duty of the working class to 
Tiermit the capitalist class to interfere 
with your property, that is your stomach, 
to reduce the part of the product of your 
labor that you get so much that you suf- 
fer and tliat in place of going back at 
them and protecting yourselves you should 
lust calmly and suavely submit to it and 
let then grind you down without using 
any opportunity that you have at your 
hands • to defend your property which is - 
your stomach. I believe in political action 
first, last and all the time, I believe that 
political action is direct action. 

DEL. KRAPPT (N. J.): I wish to in- 
quire whether the International Congress 
declared against sabotage or not. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I don't know any- 
thing about it. 

DEL. O'NEAL (Ind.): We are not here 
to defend ourselves against anything that 
has been charged by capitalist politicians 
or the capitalist press. The question is 
whether anything has arisen in the labor 
movement involving an endorsement ot 
acts that come under the designation of 
sabotage or syndicalism; and whether we 
shall take a stand upon those tactics to 
the extent of repudiating them. It has 
been said that no one knows what sabot- 
age and syndicalism means. It seems to 
me that those of us who have read any- 
thing of the development of the Socialist 
movement in Prance, where those methods 
have had their cla'ssic development, where 
the theoretical considerations that support 
them have been analyzed and developed 
will get this, one fact which is fundament- 
al for Socialists that every last one of the 
writers who have formulated the theoreti- 
cal basis and defense of sabotage and syn- 
dicalism, to the very last man, is an 
avowed anarchist; is an anarchist, and op- 
posed to all political action. , i « 
Another significant fact is that Jules 
Guesde, the foremost representative of tbe 
Marxian wing in the French Socialist 
movement has been the one man who "jst, 
last and all the time has been identified 
with the opposition to sabotage and syn- 
dicalism in general. PurtHlsrmore, the tac- 
tics supported by the Prenchmen who are 
tho foremost representatives of these prin- 
einles are directly connected with the an- 
archist ideal of society, a future that has 
absolutely no relation to the ocononiic de- 
velopment of our time. It is a historical 
fact that a number of the men who de- 
velopCct criminal careers — Comrade Berger 
has mentioned one, Ravachol, who haa 
been sjuilty of two brutal murders m the 
Southern nart of France, coming tiP.^to 
Paris in the earlv flO's, when anarchist 
terrorism was at its height, when homo 
throwina- was of frequent occurrence-— 
Ravachol, in the name of the revolution, in 
the name of sabotage, in the name of direct 
action, became a party to the development 
of those tactics, became associated W'tn 
men who were in favor of them, aiid the 
whole thinj? was exposed when they finally 
indicted Ravachol for those murders, ana 
he was finallv executed for them. 

Now to take up another phase or it. 
those of you who have read the best work 
tever produced in the international move- 
ment regarding the antagonism between 
anarchism and socialism, that written hy 
our Russian comrade, PlechanofP. know 
that he draws a contrast between the tac- 

tics of the Socialist party and the anar- 
chists, and he points out the fact that in 
the development of tactics wliich lead to 
violence it is difficult to determine where 
the direct actionist ends and the bandit 
begins. That is what we have got to set- 
tle here this afternoon. We are a political 
organization. The adoption of this clause 
does not say to the labor organizations of 
this country, you shall do this, that or the 
other thing. It simply says tiiat if a man 
makes application to the Socialist party 
of America for membership tiiat in making 
that application tie shall declare that he is 
not in favor of these tactics in any 
sort of an organization. If he advoc^ites 
these tactics then we simply will not admit 
him to membership in the Socialist party. 

DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): First I want 
to insist that the Socialist party is a 
political party organized expressly to 
carry out a certain program with an ul- 
timate object in view, viz., the establish- 
ment of a new order of society. I con- 
tend that in no instance has the Socialist 
party been or ever will be an organization 
for the suppression of crime. That is the 
duty of the present order of society and 
its constituted officials. 

Now, I want to throw a little light in 
on this. I want to go back to yesterday. 
I want to remind the members of the 
committee, of which I was a member, the 
committee on the Relationsliip of the So- 
cialist party to the Trades Union move- 
ment, that when we met as a unit to re- 
port back to this body, we agreed to elim- 
inate other matters that we expected to 
report; in other words, when we agreed 
upon our report there was only one thing 
in the hands of the majority, a resolution 
practically of the same import as incor- 
porated in that resolution <there, and we 
of the minority objected to it, and we 
prepared a counter-resolution, defending 
our class against the aspersions cast upon 
it. Now, vfe dropped these tilings yester- 
day for the sake of peace and harmony, 
and today some one has injected that sec- 
tion into this Constitution for a purpose. 
Now, I have got something here that per- 
haps is going to astonish a few members 
of this Convention. I have a rnatter of 
record here. Comrade Berger has a rec- 
ord in this Magazine, "The Common 
Cause." I am going to show you, and I 
will give Comrade Berger an opportunity 
to deny that he wrote this paragraph. I 
am reading this for the express purpose 
of showing you that even intellectual so- 
cialists cannot at times refrain from giv- 
ing their allegiance, their sympathy, to 
the working class even wRen they are go- 
ing to commit actual violence: "In view 
of the plutocratic law-making of the pres- 
sent day, it is easy to predict that the 
safety and hope of this country will 
finally lie in one direction only— that of 
a violent and bloody revolution, therefore 
I say that each of the 500,000 socialist 
voters and of the 2,000,000 workingmen 
who Instinctively incline our way, should, 
besides doing much reading and still more 
thinking, also have a good rifle and the 
necessary rounds of ammunition in his 
borne." Now, let me repeat this: "There- 
fore, I say, each of the 500,000 Socialist 
voters, iand of the 2,000,000 workingmen 
wlio instinctively incline our way, slioiild, 
besides doing much reading and still 
more thinking, also have a good rifle and 
lli(! necessary rounct;^ of ammunition in 
lil.^ home, and be prepared to back up his 
ludlot with his bullets, if necessary." 

Now, I am not accusing Comrade Berger 
iif inciting "sabotage." I know he is in 
Kvmpathy with the sfruggles of his class. 

I know I have said rash things myself 
under jnovocation. I am one of timao 
who, while I deplore violence, knowiri« 
its disastrous consequences in tlie out- 
come, yet if my ^ class does commit vio- 
lence, I am with tliem. ^ 

THE CHAIRMAN: Your time is up. 

The previous question was called for. 

Del. Berger rose to a question of per- 
sonal privilege. 

Cries of "Berger," from all over the 

Motion for the previous question was 
put, and declared lost. 

Division was called for and the previous 
question carried. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Del. Berger rises on 
a question of personal privilege. The pre- 
vious question has been called for. On 
division, there is an absolute majority in 
favor of the previous question being put, 
— 159 in favor. Before the previous ques- 
tion is put I will allow Comrade Berger 
the floor, on a question of personal priv- 

DEL. BERGER: Comrades, what I want 
to explain is, that the Socialist movement 
is undoubtedly revolutionary; that the 
Milwaukee movement is also revolution- 
ary, of course, and that if it ever comes 
do-vvn to do real fighting, we vi^ill be there 
without question. But we do not mistake 
a riot for a revolution, nor murder for 
propaganda. We do not suggest theft as 
a means of expropriation. We do not 
preach the revolution in that way, 

I also want to state that my article has 
not been quoted as a whole. The com- 
rade over there, I believe it was Comrade 
Clifford Just tore out a piece. I believe 
that is unfair to ourselves. 

DEL. CLIFFORD: I will show you the 
■Whole editorial clipped out of your own 

DEL. BERGER: Well, Tom, you didn't 
read it. That editorial is good reading. 
(Laughter.) But this is not a time to 
read my editorials. This is the time to 
draw the line between a real Socialist 
revolution on one side and anarchy, mur- 
der and sabotage, on the other. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I recognize Del. 
Harriman to speak for the insertion of 
the word sabotage. 

DEL. HARRIMAN: In reply to Clifford, 
it is true there were other resolutions be- 
fore the committee wlien we made our re- 
port yesterday, and we postponed those 
resolutions until the committee should 
meet. That committee has not yet had a 
session, and the resolutions are, there- 
fore, in the air. In the meantime, the 
question arose. T^^hen I opened the argu- 
ment yesterday, I said we had had many 
•weary hours over, the discussion of our 
differences, and that the excitement pre- 
vailing just before I took the platform 
was the evidence of a fundamental dif- 
ference here. There is a difference here. 
Don't you think it is sugar-coated over 
in the words of that resolution. What 
we did yesterday in that resolution was 
to gobble up Industrial unionism with 
the variations as they are provided in 
the labor movement of today. There is 
industi-inl unionism and industrial union- 
ism. There is a difference between them. 
What w^o did, I want to call your atten- 
tion to it, men, and to call it plainly, 
thoi-o is a reason for this difference. 1 
told you yesterday. I repeat it; it is 
caused by the separation of the two great 
movements of America. They are weak; 
.and the weakness begets a hopelessness, 
and the hopelessness begets the flght. 
There you are. Every blessed man who 
doesn't want this "sabotage" in our plat- 


:^^:>idAi^iLs£iMJAi^ rii u 



form or In our constitution, comes in — 
not every one of them but many of them 
—comes into our party and teaches it on 
the platform. 

Now, listen, boys. You cannot find a 
trades union Constitution in America that 
puts it in there. Why? They don't dare 
to put their sabotage in, but you pro- 
pogate it upon our platform, you commit 
the great Socialist party to it, and we 
must defend ourselves against it, because, 
between the two movements, is being 
born today the Syndicalist movement. I 
tell you the heart and the soul and the 
blood of the Syndicalist movement is 
sabotage. There isn't a man that Ijelieves 
in it that dares to stand up and say I did 
it. Of course not. I know what the con- 
ditions are: I know that the men oft- 
times have to fight for their lives, and 
when the struggle is on there is no telling 
what will be done, but we must say, we 
cannot teach it, nor countenance it. If 
you do, and you permit it to absorb you, 
it will dissolve you and destroy yoii. Just 
look at it for a moment, look at what you 
are up against. On top of it comes the 
detective, back of it the police, back of 
it the judge to construe the law; all the 
evidence would be against us. You are 
expecting us to stand for a thing that 
not onlv will dissolve us, but that will put 
all the weapons in the hands of the other 
man. Why is it, men, that the great 
German movement has practically no syn- 
dicalism? Why is it? One of my friends 
here last night laughed and said it was 
because they were of the Teutonic race, 
and the other fellow was of the Italian 
race? Partly yes, but not all. Whenever 
you are separated, whenever you are 
weak, any weapon is a weapon of the 
man in despair, and this is the weapon of J 
the boys that have lost hope in political 
action "and are losing hope. The evidence 
is, that they stand here between us strik- 
ing at political action, as they cheered 
yesterday when I made the statement 
against striking it out. They have lost 
their hope and the birth of Syndicalism is 
right here in our convention if we do not 
understand the facts. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I recognize Dele- 
gate Hickey who will speak on the motion 
to strike out the whole paragraph. 

DEL.. HICKEY (Tex.): There is a feel- 
ing through the convention at this mom- 
ent that 1, Clifford, ayd Tom Lewis are 
bad bridge builders, and the logic and 
philosophy that kept Harriman and my- 
self apart for twenty years seems to be 
still working throug-h its usual channels. 
Yesterday after leaving this platform I 
said that Indianapolis will be historic in 
this, that it had two unity conventions, 
and 1 still hope that this Is going to be a 
second unity convention. The Impossible 
happened yesterday; we had come to- 
gether, and Gaylord of Wisconsin, said 
that there was very smooth work. Well, 
I didn't find any smoothness. I didn't 
write a line; I didn't dictate a paragraph, 
not even a semi-colon. All came from 
the other side that has injected this thing 
now. Why? Well, if we had nominated 
our candidate for the presidency at 3 
o'clock this thing would not have hap- 
pened at all. Peanut politics, that is 
what it is of course. Now, then, I don't 
know, I cannot understand the spirit that 
underlies tha.t resolution, that section. I 
cannot under.itand it. I have had, with 
the other two Toms, to fight it from the 
Btnrt. and T will show you why. It was 
prnctlcally proposed the other night at a 
()imrt(ir to 1'.?, Ilijit we. should repudiate 
irloKmco and mlvlHo )he working class to 

,. ■■ L M T»i.j.M'w. ^\</:juxM::jM.k'.'tu!i.ij\\ 

that end. I picked up the resolution and I 
said: "Why don't you advise the capitalist 
class not to use violence?" Sabotage^r- 
who can define it; why, they are not even 
able to pronounce it, with the Milwaukee 
accent. Sabotage; there are fifty-seven 
different varieties of pronunciations from 
the intellectual variety that says "sabo- 
tage" right down to the Irish pronuncia- 
tion that says "satabatage." The fact is 
that sabtJTage is in the air and sometimes 
It is down on the grouna very strong, and 
we have nothing to do with It. We are a 
political party, and in the course of our 
development we come to have men of the 
times upon labor committees, upon con- 
stitutional committees that have earned 
the right to'.sit upon them by belonging 
to organized labor, and then they will not 
produce the anaemic things that the in- 
tellectuals have produced this afternoon. 

However, and this is not from "The 
Common Cause," "in view of the plutocra- 
tic law making of the present day it is 
easy to predict that the safety and hope 
of this country will finally lie in one di- 
rection only, that of a violent and bloody 
revolution." ^ „ ,, 

(Signed) "Victor L. Berger.^ 
This is from the Social Democratic 
Herald. . 

I object to the introduction of this en- 
tire section. I object to anythin|g that 
says, we warn the working class against 
anvthing. It is the working class, the 
class that has patiently carried the cross 
through the centuries. I say, you had 
better cut it all out and destroy that 
paragraph. I make the suggestion that 
Bill Haywood say a word or two. 

DEL. HIL-LQUIT: In behalf of the com- 
mittee, I wish to state that with the_ ex- 
ception of Comrade Brewer who spoke on 
the subject and expressed his own beliefs, 
the committee unanimously accepts the 
amendment to insert the word "sabotage 
instead of the words "against the person 
The committee is opposed to the amend- 
ment to strike out the entire clause. I 
will tell you why in a minute. Before we 
proceed to that, however, 1 want to state 
that the committee is not wantonly in- 
jecting this subject. The section under 
consideration is an enlargement of the 
section we have had in the constitution 
now in force. We have had the provision 
that a member who opposes political ac- 
tion shall be expelled from the party. We 
have added the definition of political ac- 
tion. We have added the provision against 
advocating crime, or, as it will now be, 
"sabotage," or Other methods of violence. 
Del. Brewer raised a point of order that 
Del. HlUqult was now speaking for the 
report of the Committee, and Del. Ham- 
man had already done so. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: I had a distinct under- 
standing with the Chairman that I would 
have the closing word in support of this 
paragraph, and have therefore refrained 
from trying to get the floor in the mean- 

THE CHAIRMAN: The chairman of the 
Committee Is correct in his statement, 
with this exception: he did not inform the 
chairman of the meeting that the Com- 
mittee had accepted the word "sabotage." 
Had that been the case, Comrade Hillquit 
should have had the floor in the first in- 
stance in place o'f Comrade Harriman. I 
rule that the point of order made by Com- 
rade Brewer is well taken. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: From which 1 duly 

THE CHAIRMAN: An appeal is taken 
frem the decision of the Chair. The Chair 
rules that inasmuch as the committee has 



•ccepted the amendment using the word 
"sabotage" as a part of its original mo- 
tion, and inasmuch as Harriman has al- 
ready spoken on that side of the ques- 
tion, the chairman of the committee has 
no right to discuss that side of the ques- 
tion at this time. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: Which side of the 

THE CHAIRMAN: What you are Qo- 
ing. The committee's position has already 
been stated. 

DEL. HILLQtllT: In support of my ap- 
peal I will say that I do not know of any 
procedure by which the Chairman can 
place a delegate, not a member of the 
committee, to state the position of the 
committee. I do not know of anything 
stated by the Chairman which would 
show that by any act or assent 1 had 
waived the right of the committee to be 
heard last on the subject. On the con- 
trary, it is admitted that we had a spe- 
cific agreement that I should have the 
last word on the subject; and I claim. 
Comrades, since there have been so many 
insinuations against the action of the 
committee in submitting that report to 
you. It is no more than fair that you 
should hear from the committee on the 
modification and on the meaning of this 

The appeal was sustained and the de- 
cision of the Chair reversed. 
„.A DELEGATE: Now that Comrade 
Hillquit IS speaking on this section as 
amended, will one delegate who is in 
favor of the report as it originally stood, 
be allowed to speak on it. 

THE CHAIRMAN: No; the action of 
the committee in accepting Garver's 
amendment takes the original paragraph 
out of the discussion of the convention. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: It is important that 
we get to understand each other before 
we take a vote. 

I "wish to call your attention to the 
fact that an attempt has been made here 
to Interpret the language before you as 
applying only to the Socialist party plat- 
form, in other words, several delegates 
have stated that all those who favor or 
advocate crime, sabotage, or other meth- 
ods of violence as a weapon in the work- 
ing class struggle, may advocate this 
method in union meetings, hut not on a 
Socialist party platform. I want it to 
go on record that there is no such un- 
derstanding of the committee which 
drafted this clause, aa far as I know. It 
nrohibits the advocacy of crime or sabo- 
tage or violence as a method of working 
class struggle, under any and all cir- 
cumstances, and everywhere. We cannot 
he Socialists within the Socialist party 
and anarchists on other occasions. I wish 
vou to understand that, while you vote 
on it. There has been an assertion here 
that in adopting or approving this clause, 
we attempt to dictate to th« working 
class or to the labor movement, the use 
of its methods or weapons. We do not. 
We are dealing here with members of 
our own party and with no one else. Wa 
merely attempt to lay down a rule as to 
who shall be qualified to hold member- 
^^hip in this political organization of ours. 
We do not attempt to prescribe anything 
lo labor unions. 

Rome comrades also claim that the 
mfre mention of sabotage, violence and 
(irlme would lead to the imputation that 
Hie Socialist members may be advocating 
II) at. That is why they want it stricken 

out. How about the paragraph w« hav« 
just adopted, prohibiting distinction of 
race, color, creed, etc. Why didn't they 
raise an objection then? Why didn't they 
move to strike that out for fear it might 
otherwise be supposed that the Socialists 
have race or class or religious prejudicesj 
I will state furthermore, comrades, of 
the labor unions; let us be frank with 
each other on the subject. If there had 
not been any Socialists advocating these 
measures we would not be discussing it 
here now. Is it a pure accident that all 
these comrades who think the word "sa- 
botage" irrelevant, happen to be the same 
who may perhaps be suspected of a fond- 
ness for these matters? I know person- 
ally of instances where prominent mem- 
bers of the party on public platforms did 
advocate just these things. Everyone of 
you knows. Why hide from it? I fear 
that our self-styled revolutionary com- 
rades haven't always got the courage of 
their convictions. Why, comrades, if 
this is so absolutely improper for a 
Socialist constitution, why don't you 
simply vote against it? Why do you 
want to strike out the section entirely? 
Why don't you put it to the test? Why 
don't you stand up for it? 

Now, comrades I will say this: This 
is an exceedingly serious matter and 
should not be straddled. Vote it up 
or vote It down, but express yourselves 
on it. It has taken this movement about 
thirty-five years to come to the point 
where we are< beginning at last to see 
the fruit of a generation's work, and I 
say.i if there Is one thing in this coun- 
try that can now check or disrupt the 
Socialist movement, It Is not the capi- 
talist class. It is not the Catholic Church; 
It IS our own injudicious friends from 

Del. Cumbie of Oklahoma moved that 
the vote be taken by roll call. Carried. 
On motion of Del. Bruce of Pennsyl- 
vania, the delegates In the corridor were 
notified that there was to be a vote bv 
roll call. 

,;DEL. CAREY {Mass.); Three of the 
Massachusetts delegates are compelled to 
leave in fifteen minutes, and we would 
like to be recorded. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will rule 
that in the calling of the roll, the call 
will be made by states and the spokes- 
man of each state will record the vote. 

The decision of the Chair was appealed 
from, and reversed. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is to 
strike out the whole paragraph. Section 
6 of Article II; that Is the question be- 
fore the house. The vote yes, strikes 
It out. To vote no, does not strike it 
out; it retains it. 

DEL. ENDRES (N. T.): If we vote no, 
not to strike out. does that mean that 
the word "sabotage" is stricken out? 

THE CHA7KMAN: I will mak« this 
ruling: The vote Is on th« committee's 
recommendation which fncludes the word 
"sabotage." The substitute motion is to 
strike out tTie whole section. You either 
strike It out or you do not strike it out, 

DEL. BARNES (Pa.): Is it the under- 
standing of the Chair that this vote will 
be succeeded by another vote on the 
adoption of the committee's report? We 
want to know whether there will be an 
opportunity to vote for the adoption of 
the report as originally presented. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Except later by 
agreement? No. 






roll call was 
as follows: 

Erma H. Allen 
Ida gallery 
Dan Hogan 



D. of C. 


Fred Stanley 

A. P. Castlebury 
G. W. Beioit , 

J. O. Bentall 
J. R. Burg© 
J. C. Sjoden 
F. T. Maxwell 

then taken and re- 
G. L. Cox 
E. Johnson 
A. R. Finks 
J. A. C. Mens 

A. B. Brlggs 
E. A. Cantrell 
G. W. Downing 
Mary E. Garbutt 
Job Harrlman 

E. H. Mizner 

B. A. Maynard 

A. W. Harris 

B. L. Beguin 

N. A. Richardson 
H. C. Tuck 
J. W. Wells 
P. C. Wheeler 
Ethel Whitehead 
T. W. Williams 
J. Stitt Wilson 
Frank B. Wolfe 
H. C. Wright 
W. P. Collins 

A. H. Floaten 
Mary L. GefEs 
Thos. M. Todd 
John Troxell 

S. B. Beardsley 

B. Berger 

E. P. Clarke 
Chas. T. Peach 
Jasper McLevy 

F. A. Houck 
W. J. Ghent 
J. S. Alexander 
C. C. Allen 







Jas. Baxter 
Margaret D. Brown 
Lee W. Lang 
Oscar H. Blase 
A. W. Rlcker 
Geo. D. Brewer 
S. M. Stallard 

J, R. Jones 






N. H. 

N. M. 
N. T. 

C. W. Staub 

Thos. Coonrod 
S. W, Motley 
I. F. Stewart 
B. Berlyn 
L. F. Haemer 
J. C. Kennedy 
M. B. Kirkpatrlck 
Geo. Koop 
J, P. Larsen 
Caroline A. Lowe 
Mary O'Reilly 
W. E. • Bddriguez 
Seymour Stedman 
G. N, Taylor 
Guy Underwood 
S. S. Condo 
W. W. Farmer 
Janet Fenimore 
S, C. Garrison 
W. H, Henry 
James Oneal 
S. M. Reynolds 
Wm. ShefEler 
Florence Wattles 
J. J. Jacebsen 
I. S. McGrillis 

May Wood-Simons 
Benj. F. Wilson 

Chas. Dobbs 
W. Lanfersiek 

Geo. A. England 
A. E. Hartig 
Dr. J. Rosett 
James P. Carey 
Alex. Coleman 
Chas. B. Fenner 
J. M. Caldwell 
Robert Lawrence 
Patrick Mahoney 
Rose Fenner 
G. E. Boewer, Jr. 
Dan A. White 
John OhBOl 

Jas. Hoogerhyde 
H. S. McMaster 
Etta Menton 
J. H. McFarland 
Marietta F. Pournier 
Morris Kaplan 
J. G. Maatala 
A. O. Devoid 

Lewis J. Duncan 
C. A, Smith 
Jacob M. Kruse 
James B. Scott 
P. H. Christian 

C. J. Cosgrove 
W. B. Killingbeck 
Gustave Theimer 

Henry Slobodin 
B. Lindgren 
Albert Pauly 

N. C. 
N. D. 



Benj. T. Tiller 

J. li. Bachman 
M. J. Beery 
Wm. Bessemer 
Max Boehm 
T. Clifford 
T>. Lewis Davis 

D. J. Farrell 

E. J. Jones 
W. Hinkle 

P. N. Prevey 
Dan McCarten 
Wm. Patterson 
Edgar E. Powell 
Marguerite Prevey 
Chas. M. Priestap 
C. E. Ruthenberg 
Anna gtorck 
Lawrence A. Zltt 
John G. Wills 


Frank Aaltonen 
Guy H. Lockwood 
J. A. C. Menton 

J. H. Grant 
Nels S. Hillman 
J. S. Ingalls 
Olaus Jacobson 
T. E. Latimer 
David Morgan 
Jay B. Nash 
O. S. Watkins 
M. B. Fritz 
E. T. Behrens 
Wm. L. Garver 
Caleb Lipscomb 
Geo. W. O'Dam 
Otto Vierling 
W. A. Ward 

Fred J. Warren 
C. R. Oyler 
Clyde J. Wright 
Grant Miller 
John P. Burke 
Wm. A. McCall 
M. C. Jones 
George H. Goebel 
Harry F. Kopp 
Frederick KrafCt 
James M. Reilly 
J. B. Lang 
C. J. Ball, Jr. 
Fred Bennetts 
Theresa Malkiel 
William Burckle 
Jas. A. Mansett 
Forward F. Cassidy 
Wm. B. Duffy 
Otto L. Bndres 
C. L. Furman 
Morris Hillquit 
Algernon Lee 
Meyer London 
Herbert M. Merrill 
Clinton H. Pierce 
G. Rothmund 
Chas. E. Russell 
H. A. Simmons 
U. Solomon 
Gustave A. Strebel 
Joshua Wanhope 

A. B. Bowen, Jr. 
Robert Grant 
Chas. D. Kelso 
Arthur LeSueur 
Max S. Hayes 
F. G. Strickland 

Ernest Schilling 
O F. Branstetter 
Allen Fields 
J. T. Cumbie 
R. E. Dooley 
L. B. Irvin 
Patrick S. Nagle 



M. E. Dorfman 
John Hayden 
Tom J. Lewis 
Floyd C. Eamp 
C. W. Sherman 
L. R. Bruce 
Gertrude B. Hunt 
C. W- Ervin 
P. H. Merrick 
Edward Moore 
William Parker 
C, P. Foley 
A. G. Ward 
Robert J. Wheeler 

R. 1. 

S. C. 
S. D. 

Not Voting 

Benjamin Dempsey 
C. G. Harold 
Ed. A. Green 
Thos. A. Hickey 
Ernest R. Meitzen 
Will S. Noble 
J. C. Rhodes 

Goo. E. Owen 
Oscar Ameringer 
M. F. Parker 

George W. Bacon 
J. Mahlon Barnes 
Cora M. Bixler 
Dan M. Caldwell 
Anna Cohen 
Jos. E. Cohen 
Frank A. Davis 
Lewis GoaziOTi 

R. L. Grainger 
James C. Hogan 
W. A. Prosser 
C. A. Maurer 
J. H. Maurer 
R. B. Ringler 
John W. Slayton 
David Williams 
L. B. Wilson, Jr. 
John C. Young 

Wm. Eberhard 

Rlchey Alexander 
Geo. C. Edwards 
Chas. A. Byrd 
L. L. Rhodes 
M. A. Smith 
J. C. Thompson 

B, Williams 
Homer P. Burt 
James A. Smith 
Wm. M. Wesley 
John Spargo 
G. M. Norris 
Edwin J. Brown 
Wm. H. Waynick 
Emma D. Cory 
H. C. Cupples 
Anna A. Maley 
Henry Hensefer 

C. H. Boswell 

Victor L. Berger 
Dan W. Ho an 
W. R. Gaylord 
W. A. Jacobs 
Thomas Minklein 
Emil Seidel 
Eliz. H. Thomas 
Carl D. Thompson 
Paul J. Paulsen Antony Carlson 

J. Suaja - 

The motion to strike out was declared 
lost, the vote standing 90 for to lai 

'^^On^^motion of Del. Brewer of Kansas, 
the original motion to adopt the report 
as madl by the committee, was put and 

THE "CHAIRMAN: The hoyr set by (he 
rules of the convention, for adjournment, 
has arrived, and unless there is a motion 
to suspend the rules 

DEL. CALDWBLL (Mass.): I move that 
the rules be suspended and that we pro- 
ceed to the regular order of business for 
which this convention was called, the 
nomination for candidates of President 
and Vice-President of the United States. 

DEL. BERGER: I rise to a, point of 
order and I want a ruling upon it. ^Jn^er 
the rules we adiourn at 5:30. and tne 
motion just made is not m a nature to 
suspend the rules. It requires a two- 
thirds vote to suspend. *,, + ^^ 

DEL. WARD (Miss:): I move that we 
adjourn to 8 o'clock. 



Wash. Leslie E. Aller 
Adam H. Barth 
Frans Bostrom 
Kate Sadler 
Samuel Sadler 
Hulet M. Wells 

W. Va. H. W. Houston 
E. H. Kintzer 



DEL. BARTH: I move that the 
vention suspend this rules and proceed to 
the nomination of candidates for Presi- 
dent and Vice-President of the United 

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion before 
the house is that we proceed to nominate. 

It was moved to amend that the con- 
vention continue in session until the 
nominations have been completed. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion now be- 
fore the house is that we proceed to 
nominate candidates for President and 

DEL. BARNES (Pa.): And that the 
roll of states be called and each state be 
g-iven a chance to nominate. 

THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved that the 
roll be called and each state be given an 
opportunity to make its nominations. 

The motion was carried. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion as 
amended is before you, that we suspend 
the rules and proceed to the nominations 
of candidates for President and Vice- 
President of the United States, that the 
roll of States be called and each state 
given an opportunity to name its candi- 
date, and that the convention remain in 
session until the nominees shall have been 

DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): There are dele- 
gations that are divided. 

(Cries of "Nominate them all.") 

THE CHAIRMAN: When a state Is 
called any delegate will have an oppor- 
tunity to nominate a candMate. Any state 
not wishing to nominate or electing to 
give their time to some other state may 
do so. . ^ 

The roll call for nominations for can- 
didates for President of the United States 
was then had and resulted in the nomina- 
tion of Eugene V. Debs, Emil Seidel and 
Charles Edward Russell. 

A DELEGATE: It has been circulated 
in the hall that Gene Debs is in physi- 
cal ill health. I want to know whether 
there is any truth in that report? 

DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): A pomt of 
order. The rule prohibits nominating 
speeches but does not prohibit, and on 
the contrary encourages the discussion of 
nominees and their respective merits and 
availability when the nominations are 

THE CHAIRMAN: Nominating speeches 
will not be allowed. 

DEL. BERGER (Wis.): A point of ©r- 
der. If we can not make nominating 
speeches we can discuss the respective 
merits of the candidates. 

DEL. MILLER (Nev.): I have been as- 
sured by a dozen men that Debs is all- 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair rules that 
no nominating speeches or discussions of 
the merits of candidates is in order under 
the rules of the convention. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: I appeal from the 
ruTTng of the Chair. 

ground of the appeal. 

(Cries of "roll call.") 

THE CHAIRMAN: The delegates will 
he in order. We will hear the appeal, 

DEL. HILLQUIT: You will not howl 
me down. I have taken an appeal from 
the Chair for this reason: A motion was 
made to cut out nominating speeches, and 
for a very good reason, because nominat- 
ing speeches are in most instances of such 
a character as to turn the convention 
from a deliberative body into a howling- 


-. , ~ ...Jit'^-Aj A sii^ j^jMiiita^ I i u.u.' L' iu J 




mob. IJut I claim there Is no word in 
th(3 rule against the discussion of the 
inorits of the candidates, and on the con- 
trary if we want to carry out the spirit 
of the rule in not making- nominating 
speeches which is that we want to be a 
deliberative, sensible body, then I claim 
that I have the rjght to discuss on the 
fioor of the convention whether one or 
the other of the members whose names 
have been placed before us would be the 
best standard bearer for the Socialist 
party. I claim that I owe this to my con- 
stituents who have instructed me on tfiis 

.THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair stands 
simply on the rules of the convention and 
their interpretation in what he believes 
to have been the spirit of those rules 

The motion to sustain the Chair was 

It was then moved and seconded that 
the roll call be made of the individual 
delegates. The motion was carried. 

A DELEGATE: How are we to know 
that Comrade Debs will accept? 

DEL. EERGER: Before we vote we 
ought to know whether Comrade Debs 

"Will £LCC6pt 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question has 
been asked whether there is any certainty 
whether Comrade Debs will accept the 
nomination. It is stated positively that 
he will by people who claim to know 
what they are talking- about. 

DEL. BERGER: Do they? 


The roll call on the vote upon the nomi- 
nations was then had as follpws: 

Alabama — . 
Arizona — 





Georgla — 
D. of C. — 
Idaho — 





G. L. Cox 
E, H. Allen 
E. Johnston 
Ida Callery 
Dan Hogan 
J. A. C. Meng 
A, R. Finks 
Edw. A. Cantrell 
H, C. Tuck 
H. E. Wright 

W. P. Collins 
Mary L. Geffs 
Thomas M. Todd 
John Troxell 

Fred Stanley 
G. "W. Belolt 
ThoB, J. Coonrod 
Sidney W. Motley 
Isaac F. Stewart 
J. 0. Bentall 
Joseph R. Burge 
Louis F. Haemer 
John C. Sjoden 
Caroline A. Lowe 
J. C. Kennedy 
M. E. Kirkpatriok 
Geo. Koop 

George North Taylor 
F. T. Maxwell 
Guy Undprwood 
S. S. Condo 
W. W. Farmer 
Janet Penimore 
Stephen C. Garrison 
"Wm. H. Henry 
James Oneal 
S. M. Reynolds 
William Sheffler 
Florence Wattles 
Jas. Baxter 
Lee W. Lang 


A. E. Brlggs 
Geo. W. Downing 
Job Harriman 

B. H. Mizner 
R. A, Maynard 
A. W. Harris 
Ernest L. Reguin 
N. A. Richardson 
J. W. Wells 
Fred C. Wheeler 
Ethel Whitehead 
Thos. W. Williams 
J. Stitt Wilson 
Frank E. Wolfe 

A. F. Castleberry 
Frank A. Houck 
W. J. Ghent 
C. C. Allen 

Jas. P. Larsen 
Mary O'Reilly 
W. B. Rodriguez 


Mary E. Garbutt 

A. H. Floaten 

S. E. Beardsley 
Ernest Berger 
E. P. Clark 
Chas. T. Peach 
Jasper McLevy 

Bernard Berlyn 

John J. Jacobsen 
Margaret D. Bro-wn 
Irving S. McCrillis 

'.I'^A.: ■■/- 3 jf^LlMtUybik^U.! 

.iti^^j-. u-.i'*i'?'(*ijia'.. 

^ '■ 'tt'*^7' rr-'T ""''•-^"^pj ."' ^■"!tr 



Kentucky — 

Louisiana — 

Maine — > 
Maryland — 

MasBachusettB — 



Missouri — 

Nevada — ' 

New Hampshire- 

New Jersey 

New Mexico- 
New York— 

Oscar H. Blase 
Geo. D. Brewer 
A. W. Ricker 
May Wood-Simons 
S. M. Stallard 
Benj. P. Wilson 
Chas. Dobbs 
Walter Lanferslak 
J. K. Jones 

Alex Coleman 
Chas. B. Fenner 
J. M. Caldwell 
Dan A. White 
Rose Fenner 
J. G. Ohsol 
Frank Aaltonen 
Jas. Hoogerhyde 
Guy H. Lockwood 
H. S. McMaster 
Etta Menton 
J. A. C. Menton 
Jas. H. McParland 
Marietta B. Pournier 
John H. Grant 
J. S. Ingalls 
Glaus Jaoobson 
Morris Kaplan 
Thos. E. Latimer 
J. G. Maattala 
A. O. Devoid 
O. S. Watkins 
M. E. Fritz 

Lewis J. Duncan 
Clarence A. Smith 
Jacob M. Kruse 
James B. Scott 
Fred J. Warren 
C. B. byler 
Clyde J. Wright 
Grant Miller 
-John P. Burke 
Wm. A. McCall 
J. R. Jones 

Christopher J. Cosgrove 
George H. Goebel 
W. B. Killingbeck 
Harry P. Kopp 
James M. Reilly 
Gustave Theimer 
J. B. Laifg 
E. Lindgren 
Albert Pauly 



Nels S. HUlman 
David Morgan 
Jay F. Nash 

E. T. Behrena 
Wm. L. Garver 
Caleb Lipscomb 
George W. O'Dam 
Otto Vierling 
W. A. Ward 

Frederick Krafft 

North Carolina — 

North Dakota — A. E. Bo-wen, Ji 
Robert Grant 
Chas. D. Kelso 
Arthur LeSueur 

Geo. A. England 
Chas. B. Backmaa 
Dr. J, Roaett 
C. W. Staub 
Bobt. Lawrence 
G. E. Roewer, Jr. 

Philip H. Christian 

Henry Slobodin 
C. J. Ball, Jr. 
Fred Bennetts 
Theresa Malklel 
Wm. Burckle 
Jas. A. Mansett 
Ed. F. Cassidy 
Wm. B. Duffy 
Otto L. Bndres 
C. L. Purman 
Morris Hillqult 
Algernon Lee 
Meyer London 
H. M. Merrill 
C. II. Pierce 
G. Rothmund 
H. A. Simmons 
U. Solomon 
Gustave A. Strebel 
Joshua Wanhope 
Benjamin T. Tiller 





Oklahoma — 

Oregon — 


Rhoae Island — 

South Carolina- 
South Dakota — ■ 
Tennesspe — ■ 

Jacob Li. Bachmaii 
M. J. Beery 
Wm. Bessemer 
Max Boehm 
T. Clifford 

D. J, Farrell 
Edw. J. Jones 
P. N, Prevey 
Dan McCarten 
Wm. Patterson 

E. E. Powell 
Marguerite Prevey 
C. M. Priestap 

C. E. Euthenberg 
Anna K. Storck 
Lawrence A. Zltt 
John G. Wills 
M. F. Barker 

Maurice E. Dorfman 

John Hayden 

Tom J. Lewis 

Floyd C. Ramp 

C. W. Sherman 

G. "W. Bacon 

J. M. Barnes 

Cora Mae Bixler 

Leroy B. Bruce 

Anna Cohen 

Jos. E. Cohen 

Lewis Goaziou 

Richard L. Grainger 

James C. Hogan 

Gertrude B. Hunt 

J. H. Maurer 

C. W. Irvin 

F. H. Merrick 

Edward Moore 

"Wm. Parker 

C. F. Foley 

J. W. Slayton 

A. G. Ward 

R. J. Wheeler 

David Williama 

John C. Young 
James P. Reid 
E. W. Thelnert 

Vermont — 
Virginia — 

West VlrglBla- 
WlBConsln — 

Wyomlnn — 

C. G. Harold 
Ed. A. Green 
T. A. Hickey 
E. K. Meitzen 
W. S, Noble 
J. C. Rhodes 
Ij. L. Rhodes 
M. A. Smith 
J. C. ThornpBom 
B. Wllliama 

G. M. Norrls 
L. B. AUer 
A. H. Earth 
Prans Bostrom 
Emma D. Cory 
Kate Sadler 
Samuel Sadler 
Hulet M. Wells 
C. H. Boswell 
H. W. Houston 
E. H. Kintzer 

Antony Carl won 
Paul J. I'aulsen 
J. Rimja 

D. L. Davis 
M. S, Hayes 
F. G. Strickland 

W. Hlnkle 

O. Ameringer 
Otto P. :^ranstetter 
R. E. Dooley 
Patrick S. Nagle 
Geo. E. Owen 
Allen Fields 

Wm. Bberhard 

B. Alexander 
G. C. Edwards 

C. A. Byrd 

J. T. Cumbie 
L. B. Irvin 
E. Schilling 

Dan M. Caldwell 
Frank A. Davii 
ChaB. H. Maurer 
L. E. Wilson, Jr. 
W. A. ProBser 

B. Dempsey 

H. T. Burt 
J. A. Smith 
W. M. Wesley 
John Spargo 

E. J. Brown 
W. H. Wayniclt 
H. C. Cupples 
Henry Hensefer 

Victor L. Berger 
Dan W. Ho an 
W. R. Gaylord 
W. A. Jacobs 
•T. Mlnklein 
Elizabeth H, Thomas 
Carl D. Thompson 

Emtl Seldel 

The roll call showed the following re- 

lfiu(-ene V. Bebs, 165; Emil Seidel, 56; 
Charles Edward Russell, 54. 

DEL. SEIDED (Wis.): I wish to thank 
those that cast their votes for Seidel, as 
suggested by Wisconsin, for the confi- 
dence that they have placed in the Wis- 
consin spirit. On the other hand, in be- 
half of Mrs. Seidel, I wish to thank those 
Who have voted against me, because Mrs. 
Seidel wished that I should not be nomi- 
nated. I desire to make a motion at this 
time, which I believe will be seconded 
by Comrade Russell, that we make the 
nomination of Comrade Debs unanimous. 

DEL. RUSSELL (N. T.) : I never had 
greater joy in my life than I have when 
I second that motion. 

On the motion being put the nomina- 
tion of Comrade Debs was made unani- 

DEL. BERLTN (111.): I move that a 
despatch be sent to Comrade B, V. Debs 
notifying him on his nomination. 

It was so ordered. 

DEL. SPAltQO: 1 move that wo now 
proceed with the nomination for Vice- 
President in the same manner tlial wo 
nominated for President. 

The motion was carried. 

The roll call on nominations for Vice- 
President and resulted in the nomination 
of Dan Hogan, J. W. Slayton and Emil 

DEL. RUSSELL (N. Y.): In order to 
save the time of this convention which 
has now grown somewhat valuable, let 
me say that for reasons which I can 
state but which I would prefer not to 
state, it will be impossible for me to 
accept this nomination, although I ap- 
preciate very much the kindness of those 
who have urged it upon you. 

AH of the nominees declined except 
Delegates Seidel, Slayton and Hogan. 

The roll was then called for the selec- 
tion of the vice-presidential candidate. 


Arkansas — 
CaUfornla — 


Ida Gallery 
J. A. C, Mens 
A. R. Finka 
Ernest It. Begutn 




D. of. C— 
Florida — 
Georgia — ■ 
Idaho — 

Illinola — 

IlUnolB— « 

Fred Stanley 

G. W. Belolt 
I. F. Stewart 
J. O. Bentail 

G. L. Cox 
Erma Hyatt 
E. Johnson 

A. E. Brlggs 
E. A. Cantrell 
G. W. Downing 
Mary E. Garbutt 
Job Harrlman 

B. H. Mizner 
E. A. Maynard 
A. W. Harris 

N. A. Richardson 
H, C. Tuck 
J. W. W^ella 
Fred C. Wheeler 
Ethel Whitehead 
T. W. W^illiama 
J. S. Wilaon 
Frank E. Wolfe 
H. E. Wright 
W. P. Collins 
A. H. Floaten 
Mary L. Geffia 
Thos. M. Todd 
John Troxell 
Sam E. Eeardsley 
Ernest Berger 
E. P. Clarke 
Chas. T. Peach 
Jasper McLevy 
Prank A. Houck 
W. J. Ghent 

A. P. Castleberry 
T. J. Coonrod 
S. W. Motley 
Bernard Berlytt 
J. R. Burge 
J. C. S,1oden 
J. C Kennedy 
M. E. Klrkpatrlclc 
George Koop 
James P. Larsen 
Caroline A. Low© 
P. T. Maxwell 
Mary O'Reilly 
W. E. , Rodriguez 
Seymour Stedman 
G. N. Taylor 
Guy Underwood 
Samuel Condo 
W. W. Parmer 
Janet Penlmora 
S. C. Garrison 

jA:i*Lj;;^; MJkUikii:.iB i^^.4;.-iMiiiiaj.i:. 7AMyii.Myt4,a t.j^r^ 


Kentucky — 
Louisiana — 
Maryland- — 






Oscar H. Blase 
Geo. r>. Brewer 
S. M. Stallard 

Charles E. Fenner 
Rose Fenner 

Frank Aaltonen 
Jas. Hoogerhyde 
Guy H. Lockwood 
H. S. MoMaster . 
Etta Men ton 
Jas. H. McFarland 


Missouri — 


Lewis J. Duncan 
Clarence A. Smith 
Jacob M. Kruse 
James B. Scott 
Philip H. Christian 

Nevada — ■ 

New Hampshire — J. P. Burke 

New Jersey — C. J. Cosgrove 

W. B. KilUngbeck 

New Mexico — ' 
New York— 

Not Voting 
Henry Slobodln 
Theresa Malkiel 
E. Lindgren 
Albert Pauly 

North Carolina- 
North Dakota- 

Jacob "L. Bachman 
M. J. Beery 
Wm. Bessemer 
Max Boehm 
T. Clifford 
P«min!ek J. Farroll 


A. W. Rlcker 

A. R. Hartig 
C. W. Staub 
J. M. Caldwell 

J. A. C. Menton 

W. A. McCall 

Frea Bennetts 
C. Li. Furman 
Clinton H. Pierce 
G. Bothmund 

Arthur LeSueur 
F. G. Strickland 

Wnx. H. Henry 
S. M. Reynolds 
Wm, Sheffler 
Florence Wattles 
Margaret D. Brown 
J. J. Jacobsen 
Lee W. Laws 
Irving S. McCrlllis 
Benj. F. Wilson 
Id^ay Wood-Simons 

Chas. Dobbs 
J. B. Jones 
G. A. England 
Dr. J. Rosett 

Alex. Coleman 
Robt. Lawrence 
G, E. Roewer, Jr. 
Dan A. White 
J. G. Ohsoi 

M. F. Fournler 
J. H. Grant 
N. S. Hillman 
J. S. In galls 
Olaus Jacobson 
Morris Kaplan 
Thos. B. Latimer 
J. G. Maattala 
David Morgan 
Jay E. Nash 
A. O. Devoid 
O. S. Watkina 
M. E. Fritz 
E. T. Behrens 
W. L. Garver 
C, Lipscomb 
G. W. O'Dam 
Otto ■Vierllng 
W. A. Ward 

F. J. "Warren 
C. R. Oyler 
Grant Miller 

J. R. Jones 
H. F. Kopp 

F. Krafft 

J. M. Reilly 
Gustave Thelmer 

Wm. Burckle 
Jas. A. Mansett 
E. F. Cassldy 
Wm. L. Duffy 
O. L. Endres 
Morris Hlllquit 
Algernon Lee 
Meyer London 
H. M. Merrill 

C. E. Russell 
H. A. Slmmona 
tr. Solomon 

G. A. Strebel 
J. Wanhope 
E. T. Tiller 

A. E. Bowen, Jr. 
Robert Grant 
Chas. D. Kelao 

D. L. Davis 
M. S. Hayes 
W. Hinkle 
Marguerite Prevey 

AFTERNOON SESSION, jviay n. idi:' 


Oklahoma — 


E. J. Jones 

F. N. Prevey 
Wm. Patterson 
Chas. M, Priestap 
C. E. Ruthenberg 
Anna K. Storck 
Lawrence A. Zltt 
Dan McCartan 

Oregon — 

Pennsylvania — 

Rhode Island- 
So. Carolina — 
So. Dakota — • 
Texas — 

Utah — 

Vermont — 
Virginia — 

West Va. — 
Wisconsin — ■ 

Tom J. Lewla 

Leroy R. Bruce 
James C. Hogan 
C. W. Ervin 
P. H. Merrick 
Wm. Parker 
A. G. Ward 
R. J. Wheeler 

Benjamin Dempsey 
C. G. Harold 
B. A. Green 
T. A. Hickey 
E. R. Meitzen 
W. S. Noble 
J, C. Rhodes 
L. L. Rhodes 
M. A. Smith 
J. C. Thompson 
B. William 
Wm. M. Wesley 

Leslie E. Aller 
A. H. Barth 
Prans Bostrom 
Kate Sadler 
Samuel Sadler 

H. W. Houston 
Bmil Seldel 

Wyoming — • 

Paul J. Paulsen 
J. Suaja' 

G. W. Bacon 
Dan M. Caldwell 
Frank A. Davis 
Lewis Goaziou 
Chas. A. Maurer 
R. S. Rlngler 
John C. Young 

James P. Reld 
E. W. Thelnert 

The result of the roll call was an- 
nounced as follows: Emll Seidel, 159; 
Dan Hogan, 73; John "W. Slayton, 24, 

DEL. HOGAN: Appreciatinf? the unex- 
pected honcxr given me by the 73 com- 
rades who voted for me for the second 
place on the ticket I move that the nomi- 
nation of Enail Seidel he made unani- 

DEL, SLAYTON: I need not repeat 
what Comrade Hogan has said. The honor 
to me is not quite so large in nunabers, 
but then he is a larger man. I second 
the motion to make, the nomination of 
Comrade Seidel unanimous. 

The motion was unanimously carried. 

A DELEGATE: I move that we ad- 
journ and join the parade. 

DEL. SPARGO: "With all deference to 
the local comrades that have arranged this 
parade, I submit that parading the streets 
is less important to the party than doing 

E. Schilling 

0. P. Branstetter 
S. T. Cumbie 

R. E. Dooley 
L. B. Irvin 
P. S. Nagle 
G. E. Owen 
Oscar Anierlnger 
M. P. Barker 
J. G. Wills 
M. E. Dorfman 
J. Hayden 

F. C. Ramp 

C. W. Sherman 
Cora M. Bixler 
J. B. Cohen 
R. L. Grainger 
Jas. H. Maurer 

1. W. Slayton 
David Williams 

L. B. -Wilson, Jr. 
W. A. Prosser 

Wm. Eberhard 

Rlchey Alexander 
G. C. Edwards 
C. A. Byrd 

John Spargo 
G. M. Norris 
E. J. Brown 
W. H. Wing 
Emma D. Cory 
H. O. Cupples 
Anna A. Maley 
Henry Henseler 
C. H, Boswell 
Dan W. Hoan 
W. R. Gaylord 
W. A, Jacobs 
Thos. Minklein 
Elizabeth H. Thomas 
C. D. Thompson 
Antony Carlson 

the business for which we have been 
called together. Most of us have arranged 
so that we must get through tomorrow 
night. Some of our most important com- 
mittees have not yet reported. We have 
still the immigration matter and three- 
quarters of the Constitution to adopt. I 
move as an amendment that we adjourn 
until 9:30 o'clock tonight. 

At this point there were cries for a 
speech from Comrade Seidel, who at the 
request of the Chairman took the plat- 

DEL. SETDEL: I do not intend to de- 
lay you for any length of time. But I 
v/ant to make it clear to you that I shall 
do everything in my power to give the 
opiiosition, the capitalist parties, as warns 
«. fight as they have ever had. Prom what 
T know of Comrade Debs I believe that 
he will be heart and sojI with me in this. 
The little difterences that we have had 

Hulet M. Wells 

E. H. KIntser 

SMittMlMiiMi'iiA .iv»i.^\. M,:^- U-I.JJ4& 




'"■r*Trr^r'|'l niV^V "7'"' ' '' 

on i-hi: iU.or of the convfintion only con- 
corn (.liemaelves with questions of tac- 
lics. Let me say that I believe that the 
Washington comrades as well as the Cali- 
fornia comrades and the comrades of Ohio, 
as well as those of Pennsylvania, New 
York and Wisconsin, all stand together 
for that one big thing, the final abolition 
of this wage slave systena. W^ differ a 
little bit in the way of getting there We 
of Wisconsin believe that we should try 
to do everything that we can to strength- 
en our class. Some of the other com- 
rades, quite as sincere, believe that we 
dissipate our forces if we pay any atten- 
tion to the immediate questions before us. 
But whatever our differences on that line 
let us see that the enemy get no comfort 
out of those differences. "While I believe m 
fighting for the Immediate things, as well 
as the ultimate goal let me say that I 
stand squarely on the platform. Every 
one of the Wisconsin comrades hopes and 
worlds, and those that pray, pray for the 
final and absolute dissolution of this wage 
system, for the day when we may see 
the manhood and womanhood made free to 
develop Into a higher and better man- 
hood and womanhood. We hope for that 
and we all work for that. When this 
convention is over let us go out and be- 
gin the fig-ht. Let us show the enemy 
that there is the same spirit of liberty 
in our ranks; let them understand that 
they cannot yet have everything their 
own way; let them ' understand that the 
American working class is developing its 
Intelligence, is growing in strength nu- 
merically and that the day Is rapidly 
coming when that -Worliing class will get 

control of all that it shd'uld control and 
get for itself all that it produces. 

Now I am not going to make a com- 
palgn speech here. We must reserve our 
strength for the enemy. We must not 
fight each other too hard in the few re- 
iDiaining hours, taut reserve our strength 
for the enemy. Let us have our little 
squabbles, and when we are through with 
them get together and pitch right into 
the middle of the battle. 

I want to thank you one and all for 
this vote of confidence that you havS cast 
for a Wisconsin nominee, for I don't con- 
sider it a personal victory; but I do prom- 
ise you that everything that I can do shall 
be done to make this next campaign the 
liveliest fight the enemy has ever known. 

I thank you one and all. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question qow 
before the house is on the motion of Com- 
rade Spargo that we adjourn to meet at 
nine o'clock tonight. 

DEL,. MERRICK (Pa.): Is It under- 
stood that we may also take part in the 

THE CHAIRMAN: You may So what 
you please about the parade. 

DEL. BESSEMER: If a parade Jias been 
arranged it is discourteous to the local 
committee to Ignore them. I move to 
amend that we meet at 8:30 for the pa- 
rade and to hear speeches from our pres- 
idential and vice-presidential candidates, 
at the end of which time we shall resumi? 
the business of the convention. 

The amendment as offered by Delegate 
Bessemer was carried and the convention 
adjourned to meet at 8:30 o'clooK. 


Chairman Duncan called the convention 
to order at 8:30 p. m. ^ - ,, ^ 

Consideration of the report of the Com- 
mittee on Constitution. 


Article III of the Constitution was read 
by the Secretary, and there being no ob- 
jection it was adopted. 

Article IV was read. 

DEL. RUTHBNBERG (Ohio): I move 
that the words "shall consist of the State 
Secretaries of all organized states and 
territories" be stricken out and the 
words "or major fraction thereof" be in- 
serted after "3,000 members." (Seconded.) 
In order to get the amendment clear, I 
simply want to return to the former sec- 
tion, Article IV, Section 1. If the Secre- 
tary will take the old Constitution, I will 
read it so as to make it clear: "Sec. 1. 
Bach organized state or territory shall be 
represented on the National Committe by 
one member and by an addition member 
for every 2,000 members or major frac- 
tion thereof in good standing in the par- 
ty." The object of this amendment is to 
take the State Secretaries off the Na- 
tional Committee. I do not believe it is 
good, policy to make the State Secretaries 
members of our National Committee. 
When we select a man in a state to serve 
us as State Secretary, we select him be- 
cause of his executive ability and not par- 
ticularly because of his knowledge in re- 
gard to the organization at large in the 
entire country. And I submit that the 
average State Secretary, at least in a 
state where there is a large organization 
Buch as we have In Ohio, is too busy to 
keep In touch with and study the affairs 
of tho national organization, because his 

hands are full with the affairs of the local 
organization. I do not believe we should 
elect a man to one office and impose on 
him the duties of another office. We 
should select our National Committeemen 
because 'wb think they are fitted for that 
office, and not for State Secretary, as this 
provision which the committee has sub- 
mitted to us implies. I believe, therefore, 
that we should return to the old provision 
and strike out the reference to State Sec- 

DEL. WILSON (Cal): I wish to sup- 
port the amendment of the comrade dele- 
gate from Ohio. Further on in this Con- 
stitution large and extended and impor- 
tant powers are given to the National 
Committee, if the proposals of the com- 
mittee carry, and I believe that it is of 
the greatest importance that the most 
able and qualified men in each state, men 
th^ are intimate with the whole move- 
ment, not only of the state, but of the 
nation, should find their way eventually 
to the National Committee. Hitherto, this 
National Committee of our party has been 
comparatively a perfunctory body. Its 
duties may be specified, but" they have 
been formal duties. They have not had 
responsibility placed upon them. By this 
new Constitution, the intention is to make 
the National Committee the real admin- 
istrative body of the Socialist party. Now, 
in some states — in all our states — we are 
looking more and more for the best quail'- 
fled executives; men that can handle de- 
tails; men that are intimate with all the 
little things that arise in the state admin- 
istration: men of capacity for local work. 
In the State of California we have re- 
cently revised our State Constitution by 
making our State Secretary appointive by 



iImi .State Board of Control, and not elect- 
ivo, for the purpose of liuding a capable, 
iiicrgetlc, administrative oflicial. I be- 
ll rvo that it would be a misfortune to have 
ill the State Secretaries of the United 
I I Us of America on the National Gom- 
III 1 1 Ice. I hope that the amendment of 
Mii; delegate from Ohio will pass, and 
iiiat we will return to the old Conatltu- 
iiun in this respect, with the change of 
:;.(I00 to 3,000 in order that it shall be 
•Mlapted to the growing conditions of the 

"del. SOLOMON (N. T.): As one of the 
;;i;ate Secretaries who, by virtue, of the 
inovisions of this new Constitution, will 
lorm part of the National Cominlttee, I 
want to support the amendment offered 
hy Comrade Ruthenberg. While I do not 
ai-vree with the comrade in so far as the 
iibility of the State Secretaries and their 
knowledge of the organization outside of 
I heir o^vn state is concerned, at the same 
lime I, nevertheless, fail to see any rea- 
son whatever why they ought necessarily 
(o be made members of the National Com- 
mittee. I contend that in many places 
iiur State Secretary, if he -wishes to be a 
member of the National Committee, can 
secure the election in his own state with- 
out making it necessary by a mere Con- 
.stitutional provision to make him a de 
facto meiHbeT of the committee, whether 
the rank and file of the state desire him 
to be a member of the committee or not. 

I believe, in view of the extraordinary 
j)0wer to be conferred on the National 
Committee, and the fact that this com- 
mittee Is to become a real, active body 
instead of a mere figurehead under our 
organization, it is very important to make 
overy raember of that committee elected 
by the referendum vote in their respect- 
ive states; and also in view of the fact 
Ihat in some states, in fact the most im- 
iiortant states, the State Secretary is not 
ilected by referendum vote, but his mem- 
liership in the State Committee is subject 
lo recall by the state, it is not a very 
wise move to have him become a mem- 
ber of the National Committee; because, 
;is I understand it, it is making the Na- 
lio.nal Committee elected by the rank and 
lile, subject to recall by the rank and 
ille, and from the fact that a u-umber of 
the State Secretaries are apj^inted in- 
stead of being elected by th« rank and 
(de, it is not very advisable to make them 
members of the National Committee. 

The previous question wftS then or- 

DEL. PANKIN (of the Jewish Agitation 
r.ureau) : I believe it a very unwise thing 
lor us to make it mandatory by the Con- 
stitution that the state officers of the 
ii:irty in the different states shall consti- 
(nte the National Committee. It seems to 
me that the State Secretaries have suffi- 
cient work to do in their respective states 
without burdening them with the work of 
(lie National Committee, and therefore I 
lira in favor of the amendment made by 
(he delegate from the state of Ohio that 
vv<! have a body entirely different from the 
Slate Secretaries to constitute the Na- 
lional Committee. Let us not turn over 
(he party to the petty officers of the 
li.'irty. Let us have it managed by tho 
romrades at large. 

DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): I want to beg 
(ii you to go very slow in voting for the 

II iMi-ndment. As far as I am concerned 
PHuv T tliink I speak for every member of 

III ■ committee. If you adopt the amend- 
imiit, we say to you, "Tear up the Con- 
iilllution. You have taken the heart out 
II r K." Don't say no. For twelve years 

Hillquit and certain other mombers, and 
myself and certain other members have 
been on opposite sides. Hllhiuit and oth- 
ers have claimed in tlTfj name of elH- 
ciency that we wanted to do away with 
a certain amount of the referendum. On 
the other hand, I have always stood, and 
others with me, for giving all power into 
the hands of the rank and file. Now, we 
compromised and we got together because 
we thought we found a way of putting 
the national organization into direct touch 
and control of the rank and file, and at 
the same time getting efficiency. Now, 
you comrades and you State Secretaries, 
you go slow before you vote in favor of 
this amendment. Time and time again 
we have had complaint of lack of har- 
mony between the state offices and the 
national offices. We have had open con- 
fiict, or we have had indifference on the 
part of the State Secretaries. Under our 
plan we make the state organization and 
the national organization one as far as 
being able to get in touch with each other 
and understand each other. What do we 
propose? Once a year a gathering of 
those men, in the first place, that are 
able to talk for their states because no 
man in the state like the State Secretary 
knows that movement in that state. He 
knows the workers. The comrade Who 
proposed this amendment said they elect- 
ed for their State Secretaries men of ex- 
ecutive ability. That is exactly what we 
are trying to put on this National Com- 
mittee; not the men who happen, because 
they are speakers or writers, to be the 
best known in the state and be able to 
get elected on the National Committee; 
but the men that are on the job, the 
Jimmy Higginses, the Billy Baxters, that 
know the crowd because they are in touch 
with the crowd, we want them on that 
National Committee so that when they 
meet once a year when it comes to the 
question of routing speakers or the best 
distribution of literature and a better way 
of carrying on the work and getting 
every possible dollar's worth of value for 
every penny we spend, we will have a 
man that can within a week go out of 
that town and arrange a national meet- 
ing, that will arrange for practically an 
entire years' work and who will under- 
stand the plan because he helped to make 
the plan. I beg you not to stand for this 
amendment, because if you do stand for 
this amendment you are only going back 
to the time when every Tom, Dick and 
Harry could be elected to the National 
Committee and you did not know any- 
thing about the condition of things. The 
National Committeemen have the duties 
of planning the general work. Yes, and 
<nvho can do it better than the State Sec- 
retaries. What are their duties? To talk 
to the men and women as National Secre- 
taries, to run the party between meet- 
ings, who is better acquainted, better able 
to judge as to who will make a good Na- 
tional Secretary than those men and those 
women who as State Secretaries have 
learned what a National Secretary ought 
to be; people who know how to do it? 
There is another thing we have in mind. 
Gradually as this party develops we are 
going to develop — not the speakers, for 
we have speakers; not necessarily the 
writers, but the fellows that know how 
to organize and take the forces and put 
thom together. We are hoping that out 
of this we will get a method of promot- 
ing and bringing up the work and gratiii- 
ally developing it until we have experts 
along every line. Now, as far as I am 
concerned, I am only one and I have only 




I ho volco and innuonco of one; but hav- 
ing Mill on this coiniBittee and worked 
over it as we have done in the commit- 
tee, I want to say that when you adopt 
the amendment I take no further heart in 
the thing, because, now, we have taken 
the old machine with the old inefficiency, 
and in addition to that we have taken 
the control of the national organization, 
out of the rank and file; because the only 
thing that connects that directly with the 
rank and file, after all, are these State 
Secretaries. They are in daily touch with 
the rank and file. That was the reason 
I was willing to accept it; that was the 
reason Comrade Brewer was willing to 
accept it; because we said these men are 
right in touch with the rank and file. We 
have through them a daily referendum, a 
weekly referendum, a monthly referen- 
dum. I beg of you to vote down the 
amendment. You have appointed men to 
do this work of revising the Constitution. 
There is not a line there but what is re- 
lated to every other line. We do not take 
one paragraph by itself, we build this 
thing , like you build a house from the 
basement to the roof. Try out the plan, 
and if it don't work out in a year, then 
it will be time to make the changes that 
nay comrade over there presents for you 
to make. (Applause.) 

The question was then put on the 
amendment of Del. Ruthenberg, and the 
amendment was lost by a vote of 65 to 

DEL. J. E. COHEN (Pa.): I move that 
in place of the first sentence of Section 1 
the following be substituted: "The Na- 
tional Committee shall consist of 100 
members, to be apportioned among the 
states and territories in the following 
manner: State Secretaries from all organ- 
ized states and territories, and additional 
members in proportion to the average 
national dues paid by the organization in 
such states and territories during the 
preceding year. (Seconded.) On Page 9, 
Section 4 of Article IX, reads: "Delegates 
to be apportioned among the states," etc. 
That is a very good proposition because 
it comes from Pennsylvania, was adopted 
by the Pennsylvania convention, and the 
delegates were instructed to vote to that 
effect, I think it is a very good propo- 
sition that the National Committee shall 
consist of a definite number who shall be 
competent to do the executive work, and 
not of a number that varies from year 
to year according to how the member- 
ship changes. And therefore I hope that 
you will vote for this new proposition 
making a definite number who shall be 
competent to do the executive work of 
the party from year to year, to be re- 
viewed by the National Convention, which 
is a much larger number and which meets 
only once in four years; and thereby your 
work will be done in an efficient man- 
ner as the Constitution desires. 

Del, Smith (Mont.) took the floor. 
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): Permit me to 
make a statement that may have some- 
thing to do with Comrade Smith's talk. I 
want to say that we figured out the prob- 
able number of members we would have 
on the committee. At the beginning we 
will have from 68 to 74, and we figured 
that with the present rate of progress, 
when the next National Convention meets 
it will be about 95 to 100, which is prac- 
tically what you want, without changing 
this as we have it in the Constitution 

DEL. SMITH (Mont): I seconded the 
amendment chiefly because discussion was 
Stopped on the previous amendment. 1 

wish to discuss the principle Involved in 
the plan outlined by this new Constitu- 
tion, and not particularly in favor of any 
particular or specific change In the plan 
as outlined; except that I shall support 
the amendment proposed by the comrade 
here because no other change is provided. 
at this time. I should be in favor of the 
©.raiendment. The plan as outlined by the 
Committee on Constitution is this; and 
we cannot discuss any part of that plan 
without understanding and considering 
the entire plan. The plan is that the Na- 
tional Committee 

DEL.- EDWARDS {Tex.)r A point of 
order, that we are discussing the amend- 
ment, with a motion to adopt the section 
as a whole, and not discussing this amend- 
ment which he manifestly states he has 
not much interest in. 

THE CHAIRMAN; The comrade says 
he will link up the support of this amend- 
ment to the matters he is presenting now. 
DEL. SMITH; The proposition is that 
the State Secretaries shall constitute the 
National Committee; that the National 
Executive Committee of five members 
shall be selected by the National Commit- 
tee, which is composed of the State Secre- 
taries. The Executive Secretary shall also 
be selected in like manner. Now, I want to 
say that not only are the National Secre- 
taries not all elected by referendum vote; 
the State Secretaries are not all elected 
by referendum vote, as has been shown 
by the comrade from New York, but I 
want to show another evil in this system. 
The Executive Committee, while it is 
elected by the National Committee, Is not 
subject to recall by the membership at ' 

DEL. HOAN (Wis.): It is. 
DEL. SMITH: Show me where. Here is 
the proposition that Comrade Goebel calls 
attention to; The members of the Execu- 
tive Committee, Woman's National Com- 
mittee and Executive Secretary and gen- 
eral correspondent may at any time and 
on proper motion be temporarily suspend- 
ed from office by the National Committee, 
and by nobody else. 

DEL. HOAN: There Is another pro- 

DEL. SMITH; Members of the Execu- 
tive Committee, Woman's National Com- 
mittee, the Executive Secretary, General 
Correspondent, etc., may be recalled at 
any time by the membership in the party, 
and may be temporarily suspended dur- 
ing the initiation and taking of a national 
referendum. I confess I am wrong on this 
point, which is due to not havifig read the 
entire thing through. (Applause.) Now, 
I trust you w^ill have patience. This is 
the first time during this convention that 
I have asked for the privilege of the floor, 
and it is not because I want to show my- 
self, but because I am interested in this 
proposition. Now, I want to call your at- 
tention to the chief points involved in 
this proposition. The State Secretaries of 
the Socialist party are the executives of 
the party within their respective states. 
They are, as has been stated here, in 
daily communication with the majority in 
the state, and without regard to the good 
faith of the different state organizations, 
they are the persons who have a tre- 
mendous personal influence with their 
states. They are the ones whose decision 
on any referendum, should they become 
interested on either side of a referendum, 
would have great influence in carrying 
that referendum out or defeating It, as. 
the ease might be. These people' are not 
the people who should constitute the Na- 
tional Committee of the Socialist party, 

Tho N.itlonnl OommUtoc of I In- Socialist 
|).uly .sikoulil conyi;;! id' Miirli niuii or 
vvoiiuui, a.s the case tiia,,v In:, as liavc no 
greater iiillLicncc with liie iuembcr.sliip in 
the state, by virtue of any otlicial posi- 
tion, than any other members of the So- 
cialist party within their respective 
states. Now, we will suppose that the 
National Executive Committee, selected 
by the National Committee of State Sec- 
retaries, should pursue a course that 
might be contrary to the judgment of a 
large proportion of members within cer- 
tain states and they would be required to 
initiate a referendum against it. Then 
we would be confronted with this situ- 
ation: The State Secretaries, who consti- 
tute the National Committee and who are 
instrumental in electing the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee, would Be charged with 
the work of taking a referendum against 
their own policies, and I maintain that 
absolute impartiality could not be main- 
tained under those circumstances. We 
ought not to have referendums conducted 
by people who are interested particularly 
in those referendums (applause), espe- 
cially by people who are in daily com- 
munication with the entire membership 
of the party throughout the entire nation. 
All of the State Secretaries are in com- 
munication with all of the members -of 
the entire Socialist party, and I maintain 
that a machine can be built up by a Na- 
tional Executive Committee and a major- 
ity of the National Committee, composed 
of State Secretaries, which no power on 
earth can break down. (Applause.) Com- 
rades, I say this from having had expe- 
rience as Secretary of an organization. I 
am not going to say what organization it 
is or anything about it, but I have had 
sufficient experience to know that the 
Secretary of an organization can wield a 
tremendous influence. The chairman of 
this committee has already called your at- 
tention to the fact that th'e National Sec- 
retary, simply because he is National Sec- 
retary, can be re-elected National Secre- 
tary unless there are some very extraor- 
dinary circumstances connected with the 
election or the nominations. It is almost 
impossible to defeat a National Secretary, 
or a State Secretary, I might add, even 
though he did not use undue influence; 
and I want to say that when all of the 
influence that a State Secretary may have 
may be used, there is no power in the 
Socialist party that can defeat the State 
Secretary or the measures in which the 
State Secretary may be interested. 

DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): I wish to 
offer an amendment to the amendment. 
Where it saya that the National Commit- 
tee shall consist of State Secretaries, I 
wish to add in there "or such other per- 
sons as the state may designate." 

THE CHAIRMAN: This is hardly an 
amendment to the amendment. That is 
in the nature of an original amendment 
to the proposition of the Committee. 

DEL. PATTERSON: What I want to do 
is to leave this part optional with the 

THE CHAIRMAN: You will have an 
opportunity to present that later, but It 
Is not in the nature of an amendment to 
the amendment. 

The previous question was ordered on 
the amendment offered by Del. Cohen, 

DEL. SPAllGO: 1 urn opposuxl to tk« 
Idea of making It a comlltUin oi llin iiuim- 
berKhip of (lie Nakiunal Ciinimiltnn iniii 
the rcMresentatlveH alKill be (.lio tSiiUn tStio- 
retarics. i am, in oLlior woid.s, (ippoHod 
to making tiie State Secretary, by vlrluu 
of his position as State Si!cr(;tii,ry, a nuiiii- 
ber of the National CduuniLtco. 1 bellnvo 
that is a very danyiruu.s powoi- and a vory 
dangerous precedent to set in our imrty. 

DEL. HILLQUIT; Just two pointu about 
the amendment and the motiuu Ixiforo you 
leaving tlie State Secretaries aw rnturiboi'M 
■of the National Committee. The only IhlnR 
the Cohen amendment seeks to do i.s to 
fix the membership of the National Com- 
mittee. Now, the Constitution ComtnJttno 
did not deem that expedient, for tlil.i rea- 
son; That on the basis proposed, ono com- 
mitteeman for every three thousand irmm- 
bers, will have today about sevont,y-flvo 
members of the National Committee. Thero 
is no reason why we should today In- 
crease it to 100. That will simply moan 
more expense and a little more cumlxir- 
Eome machinery when the party liaa 
grown till it automatically reachos tho 
100 mark, and when it threatens to bo- 
come unwieldy, as our conventions bo- 
gi-i to threaten already, then we can al- 
ways limit it. At present there is no such 
dang-er. I may also say, althouRh tho 
question is not directly involved but wan 
nearly brought up, that we considered 
very carefully the danger or alle,ged dan- 
ger that may come from the influence of 
the State Secretaries, arid we cam'e to thJ.s 
conclusion, that the State Secretaries rep- 
resent the interests of their states, md 
When a majority of the State SeoretarloM 
come together on any one plan or propo- 
sition it is no more a clique, it is an ex- 
pression of the will of a majority of a 
majority of the party, and they are wel- 
come to it. (Applause.) 

The Cohen amendment was then put to 
a vote and was lost. 

At this point, on motion, consideration 
of the Constitution was suspended and 
Comrade Emil Seldel, of Milwaukee, nom- 
inee for Vice-President, and Comrade 
Charles Edward Russell, Delegate from 
New York, were called on and addressed 
the convention and visitors. 

At the conclusion of the campaign 
speeches, the convention resumed consider- 
ation of the Constitution. 

DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio.): In the first 
section it says the national committee shall 
consist of state secretaries, and so on. T 
wish to offer the following amendment: 
"The national committee shall consist of 
one representative from each state, and 
an additional delegate for every 2,500 mem- 
bers, or major fraction thereof." (Sec- 

Del. Branstetter made a point of order 
that substantially the same proposition had 
been voted down. The point of order was 
sustained by the Chair. 

DEL. STITT WILSON (Cal): I move an 
amendment, as follows: "The national com- 
mittee shall consist of the state secretarioa 
of all organized states and territorioH, or 
such other persons as the members of tho 
party in the states shall elect by referen- 
dum vote," and so on. (Seconded.) 

At this point, on motion of Del. TTogan 
<Ark.) the convention adjourned until U:00 
O'clock Saturday morning. 



The convention was called to order at 
9 a. m. by Chairman Duncan. 

The following- were nominated as chair- 
man for the day: 

. 9°'^^^'> ^- J-; Killing-beck, N. J.; Hoe-an 
^n Pa "' "^*^'' ^^i"^"^*^' "^is-: sW- 

All declined excepting Comrades Gaylord. 
Goebel. and Slayton. " 

The -vote resulted as follows: Gaylord, 
61; Goehel, 62; Slayton, 19. ^ ' 

Comrade Goebel of Ne-sv Jersey was de- 
clared elected chairman of the day 

CHAIRMAN GOEBEL: On the last day 
Of the convention there is always a rush 
and pressure of business. We have the 
Constitution Committee report to finish 
the report of the Woman's Committee, tho 
Committee on Party Owned Press and 
many other important matters. We also 
have the rule adjourning- ' this convention 
at midnig^ht tonight. This all means that 
we must be as quick as possible, and very 
likely the chairman in trying- to set 
through with business at times will seem 
to be arbitrary, if you think injustice is 
?,?"^r,T? .^^"-r* y°" t° appeal at once from 
the Chair. I am g-oing to do the best I can 
to complete the business of the convention 
and I want you all to help me out. 

Nominations for vice chairman were then 
made as follows: Thompson, Wis.; Slav- 
t?."^'^^-' Strebel, N. T.; Hogan, Ark.; Ru- 
thenberg-, Ohio; Collins, Colo. 

Delegates Huthenberg and Collins were 
the only delegates who accepted. 
The vote resulted as follows: 
Ruthenberg, 59; Collins, 57. Delegate 
Ruthenberg was elected vice chairman of 
the day. 

On_ motion the roll call and the reading 
of minutes were dispensed with. 

The secretary reported that John Ed- 
ward Russell had been seated by the New 
Tork delegation as alternate for Charles 
Edward Russell. 

C. L. Brunier was seated in place of E. Tj 
Reguin of California. 

-..•^■. A:. Benbrook was seated in place of 
M. A. Smith, Texas. 


Communications were read from Caspar 
Bauer, San Diego. 

J. D. Osborn, Oakland, Cal. 

Young People's Socialist Educational and 
Dramatic Club, Brooklyn. 

Workmen's Circle, New York. 

Board of Directors, Labor League, Bos- 
ton, Mass. 

Jacob S. Rosenberg, Worcester, Mass 

Branch 4 Socialist Party, Worcester. 

Local Rochester, New Tork 

Bohemian Daily, New York 

Boheniian Workingmen's Gymnastic 
Union of America. 

O. E. Daniels, Augusta, Ga. 

William Voss, Chairman, Winnipes, Man. 

A. C. Wyman. Boston, Mass. 

?/^?f^S?'' E. .Kaplan, Hartford, Conn. 

N. Mahlon, Pittsburg, Pa. 

Syracuse Local, N. Y 

Educational League, Cleveland, Ohio. 

C. R. Metcalfe, Sioux City, la. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The next order of 
business IS the report of the Committee 
on Constitution, Article 4, Section i "™"'^^^ 

DEL. WILSON (Cal.)': I propbse the 
following amendment: "The National Com- 
mittee shall consist of the state secretaries 
of all organized states and territories, or 
in place of said secretaries such other 
parties as the members of that state shall 
elect by referendum vote." 
po??® rest to follow as it is In the re- 

DEL. BRANSTETTER (Okla.): A point 
^i.'"'^''''- Yesterday they voted down an 
amendment that^made it optional to select 
^?T^^^UI'^&^'^'^ °^ tl^« state secretary. 

mJd?^tw^^?^^^= P'"" Po*"t °* order is 
made that this amendment is in effect a 
duplication of the amendment defeated last 
evening I rule that Comrade Branstet- 
il^'out °of Vrd^^^^ *''''''" ^""^ ^^^ amendment 

DEL, WILSON: Will you permit me to 
^ojd my amendment in another way 

THE CHAIRMAN: Let the Chair sav 
I^if'-!>^HJ^'"."P* accept any amendment by 

n^T ^TfT^T%*A^?^%?*^"«^^ ^^e excluded. 
ii.'^-^^-.^UNOAN (Mont.): I appeal from 
the decision of the Chair, and the ground 
Iflhf^t^''^'^^''^ '^ that the chairman has no 
right to gag an amendment to th^ article 
in any respect. The amendment now of- 
fered is not the same as the amendment 
offered yesterday, I think the convention 
<viw ^It^ ^T^fi? *^'-^* ^^^^y possible point of 
Zl^^^^°^^^v.^^ ^'^''" ^" opportunity to be 
heard and the proposal voted upon. 
i« tw CHAIRMAN. The Chair's position 
IS that this very matter involved in this 
amendment was debated and .voted upon! 
Chairman Duncan yesterday ruled precisely 

^'(CHestf'"Oh%o^?) ^"^^-^ *^*^ "^"'^^"^^ 

THE CHAIRMAN: OH, yeg, he did The 

proper method of procedure would be to 

move to re-consider. ° 

f^ii^fl^J^}%l^'^ Chair's ruling was not sus- 
tamed and the amendment offered by Dele- 
gate Wilson was declared in order 

DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I am very loath 
to offer an amendment here after the con- 
Bideration that has been given to this mat- 
ter by the seven wise men. They have 
if,.^^^"^ °rL**''^. ^"^ ^^^^ doubtless pre- 
pared a better instrument than the one 
with which we have been working. But 
I fear that this is lodging altogether too 
H.i'^ S9,y«r 1?. the hands of state secreta- 
ries. This national committee will consist 
^■^^''°^^^]7J^ °^ '^0 members to begin 
with and between 40 and 50 of them will 

^?fl'»l^*®*lf''?''^*^^l^^^, '^^'^ various states 
differ m their method of electing state sec- 
S?™ |-+i,^°™!. are elected by a referen- 
dum of the entire state membership. Some 



are elected by nine or ten commlLteemen of 
the state. Some of tlieni aie appointed by 
the state boards of control. In the state 
of California we follow the method of hir- 
ing for our state secretary a man specially 
capable of handling the details of the office. 
We hire him and Are him by a vote of a 
limited number of people whom we elect 
to carry on the policy of the party in the 

There is another point in this. The Na- 
tional Committee always meets in national 
convention years. That will mean that in 
the national convention every state secre- 
tary will be a delegate to the national con- 
vention. That will not do. People will not 
send some one else to this convention, they 
will save the fare of one man and the 
man who will have to come will be the 
state secretary, with the result that we 
shall have fifty state secretaries in our 
next national convention. That is a dan- 
gerous concentration of power in those 
men and it ought to be voted down. 

There is still another point. Under this 
new constitution the state secretaries, if 
they form a majority of the national com- 
mittee would elect the national executive 
committee. It is easy to see that the na- 
tional executive committee could be selected 
from the state secretaries and very likely 
it would be. If the state secretaries are the 
most capable men for the national commit- 
tee by the same reasoning Ave or six or 
seven state secretaries are likely to be the 
most capable men for the national executive 
committee. Now, 1 Submit to you that the 
state secretaries are not necessarily the 
men most capable of determining the policy 
of the national movement of the national 
Socialist party. They are not elected In 
our states to determine policies. They are 
elected to carry out the policies determined 
by the state; they are elected we may say 
as our clerks, not as determining factors in 
our policies. In California when they seek 
to deLerinine our policy -we determine them 
out of office. Have we not had to disci- 
pline state secretaries all over this nation 
for assuming power and trying to deter- 
mine the policy of the Socialist party. So 
I say to you that fifty of these secretaries 
in the national committee would not be men 
qualified to determine the policy of the 
national party when they are not the men 
elected to determine our policy in the sev- 
eral states. I hope that you will not per- 
mit this section of the constitution as rec- 
ommended by the committee to stand. 

A DELEGATE: TeU us what your motion 

DEL. WILSON: "The National Committee 
shall consist of the State Secretaries of all 
organized states and territories or such 
other -person as the members of the party 
in the state shall elect by referendum 
vote." I will add one proVi.«ion with the 
consent of my second. "Provided that the 
State Secretary shall always by virtue of 
his office be a nominee for elecHon to the 
National Committee." That will make it 
possible for the state membership to elect 
the State Secretary if they see fit. I be- 
lieve if my second will consent Ibis will 
save us from a difliculty that is involvod. 
I would like to see men as familiar with 
our affairs as are the State Reorotarics on 
this National Committee but te pack the 
National Committee with State Secretaries 
is a dangerous concentration of power. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Does the second ac- 
cept the addition? 

DEL. PATTERSON (O.): I refuse to 
accept the amendment. 

DEL. BRANSTF/PTIOR (Okla.): Don't bo 

dcccivud by Uns < ly ,,i' i)u:-i,sc;-) (ir lM).sa rule 
because tiie con.slii ni ion cxjiri^ssly wlutciH 
that no member of Uu; NatioiiMl i :<>itiiullL(H< 
is eligible on the National E-vvriitivi- Com- 


THE CHAIRMAN: Will Comrade Bran- 
stetter read the clause that he thinks is 

DEL. BRANSTETTER: That was my 
understanding. It is stated that we have 
perhaps a better constitution than the one 
we have been working under. If we have 
a better constitution it is because the state 
organizations and the National Committee 
and the National Executive Committee are 
to tae^ brought into closer touch and har- 
mony with each other than ever before. 
The trouble with our present organization 
is that there is constant friction between 
the state organizations, between the state 
secretaries and the executive committee, 
between the state secretaries and the na- 
tional secretary. The purpose of this pro- 
posed constitution is to get harmonious 
work between the state and national organi- 
zation. Some one has said that about the 
only purpose of the national organization 
is to adniinister affairs between tT±e states. 
There is nobody so -well fitted to represent 
the interests of the separate states as the 
State Secretaries. They are in actual touch 
with the state affairs. In the smaller 
states with only one or two thousand mem- 
bers the State Secretary is not a clerk 
merely hired to keep the books, but in all 
the smaller state organizations he is the 
man who more, than any other does know 
the needs of that organization. He is not 
a clerk, he is their spokesman, he is their 
organizer. In the smaller states the State 
Secretary is generally the only man in the 
state who knows the needs of the or- 
ganization. Where the state has ten or 
twelve thousand members, where the State 
Secretary may be largely a clerk, hired for 
his executive ability, there will be three 
or four others as representatives on the 
National Committee, and therefore no in- 
justice will be worked, while in the smaller 
states the most efficient man will be elected. 
It has been said here that the State Secre- 
taries will arrogate power to themselves. 
That can be attended to by the state organ- 
ization. If you have a man in your state 
that you can't unseat the rest of us can't 
help you. But I am sure that when the 
rest of the members are ready to unseat 
him he will be unseated. But so long as he 
is the State Secretary and so long as the 
transactions between the state and national 
bodies are carried on by the State Secre- 
taries it will help towards a harmonious 
relationship if this is adopted. I believe 
a majority of the state will remove a sec- 
retary who is not satisfactory when the 
time comes. 

Again they argue that many of the State 
Secretaries are only executive ofScers. 
What is this National Committee? We 
haven't formed a committee to control the 
policies of the organization. The national 
convention and the referendum declare the 
policy of the party. The purpose of the 
Nntlonal Committee is not to declare the 
prInciiilcR of this organization. The pur- 
pDsc (iC (he National Committee is to carry 
<iii(. Lho iilans, dictated by referendum and 
by our nntional conventions. And I do not 
know anybody so well fitted to help in car- 
rying out, to formulate methods of carrying 
out the plans of the national organization 
as the State Secretaries under whose 

NATi! )N 


fllr'rtloii In (ho roHpoctlvo states those 
Jtlini,4 jii'i. Ill i,(^ ciLrrlod uut. 

Tliii previous (lueHLioii was moved and 

1)1'; I.. STRICKLAND (Ohio.): It seems 
to me that one point has ibeen overlooked 
In the acceptance of this amendment we 
are still going- out from here if it is 
adojitod, in that form, with the committee 
;iJrc;;idy elected, but we are merely leaving 
U optional to the states to malte a change 
alterwards if they desire. We are not 
Hpoiling the plan; we are not taking the 
heart out of the constitution, but we are 
making it optional with the states to 
change that requirement If later they find 
It necessary or desirable. We go out from 
here with the plan in force if this be 
adopted by the referendum vote following' 
the convention, as it will undoubtedly do. 
Tiien the committee is already elected, at 
least the > State Secretaries are elected and 
you already have your National Committee 
under the new plan. Now under the plan 
of state autonomy if later any state desires 
to chang-e the arrangement and choose a 
different member of the committee by ref- 
erendum they have the right to do it. Not 
only that but in the larger states they have 
to do It any way. So we are not spoiling 
the plan, but we are allowing larger scope 
for state autonomy, and we are allowing 
the comrades in every state an opportunity 
to adapt themselves to this plan in the very 
best way. We are not spoiling the plan. 
We are making it possible for all the 
states, regardless of the method by which 
they elect a State Secretary, we are giving 
each state the chance to thoroughly co- 
operate with the plan that has been offered 
by the seven wise men on the platform. 
DEL. KELSO (N. D.): Suppose a State 
Secretary is elected a member of the Na- 
tional Committee, can he be recalled as a 
member of the National Committee? If he 
is not recalled as State Secretary and is 
recalled as National Cora.mltteeman what 
condition are you in? 

DEL. HILLQUIT: As the National 
Committeeman he is an officer of his state, 
not of the national organization. He could 
be recalled by his state but not by general 

DEL. RICHAKDSON (Cal.): There is 
a good deal of undue excitement about this. 
Every point that has been mentioned here 
was thrashed out from A to Z in the com- 
mittee. Some one brought up every one 
of these objections. See some of the mis- 
takes that have been made. The comrade 
that spoke last tells you that these secre- 
taries go Into office at once. That is be- 
cause he hasn't read the constitution. It 
provides that bot-wccn the time when this 
constitution takes effect and the first day 
of April, 1913, all the state organizations 
shall elect members of the National Com- 
mittee in accordance with the provisions of 
this constitution. They do not come in un- 
til the regular term of office is up. Com- 
rade Wilson tells you that nobody would 
go to the conventions, or to meetings of the 
National Committee except the State Sec- 
retaries because the states T^ould want to 
save the fare and would not send anybody 
but the secretary. 

DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I didn't State that 
DEL. RICHARDSON: Very well, you 
said they would be the only ones that would 
go. Now the fares are paid for the na- 
tional committeemen. 

Now it iR said that the State Secretaries 
would constitute a majority. I have looked 
nver a great many votes that have been 
tfvkcn on important questions and if you 
arc as familiar with that as I am you know 

on the average of 50 per cent do not vote. 
1 hey don t know anything about the ques- 
tion Now we want these things in the 
hands of men who will pay attention to 
what IS going on, men through whose 
hands all this business must go. The 
State Secretary is in touch with the busi- 
ness of the national office. He necessarily 
has to be in touch with it. He is the 
man who knows most about it. 

Another thing, we know what wranglings 
have been going on between the states, 
some of them almost seceding because of 
lack of harmonious action. If we can bring 
these State Secretaries together once a 
year and let them compare notes It will 
do more for harmonious work between the 
states than anything else that could occur. 
Tour committee thrashed out all these 
points and we know what we are talking 

Again Comrade Wilson speaks of the ne- 
cessity of firing them out of offlce some- 
times. There is nothing to prevent that. 
There is nothing to prevent thp state 
firing its National Committeeman. And 
about one-third of the states should fire 
their National Committemen now for not 
attending to business that is submitted to 
them. We want a live, active committee, in 
touch with the work and the needs of the 
Socialist party which will bring about 
harmonious work throughout the nation 
and you will get that through the State 
Secretaries. They will not be a majority 
of the committee, but they will be a live 
energetic part of the committee, they will 
know what has to be done. 

We hope you will support this. We be- 
lieve it is right; that it is best for the 
party. There is no danger of concentrat- 
ing power. The Executive Committee can 
be recalled either by the National Commit- 
tee or the membership. All the members 
of the National Committee can be recalled 
by their States. If you were going to be 
afraid of the power that is vested in those 
bodies where in the name of heaven w^ill 
you vest power? The committee are not 
afraid of it. Consider it wisely and vote 
for this section. 

A division was called for upon the 
amendment offered by Delegate Wilson, 
The amendment was carried by a vote of 
111 aye to 73 no. 

DEL. MBNG (Ark.): I move that we 
reconsider the vote by which the State 
Secretaries are members of the National 

THE CHAIRMAN: That motion is out 
of order until such time as other business 
has intervened. , 

DKL. CUPPLES (Wash.): T move to re- 
commit this section and have the commit- 
tee bring in a report in favor of a yearly 
conference of the State Secretaries instead 
of making the State Secretaries members 
of the National Committee. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I shall have to rule 
your motion out of order as not relevant 
to this paragraph. 

DEL. CTJPPLES; I appeal from the de- 
cision of the Chair. 

ground for your appeal. 

DEL. CUPPLES: I appeal from the de- 
cision on the ground that I want this 
question re-committed with instructions — 
THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: State your par- 
liamentarv grounds. 

DEL. CUPPLES: That is a parliamentary 

DEL. GOEBEL: My understanding of 
the rules is that the order under which we 
are proceeding is this particular section 



MLii Hint tliut motion would pertain to an- 

( iM'f suliji^ct. 

I In ^t vote tlie Chair was sustained. 

'['III! previous question was then ordered 
uptiu the paragraph as amended. 

I>EL. MENG: I want to speak against 
ilii.s paragraph. It should not meet with 
'In; approval of the majority of this con- 
t'lition. Del. Goebel said that we should 
tint tinker with this constitution because 
I lie nine wise men of the committee had 
riven it such deep consideration, had 
ui'ighed and considered everything and we 
!.iust have respect for their superior abil- 
I y, and be very careful how we approach 
I lis holy of holies, that we must take off 
our .shoes and approach softly, for the wise 
men have spoken. Why did he say that? 
'iMiere is a reason, as Comrade Charley Post 
;.iys. Don't attack this beautiful structure. 
; I is built from the ground up. He is a 
.irpenter. He knows how to build a con- 
stitution, so don't touch it. There is a good 
luason why we should not touch it. It is 
))Uilt on a foundation of sand. If you touch 
it it is gone; and they know it. I have all 
respect and reverence for these most potent, 
Krave and reverent seniors who have under- 
taken to draft this constitution. I talte oft 
my hat to the famous gentlemen that we 
have here. I believe every delegation is 
opposed to making the State Secretaries the 
Pooh Bas of the Socialist movement, the 
liigh lord everything else. In our State we 
Iiave had one man who is the whole thing. 
The State Secretary is a clerk. He has 
enough to do if he does that well. I want 
to cliange this to say if he is State Secre- 
tary he shall not be eligible to the office 
of National Committeeman. 

DEL, HILLQUIT: The committee at this 
point desires to call the attention of the 
delegates to this fact, that we are on the 
second page of a sixteen-page document, 
and this is Saturday, the last day of the 

DEL. HICKET '(Tex.): What will you 
ilo with that proposition in a State where 
t liere is no State Secretary? In our State 
WG had to kill the State Committee, the 
State Executive Committee and are pre- 
pMred to Are the State Secretary. Therefore 
I want to know what you are going to do 
in a State where there is no State Secre- 
1 ary. 

DEL. PIILLQUIT: I must say that the 
oommittee has had Texas in view. The only 
I rouble with us was we didn't know 
whether Texas would fire its National Corar 

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is on the 
:i(1nption of this paragraph. 

DEL. SLATTON: I move as a substitute 
iiiat the whole matter be adopted as it now 
.'ii:mds, the whole sixteen pages. 

The motion was seconded. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will not 
i'ii(ertain that motion, but the Chair will 
I nlortain the motion to adopt the whole of 
Article 4, and in order to do that, you would 
li.i ve to call for the reading of the article. 

DEL. SLATTON: Then I ask for the 
nriiling and adoption of this article. 

Soctions 3, 4 and 6 of Article 4 were then 
ii:id by the Secretary. 

1 >EL. SLATTON: My motion is that that 
luiicle as read be adopted. 

The motion was duly seconded. 

rilOL. HILLQUIT: I do not think the 

imittee will be at all favorable to this 

mill ion. I think it is not a %'ery wise pro- 
I I'lliire after wasting four hours on one sec- 
(liiii then to swallow the whole of the rest 
iif II without consideration or discussion. 
I think we shall do very much better to 

have every section road In order und It' 
there is no objection uiliipL it iuid jta.s.s to 
the next. There arc iiiipoi'laiit uuestious 
in the rest of this constiLution tlial .sliuulil 
be considered and discussed seriously. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The matter before 
the house is this: The original motion la 
that we adopt Section 2 of Article 4. Del. 
Slayton offers as a substitute that we adopt 
the entire Article 4 as read. 

DEL. SLATTON; The reason for my mo- 
tion is that in debating other matters here 
on the floor at times in amending part of 
an article we run up against a contradic- 
tion in another part. I do not believe that 
we should do as much injury if we would 
adopt the whole, try to work it out, and 
then come back another time, or by refer- 
endum, change and amend where it has 
been found by experience to be necessary 
to change and amend. 

DEL. BESSEMER (O.); I wish to Offer 
an amendment to Section 2. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I should have to de- 
cide that amendment out of order. Comrade 
Slayton's motion is a substitute. 

DEL. MERRICK (Pa.); I wish to en- 
dorse Hillquit's proposition. I think this 
discussion now is the best proof that in- 
stead of expediting matters you are going 
to delay them. I don't think there is any- 
body going- to make an objection to many 
of these paragraphs, and I think if we 
vote this down and get through with it, 
adopting each section or defeating each 
section as it comes up without unnecessary 
discussion, we shall get through much more 

The motion of Delegate Slayton was de- 

DEL. STRICKLAND: W^hy can't we 
adopt the rule that was followed yesterday 
that in considering this seriatirn when a 
section is read it be considered adopted if 
there is no objection without a motion. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will so 
rule hereafter. 

DEL. BESSEMER: I Wish to move an 
amendment to Section 2. I wish to add 
after the last word "Persons who have been 
elected to political offices shall not be eligi- 

The motion was seconded. 

DEL. BESSEMER: I am opposed to any 
of our elective officials having any power 
in the organization. I believe that When 
we elect officials from the Socialist party 
we are simply electing servants of the So- 
cialist party, and I believe that the rank 
and file should be in a position to instruct 
those men that we elect in any way what- 
soever that we wish and they should be de- 
prived of any power to instruct themselves 
at all. Therefore I believe this amendment 
should be carried. I believe that a Con- 
gressman or a Senator or the Mayor of a 
city elected by the Socialist party is there 
as a servant of the people and the whole 
power of instructing him should be in the 
hands of the rank and file, and I think this 
should be passed unanimously without dis- 

DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): The delibera- 
tions in this convention during the past 
weelc have Impre.'^sed me very favorably. 
But I have found that almost every one 
who gets on the floor has some kind of sus- 
picion against some other member. This 
is not anting in a comradely spirit. Here 
We are wrangling about things and do not 
coine to any conclusions. We have been 
iiiiinkey insj: around with this thing for 
.■i!)oiil seven hours. Now in regard to the 
moiion ni;vde by O'ur comrade from Ohio, I 
want to tell you this, that if nominations 




aro iiiudo by' any local body for public offio.. 

II ;.■,,, ^ to carry out the work of 

I ic M)nuaUea m that locality. The iare-Pr 
o"be"eilae'd '-h°"^ ^^^'^^ "^^^ comrade^!s 
pected In h^ w ™H'''' capable he is ex- 
th^f h^ ^,^^\ ^^ should take the force 
that has developed in the nariv tr, aJ: tt^ 

^r^^^^^f P'^"^^- ThifprSftio^ f3%hat 
we should take them out of the actPve work 

Antzttf^^^^^^"'''^ ^'^"^^ to our own or- 
ganization Now just take a look at G^r 
many. Wherever there is any imDor-tan7 

thlt'^t'^lffh^^ *^" done you wu7aCa^y°/i^„^d* 
that It IS the men who have been promlTif.Tit 
m the Reichstag or who havp fln^ri^^S 

in ine remainder of this' discussion let n^i 
be harmonious, and not acrimoniou^ lit us 
not be so suspicious of each other 

Spt ^wtotJ'I^^"^^;^^"" ^^« then ordered. 
. VhjL,. HICKEY; One of the most nrom- 

this*i^tfer"'^i/?? '^^^ convention dfsc^sed 
^iil,IP +i-^ ^^*^ ™®' or rather sought to 
^^^^r^^ ^l^'f matter with me last eveninl 
and I absolutely refused to discuss it bf: 

brifsiu.^^'ld^'%^"''^'" *^^"^« thafcan not 
S^i^-^"*'®®*^-,. ^^^^ proposition that a man 
holding a political office shall not also ham 

not wn>,t. ft'"''"''^'^^.*'^^* ^^Ji^ men should 
mtio ^f® *^° minutes over it. Now in a 
DU ed ^nff'"^ T. °*. ^i?-^^^° columns tiat I 
E,«V« off about this national convention 
last week I pointed out that any one elected 
^^n*^^'^^''°,"^'^?^^°"' o"- rather elected to 
pfrtv wontd^hi't^'^K^" ?^''^ ^" the Soc^Iis? 
fhl^ would be liable to punishment under 
the Texas law because in Texas the nrimarv 
law provides a Denalty for holding e^m,^ 

'"a DEirjA^rl^^ offlcJ at^'the^'aSfe tfme"- 
ja^,-^^^*^GArB: Is that a good election 

an^Fttni^^T^I'- ?°"'t ^""^ ^"<=h foolish 
uLv do 1;. fL^™ ^°* concerned with what 
tney do m Germany. I am concerned with 
f^Jll"^''^^'^!^- principle of democracy That 
sti^fp'2'^"'/'',? ?P *^^^^y portion of the UniVed 
n^J'^u I believe with the delegate from 

tms tbf.V^?/^"f-.'^"'^,«J^ should^attend t^ 
this thing of political offices bein^ in a 

thtmse'ves"*'"'^ themselves and lLt?uc? 

we?f But^/^^^U^'^i, ^t'^l^k if this motion 
^Pvpr?^ il" ^ ^®"iPl.y^ ^^^"1 it Should read: 
li?^^.^®'?^^'* °^ tl^^' P«-rty elected to pub- 

the Watin^^^^'r.'^''-^?^^^''' b« ^ member of 
the National Committee." The party in 
Germany has that provision. And wheS 

Fernet tiPh'^n'^^ '^^« ^.^^^ ^^ i« not'^con^ 
^ifh% ^^^^ Germany but he is concerned 
w pL^.^''^!v ^ f.™Ply Wish to call Comrade 
Hickeys attention to the fact that the So- 

fomlUtTu^u"^ '^ Germany have^'Lade 
somewhat better progress than the com- 

t^f^M'l ^^''^^■. ^? -^^^ ^^'li afford to liS^ 

thole'm Te^a^"' '" ^^™""^ ^^^^^^ than 

fri'i^nd^ ^nv"^^*". '^i* ^'"r Ultra-democratic 
mends IS that they have set forms of 

Tad'e Rlct^^'^^'^f. "• ^P"- instance Com- 
rade Hickey would consider that we arc 
not speaking about two offices within mt 
same organization, an executive office and 
R„t w^'f '''^ °*??^ ^" ^^^ SocialisT panv 
i^t rT^f, ® speaking- of offices in the Social- 
J^\,^?;r*^-°^^'^'?i^^t^°" and a political office 
IL r^^^'^P^^'i^i i" a State Legislaturror 
?!■*; '^O'^^fess of the United States. Where 
s the contradiction? What he has in mind 

he*sv^te^m^'H'°'l''lP«^^^^ ^"-3 ?unctTons 
the system of checks and balances, all of 

which have been accepted lonr aeo hv tr„o 
sensible democracy, and he mbfes ud the 
toT^cfpitflSrc l^l^ Nationargovern?nent! 
commn? rtnt ^T.T^^'^'^.l government in one 
Won WP^h^iv.^i?'^ ^^^t i^ the contradic- 
th^=*i,i^^ ^^^ ^^^^ 1" the habit of doing 
this highly democratic thing. We lirst s^r 
lect our officers, our servant!, aZ when we 
^y"^!^^ elected them the presumption then ^I 
that they are thieves and scoundrels until 
they prove the contrary. Every one of our 
ofiicials^when we want to be reall| demo! 
e^^„^^'^-ws f/own upon them. We s^y 
You have the power now to steal- now 
you prove that you haven't stolen or tha^ 
you don't steal." That is not democracy 
We are not in this party for power We 
are not in this party for self-enSment 
The men elected to our National Executive 
Committee, the men elected to oS Con- 
gress, the men elected to our State Lelri^ 
lature. the men that we elect to be nifyor; 
or councilmen, the men that we el?ct la 
dog catchers or the men that we ellct It 
local Secretaries, all serve the party tn 
their various capacities and thev do ah 
solutely nothing more, and the more we 
hiYfifi^'^H^^' competent men in ail posli! 
ble fields of usefulness, the better for the 
Socialist party. You speak about the powe? 
of these men. What about the power of 
the party press? How about our newspaper 
editors, Comrade Hickey? As opposed fn 
this proposition, why not adopt^ tof rule 
that no editor of a Socialist party paper 
fnn ^''S.?^^^ ^''^ f °^^'' to mold the^opin- 

ac^e^^th'^P^^^^ ^ "^^'^ *° ^-y that I 

pr^p^'ositi^n.^^™^^ ^^^^^'^^ I accept that 
(Cries of "Vote, vote.") 

vou^?p n,f?^oi^^t^= Comrade Bessemer, 
you are out of order. 

DEL. BESSEMER: I simply rise for the 

nfZ^^S SECRETARY: The amendment is 
offered toy Bessemer of Ohio. "Persons 
who have been elected to or who hold pub- 
lic offices shall not be eligible" 
lost '"otion of Comrade Bessemer was 

. DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): I move to 
incorporate into that section a provision 
suggested by Comrade Hillquit barring 

toT .r%'"^-*'^,^^iP '"^ the convention ed^ 
tors of Socialist newspapers 

THE CHAIRMAN: I shall rule you out 
^LSf!*®''- ^"^^^ Hillquit's opinions on that 
question are not pertinent to this section. 
ihis section does not refer to the ouali- 
fleations of delegates to the National Con- 
vention. That question is covered by an- 
other section. *^ 
Section 2 was then adopted as read 
Article fv ^^*^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ Section 3 of 
„„?^^^- BARNES (Pa.): I move to stride 
thl wn"'? '^^%/.?'^''}^ ""6 all that follows 
the word "held.' I want to strike out the 
words 'in which years it shall hold Ita 
session m conjunction with the conven- 
tion. I do not believe in having two or- 
ganizations assembled at tlie same^ time 
When It appears that they will probably 
conflict. I am not in favor of holding a 
National Committee meeting in the year 
m which the National Convention is held 
We can slip that year. 

JpEL. SOLOMON (N. T.): I second the 

■ TrTHTTT, ""T'"^/ 

MUlvWlMG SUSvSlUN, MAY lb, liu; 

I Mi 

THE SECRET ABY: DeJcga(e Barnes 
moves to make Article IV, Section 3, read: 
"Tiie National Committee sliall meet in 
regular session on the lirst Sunday after 
the first Monday in May in each year, ex- 
cept in years when National Conventions of 
the party are to be held." 

DEL. BARNES: That would mean that 
in that year they would not hold any an- 
nual meeting. I contend that it would 
not result well for the National Commit- 
tee to meet in conjunction with the Na- 
tional Convention. They would conflict. 
When the convention is in session we do 
not need a meeting of the National Com- 
mittee. The National Convention can talie 
care of all questions. 

DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): Comrade 
Barnes' proposition would be a very wise 
one if the National Committee were not 
charged with certain specific duties, which 
duties it must perform annually, such as 
the election of an Executive Committee, of 
a Secretary, of a Woman's Committee and 
the Secretary of that committee. The Na- 
tional Committee also has to render a re- 
poj't to the National Convention. The mem- 
bers of the National Committee will in all 
likelihood also be delegates to the conven- 
tion. The only result then will be that a 
small portion of the National Committee- 
men who are not delegates to the conven- 
tion will come to that meeting. There can 
be no conflict since the National Conven- 
tion is always supreme. On the other 
hand we can not do away with the com- 
mittee for the reason that it has impor- 
tant specific functions to perform. 

DEL. BARNES: May I ask a question? 
Does the phrase "in conjunction" mean to- 

del! HILLQUIT: It means at the same 
time. We state that it shall be held at 
definite times except in convention years 
when it shall hold its session in conjunc- 
tion with, or at the same time with the 

DEL. BARNES: Not meet together. 
With this construction the point in my 
amendment is gone, and therefore with the 
consent of my second I withdraw my mo- 

Section 3 was then adopted as read. 

Section 4, Article IV, was then read and 

Section 5, Article IV, was then read. 

DEL. KOOP: I move to insert $4 in 
place of $2.50 in Section 5. 

DEL. BROWN (Wash): 1 move to 
amend by making it read "The members of 
the National Committee attending the 
meetings, and the delegates to the regu- 
lar National Convention shall be paid frona 
the Treasury their railroad fares and $2.50 
per day to cover expenses, but such pay 
and railroad fares shall not be paid until 
the committee meeting or the convention 
has adjourned." 

The motion was seconded. 

THE CHAIRMAN: We have a separate 
clause on conventions. Suppose you just 
make your motion to refer to the members 
of the National Committee because under 
the head of the convention there Is a 
clause that the delegate shall be paid on 
the same basis as members attending the 
National Committee meeting. 

DEL. BROWN: Does that appear later 

DEL. KOOP: I had a motion. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Was Comrade Koop's 
amendment seconded? 

DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): The point will 
be raised that we have consumed more than 
four hours on this report. We shall then 

have to amend tlio rulen In order to rnii 
tinue, and 1 should like to proHniiL HiIn 
motion first: TliaL tlie SccroLary I'l^ud lim 
report now entlroly llirough; hocoimI, Uiul 
we debate for one; liour thereafter; Ihiil ui 
the end of that hour we vote on tlio pruiio- 

THE CHAIRMAN: V'our amnnilrrmnl \» 
not in order at this time. It reiatoH lo Mm 
rules of the National Convention. Wo iiro 
discussing this section. 

DEL. EDWARDS; My motion refers to 
the whole matter before the houae. 

THE CHAIRMAN: You are right. Th« 
Secretary will read the motion. 

The motion of Comrade Edwurda wan 
read by the Secretary. 

DEL. EDWARDS: Many points that havti 
been raised have been decided in favor of 
the committee by their pointing out tluit 
those very points have been covin-ml hi 
other paragraphs of the proposed coiiMll- 
tution. It is apparent that at a ma- 
jority of us have not read thhs r-iport 
through. I happen to have read it tliruiiKh, 
so I am not pleading laziness on my own 
part. An alternate section to any oim of 
these sections may be presented lo ko 
along with the referendum by one-ldurth 
of the delegates. In the hour thai 1 .muk- 
gest it would be possible to present many 
amendments on all important pointH an we 
read through the propositions. Anil llniilly 
It has all got to be submitted to a r(!l'er- 
endum vote at the end. Therefore I be- 
lieve we will get all the important objoc- 
tions and features brought out in our dti- 
bate and we will be able to go on ami <hi 
the rest of our business. I submit this aH 
a last point, that already the delej^fittiH 
have begun to go home and many of us 
are extremely desirous of getting away to- 
night and therefore if we are going <o 
do much important business that is before 
us this will be as good a method of nt- 
tending to this matter as we can devise In 
the short time at our disposal. 

The motion of Delegate Edwards was 

DEL. HILLQUIT: Questions are beinR 
asked on the floor as to whether amend- 
ments can be offered while the reading 
proceeds. My understanding was the obn- 
stitution was to be read through, then 
amendments were to be offered and at tho 
end of an hour's discussion the whole mat- 
ter was to be disposed of. 

DEL. STRICKLAND: The Secretary 
wishes to state that his understanding of 
the motion is that the clerk sftiail read 
the remaining portion, that at the end of 
the reading there will be discussion for iin 
hour on any amendments offered and then 
the vote will be taken. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: I wish the Chairman 
would make a ruling so that afterwards 
the convention will know what powers It 

THE CHAIRMAN; As the only way to 
avoid a tangle I will rule as Comrade Hill- 
quit has suggested. 

The Secretary then proceeded to read the 
remaining sections of the constitution. 

Before the reading of Section 2, of Arll- 
cle V, Delegate Hillquit said: 

DEL. HILLQUIT: The next section \f* 
not properly printed. It should read: "The 
National Committee shall elect an Execu- 
tive Committee of five members and a 
Woman's National Committee of sevnn 
members; no two members of either of 
these committees shall be from the same 

At the conclusion of the reading the com- 
mittee made the following explanation: 


NATl(ji\A), ;'.*)C!AlJS'r CUNVI'.NTIUN 

j\.a i.o LiK, loiuign Kpoaking matters thi^ 
cominiltee hus adopted the" report of thlt 
cominitee and the recommendations wfll 
be included m the constitution. I don-t 
suppose another reading of that is desired 
There lias also ibeen submitted a resolu- 
tion providing for nominations for Presl 
erendum J/'^^ P^^^^dent by a genera! ref- 
erendum of the party. Your committee 
has not passed upon the subject ^d has 
no recommendation to offer. It has drafted 
th.t^Tf "u"^''''*, ^■^^'^i^ embodies the idea lo 
=!^^L *u"^ IS desired by the convention to 
adopt the principle suggested the commit- 

iTrm^to%Tr.t, i'^f " ''*' ^•^°Pt^'^ ^^ the 
tee^t-Telf t ^^? before you. The commit- 
tee Itself IS not opposed to it or favoring 
fh% L^t not passmg upon it one way or 
the other. It has decided to submit it to 

pfealp rpn^ t^-i ^""^^^^t Strickland will 
^^u ^ ^^^^ this proposed amendment. 
a..\- Secretary then read the proposed 
llT^^J' °! ^J"^^« IX- action on whfch 
was taken at the afternoon session wh ch 
AV^\^''^S'^ " ^^^ '■^P^'-t of that sels on 
.».»* <J?^- conclusion of the reading, Dele- 
«nn% ^J."?^'^"'^ "l?^«'i that only such sic- 

at headquarters. Does that mean that thp 

CMoTJr^^tnl^^K'^t''^ at headquarters ^n 
Chicago although the National Convention 
may me-t m some other city' Is it th? 
intention that the National Committee shall 
^0 to one city and the National Convention 
may go to another city. That will b^fhp 
whlre""t^f N^?io^t^^"?"^^°4'^«"" ^^^ts 

we cure it by saying "Except in conven- 
tion years when it shall meet at the slma 
time,_and place as the National Conven 

A DELEGATE: Do I understand the 
ruling to be that the Chair will now call 
for any and all amendments to Article 5 
and when we are through with that, for 
amendments to Article 6, and so on'^ 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary ' will 
read ofC simply the numbers, the number 
of the Article first, and the numbers of 
the Sections as they follow, and any one 
having an amendment to present will pre- 


to^c^h^ng^°ttfs^°^= ^^^" ^°" -^" 1^-^e 
DEL. HILLQUIT: The wording ran hP 

^^fj^^i-^d to meet that sftultion^ '^^^ ^^ 
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. T.): I move to 

f^.ft T-^'l^'^" *° the State to say whether 

B^^fi. ^-^;^'l. ^"ch interference on the nart 

VI^T ^^*t\1?^1 organization. ^ P^'^* 

^rP^H DUNCAN (Mont): i move that 

Thlt^ a'^e^ord'^'o^^t*^"'^" °^^^^*'^™^"»*n^ 
he macl^ hZ +y?I these requests to amend 
■;'=,. maae by the clerk in the ordf^r n-f +^2 
Articles to be amended and fw^iifi,*"® 

Joction, the Chair will so rule 

ftloMK (ho line sufc'goated by Comrade Dun- 


DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I have two 
amendments to Article V. In Sec 1 clause 
(d), strike out the word "Fequlre'' and 

in'flc"l!?'^°4 *^r«* *^« word" '■request" 

bee. 12, after the words, "no more than 

2SI ^hSe''? dollars." insert the words "1° 

Me?^iV T^URKLE (N. Y.); In Article V, 
^T^^T^' i^°^*^ to substitute $300 for SlOO 
DEL. ROSETTE (Md.): I move to add a 

folTowl.'*'''" ""^ "'^ ^"<^ °^ thelrUcle? at 
Sec. 13. The National Committee shall 
publish a monthly bulletin 'of Soclalfst 
i^^?;^"i^tIon, which shall contain such in- 
formatioTi as may be of interest to SociLn 
ists. J- he bulletin shall be sold bv sub- 
scription and its scope increased in pro- 
I^o^tion to the income from subscriptions. 
The National Committee shall maintain 
in connection with the National Bulletin 
a ±!ureau of Information which shall, oii 
request furnish party members such In- 

to^fl^Tl'li'^ll^^-- ^" °* '^'^ ^^^"'^^^ 

ART^x^iZ^V ^ "^^^^ information on 

thS^^r-r.^^^^^^^- ^ ™°^« that we take 
them up m regular order. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair, if you re- 
?n"reS ^c^-del^^^ *^^^ ^^ ^^^^ *^-™ "P 

inrflerT^^inn'in"^? t^hTn^"m\*erron%\^; 
me"4V*w?n"' ^^^ I'i^^'^ ^^o have amend- 
ART^CT K- ^7'''^'''' *^S™ before we go on. 

nm i^Tj'jT,T^.^Tr!i"<i®^ consideration. 
2 ^f Xm^^v^^^"^ I.n?ove to amend See. 
•'fi,?f" o J-.^ ^7 striking out the word 

Iteli II fi^r^^'^^'^ °^ — me^^'b^^s^^f^! 

to^Se^c ^F'^fr.^^^'^J'- I ™°^"= a" addition 
J°,i^ec. 0, to read as follows- Persons? 

be'el?libf/%*^^ political positions shall not 
Con?mftW Mo?^'^™^'"Sh'P on the National 

'^l.imf%e%^^i, ?^"-^^ Confen^^fo^^: 
nnT^? i^f ^^'^^.-^N: That amendment is 

DFT ^nw^nr".^^^ ^een acted upon. 

DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I offer as an 
addition to See. 2: All memhers of th^ 
Executive Committee shall m^kethei^r vfs- 
idences In the city where the National 
Headquarters are located. i^cinonai 

^v?ofi T^^- ^^' ^hat the National Committee 
shall have power to publish a Party news- 
paper or newspapers. "t;w!= 

ins'^n^d fn^'^?^ f^V.< ? ^*«1» t° have 
thi fourth lin«^- ^"a^' ^"^^owlng the end of 
fnrnl«^ ^o+i +• "^ ^^l^''^^ Service that win 
7-fII^JK^^^^^^ ^^^ plate matter for So- 
cialist papers. 

DEL.^ PREVET (Ohio): The National 
2^ro& ^S„-t publish no^r ?SfJ 



DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to amend 
Siic. 12 by striking out the words: "No 
more than one hundred dollars shall be ap- 
propriated to any organization other than a 
subdivision of the party." 

Sec. 1. No amendments. 

Sec. 2. Del. Merrick moved to add at 
the end of Sec. 2: "And a stenographic 
report of all discussions taking place in 
the Committee shall be kept for reference 
by the National Committee." 

Sec. 3. ' No. amendment. 

Sec. 4. No amendment. 


Sec. 1. Del. Floyd moved to amend Sec. 
1 by striking out $1,500 and substituting 

Sec. 2. No amendment. 

Sec. 3. No amendment. 


Sec. 1. Stands. 

Sec. 2. Stands. 

Sec. 3. Del. Merrick of Pennsylvania 
moved to strike out the last sentence and 
insert Instead the following: They shall 
elect a chairman of the group who shall 
act under instructions of the National Com- 
mittee on all matters, 

DEL. BESSEMER: I wish to amend 
Sec. 3 by adding: "Or by general refer- 
endum of the Party." 


Sec. 1. Del. fttt moved to amend Art. 
IX by striking out Sections 1 and 3. 

Sec. 2. Del. Barker of Oklahoma moved 
to amend by inserting the word "majority" 
before "general vote" in the second line. 

Sec. 3. Motion to strike out. 

Sec, 4. Del. Krafft, of New Jersey, asked 
for information from the Committee on 
the computation of the delegates. 

be composed of 300 delegates, one from 
each State and Territory, and the remain- 
der in proportion to the average national 
dues paid. Assume that we have a mem- 
bership of 200,000. Let us assume that 
here are 50 organized states. That will take 
away 50 delegates, at one for each state, 
and leave 250 to be elected on a basis of 
one delegate for every 800 members. Let 
us say the state of New York has 8,000 
members, that will mean ten delegates in 
addition to the one which it gets at large. 
Then, of course, the question of fractions 
may come in." There is but one way to 
offset that, and that Is to recognize the 
largest fractions in number. 

Sec. 4. Del. Solomon of New York 
moved to amen^ Section 4 by changing the 
words "two years" in the last line, to 
'three years." 

Del. Zitt moved to add to Section 4, or 
perhaps make it a new section, the fol- 
owing: Persons holding elective political 
positions, and all employees of the party 
with salary attached, shall be ineligible 
to serve as delegates to National Conven- 
tions. „ 

Sec. 5. DEL. BOSTROM of Washing- 
ton moved to amend Sec. 5 so as to rond: 
Railroad fare, including tourist sleeper. I 
want that specified, so that delegates may 
know what to expect. 

Sec. 7. DEL. SLOBODIN: I moved to 
insert in the second sentence of the sec- 
nd paragraph the words "at the time of 
his nomination." I want to do away with 
carpenters and shoemakers in the party 
who haven't done a day's work for twenty 

Sec. 8 Stands, 


Sec. 1. Stands. 

Sec. 2. Stands. „, , . . 

Sec. 3. Del. K. Sadler of Washington 
moved to amend Sec. 3 by adding at the 
very end the words: To do otherwise will 
constitute party treason, and result in ex- 
pulsion from the party. 

DEL. DUNCAN moved to amend Sec. 3 
by striking out, in the next to the last 
line on the second paragraph, the words 
"endorsed or recommended." 

DEL. M'FALL of New Hampshire moved 
to amend Sec. 2 by striking out the last 
sentence, beginning "When the member- 
ship." ^ ,., 

Sec. 4. DEL. WELLS of California 
moved to amend Sec. 4 by adding, after 
the end of the 6th line, reading "affairs 
within such state or territory," the words 
"Provided such propaganda is In harmony 
with the national platform and declared 
policy of the Party." 

Sec. 5. DEL. SMITH (Mont.): I wish 
to offer an amendment to Sec. 5, in writ- 
ing, which I will ask the reading clerk to 

DEL. WELLS (Wash.): I move to 
strike out the word "five" and insert the 
word "three or two," and add- "This pro- 
vision to take effect on January 1, 1913." 

DEL. SMITH'S amendment to Sec. 5 
was read, as follo^svs: 

During the months of January and July 
in each year, or at any other time re- 
quired by the National Executive Com- 
mittee or by this Constitution, State Sec- 
retaries shall furnish to the National Sec- 
retary a list of all locals affiliated with 
their respective state organizations, to- 
gether with the number of members In 
good standing in each local. Refusal, fail- 
ure or neglect to comply with this section 
shall subject the state organization to sus- 
pension from the Socialist party and de- 
prive such state organization from partici- 
pating In the affairs of the Socialist party, 
and shall be a forfeiture of the right of 
representation in the National Committee, 
the National Executive or the conventions 
or congresses of the party. 

Sec. 6. DEL. NOBLE of Texas moved 
to amend Sec. 6 to read two cents instead 
of five for each meftiber in good standing. 

DEL. HOOGERIIYDE of Michigan moved 
to add Sec. 6: And only due stamps is- 
sued by the National Committee and af- 
fixed to members' due cards shall be re- 
ceived for payment of said dues. 

DEL. BOSTROM moved to strike out the 
whole section. 

Sec. 7. DEL. MERRICK of Pennsylva- 
nia moved to strike out the last sentence 
of the first paragraph, beginning' "In cases 
where husband and wife are both party 
members " 

DEL. BROWN (Ohio) : I move to 
amend Sec. 7 by adding the words: Also 
women ^ho are In receipt of income may 
be allowed to receive exempt duo stamps. 

DEL. GRANT (Minn.): In the line im- 
mediately following "exempt stamps," add 
"Excepting those issued to wives of com- 

DEL. WAYNICK (Wa^h.): In the fifth 
line after the word<^ '*wlthin his control," 
I wish to insert "Such exempt stamps to 
bi'ar no designation or mark, distinguish- 
ing ttiom from the regular due stamps of 
the Party." 

Sec. 8. DEL. DOREMAN (Ore.): I move 
to subst1lu((i the word "recall" for "im- 
porntive mnndatn," 

1)101,. TATTIOKSON (Ohio): A number 
(W 1l]i- Ohio comrades wish to go on rec- 
ord as moving to strike out the entire 
Section 7. We want to be so recorded. 




Sec 9. DEL,. BENTALL of Illinolg de- 
sires to amend the close of the first para- 
graph, making it read as follows: No per- 
son shall be nominated or endorsed by any 
subdivision of the Party, or candidate for 
public offlce, unless he is a member of the 
Party and has been such for at least two 
consecutive years immediately preceding- 
such nomination. 

moved to strike out the last sentence of 
faec. 9, beginning- "But this provision shall 
not apply to organizations -which have 
been in existence for leas than a year." 

DEL. PURMAN (N. Y.): I make an 
apendment to the amendment, by making 
It three years instead of one, in the last 

Sec. 8. DEL,. GARVER of Missouri 
moved to add to Sec. 8: "Failure to do so 
shall give the National Party jurisdic- 

.. ■^?,^-. ZITT moved to have the "word 

^^one m the fourth line, where it says 

a* least one year," substituted by three. 

DEL. ALEXANDER of Texas moved to 

substitute for "one year," in the last line. 

nve consecutive years." 

Sec. 8. 

R^^- mr^Hy^.!^ moved to strike it out. 

DEL. TUCK (Cal.): I would tike to in- 
coporate as Article X, Section 11, the fol- 
lowing:; 'Branches may be organized (o 
accommodate night workers, to be known 
as daylight branches." 

DEL. BESSEMER: 1 wish to add a 
Section 11 to Article X: "State Secretaries 
shall report to the National OfHce every 
three months, the name and addresses of 
an local Secretaries in the state, together 
■with the number of members in good 
standing in each." 

Sec. 1. No amendment. 

, ^^y., PREVET of Ohio moves to amend 
by striking out "15,000 members" and In- 
, sertmg "20,000." 

DEL. BOSTROM moves to amend the 
amendment by making it read "SO 000" 
instead of 15,000. 

Amendment to strike out the words "And 
a ^per diem equal to the per diem fixed 
for national organizers and lecturers," at 
the top of page 14. . <i.l 

DEL BOSTROM of Washington moved 
to strike out the whole of Article XIII 
Sec. 1. stands. 
Sec. 3. Stands. 
Sec. 3. Stands. 
Sec. 4. Stands. 

See. 1. Stands. 


Sec. 1. DEL. ZITT moved to amend by 
striking out the words "National Commit- 
tee m session" in the two places where it 
occurs, m Sec. 1. 

Sec. 2. Stands. 

DEL. SLOBODIN: I want to offer a 
new section^ Section 3, at the end of Arti- 
cle XV Referendums to evoke or amend 
'n«?i';rA1*'" ,"^ *^i« Constitution may be 
instituted only one year after the adoption 
of said provision." ■ a-uupuiuu 

Sec. 1. Stand,"). 
Soc. 2. Stands. 


Substitute for Article V, Section 8. 

Sec. 8. No amendment, 

THE CHAIRMAN: Under the motion 
which was adopted we have less than 
twenty minutes to discuss and adopt these 

A DELEGATE: I move that these amend- 
ments be taken up and adopted or re- 
jected without discussion. 

The Indiana delegation handed in a new 
section for Article XVI, that the National 
organization copyright the emblem. 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): If this is the 
tinie to^ do it, I want to move that the 
National emblem shall be the arm and the 

THE CHAIRMAN: Unless the amend- 
ment is properly and offered as a part of 
the Constitution, I shall have to rule it 
out of order. 

DEL BESSEMER moved to adjourn un- 

THE CHAIRMAN: To do that, we would 
have to suspend the rules. 

Motion was made to suspend the rules, 
and another motion to table the motion to 
suspend he rules, which was put and de- 
clared carried. 

THE (CHAIRMAN: We will now proceed 
to take up the amendments seriatim and 
vote upon them. 

^ THE SECRETARY: Under Article V. 
bection 12, the flrst amendment I have is 
by Burkle of New York, to substitute $300 
in place of one hundred. 

nvS= »"otioji was put and declared lost. 

Clifford of Ohio offers an amendment to 
Article V, Section 12, by cutting out the 
sentence beginning: "No more than one 
hundred dollars" to the end of the section. 

Motion duly put, and defeated. 

Amendment to Article V, Section 2, by 
Del. Merrick, by striking out Ave and in- 
serting seven, was put and declared lost 

Amendnient of Ohsol, to Section 2. was 
put, and declared lost. 
^^^^^«^ndment of Grant, to Section 6, de- 

Amendment of Grant in regard to main- 
taining a press service that will furnish 
plate and patent matter to Socialist pa- 
^''^^T^T^Jr.^li.*^^'^^ declared carried. 

THE SECRETARY: There are two new 
sections proposed, to be known as Section 
IS. Both being m regard to Party Press 
upon motion, duly seconded, action upoii 
them was deferred until we have the re- 
Port of the Committee on Press 
tn cf t^^"°o"*? Report on the amendment 
to Section 8 of Article V was put and de- 
clared lost Division was called fo?, and 

yo!e "^ni't Rr^' ^^^ ^''^^'^^ '>y ^ 

f o^^^ i^^'^^\^^c. ^^^^ ^^^ amendment of- 
fered by Del Slobodin of New York to 

wr!;*,i'«" .<i!' °^ ^^"^'^ V', tl^^t to insert' the 
words 'at one session" after the words 

was^ lost" <l""ars." The amendment 

nfvT?^®^ Secretary next read an amendment 
offered by Del. Slobodin to amend Para- 
graph (d), of Section 1, of Article V by 
striking out the word "require" and insert- 
ing the word "request." "isen 
Amendment lost. 

sid?r'ArE"vr ^'^"^ Proceeded to con- 

^P^t^L ^9*'°''l*'""^ P^l ^° amendment to 
bection 2, offered by Del. Merrick of Penn- 

f Ji.T''"i^' l" ''^'^ t^ the Section the follow- 
;?£;= A stenographic report of all discus- 
he k^n^fnr^tT,^'?''? *" *!!« Committee shall 
Committee" iJ^fo^mation of the National 



The amendment was adopted by a vote 
of 94 to 93. 

Article VH was next taken up and con- 
sidered. ' 

The Secretary read an amendment to 
Section 1, offered by Del. Downing of Cali- 
fornia, to strike out "$1,500" and insert 

The amendment was lost. 

Del. Rosette of Maryland moved to add 
a new section to be known as Section 4, 
as follows: "The Executive Secretary shall 
publish a monthly bulletin of Socialist in- 
formation, which shall contain such infor- 
mation on industrial, civic, historical and 
other matters as may be of Interest to 
Socialists. The Bulletin shall be sold by 
subscription, and its scope increased in 
proportion to the income from subscrip- 
tions. The Executive Secretary shall main- 
tain, in connection with the Bulletin, a 
bureau of information which shall, on re- 
quest, furnish party members such infor- 
mation as they may need in the further- 
ance of Socialist propaganda." 

On motion of Del. O'Reilly of Illinois 
the amendment was deferred until the 
Press Committee should report. 

Amendments to Article VIII were then 
taken up. The Secretary read an amend- 
ment offered by Del. Merrick of Pennsyl- 
vania, to strike out the last sentence of 
Section 3, beginning "They shall elect a 
chairman of the group," etc., and to in- 
sert "they shall elect a chairman of the 
group, and shall act under instructions 
given by the National Committee on all 

Amendment lost. 

The Secretary next read an amendment 
to Section 2, offered by Del. Be.?semer of 
Ohio, that the section be made to read as 
follows: "They shall carry out instruc- 
tions, which may be given to them by Na- 
tional Conventions, by the National Com- 
mittee in -session, or by a general refer- 
endum vote of the party." 

The amendment was adopted. 

Article IX was next taken up. 

Del. Zitt (Ohio) offered an amendment 
to strike out Section 1 and Section 3, 
both of which provide for the holding of 
National Conventions. 

Amendment lost. 

An amendment was offered by Del. Par- 
ker (Okla.), as follows: In Section 2 in- 
sert "majority" before "general," so that 
it will read, "at any time if decided upon 
by a majority general vote." 

The amendment was lost. 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) offered an 
amendment to Section 4, to strike out 
"two" and insert "three," so that the last 
clause of the section should read, "and 
shall have been a member of the party or- 
ganization at least three years." 

The amendment was adopted. 

Del. Zitt of Ohio offered the following 
addition to Section 4: "Persons holding 
elective political positions, and all salaried 
omployes of the party, shall be ineligible 
to serve as delegates to National Conven- 

Amendment lost. 

Section 5, of Article IX, as originally 
reported by the committee, was read. 

DEL. HILLQTJIT: That was corrected 
by the committee to read, "Railroad fare 
of delegates going to and coming from the 
conventions of the party, and the per diem 
iillow^ance of $2.50 to cover expenses," etc. 

DEL. BOSTROM (Wash.) moved to 
fltticnd by adding after "railroad fare" the 
Wni-d."! "including tourist sleeper car fare." 

I>1']L. KILLINGBECK (N. J.) moved to 
lay the amendment on the table. 

At the request of Del. Kate Sadler of 
Washington, the Chairman explained the 
difference between tourist sleepers and 
regular Pullman sleepers. 

The amendment was then adopted. 

A motion was carried to continue in ses- 
sion until the report of the Committee on 
Constitution was finished, and then to ad- 
journ for one hour. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) offered the fol- 
lowing amendment to Section 7 of Article 
IX: That the second sentence be changed 
so as to read "Such list shall contain the 
occupation of each delegate at the time of 
his nomination." 

Amendment adopted. 

DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved to strike 
out the flrst eight lines of the second para- 
graph, being that portion beginning "The 
Executive Secretary" and ending "and fur- 
nished to the party press for publication." 

Amendment lost. 

The Secretary read the following section, 
formulated by the Committee on Constitu- 
tion as Section 9 of Article IX, a new sec- 
tion not in the printed report of the com- 

Sec. 9. On the first day of November in 
each year preceding a presidential election, 
the national offlce shall issue a call for 
nominations for candidates for President 
and Vice-President of the United States, 
and each local shall be entitled to nominate 
one candidate for each office. Thirty days 
shall be allowed for nominations, and fif- 
teen days for acceptances and declinations 
by candidates who have received at least 
five nominations. The names of candidates 
having received five or more nominations 
and having accepted the same shall im- 
mediately be published for seconds, each 
local being entitled to second the nomina- 
tion of one candidate for President and ^ane 
for Vice-President. All candidates receiv- 
ing at least 50 seconds to the nomination, 
including the nominations each may have 
received in the first instance, shall be 
placed on the referendum ballot. The ref- 
erendum shall be submitted on February 
1st. Fifty days shall be allowed for the 
referendum. The candidate receiving a 
majority of all the votes cast shall be the 
nominee. In case no candidate receives 
the majority, a second referendum shall 
be held, upon the ballot for which shall 
appear the names qf all candidates receiv- 
ing as high as teii .per cent of the vote 
cast in the preceding referendum. The 
second referendum shall be submitted fif- 
teen days after the close of the first ref- 
erendum, and shall be closed in fifty days 
from the date of submission. In case no 
candidate receives a majority of all the 
votes cast in the second referendum the 
names of the two highest shall be placed 
on the ballot for a third referendum, which 
shall be submitted fifteen days after the 
close of the second, and such third refer- 
endum shall close fifty days from the date 
of submission. The candidates thug nomi- 
nated shall be the nominees of the Social- 
ist party, and their names shall be placed 
upon the ballots in presidential primary 
elections In all states where such primary 
elections are msindatory. No member of 
the party sliall jillow his name to be placed 
on such primriry ballots if he is not the 
regular nnmhioe of the party. All candi- 
dates for Presidentail or Vice-Presidential 
nomination by the Socialist party shall 
possess the qualifications required; by the 
Constitution of the United States for 
President and Vice-President, and in addi- 
tion thereto shall have been members of 
the party at least eight years." 

DEL. TAYLOR (111.): A point of Infor- 
mation. I wish to ask the chairman of this 


-.{.uiiJj:. tiiliJiii^i 




conimltloG. If In ngrurlng the time for this 
riil'erondum, he has considered that the 
Prealdential primary in certain states oc- 
curs the first Tuesday after the first Mon- 
day in April, and if this method will give 
time enough. 

DEL. DUNCAN: It will not give time 
enough, because it takes six months. 

DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): I have an 
amendment to offer. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will have 
to rule that you cannot make an amend- 
ment and cannot discuss it. 

EJEL. ENDRES: I otajecT to that ruling. 
, THE CHAIRMAN: No amendments are 
in order. 

DEL. DUNCAN: "What is the reason? 

DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I move to recom- 
mit this to the committee. (Seconded.) 

DEL. HILLQUIT: This is not a com- 
mittee report. The committee has merely 
phrased it and formulated certain propo- 
sitions made by delegates. The committee 
does not stand for it, and there Is no rea- 
son and no sense in referring it back to 
the committee. 

DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I move that we 
place this amendment in the hands of the 
committee for revision and report. fSec- 

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is in or- 
der if the mover insists. 

DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I move that we 
refer it to the new National Committee 
for favorable consideration so far as the 
principle is concerned. (Seconded.) 

DEL. HILLQUIT: I move to amenff by 
striking out the word "favorable." Let it 
be referred for consideration to the in- 
coming National Executive Committee. 

The amendment was lost, and the origi- 
nal motion was then carried. 

.THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is car- 
ried, to reier it to the new National Com- 
mittee, which will meet some time next 
year, on or about the first of June. 

The convention then proceeded to the 
consideration of Article X. 
*u^^^;, KATE SADLER (Wash.) offered 
*"^ following amendment: To add at the 
end of Section 3 the following words: "To 
do otherwise will constitute party treason 
and will result in expulsion from the 

The question was put on the amendment, 
and it was declared lost. A second vote 
was taken, and the amendment was adopt- 

S'ection 4 was read. 

DEL WELLS (Cal.) offered an amend- 
ment to add the following words to the 
section: "Provided such propaganda is in 
harmony with the national platform and 
declared policy." 

Amendment adopted. 

Section 5 was next read. 
V, ^^h- S^I™ (Mont.) moved to amend 
by adding the following to the section: 
During the months of January and July 
of each year, or at any other time required 
by the National Executive Committee or 
by this constitution, the State Secretaries 
shall furnish the National Secretary a list 
of all locals affiliated with their respective 
state organizations, together with the num- 
ber of members in good standing, and the 
name and address of the corresponding 
secretary of each local. Refusal, failure or 
neglect to comply with this section shall 
subject the state organization to suspen- 
sion from the Socialist party and deprive 
?^°" ^*?*® organization of participation fn 
the affairs Of the Socialist party, and shall 
?f^ ^ 1*°^^!.'*"^? °/ *^e '•Isht to representa- 
tion In the National Committee, the Na- 

tional Executive Committee, the conven- 
tions and congresses of the party." 

Amendment adopted. 

Section 6 read by the Secretary. 

DEL. HOOGERHTDE (Mich.) moved to 
amend by addition the following; "And 
only dues stamps issued by the National 
Committee shall be affixed to members' 
dues cards as valid receipts for the pay- 
ment of dues." 

Amendment adopted. 

DEL. WELLS (Wash.) moved to amend 
bection 5 by striking out "five cents" and 
inserting "three cents." and to add the fol- 
lowing to the section: "To take effect 
January 1, 1913." 

Amendment lost. * 

DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.) moved to amend 
the same section by substituting "two 
cents" for "five cents." 

Amendment lost. 

Section 7 was read. 

DEL. BESSEMER (©hio) moved to 
Strike out the entire section. 

Amendment lost. 

DEL. MERRICK (Pa.) moved to strike 
>ut the last sentence in the second para- 
graph, referring to exemption stamps to 
be used by husband or wife. 

Amendment lost. 

DEL. BROWN (Iowa) moved to add the 
ollowing to the section: "Also worhen who 
ire not in receipt of Incomes may be al- 
owed to receive the special exempt 
tamps." ^ 

Amendment lost. 

■^?^l. ^^^^''^ (Minn.) moved an amend- 
nent that immediately following the words 
exempt stamps" in the eighth line of the 
first paragraph the following words be 
added: "Excepting those issued to the 
wives of comrades." 

Amendment lost. 

DEL WATNICK (Wash.) moved that 
Jter the word "control" in the fifth line 
« the first paragraph of Section 7 the 
ollowing be inserted: "Such exempt stamps 
o bear no designation or marks distin- 
guishing them from the regular dues 
tamps of the party." 

Amendment lost. 

Section 8 was read. 
M^J-"- .PORFMAN (Ore.) moved to isub- 

A *" ^''ecall' for "imperative mandate." 
Amendment lost. 

DEL. (JARVER (Mo.) moved the fol- 
owmg addition: "Failure to do so shall 
?ive the national party jurisdiction." 
Amendment lost. 

Section 9 was read. 
v,P^A BENTALL (111.) moved to amend 
Dy striking out "one" and Inserting "two." 
Amendment adopted. 

DEL. KILLINGBECK (N. J.) moved to 
strike out the last sentence, reading "But 

^^tfnn^i'TS-"? S.^'"'"- J^°* ^PP^y to organi- 
zations which have been in existence for 
ess than one year."' 

Amendment lost. 
h,?S^i .WURMAN (N. T.) moved to amend 
by making the time three years 

Amendment lost. 

DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.) moved to 
nake the time five years. movea to 

Amendment lost. 

Section 10 waf read. 

n„?^f^- CARVER (Mo.) moved to strike 
out the section altogether. 

Amendment lost. 

DEL TUCK (Cal.) moved to add the fol- 
lowing new section: "Branches may be 
organized to accommodate night work- 
fight ^^?l?nc&^"^^ '"^ ^^ ^— -« ^-y- 

Amendment lost. 

MoK'Ni Nt; ;;i'.;'.;'.i( )N, may i.s. I'.n:: 


DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) movod tho ;i<l- 
dition of a new section to be known as 
Section 11, as follows: "State Secretaries 
shall report to the national offlce every 
three nionths the names and addrsses of 
all members in good standing in tjach," 

Amendment lost. 

Article XII was read. 

DEL. MERRICK (Pa.) moved to strike, 
after the word "delegates," the words "and 
a per diem equal to the per diern fixed for 
national organizers and lecturers." 

Amendment lost. 

DEL. PREVET (Ohio) moved to strike 
out "fifteen thousand" and insert "twenty 
thousand members." 

Amendment adopted. 

DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved to make 
the number "thirty thousand" instead of 
"fifteen thousand." 

Amendment lost. 

Article XIII was read. 

An amendment was offered to strike out 
the entire article 

DEL. MALET (Wash.) moved to defer 
action till after the report of the Wom- 
an's National Committee is received. 

Motion to defer lost. 

A vote was taken on the amendment, 
and it was defeated. 

Article XIV was read. 

DEL. ZITT (Ohio) moved to strike out 
all reference to the National Committee in 
session, where it occurs. 

Amendment lost. 

DEL. SLOBODIN (N. T.) offered the 
following as an addition to the article, to 
be known as Section 3: "Referendums to 
revoke or amend the provisions of this 
Constitution may be instituted only one 
year after the adoption of such provi- 

Alticiiilinrni ;i,ilo|)l cd. 

Articic ,i,\vi,. 'I'lh- Indiana dologatbon 
subuiiUril ;i iii-w 111 lion, to 1)0 known uh 
Seclion a, mm ("uIIowm: "In oi'dor to pre- 
vent the misuse ol (he [i;irly iciiik; by iuir- 
ties calling themKclvt;K >S(KL;i.tisls, but wlio 
are not membera oi' tlu; paity, tho name 
'Socialist Party of the United States' 
shall be copyrighted." 

Amendment lost. 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. T.) moved the ad- 
dition of the following/new section: "The 
national emblem of the party shall be the 
arm and torch." 

Antendnient lost. 

DEL. McPALL (N. Y.) moved to strike 
out the last sentence in Section 2 of Article 
X, which provides for revoking the charter 
of a state when the membership falls be- 
low 150 per month for any six consecutive 

Amendment lost. 

DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio) then moved 
the adoption of the Constitution as a whole, 
with the exception of the points deferred. 

The motion was carried, and the Consti- 
tution was adopted as a wholis, with the 
exception of the points deferred. 
• DEL. SPARGO moved to change the or- 
der of the day and take up the report of 
the Committee on Immigration this after- 

The Chairman held that -the motion could 
not be entertained, under the rules. 


The Secretary read a telegram from Com- 
rade Eugene V. Debs, accepting the nomi- 
nation for President. 

The convention then, at 1:45 p. m., ad- 
journed for one hour. 


Chairman Goebel called the convention 
to order at 2:45 p. m. 


DEL. KATE SADLER: At the preced- 
ing session I offered a new section to be 
added to the Constitution, but it was not 
acted on. It was just an omission, that 
is all. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec- 
tion we will put it to a vote. The Consti- 
tution has been adopted as a whole. Is. 
there any objection to reading this sec- 
tion? There is none, and we will read it 
and put it to a vote now. 

The Secretary read the following: A 
new section to be added to the Constitu- 
tion, offered by Del. Kate Sadler of Wash- 
» Ington: "That the National Executive Com- 
mittee shall print a specific statement in 
the Bulletin of all money.'' ex|n>nded for 
printing leaflets and bodK-s, ,iml the names 
of the same and their nnllmis." 

The amendment was adopted. 

DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I rise to a point of 
Information. I would like to know If the 
old Constitution will be submitted to ref- 
erendum along with the now. 

THE CHAIRMAN: No, it will not. 

The Secretary read an amondmont of- 
fered by Del. Meitzen of Texas, provid- 
ing that members of the National Com- 
mittee shall not hold offlce for naore than 
two consecutive terms. 

The amendment was lost. 


DEL. WHITE (Mass.) moved that the 
Secretary and Assistant Secretaries be re- 
munerated at rhe rate of $4.00 per diem 
for the days of the convention. 

The motion was seconded and carried. 

On motion of Del. Patterson (Ohio), 
the sergeants-at-arm.s were Included in 
the same motion. 


DEL. LOWE (111.), of the Woman's Na- 
tional Committee, made the following re- 
port on behalf of the committee: 

DEL. LOWE: Our report this after- 
noon will be made just as brief as pos- 
sible, and I think it will arouse no dis- 
cussion and in that way we can dispose 
of this in just a few minutes, I believe. 
I want to say first that I shall report 
to you the work that we have accom- 
plished during the past two years, the 
result of the work of the Woman's Com- 
mittee. Comrade May Wood Simons will 
present to you the recommendations for 
the coming year. We believe that it is 
necc^^H.-iry that the delegates to this con- 
vention carry home with them some re- 
port of the work that we have done, and 
it has been proved to us that that is 
necessary because of the motions made 
by our comrade from Washington this 
morning-. When I asked him whether or 
not he had read the report which has 
been in your hands since last Sunday, 
he admitted he had not, and I will ven- 
ture to say that many of you have not. 
He said to me, "I don't believe in this 




tt«««'«»ation of women." I said, "Neither 
do wu. That ia the tiling we are flgliting. 
The LhiuH that we want is getting the 
women right into the Socialist party lo- 
cala side by side with the men." (Ap- 
plause.) We do not want separate organi- 
ssations of women. The Socialist party- 
would have no more control over sepa- 
rate organizations of women . than it 
would have over separate organizations 
of men, none whatever. We simply want 
to have the women members of your lo- 
cals elected by you to a woman's com- 
mittee, whose special dhty it Is to carry 
on the propaganda work, the educational 
work among the wives and the daughters 
Of the members of the locals, and the 
women who are sympathizers and inter- 
ested in the movement. That Is the pur- 
pose of our organization; and, working 
along those lines, on broad general plans 
during the latter part of 1910 and 1911* 
we have accomplished this, and I shall 
read this to you.* 


THE CHAIRMAN: Vice-Chairman Com- 
rade Simons will now read the recom- 
mendations of the National Woman's 

tional Woman's Committee wishes to put 
'these recommendations before you for 
your consideration. Two years ago, when 
the national conference was held, vari- 
ous women in various parts of the coun 
try were appointed by the National Wo- 
man's Committee to make a special study 
of various phases of propaganda as it 
affects women, and these women have, 
with only one exception, reported to the 
National Woman's Committee, and it is 
their recommendations as Anally worked 
over by the National Woman's Committee 
that are being presented to you today. 
Our first recommendation is upon the 
propaganda among housewives: 

The committee recognizes: 1. The ne- 
cessity of bringing the message of So- 
cialism to the housewives of the nation. 

2. That the first duty of the housewife, 
while her children are young, is toward 
these children, her husand and her home. 

3. That owing to this fact, agitation is 
particularly difficult because housewives 
who are tied to their homes cannot go 
to meetings and do not even care to do so. 

Therefore, the committee recognizes 
that these housewives can be reached 
chiefly by means of literature, which 
must be simple and short, and prove to 
the housewife that the salvation of her 
family lies in the direction of Socialism; 

The committee recommends that liter- 
ature appealing to the housewife should 
take the home as the starting point and 
prove that capitalism destroys the home, 
and that Socialism will rebuild the same 
on a more substantial basis by making 
both men and women economically inde- 

Tbe committee finally suggests that the 
literary propaganda be supplemented by 
Individual work by Socialist men and 
women in the homes and in social gath- 
orlnga of non-Socialist women, especially 
of the women of the working class, 

Tn vlow of the fnct that the woman on 
tlin fiinti I.H the moat Isolated of any so- 

cial group, she is less conscious of her 
social interdependence. 

We recommend that all literature cir- 
culated in this group be of such nature 
as to point out clearly the exploitation 
of her individual industry and the rapid 
centralization of the farm and its prod- 
ucts into the hands of a few. 

We further recommend that a sys- 
tematic canvass be made for the names 
of farmers' wives and that this list be 
used in the systematic distribution of 
such literature as will appeal to her. 


Wonaen of the working class who come 
to our shores from other countries may 
be classified into two general divisions; 

Socialists and Non-Socialists. 

This naturally divides the work of this 
department into two general heads: 

1. Work among foreign speaking wo- 
men who are already Socialists. This 
work consists in educating and informing 
them as to our political methods and the 
importance of Suffrage for Woman The 
propaganda for woman's ballot will not 
only be helpful to women, but it will also 
inspire the women to urge their men rela- 
tives to become citizens as soon as pos- 
sible, *^ 

Plan of W^ork: 

We^ recommend a leaflet explaining the 
Ballot as a factor in securing political 
power for the working class, and the im- 
portance of the right of suffrage and the 
necessity of taking an active part in the 
campaigns for the extension of franchised 

2. That we request all translators to 
give out all our plans of work and sug- 
gestions to the locals and branches, and 
■^^-j ^mt,^^. possible translate our leaflets, 
t,.:?;..! i"-^* *"f^ li^ *"'■" 8'1'^e "s an English 
translation of all plans and methods em- 
ployed m their work antong women. 


The foreign speaking woman must be 
reached with , our propaganda. This is 
important, not only for hsr own sake, but 
because of the influence she exerts in her 
own home. 

Plan of Work:— 

1. W;e recommend a series of articles 
explaining why the foreigner does not 
and the opportunity and liberty in this 
country he had anticipated, and show how 
ti!! ^,??'.^''''o*^?^^ *^^ s^"ie struggle in 

S^^^^ States as in other countries. 
,.''■ ,.^^'^^'2ommen& the publication of 
tne list of foreign leaflets and periodicals 
and where they may be obtairjed, so our 
f'^J 1? speaking women may know where 
and What they can get to distribute among 

1 *°Le»^n speaking women. , 
Tc^h^^^ recommend thfe distribution of 
leaflets dealing with the conditions the 
foreigner will find in this country and 
f«+ S?J,'J*'^'''^^H°" concerning the Social- 
ist party and its work in foreign norts 
f^°'^%^}>^ P-?,°P^^ embarking for Amer- 
ica. This will necessitate the co-opera- 
tion with our comrades in other lands, 
i;=h-5''^^ "f •^°™? definite work in estab- 
tivH closer international bond of ac- 

v.J-^ Y^ * recommend that special effort 
t)e made to organize the foreign speaking 
women on the economic field where thev 
are employed in the industrial world, and 

dlx''?^ Report is printed in full in Appen- 

that all leaflets printed in J'higlish on Uuh 
subject reUUlve to the importance of 
,S'd?s.T,?ri^"^" "^ ""\7^«' ^^ translated 
K^ire' needed ""°"^ "^" ^"°^^« ^^^''^ 
DEL.. SIMONS: The next recommenda- 
tion IS on the Teachers' Section T^eretl 
son we have brought this in is ifeciute 
so tar the work of the Teacherl' Bureau 
has been handled by the National office 
Ihe recommendation is as follows- 


1 '.) 1 :s 



On Establishment of Municipal Bureau 


thPrfart^of^'/ifP''^^^ powing demand upon 
tne part of the newly elected officials fnr 
Juformation upon the"^ municipal problem^ 
that confront them. At the Dresent iirnf 
there is no provision in the NatlonLl m! 
flee for supplying this demand. The nres. 
ent Teachers' Bureau, which has been fn 
existence eight months, is attempting t^ 
answer but one of the mumSl of ob^ 
lems which our-ofiicials must f-ace ^ 

we believe that this department in thf. 
National Office should be enlarged Sto| 
Municipal Bureau, having for its purnose 
the_ securing of information upon all C^ 
nicipal problems. ^ ^ ™^" 

dol^^ therefore recommend that this be 

tio'^'^I^s ou'^?^.^' ^'^^ "^^t recommenda- 
tion is on the question of the suffraa-e 

fs one ''.Tfi^^'' *^f*. t° ^°™« extent this 
dat°ons ie if^^^f i^iportant recommen: 
dav f I^ ^f^® ^° ™ake before you to- 
orkansl? '^Th^r'/'?!* ^^^^"S ''^ tl^e state 

mne^aillAli% °-i ^?,?^^«' ^nd There is 

iiSSH -^F -^^"^-nild^erit 

^nn%^^lJ:^^°'^^'^^.°^' because my own per- 
sonal experience has been, in these town^j 

t^t^^l^f^^ -e-bll/o\ Tn 

ri£ "to E«"^ °rat^-h°e-fa^^o^^ w^Tl^"bl 
fery lar-r?«'^t"^.''"^ '''^" ^^^ ^"1 have a 
of the flllot Th?^"f=f^^ *^^™ *" ^^^ "se 
tion: "'*"ot. This is our recommenda- 

wi'l7bllubmm°'!^^'? suffrage amendments 
oonsin mch\ia^^ *^ *^^ "^°ters in Wis- 
Ohio we earn ecjnV ^^'^^as, Oregon and 

to ^v^.S? ^" ^^^*i« shoum be instructed 
tfon.'-"^ (A^ll^utir' *^'*' especial^^t?!^^ 

how'^se^fous rf^-*'}^*.^ «^"""t tell you 
have iust nlnLi'"'"'^ *'^^^ '^' because we 
m wh'i^h T^f,?*^ ^ campaign in (ho town 
<?nr.ioif 4, "^''> ^^ Which campaiR-n the 

fact that Z^ll/'^H^'^'i, ^^^^^^« "" the 

S* ''u'pplTuseT ^"^ *^" ^"'^''''' ^"- 
w-T?^ 'ast recommendation of thf Pom 
mittee Is on the subject of White SlaJe^l 


ar|,ro|E; l^^^.r^,u;i;^-i^uue« 

±ul slavery for young airl? n't ,.17; 
i/ViioT-o^o 1+ 1, ^ •= siiite ab well and 
^r.. i-^t^' ^^ ^^^ "^een shown by official 
investigation that large numbers of 
young girls are taken into those places 
^V^^'^ft; ^''t^^^- *^^"^« ^nd even % f^,Z 
That the hunting, deluding, entrappint 
and capturing of working girls sozflvf^f 
inmates of segregated diltr cts of ^^ice 

Is fo%r,^^r^y ^^.^^ Tt^Hf ^o#>r;-- 

the ofticials who, for 'the protec?iof ^'l ^^ 
the profits. That while capril^ici.;™''-''^'^ 
boast of standing for "law «\^^ ',*^^,°'^^« 
for making all^tSings ioiTsttt^uUonar the'V'' 
at the same time, establish tliose districts 
wtiere not only statutory law and thP rn,; 

cal authol-fties here and in ^^1^^"^* "'*^'^*- 
i^r, Jr'rmce A. Morrow of New 'Vnr-^^- -Ail, 
kll^^^I, Neisser and Blascho^f Geriiia^y: 
J?,i- T^^^^'t'^ ^'^'^ Fournier of Fran™ and 
land an^d^?hV T'^'^J^' authorities of En|- 


of°"the"'viS^s''^lnf ^^il f^"-^' =^9 Per'cirt 
may go on with oflicial help for keener ^ 

alike early falling vic«ms"'fo tWs*^ wors? 
\T.?,*^'^talist protected vices- a-nk ^"^^"^ 

neVoS^e'^^A^^^^ engS'in^^tfiis traf- 
tir.T, oi^i 1-^"," ^^S business for protec 
turn fn^r.'^.i?'^ business protects them In 
wisP th Jt I'i® ''°^®^ fraudulent and o«ier- 
f^re"" be it ^^ ^''"' *° ^^^ machine. There- 

Na^Sj^loc^afiit^^Pa^r'^^ 'otl'lVnf. *i^ 


la«on f nS* protest . against such segre- 
ment of law; and further be it ^''""'^^e- 

mates, and prosecute vigorously all ke^nZ 

£t'J ^i;bI?/fec^f-d"[;rS o^tfil^^sa^^e^ 
^of a^ 'egu™atlv il;\^^!,«"^ fV.any%l^r^o"n 
such ditsfases '''''*"^'''^ Physician, to treat 

inosti?uTron &a*hv''^l%^^'•^SO^»^^« that 
ters to our workingmen; and we fur^hlr; 



Uci-oiiiiiHMMl, Tlia,l. to the end Lhat GUI' 
))iiy.s .-uiil ■■Airl-i Jiiav be better able to pro- 
(rri ilii:rii:;('l vt:H, instruction in sex hygiene 
be (::u-c,liilly ^iven in all public, scliools. 
'T\iu. n^ading of tiie recommendations 
vv;i,ri rucoived with great applause. 

DiilU SIMONB: I move that these rec- 
omnaendations be accepted by the conven- 
tion. ^Seconded. ) 

iJEIi. MALiKIBLi (N. Y.) : I move that 
they be taken up and discussed seriatim, 
because there are a number of things that 
ha^-e to be discussed. cSeconded.) 

DEL. LONDON (N. Y.): I move as an 
amendment that the recommendations of 
tlie Woman's Commrttee be referred to the 
National Executive Committee. If that 
motion is seconded I will explain why I 
make that motion. 

DEL,. MERRICK (Pa.): A point of or- 
der. There is a motion made and prop- 
erly btfore the house, and this amend- 
ment has no relation whatever to the 
proposition before the house. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair would 
rule the motion out of order at this time. 
Tlie amendment is before us. 

DEL. LONDON: Is the motion to refer 
out of order? 

THE CHAIRMAN: To the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee, yes. I believe this re- 
port is before the convention and should 
be acted on. , . 

DEL. LONDON: It is an amendment to 
the amendment. 

THE CHAIRMAN: An amendment to 
the amendment is in order. 

DEL. LONDON: That is what I made, 
lan amendment to the amendment, in the 
nature of an amendment. 

THE CHAIRMAN; You made a motion 
to refer. That is not an amendment. 
DEL. LONDON: Then I make it as a 


THE CHAIRMAN: Substitutes have 
been ruled out of order under Robert's 
Rules of Order by this convention. 

DEL. LONDON: Not at all. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Let us understand 
the status of things. We have had the 
report of the Wonian's Committee. The 
Secretary will please state just how the 
thing's stand. 

SBC. REILLY: The motion is that the 
report and reconamendationa of the com- 
mittee be adopted. Amendment by Mal- 
kiel of New York, to take up the recom- 
mendations seriatim, 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question is on 
the amendment. 

The previous question was ordered. 

DEL. MALKIEL: I am speaking for 
the amendment. You are getting ready to 
go home, but don't forget that this mat- 
ter is more important and of greater sig- 
nificance than a good many if not most 
of the matters you have voted on up till 
now. You don't realize it. The woman s 
question is the greatest question that con- 
fronts the Socialist party. Within four or 
five years the United States will enfran- 
chise women in every single state. For 
the present it is the greatest question be- 
fore the Socialist movement in this coun- 
try, and if vou do not realize it now you 
will later on when it will be entirely too 
late. I appeal to you, before you go, to 
give this consideration. There are a num- 
ber of recommendations made jthere. They 
are not made just for the purpose of com- 
ing here and presenting them to you. 
They are made for the purpose of your 
serious discussion and consideration. 
There are a good many other points that 
will he up today before you, laraoiig them 
th(5 immigration question, whicli faces you 

after tliis report is disposed of. We are 

sending missionaries to China, while we 
are leaving women in ignorance at home. 
You have in your rsidst six million women 
who have neither fathers nor husbands 
nor brothers to shape their ideas and their 
views, and the minute they get a vote 
they will use it against the Socialist 
party. Therefore, I say to you, consider 
them before you decide not to take up 
this report seriatim and to vote it down. 
DEL. SIMONS; These, recommendations 
represent the work during the past few 
years of women from all over the coun- 
try who are not present at this conven- 
tion. We drew the report up in as brief 
form as we possibly could. I am now 
speaking for the Woman's Committee. We 
are perfectly satisfied, if you so desire, 
that you vote for this report as a whole, 
and we do not ask you to take it up seri- 
atim. For my part, I think we have 
touched upon every phase of the question 
that we possibly can. We have tried to 
make it short and concise so that these 
recommendations can be carried out. For 
my part, I am speaking for the committee 
against taking this up and considering 
each item. We are perfectly satisfied if 
you take it as it stands. (Applause.) 

DEL. LONDON: A point of order. _ I 
want a ruling from the Chairman before 
we vote. „ ^„ 

r TPIE CHAIRMAN: What is your point? 
DEL. LONDON: My point of order is 
that in fhe report submitted by the ^ Om- 
an's Committee there are recommendations 
which involve things contradictory to the 
resolutions adopted by this convention, 
and I want it understood and want an in- 
telligent vote. _, . ^ , 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair must de- 
cide that you are making a speech under 
the guise of a point of order. 

DEL. LONDON: One moment. I want a 

ruling. . J., ^ 

THE CHAIRMAN: My rulmg is that 

3?ou are not in order at this time with 

you^r point of order. 

DEL. LONDON: I ask you for a ruling. 
Permit me to state my question and ask 
you for la ruling. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If Comrade London 
will give the Chair a chance— — 

DEL. LONDON: Will you please give 
me a chance? 

THE CHAIRMAN: I will give you a 

DEL, LONDON: I want to ask a ques- 
tion, and you do not permit me to ask it. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question now 

DEL. LONDON: I appeal from your de- 
cision. I will not be gagged or hum- 
bugged. I appeal from your decision. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Is the appeal sec- 
onded? , , , ,r- 

The appeal was seconded, and vice- 
Chairman Edwards took the Chair. 

ground of your appeal. . 

DEL. LONDON: I am anxious to get 
away from here. It is a sacrifice to me 
to stay away from a busy man's office, 
and I do not want to waste time. I do 
not want this convention to make a mis- 
take when we are all worn out and tired 
out and hungry and ready to go. There 
are things here which may involve a con- 
tradiction of the action that w^e have 
taken. Therefore, I wanted to get this 
straight. I wanted to ask the Chairman 
'this question: "Will the adoption of the 
report of the Woman's Committee mean 
that we have repealed the resolutions 
which we have heretofore adopted, or will 
it mean the adoption of only such parts 



. 1.^^ recommendation as will not con- 
tradict the resolutions previously adopted? 
Is that a sensible question to ask'' That 
ifi a sensible question to ask. Even a 
' Inurman coming from New Jersey should tsense enough to permit such a ques- 

THE CHAIRMAN (Del. Goebel) ■ The 
Chairman is perfectly satisfied, no matter 
how you vote on the appeal. I am here on 
(lie last day, knowing that we have got 
business enough to take ten hours. Now 
many delegates must leave' by six. I ara 
trying to express the will of the house. I 
relieve it is the sentiment of the house 
to do business quickly. Comrade London 
and others have a line of action along 
other lines contrafy to this sentiment, and 
therefore I knew I was not unfair in mak- 
ing the ruling I did. I am satisfied, no 
matter how you vote on the appeal. 

A vote was taken and the Chair was 
s,^^tained. Del. Goebel then resumed th« 

THi3 CHAIRMAN: The matter before 
the house, m order that you may under- 
stand what you are voting on, will now 
be read by the Secretary. 

SEC. REILLY: Motion that the recom- 
mendations be adopted. Amendment of- 
fered by Malkiel of New York to take up 
the recommendations seriatim. 
t-A ^t'-/''^^^'^^= ^ question of informa- 
tita before we vote. I want to vote in- 
telligently. I want Information before I 

THE CHAIRMAN: It may be that the 
delegate from New York needs informa- 

DEL LONDON: I do need it, and you 
need a great deal of it too. I ask this 
question. Comrade Chairman: I am ready 
to vote for the adoption of the Woman's 
^l^°^^*- w^"^ the^ adoption of the report 
of the Woman's Committee mean the re- 
peal of such resolutions previously adopt- 
fc ^^ contradict the recommendations of 
the Woman's Committee? Will you please 
answer that question? ficdae 

t>,T?^ CHAIRitfAN: The Chair will rule 
that nothing which has already been act- 
ed upon and adopted could be changed in 
any viray ,. without a motion to reconsider 
T^I'^^S'^f notlimg could be adopted at this 
time that conflicts with anything already 
done, without such a motion to reconsider 
The amendment to take up the recom- 
mendations seriatim was then lost 

The motion to refer to the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee was lost. 
+>,? • SLOBOpiN: I move to insert after 
the words "a large number of men ''the 
words "and wominj' (Seconded > 

DEL THOMPSON (Wi^s )? T rise to a 
point of order. The previous question had 
been ordered, and this amendment and de- 
bate are out of order. 

■ ™E CHAIRMAN: The Chair is a little 
?nn°^"^* '^^ *** whether the previous que"! 
^f'^c^t^^"" *^'?• '^^e matter before the 
house IS the motion to adopt as a whole 
rLl Pn^'^rstand it. Comrade Slobodin of^ 

romraflf"2.?"K"^^"*-. ^.^ ^^at *™«- T think 
<omrade Slobodm is in order, but T hone 
no one will take advantage of this rul- 

^^^^^^FIV^..^^''^ <^an be helped. 
^J: ^^- ^TALKIEL; I want to move as .nn 

Hl^v^r^^''* *^^* ^^^ resolution on White 
M.ivery be read over once more 

THE CHAIRMAN: If !h?r°e'1s no objec- 
I Km. the Secretarv will read if 
r,u'Sn™'*^^^^^="'""^<' the previous 

Rpconded and carried. 

iiinhiSi'iv, ^■^^^f'^* -^r '^^'^ amendment by 
"loiiodin of New York is to add to the 

words "a large niunbcir of nn-n." ilio w^jrd.s 

and women." 1 don't know jii;;l where it 

comes in, but that is the way it wa.s given 

The amendment was carritid, and (lie 
amended motion to adopt the report as a 
whole was then carried. 

DEL LOWE (111.): May 1 say a word 
on behalf of thfe Committee? Comrade 
Meyer London explained to us that he 
feared there was something in our recom- 
mendations that might contradict some 
action on something that was already 
passed. He says he has read it carefully 
since and that there is not. 

DEL. LEE (N. Y.): Uas the report of 
*^mT9S"H?'"<3e been disposed of? 

fo^e^t'h-e^hofse'^'''"" '"^"'^ '" ^° "^°"<^" '^^- 

..J^W^' ^P^'\ ^ ^^^^ move a special rule, 
and I understand that it will take a two- 
thirds vote to carry this rule. I desire to 
move .a rule and to say a few words in 
support of it. I move that no action takeS 
by the convention up to this time be here- 
after reconsidered by the convention, un- 

i'^fmhJ, 1 ''?\'' °^.^ majority of the whole 
number of delegates entitled to seats in 
the convention. (Seconded.) I do not know 
with what truth, but it has been said th^ 
afternoon and I have heard it from vari- 
ous quarters, that there would be an at- 
tempt to reconsider Section 6 of Article II 
«f the Constitution, which was adorned 
yesterday by a roll call vote of 191 to so 
If I remember right. We know very well 
that under gag law it might be done We 
know very well that some delegates win 

^^riilieV'T'- ^' ^f.°^ verf wen ^l^ft 
Liie longer the convention goes on anri 

of'i'ts"lctir 'h'^-^ '''" ^^reate^^the tonler 
wnnf fn^o ^J"^.^"? Pnrepresentative. " I 
^ take ^uJh ^I't* 'i ^^'^^^ ^=^ no intention 
th«r, ft advantage at such an hour 

The*' ru^WTiu'^^'' 7"^ "'^^ °PP°se this 
rtflp^ wni /i^^" .)^.°^^ "o injustice. The 
well-c^nsid.r.r^i'*!^^ "^^t ^^ maintain the 
^f />,?= ^^®'?. ^°<^ recorded sentiments 

Z.J^-^ convention and to prevent anv in- 
imtlZl'''' i"-^^vised coi^radlfrom'^pre- 
cipitating a scandal in the last davs of th^ 
convention which would give the ?augh^o 
ALVi^ff^^ from our presidential "clndl- 
morning^* ^ ^'^ heartily applauded this 

mo^'tfon Thompson (wis.): I second the 

Yol-kSh^f n^n^Tv- "Motion by Lee of New 
tion iin t^ tv,^A^-*'°"u*=^^«" ^y the conven- 
ered bv thP^'nv,*'"'!-''^ hereafter reconsid- 
ImaiJritV convention unless by a vote of 
"at^«^^Vi^i°i l^" '^]^ole number of dPle- 
" THE rTTA\''i,^?Al.?^*^ in the convention." 
sav tbi^ tI^^I^-- .^^® <^hair wants to 
sfatement^ ^''^''' *^ -^''^S' to make a 

•.t''l',.Vn,.,!i"V"^^\^; '^'■' ™e ™ake my 

This s whal V''"i" " "'f^'^ ^ suggestiom 

r^oo has hr>^,. n "''''^ t? '"''y'- Comrade 

jc L nas been, like inv.self, on orfie side ji-p 

T nn-'i'nV""- "" '^2-^ BPO^eSfar thlt side 
wani it. ■'' "^-"'^ ^^"'^ P^^y ^^ ™"ch as i 


been said and don,., and there is absolutefv 
no person on this aide obfecting °n a„v 
particular to what has been done There Is 
no person on this side endeavoring to go 




about and try to reconsWer. We do not 
want to do such a thing. (Applause.) 
Speakingr o£ tricks, we d-o not have to use 
tricks. We are perfectly satisfied with the 
action you took yesterday. I am sure you 
will agree, when you have had time to 
consider it, that, considering the stand we 
have consistently taken in this convention 
and before we came to this convention, 
that we could not have acted in any other 
manner than we acted when we voted 
ag-ainst that section. We having been In 
the minority and being thus placed on 
record, we have no purpose in seeking a 
reconsideration. What some other com- 
rades are fearing has something to do with 
another proposition, and not with this con- 
vention. I want to say for the younger 
element of those representing us here, that 
although you may not believe it now, we 
acted in perfect good faith, and we have 
the Interests of this party at stake as well 
as any men with white hair. (Applause.) 
I want to say furthermore, and I am not 
saying it with bitterness, nor am I say- 
ing it with a feeling of desire to get back 
at" anybody — I hope I am beyond jiny such 
thing as that — I want to say this, that as 
the comrade back there said, there is no 
use denying things; it has been mentioned 
around here; it has been spoken in the 
corridor; it hAs been spoken on the plat- 
form that there might be a trick. Now, we 
never had such a thing in our minds. (Ap- 
plause,) And when we go from here we 
will put every ounce of energy we have 
ipto the campaign as well as you. (Ap- 
plause.) I am sure my Comrade Lee — and 
I would say that I am not putting any soft 
soap on him — I have known him a long 
time and I admire the work he has done — I 
am sure my good Comrade Lee will now 
consider that some of his remarks were not 
to the point. We represent this side of 
the proposition. You will all agree that 
we have a perfect right to our opinion, and 
I am sure you would have no respect for us 
if w© had not done what we did yesterday; 
and now, if we tried some petty scheme for 
the purpose of getting a momentary ad- 
vantage, you might have some cause for 
discontent, but we are not going to do it. 

THE CHAIRMAN: No; we are going out 
of here united. That is what it means. 

DEL. WHEELER: If you feel the same 
wav, we are going from here united. 

The previous question was ordered, and 
the motion of Del. Lee was carried. 


THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade JHiUquit has 
a supplementary report from the Commit- 
tee on Constitution. There is nothing in 
order but Comrade Hlllquit at this time. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: This report, Com- 
rades, does not deal directly with the Con- 
stitution. The Constitution deals with our 
permanent form of organization. The sup- 
plementary report which we submit now 
deals with a temporary condition. That is 
the reason we make it separate. It bears 
upon the campaign before us. The Com- 
mittee on Constitution finds that the plan 
of organization submitted by the Commit- 
tee and adopted by you will not enter' into 
force until after the campaign. Meanwhile 
we will have the largest and T hope, most 
effective campaign before us that we have 
ever had, with practically no National Ex- 
ecutive Committee to conduct it unless our 
committee might make it possible to meet 
once or at most twice before the election. 
That certainly will be entirely insufficient 
for the purpose of planning and carrying 
out the details of a campaign of the mag- 
nitude anticipated by us. We therefore 
recommend that this convention elect a 

special Campaign Committee of five, select- 
ing persons from such localities as will 
make it convenient for them to meet often, 
say about once a month to start with, and 
once every two weeks, and if need be once 
a week, during the close of the campaign. 

We also and particularly recommend to 
you the election of a Campaign Manager, 
for the reason that the regular business of 
the National oflice is such today that it 
takes every moment of the present office 
force and the present Secretary, and if we 
desire to carry on a vigorous campaign, we 
must have a special working department 
for that purpose. This, therefore, is our 
recommendation submitted to you, that we 
now proceed to elect a Campaign Commit- 
tee and a Campaign Manager to conduct a 
campaign in conjunction with the National 
Executive Committee, after probably one 
conference agreeing upon the general lines. 

The motion was seconded and carried. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Shall we now pro- 
ceed to the election? Nominations are In 

DEL. SLATTON (Pa.): I move that the 
election of the Campaign Chairnaan be left 
in the hands of the National Executive 

DEL. HILLQUIT: The National Execu- 
tive Committee had the matter under con- 
sideration, and prefers that for this im- 
portant position, this convention make the 
choice. We might be in a better position to 
elect the Committee, taut we wish the con- 
vention as a whole to elect a Campaign 
Manager, who will have the largest re- 
sponsibility in this campaign, and whose 
position will be much more fortified if it 
comes with the sanction of this large and 
representative body rather than as the 
choice of the Executive Committee. 

THE CHAIRMAN: We have a motion 
that has been carried, as I understand, it, 
for the nomination and election of a Cam- 
paign Committee of five and a Campaign 
Manager. In what order shall we take 
them? Campaign Manager first, if there is 
no objection: 

DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to place in 
nomination for this position Comrade J. 
Mahlon Barnes. (Seconded.) In doing so 
I wish to state to the comrades that I have 
been on the National Executive Committee 
a number of years, and I have had oppor- 
tunity and occasion to observe the work of 
Comrade Barnes, and while I have no more 
personal attachment to Barnes or interest 
in the matter than any other delegate, I 
w^ish to say that my colleagues on the 
National Executive Committee, and on the 
several committees are unanimous in the 
opinion that the party has very few men, if 
any men as efficient, aa painstaking, as d.^- 
voted, and, on the whole, as fit for the posi- 
tion as Comrade Barnes. I wish to stale 
also-^speaking now personally for mys<']f, 
and I am very frank in this matter — T 
think this convention and this party owes 
a reparation to Comrade Barnes because 
of the campaign of slander Instil utijd 
against him and the hunting up of mat- 
ters dead and buried years ago and their 
publication in Socialist papers. I think 
this was one of the most disgraceful 
things ever suffered in the Socialist pait.v. 
(Applause.) I think, as far as I mj-sclf 
am concerned — I do not care whether it is 
wise, Tvh ether it is politic — I think every 
man among us is entitled to justice, and 
I speak for Comrade Barnes because I 
know a great injustice ha§ been done him. 

DEL. MERRICK: A point of informa- 
tion. Do I understand this recommenda- 
tion, that this is the action of the National 
Executive Committee? 

Al'^'lVl'lRNOoN Si'.SSlON. AIAY 1.8, ;U)i2 


tl.^^'.^f n^fi^^H^^T,=-i, N°i '} '^ the nomina- 
,,,.V^ ^.r}f^'^^^ Hillquit from New York 
DEL. MEitKICK: Not the nominaUon 

of Barnes; that isn't what I refer to It i4 

til?., Recommendation of the committee 
^SJ"' HILLQUIT; Which action?' 

r,„?-^ MEKHICK: The' recommendation, 

DEL HILLQUIT: This comes from the 
Committee on Constitution and also from 
the National Executive Committee 

DEL. MERRlCiv: With the 'endorse- 
ment of the National Executive Com- 
mittee? ^iJiii 

DEL HILLQUIT: A general recom- 
mendation, yes. 

TTm^,-t ^''^'^■P^^'^^' I believe Comrade 
HiUquit was trying to make the point that 
his nomination was as an individual. 
_ utiiLj. iitEVEi. I am very sorry that 
in making a nomination. Comrade liillauit 
had also co malie a .speech. Now, I desire 
to place m nomination for the position of 
?^™?Q^'f" Manager of the Socialist party 
f^'^.P^^^ "J'^'^ who. probably has not been 
in as close touch with the members of the 
National Executive Committee as Barnes 
but he IS a man that has had some ex- 
perience, not only in campaign managing 

mantlhii" f.fA?"^"" work^n%ities andTn 
manag-in,g local campai.tsnB, and knows 
something about arrangiiiHr nTeetin-^? T 
therefore place in nomination ZclmpiiJ 

ThTml^on^°rf 'w- '^"^••'^li^t party ffi'fj^ 
xnompson oi \Visconsin. (ADnlan<sp l t 
am sorry that Comrade Hlllquit took this 
occasion to open up the Barnes case. If 
Cornrade Barnes is again placed in cnn 
Sn?*'^" ^-ith the National office we are not 

Hlllai3?f«™ '^'^''^ campaign. Comrade 
mdp Bn, ^^^ t'*' ^^"^ something to Com- 
thfng tn Cnr../ I^^r,"^*^ ^° "«* Owe some- 
i ■j^.fl'-" Comrade Barnes He Vins -h.Dcr^ 

KesfJn uifd.r/^^^'^- .He was c^ellld 

siS^acP^n'^J^^-^^^ ^« ^'^^^ had both 
cerned T L^^ '2"?t, nomination is con- 
Inatinl; .Lf"^^".^^^ .t^^* *" further nom- 
inating you cut out all reference to the 
noin4.n ees' private affairs. '^^'*^^®'^°« t« ^^^ 
^nYS\f^Z^'P\ (Ma..): T just want to 
th1<f fl^? KP-^^*?* against a delegate on 
been dead ''""^'"^ "P things that have 

^f?'?^- ^°^^^®ON' I ^ant to go on rec- 

rtght to frfnt Ti^^i . '^h^ comrade had no 
A J 1 bring that in. 

Wtnfr^fi^^^^A Placed in nomination Del. 
^"yjsia R. Gaylord of WisooTi=!in 

mfn^^o ^."kl^^^ ^^^ T'Tl'^rnomlnate a 

to^^h STRTCLAND (Ohio) : 7 would like 

X^flVV'lrJ^Tl"^""" a comrade ex- 
ecutive work has not been so crent in rt 
cent years, but which is just n™od ^-Tlt 
ZV" ^^^' a comrade wTiom we 'cnn (rust 
withTl^e c'';l"^-^.^'^ ^?^^ ^'"^-^ sympathv 
(Applause f Stedman of Illinois. 

DEL. OARVHH (Mo.'): I de?!irf! to nom- 
iTinte William M. Brandt of St. Louf=!. 

DEL. RLOBODIN (N. T.); I nominate 
(^Vimrade Branstetter of Oklahoma. 

DEL. CORY (Wash.): T wish to plf>cf> in 
nomination (^ur commde Gfiorge H. Ooehel. 

DEt,. GOEBEL: Goebel is for Barnes, 
"iid not ashamed of it. 

A delegate nominated Oscar Amerlnger 
of Oklahoma. 

'''he nominations were then closed, and 
• 'k' list of nominees was read for accept- 

_ DEL. BARNES: I can only say that 1 

fhi= t^ ^^ °^ ^"^ service to the party in 
iccept ™^°''^''^ position I am willing^ to 
DEL. THOMPSON: I decline 

fnn^il;^^^^^?-?^- .K^^^^ Si^t both hands 
full and If I did not have I would not in- 
terfere with Barnes. He needs that job 
1,„T^^ "'^™e of Comrade Brandt was called, 
but there was no response 

THE CHAIRMAN: Unless they are 
vo"?,lied for, they won't stand. ^ ^ 

DEL. LARSEN (111.): Stedman will be 
unable to accept. Therefore, I decline fo? 

DEL GARVER: I nominated Comrade 
Brandt under a misapprehension when 
you were callmg for nominations. I with- 
draw the name of Brandt wixn- 
. DEL. BRANSTETTER: Being heartilv 

of^B^r^ns?e°tfe^;f^^= ' -^« ^^^ sentiments 
DEL. AMERINGER: Being a member of 
the supreme court that tried Barnes Ide- 
cline. ' 

. SEC. REILLY: That leaves one nom- 
ination, J. Mahlon Barnes of Pennsylvania 
On motion of Del. Solomon of New York" 
Del. Barnes was elected Campaign Man- 
ager by acclamation. 

Nominations were then called for for 
^lVi^rS^X^?!J^S Campaign Committee. 
The following nominations were made 
for the National Campaign Committee: 
Dan Plogan, Ark. 
Carl D. Thompson, Wis. 
James Oneal, Ind. 
Margaret Prevey, Ohio. 
Tom Lewis, Ore. 
Wm. M. Bra;ndt, St. Loula. 
James p. Carey, Mass. 
Dan "White, Mass. 
J. W. Slayton, Pa. 
W. J. Ghent, Washington, D, OL 
Anna A. Malev, Wash. 
Fred Krafft, N. J. 
Stephen M. Reynolds. Ind. 
S. C. Garrison, Ind. 
J. Stitt Wilson, Cal. 
W. E. Rodriguez, 111. 
A. H, Fl oaten, Colo. 
L. J. Duncan, Mont. 
J. E. Snyder, Cal. 
O. P. Branstetter, Okla. 
A. M. Simons, Kans. 
A, Germer, 111. 
Gustav Strebel, N. T. 
Mary O'Reilly, 111. 
Alexander Irvine, Cal. 
Clyde J. Wright. Neb. 

The following nominees accepted; 
Hogan Lewis. Brandt, White. SlayfOn, 
Krafft, Reynolds, Garrison. Wilson, Rod- 
riguez, Duncan, Snyder, Branstetter, Si- 
mons, Wright. 

DEL. HILLQUIT: I wish to call atten- 
tion to the fact that the reason for the 
recommendation for the election of this 
cnrnmittee wa,5 that the members of the 
N.Ttional Executive Committee are scat- 
tered nil over the United States. If now 
we are to elect a committee from Calif or- 
ni.-i nnd New York, Oregon and New Jer- 
sey we are duplicating the same inefficient 

DEL. WILSON: In view of the state- 
ment I decline. 

DEL. WHITE: As a delegate from the 
Atlantic Const T decline. 

DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): It Is efflci- 
ent work that we want out of this com- 
mittee. The committee will have to be iti 



sesaion for weeks at a time during the 
campaign. We have got to g'et men near 
headquarters, as well as men competent to 
do the work. I move that no man ba 
elected who lives more than 5^0 miles 
from Chicago. 

A DEIjEGATE: I sug-gest to save time 
that Comrade Hillquit give us a list of 
five names for this committee. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair would not 
entertain that motion. 

DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): I move that 
Seidel and Debs be allowed to choose their 
own campaign committee. 

The motion by Delegate Collins was 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) : I move that 
the National Executive Committee together 
with the nominees for President and Vice- 
President select the campaign committee. 

DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I rise to a point of 
order. We have gone into the nomination 
of committeemen, and now we are over- 
turning it. 

DEL. PREVET (Ohio): I move to 
amend that the committee be elected from 
those nominated here. 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): It is absurd 
to waste an hour and a half selecting a 
committee of five. My motion is that the 
National Executive Committee in conjunc- 
tion with the presidential and vice presi- 
dential nominees select from the nominees 
named at this convention Ave to be the 
(Campaign Committee. 

The motion was carried. 

DEL. ZITT (Ohio): The Ohio delegation 
wants to be recorded as opposing the in- 
troduction of the Barnes matter, not the 
nomination of Barnes but the speech by 
Comrade Hillquit, 

THE CHAIRMAN: Does the Comrade 
represent Ohio? 

DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio): As to the 
Introduction of the Barnes matter I re- 
gard it as unfortunate and agree with the 
delegates from Ohio. 

THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Goebel 
from New Jersey wants to be recorded as 
saying that when a sneak who is not capa- 
ble of a fair fight, in an underhanded 
manner circulafes lies against a man, 
Goebel wishes to go on record as endorsing 
all that Hillquit said. 

DEL. MERRICK (^Pa.): I wish to be 
recorded as protesting against the intro- 
duction of the Barnes matter while voting 
for Comrade Barnes as Campaign Man- 

DEL. PROSSER (Pa.): I also want to 
be recorded. 

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair rules that 
all of you who w^ish to be recorded, can 
come up here and read your names to the 


On motion a committee of two was ap- 
pointed to edit the report of the commit- 
tee, making only such changes as might 
be necessary for that purpose. 

The Committee on Platform further rec- 
ommended that plank 14 of the Political 
Demand be changed to read: "The enact- 
ment of further measures for the conserva- 
tion of health." 

THE CHAIRMAN: Is there- any Objec- 
tion to the adoption of this clause? 

DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): A point of 
order. This can not be changed without a 
vote by a majority of the whole conven- 

By consent the section as recommended 
by thi'. committee was adopted. 

1)|;T,. STRICKLAND: I want to rise to 
a qui'.stlon of personal privilege. While I 

regretted the introduction of the Barnes 
matter I want it understood that I agreed 
with him on the main proposition when it 
was brought up. I think that the 
character assassination of which the 
"Christian Socialist" was guilty was in- 

THE CHAIRMAN: The question before 
the house is on this fourteenth plank, of ;|_ 
the platform. 

DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): I want to 
know if that doesn't change the whole 
subject matter. 

DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): It does. 

DEL. WHEELER: I certainly object to 
that change.^ It strikes at the very vitals 
■of the whole thing. We had it aebated 
the othel night and it was carried by four 
to one to put that amendment in thefe andt 
our delegation are going to see that it 
stays there if we have any influence. 

THE CHAIRMAN: In order to carry 
this it will require a majority of the whole 

On motion the whole matter was laid on 
the table. 

DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I have a re- 
port to present. 


DEL, SPARGO (Vt.): We have an or- 
der of business adopted here and I move 
that the reporters on Immigration be now 
heard and that wlien they are so heard w^ej 
close the debate and proceed to a vote. 

The motion was duly seconded. 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move that 
the Committee on loimigration be con- 
tinued to present its report at the next 

The motion was seconded. 

DEL, MERRICK (Pa.): I move to ame: 
that we receive the report without debati 
and vote upon it. 

DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I desire to speal 
for the majority report. Comrade Unter-s 
man, who is the chief author of the mi 
Jority report is absent from the conven; 
tion and is unable to speak for it. Comj 
rade Hunter of the majority is also abl 
sent. Comrade Wanhope and myself, thi 
other two members of the majority ha( 
the least to do with drawing this repoi 
I support the amendment of the Comra( 
from New York that we continue thii 
question in the hands of the committee uni 
til the next congress. 

DEL. MERRICK: I think the comrade! 
came here to vote upon this question, 
think -we all understarid this questioi 
that the reports have been read and thai 
we are intelligent enough to vote upon 
without any discussion whatever. But 
you vote to re-commit when, we go ba 
to our people they will want to kno' 
what kind of a convention this is anyi| 
how when we spend two years prepariilj 
reports which you are afraid to vote 
I may be in the minority but I am 
afraid to record myself on one side of tl 
question, say where I stand and go b 
to my constituency and Justify my c 
duct. There is no reason why you can 
vote on this question now without 
oratory. Let us settle this question ni 
each of us voting according to his 

DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) : This is noj 
question of being afraid to vote. The 
is that a great many of us are not li 
position to vote intelligently and flndl 
on this question. I think if we pass 
over to the next convention by that til 
we shall be able to pass upon the rep( 
that will then be presented. We hi 
nothing to lose and everything to gain 
postponing action on this propositioij, 



know that Spargo has 75 pounds of steam 
per square inch to unload on this questioi 
on it ^® *'''"*''' postpone action 

DEL. SPARGO: Just because it is late 
and we are tired we ought not to makP 
ourselves ridiculous by refusing to act 
upon the report of tlie committee that has 
been working on it for two years. There- 
mmee '^™ ^^r^'*'^ ^° continuing the com- 
m.d that^T.i^'' ^*"'°^*^ Pl^°^' I ai" satis- 
fied that the comrades can without anv 
oratory at all, vote on the question but^f 
you liave read these reports I ca 1 your 
attention to this fact, that the majority 
p|?nT«i??i^^*'%*'*^^*^'\''^*^°^^^endations fo? 
exclusion and m the printed report it 
gives Its reasons for so recommending In 
the minority report we simply say ttiSi we 
recommend the re-alRrmation of the Stutt- 
gart resolution and there is not one word 

^iir^-^h ^^^ "T? ""'^^^ tJ^at recommenda- 
tion. The question is whether you want 

l^L -w^n^'^^ ^^P"''* ^**^ "=^ reasons. Com- 
raqe Wanhope was authorized by the ma- 
rl "ht'' to° drfr^T*/^"^^ ^'*^^« and ha^\ 

Htjiit 10 ao it. If you want tbp 7nm"nvt+ir 

report you will have to accept the reasons 
sons^%?fvJ°^"/-^^^y -"'■^ Ui?terman?s reS- 
TC?^'., ?^ ^^^ Wilson's reasons, they are 
I^n^ ?hev b«^^r"i1' *-^^^ r.^ Hunter's"^ rta? 
fr?? tV ^ ■ y? ^" Signed it. If you vote 
thSt ft™'''^"'"'*^ '■«P°rt well and! 
that the minority asks is to plaSe before 
^tn t-e^^fo Stuttgart resolution and then to 

Iffirm that''''^'s^'r^^ ^^^ P^^t^ should re- 
lainrm tnat. So far as I am concerned T 

minules.^ "^'^ '^^^'^ *^°"^ reasonrin ten 

DEL MERRICK: A point of infnrmn 

DEL %PA%"o?.°' ^.t^l^^^"po"t? 

^fi^"^- ^r'-'^UKKI: I stand for the renort 

go sfaS'Th'.'H..'^"^??-' ^^"-^^^ and^lp! 
o+^+ ^*"® international position Mv 
statement simply takes into consideration 
«me a^d" I'^n .r^''^.^^"^ ^^ thI' p?elen" 
t™ns based n?; fi,™'"^'' ^^°?^ recommenda- 

TiuT^^T?.^" these conditions 
..THE CHAIRMAN: The motion hpforp 
recelv°e" «ii%'.n^ substitute by ^IJe^'rrFc'k^to 
cled to J^lnfTZfiM ""% printed* and pro- 

T'v.J^ vvf ^■'^ without debate. : 

lost ™^'^°" of Comrade Merrick was 

The motion of Comrade Solomon that tho. 

next convention was carried. '^ * *^® 

nn?f f- O'REILLY: In presenting this re- 
f^X^ am going to ask that it bf referred 
Twr^f.'°i!f\ Executive Commi'^ttelf.''"''*^ 
t-hL IS no logg jj^ havine- 

this report referred to the Nntinnaf w^ 
ecutive Committee. I hope vou wfn d<; 
it mnvT"?" ''^^^^^ the pTe'sent campaign 
n^pfant wm 1, ^^^\^ P,^^*^ "^"^^^ S" 
vefv m^TnvT „ ^ |ntii:ely practicable and 
tl^em i^^ r."^?.^^*^- . ^'^ ^^«t ''ase leave 
eSir«h nnP. ■f^VI'' *^ purchase one, and 
thl'commmle'isks^ ^^^^- '^^'^^ ^^ ^^at 
de?"d™''"°" ^'^'^^ seconded it was so or- 
Prl's is^r^^ll^i*!^^ committee on Party 

PRESS ij-ij.ij.i 

me^n^'^anl^'^tvfJ^i!!^^ °^ the Socialist move- 
(> ali^tH?., \ increased demand for So- 
cialist literature has created a consider- 

able demand for the establishment of a 

Z'^'fZ^ ^^''^i^? ^"^ ^W"*^"^ and con troll ort 
^^>,,*^'^g. ^°"^^i^t party for printing an 1 
publishing Socialist hooks, pamphlets 
leaflets, tracts and other liu'ra- 

The present Socialist news bureau 
which can scarcely yet be said to liave 
passed the experimental stage, has al- 
ready demonstrated its usefulness desnitf. 
the fact that it has been hampered bv 
lack of funds. Through a proper or^nni 
zation of this bureau lind the |enera! col 
operation of the Socialist newspaper's to 
be served thereby the Socramt press 
throughout the country will be e-roatw 
strengthened and the movement beneflfed 

Inasmuch as the sentiment regarding a 
party-owned newspaper is not erystallifed 
but considerably divided, we make no r en ' 
ToviTef' '"" '*^'""'*" "^^^ ^^ hereinVfte; 

■ i^®T^^*Hf-^ recommend the following: 
■HT X. ,*l, this convention instruct tho 
National Executive Committee to "nvesti- 
g.ate fully as quickly as possible the feal 
sibiUty of establishing a party-owned and 
controlled publishing pla'nt Snd?o pur- 
chase and install such plant if upon In- 
tif^hft'"'' *^^ ^^™^ ^^''^ ^^ foun^^pri": 
teeV Ji^fnVilf, National Executive Commit- 
of «n edlfnr^'''' ^mediately a conference 
Sewsnaner^i fn/+^.™^"^^^^« 2* Socialist 
newspapers for the purpose of enlarsins- 

tlonaf'soclniK?. *T^'^ "S|fulness of "the Ta? 
ri^iHrJo- ?^ '^"''* ¥-^'^^ Bureau and of pro- 
rbircl4"n^.P''"^*'°" ^^t-^'^" the Socialist 

ellcted^b^^ ih«''M?.™'"''i''T.°^ **^^e® s'lall be 
tee to coni^«f V'°"^^ Executive Commit- 
Socii^incf^ ^^* °^ comrades familiar with 
socialist newspaper work and innnntio 

jit-wspaper. Such committee shall renort 
fo+ t^e earliest possible moment ancfnnf 

tfvf Commi^tte/"^^ \Z '""^ Nation'al'^ELcu- 
comm/ttl? «l¥H'^?.'^'*''^.^'=P°i"t of this sub- 
tinn?!^^ ^^'^"^ ^^ published by the Na- 
gSat^^n.^ and sent out to the pa?ty o?- 
V fee ahin h^ ^}^ expenses of said con^mit- 
tee Shall be ^^^ ^^y .the^N^a«onal Office. 

Committee on Party Press 

P0^we?^*rSc1. ^--t-e aoLUfllf *^^if^ 
., Delegate Merrick moved to am^nr? +>,„ + 
they be referred to the^!.1.t\onaft?omm^^! 

thE^Ltfo™'''^^= I want to speak on 

ge??h'^e fye^of^tTe^Cha&an'T.^t^'-^"^^ ^"^ 

^Z^°^^ Pi majority and minority report<=i 

....t.Ld^i.'iJM ,'MUt\liik'/jLL<,i,.: 



Delegate Sadler's motion to refer it to 
the National Executive Committee was 

DEL,.' COLLINS: A special matter. I 
move tliat we instruct the National Secre- 
tary to pay to the ushers, Sergeant-at- 
arms and clerlis not less than ?3 a day for 
their services during the convention. 

The motion vi?as carried. 


THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Thompson 
will now report for the Committee on 
State and Municipal Program. 

DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): This report* 
has been put on your table and if there is 
no objection I sug-gest that we can dis- 
pose of this in about five minutes in the 
following manner. In the first place if 
you have not read the report you can get 
copies of it and read it. I want to em- 
phasize this point about it, that every- 
thing in the report up to the fifth page, 
and not including the fifth page, is merely 
suggestive. It is in no sense binding upon 
any local or State organization but is pre- 
sented merely as assembling the data from 
which those who care to may draw such 
parts as they may find useful in preparing 
their municipal and State program. There- 
fore it is unnecessary at this time to read 
all of it. It is unnecessary to take it un- 
der consideration seriatim, and I am go- 
ing to make a motion that that part be 
adopted as a whole, and afterwards pre- 
sent the recommendation. I move, there- 
fore, Comrade Chairman, that the first 
part of this report up to and including the 
first paragraph on page 5 be adopted as a 

The motion was carried. 

On motion of Comrade Thompson the 
first clause of the recommendation was 

The recommendation as to the study of 
unemployment was adopted. 

The third recommendation as to the es- 
tablishment of a legislative bureau on 
motion of Delegate Solomon w^as referred 
to the National Executive Committee. 

The section of the report as to resolu- 
tions by Comrade Simons was adopted. 

Thereupon the report of the committee 
as a Tvhole was adopted. , 


The Socialist Convention of 1912 is the 
first one in the history of the party that 
has elected a Publicity Committee. Here- 
tofore the Press Committee has considered 
matters relating to parly press and co- 
operated with the ne^vspaper and general 
press representatives to the end of secur- 
ing for the convention and the party as 
much useful publicity as possible. 

It is the latter function that has been 
assumed by the Publicity Committee of 
this Convention. We have done all in our 
power to see that the important actions 
of the Convention should receive as much 
and as favorable publicity as possible. In 
this respect members of the Socialist press 
have rendered the greatest assistance. We 
believe that the result has been a consid- 
erable improvement in the treatment of 
our Convention by the general and news- 
paper press of the United States. 

The only recommendation this commit- 
tee would make is that future conventions 
should consolidate the Publicity Commit- 
tee and the Committee On Party Press and 
that the latter committee should assign 
throe of its members, preferably expe- 

•Tbf^ report is printed in full, as appen- 
dix K.— Editor. 

rienced newspaper men, to the duty of 
looking after the welfare of the press rep- 
resentatives at the convention. 

FRANK E. WOLFE, Chairman, 





DEL. WOLFE (Cal.): Our report Is 
unanimous. I think we have had the most 
harmonious committee in the convention. 
Our duties have been to pussyfoot around, 
and so far as we could look after the com- 
fort of the newspaper men and assist them 
in every way possible. 

We have endeavored to see that the 
work of the convention should have as 
wide publicity as possible and the only 
recommendation that we make is that in 
the future the Publicity Committee and 
the Committee on Party Press should be 
combined and that three members prefer- 
ably experienced newspaper men should 
look after the welfare of the press at the 
convention. f 


DEL. SPARGO: We have very few reso- 
lutions left. The first one is on nomin- 
ating women candidates. 

"Whereas, an increasing number of 
women are taking part in industrial activ- 
ity so that they are today an important 
factor in economic and social life and are 
thereby qualifying themselves for partici- 
pation in political administration; 

Therefore, Be it resolved, that the So- 
cialist party deems women equally en- 
titled with men to be nominated for and to 
be elected to, public oflace so that they 
may help to manage our common affairs. 

THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec- 
tion the resolution will be adopted as 

DEL. SPARGO: The next resolution is 
on temperance. In substance the resolu- 
tion is the same as that adopted in 1908, 
but there are some changes in phrasing 
with the idea of strengthening and im- 
proving it. 


The manufacture and sale for profit of 
intoxicating and adulterated liquors leads 
directly to many serious social evils. In- 
temperance in the use of alcoholic liquors 
weakens the physical, mental and moral 

We hold, therefore, that any eTccessive 
indulgence in intoxicating liquors by mem- 
bers of the working class is a serious ob- 
stacle to the triumph of our class since It 
impairs the vigor of the fighters in the 
political and economic struggle, and we 
urge the members of the working class to 
avoid any indulgence which might impair 
\heir ability to wage a successful politi- 
cal and economic struggle, and so hinder 
the progress of the movement, for' their 

tVe do not believe that the evils of 
alcohfJlism can be eradicated by repressive 
measures or any extension of the police 
powers of the capitalist state — alcoholism 
is a disease of which capitalism is the 
chief cause. Poverty, overwork and over- 
worry necessarily result in intemperance 
on the part of the victims. To abolish 
the wage system with all its evils is the 
surest way to eliminate the evils of al- 
coholism and the traffic in intoxicating 

The resolution was adopted as read. 

liUibaa; :.L.Afc^iiJft,WM>Mk',iliit'it i;.L^^ai-tJt^\;^'a'».<'^^ 



The next resolution on the subject ot 

military education of children was read 

as follows; 


Whereas, The capitalist class is making 
determined and persistent efforts to use 
the public schools for the military training 
of children and for the inculcation of the 
military spirit; therefore be it 

Resolved, That we are opposed to all 
efforts to introduce military training into 
the public schools, and that we recommend 
the introduction into our public school 
system of a thorough and progressive 
course in physical culture, and 

Resolved, That we request the National 
Executive Committee to suggest plans and 
programs along this line and furnish these 
to the party membership, together with 
such advice in the matter as may be help- 
ful to the party membership in introducing 
such a system into our public schools. 

On motion the resolution was adopted as 

The next resolution, protesting against 
the Dillingham Bill, was then read as fol- 


Whereas, the Dillingham bill passed by 
the United States Senate would bar frpna 
this country many political refugees under 
a hollow distinction that some political 
crimes involve "moral turpitude' ; and. 

Whereas, such distinctions would destroy 
the political asylum, heretofore maintained 
in this country, for revolutionists of all 
lands, as the officials of one country can- 
not sit in judgment over the methods of 
political strife and civil war in another 
■country; and 

Whereas, Senator Root's amendment pro- 
viding for deportation without trial of 
'any alien who shall take advantage of 
his residence in the United States to con- 
spire with others for the violent over- 
throw of a foreign government, recognized 
by the United States," passed by the 
United States Senate, without a dissenting 
vote, seeks to establish In this country a 
passport system for aliens, thus destroy- 
ing at once the principle that it is the 
right of every people to overthrow by 
force, if necessary, a despotic govern- 
ment, declared in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and the principle of individual 
freedom from police supervision, hereto- 
fore held sacred in this country; therefore, 
be it 

Resolved, by the Socialist party at In- 
dianapolis. Tnd., on the jeth day of May. 
1912, in National Convention assembled, 
that we protest against this attempt of the 
United States Senate to turn the govern- 
ment of this country into a detective 
agency for foreign governments in their 
persecution of men and women fighting 
for the freedom of their native lands; be 
it further 

Resolved, That we demand that the 
United States shall remain, as heretofore, 
an asylum for political refugees from all 
countries, without any distinction as to 
political crimes or supervision of political 
refugees; and be it further 

Resolved, That a copy of these resolu- 
tions be forwarded to the President of the 
United States, Speaker of the Hoiise of 
Representatives and to every mwnbor of 
the House Committee on Immigration and 

On motion the resolution was carried. 

The next resolution, in reference to 
Toung People's Socialist organizations was 
then read as follows: 

Whereas, a fertile and promising field 
tor Socialist education is found among the 
young people, both because it reaches per- 
sons with unprejudiced and unbiased 
minds, and because It yields the most val- 
uable recruits for the Socialist movement; 

Whereas, If we can gain the ear of a 
majority of the youth of our country, the 
future will be ours, with the passing of 
the present generation. Therefore, be it 

Resolved, That We recommend and urge 
our Locals to form, encourage and assist 
Young Socialist Leagues and Young 
People's Clubs for the purpose of educa- 
ting our youth in the principles of Social- 
ism, and that this education be combined 
with social pleasures and athletic exer- 
cises; and further 

Resolved, That we recommend to the 
National Executive Committee to give such 
aid and encouragement to this worli as 
may seem to it best calculated to further 
the spread of Socialism among the youth 
of the United States. 

The resolution was adopted as read. 
DEL. SPARGO: The following resolu- 
tion on the restriction of cltizenship^sub- 
mltted by the State delegation of Wash- 
ington ils favorably reported, by your 
committee. I move its adoption: 

Whereas, The courts in charge of nat- 
uralization have shown a disposition to 
enlarge the interpretation of the rule 
which prohibits the naturalization of 
avowed anarchists, so that anyone who 
disbelieves in the present system of so- 
ciety has been held to be Ineligible to 
become an American citizen; 

And, whereas this tendency found a 
most aggravated expression in the revo- 
cation of the citizenship of Leonard Ols- 
son, a Socialist, at Tacoma, Washington, 
toy Judge Cornelius Hanford; 

Therefore be it Resolved, that the So- 
cialist party in convention assembled en- 
ters its most emphatic protest against 
such procedure and points out that the 
denial of the right of citizenship to for- 
eign born applicants not anarchists be- 
cause they hold progressive ideas inevit- 
ably forces those now voters ,jnto the 
ranks of those who believe in force and 
violence; . , , ^, ^ 

And be it further resolved that a copy 
of these resolutions be sent to the Secre- 
tary of Commerce and Labor, and that we 
demand of him that an order be issued to 
the efEeot that this rule in naturalization 
eases shall be strictly interpreted and 
not enlarged to include persons who sim- 
ply hold Socialistic or progressive social 

The motion was carried as read. 

DEL. SPARGO: This is the last resolu- 

"The convention hereby expresses its 
thanks to the ofHcers of the convention 
for their services and to the Comrades of 
Local Marion County for their hospitality 
and friendly assistance." , ^ ^ 

The resolution was carried by a unan- 
imous vote. 

DEL SPARGO: That concludes 6nT re- 

Fort and we ask our discharge. Perhaps 
ought to say here that many resolu- 
tions which referred to us when first read 
here were by us, after consideration, re- 
ferred to other committees, such as the 
committees on Platform and Constitution, 
and the National Executive Committee, 
because they seemed to us to properly 
belong to such other committees. That 


^°^^7^?f ^^ WAYS AND MEANS. 

going- to take time to read it Tt ^, "J"* 
to nothing- but th.^ wi,,^ '^ ^^ relates 
which we can rai^f. ftl% ^'i'^ means in 
candidates. Of cours/ tw 1° '^^t^* our 
ter so I am golns to a«.k .^ doesn't mat- 
to the Natlonai'So^mmittee^ wi<*h ''^'^.^J " 
ity to act. -uiamittee with author- 

ity to .act 


proletarian movement Dr^spnt/'''''"*''?^- ^ 
most serious question? t1?^^ ""l*^ ''^ the 
movement has to dea? hnt^;t^^ ^'^''^li t^e 
the following recommend Jin'^ ^°-?^'^ that 
assistance iS solvhn" ^hn!^°" ^^" "^e of 
, the. cooling '?ampa7g^. ^^^^ question for 

menT'o'rSo^b%^^SrLifn"s\ .^",^-^-«- 

'"seS^"|.e^""-^^e'loiS'try? ^^^" *^l-«» 
■'BooTte^rcTamnafo.r^'^i'^ Jhat a 1912 
toy the NatiS Exemf'tffi^ n'''' ^"^nlshed 
the secretariesof thlseve^aP^?"?'"'^^ t'' 
amount equal ,at least fnfiJ States in an 
the dues-payins- memLt. ^^^ number of 
t: be sol^ at fl.o^'^^^^^l^X each State, 
nished free to an \t^J^ "adge, and fur- 
assessment. " '^''^^ paying their ?1 00 

NationarSe^c^rlttT-v'^''f!!,. ^® i?sued by the 
at local meetfn|7and n^n'^'^^ collection^ 
"FoJrTh-3p\a4^^-^^' Wd^f"^'^- — 
through the pirtv%resl*^.*'''i .J"^ "lade 
Party communiea«on« Lf^l through all 
naturally into the Sands of""®^ *° *a" 
labor make common pn,,L^ ■Vt^''''' ^hat 
cialist Party by contrfhn.T "^i^h the So- 
Palgn Fund, and bv vn^fd"^ *.° **« ^am- 

labo/s ticket-the ticket of fh* *S*^ -P-^^^ 
Party. ^ ucKet of the Socialist 

thr^^iS-Th'e NL\TnaI*'^1lull%- ^"¥^^«on 
Locals that the wom^n £""®t^" to the 
special Programsr^Takin^ T%1f,1 ^P* -^^ 
for admission is a nit „ +f ? ^"^^ charge 

in splendid propa-andfl il^'^ "^i"^"^'^ ^^^"it 
revenue. i'' "^'a^^anda as well as some 

^^'^'^^er%^k'fsZZ%lH resolution of 
eral Southern States^ wf hfr"'''^ ^"^ ^^v- 
lowing to bP thf' ?,.: ^^ believe the fol- 
same. Much pliL^'"''^*'" -Si^Posal of the 
fore this commftii''*' IT^s .submitted le- 
for assistan^'e^'ol^'^thf To "t^ '^^ "e«ds 
mentioned. We reenm™«SS"t5*'''° States 
tional Bxecutlvt Comm^f"'^ *^^t the Na- 
needs of eklh sS"e l^h^^^ "PO" the 
through the regular offl<-.,^i^il Presented 
g-ive all possible as.,, ^^^'"^^ channels and 
so applying an d^i.ii^"^'^ to all States 
States \hat fhe applic'atlons'^f "'^ **? "^^^ 
by the said States sDepifT+T,"-'" assistance 
needs, as for instanclK^'^'l Particular 
grs are routed tbrmJl?^**^'^®" speak- 
States they"le %f}lnf2^^^ .the Southern 
State organizltfnr,« ^'^ ^'^ the respective 
that no Norf^ern orJ'J?;-"^ ^^ the fie! 
as good resulls as^T^S'^**^^ ^^-^n secure 
local conditions W^ IS familiar with 
n?end that this resent i..*^®i;®^°^«' recom- 
the National Executivpn.^'' referred to 


Of Socialism to"^ tife unilim?eJ'''ind°^h^^ 
termlne wh'Lfe The^^sUl^ff te^|,,L^/- 

&^^^i%ie1S?^-bo^f*l!,--'^^^^^^^ ana 
the party fund^ fr?n, " ^® spared from 
spent The sH^ei to hi'T "^^^J*^ ^^ wei 
eanizers, fecturirs a,^d ^"^n^^^ed to or- 
houses at cost |Sd sp^« +^",7'''^ Picture 
at Will by purchaser^ wT,*"^ ^® exchanged 
condition We believe ^^l^r.i^^'Pt in good 
suit eventually in onp of tS^'^'i ^°^1<3 re- 
of propaganda ^'^ ^^'^ ^®«t mean.s 

^ ARTI-fn^ fH-^^"ted. 
^TT rT V,^ ^^^ SUEUR. 

^^n^^^^Jr ^■' BROWN 

I4. B. IRWIN, ' 


PortTfr'^fTrtd^^toThT'^^'^ *^^t tho re- 
mittee, which motion ^^..^^'"Paign Com- 
TELEGRAM TO OOMi??T?.T?arried. 

^EL. SEIDEL (Wi^ v'^H®. JOM MANN, 
present a mes^as^P LV-i" ^should like to 
tion to send ft tl T^^ ^ ^^'^ convon- 
who has been jailed P^v""".^^^- England 
soldiers not to fire unon tif'^-^'^''^^ the 
brothers. I have IdnnfiJ, their working 
ods in the citv of mR^^*^ similar mcth- 
the Chief of Po^iice n^t f''"^''^' • directing 
of the police deRartmpnF°+ P^^it tie use 
ers of the police Ii2fnatt°h''^% *•'?'' P"^^'" 
do not believe that ,•? • ^^? striker.s. I 
should pay Ilxes—an^ '^ "^'^t that xve 
you say w^ ht?f ^^"f^ ",« "tatter what 
maintain governmpnt^ ^^ taxes; you can't 
out taxation— lTon4 ^If- ^^^.utes with- 
that the taxes we Sav shonTi " i^ ■"'^^'^t 
maintaining a nohVp^/ "J^ ^° toward.-^ 
kind of military force PhSl""^",,* °^ "'^y 
out to improve m-; 1^ • that when I so 
mailed flat of noi?^^ iivmg condition that 
used aSst me''\o\Vl]i^^''^ ^I"''^^'^ '^^ 
don't think there is «rf^ ?" ^°-'^'^- ^ 
country or anv nthil S"^ .°^ass in this 
the right fo expert thaff""*'"^- t'^at hnve 
its police department *«r''''-'? H «oWiers. 
stabuiary. "^^^'^^^ment or its state eon- 
sent *in'tliTamp^nf*?^^* ^^^^ message be 
America to T^m Mann ^^'L'^'^l^* ^arty of 
England: Mann, Manchester JaO 

a^SfSSie"^^ ^^-r yo-r stand 

3s Sa'in and" imply sav^^h^^J'^- I think it 
murder our brofhterl ^* ^® ^"«t not 

unanfmous/r ^^^ seconded and carried 

™a'^t''by'^t&Te°v^if>,,^,fPorts have been 
ganizations afflliat^fl ^fA^"*?P'^aking or- 
«fflce. I move that the^hp *"• National 
out reading and mnJ^f^o '^ received with- 
ceedlngs. lec?^deT^^d"c^?r7ed°.' '^" ^^°- 

^^^^^ aiiu carried. 

OOMMITt™ ON ™^ H^„^^ 

»EL. GATT.n-pn /irr.- , ' . 

/"^^nvfstiSt^o^^ <f-,); A committee 
Movement was pro^fdei^^.^a^^^^il^ 

■_!:'■' ■ #>'*il' J:i '#-t^-yt. 

J. ^'i^^.'.^-(ffy"^ifli^^ i;'V''V,^^f''-'^f1^V^^'^""^ 

AFTlvRNOCN Sl'-.SSION, MAY 18„ 1'.I12 



come up under unfinished business at this 
time The committee have talked ,the 
matter over and unanimously recommend 
that these names be placed upon that 
committee subject to the approval of the 
National Executive Committee, and with 
power to fill vacancies. Comrades Vlag. 
New York, Edwards, Texas, Hayes o|^ Illi- 
nois, Gaylord, Wisconsin, Corey, Wash-, 

^There is a special reason for putting 
Comrade Hayes on this committee. He is 
connected with the mine workers where 
there is a movement or this kind under 
way. For myself I will promise the co- 
operation of one great University and I 
am positive that I can secure the co-oper- 
ation of another for such impartial in- 
vestigation of this subject as we have 
never had in this country. 

The motion of Delegate Gaylord was 


DEL. WILSON (Cal.): In connection 
with the recommendation by Comrade 
Thompson that a committee of -seven 
members be elected for State and Munic- 
ipal Program, I move that the existing 
committco be continued as that ccaamit- 

The motion was seconded and carried. 

DEL. JACOBS (Wis.): Comrade Berg- 
er's report is here in print. I mo-ye that 
it be received and made a part of the pro- 
ceedings of this convention. ■, ^ , 

The motion was seconded and adopted. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I have something 
that may require action by the conven- 

"°''" "Indianapolis, Ind., May ,lg, 1912. 

"To the Delegates of the National Con- 
vention: . .. ,„„™ 
"I hereby tender my resignation from 

your Committee on Immigration. 


A DELEGATE: I don't blame him 

THE CHAIRMAN: This Committee on 
Immigration was continued. Shall we nil 
the vacancy now? „ , ., t.z,„t 

DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I move that 
the Committee be given power to till the 
vacancy. , ^ j ^^^h^rt 

The motion was seconded ana aaoptea. 

DEL. KATE SADLER: I just want to 
have the last word from Washington to 
let the convention know that Wastiing- 
ton Is still ahead of the procession. In 
the first resolution today we recommended 
the nomination of woman candidates. We 
expect our leader and standard bearer in 
the next campaign to be a woman, Com- 
rade Anna Maley of Washington. 

(Loud cheers.) 

DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): I move that 
this convention exten.l to the Press of 
Indianapolis a vote of I hanks for the 
courteous treatment tlml b.-is lHH\n ac- 
corded to this convention. 

The motion was carrioii uiKUiinioiiHly. 

DEL. WILSON (Cal.): 1 nu>vr that for 
the next National Conv^Milion Hh- NatJotial 
Executive Committee 1»o inHtriicica to co- 
operate with the local comradcw in order 
to conduct during the convention or at its 
close, a significant public meeting or pub- 

lic meetings. Instead of having thing" 
conducted as they were this time. 

DEL, MERRICK (Pa.); I mo^'e to lay 
the motion on the table. 

DEL. SPARGO (Vt.) : I protest againsi 
the adoption of the resolution because ol 
the intimation contained in it that the 
National Executive Committee at this 
convention would not co-operate with the 
local comrades. I remind you further that 
there are certain well established usages 
about the reception of conventions. When 
we go to a town or city to hold our con- 
vention the comra.des in that city become 
our hosts. It is their practice to arrange 
meetings and we co-operate with them. 
In this instance the local comrades ar- 
ranged an impossible schedule, and then 
the National Executive Committee, in the 
interests of the convention had to consult 
with those comrades and try to get 
things arranged on a satisfactory basis. 
I object to this eleventh hour slap in the 
face given to the National Executive 
Committee, and we might be better em- 
ployed singing the Marseillaise before we 
go home. 

THE CHAIRMAN: I don't think that 
Comrade Wilson intended any slur on the 
National Executive Committee. 

DEL. WILSON; I had no such thing in 
my mind. My hope was that at the 
next National Convention we should have 
meetings, and have them of such a char- 
acter and such significance as would 
stamp our influence upon that community 
as we had the opportunity to do la'at 

THE CHAIRMAN; All in favor of this 
motion will say aye. 

The motion was carried, 

DEL. DUNCAN (Mont): I think tliere 
is some misapprehension here as to a 
petition that has been circulated in the 
convention. It has been stated here this 
afternoon that there is no disposition on 
the part of us -who arc signing this peti- 
tion to re-open a matter which was de- 
cided in this convention. This petition 
is in accordance with the new constitu- 
tion which allows a certain number of 
delegates to send for submission to the 
party referendum an alternative section or 
paragraph or article when the matter 
goes out to the party. This petition is 
simply to bring up an alternative para- 
graph to be submitted to the full referen- 
dum of the party, so that the whole party 
may have a chance to choose between the 
statement adopted here yesterday regard- 
ing our attitude toward labor organiza- 
tions, or the one that some of the rest of 
us wanted to ha,ve adopted. We do not 
wish you to go kway with the idea thp^t 
we. have misled you into thinking that 
the matter is not to be opened elsewhere. 
It is not to be opened on the floor of this 
convention, and we simply want the party 
to express its opinion on this subject. 
DEL. BERGER (Wis.); They will. 
A telegram was read from the secre- 
tary of the Socialist Party in San Diego: 
"Attorney Fred Moore and stenographer 
arrested this morning. Charges not 
known. Writ of habeas corpus in prepara- 
tion. Vigilantes active."" 

DEL .RPARGO: Mr. Chairman, I now 
move you that we adjourn sine die. Sec- 

The motion was carried. 

The convention then adjourned sine die. 




Rules of the Socialist Party, National Convention, 1912. 

be*eleitPd ^it"Jh° u'^^- vice-chairman shall 
sission. *^^ beginning of each day'! 

«sicft'nv,^c ^^^J"'^"®"* secretary and two aa. 

24 nie?I„S^?r a^.-fsnii^r-|^Hrfflf 
serve m relays of 8 snail 

of tabulating the vote on thl 4^- Purpose 

tioLl^^o'nsti'tu?l^„^"^1| ."^"^^^'^ ^- the Na- 
"^^er^""'"^^ **" Piatform of 9 mem- 

A Committee on Constitution of 9 


• ^m^e^S.ers"'"' ''" Resolutions of 9 
^9''rembS ^"^ ^'^^' ^"^ ^«^«« «f 

'^OffiS"of y^J^^Pi,"*^ '^^ National 

A >il ../'^ ' members. 

Hnr!l^"«f*1:^ ""^ International Rela- 

„„.;i ^-T, "^",^, ^"^ ^ members. 

than b^f> ^llT^!?^ additional committees 

Somno««^ ^* t^^^' *^?-^ committee to be 

eHnd of nh^^%. number of delegate stat- 

fhe^same "tatT: ' ^'^^^ """ 'Jelegate froir 

^b^r"^"''"^ Committee of 5 mem- 

^'ber"'*'"™^' ^''"imittee of 5 mem- 

A Committee on Foreign SoeakiTi^ 
Organisations of 9 mfmbers ^ 

A Committee on Labor Orgknlza. 
I'^Zt''^^ Their Relation to the So- 

& A^l^* Pai'ty of 9 members; 

meSbersf'' "" Co-Operatives of 7 

A Committee on State and Munfof 

N^"£li^l?F |^s^?o^^e?;2:^ J^ad lro;^^rt*Sni^l?t*o'^^I.'ea*r^ ^^^" 
IZt ^ = ^" - - ^4h?s^es^on"s'^iroT- 
previous ouostlon'*h^aT"b'een^*canel? ^Ijl 

m'Ss^. ^?soTh'],t^l1^ ""^^ ^^^^1^ for 5 


Sre^tfo^nn-he^ Jtf n%7i^oi^- € 1 SH^ 
question shall be obeyed Particular 

thi'-abfe^n°c\ ''o1'iny°"deiSe''"?^^"^^f *" 

eci!ive'"c^"mSj^e^^4b°o^*r"e%^f%r ^■ 
?Sfoe^^a^nd^n%"ro?i glH^ "h^^: ^-e^ a 

delegatS'*JhIll ^^^^^f"""^ ^^ contested 

in r/la|ntonWrV^iglirto\Ts^ard"°'^ 

^'it'^'I ^ ??^Jo»-Jty of'anX vois'^cast'' 

^^B - -?"esf ol^fb^^^- 
United St|?es Vice-President of the 

floor' of "'.1,.''''^;""'°?? o««rBd from the 
bv tl,» <^,?™2"''f"'.'5" "■"»" »• referred 
Kiho5t^a?^JSo;5° ""' """>" «'<>■»«"««»» 

pSlKfh.Ari fu'"'^"'^ *'"'. Irasiness then 





The Order of Business for each day of 
the Convention shall be as follows: 

1 The Convention shall be called to or- 
der by the Chairman of the preceding 
dly. or In his absence by the Vlce-Chair- 
maii. or the National Secreta,ry. and the 
Chairman and Vice-Chairman shall be 
elected for the day, as otherwise directed. 

2. Boll call of delegates, unless di's- 
pensed with upon motion. 

3 Reading of Minutes of prc>cedln« 

day, unless dispensed with on moLlon. 

4, Communii'atioiiH. 

6. Reports on Credentials 

6. Unfinished business of the previous 

^l' Reports of Committees in the order 
above enumerated, except that the report 
of the Representative in Congress shall 
follow the report of the Committee on In- 
ternational Relations. 

8. New business. 

9. Adjournment. 




Eeport of Committee on Education. 




The industrial revolution has made the 
development of individual skill essential 
to the maintenance of ihe various produc- 
tive processes. Although the specializa- 
tion of processes has made it possible to 
employ profitably larger and larger numr 
bers of unskilled workers, economically 
and commercially efficient production re- 
ally calls for a larger proportion of skilled 
workers than were employed even when 
production was largely carried on by 
means of hand labor. The reason for ■ 
this may be seen in the fact that on the 
one hand the proportion of agricultural 
laborers has steadily decreased, while the 
proportion of those engaged in manfac- 
ture and transportation has increased; 
and on the other hand, the increased use 
of machinery in agriculture and transpor- 
tation, together with the specialization in 
agricultural methods, create the need for 
skilled workers even in these branches 
of production. 

The intense competition between the 
capitalists of different countries has led 
to the organization and administration of 
industries upon the principle of quick re- 
turns. As a result, low-grade labor ap- 
plied to specialized processes has been 
exploited to the utmost. In conseauence 
of this practice, the cultivation of agen- 
cies to supply skilled labor has been neg- 
lected. On the other hand, boys and girls 
sent to the factories early in life and at- 
tached to the specialized machines, have 
been given no opportunity to acquire trade 
knowledge and trade skill commensurate 
with a high earning power. 

Cheap child labor was able for years 
to yield satisfactory returns to the capi- 
talists. It is not, however. Capable either 
of sustaining industries in competition 
with skilled workers, or of developing 
a population having high standards of 
livmg. In other words, the retention of 
large portions of the population at low 
levels of industrial skill is not only ex- 
tremely wasteful economically, however 
profitable it may have been to certain 
Classes of capitalists in the past, but it is 
positively disastrous socially. A mass of 
unskilled workers, being poorly paid, nec- 
essarily maintain a low standard of liv- 
ing; but what is still worse, such a body 
IS a fertile breeding spot for all social 
vices and a source of crime and misery 
that make the task of the social worker 
and educator almost hopeless. Unskilled 
and untrained workers are condemned not 
to frugal lives, but to miserable lives. 
The misery of the poverty resulting from 
such conditions lies in the moral debase- 
ment which it involves. Or, we may say 
that a population of skillful workers is 
more productive and more pi-osperous even 
under modern capitalistic conditions. Giv- 


en the machinery anil the technology To- 
day available, a highly skilled body of 
workers has the possibilities of high- 
grade living; with the same machinery 
and technology, an unskilled population 
is condemned to inhuman conditions of 

Hand in hand with the development of 
our industry there has been a decay of 
the ancient methods for developing skill 
in workers. On the one hand. Industries 
have been driven from the home, where 
formerly the children became acquainted 
with many processes and principles which 
the children of today for the raost part 
do not learn. On the other hand, the in- 
dustries have become specialized so that 
the young boy or girl going into the mills 
or shops has no opportunity to acquire 
a trade. It has been more profitable for 
the employers to keep the children at the 
special machines than to teach them the 
ti-ades; it has also been more remunera- 
tive to the children, for the time being, to 
stay at a single machine than to learn the 
trade. The demand for quick profits on 
the one hand, and the necessity for max- 
imum family earnings on the other, have 
between them done much to destroy the 
apprenticeship possibilities of modern in- 

Even when large manufacturers realize 
the importance of training up skilled 
workers, they are frequently deterred by 
the consideration that after a workman 
is trained there is no assurance that his 
superior services will be available to the 
employer that went to the trouble and ex- 
pense of training him. For\ well-known 
reasons, the working population is un- 
stable. Changes of Industrial methods, 
fluctuations in market conditions, the 
state of "finances," political expediency or 
pressure, industrial disputes and other so- 
cial forces constantly drive the workers 
hither and thither. On the other hand, 
the sons and daughters of the workers 
could not for the most Jjart afford to ap- 
prentice themselves to a trade because for 
a few years a young person can make 
jnore money at odd jobs and at special- 
ized factory work than at an appreiitice- 
ahlp; and the few dollars additional is an 
important consideration to the parents. 
The result has been that more than half 
Of the young people who leave the schools 
at about the age of fourteen drift into oc- 
cupations which have absolutely no future 
tor them except to continue to work as 
men and women at wages that can be 
earned by boys and girls. 

The fact that the industries have been 
fJ^^Xf"+i,^'"°'? "^*^ ^°™^ ^'^'^ apprenticeship 
^2 * i^^ shops necessitates ,a new Instru- 
J^^?,o/^^,'^^X?'PI""^ t'^® potential skill and 
Industrial efficiency of the boys and girls 
Who are to be the workers of the rising 
generation. The gradual extension of the 

I ^1 -^..r-iriieK- but it is also in large 
■ : V "; „r U. the kro wing need for a means 
develop industrial slull, f^<^-^.}}J^,^'it, 
irreason that attention is directed^o 
n,.%riiools in connection with prooieiua 
, ndus?rikl Efficiency, commercial suprem- 
acy, agricultural adequacy, etc. 

^" ^"- QUATE. 

Thf> c-chools on their side have never 

„^ r>f thp various communities, ine woi«. 
of ?he schools not only deals with tradi- 
Hnn? the accumulated wisdom and experi- 
ence of thf race; its very process Is trad ; 
??ixfai iv. rnanner The organization of our 
Sols follows an tncient model, whereby 
what is established and accepted is readily 
^narted to the youth; but whereby what- 
ever i^ new or different is sharply scru- 
tofzed .and frequently discredited. Now 
the traditional in educationis of a nature 
flint i=! admirably adapted to the neeob ui 

still, in large measure, for th^ P^o^'^s.^e^^f 
Hi workers, and even tor tne icihuiB u 

the customs and manners of their eiay:=. 
«r,d their education In efficiency in_tn<' 
hSmes and fields and shops. The admis- 
sion of the mLses to the schools has com- 
^ dpd with the elimination of the various 
. complex' productive Processes from the 
homes and from the daily efP«"^^°^TrRS 
iVri p-hildren The social life, too, has 

and one intimately related to tne conai 
tions and manners of modern life. 

Leaders of trade and labor or|anizations 
have for many years realized the necess^iy 
for supplementing the work of the schools 
and the opportunities ^^ ^^!^i^,,^hops w„ii 
additional training specifically related to 

fcho'ofs ,and mTlla -dustry.Ma^ny spe- 
cif Srpose'SI ^i%T^g'y"unr™ and 

the rank and file of the ,^^'!"'' V, ,,-,5,.,, 
most of those who donated l'\ '^'/ ■\V,V;.'n v 
ment of such schools had in "'''''V. '\ ^"^ 
the provision of opportunities lot ";'„,, L 
eeptionally able and ambilin us, rather 
+^aTi education lor the mass of worKcrs. 
%Ve recently there has be.^i a grow njT 
realization for the necessity of intro< u. n, 
f-^tiV^trYal education systematically to IIh 
end thaf every prospectlye worker .sh.U 

have an opportunity t« acc,ulr*^a .x^aH-.n- 
able degree of sl^\ll ""'^ 'V;;KiuK years. 
fore entering ^^^^.J^l^.^ "^ uyA and 
That this feeling was ui...l "ij, ^ 

"ploite? ty '"Vl.irjfaS iS'o' u a"l.o»°- 

^^A^^stlv asked for the introduction of 
^aXl training into the public schools; 
niev never organized an extensive agita- 
l-^I nr. the subiect. But because the man- 
nfacturersdi^ organize such an agitation, 
l^A'^elfuse they used 'gather crude argu- 

Sln?m^embers ITU lalor'^organT^ons 
at one™ became suspicious of the motives 

Ind purposes of the "^f ^„^f/?t™^rial ed- 
rr-ha VisilrlpKt arKument tor inausLiidi "su 
ucl?i!.n t^?hit"|lilled workers earn more 
wflETPS than unskilled, and that a pupuid^ 
S made^ up of skilled workers i^ th^^^^; 
fore more Prosperous, and the state or 
community that educates its children to 
ndustrial efficiency ^^ better o^? ^i^^j.^^! 

rially euucaieu wuij>.i"& ^"f 

fo aveifues of personal culture and satis^ 
faction of which no one today shouia oe 
dtprived These two views are both true 
Snmif^h >U they are not necessarily m 
conflict' Whatever the employer may 
thfnk of the desirability of iberalizmg 
education for all the PeopI^, he k^ows that 
the raw material supplied him ^7 the 

rort'\s^"a"bodj"of well^frain^ed' work- 
gien And wliatever the worker may thmk 
^f mif nrevaillng economic system, he 
must recognize thft higher skill commands 

^^l^hf edufafors and teachers hav% taken 
un a thorough and systematic considera- 
?fon%f the°pfoblem only wnhm a .^ery^ 
trf^arq Renresentmg the impersonal yuu 
Tc" and trying to vfew the situation with- 
nut bias they have found a thud point 01 

*J^t that qocietv, as represented by .its 

kinds of lives that the 7^^^^^ ™^\°^^e'Yives 
prejudice to the education of tliose who 

!ri°mS^! ^^o-kf.?rt^e;s^s^S 

tr^^uX^'oJ ^;;^ V^^bo^rind ?irl,"each 

^1 nri si >uTI h .vo the same opportunity _to 
hr.rorru n ■( ■ cT,t worker as is now giv- 
llf t!> llH r-'m- per cent who become pro- 

^'■TnV'uM.r''poi^t''that must ^e .emphasized 
I J \. ' ,.,li cator as representing the in- 
?..'. s < r'oSetV as a.whole i.s the impor- 
l.ncc of tiaining for citizenship. The eie- 
nu'nlary instruction in reading, writing 



f'om . ■""?l<:ler an adeciuate return 

lo OSS -■. thTly^ certainly Lt sufflcie™ 

resenting the interest^ nfo ^^'^^^^^ ^^ ^^p- 


tional edi'^cafion for rh""/ -^n^ °"" .time^voca! 
ters. Private schnni^?. clerics ■ or mlnis- 
cial branches of raechiniol?V'V«"f *" ^P^" 
commerce, as well a« n„w!- ^^^t*'^ or of 

and other proressionnl T^J^nof®*^^'"^"^'"^ 
•quipment necessarv ?n^ Yocations. The 

?h^-^rrSlnTn\°^f il ^-^^^ fhenfsel^Jer^o^ 
variout ?mfes ""^'^ ''"^ ^^'"^n for the 



theZlf^^LilZ'^l'^' 'V^"^'^- that is not 
not only skilled wo?ker^s'''bSf'r "^^% 
women of indenprnlfirTt I' ■ ^^ '"^'^ and 
women with Sn gpSreciafon'of t?f ^" ^""l 
ing: of civilization men a n.i L}^" mean- 
can insist UDon havir.^ ^ ^ women who 
than mere opportimif# to ^'^ °"^ V? ^^^^ 
Now we cannot depend unnn ^^ "" living, 
ducted for- profit to I ve us surh^^^^ °°'^- 
women; we cannot rqo,^<.„1 "^^ ^^«^" and 
endowed by phnanthroD?st^ '-''''°" ^°^°°^^ 
men and women; we Sot d^'n^ !5^ ^""'^ 
schools operated bvr.^1^^^*?®^'^"'^ "PO" 
us the deslrfd type of ed,>^*l'^"^ to give 
public cares for educitfo,^ f^'T ■" "^^ 
such results the ^1?^?^ i^, }^^^ ^""^ at 
lish and control the Ir-h^^V"^ 'f''^^^ ^stab- 
devolves upon the puw^n^nl; W^^^<^retore 
and to extend its proeram fn?^\ *? modify 

mg for vocational elSc^nevTV''- ""'?■ 
the public school t>ir+„'^- . ^^ ^^ only 
terests of the childrL°''^i= Prptect the in- 
well as. advance' thoJetatlre'ill '"''""' ^^ 

which is being t^,>S^ P'tft-.time schools 

many Points? §ndIr?hisnlTnTw*^"-^ ^^ 
arrangement betwf^pn £™ i ^^^^^ ^^ ^n 
school officLl« w^l".,,„?"^?oyers and 

tTb d?v1slSn^ff^°U"?s%a^^^^ ^" ^'^^ ^^<^" 
nate weeks o?hai?dn^ 7^'''°^^^^'' ^"er- 
in the shop, etc in thHl ■■'°''°°^?:"'^ half 
have an opportunitv t^ ^i ^""^ ^^^ boys 
under shop cond tjons ^v^-^'■'' ^i^ "^ *''^'*« 

watched ^wVtr in?f?lst^"'a's"*fhe^*^°"''^ ^« 
very instructive as tn r^ ),^®J ^^^^ ^e 
ducting industrfal ;n„.a^™®"^^'^® °^ con- 
not likely to be enfirew^'^?' J'"* ^^^y are 
under some of the arrLt^''''^''?*^''^ since 
plover detArrJr^J.„ i:r_'*."f ements the em 

«.4bHJ.^h1i^^bren7o'4'ri^'^nf f"^""^ ^g-*'^'^* 
thropic motivis m>,,^^A*t, ^"""^ Philan- 
excellent work ^thn^,S^ these have done 

tion school estlblfsh^^i"^^^ *' the corpora- 
some Indus'trv fni +h ^ ™ connection with 

workers for '^haTln'dul'tr;''°"l ?* ^^^^'^^'^ 
railrnari n.^v,.„„„L„ "■'^stry. _ A number 

Ployer determines what hn"^"'*^ ^he em- 
not to have an op^ortunu/ t.^'i'' °^ ^'"^ 

of ?he ^Ichoot ?o°o"Zch° %'i.%^* theVo^k 
must not be allowed to contrni^*^'"^^?^®^^ 

indus'r^al'^'^^u'r'serwith^^ ^^^« introduced 
industrial educa t?oi7 , J^^ "" '''f^ *« giving 
mercial shops a^e^k^u.^f^'^T^'^t"* of com? 
at first, and'^fof ^n'^^lrJf A« h^ndmapped 


fre^q'"uIntlVhad°\'he°d.*r'.^i".^ ^^^'^''^ have 
more conLrned -^ith JSf,^ ^Ht ^^ey were 
fee than they weTe wifb t ,"^' -t^® student's 
ble workers The nhnl^fi?'"^-""* ^^Pa- 
dowed schools are a^^ 'i'^^^^'^oPlS or en- 
far as they go- bnt fhi^ J''^'' effleient as 
ment make"^ then? verv nlf.';"? ?^ Manage- 
needs of emplov?rI y^ Sof:?* ^omeet the 
disputes. Th is i? i^f.,rt»K?^^ P^ industrial 
pend altogether Snon tl*"' '''"''® ^^""^ ^^- 
g-ood will ?f men be?ono-in^%.''?tpP°''t ^"'^ 
ing class. The corpSinf -. ^^^ employ- 
ship schools hai7P?^fu°" S^ apprentice- 
the most effeeU^e tv^^s^^^"^-^-' P'^oduced 

•sldllld 'nSa-n?cs^'?h'e '\ l^^^a^^lnf hWy 

in sufficient numbers R,ft^^. teacher, 
type of school Win pro^abith''*'i?;"^ t^"« 
satisfactory. A temnnra^, ^ ^"^ ^he most 
have to se?ve foV^'^^J^J^^^.^.^e^^^e that will 

tinuation school; whether^'dav n"" *^^ °.°- 
These schools, conducted h? il ''^'''^\^.r- 
school officials fiiT-vTi^v. °a "^ "^® public 
mentary to the varfn^,s^'^.''°^"°" supple- 
boys and 2-irT^ w^^ 1?^^ occupations for 
before refeivin^?.±^%^*° S-o to work 
These seh'o'oTafe spSllzed f^^'^^^^^lon. 
needs of different ^t-^"- * ™®'^* ^^^ 
Evening- schools should h'e ".i.-^«^^^^«- 

irult«oV%^e/u€rof^t^^^'^' -^°e 

tend school without det'?-?"''^"/*"/ ^o at^ 

'll'o"or^dinV?H"^^-^°^--^^^ '"'" 

school admin}°tratio''n'r"*"^.,™^t^°'is of 
remains in s"hoof as Tr,^o.^"^'l- ^^"^^-allr 
can al¥ord to keen h m^wn^^'^l Parent^ 

family can^n^To^.i^n^-f 001 when^hts 

tliiMi", whclliiT hi: la benivfltlng from the 
.•dm ii 1 iiiii i.r- liot,. In oitlior both tlio 
anioui.i ..111! (Ik: Itind of seliooling are 
iii;i,<U «<) <ii poiiil loo frequently upon the 
Ihiaacial toiujitioii of the family instead 
of upon the capacity and the interests of 
the pupil. 

In recognition of the unhappy results 
of the haphazard selection of occupations 
and of schooling, there has grown the 
movement for vocational guitlaijce. Vo- 
cational guidance is a logical consequence 
of present-day conditions, and especially 
of the establishment of industrial educa- 
tion. The principles developed by the stu- 
dents of vocational guidance, although 
the stuay is still in its beg'inning, can be 
applied to the problem of how pupils are 
to be distributed With respect to the aif- 
ferent vocational courses. This is espe- 
cially important for .avoiding the diver- 
sion of boys and girls into "blind-alley" 

If, however, it is acknowledged that pu- 
piLs should be prepared for the vocations to 
which they are best fitted by native capac- 
ities and interests, insofar as the needs 
of tlie various callings will permit, there 
are at once raised two other problems that 
are fundamental. The first is, how can we 
assure the pupil that he will not be 
obliged to quit school anfl go to work be- 
fore his training is completed? And the 
second is, how can we assure the pupil 
-that there will be an opportunity for him 
to serve in the chosen calling after his 
schooling is completed? 

In regard to the first of these problems, 
we have to go beyond the usual compul- 
sory-education_ laws. As at present ad- 
ministered these laws simply keep ,an un- 
willing boy or girl in school, or deprive 
the family of the earnings of the child. 
Of Course, the child should have all the 
schoolin.g that he can possibly turn to 
good Use; however, when the compulsion 
is resented by both pupil and parent, noth- 
ing but bitterness results. In some states 
the plan of subsidizing older pupils as 
long as they remain' in school has resulted 
in an Increased attendance. The propsal 
to pay pupils for attending school will 
have to be seriously considered, for it is 
more important to society that each indi- 
vidual be adequately trained than that the 
child should earn the few paltry doFlars. 
Not only is it true that in general the 
days of youth are for learning, not earn- 
ing; but we must recognize that beyond 
a certain point the Cost of the child's edu- 
cation should fall properly upon society 
as a whole rather than upon the parent; 
and where the cost becomes a hardship, 
in the sense that the parents cannot sup- 
port the child at school, the burden must 
be borne by society. 

In regard to the second question, that 
of assuring employment to those who have 
been eduiy^ted for special kinds of work, 
the immediate outlook is not very clear. 
Public schooling cannot long be continued 
on the theory that it is to prcvfiare individ- 
ual pupils for a keener compc'tition with 
one .another. Public schooling r.nn be sup- 
ported only on the theory that il conliib- 
Utesto some common or sotunl a.^1 v:i iitnge. 
No"w the common intorest.s roq uir^^ 
every employable adult be given an op- 
portunity to work, and that the worker 
and work be as comfortably and as effi- 
ciently adjusted to each other a.s posalble. 
It is possible, by means of suitnlth,^ statis- 
tical studies, to approximate with n 
de,gree of accuracy the proportions of an 
existing body of children that couhl he 
profitably prepared for given v<)<;ations 

to be entered upon by them say ton yenrs 

hence. But If all our children nrn thuH 
directed into the various;H n.inl |ii<i- 
fessions, there is no assurance tliat nil of 
them will find remunerative employment 
vsrhen they are prepared for it. As long 
as the private ownership and control oi 
the large instruments of production and 
distribution keeps a certain proportion of 
the population always unemployed, it Is 
impossible to foretell what proportions 
will be employed when all are employable. 
The ultimate solution of this problem lies, 
of course, in society's ownership of^its in- 
dustries as well as of itS' educational ma- 

Other problems suggested, such as the 
disposition of the" product of the school 
shops, the training of teachers, etc., do 
not affect the general principles discussed. 



High skill among workers necessary to 
maintain industrial advance. 

High skill necessary to .give workers 
a decent basis for living, i 

Industrial training no longer possible 
n the home. 

Industrial training no longer sufficiently 
available in the industries themselves. 
. Lack of training drives the majority of 
hlldren into "blind-alley" occupations that 
ead to nothing. 

pjxtension of the functions of the 
school suggested as a means for furnish- 
ing industrial training. 


The schools have to do with matters that 
are important to those who enter the 

Most of the school work is of no signifl- 
canpe to those Who are to do other kinds 
of work. 

We must still depend upon the school to 
preserve and to transmit accumulated race 
experience, "culture" and the basis of civ- 

Need for Industrial education apprecia,- 

ted by the workers. 

Systematic agitation for it started by 

Employers look to getting better work- 
ers and hence larger profits. 

Workers look to getting higher wagefe. 

Educators and publiCfists are concerned 
primarily ^vith producing better men and 
women, and with making better citizens. 

Industrial training must be introduced, 
but it must not interfere with training for 
citizenship and for culture, 



Private schools; conducTM for profit. 
These are more concerned with fees than 
with efficiency of work. 

Endowed or philanthropic schools; these 
frequently do good work on the technical 
side, contribute little or nothing to citiz~en- 
ship or culture, and are under the domina- 
tion, as a rule, of the employers. 

Corporation or apprenticeship schools; 
these do very effective work^ so far as they 
go: tboy are completely dominated by tlie 
iiitcrr.'iis of the employers, and ignore, as 
M rnl<\ nil that has to do with civilized 
IrviiiK- .-umI with citizenship. 

f'lildio schools; these being under the 
coTiliol of the public, cannot be so readily 
diverted to the service of a portion of the 



NATTONM. ROC I ,\ I , l : '.T C ( ) WSfTTOHf^' 

public; they carry the traditions of educa- 
tion for citizenship and culture. 

rart-time schools; advantage of co- 
operation between shop and school; danger 
of olass domination and restriction. 


Control must be truly representative of 
the public. 

Public education shouia not be uniform 

Differentiated courses should be admin- 
istered with reference to the needs and 
capacities of pupils, not with reference to 
the economic status of the parents. 

There should be systematic study of vo- 
cational guidance. 

There is implied a school- attendance 

And the ultimate control of industry by 
the public. 


1. Approval of national, state and local 
action leading to the establishment of vo 
cationa] instruction in the elementary 
schools. ("Vocational includes agricultural, 
commercial, domestic and professional as 
well as industrial. Much of the school 
work is already vocational for those en- 
tering the professions — about (our per cent 
of the pupils; no changes are needed in 
this direction.) 

2. Approval of the establishment of vo- 
cational g-uidance work in cities and towns. 

3. Approval of extension of census 
work, or the establishment of permanent 

census work in the direction of yielding 
information as to the industrial changes 
and as to the character of the population. 

4. Approval of extension of age of 
compulsory education, with provisions for 
monetary compensation wherever neces- 

5. Support of legislation that will pro- 
hibit all work for children which does not 
lead to increasing economic and social 

6. Opposition to arrangements between 
school (public) officials and shop owners 
that leave the control of the education in 
the hands of the employers. 

7. Insistence upon the control of indus- 
trial education being in the hands of truly 
representative bodies. 

8. Insistence upon the subordination, in 
public schools, of skill and speed to under- 
standing and appreciation. 

9. Insistence upon emphasis being laid 
upon citizenship and manhood and woman- 

10. Insistence upon administration that 
will permit of flexible readjustment of 
pupils to their own developing powers on 
the one hand, and to changing economic 
conditions on the other. 

Fraternally submitted, 
BERTHA H. MAILLY. Committee. 

fNote: This report was not adopted by 
the convention, but referred to a new 
standing connmlttee on the subject.—^ 

Eeport of Committee on Commission Form of Government. 







J. J. Jacobsen (Iowa), Chairman. 
Carl D. Thompson (Wis.), Secretary, 
Winnie E. Branstetter (Oklahoma). 
Jasper M'Levy (Connecticut). 
S. W. Rose (Mississippi). 

"City\GOvernment by Commission," by 
Ford H. MacGregor, Bulletin of the Univer- 
sity of Wisconsin No. 423, paper, 40 cents, 
151 pages with very complete bibliography. 

"Commission Government in American 
Cities." Annals of the American Academy 
of Political and Social Science, November, 
1911, 300 pages. $L00. 

"Commission Plan of Municipal Govern- 
ment." Debaters' Handbook Series, H. W 
Wilson Co., cloth, 178 pages, ?1.Q0, very 
good presentation of arguments on both 
sides, complete bibliography. 

"Commission Government in American 
Cities," by Bradford, McMillan Company, 
N. Y., cloth, $1.25, 359 pages. 

"City Government by Commission," by 
Woodruff, D Appleton & Co., cloth, U-50, 
S80 pages. 

"A Comparison of the Forms of Commis- 
sion Government in Cities," pamphlet by 
Bradford, reprinted from proceedings of 
the National Municipal League at Buffalo. 
1910, 3025 16th street, N. W., Washington 
D. C. 30 cents. 


"The City, the Hope of Democracy," by 
Frederick C, Howe. 

.J,"^^® British City,"by PredorickC. Howe. 
(These two books by Howe are probably 
the most advanced view of the problems 
of municipal government, and wilt be most 
appreciated by Socialist readers.) 

"Municipal Government in Continental 
Europe," by Shaw. 

"Municipal Government In Groat Brit- 
am," by Shaw. 

At the National Convention of the So- 
clalist party in 1910, a committee was ap- 
pointed to submit to the convention a re- 
l)ort on the subject of the commission form 
of government for cities, which by that 
lime had begun to attract considerable at- 
U^ntion throui^hout the country. 

The committee gave such attention to 
the .subject as was possible during the 
conve'htion and submitted a tentative re- 
port. This first report can be found on 
pages 290-295 of the proceedings of the 
National Convention of the Socialist party 
for 1910. 

After a discussion of the report, the con- 
vention unanimously decided to make the 
committee permanent with instructions to 
give further study to the subject and make 
report at the next convention of the party. 

The tentative report ol" this committee 
to the National Convention of the party for 
1912, follows: 

Up to the present time about 151 cities 
have adopted and are operating under the 
commission form of government in 29 di?- 
ferent States. The list of the cities is 
rather too long to print in the report, but 
may be found in almost any publication on 
the subject. (See "Commission Govern- 
ment m American Cities," hy Bradfovd 
pages 131-138.) The States now having 
one or more cities under the commission 
form of government, are as follows: 
Alabama. Montana. 

California. New Mexico. 

Colorado. North Carolina. 

lows.. North Dakota. 

Illinois. Oklahoma. 

Idaho. Oregon. 

Kansas. South Dakota. 

Kentucky. Tennessee. 

Louisiana. Texas. 

Maryland. Utah. 

Massachusetts. Washington. 

Michigan. West Virginia. 

Minnesota. Wisconsin. 

Mississippi. Wyoming. 

New Jersey. 

Twenty-one States have passed general 
laws providing for the commission form 
of government in cities which chose to 
adopt the general provisions. These 
States -are as follows: 
Alabama. North Dakota. 

California, . New Jersey. 

Idaho. South Carolina. 

Illinois. South Dakota. 

Jowa. New Mexico. 

Louisiana. Texas. 

Kansas. Utah. 

Kentucky. Washington, 

Montana. Wisconsin. 

MissiBsippi. Wyoming. 


Some of theae States and certain others 
have a general home rule law which 
makes It possible for the inauguration of 
the commission form, which should be 
added to the above list, for In most of 
these home rule states the commission 


rTXT^^TWT'^IWlWfl'^"! WP' , "^ 

form has been adopted by one or more 
cities. These States which may be called 
"home rule States," are California, Ore- 
gon, Michigan, Missouri, Oklahoma, Wash- 
ington and Minnesota. 

There . are 50 cities operating under 
special charter In states where there is 
no general law^ as yet. 

COMMISSION FORM. It is interesting to 
note that tlie commission form of govern- 
ment was first introd;uced In Galveston, 
Texas, in 1901. This was not only the 
first example, but it was also the first' 
form. No other city adopted the plan and 
there was no further development till 
1907. During that year six cities adopted 
the plan .and a few States passed general 
laws. In 1908 seven more cities adopted 
the plan. In 1909 there were 26. In 1910 
the high-water mark was reached. Dur- 
ing that year 61 cities adopted the com- 
mission form of government. In 1911 
only 49 cities adopted the form. 


Meanwhile the number of cities reject- 
ing the commission form of government 
seems to be increasing. In 1909, four 
cities voted upon and rejected the plan. 
In 1910 19 cities rejected the plan. In 
1911, 33 cities rejected it. 

It virill be noted, therefore, that the rate 
of increase in the number of cities adopt- 
ing the commission form of government 
reached its highest point in 1910, and 
dropped off in 1911, while the number of 
cities rejecting the plan beginning with 
1909, has rapidly increased. One of the 
cities rejecting the plan, Biloxi, Miss., has 
if'oted it down twice. Oklahoma City 
twice rejected the plan, but at a third ref- 
erendum the plan carried. < 

MISSION FORM. It should also be noted 
that no large city has as yet adopted the 
commission form of government, .although 
many of its advocates insist that it is as 
applicable to the large cities as well as to 
the small ones. 

The largest city so far adopting the 
form is St. Paul, Minn., with 214,000, and 
Oakland, Cal., comes next with 150,174 
population. Only three other cities of 
more than 100,000 population have adopted 
it, viz.: Spokane, Wash., Memphis, Tenn., 
and Birmingham, Ala. All the other cities 
that have adopted the form have a pop- 
ulation of less than 100,000. 

Furthermore there are only eleven cities 
of the 151 adopting the form, that have a 
population of between 50,000 and 100,000. 
In other words, 136 of the 151 cities adopt- 
ing the oommiasion form have a popula- 
tion of less than 50,000. One hundred and 
seven of the total number adopting the 
form have .a population of less than 25,000 
and 73 have a population of less than 10,- 
000 and 40 a population of less than 5,000. 

While the form of the commission plan 
of government varies greatly and seems 
to be constantly changing, there are cer- 
tain features which are presented by the 
•writers on the subject, as being essential. 
Tour committee, however, takes a some- 
what different view of this point from 
most of the writers. Certain features are 
by some urged as essential to the com- 
mission form which it seems to us are not 
so at all. We therefore make a somewhat 
different division in the discussion of thiP 

part than most of the writt :'s on the sub- 
ject. We think this necessary to a cor- 
rect estimate of the commission form. 

following are what to us appear to be the 
essential features of the commission 

(1) First and foremost is the concen- 
tration of the legislative, administrative 
and in most cases some of the judici-il 
functions of tlie city government into tno 
hands of one governing body. This con- 
centration involves also the appointive 
power, as in most cases the heads oi all 
subordinate departments are appointed by 
the commission. The extent of this ap- 
pointive power, however, varies in the dif- 
ferent cities and under the different forms. 

This feature of the concentration of ihe 
various functions of the municipal gov- 
ernment, constitutes the most constant 
and characteristic element in the commis- 
sion form of government. 

(2) The second most constant feature 
of the commission form is the small ^(.v- 
erning body generally of five men. In a 
few cases it is a smaller number and oc- 
casionally a somewhat larger number, b'lt 
these are exceptional. There are a tt. w 
cities that have seven commissioners nud 
one or two that have nine. But the mic-t 
common form is a board of commissioners 
of five members. 

Thus the concentration of power .nnd 
functions mentioned in the first point 
above, becomes by reason of this feature a 
concentration of power and functions into 
the hands of a very small number of nn-ti, 
generally five. This feature of a small 
body appears in every case. 

In this connection it is interesting to 
note that the process of concentration Ins 
in one or two cases been carried beyond 
ihe idea of a board of five commissioiK-rs 
and has gone to the limit of proposing a 
single man to have complete charge of the 
city. This official is known as the ciiv 
busmess manager. This was first inan mi- 
rated by the city of g'taunton, Va., with a 
population of 12,000. The purpose in tiiat 
case appears to have been to adopt tbt- 
commission form of government with the 
addition of a single official to be known :is 
"city manager." To him was given "enliie 
charge and control of all the execufi\e 
work of the city in its various depaji- 
ments and entire charge and control of 1 le 
heads of departments and employes of 1 1 e 
city." Under his direction are superlntrnd- 
ents of (a) streets; (b) electric lighting; 
.(c) water works; (d) city parks; (e> over- 
seer of the poor. His duties are to make 
all contracts for labor and supplies md 
m general perform all the administrative 
and executive work now performed by the 
general standing committees of the coun- 
cil except the finance, ordinance, school 
and auditing committees." 

A form of government under which a 
commission of five was to be elected who 
m turn should appoint a municipal 'man- 
ager, has been proposed by Lockport, N. Y. 

In Roswell, N. M., the city supervisor 
who IS appointed by the council, is really 
a *city manager." 

.- T^^s we have a concentration brought In 
this case to its logical conclusion of a single 
one man authority. 

(3) The third most characteristic fea-' 
ture of the commission form is the elec- 
tions at large. TTie principle of the elec- 
tion of representatives to the governing 
body of the city from wards and districts,' 
Is abandoned entirely and the commission- 
ers are elected from the city at large. This 



I'-ature also appears in every case under 
I ho comnii.ssion form. ^ 

(4) Another universal feature of the 
i-onimission form is that each commissioner 
elected assumes charge of a certain depart- 
ment. The department which the commis- 
sioner takes charge of is generally deter- 
mined by the commissioners themselves 
after they are elected. In a few cases, 
however, the commissioners are elected in 
the first place by the people as heads of 
certain departments. Having each com- 
missioner at the head of a department, is, 
however, a universal feature of the com- 
mission form. 

(5) The fifth but less universal feature 
is non-partisan elections. A little more 
than half of the cities operating under the 
commission form require non-partisan elec- 
tions. In most cases the use of party 
names and party designations is entirely 
eliminated and occasionally this assumes 
a rather drastic form. In nearly one-half 
of the cases, however, this non-partisan 
feature is not insisted upon. 

This constitutes what seeni to be the 
most characteristic, and the essential fea- 
tures of the commission form. 


In addition to the features mentioned 
above, most writers include certain others 
Which they claim as part and parcel of 
the commission form. Among these are 
the initiative, the referendum, recall, civil 
service commissions, publicity and home 

None of thesCi however, can be claimed 
as essential parts of the commission form 
of government. There are cities, states 
and even nations that have put certain of 
these features into operation, that have had 
no commission form of government what- 

For example, Switzerland and New f'ea- 
land have had the [initiative and referendum 
in their national laws for many years. 
Many of Che western cities had the recall 
long before the establisliing of the com- 
mission form of government. The civil 
service provision is least of all an essential 
part of the commission form of govern- 
ment, as it had been advocated years before 
the commission form of government was 
heard of and put into operation very widely 
in various degrees throughput the world. 
And so far as publicity is concerned, there 
is a question whether there is mora pub- 
licity under the commission form of gov- 
ernment, with its small body of electea 
officers, than there is under the couircil 
form with its larger body and ooon mbet- 

And as to home rule, it may be said that 
if the commission form of goverpment to 
any considerable degree increased the right 
of self-government and home rule in cities, 
this in itself w^ould constitute a very strong 
argument in its favor. The iiomo rule 
movement, however, started limix liefoi'e 
the idea of the commission form of govc^rn- 
ment arose, and has been widely agitated 
entirely apart from it. Moreover, liofore 
tiie commission form of governniont bo- 
came at all widespread and qnilc iiidc- 
iM-'ndent of the commission movement, 
(here were a number of states that (■;tine 
io bo known as "home rule states." Thoso 
:ire notably California, Oregon, Michii^'an, 
Missouri, Oklahoma, Washington and Min- 
nesota, so that it is quite clear thrit we 
do not need to resort to a comraission 
lorm of government as a means of secrir- 
liig home rule for cities. And while it may 
111' admitted that in many cases the degree 
or home rule is somewhat increased under 
I ho commission form of government, the 

home rule features cannot be claimed nu an 
essential part of that form. 

Whether as some of the opponents of 
the commission forih of government argue, 
these non-essential features as we have 
called them, were hitched on to the com- 
mission form in order to deceive the peo- 
ple into voting for it or not, we need not at 
this time discuss. We should be able to 
distinguish, however, between those fea- 
tures of the commission form of govern- 
ment which come as a characteristic part 
and those which do not really belong to it 
and which can and are being secured by 
the cities quite widely entirely apart from 
the commission form of government. 

That the initiative, referendum and re- 
call are desired and urged by every so- 
cialist organization In the world, is well 
known. That home rule for cities is one of 
the foremost and most vital needs of all 
cities, not only in America but every- 
where, is also well understood by every 
student of municipal problems. But all of 
these matters can be advanced and are 
being advanced apart from the commission 
form. They cannot therefore be held as 
characteristic of this form of government. 


TOO EARLY TO JUDGE. Considering 
the fact that the commission form of gov- 
ernment has been in operation so short a 
time, it is too early to judge finally as to its 
efficiency or success. The only city that 
has really had enough years of experience 
to have given the form a real test, is 
Galve.gton, Texas, which adopted the form 
in 1901. But the Galveston form is so 
much different from what has come to be 
known as the commission form of govern- 
ment, and was inaugurated under such dif- 
ferent circumstances and conditions from 
practically all of the other cities, that it 
can hardly be considered a test. 

No other city adopted the form until 
four years later, when Houston, Texas, fol- 
lowed the example and copied much the 
same form as tliat of Galveston. Not until 
two years later, viz., in 1907, were there 
any considerable number of cities adopting 
the form of government. 

So it will appear that the experience of 
any city under the commission form has 
been brief. Galveston has had the longest 
which is about eleven years. Houston 
comes next with nine years. Five other 
Texas cities, of which Dallas is the largest, 
and Lewiston, Idaho, have had about six 
years. Most of these cities in the early 
period of the coramitssion form, have not 
yet developed the real form of commission 
government, which is at present most com- 
monly advocated. 

Des Moines, la., which finally adopted 
the form most commonly advocated at the 
present time, has had hardly five years of 
experience. All of the other cities have 
had even less than that. Twenty-six of 
tlie cities have not yet completed two years 
of experience and forty-nine are still in 
thf'ir first year. Tn oilier words, none of 
tiio ciiies having the present form of com- 
mission govornmont, most generally ad- 
voeiilod, have li;u1 more than four or five 
y< lis of exporience, while the great ma- 
jority of them have only had one or two 

FTo It will appear that the commission 
f 01 m of Koverinnont has not been in oper- 
ation in any cikc more than four or five 
yoar.s and during that time the form has 
iieon constantly modified and changed so 
that It is really too early to be able to 
judge as to its results.' The further fact 
that in no case has it been applied in any 





city of considerable size, still further limits 
our opportunity for judgment as to its ef- 
ficiency, so far as political results are con- 

REPORTS. Turning now to the reports 
given out from the various cities as to the 
results of the operatiori of this form of 
government, we tlnd a mass of literature, 
pamphlets and magazine articles, which 
attempt to present the results. Many of 
them report in most glowing terms the 
splendid results obtained. Almost every 
writer on municipal problems has had some- 
thing to say upon tnis subject. Some so- 
cialist writers have strongly advocated the 
commission form. Most notable of these 
is Charles Edward Russell, whose article 
in "Everybody's Magazine" April, 1910, on 
"Sanity and Democracy for American 
Cities" is a most positive and unqualified 
endorsement of the idea. And the article 
which is written with special reference to 
Des Moines attempts to point out most re- 
markable and favorable results. Coming 
as it does from one of our prominent so- 
cialists, this article immediately chal- 
lenged the attention of your committee. 
Correspondence with Comrade Russell drew 
out the fact that he was very decidedly of 
the opinion tliat the commission form of 
government was in every way worthy of 
the support of those who desire a better 
municipal government. , 

A contrary opinion, however, is* held by 
other socialists and even by .other writers 
with regard to Des Moines and the success 
of the form there. 

In the case of the recent street car 
strike there the commissioner of public 
safety was undoubtedly in sympathy with 
the workers. As is usual In such strug- 
gles the company depended upon the sup- 
port of the police to help them. When the 
strike breakers were brought in to operate 
the oars the company expected the police 
to give them special protection, and asked 
permission for their men to carry weapons. 
This the commissioner of public safety re- 
fused to permit. 

The result was that inside of two days 
the strike was won and the union men were 
operating the cars, 

Subsequently, and in absolute violation 
Of the Iowa law, this particular commis- 
sioner was deprived of the control of the 
police force. He had control, by virtue of 
his office of both the fire and the police 
forces. When the crisis came the police 
force was taken away from him. This nat- 
urally brought forth vigorous protests from 
many quarters. In order to offset this, the 
Whole department was taken away from 
this commissioner and given over to one 
of the others. 

^ The feeling of the . people was very de- 
cidedly manifested in the ensuing election 
when all three of the commissioners who 
had been parties to this high handed pro- 
ceeding were defeated. And yet, in spite of 
all this, when the new commission took 
office they did not restore the commissioner 
■who Had shown his sympathy for the work- 
ers to the control of the police and lire 
department forces. 

In Minot, North Dakota, we have another 
Illustration of the peculiar workings of 
the commission form oi* government. One 
of our Socialists, Arthur LeSueur, was 
elected chairman of the commiasion. An- 
other Socialist had also been elected and 
these two found that one of the other mem- 
bers worked and voted with them. This 
piivo ihomn the control of the commission. 
Tliey proceeded then to enforce the laws 
nrid clean up the city. A little later on, 
howtjvcr, ono of the Socialist candidates 

failed of re-election, another was com- 
pelled to leave town and the Socialists lost 
control of the commission. There were 
three non-SocialiEits against the two So- 

The commission law in this case made 
it incumbent upon the chairman partic- 
ularly to enforce the laws relative to vice 
gambling and the selling of liquor. The 
County Sheriff was particularly hostile to 
the chairman of the commission. Comrade 
LeSueur was therefore in this dilemma: 
the law required him to enforce the anti- 
gambling and anti-vice ordinances; the 
county officials who were hostile stood ready 
to prosecute him if he did not enforce 
them. But meanwhile the three members 
of the commission who stood against him 
had elected an entirely new police commis- 
sion and they in turn had taken the pollen 
force out of his control. The law com- 
pelled him to enforce the ordinances, but 
the commission had taken away from him 
the power by which alone he could do it. 
In this predicament he appealed to the 
local of the Socialist party for a decision 
as what was best to' do and they decided 
that the only thing- in that case was for 
him to resign, which he did. 

This "would seem to us a clear indication 
of the bad working of this form of gov- 
ernment, or at least an evidence that it is 
no better than the old form. In spite of 
this, however. Comrade LeSueur believes 
strongly in the commission form of gov- 

In 1907, the Polk County Republican 
Club, of Des Moines, appointed a commit- 
tee that visited Galveston and Indianap- 
olis, in order to make comparison of the 
■ forms of government there with the pro- 
posed Des Moines plarr. This committee 
was evidently very much opposed to the 
Galveston plan. Their report was stronglv 
against the commission idea. Speaking of 
the Galveston plan, they say: 

"It is a potentially perfect political ma- 
chine. There has been no change in the 
membership of the Galveston commission 
since it was organized in 1900 (except on 
the death of a member). The extensive 
powers of the commissioners have enabled 
them to control all political factions and 
completely to crush the opposition. The 
commissioners' faction is in complete con- 
trol, and its leaders dictate nomination; of 
commissioners, members of the legishiture 
and congressmen. 

"The Galveston commissioners and citv 
officials are not easily acces.yihls to the 
citizens of the city, and give hut a small 
portion of their time to the city's busiriess 
None of the commissioners, except the 
mayor, has an office in the city hall. All 
of them have other extensive interests and 
citizens seeking redress or assistance mus< 
run the gauntlet of the outside office and i 
closed door of the private business office 

_ "In Houston, which also has a commis- 
sion form of government where the ceni- 
missioners are required to stay in the city ,1 
hall every day, business men do not hold 
these positions although the salaries are 
higher than the propo'=ed salaries of the 
Des Moines commissioners. One conimis- 
sioner was formerly a scavenger, anolli^r 
a blacksmitli, justice of the peace and al- 
derman, a third a railroad auditor, a fourth 
a dry goods merchant, and the mayor a re- 
tired capitalist. 

"The Galveston commissioners favor the 
corporation. The only franchise given to 
a corpora ti on by the commission Is the 
franchise obtained by the Galveston Street 
Railway Co. in May, 1906. It was not re- 
ferred to a vote of the people. (This fran- 
chise was given for a period of fifty years.) 

The city received no compensation for this 
franchise and collected no franchise taxes 
on it. The city receives no percentage of 
the gross or net receipts. The company 
charges a straiglit flve-cent fare and trans- 
fers are issued pnly from May to October," 

Speaking of this failure of the commis- 
sion government in Galveston to provide 
in the franchises granted to the street car 
company for adequate protection to the 
people of the city, Mr. Starzinger (quoted 
in the hand book above referred to. page 
123) says: 

"In Galveston today, for instance, not 
one cent Is derived from the existence of 
valuable franchises," and he asks indig- 
nantly, "Is this the superior legislation of 
which friends of the commission idea 

Furthermore, according to these investi- 
gators, the Galveston municipal govern- 
ment is not free from graft. This Is the 
most unkind cut of all, as the friends of 
the commission foirn have boasted most 
loudly of this most particular achievement. 
The committee refers to the Galveston po- 
lice board records in proof of their conten- 
tion that graft still prevails; and they cite 
similar instances in the city attorney's de- 

Professor Eo^^e, in discussing the com- 
mission plan in the Deba'!ers' Handbook 
above referred to, points out very clearly 
the fundamental Issue involved. He says 
frankly that the choice presented to our 
American communities takes the form of 
an apparent opposition between democracy 
and efficiency. Very clearly therefore we 
are called uijon here to sacrifice the prin- 
ciple of democracy in the Interests of al- 
leged efficiency. Prof. Rowe says: 

"This means, that the people are prepared 
to accept the same administrative stan- 
dards in municipal affairs as those which 
prevail in the business world. The re- 
cent proposal to give the police commis- 
sioner of New York a term of ten years or 
possibly a life tenure, would have been 
received in scorn and indignation fifty 
years ago. Today it is regarded by many 
as the best possible means of securing an 
efficient administration of this service." 

Here then we have the most direct objec- 
tion to the commission form, the fact that 
it proposes not only extreme concentration, 
but that there is appearing already as a 
logical sequence the proposal for long term 
of office and finally even of life terms. And 
the fact that this is suggested with ref- 
erence to the control of the police is par- 
ticularly significant to a working class 
movement that is struggling for fairness 
in its struggle with an unprincipled plu- 
tocracy. ...,., 

Finally it is argued against the commis- 
sion "plan that it has been tried in at least 
one case for fifteen years avid found a fail- 
ure Hon. Clinton L. Wlrilo. of Sacra- 
mento, Cal., writing of th<H i'erm of gov- 
ernment there, says thiU. city has tried', 
the commission form for fifl:c(Mt yi'fvrs and 
abandoned it in 1S93. Speaking of tiie re- 
sults of this experience in the cninmission 
form of government, he says: 

"The management of the strci-t depart- 
ment the small amount of woi'k accom- 
plished with funds provided for ihc pur- 
pose and the number of employes doing only 
a nominal amount of work, but dr.-iwlng 
fuU pay from the city were at limes some- 
thing simnly scandalous. The maniyvc- 
ment of the'water works sysl'-rn vv:i-; Iro- 
quently almost as bad, aiia ili-s'' I iinu;. 
were not checked by a dvjint >m-i'sI(mi i.m- 
huiial." (See Debaters' llanilK.iok on 
"Comrnission Plan of Municipal Govern- 
nient," page 134.) 

In view of these facts, Mr. Whit© saya 
the people; of Sacramento abandoned tha 
commission form, and have gone back to 
the usual form of municipal government, 
which he says has been very much su- 
perior to the commission system. 

The experience of Boston with the non- 
partisan feature of the commission plan 
seems to have been unfavorable. At least 
an article In Pearson's Magazine by George 
P. Anderson, takes a decidedly critical view 
of the idea, and reports serious evils re- 
sulting from the new method of handling 
the city's civic life. 

The Annals of the American Academy of 
Political and Social Science for November, 
1911, has a number of articles written by 
different men on "Objections, Limitations 
and Modifications of the Commission Plan." 
One of the writers, Dunbar F. Carpenter, of 
Colorado Springs, Colorado, reporting upon 
the operation of the commission form in 
that city, admits that it has been a disap- 
pointment to Its friends and advocates. He 
says : 

"Wg have not found it any more econom- 
ic — there has been no saving in the cost of 
operation — there is cause for disappoint- 
ment in the fact that the administration has 
not been more eftective in the general man- 
agement of tho city's business, and the least 
efficient branch of the public servrce is 
what it always is in American cities, the 
police department." 

He says further: "My observations lead 
me to believe that the commission plan is 
not the final solution of the great plan of 
municipal government. The commission 
plan is a long step over the old plan, taut 
it is only a step and not the goal." 

We refer to this testimony because It is 
given by one who proposes to be a friend 
to the commission form of government, and 
yet finds it disappointing. 

The article in the same chapter by Walter 
G. Cooper of Atlanta, Ga., is also a very 
strong and rational presentation of the ar- 
guments against the commission form. 

Ford H. McGregor, instructor in polit- 
ical science. University of Wisconsin, in 
bis City Government by Commission, gives 
a rather strong argument on the "disad- 
vantages" of the coinmission form of gov- 
ernment, pages 115-129. In this there is 
perhaps the clearest recognition of the 
most fundamental objection. He says: 

"But by far the greatest influence and 
the most" dangerous influence exerted on 
the council or commission will come, not 
from political organizations, but from the 
great industrial interests. As has already 
been pointed out, one of the greatest evils 
connected with municipal government in 
the United States has been the corrupt 
dealings between the city governments and 
private corporations which desire valuable 
franchises for -semi-public purposes. The 
interests of these corporations will be the 
same under the commission plan as under 
any other form of city organization, and 
we may reasonably expect that they exert 
the same pressure upon the members of 
the commission as they have m the pa,st 
upon the members of the common councils 
to secure these valuable franchises. J^s a 
certain newspaper has put it, 'Will public 
service corporations that manage our city 
railways our telephones and telesrraphs, 
our w;'il or system, our heating and lighting 
pTaniM ci-.cj'c to covet gain, cease to look 
wUh dosM.Miip;r eyes on the city council, 
(■,.r;o lo .•u-iiiHnize the ordinances, and care 
iiol -ibnul llio character'of the men who will 
onnini' till' regulations affecting the con- 
duct and individuals? Will the men i^^iter- 
ested in the sale of wine and beer and the 

-4;:L.h.JMIi.<'.^.' :iii.h. \.uJU^iiijLjiJilb!ii^i,Ji^L,X>Uii^ 



patrons of their saloons, will the keepers 
of dives and gamblliig dens, become con- 
verted and join the church and cease to 
trouble our souls and harass not the po- 
lice who surround them? The inducements 
for such interests to control the commis- 
sion will be even greater than ever, be- 
cause of the increased power which is given 
to the commission. This is probably the 
greatest danger which confronts the com- 
mission plan. A corrupt or inefficient com- 
mission, with the great powers conferred 
upon it, would be much more dangerous to 
the best interests of the city than an 
equally corrupt or inefficient common 

"Not only does the commission plan af- 
ford increased opportunity to the politician 
to manipulate city government, it also pre- 
sents the possibility of the commission 
itself becoming a powerful political ma- 
chine. The more absolutely power and 
patronage are concentrated, the greater the 
political force that can be wielded by the 
holders of them. A small commission ex- 
ercising the entire power of the city might 
build up such a machine and so intrench 
itself that it could not be defeated." 

From this it will appear that the testi- 
mony as to the results of the operation of 
the commission form of government are not 
all in one way. There is a feeling that on 
the whole there has been increased effi- 
ciency and some improvements. But the 
more enthusiastic supporters of the idea 
become so extremS in their efforts to show 
good results that their reports can hardly 
be trusted. 

On the other hand there are those who 
hold that the improvements have been in 
no way commensurate with the risk in- 
volved in the experiment of greatly in- 
creased power in the hands of a few. They 
urge that the principle of democracy has 
been sacriflced to the promise of efficiency. 
And they go .so far as to claim that tlis 
promise of efficiency has not materialized 
to any appreciable extent. 

CALS. In order to learn directly from the 
localities wliere the commission form is 
in operation, and to get the views of the 
Socialists themselves, your committee ad- 
dressed a circular letter to about 125 secre- 
taries of locals in cities where the commis- 
sion form of government is in operation. 
As there were only about 150 cities in all, 
as stated above, this circular letter was 
sent to a very large proportion of all the 
cities that have the commission form. 

In response to this letter your commit- 
tee received replies from 76 cities In IS 
different States. The questions bore upon 
details relative to the form in operation in 
the various cities, the fact of which we 
have brought out in other parts of this 

Among other things we inquired what at- 
titude the Socialists in the cominunity had 
taken regarding the commission form, 
whether they w^re in favor or opposed to 
it. In answer to this question, 13 locals 
reported that they favored the commission 
forin of government. Twenty-seven locals 
reported that they were opposed, to it. Nine 
others reported that they w^ere in a 'gen- 
eral way opposed to the commission form. 
Four locals reported that they were di- 
vided among themselves, some favoring and 
some opposing it. Fifteen locals reported 
that the comrades of their community had 
taken no attitude whatever, one way or the , 
other. ' 

From this it will appear that there is 
no consensus of opinion among the Social- 
ists of the country that refers to the com- 

mission form. Some favor it, others op- 
pose it and a good many seem not to have 
given it any study and therefore take no 
stand upon the matter. 

Of those who favored the commission 
form of government, it was interesting to 
note that nearly all of the California lo- 
cals reporting upon the subject were fa- 
vorable. The State secretary of the So- 
cialist party of California, Comrade F. B. 
Meriam, takes the pains to write at con- 
siderable length in favor of the commis- 
sion form. He says: 

"A pure commission government or a 
government where the citizens select a 
committee or council, leaving everything 
to them as everything is left to the board 
of directors of a corporation, is a govern- 
ment in favor of which from a Socialist 
standpoint, little can be said. But as to 
those cities Where their ofBcers are elect- 
ed by the electors, where they have the 
initiative, referendum and recall and also 
where all partisan ballots are eliminated, 
very different conditions are presented for 
consideration. In a general way the latter 
represents the general type of the Califor- 
nia municipal government of the new class. 

"Most of the Socialists oppose the com- 
mission form because it eliminates partisan 
ballots, and are prolific In the predictions 
of dire calamity. Several of the California 
cities have been under this non-partisan 
form of charter for a number of years, San 
Diego adopted it at the close of the year 
1908. holding its first election In the spring 
of 1909. The Socialists there gave the 
matter careful consideration and finally de- 
cided to support the proposition for certain 
well defined reasons. There is practically 
no intelligent Socialist in the city today 
who would change this if he could. The 
experience there and the experience 
throughout the State during the past year 
has all pointed in one direction and that 
is, to the benefit of the Socialist movement. 
It has In its practical operation resulted 
in a demoralization of the old party ma- 
chine organizations; has largely eliminated 
the terror of the party whip; has a ten- 
dency to remove the influence of party 
prejudice and in almost every instance has 
resulted in forcing a clean cut, unbefogged 
fight between the Socialists on the one side 
and all branches of capitalism on the other. 
It has brought out a clean cut issue of hu- 
manity against mammon. It has had no 
effect in the way of demoralizing Socialist 
organizations or in minimizing our party 
action and activities. In fact the Socialist 
party is the only party v/hich has been able 
to preserve its party activities, with a re- 
suit similar to the conflict between a thor- 
oughly drilled and organized body of men 
and a disorganized body. 

"The educational and propaganda value 
of these clear cut battles are tremendous. 
They enable us to show things up in their 
true light and make the usual flim-flamming 
of the public on immaterial issues next to 
im.possible. What , future experience may 
develop, of course, "remains to be seen but 
under the usual form adopted in California 
so far as our experience goes up to the 
present time, we have certainly reaped a 
positive and decided advantage by the adop- 
tion of this form of municipal government. 
Just so soon as we are enabled to eliminate 
from our political contests the old sus- 
picions, prejudices and bogie men which 
have been built up in each of the old par- 
ties against the other for the sole purpose 
of blinding their constittiency as to the 
real issue, just so soon we will have en- 
tered upon the last short, sharp battle, 
which will result in victory for the Social- 

^.-•j -!i -iiisifc -1 Ui- : Uii Jili J kUii'tJ W'&iytite-k' b 

T, ^ T,^ J T-^ T.T ■!«*■•' TIW^TT'TTi;' 



,. I pnrtv. When the issue is fl^an cut. 
,. ,11 1 • ilnst money, we will soon land them. 
TiK. elimination of partisan l?*!!^^^^,!" t'^''" 
nicipal aifairs Produces just ""s result. 

r^iTTirade Frank E. Wolfe, writing m aa 
dltio^to the answers to the questions, and 
sneaking for the Socialist local of Sac- 
ramento! cal.. takes a similar attitude. He 

""^"Itudv of conditions here and study of 
the^chirter has convinced me the commis- 
sion form will be vastly better tor the 
neoole and better for the Socialists. 
^ "We have an excellent ■ opportunity of 
achlelen^ent if we elect. The pros^pects 
flr^ first-class. Even if we get but one 
man through we will be able to put a dent 
m the old system. One man will give us 
one-fifth of the entire city government. 

•Vn Los Angeles we are about to write a 
new charter, "it will, doubtless, be bagea 
on the commission form. Socialists there 
a?e i^n much confusion on the question I 
was not certain about it taut I am now m 
favor of it there, and hope to get the com- 
rades to approve it offlcmlly 

"This form shortens the ballot apci gives 
us an opportunity to concentrate our 

*^^The" locals at Vallejo, San Obispo and 
Mo'ilesto.^'also report that their comrades 
favor the commission form ^\.^'^ZT 2i^nvP 
On the other hand, as inentioned above 
27 locals reporting, state that their com 
rades are opposed ^o the commission form 
ThP fnmrades in Flint, Mich., take an ac 
ml Sd against the commission form 
of government, and in their paper, 'The 
?nint Flashes,' ' published a number .of ar- 
nrlPS against it. The local of Peoria, 111., 
publlsheTa -leaflet against the commission 
form Of government, which was reprinteu 
in Se Chfcago Daily Socialist on February 

^•^Comride James O'Nell P/epared a leaflet 
against the commission form Of, govern 
ment for the Indiana coi^T^ades. which ^^ 
reprinted in the Chicago Daily Socialist on 

^"Jotrlde''il'oulton. Secretary of the Hav- 
erhill, Mass., local, reports that the com 

^olf ^lain^f Tt. *^^h!s^^n!^^l TeSei^fo 

^""^In some cases the locals report cont 
versies having arisen m. their locals over 
tvie miestion of the commission form, tnis 
is notably true in Spokane, where factional 
^I'ihSou seems to have arisen over the elec- 
tion of CoXade David Coates as commis- 
sioner of Sic works, under the commis- 
sion fo?ra The comrades report that their 
local decidedly opposed the^ commission 
form of government, win o ^'"^frter The 
himself is an enthusiast h mi porter^ i-^e 
local at Spokane complamc t '^:^t. the eliin 
ination of the party l^'^'' ' "; ['^ f ^i^j^h 
rade -Coates to secure th(! S\tec ion wmcn 
he could not have secured as •\^"' ^'i^^' 
T^ViA merits of the controversy, "if course, 
your 'Committee does not care to enter s,m- 
r-.^v pallina- attention to the fact u\,v i"k 
foLinhe?! if reported as «tr-Kly op,;o.od 
to the commission form. ^•""' «J"^„tV ''^'^t'lv 
whr. has been elected under It Htion^iy 
?Lvored it, and a factional light developed 
over the situation. 




The arguments in ^^vor of the commlB- 

sion form of government, whlcli the " c' « 

report as being most cq™i»'""y ""';; J',^ 

the Socialists who favor it. arc as follows. 

Most common of all arc the usual nrgu- 
ments that the eoiimiis.sioii lonn rcsnlls 
in 'greater efficiency and pronu.scs inni<>. 
ready action. Another argument, com- 
mon, in its favor is that it results m great- 
or economy. 

We have already referred to the argu- 
ments submitted by Comrades Meriam and 
Wolfe of California, referred to above. Un 
the other hand the one and most constant 
objection urged against the commission 
form of government by practically all or 
the locals opposing it, Is the concentration 
of power into the hands of a few. which 
they believe to be undemocratic and danger- 
ous In different forms and with many 
variatioiis this seems always to be the most 
common objection. 

Next to this the most constant objection 
raised is against the election at large which 
eliminates representation from the wards. 
This feature, it is argued, prevents the mi- 
nority parties from securing any representa- 
tion whatever in the governing bodies, it 
is pointed out that under the ward repre- 
sentation the working classes are sure to 
predominate in certain wards, and theietore 
are able to secure at least a minority rep- 
resentation if permitted to elect representa- 
tives from these wards. This gives them 
not only the advantage of having a worK- 
fng class representative m the governing 
body but it also gives them the opportunity 
for experience in public service. 
' The=e two objections, the concentration 
of power and the elimination of ward rep- 
resentation, constitute the ^post universal 
arguments against the commission form as 
gifen by the secretaries of the branches 

There are three principal oh .lections to 
the commission form of government. There 
are many minor points that are objection- 
nhle but thev are matters of detail. 

treme concentration of power. IS regarded 
by all critics of the commission form of 
government as its most dangerous and ob- 
fectionable feature. Reducing .the number 
of offlcials to five, the commission form 
comblnerthe legislative executive and ju- 
dicial functions. It combines the tax levy- 
ing appropriating and expending powers^ 
Vi'^-r.^A^iin-^ it trives this small governing 

rn^addi«o,^ it gfver this small governing 
comrl^issioS all of the . appointive power 
including not only the right to appoint all 
municipfl appointees but to remove them, 
^create new positions or discontinue them 
to fix salaries and P/escribe all official 
duties alter or transfer them. -tnus it 
not only gives this small group of Ave 
men almost complete control of the entire 
municipal affairs, but it also makes all of 
S^city employes practically the agents and 
rtpnendents of the commissiion. 

This is concentration with a vengeance^ 
Noth ng of the sort has been attempted m 
model n^thxies anywhere in the world. We 
have had in the past f^'^Sle rulers of cities 

onri intinrm kings, monarchs and emperors, 

and ptSlv and slowly through centuries 

ocit?o"glc the wo,l,l lins gotten away from 

,,:iw. 111,1 Milnri-icv We have had m 

-nu' ont Tim ' 'l^tlAnr;, triumvirates and 

; r •■invir <-. 1."L in modern times no na- 

,,n ,n -n-ll U:r'. pi'oposed such a centrali- 

t"/,.t power. With the tendency of 

mo rn years everywhere in the direction 

,7 ■■■oater democracy, the commission form 

of Mjvornmcnt comes with a tendency back 

ngi i ( the old idea of the rule^ by 

tb'o I' -w and power in the hands of .the few 

In rvply to this objection the friends of 

llH commission form of government always 

-..( that t has incorporated the initiative, 

referendum and the recall, which are the 
instruments of modern democracy. It is 
doubtful, however, whether these features 
constitute a sufficient safeguard against the 
dangers of concentration. And besides thera 
is reason to doubt the wisdom of so radical 
a departure from the democratic form of 
government as will compel the people to 
depend upon these devices as their only 
possible escape from the tyranny of 

Speaking of this point, J. R. Palda in a 
report to the Bohemian Independent Po- 
litical Club of Cedar Rapids (quoted in 
Debaters' Handbook on "Commission Plan 
of Municipal Government," page 135) says: 
"The initiative referendum and recall are 
good provisions; in fact, the best the plan 
contains, but they will in no sense counter- 
balance the powers granted to the commis- 
sion. It is a difficult defense against the 
possible misconduct and inefficiency of the 
com.mission, as it requires in the greater 
number of cases a petition signed by 25 
per cent of Ihe voters. Who will undertake 
the work, and wlio will pay the expenses 
of securing such a petition? That Is 
worthy of consideration. Will it not oc- 
cur to all that the people will tolerate 
many, many abuses from the honorable 
commission before they will reach out for 
these means of defense? That they will 
remain supinely silent for a long, long tim,g 
before making use of the initiative, before 
they would avail themselves of the desig- 
nated means of protest. 

"Besides the Initiative, the referendum, 
and the recall, which are the most salient 
features of the new plan, can very easily 
be incorporated into the present system, 
and it is not necessary in order to secure 
the benefits of thd'se provisions to force 
upon the people the attendant dangers and 
burdens of the commission plan." 

With the government of a great city in 
the hands of a few men with such un- 
limited power as the commission form gives 
them, it is doubtful whether the people 
would have at hand the necessary time, 
resource and means of publicity to con- 
tend with such a centralized, swift-acting 

The elimination of parties is also a se- 
riously objectionable' feature. There can 
be no greater fallacy than the so-called 
non-partisan idea. Whether it be the mere 
stupidity of our so-called reformers or 
the clever design of politicians who seek 
to manipulate municipal government to 
their advantage, or a little of both, we can 
see no logical reason whatever for this 
non-partisan idea. Some seem to feel that 
if they can only eliminate "parties" in mu- 
nicipal affairs, everything will be lovely. 
In some cases this is carried to the ex- 
treme of prohibiting any kin(J of party 
designation whatsoever In a municipal cam- 
paign. Generally, however, the idea is to 
eliminate national parties from the local 
campaigns. And the line of argument ad- 
vanced in favor of this is that the national 
parties have no issues that pertain to mu- 
nicipal affairs — that national afEairs have 
nothing to do ■with local issues. 

Little need be said with regard to the 
proposition that proposes to eliminate all 
party designations of every kind. Such a 
proposition would take out of civic life the 
responsibility of fighting together for prin- 
ciples. By eliminating all designations, by 
which people would work together for some 
principle or idea, municipal campaigns 
would be thrown back again upon the worst 
I'lcmonts in our political life. 

Th<< exper1(Micc of Boston with their non- 
imrllNiin govornment is an Illustration. 

Speaking of the situation there, George P. 
Anderson, writing on "The First .Result of 
Boston's Elaborate Political Reform," In 
Pearson's Magazine, says: 

"The aim of the promoters of the new 
charter was to smash party lines and to 
'oreak up party fealty. The charter ac- 
complished this, but resulted in the injec- 
tion of race and religious issues as substi- 
tutes. This is a most unfortunate result, 
but it Is not wholly logical. In ordinary 
campaigns the candidate of a party stands 
for certain principles or traditions of that 
party. Take those away, and the candi- 
date's personality is bound to be the lead- 
ing issue, and his race or religion cannot 
fail to be discussed. Which arrangement 
is better Boston knows to her sorrow. Other 
cities on the edge of a reform ferment, 
if they are wise, will pause before follow- 
ing her example." 

And this is what might naturally be ex- 
pected. The efforts to eliminate what is 
supposed to be the baneful influence of 
partisanship and the party, this non-par- 
tisan movement eliminates principle as 
well. And eliminating principle leaves 
nothing but personalities, race and re- 
ligious prejudices as Issues in municipal 

Against the elimination of national party 
names and national issues even more may 
be said. There is hardly a serious problem 
of municipal government that can be 
solved at all aside from the state and na- 
tional movement. Take the question of 
home rule. Here in the very nature of the 
case the city is powerless in the hands of 
the state legislature. The tight for home 
rule itself is a state and national fight. 
Take the question of the commission form 
of government itself — it has been an issue 
for state legislatures very largely. Or to 
consider some of our commercial and in- 
dustrial problems. The real difficulties 
that concern a people in a city, involve 
state and national issues. For exampl-e, 
the supply of coal for a city — what can 
any city in America do on a problem of 
that sort without state and national action? 
The city may establish a coal yard? But 
that Is only the merest fraction of the 
problem. The coal must be shipped to the 
city over railroads that are owned by pri- 
vate corporations. It rnust be mined in 
mines that are owned by the monopolies 
and trusts. The transportation of the coal 
becomes a problem of interstate commerce. 
Thus the most elemental problem of the 
city becomes a state and national problem, 
a question requiring a consistent and com- 
prehensive programme for state and na- 
tional action. To undertake to solve prob- 
lems of this kind by limiting our efforts to 
local Issues, and separating our cities from 
state and national issues, is absurd. 

It may be quite true that neither the Re- 
publican nor the Democratic national par- 
ties have anything in their platforms or 
programmes, looking to the relief of -the 
people that live in cities. Perhaps they 
purposely omit any such ideas. That Is 
doubtless a part of the plan of the fight 
of modern plutocracy, to keep the great 
political parties out of the most essential 
part of the flght. But to attempt to teach 
the people that they can find any relief 
from the evils that torment them without 
state and national action, is the height of 
folly. If the Republican and Democratic 
parties have no programme and no prin- 
ciples that apply to the great problem of 
municipal government, so much the worse 
for them. Let the people know it, the 
sooner the better. It is exactly what should 
be expected. 

LtfcWtlii Mi'<*4Jt^ -nt S-^ijtkitlil 



Such lis llOlT the case with ihr. Snclalist 
party. It has a pi'ogrammo---mLuiu:ipiil, 
state and national. And llicy are a inp't 
of one consistent whole. The same prin- 
ciples for which the socialist party stands 
in the state and nation, apply -with equal 
force though with different aetails, \.o the 
city as well And what is more, there is 
no solution of muuiuipal problems apart 
from the principles of social democracy. 
And the principles of social democracy can- 
not be applied except through state and 
national action. The - effort theretore to 
eliminate national and state issues and 
to prevent the or.ganization of a state and 
national political iiarty that shall have also 
a municipal programme, is to block the 
way to a final solution of the problems of 
municipal government. „ . ,. ^ , ^^ 

Furthermore, let the Socialist party ot 
America grow to sufficient strength and 
numbers; let it capture enough of the cities 
of this country, let it secure enough repre- 
sentatives in a few of the state legislatures 
and the national congress to make its mu- 
nicipal state and national programme a 
real menace to the capitalistic parties of 
today and we shall very quickly see the 
nolit'ical powers of capitalism rush into a 
nartv that will be the most bitterly par- 
tisan that this country has known since 
the anti-slavery times. . . , „„„,:.„„ 

There is an issue m municipal govern- 
ment that is bound up inseparably with the 
state and national programme. It is^ im- 
possible to solve the municipal problems 
apart from these larger state and national 
problems. So the lines of this struggle 
mav as well be drawn sharply and as 
closely as possible. We believe it 
the task of the Socialist party to bring 
this Issue into the open and^.to make the 
people of this country realize^ that the 
struggle between plutocracy and the com- 
mon people is not only a municipal struggle 
but a state and national, one as well And 
the effort to conceal this struggle by de- 
taching the city and its issues and i^roblems 
from the state and national situation, 
serves only to deceive the people and to 
r>^r,lnfl2- the oeriod of their enslavement. 
RESENTATION. The elimination _ of mi- 
noritv repre=;entation is another serious ob- 
jection to the commission form of govern- 
ment which is urged by all its critics. By 
rboUshing ward representation and electing 
the commissioners at large, the possibility 
of a^inority party securing a representa- 
tion is destroyed. This is particularly true 
• with regard to the working class, in tne 
^iturrM the case certain wards in our 
cities are inhibited by the working class 
Other wards are inhabited mostly by the 
Muitalistic class. Under the method of 
ward organization tViore are sure to be 
?ome wafds where the working class pre- 
dominate and where therefore they can 
SrTrepresentalK.n long before they are 
nhle to capture the cily. this minoriiy 
renre4ntation serves u.-i only to give the 
wJrkfng Class a yoi.ce ''' 'tin. government to 
that extent, but it a(for<ls the worKing 
class experience in public »l»'S^;^ or,TnmIs- 
All of this is sacrlticod by the cqmmis 
slon f orm of government and we believe is 

" Fui4hTrmSre the arguments In favor of 
representation at large is «ff"etjiy^^^": 
ments in favor of ward representation. For 
wWle it may be true that representatives 
^nrn cprlain districts of the city will be 
ncUned'lo^ neglect the general W^J^'ow^n 
the city in their concern for their own 
constituency, "vet on th.' other hand it is 
a?sotrul particularly in larger cities that 
the needs of a certain district are likely 

to be overlooked by a form of roprowmtH- 
tion that concerns itself .solely wllh iht^ 
general welfare of a city. Thy i rlncliplc ii 
ward represontatiun li;i:: ^ilw.-iys l.oeii Uiat 
In this way re,.i<lri.t.:, of ;. r.ri^.ni dliitrlut 
are better able Lu hring Hn- r.'<iulr''inentM 
of their district to Uh; allmliun ul Uie MOV- 
erning body. And Lliis aiguuicnt cannot bo 
overlooked. , , , 

The cities which have combined a ropro- 
sentation from wards with a group ol al- 
dermen elected at large, acruvr. both of 
these advantages. We have .such a I orm of 
municipal government in JVlilwaiikcc iil (lio 
present time. The commission (orm ol 
government sacrifices one of those adviiii- 

*^'^f4) OTHER OBJECTIONS. In addlltoh 
to the above, which are the chief and tiio(«t 
serious objections, there are others wliU'li 
should not be overlooked. For cxiunpie, 
whether intentional or not, there se(>iiiM li> 
have crept into many of the laws ami char- 
ters providing for the commission loiin of 
government, features which can h;u'dly hit 
regarded other than as jokers. H'or (ex- 
ample. In many cases the perc( tilii,;" rt'- 
ouired for the initiative, refercjulu ii iind 
recall are so high as to practically 'l''"' ''"ly 
their value. The most notable ca,scorilil« 
kind was the Illinois law which ii', "''••■\t •'- 
quired a seventy-five per cent ol Uh^ o i 
vote in order to start a recall. Of '•'•«« 
such a percentage is absolutely Pro ilbi Ivo. 
It should be said, however, that thu noxi 
session of the legislature reduced that li.;i- 
centage to fifty-five, but even that is pio- 

hibitiva. , . ,, , 

In many of the cities twenty-live piM 
cent and in some even thirty-five per ccnl 
of the voters are required for referendum. 
These are too high. The same may be sa .1 
with regard to the initiative. iw<uity-iiv(| 
Tnd thirty per cent are frequently ri^^yuU-n^\ 
and in one case the Kansas law '•<"' ' 'f 
forty per cent in cities of the second (.1h.hh. 
<PoT analysis of this po mt ^ J^>"}}^ 
slon Government in America, by Bradloril, 

^^^t^'lB^'allo'-important to know that In 
manv of the charters and many of tint 
™ltJlaws, one or the other of these d.'.n..- 
cratic devices have been omi"e'l ont 1- V^ 
For example, thirteen out of fifty-one <J k 
omitted the referendum entirely in th di 
chlrtlrs and seven states out of tw(!nt.v- 
four omittea it from their general hIhI" 

^""Twelve cities have omitted the rorMijI 
orovision from their charters and eight ou( 
provision ir j-^ ^ general comn. le- 

sion llw have omitted the recall from tho 
provision of their general acts. 
t,a. s,uiM.s^ GATED. 

■nm?q TT CONCENTRATE? In spite of 
th?S 'tL^'lh? most characteriBtlc 1 ;a. 
ture of the commission fo™/^ "^J;„ V ,nt 
iratiofe of .power and ^f^ ^P^t^ongest arRU- 
fh-at thi'? is urged as the si;ronf,eri>. uimj 
^^n't'l^ffavor If tlie commission form 

ellmple the school boards or hnardH or 


*' But more important still, if ^"Ti^-yi'l^ll,?,", 
is to be considered an argument ii J 

o^ the commission fo/,"\' J^^^^i^clin m.w '. 
It does not concentrate the nudcPWK 
While in many cases t^^e munlclp"! <iMn^ 
is brought under the control of tho com. 



^n^LJL *S -"^ interference of the courts 
rrSn\^^^^^^%^-«|f to ti.e ?o'ca!°^o^|! 

have been followi/#'the''So-g\^f «„, ^^o 

]^^f goyernraent. m the city ^ofClele 
Janf.Ohio for example, this went so fa; 
that m order to dpfpot h^rr^ t t t ^^ 

hi=! fijrVii- -piVi, 4^ ueieat lom Jj. Johnson in 
nis nght for the three-cent fare whif^h via 
had practically won, the matt«- wis t^kPii 
char^ter^nr.T" ^"^^ of the state^lnd^the 

£i¥/ th""^"-. tMf i.4^°^renitrw°i\- 

foTqll it^?n^ a^.^^ s^eTsfo^l'?L^Z?d '°!^ 

^g2*„^t does not contemplate it 

the freedom of action on the mrt of th« 

snn,?llh^m^. ^^^"^ T^*' ^^® ^''le to fix the re- 
sponfeibihty, to know exactly who is to 
blame if thmgs do not go right 

electee's of W nl'^«i™1=- ^ commission iy 
+/^,,^^ ' ^*^*x "^^ ^^y- ftve men. The aues- 
ticn of a. certain line of action is decWed 
by a majority vote. One of the onrWi« 

Th?oP of^t'^lffi"^^^^ ^'^'■t'^in line of action 
three of the Ave, however, vote asainst it 
The work cannot be done. it,<AJnsr it. 

thI^c'oVm"ils/o^n*?o"i"c?i^ ^«^ *^^ ^-""^e of 

tio?Sii°hTSt"^^k"&.nr.^^?'' *^« ^-- 

the others. But tke nL w^ i^" ^^,*^'P« "^on 
depanment. so"k^^1,fhf;r^^,tThe^^^^^^^ 

-.pon^ii'lfft^'^rcu'^^S fn^'^c^i.f 1^""^ «^ -^- 
A circuit Tuds-e waq Pii^+„?'^''^h**™a 'C'ty. 
commissioners beTm!«Pn?*^? ?^ °"« ''^ the 
ly attitude toward ,?nin^ histaown friend- 
was elected he wi« r^!?^ f^'^?°'^V ^^en he 
Department of PnT.7?^*w ?'«* ^^ad of the 
the quSn of ^nSSnJ'Sn^^^ ,?^^* ^^^n 
up he dndfs-c/i +i,„ • '^ ^ union labor came 

sponsibnitvty^referrTn^.'ih^ ''^"l^'' t^« de- 
commission 'nl n^i^^-^^? question to the 

that . thercou?d''"no?"'uS'7h ^''foV"^!?-"'' 
criminate aeairtqf" +1,^ 2 ■ ^^^^ flis- 

Tn this way the Lbo? r.,^i"l'""'°" workers, 
from one commi«^i-nL^"*''*'^P ^"^^ shifted 
so di.=.posed o? ^^'^ *° t*^® o*er and 

^•,h',?a"p'e"it?on «^^-"^« i'^^ ^"^^Gns circu- 

of Ihfy ^TnVL\~., ! - Rienatures of 16 per cent 
or voters were secured TVr.-n, Ji 
mlSHtoners did n^f X,, i' .^ow, the com- 
'^ne«(l,vn On ti,rifT "^u* ^^ Submit the 
" "'I ino /,.{(J0 voters who had 

signed the petition. So thev shjft(.ii *v.^ 

bpite ot the opinion of the lp!?-ni 7ii 
partment the commissioners decided !o sub! 
niit the question to a vote of the ^eanZ 

ion submitted the question. Then tho ^i« 
trict court Gtepped in updn the petiMon of 
one of the. citizens and issued an ii^Snc 


the city attorney to those of the commit 
sioners; and finally again from Uieir Si' 
ders to those of the district court Tt 
wou d be pretty hard to conceive of a hJ 
ter illustration oT the failure of the com 
sTnXiir^ ''' government fo'^.L^°r^* 

r-eS°^ib?l^?f>Sle- i^l ^E^^ 
arguments actually made in favor of a on^ 
man commission. xavux 01 a one- 

ot^StJJT.I(i°^''f serious is the interference 

E^vernmf^f -"^ *^?. commission form of 
th J nni^fi?^-,'" 'i .^^t>' <3oes not take away 
latu^P .«^'^+l7 ^^ interference by the legis- 

mini.traVfon^^^^?."^*^ ^° ^^^^ *^« "^e "ad- 
mmistration of the city is in harmony in 

le^JiatF^^^'^ ^"*^ policies with the State 
may eo ^m^'lr/^^ courts, so Ions? matters 
Istr^tfon nn^i^i^, ^."t ■''^t ^"y '-ity admln- 
italistir- r.nK • t'^'S*^ ^° withstand the cap- 
e|}slat,i?P cf ^^ f/ ^^^ °o"^ts and the StSte 
tifn Of "the''^ -- -^ soon is a manifesta- 
quires onG^^«^^-''"°^ Powers. It only re- 
courts for fn "jr,'-" ''.P'ty to apply to the 
nant nolitinai^'".™".*'*'""- ^^"^ the domi- 
^hen^con ^on^ri": ''' *^-? f-^'^^^ legislature 
can be verv «,,-V, capitalistic influences. 

«on to the citvl^^''?'-^.'^""^ i^t« opposi- 
happ^ns asTt?«''^™''l'''tration. When this 

not then thp rP«?,r, °"S-?-?"^ happening, will 
When S *!^^^^«pon^ibi]]ty be shifted again?, 
temlts A. . ""'^^^o" i" --^"ch a case at- 
fo?the peon^^".?''°P°-^^^ *° •So something 
easilv sh^f?^t^ °^ =^ city. _ may it not very 

a Te'^J ^?^pre^^^i^|* ^|j;i\\\t<»Won 1. 

ftri^r%"h^e VSl^,:^ ^"y 'tlJVSib^l: 

litical powlr that is^givprf ?'' ■f^^^'' ^^ T>o- 
tives. If anv of +t5> 1" ^'^ ^'s representa- 
party fail to make ^nod^f? .elected by the 
the party. WTiy shmild ln\ 'L£°.""* against 
tions and parties ssSn^^ fT^^'^*^*''* ofganiza- 
liiJity? And whv fhmTi^ *Jif ^^'^^. responsi- 

one that can b/hVld re^nnn^ihiPr'^ '","^ 
the eleetfd officers do f,?S^'' ^""^ '^'^^-^ 
commission fori^'^^of' W?„S ^ak^.^^i? 

...._iui!ji: M»M^ijij!^.'ii<tifciu:j-j.Udi!iifc*;i«!ii kt 

Klon form of govornment. And tiicy ii;,\r 
than less, and thla pliase ol: IJ.x: inuUrr 
should be considered. 

Ifa' IT MOlUi; KFFiOlliJNT? Another 
claim of the commission form of govern- 
ment that sliould be investigated is, the 
claim put forward toy all of its advocates 
that it greatly increases efficiency of the 
with regard to certain matters. A great 
deal has been written and said by the 
friends of the commission form along these 
lines. When we come to examine tlie de- 
tails upon which this claim is based, how- 
ever, the argument does not seem to carry 
so much weight, 

It may be frankly admitted, for the sake 
of argument, that the cities that have 
adopted the commission form of govern- 
ment, have shown evidences of improvement 

For example, it is claimed for certain 
of the commission governed cities that they 
have greatly reduced the burden of taxa- 
tion by economies effected. But hundreds 
of cities have accomplislxed things of that 
sort without being under the commission 
form of government. It is always the boast 
of a new administration that It has reduced 
the taxes. And most capitalistic campaigns 
in the cities are waged on the promise to 
reduce the taxes. 

Furthermore, low taxes may not be an 
evidence of efficiency of city government at 
all. On the contrary, a partial iiicrea.^e of 
the tax burden may be an absolute essential 
in the first steps towards an efficient city. 
Practically every American city is lacking 
in school facilities, in proper street equip- 
ment, parks and boulevards, sewerage and 
the like. To bring these up to the standard 
of efficiency shown by European cities will 
naturally and inevitably require increased 
expenditures. But what is much more vital 
than this even, the American city is far 
behind the cities of every progressive na- 
tion in the world in the matter of the own- 
ership of revenue producing enterprises. 
If the American city is to be made efficient 
in the true sense of the word, it will be 
compelled to deliberately aasiime the policy 
which the European city long ago assumed, 
viz., in investing in revenue producing en- 
ternrises — water works, gas plants, lighting 
plants, street car system and all other pub- 
lic utilities, and especially land and sites. 
But every step in this direction involves, 
of course, an initial investment. And while 
the gradual introduction of this policy will 
enable the cities to use revenues produced 
by one utililt in Instituting the public own- 
ership and operation of the next, it is never- 
theless difficult, if not impossible, to in- 
augurate this programme without some in- 
crease In the tax burden. And yet there 
is no more essential feature, no more vital 
element in the efficiency of city government 
than this. 

So the mere matter of reduced taxes can- 
not be taken as any cvidcnco of efficiency. 
Other matters enter lor con.sideration. 

Again it is claimed that the commissions 
in certain cities have inlrodui-od more busi- 
ness-like methods in till' riniiiic.i[);il account- 
ing. But scientific 1mi(I;.;<-I. in;ikiiig is being 
developed on a mucli l;ir.c,<'r ;:<.'ilc :ind in a 
much more thorough -iroinf.-: \v;i,y in hik'Ii 
cities as Chicago, New York mihI Milwaukr^o 
than In any of the ciunmisidoticfl t-frvcrned 
cities. So this cun hiifdly be claimnj^ ^:i?-i 
an evidence of incro.Mscd (>iflciciir.y. Tlio 
achievements of a piH'chas-irig dciinri irictil, 
of a bureau of efficiency jind ccomtiny :ir(' 
also urged as evidences of greater clllcloncy. 
But these details havo ;ilso b(Hm entab- 
lished in many cities without the commia- 

MI'IX ibtt 

niiiii- tUiiicuM to Ilx the ruHpon»lbHity rallior 

iiiiHlc c'lu.dly good r(;corUs. 

In Hiiui t. it is dillitMill tiir I lie advociitoH 
of the coiiuiUMfilori itiiiii ijj Kov!:riiiui;uL t(_ 
point out yiJCCiJic iriKta.iii.c;; ui; iiir,ro.M,«ed 
efficiency under Lheii; cumiai.ssiiin,;il has 
not been equalled somewhere in oLlici- ciiK^s 
that are not under the commission J'urni. 

In view of facts, too much weigh (. 
cannot toe permitted to the claims made 
by the advocates of the commission form. 
While it may be admitted that there have 
been some gains, they do not all stand to 
the credit of the commission form of gov- 
ernment as to mere form. 


The commission form of government, as 
has alreadjr been pointed out, is not the 
result of a careful or comprehensive study 
of the problems of municipal government. 
It seems rather to have been stunitoled 
Upon and had Its inception in an accident — 
the calamity at Galveston. It seems 
strange that the students of municipal gov- 
ernment in America should not have come 
for%vard long before this, -with some care- 
fully prepared plan of municipal reform, 
based upon a, thorough Investigation of the 
subject in this and other countries. It is 
not to be expected, of course, that America 
sliould copy the forms of m.unicipal govern- 
ment found in other countries; but It would 
be the height of folly for the people of 
this nation to disregard entirely the ex- 
perience of other lands in the matter of 
municipal government, especially in vieiv 
of the fact that other countries have made 
such notable achievements in that line. But 
this seems to be exactly what the advo- 
cates of the commission form of govern- 
ment nave done. They have overlooked en- 
tirely and disregarded the experience of 
other nations. 

PAL, GOVERNMENT. Without doubt the 
best governed cities in the world, and par- 
ticularly the most efficient, are the cities 
of Germany. While of course the Socialists 
of this country would by no means advo- 
cate the election fornix of the Gerinaii cities, 
It is interesting to note that in those partic- 
ular respects in which the commission form 
of government is said to excel, the German 
cities have long ago made their greatest 
achievements. Tlie German municipal gov- 
ernment is efficient. And as compared to 
the American cities, they are decidedly pro- 
gressive as well. 

These things — efficiency and progressive- 
ness, have been achieved in the German 
cities, not under the commission form of 
government, but quite the opposite. The 
general form of city government in Ger- 
many is that of a large council. There are 
126 members of the city council of Berlin; 
Breslau has 100; Dresden 70. The coun- 
cilmen are also elected from the wards or 
dhgtricts, and these in turn elect the heads 
of departments. These latter constitute a 
second body, handling in general the ad- 
ministrative affairs of the city. In addi- 
tion to these two bodies are numerous com- 
missions, part of them salaried and part of 
them rendering services without pay. The 
council selerl;? ITie rnnyor. who need not be, 
and gener.-illy i-: not, a resident of the city, 
but "is selected solely for his efficiency, 
abitity iiiid l;.)iowled,ge of municipal prob- 
lems.' 'I'*lie bends of the departments are 
;ilHo soleefed in a similar way and serve for 
loii.T li'rjiis, aoractimos for life. 

Now. wTiefher this form of government be 
lieldr th;ii! the usual council form in 
.America or not, one thing is certain — this, 
and not the commission form. Is the one 


under which the German municipal govern- 
ment has reachea Its high degree of effi- 

If the form of government has anything 
to do with It, then the experience of Ger- 
many IS against the commission form of 

PAL, GOVERNMENT. The experience of 
ijng-land IS somewhat similar to that of 
Germany. Prior to 183 5 the English people 
had their problems of political corruption 
and municipal misrule, similar to those we 
have in America at the present time. Then 
came the municipal reform act, which while 
It did not change the form of their govern- 
ment materially, nevertheless produced a 
profound effect for the better upon munici- 
pal government In England until today 
probably the next best .s^overned cities In 
the world to those of Germany are the 

Here again it is not the commission form 
ot_ government under which efficiency has 
arisen, but quite the opposite. The council 
IS a large body. Glasgow has 77 members; 
Manchester 124; Liverpool 134. They are 
also elected as In Germany from the va- 
rious wards. And besides politics are not 
excluded from municipal government as is 
proposed by advocates of the commission 
torm^ There are generally two or three 
councilmen from each ward. Thi.s elected 
council then selects a second body one-third 
as large as the elective council. These two 
houses working together select the mayor 
usually from their o\^-n membership But 
tne mayor has little power in the English 
city. These two bodies also select all 
other city officials. 

Thus the English experience further dis- 
proves the contention of the advocates of 
the commission form of government, that 
only by the abolition of ward lines and 
the election of the small body at large, can 
emcient municipal government be aftained. 
Ihe English cities are well governed and 
have been well governed for nearly three 
generations. Moreover, the English city 
government is comparatively free from 
graft in spite of the fact that almost Uni- 
versally the cities own and operate large 
and important public utilities and employ 
thousands of men and spend millions of 
dollars every year. 

And this has been accomplished, not un- 
Ser the commission form of government, 
but duite the opposite 

PAL GOVERNMENT. The municipal code 
of France permits the cities to choose their 
council either at large or by wards. The 
majority of the smaller cities elect their 
council at large, but most of the larger ones 
have chosen the ward plan. The elections 
are not non-partisan, nor are majority elec- 
tions required. The council here as in Ger- 
many and England selects the administra- 
tive organizations. Nor is the council a 
small body as proposed by the commission 
advocates. The average for the ordinary 
French city is at least thirty-six. 

In the French city the council elects the 
mayor who Is a much more responsible 
official than the burgomaster in Germany 
and much more so than the mayor in Eng- 
land He appoints all city officials except 
tho treasurer and a few other important 
officers which are flllefl by the national gov- 
ernment. His appointments are not even 
subject to the ratification of a council and 
ho can remove any official except those of 
the police department. 

Thus thR exporiehce of these countries In 
■which the highest degree of efficiency of 
tnuniolpal government has been attained 

affords no encouragement to the idea of 
the commission form. On the contrary 
whatever efficiency has been attained in 
these countries has been attained bv a 
movement in the opposite direction. 
In connection with the commission form 
of government are a number of features 
which an_ must agree are desirable This ■ 
fact requires discrimination in stating the 
t^5i '^r'^}''''^ H^"" socialist party should 
take. If the party either locally or other- 
wise takes a stand against the commission 
torm of government unqualifiedly, it there- 
by puts itself in opposition to certain de- 
sirable features that have been attached 
to the commission form. It is necessary 
therefore to study carefully the form and 
the various features of each particular citv 
charter and the general state act as it 
cornes forward. The attitude that the party 
is to_ take m any city or state can be de- 
termined by the particular form and the 
specific features of the commission form 

' (1) HOME RULE. Wherever the general 
state acts establishing the commission form 
of government proposes a greater degree of 
home rule than the cities in that stlte al- 
ready enjoy, the party will have to con- 
sider seriously whether such a law even 
though objectionable in some other fea- 
tures, will not be to the advantage of the 
cities m the state. Above almost every- 
thing else, home rule and the right of 
self-government, the right of the city to 
manage its own affairs, is most important 
Especially in_the fight for municipal own- 
ership, for direct employment, for trades 
union conditions of labor, the union label 
the union scale, the eight-hour day and 
"nion conditions, home rule is essential 

Many of the commission charters so far 
as we can discover, do not add one lota of 
home rule to the city's power. Many of 
the states have secured home rule entirely 
apa.rt from the commission form and we 
believe the rest of the states would in time 
secure the same. Where the cities do not 
r , i-^'i-^.^^ home rule, and the state law es- 
tablishing the commission form does give 
S*^ city more home rule, there the party 
should consider seriously whether it is not 
better to support the commission form on 
that account. And this will have to be 
determined in each case by a careful and 
discriminate estimate of the degree of home 
rule secured, and the question of whether 
there are other objectionable features that 
overbalance the possible advantages of the 
home rule involved. 

AND RECALL. The Socialist party every- 
where, of _ course, is seeking to establish 
direct legislation and greater control by 
the people over the government. The ini- 
tiative, referendum and recall are means to 
that end. They are proposed In connec- 
tion with the commission form in the great 
majority of cases. Here, again, the party 
will have to exercise discriminating judg- 
ment m determining Its attitude. 

Some matters are clear, however. Where 
any of these forms are missing in the pro- 
posed charter or State law, there the party 
should make a vigorous fight to have them 
included. And where the percentages are 
too high, the party should fight for their 
reduction. In pur opinion the initiative 
should not require the signatures of more 
than ten per cent of the voters; the refer- 
endum should not require more than fifteen 
per cent and the recall should not require 
more than twenty per cent. These figures 


T TTI T^T'^ffTT^, ^ ■ ' A ' I ^^ 



however, are arbitrary but are the flgurea 
that iirc coming to be regarded by the 
friends or direct legislation as being near- 
est the desired point. The percentages 
should not be so high as to make the de- 
vices too difficult of putting mtp operation, 
nor should they be so low as to interfere 
with the efficient operation of the municipal 
In the smaller cities, the five members pro- 
nosed bv the commission form are doubt- 
feTs sufficient. It is desirable to keep the 
forms of government as simple as the sit- 
uation will warrant. But m the larger 
cities we do not believe the small body 
of men is sufficient to insure efficiency. 
We do not agree with the contention put 
forth by most advocates of the commis- 
sion form, that there should be such a 
sweeping 'reduction .of the number of 
elected officials and increase of the num- 
ber of appointive officials as would be in- 
volved by the change of form of govern- 
ment in a large city of say 400,000 popula- 
tion or more, from the present council and 
mayor form of government, to that ot a 
commission form. For the large cities, 
vour committee would recommend a modi- 
fication of the present form of municipal 
government, drawn from the. best .experi- 
ences of European and American cities in 
this respect rather than the commission 

^°™) SALARIES. One good feature of 
the commission form of government is the 
fact that it generally provides for a salary 
for the elected commissioners and large 
enough to attract men of capacity into the 
public service and to enable them to de- 
vote their entire time to it. This we be- 
lieve to be essential. Without salaries for 
public officials, the working class can hardly 
ever hope to take any part in civic lite 
The necessity of earning a Hvmg and the 
difficulty attendant thereto makes it im- 
nnsslble for them to devote their time. to 
?hri.iibUc service The failure to pro^de 
^safar^iS'^theSre-. results eRher In offlc| 
hnidins- becoming the special privilege oi. 
the wfalthy clals, or it deter orates into 
something worse. The provision of ade- 
quate sallrles we believe to be an essential 
feature of municipal government. 
PARTMENTS. One serious and otajectipn- 
Tble feature of most of . the commissmn 
form charters and laws is t^e fact that 
the five commissioners are elected without 
inv reference to the work that they are 
to perform and are allowed afterwards to 
decFde among themselves which men are 
to be nut at the head of the five respective 
dprTart^r^ents A few of the commission 
charted hoWever, have remedied this de- 
fect This if notably the case of the Grand 
Junction, Colorado, charter which is per- 
haps on the whole one of the best, unaer 

the usua:i form, the five most popular can- 
didates might, be elected '^«,,^;o'nn.l.sHl<mor9 
and all of them b.. well ciu;,llll<;(l U) iUl oi « 
or two of the oia<-cK of hcatis »t depai l- 
ments, while no one might be olocted who 
is qualified to fill the others. ihe people 
are better able to determine the htness of 
a man for a certain office than are the 
commissioners by trade and wire pulling 
after election. 

It seems strange that the Grand Junction 
form should not have been insisted upon 
in more of the charters. There can be no 
iustiflcation for the plan by which the 
commissioners are allowed to select the of- 
fices for themselves after they are elected, 

In conclusion, the study of the move- 
ment for the commission form of govern- 
ment for cities in America reveals the tact 
that the forms proposed vary greatly . in 
detail. Indeed^ there is a great variation 
even in essential features. furthermore 
the form itself has been passing through 
the process of modification since its incep- 
tion This change and modification is still 
Sg on There has not yet been proposed 
I flnll and definite form of the commission 
form of government; the whole matter is m 

P^Tview'rtS'^acts, it is impossible 
at the present time we believe to lay down 
or to fix any definite policy that shall ap- 
ply equally to all the states and all of 
the cities With reference to this matter, 
Certain general principles may be statea. 
Certain Irrors and fallacies of the argu- 
ments may be pointed out, certain evils 
Apposed Ind where the form is entirely 
objectionable, it may be defeated. 

In some cases the Socialist party or- 
ganizations have already used their in- 
fluence against certain objectionable forms 
and defeated them. In other cases tney 
have compelled a modification of the form 
by insisting on the introduction of certain 
features that had been omitted, ^^id so 
■far a<? vour committee can see, this dis 
crimfnatlnf atUtude. varying with the con- 
ditions that concern the Partym different 
localities, and varying as the movement 
varies, will have to be the position ot tne 

^^One thing, however, your committee 
wouW recommend, viz., That a comnaittee 
be appointed by the convention to study 
further the best forms of municipal gov- 
ernment and to. submit the results of their 
work as a basis for a ±.o™ tha,t mav oe 
proposed as an alternative and Improve 
--* '^^°"Re%%cTf^lT;^^BuSmft?^d. 

J-A^tft^^Hl^PBON' (^^rricretary. 
JASPER M'LEVT (Conn.). ^^^^ittee. 


^""'^T^AYiONAI. SOCiAl 

(o'l' Ci-.)NVi',n'i;il)n" 



Report of Farmers' Committee. 

During the decade Just passed agriculture 
in America has entered upon a new stage 
of evolution, which tooth in direction and 
velocity of movement differs sharply from 
that of previous years. The causes of this 
change are several. 

1. Free land has disappeared and the 
value of that now under cultivation is in- 
creasing more rapidly than ever before. 
From 1900 to 1910 this increase amounted 
to over 100 per cent for the entire nation. 
In the upper Mississippi valley, In so far 
as the census statistics are available, it ap- 
pears that the value of the average farm 
IS now about $15,000. (In Illinois, $15,- 
505; in, Iowa, $17,259.) This is a sum 
fully equal to that which now separates 
the average wage worker from ownership 
m the tools of Ms industry, and indicates 
that from now on the landless farmer must 
surrender all hope of ever entering the class 
of farm owners. 

2. That the conclusion drawn above is 
correct is borne out by the fact that in the 
three states of Indiana, Iowa and Illinois 
(the only ones in this locality from which 
the census data is available) the total num- 
ber of farms has decreased from 714,670 
in 1900 to 684,410 in 1910. The agricultural 
counties of these states, almost without ex- 
ception show an absolute decrease in popu- 
lation, a still further proof of the same 

Still another fact leading to the same 
conclusion that the class of small farm 
owners is disappearing is the census state- 
ment that in these three states the num- 
ber of farms of between 20 and 100 acres 
in area has absolutely decreased, while 
those of less than ten acres and of more 
than 175, show the most rapid rate of in- 
crease. This fact is Indicative of the two 
forms in which agricultural concentration 
IS operating: through the formation of in- 
tensively cultivated, artificially heated and 
wage-worker operated suburban market 
gardens, and large mechanically cultivated 

Perhaps more important than any of the 
above facts as showing the growing separa- 
tion of the farmer from the land is seen 
*",-> *r^^ remarkably accelerating rate at 
Which farm tenantry is progressing. The 
census bulletms show that in the three 
states of Indiana, Iowa and Illinois, 30 per 
cent, 38 per cent and 41 per cent of all farms 
are now operated by tenants. Independent 

turif sect^o"„^%^^* '? *?^ Purely "Su"- 
xurai sections the actual averaa-e lq ovpi* 

In t'ho ^Zk^'^l'"'^ ^*^*«^- Thf situation 
in tno bouth is even more striking Rpre 

cent "?;?'' rfi ^^'"'"^^ ?how that from ' 45 pe? 
cent to OB per cent of all farms are cm- 
rr**''^ ';y tenants, while investilatfon of 
the cotton fnrmfng districts (the ove?-* 

h{ ow"'"n? 5^ ?,';,T^"^;;'* agricultural industry) ^ 
nnow.«( ih.U fully SO per cent of the cotton - 
furn,., are operated by tenants whose con^ 

dition is far below that of the average fac- 
tory wage-worker. dverage rac- 
The land is not the only instrument es- 
sential to agricultural productio^ whole 
mmcult'''^V^^ producer is growing mo?l 
diHicult._ The cost, of farm machinery and 
the animals necessary for cultivation 
where animal power is used is also in" 
creasing rapidly. With the introduction of 
other than animal power, which is now 
progressing at a most revolutionary rate^ 
this cost will soon render these instru- 
ments also far beyond the reach of the 
farm worker. Along with this goes the 
multiplication of subsidiary industries ner- 
formmg operations hitherto performed 
upon the farm, or which are immediately 
essential to agriculture, but the machinery 
for which are completely out of the own- 
ership_ of the farmer. Such are sugar beet 
'■■^fS*?/'®^' .canning factories, packing houses, 
airaita mills, cotton gins, rice mills etc 

The workers afCected by these conditions 
reached a total of more than ten million 
in 1910, and constitute by far the largest 
number embraced in any single branch of 
industry To confess ourselves unable to 
include these m the program of Socialism 
IS; to surrender our position as the polit- 
^^4.^!?^^*^^"*^*"'® o^ tlie working class. 

Of these ten million, 3,933,705 are still 
farm owners, and in spite of all the ten- 
aencies mentioned above this group in- 
creased over a quarter of a million in the 
last ten years, a greater increase than is 
fooe rouna in any other single group of 
industrial workers, with the single ex- 
tremely significant exception of thl group 
if ft An<?^ +*®"f*"*^- ^\^''^ ^'Sded a little over 
ii^^Jt to its numbers during the same 
period, and which now includes 2.349 245 
workers. .',*.i*j 

i.^^fVJ^^?^'' than either cf these divisions 
Js that of agricultural laborers, of which 
there were nearly four million in 1910 It 
IS significant, however, that these are lo- 
cated geographically, in sections largely 
apart from the other classes. So far as the 
«ISSi"® Z''^*^ *^ available it appears that 
nearly twice as much money is spent for 
agricultural labor In, the little county of 
9^?h in ^hich the city of Chicago is lo- 
cated than m any other county !n the 
United States. In so far as farm laborers 
are. employed either upon the highly cap- 
italized and intensively cultivated gkrdens 
t^oii^'"''''" ^o^^^s or upon large capitalis- 
tically organized ranches, fruit farms a nrt 
mechanically operated farrni in eenerni 
from' tWoTciL""* aistinSively different 

S^^^erirtVe'd^M^c^iTltTel^rf^Sgalir l^f 
cation and organization among ?hem' hf"; 
been greater than among otheV Sseg of 

?^ Ii" steps (some of which are indicated 
Joi,l^®t.P'""55?-"\ presented) which can be 
taken by a Socialist administered l5cal o? 


their i^inilgl^'"'' ^hat will assist them In 


closer study of this n?nhW 0""^^^^'*^ "^ 
Of the preDaratinTn ^^1^ 1-+ *^"1 ^^^ ^^e need 
fitted to thfs flelrt 5,nl literature especially 
lav esnppiaf T-fl^' ^^ *^® committee would 

tensive circulation "'■^rature and its ex- 

to^b^' Sued \v ^l'^^""? -^^^ "'^^^ Of " ork 

means of tr^'-^ilf* ?^V*^ demands that the 

mems J™ ,^,/j'"'!!' "naoHlnery, when such 
of\sf°itn'!i'°S"J,-"'? '!»Wrae of lana out 

.half'brfhe*%y^^tufi t^o'laSf "^''"^"'^'^^ 

tional,'^ste1l'"o?''local 11*^""°" ^Z ^^^ "a- 
all land owned by ttiin^and^thl^^^^^-'^' °^ 
acquirement of other ^and hi r-i^'^^^'^V?"" 
purchase, condemnatinn t=^„^- ^reclamation, 
wise; such Jan^ tn hi ^ taxation or other- 


'tional^and *exp"^riment^? constitute educa- 
culture, the u^e Tf ft^ln'- centers for crop 
chinery and distrihntw'^'"^ ?"i^ '^^i» "la- 
proved seeds and h^t^l "^ P^.'"^^ ^or Im- 
S. The formating n? ^'""^'^^ ^^ animals, 
clations for ai?icu?turaf m?;^^"'"''"^'^ a«^°- 
encouraged. ''^"'^""ural purposes should be 

and p&s'Tn's'ecTni'lf. '^'^1^^^^ °^ ^^^Imals 
ities shSul'd- bf nro^vT^l^^^h,^ natural calam- 
or local governiSems^^*^ ^^ national, state 

t^e^SHr^' -w-oVo??un«1^ 
port t^o'''thl°t^^tVs^t''*X tf^^' -"S.^^P- 

gram a?nli"c*.h*.''% ^11^^^^ details of *f pro 
fonditS fn fr>*° *^® peculiar agricultural 
districts "*^''' respective states and 

a: LEE™*^^®' Chairman, 

^^¥^S H. MAURER, 






Eeport oT Comimttee on Co-operative Movement. 

CAdopted by the Convention.) 
Just as the labor unions fight for indus- 
trial self-control for the working- class, the 
loyalist party for political self-control and 
the tabor^ and Socialist press for intellec- 
tual self-control for the workers, so the co- 
operative movement fights for an increasing 
degree of economic self-control for the 
workers through the ownership and use of 
Industrial and commercial capital by or- 
tranized Kroups of the workers. 
^ The dfvelopment and successful , opera- 
tion of the co-operative movenient m con- 
nection with the international labor move- 
ment is an historical fact, which cannot 
b? disputed. While in some _ countries it 
mav seem for the time being to have 
Kkld'other lines of working class ac- 
tivity, it seems to be true also that the 
economic power of a class at a given stage 
of development turns into political power. 

The value of the co-operative movenient 
to the working class has been recognized 
•by the Socialist party, though reluctantly 
at first. It was recently so recognized at 
the Copenhagen congress in 1910, the Amer- 
can delegates voting for the resolution. 

Following the path of other national or- 
ganizations of the Socialist party, tne teo- 
ffanlr party of America must recognize 
the fact of the existence on the American 
continent of a successful co-operative move- 
ment though it has not as yet been brought 
into any unified form. 

Your committee has not been, able to 
gather any adequate data but is jnfOTme^d 

from the personal kno?:V'<^^'^„°*.a°lLuve 
came before the committee, of .distributive 
co-operatives doing a total business of not 
les/than twenty million dollars a year m 
only a few of the states of the Union. 
Nearly one thousand local organizations are 
wftMn the knowledge of .tliose reporting 
these facts to your committee, which are 
operating successfully. /io,roi 

That there is still room within the devel- 
oping processes of the capitalist system in 
?his lountry for the inauguration and build- 
ing up of a strong and successful co-oper- 
ative movement, is. evident. from the facts 
already adduced, e<3pecially m view of other 
tnd as yet unverified statements whicli are 
nevertheless largely of common knowledge. 

The benefits claimed by those most close- 
ly connected with the international co-oper- 
ative movement are three-fold, and relate 

1 The furnishing of an Improved qual- 
ity of food and other supplies to the co- 

°^2 The' actual increase of the economic 
resources of the co-operators, through the 
control of their own purchasing power, and 
the building up of reserve funds which 
have been of great service to the industrial 
and political arms of the labor niovement; 
3 The training of members of the work- 
ing class in the processes of industrial and 
commercial administrative work, and de- 
veloping this new capacity amorig thern, 
thus proving that It is possible not only to 
do without the capitalist's capital but also 
to do without his alleged superior mtelU- 

^*^The most successful co-operatives in 
America seem to be among the groups or 
foreign-speaking workers of the .same na- 
tionality, who furnish a community highly 
homogeneous, having similar habits and 
customs of life; and among the farmers. 
who find it possible to combine at once 
their buying and selling powers m the same 

''irllew''"of the failures which have oc- 
curred in this and other countries m con- 
nection with the efforts to establish co- 
oneratives, we recommend that a committee 
of Ave persons be elected by this conven- 
tion, not confined to delegates m the con- 
vention, who shall be given the assistance 
of the national office in making an mvesti- 
eation into the facts cDncerning the co-op- 
Irative movement; the committee to make 
r special effort to ascertain wha-t bearing 
the degree of industrial development and 
oVianization in any P/^icular locality has 
upon the operation of co-operation m that 
locality; to make tentative, reports from 
time to time through the national office and 
t™pa?ty press; and to make a final report 
at the next national convention. 














Report of Committee on Labor Organization and Their Relation to the Party. 


Political organization and economic or- 
ganization are alike necessary In the 
struggle for working class emancipation. 
The most harmonious relations ought to 
exist between the two great forces of the 
working class movement — the Socialist 
Party .and the Labor Unions. 

The labor movement of the United States 
has of recent years made marvelous prog- 
ress in all directions. It has steadily in- 
creased in numbers' and has reached trades 
and. industries which were before unor- 
ganized. It has in many instances con- 
centrated its power and increased its effi- 
ciency by the amalgamation of related 
trades into federations and industrial 
unions. Many unions have opened their 
meetings and journals to the discussion 
of vital social and political problems of 
the working class, and have repudiated 
the demoralizing politics represented by 
the National Civic Federation. The organ- 
ized workers are rapidly developing an 
enlightened and militant class-conscious- 

The reality of this progress is attested 
by the increrasing virulence with which 
the organized capitalists wage their war 
against the union. This improved eco- 
nomic organization is not a matter of 
abstract theory, but grows out of the 
experience of the wage workers in the 
daily class struggle. Only those actually 
eng-aged in the struggle in the various 
trades and industries can solve the prob- 
lems of form of organization. 

The Socialist party therefore reaffirms 
the position it has always taken with re- 
gard to the movement of organized labor: 

1. That the party has neither the right 
nor the desire to interfere in any con- 
troversies which may exist within the 
labor union movement over questions of 
form of organization or technical meth- 
ods of action in the industrial struggle 
but trusts to the labor organizations 
themselves to solve these questions. ' ^ 

tir.,; ^7^?;*■^^^ Socialists call the atten- 
tion of their brothers in the labor unions 
to the vital importance of the task of or- 
ganizing the unorganized, especially the 
immigrants and the unskilled laborers 
who stand m greatest need o't organized 
protection and who will constitute a great 
menace to the progress and welfare of or- 
Ttl'^iiLl^^S/- "they remain neglected, 
the Socialist party will ever be readv to 
co-operate with the labor unions in the 
task of organizing the unorganized work- 
ers, and urges all labor organizations 
who have not. already done th?ow 
ther doors wide open to the workers of 

ibonshin'-^^.^'^T*'''^ ^^^"^^^ ^"'^ industries, 
aooi shmg all onerous conditions of mem- 

t^c-f''^f Vl'^ artificial restrictions. In the 
lace oi the tremendous powers of the - 
^^l"nn^ capitalists and their close indus- 
tiVoo ^ political union the workers of 
this country can win their battles only by a 
strong class-consciousness and closelv 
united organizations on the economic field 
fnn^iTT/"^ ^''^ militant party on the pol t- 
ical field and by joint attack of both on the 
common enemy. ^"® 

. 3. That it is the duty of the Party to 
give moral and material support to the labor 
organizations in all their defen.s?ve or ag- 
gressive struggles against capitalist oppref- 

lna^^iiJ\%n'MllSr"'' ^' their ^ma^r^^al 

tht' <?^J?fa*T,-'V^ ^^f "^"^^ '^^ the members of 
the Socialist party who are eligible to 

ncZl^^'if'VJ' "'" ""i?^^ *° join and be 
«ons respective labor organiza- 

DAN A. WHITE, Committee. 





Keport of Platfom Committee as Revised and Adapted by the Convention. 

^?1®,. Socialist party declares that the 
capitalist system has outgrown Its hifi- 
torical function, and has become utterly 
incapable of meeting the problems now con- 
fronting society. We denounce this out- 
grown system as Incompetent and corrupt 
and the source of unspeakable misery and 
suffering to the whole working class. 

Under this system the industrial equip- 
rnent of the nation has passed into the 
absolute control of a plutocracy which ex- 
acts an annual tribute of hundreds of mil- 
lions of dollars from the producers. Un- 
t+vft^i,^ ^"^. organized resistance, It 

Itnf ^J'^'^.l °V^ '^"^ greedy hands over the 
?^i ,"^''\^,^°P^'^.^*^^'^"^'='^^ of the nation— 
the land, the mines, the forests and the 

li^'^^r^^Z^^ °.i every state in the union 
«!av?r,<^^^o ^? *^® multiplication of labor- 
saving machines and improved methods in 
industry which cheapen the cost of product 
tion, the share of the producers grows ever 
Less, and the prices of all the necessities of 

peritv nf'V^h-'"''''^?-^''- ■'^^''- boasted pros- 
perity of this nation is for the ownin°- 

greater hardship and misery. The h gn 
iTn^l"^^^'"'"^ *=^ ^*^lt in every home MO- 
lions of wage-workers have seen the pur- 
chasing power of their wages decrease un- 
mere exi^stlnce.^^"''^ ^ desperate battle for 
Multitudes of unemployed' walk the 
Streets of our cities or trudge from stati 
to state awaiting the will of the masters to 
move the wheels of industry ^^^^^^^^ to 

hv th« '^^^''''^ •'" ^^^^"^ ^*^at"2 are plundered 

by the increasing prices exacted for tnnie! 

fr".1.^T°^^«^y .a"^ V exrort1oni?e rent 
freight rates and storage charges. 

Capitalist concentration is merciless! v 
crushing the class of small bus^ne" men 
and driving its mfembers into the ranks of 
propertiless wage- workers. Th« over- 
whelming _ma.1ority of the people of Araer- 
i1^ Y"* "it'-"^ ^^'^'^^ ""'^Pr a voke of bond- 
^It i^ Ihf "'''-'J^f? industrial despotism. 

most of the insanity, crime and prostitu- 
mankind """ ' °^ '^^ "^'^^^^^ "^^^ ^^^^^^ 
^^F"*^^/ }^^^ .system the working class is 
exposed to poisonous conditions, to fright- 
ful and needless perils to life and limb is 
walled around with court decisions njunc- 
tlons and unjust laws, and is preyed unon 

ncessnntly for the benefit of the contr??!^ 
1^!^mI^':^^V ^'^'^,^^'^- Under it af "o ™he 

n .,,7. "^^^ working class are doomf^d 

ilvcH^ "*■''' ^''"<^SV"i& toil and darkened 

Him" nirthnrf.'i "i'^ P'%''^ '^^"«' ^^ manifest 

I h m t?e*'in h" "''■''e''^^''^ are appalted 

II I ' , . . IfJ-i-^'ntlve representatives of 

ni'iiii ^\m (allhful .HorvnntH of the oppres- 

sors. Measures designed to secure to the 
wage earners of this nation as hunTane and 
just treatment as is already enjoyed by the 
wage earners of all other civilized na«ons 
&t^^" ^'^othered in committee wfthou! 
debate, and law.; ostensibly designed to 
bring relief to the farmers and general 
consumers are juggled and transformed in- 

?ibX'"''Tir^' ^°''-"^" exaction of ?u?ther 
tribute. The growing unrest under opores- 
sion has driven these two old partfe^ to 
the enactment of a variety of vtgulatlve 
measures, none of which has limited ^n on v 
appreciable degree the power o? the pfutoc- 
racy, and some of which have been De?I 
verted into means for increasing that 
power. Anti-trust laws, railrotd festric- 
tions and regulations, with the profecu 

' Utrrly^"f°u'iili^fLl1rd?cul'^otr ^'-'^^^'^ '' "' 
rJf'^^^r^'T "^^'^ plutocracy been seriously 
m^h^^^Z^'^r. °^T^^^en threatened by any He- 
pubiican or Democratic executive ft hn<s 

a?"ke "under" t^^°^/"- P^^^^ and"" insolence 
innTi n^ t/- , *^*^ administrations of Cleve- 
land, McKmley, Roosevelt and Taft 

pnrt +h?<?'"°'' !? ^^^^ legislative juggling 
and this executive connivance the cfurtf 
of America have sanctioned and strength 

Dred icoH^"^'^ it 'H' .P^^toc^fcy ^a^^the' 
iJred bcott and other decisions strengthened 

h^l.^^h''^"P°'^^J '^<^*°^« the civil wlrf^Thly 
Sres.ion "of"?b? If instruments for the op^ 

^^^ %' re^e%%e^Jrinr Je"e^ L^s! 

cl^.eTheL^?o°§t t*L%"r^ii-ro#C^' ^'; 
SfvTe S-e"d^^^^ pnstTfs f^r^^^^^^'i^r 
socletv ^ wf '^'"f "^"^ °t fo"- the welfare of 

tl^^Llf evilT\h'|.^^-'nrre'\Td°^c\n*"ll *n°o^ 

o wealth he creates 

bociety Is divided into warring- e-rnim<? 

^i^tt^''^^'.}'''^^'^ ^P°" material fntfreX 
Fundamentally, this struggle is a r-mffli-^f 

the^ra^i^^fiJr.r^^" ^^^^^^^' one^ofThK 
iiie capitalist class, owns the meanc! n^ 

must"°use"' fhe^.'^'^ "*'^'^'' t^e worktaTcIas^'s! 
firm's ^J^^% ??feTwnfrs^^°^"«"«" °^ 

f^^Si^^g eSol^^^rZ^ 
.legislative, executive and judicial Thi^Mn^ 
owns the machinery of gathering: and d^« 
gemmating news "ihroufh Tts'^'^organized 
press. It subsidizes seats of learninEr— -th^ 
morlftgtnclls'^"?! V^"^i even rellgl^fs a*nl 

whether by h;ind . r h J:p, Work for a living, 
on lb., .soil V stlv rmtnn^'h^'' 'I'/^P- "^'n® or l.ackirrg ^effect v?'''^''^ "^'^ ca'pUalist 
class .solidar/ y this chL ^''^anization and 
force its will (i vL l^fA'*^,""^'^'^ to en- 
and effective org^nilatinr,^!?^''''''^ solidarity 
have the power to m^ki^'.^i^^ workers will 

eco1i^irc"SsTn?irtsfr % expression of 
Their P^om^caf conmct^'relecf ^*'^"i^' « J^^" 

politically, it iHhe canit^ii^t^",''^'^^"^ ^i" 
victorious economically^ "^'^^ ""^^^^ t^^t I.« 

ers. Its defpat.^ h^-,ri: v! ^ °^ *"® work- 

and its %ic?orie'l tS vicTorie^"'" jf'r''' 

Sll d°e^^ltp'm^St*^!t^°^^"""^^<^ "-''of 
all social neceSe^ " proposes that, since 
duced, the means nf**it''y "^""^ socially pro- 

cessfully the canHal^.t®^ ^^^ l^^^'^t sue- 
fpff<=r-« ^-F J: capitalist class, break the 

fo" fh'e futurTs"ocfe?/^Wr'l f themselvel 
the capitSsy.^tem'^' The^n".,*?- '^.^'^^^^ 

nomic Ind Do^iT,v/i ?• "'^^anize for eco- 

clas" ^partv^tn''*.!?-'* '^''=*'''"5' «f the working- 
dom li^el the delea? n.'^T -Struggle for free? 
mon people of afl L?>^i""™P'^ °* the com- 
as the failuri or t°Tf"°.™-"' groups, as well 

government Thus the*"^''"'-^^- ?* Popular 
the Tinrtir %.* *(? the Socialist partv is 

whieg'L^Lkf the'tr^anSn '."^ re^oluTion! 
individualism to sSfi^°"f ^'''"^ economic 
ery to free co-oneratrn^' ^J'"" ^^^^ slav- 
ollgarchy to induSf demo'^a'^y."^^"^"^* 


the working ^elLs'tn'Hf?;'' J% strengthen, 
is^atlon of its uiti-ma+n^ ^-^^^ l^r the real- 
tlve commonweal™ and'"?k *^^ co-opera- 

we advocate and rfit^S^'*^''^! oppression, 

elected offlcer^to thp f^ii'''"'"-^®^''*'^ ^"'^ «"r 
uincers to the following program: 


^r^'tic mlnTJlmtlT r.'^'''''%7^^V, ^"^ demo- 
wireless t^w^X ^L 7*l^o?<3«- wire and 
services, steimboat Hne^''"o^T^^'„e^P^<^«s 

social meanr^f transSoriatlo^ ^'l ''^^^'' 
mt^^ication and of^^^TTir^S^^eafe^^nX^I 


inciudrmh;^r'';^uai^Li'''MV''''''^/'""''^''' '" 
and water po^or' ^'^•^' °'^ ^"^'"' '''"■''«<'« 

m^t Of \l^il4f re^o'l^cef IvV? ^1'^ 'l"^^'""- 
benefit of all the people ^'" *"« "«'' '^"<J 

pr^fictiol ''*'"""^^ lorestation and timber 
swa'^iip "^/act"'" ^'^^'^"lation of arid and 
th^ti^tj^^ l^f'^.^^S^ -ter« and 

duets of mines and ofl wellf''^ ''^ ^^^ P'-O" 
waYe\-w^/ sSt^mr^^"^""^ °^ ^^^1^™^ and 

where?er%r'a"t1cli?e Zd'^^F^hiP of ,and 
suph .ownership is ^^i^'p^'^^^ti^^" J cases where 

priation by t^tation ^of the innn^l ''P^'i'''- 
value of all land held f^^ annual rental 
exploitation. ° ^^^ speculation or 

crntfc mLag"m'enrof°tTe"'h''^T- '^'^^ '5^'""- 
rency system; ^^ banking and cur- 


un^Xlo^eT^b'f ^hf^rr"^?"^ ^*^'-f of the 
public^ ''^orks^ aIi ''^^t"^'^" Of all useful 
such works to hp LS5^5"^^. ^'"Ployf'd on 
government under a wo wfd '^^'■*'J"y '^^ '^e 
than eight hourl nnd «+ "^""/i^f "ot more 
prevailing' uni^n wa|es "Thi"'"^' *^^° the 
also to establish emnw™ * government 
lend money to 'staTe^s^'?!"* bureaus; to 
without interest for tL ^^ municipalities 
ing on public works and to"?l'5''^^ of carry- 
measures Within 1t^ ^^J-^ ^"^^^ ®"°h other 

the Widespread mtse^rr'^of ""^th^'" ^'^f''^^" 
caused by the misruiJ r?/ +u *^ workers 
class. misrule of the capitalist 

the worked ajid" tlii^^i^^lir"-^^*"^ °' 
ing w^t^h 'me'TnlTeJ^i Tn^j^tay in keep- 
machinery "^creased productl-^ness of 

9 T5,, 

n'nicSTlitLTThf ^stft'e^""orX ^f'^d *^? 
^ardT^fo^* °^ ^"' ,^^-^'^ elIvator«.''S 
trtbntfnl 12:^'' warehouses, and other dN- 
n?e "en?^^4f^"C''^«: ™ order to redn<-^, , . 
presept extortionate cost pf living- 


dren ^^^'^^l^^^^^^^ of ehil- 

the inlLtr'ie% In'T/^'i^J^ organization of 
for the benlflt of the^n^v!",'- Penitentiaries 
dependents. *^^ convicts and their 

tat' on^Jf '7h''i*'Sro!u?ts '^'/''^^i^ transpor- 


scfies^^ establishing minimum wnw,, 

against unemp1ovn,ont"m,lnvMUl. !."'"'";'■"• 
system of comi.iilHorv m r , " "'"' *♦ 
rloyers of their worl(r.,-h , i *' /'l' 

the latter, ognlnMl Ir <i, hI,.! V "' """' ♦" 

1 Ti, '^"V'''77'' '""MANIJR 
1 '?■ ""• tl*i I .,. Hf IliM . 

•"» -.,„.MMll.M, ,„. «„.« ,h„ «.,MM.»h'm' 



'M ATTO N AIv »W!!TO!BWF«'0<»f^nppWWiW l^' 

Inherit un(!e taxes, graduated In proportion 
to the value of the estate smd to nearness 
of kin— the proceeds of these taxes to be 
employed in the socialization of industry. 

3. The abolition of the monopoly owner- 
ship of patents and the substitution of col- 
lective ownership, with direct rewards to 
inventors by premiums or royalties. 

4. Unrestricted and equal suffrage for 
men and women. 

5. The adoption of the initiative, refer- 
endum and recall, and of proportional repre- 
sentation, nationally, as well as locally. 

6. The abolition of the Senate and of the 
veto power of the President. 

7. The election of the president and the 
Vice-President by direct vote of the people. 

8. The abolition of the power usurped 
by the Supreme Court of the United States 
to pass upon the constitutionality of the 
legislation enacted by Congress. National 
laws to be repealed only by act of Congress 
or by a referendum vote of the whole peo- 

9. The abolition of the present restric- 
tions upon the amendment of the constitu- 
tion, so that instrument may be made 
amendable by a majority of the voters in a 
majority of the States. 

10. The granting of the right of suffrage 
in the District of Columbia with representa- 
tion in Congress and a democratic form of 
municipal government for purely local 

11. The extension of democratic govern- 
ment to all United States territory. 

12. The enactment of further measures 
for general education and particularly for 
vocational education in useful pursuits. 

The Bureau of Education to be made a 

13. The enactment of further measures 
for the conservation of health. The crea- 
tion of an independent bureau of health, 
with such restrictions as will secure full 
liberty to all schools of practice. 

14. The separation, of the present 
Bureau of Labor from the Department of 
Commerce and Labor and its elevation to 
the rank of a department. 

15. Abolition of all federal district 
courts and the United States circuit courts 
of appeals. State courts to have jurisdic- 
tion in all cases arising between citizens 
of the several states and foreign corpora- 
tions. The election of all judges for short 

16. The immediate curbing of the power 
of the courts to issue injunctions. 

17. The free administration of the law. 

18. The calling of a convention for the 
revision of the constitution of the United 

Such measures of relief as we may be 
able to foixe from capitalism are but a 
rreparation of the workers to seize the 
whole powers of government, in order that 
they may thereby lay hold of the whole 
system of socialized industry and thus 
come to their rightful inheritance. 









A. W. RICKEB, Committee. 




National Constitution as Revised and Adopted by the Convention. 

Amended by the National Convention 
of the party, May, 1912, and approved by 
referendum Aug. 4, 1912. 

Issued by the National Office of the So- 
cialist Party, 111 North Market street. 


u^fP- J- T,^® name of this organization 

shall be the Socialist Party, except in 

such states where a. different name ha." 

or may become a legal requirement. 



TT ^-^^-^ l\ F^^^l? person, resident of the 
United States of the age of eighteen years 
and upward, without discrimination as to 
sex, race, color or creed, who has severed 
his connection with all other political 
parties and political organizations, and 
subscribes to the principles of the Social- 
ist Party, including political action and 
unrestricted political rights for both 
sexes, shall be eligible to membership in 
the party. 

.,,?.??• ^« ^°, person holding an elective 
public office by gift of any party or or- 
ganization other than the Socialist Party 
shall be eligible to membership in the So- 
cialist Party: nor shall any member of 
the party accept or hold any appointive 
93JP^?? ofnce, honorary or remunerative 
(Civil Service positions excepted), with- 
out the consent of his state organization. 
No party member shall be a candidate 
for public ofHce without the consent of 
the City, County or State organizations, 
according to the nature of the office. 

bee 3. A member who desires to trans- 
fer his membership from the party in one 
state to the party in another state may 
do so upon the presentation of his card 
showing him to be in good standing at 
tne time of askin.s- for such transfer and ■ 
also a transfer card duly signed by the 
secretary of the local from which he 

Sec. 4. No member of the party, in any 
state pr territory, shall, under any pre-- 
text, interfere with the regular or or- 
ganized movement in any other state. 

Sec. 5. All persons joining the Soeialist 
Party shall sign the following pledge: 
I, the undersigned, recognizing the class 
struggle between the, capitalist class and 
the working class and the necessity of 
the working class constituting itself into 
a political party distinct from and op- 
Posea to all parties formed by the cap- 
italist class, hereby declare that I have 
severed niy relations with all other par- 
ties, and I indorse the platform and con- 
stitution of the SoclRlist Partv including 
the principle of political action, and here- 
oy apply for admission to said party" 

Sec. 6. Any member of the party who 
opposes political -action or advocates 

crime, sabotage, or other methods of vio- 
ience as a weapon of the working class 
*'*.,^'P P i*^^ emancipation shall be ex- 
pelled from membership in the party 
Political action shall be construed to 
rnean participation in elections for public 
office and practical legislative and admin- 
istrative work along the lines of the So- 
cialist Party platform. 


Pa^rtv «Ln^K® affairs of the Socialist 
^tlJ, ^^^^ h^ administered by the Na- 
tional Committee, Its sub-committees and 
officials, the National Convention and the 
general vote of the party. 

National Committee. 
Sec. 1. The National Committee .=!hnl1 
consist of the State Secretarie^ of all or- 
ganized states and territories, or such 
other person as the members of the party 
in the 'state shall elect by referendum 
vote, and of one additional member from 
each state or territory for every 3 000 
members m good standing in such state 
or territory. For the purpose of deter- 
?i'",i"^„*he representation to which each 
l?^i?„t^'^ territory may be entitled, the 
Executive Secretary shall compute at the 
beginning of each calendar year the aver- 
age dues-paying membership of such 
state or territory for the preceding year. 
bec._ ^ three years' consecutive mem- 
bership m the party shall be necessary to 
qualify for membership In the National 
committee, its standing sub-committees, 
and executive officials. 

Sec. 3. The National Committee shall 
meet m regular session on the first Sun- 
day after the first Monday in May of each 
year,_ except in years when National Con- 
veji_tions of the party are to be held, in 
which years it shall hold its sessions In 
conjunction with the convention. 

Sec. 4 Special meetings of the National 
t^ommlttee shall be held when determined 
by vote_ of two-thirds of its members. 

Roc. 5. Thf members of the National 
Commiftee attending the meetings shall 
be paid from the national treasurv their 
railroad fares and ?2.50 per day to cover 

The Dutie? and Powers of the National 

shaff'be- '^^'^ <3uties of this committee 

f,-in\\ P.=.^?'^r^''®"*. *^^ ^^^^y in all Na- 
tional and International affairs. 

(b) To call National Conventions and 
special conventions decided upon by the 
referendum of the partv. 

fc) To make reports of the naembership 
anil reports and recommendations to the 
National Conventions. 



r coNVP^'NTroN 

(d) To perfect and strengthen the or- 
ganization and the worK of propaganda 
in such states and territories as may re- 
quire the assistance of the National Or- 

(e) To maintain m connection with the 
National Office a Lecture Bureau for tne 
purpose of arranging lectures or lecture 
courses for the propaganda of Socialism; 
a Literature Bureau for the publication 
and dissenaination of Socialist literature, 
a press service tliat will furnish patent 
and plate matter for Socialist papers, and 
such other bureaus or departments as it 
may from time to time decide to establish. 

(f) To establish a uniform rate of com- 
pensation for all lecturers and organizers 
working under the auspices of the Na- 
tional organization. 

(g) To formulate the rules and order 
of business of the National Conventions 
«f the party and otherwise provided for 
toy this constitution, subject to adoption 
and amendment by the convention. 

(h) To receive dues and reports from 
state organizations. 

(i) To conduct national referendums in 
the manner provided by this constitution, 
to consider and report upon the program, 
propaganda and organization of tlie party. 

(j) To recommend to the membership 
of the party amendments to the constitu- 

(k) To supervise the work and to trans- 
act all current business of the National 

Sec. 2. The National Committee shall 
elect an Executive Committee of five 
members and a Woman's National Com- 
mittee of seven members; no two mem- 
bers of either of these committes shall be 
from the same state. 

Sec. 3. It shall also elect .an Executive 
Secretary, and a General Correspondent 
for the Woman's National Committee. 

Sec. 4. The members of the Executive 
Committee and of the Woman's National 
Committee need not be members of the 
National Committee and the Executive 
Secretary and General Correspondent of 
the Woman's National Committee shall 
not be members of the committee. 

Sec. 5. Members of the Executive Com- 
mittee, Woman's National Committee, the 
Executive Secretary and the General Cor- 
respondent of the said committee may at 
any time and on proper motion be re- 
called or temporarily suspended from 
Office by the National Committee. 

Sec. 6. No member of the National 
Committee or of the Executive Commit- 
tee shall be eligible to any position of 
permanent employment in the National 
Office, but such members may be ap- 
pointed lecturers of courses arranged by, 
the National Office and may be given tem- 
porary assignments for special party 
work. , ,, 

Sec. 7. The National Committee shall 
elect from its own membership a per- 
iwanent chairman, who shall serve without 
salary. The committee shall formulate 
its own rules of procedure, not inconsist- 
ent with the provisions of this constitu- 
tion. . , 

Sec. 8. All standing committees ana 
permanent officers of the National Com- 
mittee shall be elected at the regular 
meetings of the committee and shall serve 
for the term of one year from the first 
day of June following the date of their 

Sec. 9. The election of the Executive 
Committee, the Woman's National Com- 
mittee, the Executive Secretary, General 
Correspondent of the Woman's National 
Committee and the submission of proposed 
amendments to this constitution, and all 

otiier atliimative actions of the commit- 
tee shall be taken at its regular or spe- 
cial meetings. Between aueli meetm}i:s 
the National Committee shall initiate no 
motions or resolutions except as lierein- 
after provided, and except motions to 
recall members of the sub-committees, or 
officials elected by it, or to fill vacancies 
in such committees and offices. All busi- 
ness of the National Committee shall, in 
the intervals between its sessions, be 
transacted toy correspondence. 

Sec. 10. Members of the Executive 
Committee, the Woman's National Com- 
mittee, the Executive Secretary, General 
Correspondent of the Woman's National 
Committee and all other National Officials, 
may be recalled at an^y time by the mem- 
bership of the party in the same manner 
Which has been provided for the initiation 
and conduct of national referendums. 

Sec. 11. No motion shall be submitted 
to a referendum of the National Commit- 
tee bv correspondence unless supported 
within fifteen days by not less than Ave 
members of the National Committee from 
three different states. 

Sec. 12. Neither the National Commit- 
tee nor the Executive Committee shall ap- 
propriate funds of the National organiza- 
tion for any purpose not directly con- 
nected with the propaganda of Socialism 
or the struggles of labor; no more than 
one hundred dollars shall be appropriated 
to any organization other than a sub- 
division of the party; no application for 
flnanelal assistance coming from locals 
or other subdivisions of state organiza- 
etions shall be. entertained unless they 
have the indorsement of the state organ- 

Executive Committee. 
Sec. 1. The Executive Committee shall, 
between sessions of the National Com- 
Baittee, be vested with all the powers and 
shall perform all the duties of the Na- 
tional Committee except that i* shall have 
no power to call National Conventions, 
formulate rules for the conventions, rec- 
ommend amendments to the constitution, 
or fill vacancies in its own body or the 
Woman's National Committee or in the 
office of the Executive Secretary or the 
General Correspondent of the Woman's 
National Committee or to recall such 
members or officer. 

Sec. 2. The Executive Committee shall 
adopt its own rules of procedure not in- 
consistent with this constitution, or with 
the rules of the National Committee. A 
stenographic report of all discussions tak- 
ing place in the committee shall be kept 
for the information of the National Com- 

Sec. 3. The Executive Committee shall 
transmit copies of the minutes of its 
meetings to all members of the National 
Committee; such minutes shall also be 
published in the Monthly Bulletin. All 
acts and resolutions of the Executive 
Committee shall become binding and 
efEective upon their passage, but any 
member of the National Committee may 
within fifteen days after notice of suj3h 
act or resolution has been mailed by the 
National Office to the members of the Na- 
tional Committee, move to reverse or 
modify such act or resolution, and such 
motion shall be disposed of in the same 
manner as other National Committee mo- 

Sec. 4. All meetings of the National 
- Committee and of the Executive Commit- 
tee shall be held in the city in which the 
headquarters Of the party shall be lo- 



Hoc. r>. The lOxocutive Committeo shall 
prlnl a .spocillc Htatomcnt In the BullcLm 
of all moneys expended for printing leaf- 
lets and books, and the names of the same 
and their authors. 

Executive Secretary. 

Sec. 1. The Executive Secretary shall 
receive as compensation the sum or 
$1,500.00 annually and shall give a bond 
in a sum fixed by the National Committee. 

Sec. 2. The Executive Secretary shall 
have charge of all affairs of the National 
Office, including the employment of neces- 
sary help, subject to the directions of the 
Executive Committee and the National 
Committee. He shall receive the reports 
of the state organizations and of the lo- 
cal organizations in unorganized states 
and territories. He shall supervise the 
accounts of the National Office and the 
Lecture Bureau, the Literature Bureau 
and such other departments as may here- 
after toe established in connection with 
the National Office. , „ 

Sec 3. The Executive Secretary shall 
issue, to all party organizations Monthly 
Bulletins which shall contain all impor- 
tant official reports and announcements; a 
report of the financial affairs of the 
party; a summary of the conditions and ^ 
membership of the several state and ter- 
ritorial organizations; the principal busi- 
ness transacted by tho National otheials 
and such other matters pertaining to the - 
organization of the party as may be of 
general interest to the membership. No 
personal correspondence shall be puD- 

The' Bulletin shall be largely given to 
accounts of the more important organ- 
ization and propaganda work of the na- 
tional, state, territorial and local organ- 
izations, and to the work, discussion and 
explanation of new and efliective methods 
of organization, education and propa- 

Representatives in Congress. 

Sec. 1. Members of Congress elected on 
the ticket of the Socialist Party shall sub- 
mit reports of their actions in Congress 
to the National Conventions and to the 
annual meetings of the National Commit- 

Sec. 2. They shall carry out instruc- 
tions which may be given to them by Na- 
tional Conventions, by the National Com- _, 
mittee in session, or by a general refer- * 
endum of the party. 

Sec. 3. The Socialist representatives in 
Congress shall organize themselves into 
a Socialist Congressional group, separate i 
and apart from all other political parties 
represented In Congress. They shall elect 
a chairman of the group, shall confer with 
each other on all measures involving 
questions of Socialist principles, policy 
, and tactics, and shall vote on such ques- 
tions as a unit according to the decision 
of a majority of the members, 

Sec 1. The regular National Conventions 
of the party shall be held in all years 
in which elections for President and Vice- 
President of the United States are to be 

Sec. 2. Special Conventions of the party 
may be held at any time if decided upon 
by a general vote of the party member- 
ship. Such general vote shall also fix 
the date and place of such special con- 

.Six. ;}. The date nrul place of tho roK- 
ular conventions Mhull ho lUocI li.v the Na- " 
tlonal Uonimltteo at lt.s regular aniiuii.l 
meeting iield in the year iirucedliig .such 
convention. , , ,, 

Sec. 4. The National Convention shall 
be composed of three hundred delegates 
to be apportioned .among the states In the 
following manner: 

One from each State and Territory and 
the remainder in proportion to the aver- 
age national dues paid by the organiza- 
tions of such States and Territories dur- 
ing the preceding year. No delegate shall 
be eligible unless he is a resident member 
of the state from which his credential Is 
presented, and shall have been a member 
of the party organization at least three 
years. , ^. 

Sec. 5. Railroad fare, including tourist 
sleeper carfare, of delegates going to and 
coming from the conventions of the party 
and the per diem allowance of $2.50 to 
cover expenses, shall be paid from the Na- 
tional Treasury, by setting aside a por- 
tion of the national dues sufficient to 
cover the same, to be estimated at the 
beginning of each year. 

Sec. 6. The expenses of delegates at- 
tending conventions and of members of 
the National Committee and the Executive 
Committee attending the respective ses- 
sions of their committees shall be raised 
by setting aside such portion of the na- 
tional dues as may be required to cover 
the same, to be computed by the National 
Committee annually in advance. 

Sec 7. The election of delegates to the 
National Convention shall, wherever pos- 
sible be completed not later than 60 days 
preceding the convention, and the re- 
spective state secretaries shall furnish 
the Executive Secretary with a list of ac- 
credited delegates immediately after said 

The Executive Secretary shall prepare 
a printed roster of the accredited dele- 
gates to be sent to each delegate and for- 
warded to the party press for publication. 
Such list shall contain the occupation of 
each delegate at the time of his nomina- 
tion and his office or employment m the 
party. All official reports required to he 
presented to the National Convention 
shall be printed and sent to each delegate 
elected at least fifteen days before the 
date of the convention and furnished to 
the party press for publication. . 

At the time anfl place set for the open- 
ing of the National Convention, the chair- 
man of the National Committee shall call 
the convention to order, and shall call the 
roll to ascertain the number of uncontest- 
ed delegates, and they shall permanently 
organize the convention. 

Sec. 8. All national platforms, amend- 
ments of platforms, and resolutions adopt- 
ed by any National Convention shall be 
submitted seriatim to a referendum vote 
of the membership. One-fourth of the 
regularly elected delegates shall be en- 
titled to have alternative paragraphs to 
be submitted at the same time. Such 
alternative paragraphs, signed by one- 
fourth of such delegates, shall be filed 
with the Executive Secretary not later 
than one day after the adjournment of 
the convention. 

State Organizations. 
Sec. 1. The formation of all state or ter- 
ritorial organizations or the reorganiza- 
tion of state or territorial organizations 
which may have lapsed shall be under the 
direction of the Executive Committee and 


in conforiMity with (.lie rules of the Na- 
tional Committee. '^ 
Sec. 2. iMo state or territory may be 
orsamzed unless it has ac least ten locals 
or an aggregate membership of not less 
n7.'?^'^«^l^",f ^^^^■'^V^"* ^^i^ provision shall 
not affect the rights of states and tarri- 
LOries ore«tiiized prior to the adoption of 
this consiitution. When the membership 
Sf^^/l?^*^*^*® averages less than 150 per 
w^H^^/i"^^''^ ^^? consecutive months the 
National Committee may revoke the char- 
ter oi that state. 

P«®4v l-«ii^T?^.£^'^"'''"^ o' ^^^ Socialist 
±^arty shall be the supreme declaration of 
the_party, and all state and municipal 
platforms shall conform thereto. No state 
or local organization shall under any cir- 
curnstances fuse, combine or compromise 
with any other political party or organ- 
isation, or refrain from making nomina- 
tions, m order to fai-Lr the candidate of 
such other organizations, nor shall any 
candidate of the Socialist Party accept 
any nomination or indorsement from any 
other party or political organization. 

No member of the Socialist Party shall. 
unaer any circumstances, vote in primary 
°L regular elections for any candidate 
other than Socialists nominated, indorsed 
or recommended as candidates by the So- 
cialist Party. To do otherwise will con- 
stitute party treason, and result in ex- 
pulsion from the party. 

B?°^ i-^ ^" states and territories in 
which there is one central organization 
affiliated vi^ith the party, the state or ter- 
ritorial organizations shall have the sole 
jurisdiction of the members residing 
withm their respective territories, and 
the sole control of all matters pertaining 
*? the propaganda, organization and finan- 
cial altairs within such state or territory: 
provided, such propaganda is in harmony 
with the national platform and declared 
policy of the party. Their activity shall 
be confined to their respective organiza- 
tions, and the National Committee, its 
sub-committees or officers shall have no 
right to interfere in such matters without 
the consent of the respective state or ter- 
ritorial organizations. 

Sec. 5. The State Cdmraittees shall 
raake monthly reports to the Executive 
Secretary concerning their membership, 
financial condition and general standing 
of the party. 

During the months of January and July 
of each, year, or at any other time re- 
quired by. the Executive Committee or by 
this constitution, the state secretaries 
shall furnish the Executive Secretary a 
list of all locals afUliated with their re- 
spective state organizations, together 
with the number of members in good 
standing, and the name and address of 
the corresponding secretary of each local. 
Refusal, failure or neglect to comply with 
this section shall subject the state organ- 
ization to suspension from the Socialist 
Party and deprive such state organization 
of participation in the aftairs of the So- 
cialist Party, and shall be a forfeiture of 
the right to representation in the National 
Committee, the Executive Committee, the 
conventions and congresses of the party. 
Sec. 6. The State Committees shall pay 
to the National Committee every month 
a sum equal to Ave cents for each member 
m good standing within their respective 
states and territories. And only due 
Stamps issued by the National Committee 
shall be affixed to members' dues cards as 
valid receipts for the payment of dues. 
Sec. 7. The National Office shall also 
issue to the state secretaries "exempt 
stamps" free of charge, to be used by 
party members temporarily unable to pay 

dues on account of unemployment caused 
by sickness, strikes, lockouts or any other 
condition not within their control iu 
cases where husband and wife are both 
party members and only one of them is in 
receipt of an income the other may like- 
wise be allowed to use such "exempt 

Any member desiring to use such "ex- 
empt stamps" shall make application 
therefor to the financial secretary of his 
local organization, and such application 
shall be passed upon by such organiza- 
tion. "Exempt stamps" shall be issued 
only to members in good standing who 
have paid dues for at least three months 
and who are by the same action exempt 
from the payment of dues to the state 
and local organizations. The number of 
"exempt stamps" shall not exceed 10 per 
cent of the total number of stamps ob- 
tained by the respective state organiza- 
tions. The acceptance of "exempt stamps" 
by any member shall in no way disqualify 
such member from any rights and priv- 
ileges of party membership. 
. Sec. 8. All state organizations shall 
provide in their constitutions for the ini- 
tiative, referendum and imperative man- 

Sec. 9. No person shall be nominated 
or indorsed by any subdivision of the 
party for candidate for public office un- 
less he is a member of the party and has 
been such for at least tw^o years. But 
this provision shall not apply to organ- 
izations which have been in existence for 
less than two years. 

Sec. 10. No local or branch organiza- 
tion shall be formed on the basis of the 
occupation of its members. 
Sec. 1. The location of the headquar- 
ters pf the party shall be determined by 
the National Committee. 

International Delegates and International 
Delegates to the International Congress 
and International Secretary sh%ll be elect- 
ed by referendum in the year in which 
the Congress is held. The call for nomina- 
tions shall be made on the first day of 
January. Forty days shall be allowed 
for nominations, fifteen for acceptances 
and declinations and sixty for the refer- 
endum. There shall be one delegate for 
every twenty thousand members, ascer- 
tained by computing the average for the 
preceding year. The requisite number of 
candidates receiving the highest number 
of votes shall be elected. /The next high- 
est in the election shall be the alternates. 
The expenses of the delegates and a per 
diem equal to the per diem fixed for na- 
tional organizers and lecturers shall be 
paid out of the national treasury. 
Woman's National, Committee. 
Sec. 1. The Woman's National Coim- 
mittee shall have the, general charge of 
propaganda and organization among 
women. All plans of said committee con- 
curred in by the Executive Committee 
shall be carried out at the expense of the 
National Office. 

Sec. 2. The General Correspondent of 
the Woman's National Committee shall 
be attached to the National Office. 

Sec. 3. The Woman's National Commit- 
tee shall meet in regular session once in 
each year, in conjunction with the session 
of the National Committee. Special meet- 

hiKS of the Woman's Committee may be 
called at any lime' by the concurrent con- 
fcunt of the Executive Committee and the 
Woman's National Committee. 

Sec 4. Railroad fares and expenses of 
the members of the Woman's National 
CommUtee shall be paid by the National , 
Office on the same basis as the fares and 
•expenses of the. members of the National 

Foreign Speaking Federations. 
Rpo 1 Five branches of the Socialist 
Party working in any other language 
than English shall have the right to form 
a National Federation under the super- 
vision of the Executive Secretary and the 
TTiTCfiputive Committee. „ - 

Sec 2 Such National Language Fed- 
eration shall have the right to elect an 
nfficer known as Translator-Secretary, 
who shall be conversant with his own 
language as well as the English language, 
and whose duty it shall be to serve -as a 
medium of communication between his 
federation and the National Organization 
of the Socialist Party. 

Sec. 3. When such National Language 
Federation shall have at least 500 mem- 
bers their Translator-Secretary shall be 
entitled to necessary office room in the 
National Office, and to a salary from the 
national body not to exceed $28 per week, 
nor to be less than $15, the exact sum to 
be fixed bv the Executive Committee of 
the Socialist Party. Such Translator- 
Secretary must, be at least three consecu- 
tive years a member of the party except 
when his federation has not been affiliated 
with the party that length of time. 

Sec. i. Language federations shall pay 
to the National OfHce the same sum 
monthly per capita as paid by the State 
Organizations, receiving in exchange 
therefor due Stamps. They shall salso pay 
through the Translator-Secretary to _the 
regular state and county or city organiza- 
tion 50 per cent of the dues paid by the 
T!ir,s:lish speaklne hranches. The Trans- 
lator-Secretary shall pay to the respect- 
ive State Secretaries the ta^s: on all mem- 
hprs of his nationality in the states. Tbe 
PtPte Secretary shnll forward the co"ViJ 
d"es to the respective county secretaries, 
•wherevpr iherp- is an organized coutitv. 

See. 5. •Bfs^hches of language t^nev^- 
t1ons shall be an integral Part of the 
county and state orparizations a"f .mii^| - 
51. all cases work jn harmony T^'t'^ *^^ 

cot^stitution and ."^^,!^^™ - °1 *Xoialist 
nr.d county organizations of the Socialist 

^"se?" G AW propaganda work of the 
l..nSuage federations ^^^^".^^.^^^^^^^''^tVve 
iiT^f^or the RTinerviSTon of their execuiivB 
nf^c^TS accordiri^^to the by-laws of the 
f^^^-Tfitinns Such hy-laws iriust he m 
r.riformltv with the constitution Qf the 
^^siS'7* ^E\'ch Translator-secretary sh.ll 

tT.nal and State offices, ^e^ shall maKe 
Z7:r.?T^^Tnfl'f ^^^"fele^rX^^ to the 
^'c^lr^'s ^The TvTational P.rtv shall not 
reco^n-ze' niore than one federation of the 
pome* languss-e. cVoii 

^ate^^rrhe^NaHonll conventions of the 

party; provided, that such delegate shall 
have a voice taut no vote. 
Sec. 1. Motions to amend any part of 
this constitution, as well as any other 
motions or resolutions to be voted upon 
by the entire membership of the party, 
shall be submitted by the Executive Sec- 
retary to the referendum vote of the party 
membership, upon the request of at least 
three states representing at least 5 per 
cent of the entire membership of the 
party, on the basis of dues paid in the 
preceding year, or of five states regard- 
less of membership. The term "state, 
as herein used, shall be construed to mean 
the membership of a 'state organization, 
the State Committee or a duly authorized 
State Executive Committee. . 

Sec. 3. Such a referendum may be initiated 
by one State, and when so initiated shall 
remain open for ninety days from the 
date of its first publication, and unless it 
shall receive the requisite number of sec- 
onds within such period it shall be aban- 
doned. The vote on every such referen- 
dum shall close sixty days from the date 
of its submission. 

See. 3. Referendums to revoke or 
amend the provisions of this constitution 
may be instituted only one year after the 
adoption of such provisions. 
Sec 1 This constitution may be amend- 
ed by a National Convention, National 
Committee in session, or by a referendum 
of the party in the manner above provid- 
ed. But all amendments made by a Na- 
tional Convention or National Committee 
In session shall be submitted seriatim to 
a referendum vote of the party member- 
Sec. 2. All amendments shall take effect 
sixty days after being approved by the 

Sec 1 The members of the Executive 
Committee, the Womah's National Com- 
mittee the National Secretary and the 
General Correspondent of the Woman s 
m?ional committee, now in office, ^\^^l 
remain in office until June 1, 1913, when 
th™ members of the Executive Committee 
tVio Woman s National Committe, tne 
FxecuU?^ Secretary and the General Cor- 
re=>pondInt of the Woman's National Com- 
^it^ee elected by the National Commit- 
tee Is herein provided, shall take their 
respective places., • . r. ■,-, 

Sec. 2. As soon as this constitution shall 
take effect the provisions of .the same 
nffpptlng the Executive Committee, the 
Woman^s National Committee, the Bxecn. 
live Secretary, and the General Corre- 
SDondent of the Woman's National Com- 
mittee shall be binding upon tTje corre- 
sponding officers under the present con- 
stitution in so far as they are capable of 
.application to them, and ^^^^n not so aP- 
Dlicable, the provisions of the present 
constitution shall govern. 

•Rptween the time when this constitu- 
ti^ tikis effect and the first day of Anr,l 
iQiq all state oreanizations shall elect 
> members of 'the National Committee m 
S^coraance with the provisions of the con- 





Report of the Woman's Department. 

To the Socialist Party National Convention, 


There is notiiing more hopeful in the 
outlook for the Socialist Party than the 
rapid growth in the number of woman 
naembers and the increasing scope of their 
work in all matters pertaining to its wel- 

Ten years ago the woiTian's movement in 
our party was a negligible quantity, ex- 
isting chiefly in the m^nds of a few de- 
voted women. 

At the birth of the present Socialist 
Party, which took place at the Unity Con- 
vention of 1901, there were eight women 
who attended as regularly elected dele- 

Their influence was that of individual 
women and not that of representatives of 
any special movement of unrest or protest 
among the women of the working class 
Such a movement had not yet had time for 
formation and we find no mention made in 
the minutes of the convention of woman's 
activity in the party organization, or of any 
need for special propaganda among women. 
The only mention made of the party's atti- 
tude toward women is in the platform 
which demands "equal civil and political 
^'^^s for men and women." 

.rJ^-^^^ ^^^'^■? '^te^' ir^ +^i'5 national con- 
vention of T904, the number of women 
delegates had not Increased. California, 
Oregon Colorado, Iowa, "Wisconsin and 
1 ennsylvania each sent one, while Kansas 
sent two women in a delegation of six. 

in the proceedings of this convention, 
ai«o. we search in vain for any acknowl- 
edgment of. the special wrongs or nepds of 
the. working women, or of the necessity 
tor any_ particular line of work to reach 
them with the Socialist mes<Jage and en- 
list them m the party organization. 

The constitution remained silent unon ' 
the organization of women, and the plat- 
torm simply demanded equal suffrage for 
men and women. 

iu'^-'^^j Socialist women definitelv made 
their debut m the party organization at the 
iV^ational Convention nf ]flOS Twenty of 
them_ appeared upon the floor of the 'con- 
vention as delegates from fourteen states 
liaeh of the twenty had a decided opinion 
as_ to the best way to reach her sisters and 
bring them into the fold. 
_ From the first day to the last no group 
m th'^ convention wag more active and ae- 
grpssiire than were the wom^n 

Burin*^ the years from 1904 to 1908 the 
iiP'^J'^ i, partv had awakened to the fa<M 
thnt the 'woman auestion"' was a vital 
living ]s=ue and must receive con-^lderation' 
^>o, on the afternoon of the first day the 
comraitfee on rules recommended that "a 
committee on women and their relationship 
to the^ Socialist Party s^all he elected to 
consist of nine members," and the commit- 
tee was duly elected. 

The report of this committee recom- 
mended that a permanent Woman's Na- 
tional Committee, consisting of five mem- 
bers, be elected to formulate plans for, and 
to have charge of, the special work of pro- 
paganda and organization among women 
It also provided that a special woman or- 
ganizer be kept permanently in the field 

Not only did the ^convention adopt 'the 
above plans for pushing the work among 
women, but it aLso enlarged upon the mea- 
ger platform demand of 1904 by insertine- 
the plank, "Unrestricted and equal suflirage 
for men and women, and we pledge our- 
selves to engage in an active campaign- in 
that direction." 

The quiet, earnest work of the women 
pioneers had at least borne fruit and 
woman s share in the affairs of the party 
was now offlcially recognised. It but re- 
mained for Tier to outline her -^lan of action 
and put it into effect. 

The Worhan's National Committee pro- 
ceeded to do this in a most efficient man- 
ner._ A "Plan of Work for Women in So- 
cialist Locals" was prepared and widely 

Snecial leaflets dealing with many phases 
t^je woman que.stion and the industrial 
conditions particularly affecting women 
and children, were published. 

-By 1910 the .special woman's work was 
so well established that the National Party 
Congress of that year embodied in the Na- 
tional Constitution provifslons for its con- 
tinuance. An amendment which was in- 
cluded in the report of -t^ie Committee on 
Constitution and adopted bv the Congress, 
provided that a "Woman's National Commit- 
tee, consistii^rg of seven women, be elected 
in a manner similar to the election of the 
National Executive Committee and that it 
have of the propaganda and ors-Rn- 
i^ation among women. It further provided 
that all plans of the committee concurred 
m by the National Executive Committee be 
carried out at the expense of the National 

..The closing parap-ranh of the report of 
the Woman's National Committee contained 
the_recommendation that there be installed 
a WomaTi'te Department in the National 
Ufflce and that the manager of this depart- 
ment begone of the regular employes of the 
Olflce. The report was adopted. 

Now, indeed, the women had become a 
bona flde institution in the partv organ^za- 
i^^i The "Woman's National 'Committee 
elected a general correspondent to take 
Charge of the Woman's Department and the 
work among women was established upon a 
permanent basis. 

. Much has been accomnlished within Ih? 
pa«t two years. Many local woman's com- 
mittees have ^'^-'n oro-anized. hundreds of 
thousands of leaflets for women have been 

distributed. Women are serving as secre 
tarles of five states, and of two hunarea 

^"8nf me^be^'^ot'-the National Executive 
Comrnittee two members of the National 
CoSmittll' and one ot the Intern^Uon^l 
Secretaries are women. Fifteen fates have 
women State Correspondents. Amiong our 
TsT known national^ecturers and o^gan- 
izers eight are women, and over twenty 
worsen have come under our notice as do- 
ing exceptionally good work on the bocial- 
ist platform in a national way. 

Tt is difficult to form an estimate of the 
rpsulti of the special agitation among 
women that the Socialist Party has been 
^ar^Vi^g on during the last two years 

we hive been unable to get complete m- 

we nave ij number ot women 

memblrs^of^le pirty or the number of 

memoers "^^ j^^ges, although several 
woman s committee ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ 

^'"l''«f«te secretaries, asking them for this 
^")J,.mntion A very small per cent of the 
seSefaries complied^ with the request. It 
fs roughly estimated, however that the 
women constitute one-tenth ot the entire 
membership. . . , , + 

About two hundred and fifty circular let- 
ters were sent out to locals having active 
womeT members requesting answers to 
Terfain questions. Thirty-flve replies were 
received. A summary of the ^o^k done u.y 
the women in these thirty-five locals ^^^^^^^^ 
remarkable activity. But "^ summary m 


faMonaf growt^'that '- P«Xg"|ir"T 
thousands of women 'i^cl yotmg giils to 
take part intelligently . m the class stiug 
gle and work side by side with their orotn 
erl Tn winning the emancipation of the 

"^Ttriummary of the reports from these 
thirtv-flve committees shows that tnese 
locals have a combined membership of 1,677 

"""louring the year IMl these commmees 
have held 850 meetings. This does not^ac 
count for all the woman's meetings heio, 
even in these thirty-five places In tne 
New York and Chicago reports, only tne 
largest and most imPg'^ ^nt mee^mg^ were 

recorded. Meetings^ '^•l.^'^ n^Lnt.>^P^ were 
members in the individual branches were 

not reported for either of these cities 

During the year 1911 and the laHer part 

of 1910^ these comn^i^ees through their 

own efforts, raised nearly $1«',000 or to oe 

exact, 89,740.09. This is exclusive "/„ t^e 

monev thev helped to raise m the reguiai 

wo?k of the locals: $5,893.96 were raised 

7or st?ike''beneflts,' $866.50 for campaign 

funds, $529.49 for the support of the bo 

cialist press, «337.35 for assisting in the 

furnishing • of local headquarterb and 

J214.93 were spent for special literature lor 

^ When we realize that JIO.OOO were raised 
by the women in only thirty-five out ot tne 
five thousand Socialist locals ajid branches 
in the United States, we can ^egin to ap 
predate that from a financial standpoint it 
from no other, it is important to enlist the 
women in the active work as members or 

*'^fn^fen^of these cities— those large enough 
to require the assistance of the wome«— 
they were at the polls serving as watchers 
nnd clerks. They also served as registra- 
tion clerks and, in Los Angeles, went from 
house to house instructing the women how 

**^ During the Shirtwaist Strike Jn„New 
York and the Garment Workers' Strike m 
Chicago, Socialist women addressed their 

meetings, did picket service, gave benefits 
and assisted in every way possible. 

The women not only fold and stamp the 
literature, but they go out with the men 
comrades and distribute it from door to 
comraaes form themselves in squads and ■ 
sell it .at meetings, or distribute it free at 
the doors of factories and stores Over 
500,000 leaflets, besides thousands of copies 
of the Progressive Woman, have been dis- 
tributed in this way. 

When women enter into any movement 
thev take the children with them. Four ot 
our large cities report excellent work being 
done among the children. 

New York has several Socialist schools. 
Lessons are prepared by May Wood-Simoiis 
Edith C. Breithut and others. The Ney 
York schools are experimenting with thehe 
lessons and if they are a success they will 
be published and put mto general use 
throughout the country for next year s 
work The demand for material tor bo- 
cialist schools is consta.ntly on the in- 
crease By another year a systematic 
course of lessons should be ready f^f. ^^'^■ 
Rochester, N. Y., has a school with an 
average attendance of two hundred pupils 
Los Angeles, California, reports a splendid 
school which they call a SociaUst 
New Jersey has erected a special school 
committee, which has prepared a. leaflet 
giving excellent instructions regarding the 
organization of Socialist schools. This com- 
mittee is entering upon its work m a 
thorough manner and good results may be 

*^^Tlie isfew York State Committee on So- 
cialist Schools prepared an outline on How 
to Organize Socialist Schools." This has 
been published by the Woman s National 
Committee and recommended to be used m 
locals desiring to reach the children. 
Bridgeport, Connecticut, has an Anti-Boy 
Scout organization, with a membership or 
thirty-nine boys. St. Loui ^ has an orgam- 
zatio'n of boys which they have named the 
Universal Scouts of Freedom. They are or- 
ganized bv wards, as a part of the work ot 
the ward branches. Through their efforts 
one corps of Boy Scouts was induced to 
disband They also made their influence 
felt by supporting Union Labor m the 
stand it took against permitting the Boy 
Scouts to take part in the parade on the 
occasion of President Taffs visit to St. 

Woman's Day, February 25th, was ob- 
served to a far greater extent than ever 
before. , , 

Every available speaker was secured by 
the active locals and the ftieetlngs were 
well advertised. , . ^ 

The White Slave Tratflc was the subject 
chosen for difipussion and a special pro- 
gram upon this subject was prepared by 
the Woman's National Committee. 

This program, consisting of songs, reci- 
tations and readings, fitted for a full even- 
ing's entertainment, was advertised In the 
weekly and monthly bulletins sent out from 
our National Ofllce. 

Over 150 orders were filled and many 
more were received, but the supply was ex- 
Glowing reports of the success of the en- 
tertainments were sent in by the comrades 
from many places with the request that 
similar programs be furnished regularly. 

The capitalist papers gave a surprising 
amount of space to the observance of tliis 
day, designating it as the Socialist Woman's 



Day. In a few instances more than two 
columns were given to an account of the 


In August, 1911, the Woman's .National 
Committee recommended the circulation of 
a petition for woman suffrage, to be pre- 
sented by Congressman Victor L. Berger, 
Socialist Representative from Wisconsin. 
The recommendation was concurred in by 
the National Executive Committee and the 
following- petition was prepared: 

"We, the undersigned citizens of the 
United States, over twenty-one years of 
age, hereby request you to subrnit to the 
legislatures of the several sStates for rati- 
fication an amendment to the National Con- 
stitution which shall enable women to vote 
in all elections upon the same terms as 

One hundred thousand copies of this peti- 
tion have been sent to all of the Socialist 
locals, thousanda of labor organizations, 
and to every source from which It was be- 
lieved signatures could be obtained. 

Requests for them are still being re- 
ceived. We have sent out the call for all 
signed petitions to be returned to the Na- 
tional Office and wilT complete the counting' 
and forward them to Congressman Berger 
within the next month. 

The circulation of thts petition has been 
of great educational value and has afforded 
one of the best means by which the position 
. of the Socialist Party upon the question of 
equal suffrage for men and viromen has been 

On .January 16, 1912, Congressman Berg- 
er introduced in the House of Representa- 
tives the following .Joint Resolution, pro- 
posing an amendment to the Constitution of 
the United States extending the right of 
suffrage to women: 

Resolved, by the Senate and House of 
Eepreaentativca of the United States of 
America in Congress a-ssembled (two-thirds 
of each House concurring therein). That 
the following article is proposed as an 
amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, which, when ratified by the 
legislatures of three-fourths of the several 
states, shall be valid to all intents and pur- 
poses as a part of the Constitution: 


"SECTION 1. The right of citizens of 
the United States to vote shall not be de- 
nied or abridged by the United States or by 
any state on account of sex. 

"SECTION 2. When the right to vote at 
any election for tTie choice of electors for 
President and Vice-President of the 
United States, Representatives in Congress, 
the executive and judicial officers of a 
State, or the members of the legislature 
thereof, is denied or in any way abridged 
on the ground of sex, tfje basis of repre- 
sentation therein shall be reduced in the 
proportion which the number of such citi- 
zens shall bear to the whcfle number of 
male and female citizens twenty-one years 
of age In such state." 


At the opening- of the Woman's Depart- 
mem m the National Office, Anna A. Maley 
was the only National woman organizer 
sent out by the Woman's National Commit- 
tee. Comrade Maley is one of the most 
capable organizers In the Socialist Party. 
Her work proved of great service to the 
committee. Later she gave up the work to 
become the editor of "The Comonwealth." 

Ulorence Wattles and Nellie M. Zeh were 
elected ns organisers for the committee. 

Comrade Wattles was assigned to In- 
diana. As a result of seven weeks' work in 
this state, two local committees were or- 
ganized and the woman's movement was 
given great impetus throughout the state. 
Much of her work was in unorganized 
places. She organized many locals, though 
the movenient was too new to form com- 
mittees of women. 

In December, 1911, Comrade Wattles be- 
gan work in Pennsylvania. During the four 
months in tliat state she has organized 
forty committees and has strengthened not 
only the work among women, but the gen- 
eral movement as well. The state secre- 
tary of Indiana has requested that she be 
returned to that state for the remainder of 
the campaign and this has been so ar- 

Comrade Zeh was unable to enter upon 
the work at that time, but she is now pre- 
paring to take it up along special lines in 
the south. 

Mary L. Geffs was authorized to do some 
special work in Colorado, with encouraging 

Janet Penimore, Prudence Stokes Brown 
and Madge Patton Stephens have been 
elected by the conimittee to serve as 
woman organizers during the coming cam- 

Among the organizers who have carried 
on the , general propaganda work, special 
credit is due to Mila Tupper Maynard, 
Theresa Serber Malkiel, Ella Reeve Bloor« 
and John M. Work for their earnest efforts 
to strengthen the movement among the 
women. In addition to tlfeir regular duties, 
when in the field work, they made a special 
plea to women to .ioin the party and urged 
the comrades to elect the woman members 
of the respective locals into committees to 
carry on the propaganda among women. 

They sent in to the General Correspond- 
ent the names of the active women along 
the route, thereby enabling the General 
Correspondent to communicate directly 
with these women and explain the work to 
be done in their locality. 

If all our organizers would adopt this 
plan the beneficial results upon the organ- 
ization would soon be felt. 

+t,?^® .- Woman's National Committee, 
through the National Office, has published 
leaflets upon the following subiects: Boys 
o the Mines, Boytown Railroad, Boy 
bcout Movement, Crimes of Capitalism, 
Work Among Women. Children in Textile 
Industries, Class War, Elisabeth Cady 
totanton _ on Socialism, Prances E. Willard 
?"?+„ 1^'*^^'^F' Socialism vs. Alcoholism, 
Wnm^n"''1^ ^"'^ *^*1^^^' P'«a to the Cluti 
Z,r2^x. Poverty the Cause of Intemper- 
ance The Teacher and Socialism, To the 
Working Woman, To Wives of Toilers 
Underfed School Children, Why the Pro! 
fessional Woman Should Be a Socialist 
Wimmm Ain't Got No Kick, Woman Com- 
rade and Equal, The Worker and the M^- 
chme. Why You Should Be a Socialist nnd 
Woman's Work in Socialist Locals ' ^ 
Other than these leaflets, the special So- 

N^ TntJ * A^*""^.^^^ ^«™''" handled by the 
National Office is exceedingly limited It 
Er^ift« ^1' the following: "^ Socialism and 
the Home, Woman and the S'ocial Problem 
Women and Socialism, A Woman's Place' 
and Bebel's "Woman and Social^m" ' 

There is a growing demand for Socialist 
literature for children. The supply of thf.^ 
IS even more meager than that for women 
At present we have nothing on hand that la 



ually applicable to the needs of the aver- 
age child. 


At the request of the Woman's National 
Committee, many of our well known com- 
rades contributed short articles upon ques- 
tions of importance to women. twenty- 
three articles were sent out torin| the ^^^ 
1411 each going to about 125 papeis. ii 
each piper had printed each article an 
equiaK of 2,875'^articles woul^, ^^ve been 
put in circulation through the work ot the 
Woman's National Committee. ,^„ ,„_,.„_ 

The newspaper propaganda is developing 
into one ^ the most important departments 
of ouf work NO other woman's organiza- 
UonYn the United States~I may say of 
th^ world— has such an opportunity to 
carry^ts propaganda into workmg-class 

"^"wThs-ve at our disposal about four hun- 
dred Socialist and other Labor papers that 
tm prTnt upon the average two articl^es 

gfl^r^aS e\°uiyaTn?ol^loo"a??i^cieB Ilch 
Sonth, o?9?600 a year. And the list stead- 
ily increases in number. 

The Socialist Teachers' Bureau is grad- 
iiallv crowing In importance as a usetui ae 
partmfnt in^ the work of the National 

°^t%as started in August. 1911, by Com- 
rade Terence Vincent, who condjicted it m 
[nablf manner. Later it was placed m 
the hands of the Woman's Department^ 

The purpose of the Bureau is to .enaoie 
Socialist teachers to get in touch with So- 
^inli<;!t members of School Boards. Also py 
having Tcimplete list of Socialist teachers 
oS ml in the National OfTice, something m 
the nature of a loose organization exists 
wbich is easy to circularize arid to keep m 
Touch Witt an matters pertaining to their 

"^iTfi u^aleslt^'Ipply for assisl^ance in re- 
c-ord to securing either a position or a 
fe^'cier^unles^s'Th^e applicant encloses proof 
of his paid-up membership m the Party. 
Compliance with this request is a necessary 
safeguard. . . , , .. „ 

When this proof lias been f^^nished the 
application is placed on fie. ^^" ^^'^flVf:. 
tirm is considered strictly confidential-— 
only those applicants who have proved 
their party membership being entitled to it. 
A Socialist teacher applying for a posi- 
tion receives a list of the positions open, 
Jogether'wfth the available information re- 
garding salary and . grade. ^^ J°^!.^l^|! 
Ichopl director applying ^o.^ .f^ teacher re 
ceives a list of teachers, statng the posi 
tions they are prepared to A"- ^.^^^n cor 
respondence may be opened ^f^tween the 
A^^Sr.vr\y ond tbc toachcr. iiud the wont oi 
the National Office along this line has been 
fulfilled. .^ .. „„ 

At the present time we ^av^^onTintia ap- 
plications for pos tlons rom <^^^ ' t^"" "i^. 
teachers and inquiries regarding (he si cur 
inl of Socialist teachers to All tworfty 

The National Offlce floes f"* K""™"!?,^ 
positions, nor suarrnifoc good la Ih 
upon the part of either ^PP' <' • It slm- 
pfy helps to bring the teacbei' iind tbo poHi 
tlon together, rendering service (roo of 
fburee It does this because of tho oyer 
^rowinf? demand of school directors for Ho- 
cfaUst teachers, and of Socialist toMclicrH 
for positions In which they can t^ ' '' ". 
hampered by the prejudice of capitalist 
minded school boards. 

Thus far the Woman's Doparimorit bus 
been obliged to concentrate its energicH 
upon the wSrk of reaching the wonuvn <. ' 
the general membership and has found it 
iiTiDOSsible to conduct special propaganda 
w^?k among our foreign speaking com- 
Ss The time is now at hand, liowcver, 
when' a start along these lines can be made 
and preparations are on foot toward this 

^^The foreign translator-secretaries have 
selected the women's leaflets bes-t suited to 
their purposes and the National Offlce will 
publish them in their respective languages. 

In the large cities where the Central 
Woman's Committees are elected to conduct 
the work of agitation and organization 
throughout all branches, special effort will 
be mide from this time forth to co-operate 
with the women in foreign speaking organ- 
izations and induce them to send represejit- 
atives to the Central Woman's Committee. 

The Finnish women are doing most ex- 
cellent work. They have their own weekly 
paper called "Toveritar," meaning The 
gomradel" It consists of eight P ages and 
is well gotten up in every way. Comrade 
Helen. Vitikainen is the editor. 

In our Finnish locals the women consti- 
tue one-third of the membership and are 
xctlve in all branches of the work This 
no doubt accounts for the tact that the 
Finnish have one. of the ^of P^^^^^^^^^^ 
efficient organizations in the Ujiited btates. 
The women are working m the bociaiist 
Party side by side with the nien, both .ot 
them concentrating their energies upon its 

^°The German women comrades of New 
York City are doing active work. They 
have organized in separate woman 3 
bmnches With a total of about 280 memi- 
bers. They also sent a German woman or- 
ganizer into the field and she formed or- 
ianlzations in Chicago, Syracuse, Rochester 
and Philadelphia. . , . ., ,..„„„ 

The German women raised contributions 
for the campaign fund aiid for the Volke- 
Zeitung the New York Call and other So- 
cfali^rpapers. They also prepafed and dis- 
tributed Socialist leaflets* printed m the 
German language. . »„„,^ ^*-hor- 

No reports have been received from other 

The Progressive Woman is the only So- 
calist publication for English-speaking 
women fn the United States. It has a cir- 
culation of about 12,000. 

This paper has made a valiant fight for 
its life, and has received all. possible sup- 
port from the Woman's Commit- 
tee. It has been a great help to the com- 
mittee and has been one of the means 
through which so much work has been ac- 
complished. . ,. i 
During 1911 programs for use In Socialist 
locals were prepared by tho Committee and 
published monthly in the Pro^Xf^'he 
Woman. In other ways it enabled the 
Woma -s National Coinrnittoo to carry on 
lt=. work w 1 It is to,l,-,y the only woman's 
pnp^ for currying tlie Socialist message 
into Engllsh-.4poaklng homes. 

During tlin Mexican revolution when 
ovMV rrrnrl was being made to fan .the 
mllliarv si'l'lt into white hcnt in the United 
S( ilcH. tl.lM V'^v'-i- was iMtn.d over to the 
Womn,n"ci Nallonal Conmiifloc and a ^pec al 
,,,,11-niiiilary edition was ^P^'pared Over 
:!(,,(,(„) wore placed i" ch^cuUtion 
(Ad.lros5, Tlie I'rogrossive Woman, iii 
Nitrtii Market Street, Chicago, in.) 





-ToverKar," or "The Woman Comrade" 
Is a 1< iinuaii weekly paper for women It 
has a circulation of about 5,000 and is doine- 
frood educational work among the women 
oi l-hat nationality. Articles sent out bv 
the Woman's Department are published in 
chis paper, and in every way it co-operates 
^A^A the Woman's National Committee. 
(Address Toveritar, Tenth and Duane. As- 
toe-ia. Ore.) 

Life and Labor is a monthly magazine 
appealmg- especially to women encased in 
the industries. It is the official organ of 
the Woman's Trade Union League and it Is 
deserving- of our recommendation and sup- 
port. We should place it in the hands of 
aJl women, especially those who are work- 
V\'", ,^" industries that can be organized. 
(Address Life and Labor, 127 North Dear- 
born Street, Chicago, III.) 

The Forerunner is another monthly mag- 
azine that IS worthy of the attention ot 
the Socialists. It is filled with vital truths, 
presented m a way that appeals to. the aver- 
a-'-e woman, whether in the home or out 
young or old. Before the reader is aware 
ot it, her ideas have changed from the old 
conservative viewpoint to the new radical 
revolutionary position. It is worth while 
for us to aid in the circulation of The 
Wo'n^'e?^'^^^.- JAddress The Forerunner, 67 
Wall Street, New York City.) 

The Youns: Socialist Magazine is the only 
TTnit^li'^L "magazine for children in , the 
United S'tates. It contains educational arti- 
cles and stories tending to teach the chil- 
dren of the working class a correct appre- 
f^ rvf^r?^ P^^ S^^^"^ struggle. It should be 
l^r,*^t, ?*^^ /^A^.^'^'^'^^y '^^^^'^ in the Socialist 
movement. (Address The Young SociaHst 
Magazine, 15 Spruce Street, §ew York 

ar/kcfaUs?r' ^" °' *^" ^^°^^ magazines 



At the present convention twenty-five 

wh^rf^T'f'^- ^^^^^'^'^ regular delelaFes 

^ne ter,th "^ J.^'^,^^P^^f?^teition, being about 

gates ' entire number of dele- 

Com°^;t?.®«^^7\>,"™o the Woman's National 
Committee of the Socialist Party was ren- 
resented by a fraternal delegate It the 
J^3^^°"al Woman's Suffrage " Convention! 
neia at i^omsville, Ky., on October 17, 1011 
For the first time Socialists took part in 
the congressional suffrage hearing held In 
Pafiv'^'^lT' .^''''''\ i'^""- The^Soclalist 
wn^n r^T.™'''"''''®']*^'^ ^y "^^ee Socialist 
S^w h^vl^'l ^i^ ■'^V-^^" the fact that we 
rnnp-t.«=7^. % Socialist representative in 
h^^Fl^^^ and one of the suffra^je resolu- 
Wm ^ ^^"^ ^°"^® ^^^ prelented by 

e]e^tPr^*'l^.= *^J^* ^^'^^ Socialist women were 
loci/lit^^'^®'''^''*^! ,*? *e International 
Au-uiV inST^''4^r- ^^^^ ^t Copenhagen in 
thTnnifpr! i)+ J'^^^f °^^" delegatef from 
and V^^^f ,1*^^®'^ attended this Congress, 
Staf^^^ZJa!^ "^f ^ ^'■^°^^" ^y the United 
of'the procStdrngs.*" ""^"^ ^^ ''' ''^°'''' 


It ha=? taken but two years for fbe 

women to demonstrate the grelt value of 

qn^-^,"':^''^^^!'^ ^ffo^ts in the worll of thi 

Socialist Party. The Socialist Partv rem 

o'/'relcWnr^'tT!'"^'^''^ *^^ absolute nlLJIfty 
of 9o?ffl^"^ ^^^i,"^^?^?? ^"h the message 
mfttcP fh?"w^^^ National Executive Com- 
and the NafioYnTnffl'' National Committee 
ana ine National Office are sparing no effort 

in educating them to an understanding of 
their class interests and in bringing them 
hV,viT,o- ti,^^^*^ ""S dues-paying members, 
having the same duties and the same re- 
sponsibilities as the men. 

Not only are they educating the women, 
they are losing no opportunity to teach tne 
men members of the party the senseles^ 
futility and the criminal ignorance mani- 
fested when one-half of the working class 
strives to free itself from slavery^ wMle 
leaving the other half in bondage. Women 
and men, not divided upon a basis of sex 
but united upon the basis of working-clas^' 
solidarity, are a necessary part of the 
working class program. 

The educational results from carrying on 
a national equal suffrage campaign through 
the medium of a petition are incalculabfe 
'Thousands of men and women, with ueti- 
tions and pencil in one hand and Socialist 
leaflets in the other, have gone from house 
to house, have invaded thousands of meet- 
."c-ffnt^'^'^ ^^^^ carried on a tremendous 
agitation and education, not only for equal 
political rights for women and men, but for 
.complete industrial freedom for the entire 
working class. 

T>.,T^i?^+\?» ^^^ organization of the Socialist 
^.?i^.L r ;!^0'^s,n s committees have already 
proved to be a source of strength and pow- 
tl i°I ^■,°°'?- Through their systematic work 
as regularly elected committees of their va 
nous locals they are bringing new life an 1 
wo"k ^"'^'■^y ''^to the routine of the party 
As a means of reaching the organized 
r°J?Jif?' r?,^ther it be during the stfis' of 
a great strike, or in the every-dav work in 

J^Vtr^^f^t^''^'' Socialist women Lvedeii- 
onbtrated their especial fitness to handle 

tect th^^fffl^^f.""-^'" i?y^"y an'J unfailing 
tact the difficult situations that arise. 

hr,^^ ^% '"IH'? °' practical politics they 
w^TpbFro^o''*^^ *''i''"^®^^^^« =^Pt students. A^ 
watchers and clerks at the polls they have 

Ina^cJX^K''^'^}'' ?°* only to understand 
fh^ J^^^-y '^"^ ^^'"' instructions governing 
a n,f/-=t ^'^S^'-^.^^k**' '^'^P°^t themselves with 
coirse l/.f,^i*'' ^^""^ "''^^': f^il^ *» abolish 
coarse language or unmanly conduct 

no ta^4^ ^^i"^ ^^ campaigns they falter at 
^^.,11^^ °1 endurance. No duty is too 
small no task too great for them to at- 
T?^ ?^ .the sake of the cause they love 
the bocialist woman is no longer an un- 
known quantity. She is an immeasuraWe 
constructive force in the growing worWn-- 
class movement. In largi numbers she is 
.joining with the men Sf her class and 
through their united efforts freedork fo? 
all humanity will be won. 

,-,n'^3\^ question of women and their work 
^hmiM ^''"•^ '^ °^ ^o^-^ importance and 

bv^hP nn°rf.'/%-"'°'?. '^^'"^f"! Consideration 
by the convention than ever before The 
time IS rine for earnest discussion of thi 
woman quest on. We should go from this 
convention with clearly defined ideas as to 
imerfc'i ^tn^"" *?'" ^^"^ating "the womtn In 
hi^ of thPiS rt «I^ss-conscious understand- 
ing Of their needs and of enlisting them for- 
active service in the great army o™ the 
working class— the Socialist Party 

Fraternally submitted, 



^?^9^^^- BREWER, 


ni.^r^-?^lV^ National Committee. 

General Correspondent. 


Reports of the Majority and Minority Committees on Immigration. 


At ,the national congress of the Socialist 
Party' in 1910, the Committee on Immigra- 
tion presented a majority report signed by 
Ernest Untermann, Joshua Wanhope and 
Victor L. Berger, and a minority report 
signed by John S'pargo. 

The majority report declared that the in- 
terests of tlie labor unions and of the So- 
cialist Party of America demanded the en- 
forcement of the existing exclusion laws 
which keep out the mass immigration or 
importation of Asiatic laborers. 

The minority report declared that the 
danger from Asiatic labor immigration or 
Importation was more imaginary than real 
and that, therefore, the Socialist Party 
should content itself with an emphasis 
upon the international solidarity of all 
working people regardless of nationality or 
race. "The minority report did not state 
whether the Socialist Party should demand 
the repeal of the existing exclusion laws. 
When asked during the debate whether he 
favored the repeal of these laws. Comrade 
»Spargo declined to commit himself to a. 
definite answer. 

In the course of the discussion. Comrade 
Morris HUlquit introduced a aubatitute for 
both reports. This substitute evaded the 
question for or against the existing exclu- 
sion laws, merely demanding that the mass 
of importation of contract laborers from all 
countries should be combated by the Social- 
ist Party. 

An amendment to this substitute, de- 
manding a special emphasis upon the fact 
that the bulk of the Asiatic Immigration 
was stimulated by the capitalists and -for 
this reason should be excluded, was offered 
by Comrade Algernon Lee. 

' After a debate lasting nearly two days, 
the congress adopted Hillquit's substitute 
by a vote of 55 against 50. 

This close vote induced the congress to 
recommit the question for further stu.dy to 
a new committee on immigration vsrlth in- 
structions to report to the national con- 
vention of 1912. 

In this new committee the same align- 
ment immediately took place. After a fruit- 
less effort of the chairman to get unani- 
mous action, the majority decided to act by 
Itself and let the minority do the same. 

Continued study and the developments on 
the Pacific Coast during the last two years 
convinced the majority of this committee 
more than ever that the existing exclusion 
laws against Asiatic laborers should be en- 
forced and be amended in such way that 
they can be more effectively enforced. Tlie 
details of the necessary amendments should 
be worked out by our representatives, or by 
our future representatives, In Congress and 
submitted for ratification to the Committee 

on Immigration, which should be ni'ade 
permanent for this purpose. 

It does not matter whether Asiatic im- 
migration is voluntary or stimulated by 
capitalists. There is no rooni for doubt 
that the capitalists welcome this immigra- 
tion, and that its effect upon the economic 
and political class organizations of the 
American workers is destructive. 

It is true that all foreign labor immigra- 
tion lowers the standard of living, increases 
the unemployed problem and supplies the 
capitalists with uninformed and willing 
tools of reaction. But of all foreign labor 
Immigration, the Asiatic element, ow^Ing to 
Its social and racial peculiarities, is the 
most difficult to assimilate and mold into a 
homogeneous and effective revolutionary 
body. It is all the more dangerous to the 
most advanced labor organizations of this 
nation, because it adds to and intensifies 
the race issue which Is already a grave 
problem in large .sections of this country. 

In the European countries the labor 
unions and the Socialist Party are not con- 
fronted by the taslt of educating, organiz- 
ing and uniting vast masses of alien na- 
tionalities and races with the main body of 
the native class-conscious workers. Where 
alien immigration enters int( the European 
labor problem, it plays but an insignificant 
role compared to the overwhelming mass of 
native workers. America is the only coun- 
try in which the labor unions and the So- 
cialist Party are compelled to face the 
problem of educating, organizing and unit- 
ing not only the native workers but a con- 
tinually increasing army of foreign na- 
tionalities and races who enter this country 
without any knowledge of the English lan- 
guage, of American traditions, of economic 
and political conditions. The disappearance 
of the Western frontier has intensified the 
difficulties of labor organizations and So- 
cialist propaganda to such a degree that it 
has become an unavoidable task to decide 
whether restrictive measures shall or shall 
not be demanded in the interests of the 
labor unions and of the Socialist Party. 
Since the race issue enters most prominent- 
ly into this problem and has for years been 
the central point of restrictive legislation, 
the Socialist Party has been compelled to 
take notice of it. 

Race feeling is not so much a result of 
social as of biological evolution. It does 
not change essentially with changes of eco- 
nomic systems. It is deeper than any class 
feeling and will outlast the capitalist sys- 
tem. It persists even after race prejudice 
has been outgrown. It exists, not because 
the capitalists nur.i^e it for economic rea- 
sons, but the capitalists rather have an op- 
portunity to nurse it for economic reasons 
because it exists as a product of biology. 
It is bound to play a role in the economics 
of the future society. If it should not as- 
sert Itself in open warfare under a So- 


m^mmm^s&mm form of sociely, it will nevertheless 
lead to a rivalry of races for expansion 
over the globe as a result of the play of 
natural and. sexual selection. We may 
temper this race feeling by education, but 
we can never hope to extinguish it alto- 
gether. Class-consciousness must be 
learned, but race-consciousness is inborn 
and cannot be wholly unlearned. A few in- 
dividuals may indulge in the luxury of ig- 
noring race and posing as utterly raceless 
humanitarians, but whole races never 

Where races struggle for the means of 
life, racial animosities cannot be avoided 
, Where working people struggle for jobs' 
self-preservation enforces its decrees Eco- 
nomic and political considerations lead to 
racial fights and to legislation restricting 
the invasion of the white man's domain bv 
other races. 

The Socialist Party cannot avoid this is- 
sue. The exclusion of definite races not on 
account of race, but for economic and polit- 
ical reasons, has been forced upon the old 
party statesmen In spite of the bitter op- 
position of the great capitalists. 

Every addition of incompatible race ele- 
ments to the present societies of nations or 
races strengthens the hands of the great 
capitalists against the rising hosts of class- 
conscious workers. But the race feeling is 
so strong that even the majority of old 
party statesmen liave not dared to ignore 

Prom the point of view of the class-con- 
scious workers it is irrational in the ex- 
treme to perniit the capitalists to protect 
their profits by high tariffs against the 
competition of foreign capital, and at the 
same time connive at their attempts to ex- 

i^^- u ^ii!® , \'^^'^^ *" ^^^ one commodity 
■Which the laborer should protect more than 
any other, his labor power. i^ i^^^'l-™^™ irrational to excuse this 
self -destructive policy by the slogan of in- 
ternational working class solidarity for 
this sentimental solidarity works wholly 
into the hands of the capitalist class and 
injures the revolutionary movement of the 
most advanced workers of this nation, out 
of Ill-considered worship of an Asiatic 
working class which is as yet steeped in 
the Ideas of a primitive state of unde- 
veloped capitalism. 

A proper consideration of working class 
interests, to which the Socialist Party Is 
pledged by all traditions and by all histori- 
cal precedent, demands that our representa- 
tives in the legislative bodies of this nation 
should reduce the tariff protection of the 
capitalists and Introduce a tariff or tax 
upon unwholesome competitors of the work- 
ing class, regardless of whether these com- 
petitors are voluntary or subsidized immi- 
grants. Real protection of American labor 
reauires a tariff on labor power and the re- 
duction and gradual abolition of the tariff - 
on_ capital. Finch labor legislation alreadv 
%^^^S "^ British Columbia and has proved 
effective there. 

The argument that the menace of Asiatic 
labor immigration is more imaginary than 
real overlooks the obvious fact that this 
menace has been minimized and kept within 
Dounds by the exi^^fing exclusion laws and 
that It can be eliminated altogether by a 
strict enforcement and more up-to-date 
amendment of these laws. 

The majorifv of this committee refili^ie of 
course, that the development of canitali-'m 
In China, Tndia and .Tapan will necR«RfirilTr 
tepd to brin,e the AmericFin laborer into 
competition with the Asiati<- laborer evp-n 
!f *iif Asinii'' doe=: not come +n th^ ^hor<=T 
Of fh}-^; omrntry. But the exclusion of the 
Aslfitlc from the shores of thl? country will 



at least give to the American laborer thi 

advantage of lighting the Asiatic competr 

tion at long range and wholly through la 

ternational commerce, instead of having t 

struggle with the Asiatic laborer for jobi 

upon American soli. This will tend to abol 

ish the labor of children and women ii 

American factories, to maintain a rationa 

standard of living and to reduce the un 

employed problem for' adult male workers 

International solidarity between thI 

working people of Asia, Europe and Amer 

ica will be the outcome of Internationa; 

evolution, not of sentimental formulas Sc 

long as the mind.- of the workers of nation^ 

and races are separated by long distance? 

of industrial evolution, the desired solidary 

ity_ cannot be completely realized, and while 

It IS m process of realization, the demands 

of immediate self-preservation are more im 

perative than dreams of ideal solidarity. 

, The international solidarity of the work 

mg class can be most effectively demon- 

nli'i^fS' ^°^ }^- mass immigration into each 

others countries, but by the international 

co-operation of strong labor unions and St 

the. national sections of fhe International 

toociaiiat Party. ', 

Socialism proves Itself a science to the 

extent that it enables us to foretell the 

actual tendencies of future development 

,.~. ^i"" t^ ^"^! S"'5"?''al principle that guides 

us in the struggle against the capitalist 

classes ot the world. "We work for the 

transformation of capitalist into Socialist 

society, not so much because sentiment 

longing, dogma or argument drive us but 

becausewe are convinced that the dominant 

tendencies of capitalism work in the direc-: 

tion of Socialism. 

^rh^i^ ^°*"^ S^ J*?"^ has been almost 
wholly overlooked m the discussion and 
practice of these "immediate" policies 
which serve as our conscious steps in the 
direction of Socialism. ; 

In our general propaganda and party or-; 
ganization, we work for the prophesied out 
come of capitalist development and shape 
Srnh^bio°^'' '" harmony with the foreseen' 
probable course which the majority of the 
citizens will be compelled to adopt diirlng« 
the revolution "of the human mind towards I 
Socialist consciousness. ^" 

Not so in _ discussing and acting upoa 
questions of immediate policy, such as thI 
IfJ^-l"^''^?. .°'^ Asiatic laborers from th^ 
United States, Instead of clearly foretellina 
the inevitable policy which the'maioritv o 
the voters of this nation will be compelleta 
to adopt m this particular instance, we ar^ 
supposed to shape our actions in response 
to sentimental, Utopian or dogmatic argu3 
ments dictated by the personal likes or dis- 
likes of a few individuals 

Instead of scientiiically foretellina- the in- 
evitable logic of events, we are supposed to 
listen to a logic inspired by the sophistry 
of the advocates of unrestricted immigra- 

_ Those who affirm the sentimental solidar- 
ity of the working classes the world over 
^J fi ^h^ same time demand a restriction 
01 the stimulated mass imnortation of con- 
tract laborers admit unwillingly that thlq 
Ideal solidarity is reallv impossible And 
while they thus contradict their own senti- 
mental assertion, they evade the real issue 
bv an exags-erated reverence for a Utopian 
race solidarity. uLuputii 

The common sense Socialist policy under 
..J-f"" cii-cumstances is to build up strong 
national labor unions and strong national 
t^oclallst parties in i;hG different countries 
and work tov^^ard more perfect solidaritv bv 
an _ international co-operation of these labor 
unions and parties. To thiiS end tlie So- 

cialist Party of America should conalder 
above all the interests of those native and 
foreign working class citizens whose eco- 
nomic and political class organizations are 
destined to be the dominant elements in the 
social revolution of this country 

In the United States this means neces- 
sarily the enforcement of the existing ex- 
clusion laws against Asiatic laborers, and 
the amendment of these laws in such a way 
that the working class of America shall 
fortify its strategic position In the struggle 
against the capitalist class. 

The majority of this committee are not 
opposed to Hhe social mingling of races 
through travel, education and friendly as- 
sociation upon terms of equality. But we 
are convinced that the mass of the voters 
with the growth of social consciousness, 
will rather eliminate more and more those 
warring elements of social development 
which interfere with an orderly and sys- 
tematic organization of Industrial and polit- 
ical democracy. They will not be anxious 
to intensify the unemployed problem and 
the race issue, but will strive to transform 
the international working class solidarity 
from a Utopian shibboleth into a construc- 
tive policy. They will use their collective 
intelligence to reduce the evils growing out 
of unemployment and race feeling, until we 
shall be able to eliminate those evils alto- 
g-ether and strip race feeling at least of its 

This tendency is so plainly evident to the 
majority of this committee that we can 
afford to dispense with appeals to passion 
This question will not' be solved by a repeti- 
tion of phrases, taut by a conscious and 
constructive policy which will enforce it- 
self as an inevitable step in the direction 
of working class solidarity and Socialism 
the world over. 



We, the undersigned, propose that this 
convention endorse the position taken on 
the_ question of immigration by the Inter- 
national Congress at Stuttgart. 

(Signed) ,IOHN SPARGO, 
(Signed) LEO. LAUKKL 




The question to be decided is:- ."Shall the 
Socialist Party commit itself to the policy 
of exclu.'Sion of Asiatic labor frfom America 
and for what reasons?" 

The majority report pf the Committee on 
Immigration to the national congress in 
1910, signed by Ernest Untermann, Victor 
Berger and Joshua Wanhope, members of 
said committee, declared tlm.t ihe interests 
of labor unions and of the S.l^j:llist Party 
demanded the enforcement of I be existing 
exclusion laws which keep nu( tlie immigra- 
tion of the Asiatic laborers. It therefore 
recommended to our party the policv of 
exclusion in regard to tho Immigration, 
and for reasons that will be stated here 
and analyzed. 

• '^^% minority report to the Hame congress, 
signed by .Tohn Spargo. aluo n meinber of 
said committee, while a.Msuinrng I lie dnngcr 
from Asiatic ImmigrnHon lo be morn Imag- 
inary than real. ()pcl!irod ni:H the Socl;illst 
Party should contoril ItselC wllli tin em- 
phasis upon the intcrnn tloniil solidarity of 

all working people rcgnrdlftSK of' nadontilUv 
or race. But the question, Hhiill (tin HucIm.1- 

hi'licn 111 pniil'- 

iiicy of 
Spai-go oviiiiod 
by (icHibirliiK 

ist Party in the prlmiiM, ,,.,. 
tlce, commit itself to thr i. 
slon or shall it not, ('ninr;Hi<. 
and so left it undecided 
(from the floor) that — 

"If the time comes when we, after seri- 
°"®' , npnest, conscientious and prolonged 
effort have to say we have failed and we 
cannot do it, and in protection of ourselves 
"^if i?"Y.^^ ^'^l'^ "^he doors to the Asiatic, I 
shall be ready to close the doors. If it 
comes to the time when we must close the 
door to the Italian, I shall be ready to 
close the door. If the time comes when we 
have got to close the door against men of 
my own race I shall say: We must close 
the door. But that time is not yet " 

The majority report declared the time to 
be here already and so the minority report 
was done, it lost all its force by that de- 
claration of Comrade Spargo 

Adopt^mg the substitute resolution pre- 
sented by Comrade Morris Hillquit, which 
totally evaded the question to he decided 
only demanding that the party should com- 
bat the mass importation of contract laboV- 
ers from all countries, the congress referred 
the question back to the committee with 
instructions to report to the national con- 
vention m 1912. 

Since that time there has been drafted by 
Comrade Ernest Untermann and signed by 
Comrades Robert Hunter, Joshua Wanhope 
and J. fetitt Wilson a majority report 
which m the main follows the same lines as 
the rnajprity report to the congress of 1910 
and declares in favor of exclusional policy 
There will be also a minority report to 
be presented by Comrade Spargo, but up to 
date It has not been sent to the und,ersigned 
^"^1.*^®^*^*°^^ 1^ cannot be referred to 

The demand that the Socialist Party 
should declare itself In regard to the Asi- 
atic or other immigration' labor in favor of 
exclusion is based upon the following two 
assumptions; ^ 

1. That the strategic position of the 
American workn*^ class in its struggle with 
capitalism and against the capitalilt class 
will be better if the Asiatic immigrant 
St«?^ ^^" .''e excluded from th? United 
States, or vice versa, that the immigration 
or Asiatic labor places the American work- 
ing class strategically more or less in a 
disadvantageous position to successfully 
combat the American capitalist class, to 

Its cond'itions.''""^"'*' °' "^^"^' °^ ^^«- 
^if+i„?f^^* the Asiatic laborers in contra- 
distinction to the laborers of all other na- 
tionalities immigrating to United States 
^J^vJ^^S'/^A^ unable to be arrayed In the 
raniis ot American worliing claFia ae-ainat 
the capitalist exploitation and oppression; 
that m regard of them it Is impossible for 
our party to accept th& same policy as In 
ree-ard of other immigrant nationalities— 
ttie Scandinavians, the Slavs, the Southern 
Europeans, the Balkans and others- that 
we cannot accept the policy of organizing 
^^L, -^^'^1'°^ econnminaliy and politically 
because they are of a "backward race " 
According (o (be ilnst a=;sumption the 

fo™rniT"t,''""""'i "''r^^ ^'^'h ^he purpose 

v!i„/7r '■ '""■'' JHlvantageous strategic 

P i","".!'^''.*I,"S'^ 'h*^ capitalist class should 

scchide 1t.self from the competition of Asi- 

tlc hibor by Irying to erect barriers real 

Chinese walls," in the form of exclusion 

Inw.s ngalnst the Asiatic working men and 

women compelled by the Iron laws of eco- 

^"^y.^^'o^i-'^ion to leave their native land 

At the same time it shows the follv of 

nnr^i"^,*^f*J'a" International question 

can be solved through national seclusion" 

.nj|lppli»[|MIW^«i)iiJiJ|i!l|i|J.iip«|UiW8ii — - 



It la the irony of fate that, the same na- 
tion that has been the foremost tool of cap- 
italist evolution in Iireaking down tlie liun- 
dred years' old walls of China by opening 
its ports and gates for the European and 
American merchandise, capital, money and 
labor and so teaching the Asiatics the 
omnipotence of economic evolution, teaching 
tliem that their great walls and seclusion 
avail to nothing before international cap- 
italism. It is really a big irony of fate that 
now the same nation in these days of the 
triumph of international capitalism over 
the thousand years old seclusional culture 
of China in the Chinese revolution, takes up 
that worn idea from the Chinese and yells: 
"We want seclusion!" We want a Chinese 
wall around the dear United States to keep 
out all those foreigners to save our culture 
and our standard of living from their de- 
stroying competition." 

There are many reasons which prove that 
the working class cannot successfully fight 
capitalism isolated, secluded in national or 
other units, closed between national boun- 
daries, and the main reason is, that the eco- 
nomic evolution does not tolerate any bar- 
riers and boundaries. It leaps over them — 
they may have been constructed of the best 
kind of steel and beaten or written in as 
many statute books as there are in the 
United States. For the capitalism of the 
present day the Pacific Ocean is only a 
pond and the keeping of Asiatic laborers on 
that side of the Pacific has almost as much 
meaning economically for the strategic 
position of the American working class as 
were the Asiatics living in Canada. 

The idea that seclusion will give a na- 
tion an advantage in its relation to other 
nations is as old as the earth, and evolu- 
tion has always shown it to be fallacious. 

So in the history of social life this idea 
has been many limes tried and shown to be 
Utopian, conservative and often reactionary 
in its workings. The many communistic 
societies of last century tried here and in 
Etirope were only unsuccessful experiments 
with this idea of solving the social ques- 
tion by seclusion from the whole outer 
world, Isolated from it in all possible ways. 

Also the "closed for non-relatives and 
for non-acquaintances, pure and simple, 
craft unions" are another experiment with 
this seclusion idea, and the McNamara case 
shows how successfully it works. The 
whole American Federation of Labor can be 
said to lack force and power only because it 
Is ridden by the idea that as many workers 
as possible should be out of its -unions. 
"Let us exclude as many as possible from 
our trade and our union and we can main- 
tain our wage scale," is the slogan of every 
craft union. And what is economic evolu- 
tion now teacKing to the isolated craftsmen 
who have secluded themselves behind their 
big initiation fees? Every .one of you knows. 
May it only be said here that the idea of 
excluding the Asiatic laborers from Amer- 
ica is the same idea and emanates before 
this convention from the garbage pile of 
outworn ideas of the A. F. of L. 

In the class struggle the working class 
gets its strength and power relative to the 
capitalist class from the industrial evolu- 
tion. It gets it from the position it holds 
in the industrial production and distribu- 
tion, from the dependence of the social life 
upon it, and not from the racial or national 
character of the working class. If the eco- 
nomic evolution of a nation is backward, 
its working people have very little power 
nnd f^trenR-th; it may then, nationally and 
linguistically, be as homogeneous a whole 
OH can be, e. g., the .Japanese working class. 
Vice versa, a workinsr class nationally het- 

erogeneous can be unconquerable If only It 
is in a commanding economic relation to 
the capitalist class and to society as a 
whole; for example, Lawrence, Mass. 

Therefore, the American working class 
can as well maintain its position against 
the capitalists, better its conditions and 
force the enemy out of business be thece 
Asiatic workers in its ranks or not. Tne 
industrial position it occupies, and that 
only, gives it all the force it needs. And 
at the same time this same industrial evo- 
lution can transform the Asiatic immigrant 
laborer to an American industrial prole- 
tarian by forcing him ahead in the fight 
against capitalism, by forcing him to join 
the forces working for the organization, 
education and emancipation of the prole- 
tariat, by forcing him to be just as worthy 
an ally to the American workers of the 
other nationalities as they are to each 
other. The Asiatics when thrown into the 
industrial mills of America cannot forever 
remain Asiatics; they will get the habits of 
the American industrial worker; they will 
undergo the same sufferings in the same hell 
and so into their hearts will grow the same 
hatred and the same desires as in the 
hearts of the Western workers. Economic 
life itself arrays them against capitalism. 

To understand that this policy of seclu- 
sion will not at all strengthen the strate- 
gical position of the American working 
class relative to its exploiter, we must 
only think what an absurdity it would be 
to claim that If the Asiatics were excluded 
from the United States, the standard of 
living of the American working class would 
rise, the American workers would then be 
able to win so and so much concessions 
from their exploiter, the international capi- 
talism. Everyone understands that compe- 
tition of Asiatic labor in America does not 
decide the wages and the standard of liv- 
ing of the American working class, but 
that the mode of production and distribu- 
tion, the evolution of the industrial life 
decides it. If the industrial life develops 
In the direction that it does not need as 
ntelligent, well-fed and well-educated 
labor power as before, the wages and 
standard of living will go down; capital- 
ism will force them do/wn either by using 
cheap paid foreigners or native labor, the 
women and children. And vice versa, if 
the industrial evolution develops in such a 
way as to necessitate general forward evo- 
lution of the proletariat, demands more and 
more intelligence, education, physical and 
psychical power of the working class, as 
we socialists believe that it does and upon 
which scientific knowledge all our hope of 
the future supremacy of working class re- 
lies, in that the standard of living cannot 
be forced down by immigrant labor com- 
petition or otherwise. On the contrary, 
the industrial life will raise the immigrant 
labor to the same highet* standard demand- 
ed by the economical production itself. 
All the talk that the Asiatics force down 
the standard of living of the American 
working class is only an acho from the 
disappearing of the craftsman before the 
industrial worker. While that is a fact, 
it does not mean that the standard of liv- 
ing of the whole American working class 
is going down. On the contrary, it is the 
craft worker who, with his seclusion ideas, 
Is swept aside by the industrial evolution 
and who, not understanding this evolu- 


tion, like a King Canute, tries by ^1 kinds 
of silly means, to bid the tide of evolu- 
tion stay back, and so he also yells out 
to the wide world, "Look here, what the 
Asiatics do; they force down our (he 
doesn't say "my") standard of living. Ex- 
clude them!'" And the echo (the merely 
vote catchers) answers, "Really, they force 
down the standard of living of the Ameri- 
can working class. Exclude them! And 
this they call scientific S'ocialism! 

To prove this, it suffices only to mention 
the fact that the common laborers in the 
Western States, where this Asiatic immi- 
gration is acute, in general do not join m 
the cry, "Exclude the Asiatics." They do 
not even give any notice to the whole ques- 
tion; it does not exist for them. The same 
applies to the foreigners, at least to the 
Finnish laborers working in the Pacific 
coast mines, sawmills, lumber camps and 
as fishers. They haven't any such silly 
ideas that especially the Asiatics lower the 
standard of living of the American working 
class. When they lack work and fair wages 
they seek for the reasons elsewhere, in the 
industrial conditions of the time and in the 
fact that the native-born workers, for the 
reason of their isolated craft's position, are 
keeping the American working class weak; 
it is in a state of almost paradoxical dis- 
organization and conservatism. 

For us Socialists it is not merely sentl- 
mentalism to believe that the industrial 
proletariat, be he of what race or national- 
ity whatever, will be arrayed and organized 
against capitalism to fight the capitalist 
class Tjoth economically and politically; but 
it is a scientific fact, upon which our whole 
movement is founded, and it has by history, 
past and present, so amply been proven to 
be true, that there is needed an overwhelm- 
ing mass of facts to overthrow it, and not 
merely assumptions, which are the_ main 
content of the majority report to this and 
the preceding convention. , ^ ^, , 

Our party must remember, before the pol- 
icy presented by the majority report can be 
warranted, that both it and the unions have 
done practically nothing in regard to the 
Asiatic laborers in the other way. They 
have not even tried to prganizc the Asiatic 
laborers, any more than they have tried to 
organize the other foreign workets of the 
United States, and still they have courage 
to claim that the Asiatics canno't be organ- 

ized. At least before our party In this ciunn 
tion can refute its basic priticlplrs iuul d*;- 
clare itself in favor of a policy whlcli If 
mainly sought for only by the blind rhinior,' 
of disappearing craft workers and 
traders of the Pacific coast, it must try tlio 
other way; it must try to reach the A^l;''- 
ics as well as all other nationalitiew in the 
United States by its ideas and organisiation 
Therefore the only recommendation that 
can be made to this convention in regard to 
the Asiatic laborer is: 

"That the Socialist party place an organ- 
izer among these Asiatic workers who can 
speak their languages and in every other 
way try to help the Asiatics to become ac- 
quainted with the Socialist ideas and move- 
ment and to form a national Asiatic Social- 
ist organization along the same lines that 
the other nationalities are organized. 

"That the Socialist party declare itself in 
opposition to the discrimination against 
Asiatic workers, politically or otherwise 
and demand for them the same civil and 
political rights which it demands for other 
races and nationalities in the United 

What becomes of the fact that Asiatics 
as well as other foreign and native work- 
ers, especially women and children, are ex- 
ploited by the American capitalists as so- 
called cheap labor, to replace the higher 
paid craft workers and so throwing them 
out into the ranks of the industrial prole- 
tariat? It cannot be hindered in the least 
by any reactionary policy of the dying semi- 
bburgeoisie and craftsmen. But this cheap 
paid industrial proletariat can be hindered 
from selling its labor power too cheap; it 
can and it will be induced to raise its 
standard of wages, to better its working 
and living conditions by the general policy 
of our party, of which the most effective 
in this regard will be the demand— 
For a general eight-hour working day. 
For a minimum wage scale, 
it will be self-evideAt that when the 
length of the day and the compensation for 
the work are stipulated by general laws, 
backed and enforced by the workers them- 
selves, there will be no possibility nor rea- 
son for any capitalist to employ cheap 
labor. The effects of the cheap labor will 
disappear only in tffls way. 







Report of Committee on Municipal and State Program. 

Socialism cannot be carried into full ef- 
fect while tlje Socialist Party is a minority 
party. Nor can it be inaugurated in any 
single city. Furthermore, so long as na- 
tional and state legislatures and particu- 
larly the courts are in the control of the 
capitalist class, a municipal administration 
even though absolutely controlled by Social- 
ists, will be hampered, crippled and restrict- 
ed in every possible way. 

We maintain that the evils of the present 
system will be removed only when the 
working class wholly abolish private own- 
ership in the social means of production, 
collectively assume the management of the 
industries and operate them for use and not 
for profit, for the benefit of all and not for 
the enrichment of a privileged class. In 
this the Socialist Party stands alone in the 
political field. 

But the Socialist Party also believes that 
the evils of the modern system may be 
materially relieved and their final disap- 
pearance may be hastened by the introduc- 
tion of social, political and economic meas- 
ures which will have the effect of bettering 
the lives, strengthening the position of the 
workers and curbing the power and domi- 
nation of the capitalists. 

The Socialist Party therefore supports 
the struggles of the working class against 
the exploitation and oppression of the capi- 
talist class, and is vitalTy concerned In the 
efficiency of the parliamentary and adminis- 
trative means for tTie fighting of the class 

Furthermore, it should be distinctly un- 
derstood that the following suggested mu- 
nicipal and state program is not put forth 
as mandatory or binding upon the state or 
local organizations. It is offered as sug- 
gestive data £o assist those localities that 
may desire to use it, and as a basis for thts 
activities of Socialist members of state leg- 
islatures and local administrations. 


Labor Legislation. 

(1) An eight-hour day, trades union 
scale and minimum wage for both sexes. 

(2) Legalization of the right to strike, 
picket and boycott. 

(3) Abolition of the injunction as a 
means of breaking strikes and the estab- 
lishment of trial by jury in all labor dis- 

(4) Prohibition of the use of the military 
and the police power to break strikes. 

(!)) Prohibition of the employment of 
private detective agencies and police forces 
III liibor disputes. 

(0) Tlie repeal of all military law which 
Miirf(>ndcrH the power of the governor over 
I ho inlllHa to the federal authorities. 

(7) Ueqnh-ementa that in time of labor 
(llH|iiil«H iidvnrtlsementB for help published 

by employers shall contain notice of the 
fact that such labor dispute exists. Provi- 
sion to be made for the prosecution of per- 
sons who shall employ workers without in- 
forming them that such labor trouble 

(8) Prohibition of employment of chil- 
dren under the age of sixteen, compulsory 
education, and the pensioning of widows 
with minor children where such provision 
is necessary. 

(9) The organization of state employ- 
jnent agencies and rigid control of private 

(10) Suitable safeguards and sanitary 
regulations in all occupations with ample 
provision for frequent and effective inspec- 
tion of places of employment, machinery 
and appliances. 

(11> Old age pensions, sick benefits and 
accident insurance to be established. 

(12) Workingmen's compensation la'ws 
to be carefully drawn to protect labor. 
Home rule tor cities. 
Public Education. 

(1) Compulsory education of both sexes 
up to the age of sixteen years with ade- 
quate provision for further courses where 

(2) Establishment of vocational and 
continuation schools and manual training 
for both sexes. 

(3) Free text boobs for teachers and 
pupils; uniform text books on all subjects 
to be furnished free to public schools. 

(4) Physical training through system- 
atic courses of gymnastics and open air ex- 
ercises. Open air schools and playgrounds. 


(1) A graduated income tax; wages and 
salaries up to S2,000 to be exempt. 

(2) Graduated Inheritance tax. 

(3) All land held for speculation and all 
land not occupied or used by the owners 
to be taxed up to full rental value. 

(1) For the purpose of developing and 
preserving the natural resources of the 
state and offering additional opportunities 
of labor to the unemployed, the states shall 
undertake a comprehensive system of pub- 
lic works, such as the building of roads, 
canals, and the reclamation and irrigation 
of land. All forests, mineral lands, water 
ways and natural resources now owned by 
the states to be conserved and kept for pub- 
lic use. 

_ (2) The contract system shall be abol- 
ished in all public works, such work to be 
done by the state directly, all labor to be 
employed not more than eight hours per 

day at trade union wages and under the 
best possible working conditions. 

(1) The legislature of the state to con- 
.sist of one house of representatives. 

(2) The initative, referendum and re- 
call to be enacted. 


(1) Unrestricted political rights for 
men and women. 

(2) Resident qualification for all elec- 
tions not to exceed 90 days. 

(3) The right to vote, not to be contin- 
gent upon the payment of any taxes, eitHer 
in money or labor. 



(1) Extension of the State Agricultural 
and experimental farms for crop culture, 
for the distribution of improved seeds for 
the development of fertilizers,^ for the de- 
.sign and introduction of the best types of 
farm machinery, and for the encouragement 
of the breedmg of superior types of stock. 

(2) All land owned by the state to be 
retained, and other land brought into pub- 
lic ownership and use by reclamation, pur- 
chase, condemnation, taxation or otherwise: 
Such land to be organized into socially 
operated farms for the conduct of collec- 
tive agricultural enterprises. 

(3) Landlords to assess their own lands, 
the state reserving the right to purchase 
such lands at the assessed value. 

(4) State Insurance against pestilence, 
diseases of animals and plants and against 
natural calamities. 


(1) The present unscientific and brutal 
method of treating criminal persons, de- 
fectives and delinquents to be replaced by 
modern scientific and Jiumane methods. 
This to include the abolition of all death 
penalties, of /the prison contract systeto, of 
isolated confinement. Penal institutions to 
be located In rural localities with adequate 
healthful open ^Ir employment and hu- 
mane treatment. 




(1) Eight hour day, trade union wages 
and conditions in all public employment 
and on all contract work done for the city. 

(2) Old age pension, accident insurance 
and sick benefits to be provided for all pub- 
lic employes. 

(3) Special laws for the protection of 
both women and children, in mercantile, 
domestic and industrial pursuits. 

(4) The abolition of child labor. 

(5) Police not to be used to break 

(6) Rigid inspection of factories by lo- 
cal authorities for the improvement of 
sanitary conditions, lighting, ventilating, 
heating and the like. Safety appliances re- 
quired m all cases to protect the worker 
against dangerous machinery. 

(7) Free employment bureaus to be es- 
tablished in the cities to work in co-opera- 
tion with state bureaus. Abolition of con- 
tract system and direct employment by the 
city on all public ' works. 

(8) Free legal ad/ice. 

(9) The provision of work for the un- 
employed by the erection of model dwell- 

ings fflr workingmcn; the jijivlng and Im- 
provement of streets and alleys, urul the 
extension and improvement of parks and 

(1) Home rule for cities; including the 
right of the City to own and operate any 
and all public utilities; to engage in com- 
mercial enterprises of any and all kinds; 
the right of excess condemnation, both 
within and outside the City and the right 
of two of more cities to co-operate in the 
ownership and management of public utili- 
ties; the City to have the right of issuing 
bonds for these purposes up to 50% of the 
assessed valuation, or the right to issue 
mortgage certificates against the property 
acquired, said certificates not to count 
against the bonded indebtedness of the City. 


(1) The City to acquire as rapidly as 
possible, own and operate its public utili- 
ties, especially street car systems, light, 
heat, and power plants, docks, wharves, etc. 

Among the things which may be owned 
and operated by the City to advantage are 
slaughter houses, bakeries, milk depots, 
coal and wood yards, ice plants, undertaking 
establishments and crematories. 

On all public works, eight hour day 
trade union wages and progressive im- 
provement in the condition of labor to 
be established and maintained. 


(1)_ The introduction of scientific city 
planning to provide for the development of 
cities along the most sanitary, economic 
and attractive lines. 

(2) The City to secure the ownership of 
land, to plat the same so as to provide for 
plenty of open space and to erect model 
dwellings thereon to be rented by the 
raunicipality at cost. 

(5) Transportation facilities to be main- 
tained with special reference to the pre- 
vention of overcrowding in insanitary ten- 
ements and the creation of slum districts. 


(1) Inspection of food. 

(2) Sanitary inspection. 

_ (3) Extension of hospital and free med- 
ical treatment. 

(4) Child welfare department, to com- 
bat infant death rate prevailing especially 
m working class sections. 

<5) Special attention to eradication of 
tuberculosis and other contagious diseases. 

(6) System of street toilets and public 
comfort stations. 

(7) Adequate system of public baths, 
parks, playgrounds and gymnasiums. 


(1) Adequate number of teachers so 
that classes may not be too large. 

(2) Retirement fund for teachers 

(3) Kindergartens to be established and 
conducted in connection with all schools. 

(4) Adequate school buildings to be pro- 
vided and maintained. 

(5) Ample playgrounds with instructors 
m charge. 

(fi) Free text books and equipment. 
<i) Penny lunches, and where necessary, 
free meals and clothing. 



<8) Medical Inspection including free 
service in the care of eyea, ears, throat, 
teeth and general iiealth where necessary 
to insure mental efficiency in the educa- 
tional work, and special inspection to pro- 
tect the schools from contagion. 

(9) Baths .and gymnasiums in. each 

(10) Establishment of vacation schools 
and adequate night schools for adults. 

(11) All school buildings to be open or 
available for the citizens of their respective 
communities, at any and all times and for 
any purposes desired by the citizens, so 
long as such use does not Interfere with 
the regular school work. All schools to 
serve as centers for social, civic and rec- 
reational purposes. 


(1) Socialization of the liquor traffic; 
the city to ofEer as substitute for the so- 
cial features of the saloon, opportunities 
for recreation and amusement, under whole- 
some conditions. 

(2) Abolition of the restricted vice dis- 

Municipal markets to be established 
where it is found that by this means a re- 
duction may be secured in the cost of the 
necessities of life. 

Tour committee would recommend that 
the Convention appoint a permanent com- 
mittee of seven on state and municipal 
affairs. The purpose of the committee to 
be to study the problems involved in muni- 
cipal and state legislation, collect informa- 
tion and data bearing thereon and to sub- 
mit to the next National Congress sugges- 
tions and recommendations for municipal 
and state activities and program. The 
committee should have power to All vacan- 
cies that may occur on their committee. 


The Committee on Municipal and State 
Program, to which was referred the follow- 
ing resolution relative to the study of the 
problem of the unemployed, unanimously 
recommended its adoption: 

By Winfleld R. Gaylord, of Wisconsin. 

Whereas, The problem of unemployment 
has been recognized by reports of federal 
and state authorities to be one of the pri- 
mary problems of our civilization; and 

Whereas, The formulation of definite de- 
mands for the remedying of the conditions 
of unemployment must be based upon defi- 
nite information as to the conditions and 
facts of unemployment in this country; and 

Whereas, Labor organizations in other 
countries have established a statistical 
basis of the facts relating to the unemploy- 
ment of their own members and the work- 
ers in their respective Industries, which 
facts have become the basis of a definite 
program for the relief of the unemployed 
by means of state and municipal aid and 
the institution of national channels for re- 
ducing unemployment; and 

Whereas, There is no body of information 
available relating to the conditions of em- 
ployment in the organized industries, so 
far' as the offices of the national interna- 
tional unions are concerned, and only two 
or three states have undertaken any seri- 

ous investigation of the facts relating to 
this subject; now, therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the Socialist Party does 
hereby urge upon the various state organi- 
zations the imperative necessity of pressing 
the matter of an ofHcial investigation by 
state authorities of the facts and condi-' 
tions of unemployment in the various states 
of the union, upon some uniform basis asi 
to method; and be it also 

Resolved, That the Socialist Party also 
urges upon the executive heads of the 
various labor organizations the importance 
of keeping and tabulating accurate records' 
'of the conditions of employment in their 
respective trades and industries upon some 
common and uniform basis as to method. 
Be xt also 

Resolved, That the National Secretary of 
the Socialist Party be instructed to forward 
copies of these resolutions to the secre- 
tari'es of the various labor organizations 
and federations, state, national and inter- 


The Committee on Municipal and State 
Program, to which was referred the fol- 
lowing resolution relative to the establish- 
ment of a Legislative Bureau, introduced 
by W. R. Gaylord of Wisconsin, unanimous- 
ly recommend its adoption: 

Whereas, It is more than likely that 
there will be representatives of the Social- 
ist Party in twelve or more state legisla- 
tures after the fall elections; with scores 
of municipal officers already elected and 
scores more to be elected; and 

Whereas, The majority of these repre- 
sentatives will , be without adequate in- 
formation or aid in the preparation of 
proper material for their legislative work 
In most of the states; and 

Whereas, It is desirable that there should 
be as far as possible a unity of purpose and 
program in the work of the various So- 
cialist legislative groups, which can he 
attained only by securing some definite 
method and channel of co-operation to that 
end; and "* 

Wherea.«!, It is impossible even now for 
the Socialist municipal officers and mem- 
bers of legislative groups having expe- 
rience to comply with the demands made 
upon them in this direction; now, therefore, 
be it 

Resolved, That there shall be created a 
department which shall be known as the , 
Legislative Bureau of the Socialist Party, 
to be placed in charge of a capable secre- 
tary with adequate training for that work; : 
the salaries and expenses of the office to be 
regulated by the N. E. C. Be it further 

Resolved, That it shall be the duty of: 
this bureau to secure ail possible informa- 
tion from sources in this and other coun- 
tries, such as shall be of help to the vari^; 
ous state and municipal elected officials of! 
the Socialist Party, and to furnish this in-i 
formation on request to these officials or 
to other local, state or national officers ofi 
the Socialist Party; and to render such aidi 
as may be convenient in the matter of« 
drafting legislative propositions. 


Your committee on municipal and statej 
program to which was referred the follow-,| 
ine- resolution by Comrade Simmons ofj 
New York, proposing that the National] 
Convention adopt the general plan of So;* 
cialist control proposed by Local Glenville^ 
New York, would recommend that the saraf 
be referred to the permanent committee oijl 



municipal and state program for further 
consideration and later recommendation: 


Whereas, Socialists are constantly re- 
proached for having no definite plan of pro- 
cedure in taking over the means of produc- 
tion and distribution, and 

Whereas, The increasing participation of 
Socialists in Government makes the formu- 
lation of some definite plan of Socialist 
control more and more imperative, be it 

Resolved, By the Socialist Party of 
America in convention assembled that the 

"General Plan of Socl;illni Contml" )>r.i 
posed by Local Glcnvmr, of llic HurhillM 
Party be endorsed and iidoplcd. 

Respectful Iv KUl^niUted, 













Report of National Secretary. 

To the National Convention of the Socialist 

Dear Comrades: — I submit a summary of 
the principal phases of our party's progress, 
together with recommendations for the 
future. ' 


A complete record of the finances of the 
National Office is to he found in the month- 
ly financial statements contained in the 
Monthly Bulletins, in the annual reports 
made at the close of each year and in the 
audits published from time to time. I shall 
not repeat the figures here. 

The average amount of money pjer month 
received at the National Office for litera- 
ture, as far back as the records show, is as 
follows: „ „ „„ 

1904 average per month ? 349.99 

1905 average per month 42.23 

1906 average per month 188.49 

1907 average per month 117.84 

190S average per month 498.38 

1909 average per month 142.86 

1910 average per month 481.41 

1911 average per month 663.95 

1912 average for first three months 1,15S.3U 
Thu.9 far in 1912 the National Office pub- 
lished the following literature: 

SOO.OOO National Platforms. 

1.000,000 copies of "The Grpwlng Grocery 
Bill," by Allan L. Benson. 

2.000,000 leaflets. 

It i^ my opinion that the greatest mis- 
sion of the National Office in the future is 
to be the publisher and disseminator of So- 
cialist Literature. Such activity is distinct- 
ly a national] matter. The only question 
Involved is whether it shall be done by pri- 
vate concerns or by the organization. In 
the annual report in .January I expressed 
the opinion that the National Office ought 
to become the greatest, if not the only, 
publisher of Socialist literature. The only 
objections I have heard since then have 
come from private publishers. Their osten- 
sible reason for objecting is that it might 
result in paternalism within the party. 
This is identically the same objection 
which our enemies make against Socialism. 
And it is equally as fallacious. Just as we 
propose to prevent Socialism from develop- 
ing paternalism by surrounding it with 
safeguards, so also we can and will prevent 
the party from developing paternalism by 
surrounding it with safeguards. It is al- 
ready purrounded with safeguards, for that 
matter, but if we need more, let us have 
more, in<=tead of trying to make the clock 
of progress run backward. 

There need not be the slightest hostility 
toward the private publishers. The Na- 
tional Office should absorb them on terms 

which will be fair to all. It la a waste of 
time and energy to investigate the private 
concerns, except in so far as it calls atten- 
tion to the fact that the party should be 
its own publisher. They have done good 
work, and the party has no right to object 
to their activities so long as it does not 
supply the demand for literature itself. 

When the National Office goes into the 
literature business in earnest, the private 
publishers will come to it, asking to be ab- 
sorbed. They can no more compete with 
the National Office than a private postofflce 
could compete with the government. 

The National Constitution already author- 
izes the publishing of Socialist literature 
bv the National Office. Unless the conven- 
tion takes action to the contrary, it will be 
taken for granted that the constitution also 
authorizes the installation of a printing 
pl^nt by the National Office in order to pub- 
lish literature to better advantage, in case 
it should be more economical. It will un- 
doubtedly be more economical if the lit- 
erature business of the office is expanded 
as herein suggested. 


Of late, in order not to interfere with ar- 
rangements made by the state organiza- 
tions, the dates for national lecturers and 
organizers have not been made by the Na- 
tional Office, except in cases of foreign 
speaking organizers whose dates have been 
arranged by the National Translator-Secre- 
taries. The plan has been to assign organ- 
izers to states where needed, the National 
Office paying the deficits. 

At the time of the national congress of 
1910, six of the states were unorganized, 
namely: Delaware, Virginia, North Caro- 
lina, South Carolina, Georgia and Missis- 
sippi. Virginia became an organized state 
in October, 1910; Georgia, in .January, 
1911; Mississippi, in July, 1911, and North 
Carolina, in March, 1912. 

Of the two remaining unorganized states, 
Dela^vare has six locals. 

South Carolina has nine locals and eight 
members at large. It is probable that a 
state organization will be formed soon. 
, The unorganized territory of Alaska has 
fourteen locals and four members at large. 
It is probable that a territorial organiza- 
tion will be formed there soon. 

In January, 1912, the District of Colum- 
bia separated from the State organization 
of Maryland and received a charter of its 
own, having the same rights as a state or- 

In Porto Rico we have one local. 

In the Canal Zone we have a number of 
members at large. 


"" The lyceum subscription lecture course 

plan has been very successful from the 

J 4-^^r^ tViP that he be given a hearing when the mat- 
standpoint of education and from the t^at^^h^^D\| ^^oj. discussion, although he is 
standpoint of organ zation.^^_^ lt^^nas^p^_ ^^^ ^ delegate. 

pWeU into circulation. It has PUtthousandS WOMAN'S DEPARTMENT. 
5f subscriptions on the n^|^,i^^'i| "^attracted This department haa developed constant- 
Socialist publications. It .J^^ifg^^jJ to an ly since it was made a part of tlie work of 
thousands of new hearers to listen to ^ x !t„ National Office by the National Con- 
explanation of what Socialism IS What^ It the NaUonai um ^y^^ demonstrated . its 
has done, and what it Propo^es to oo Aim gress ui ± j \;a,use of woman's emancipa- 
ft has increased the membership ^nd ^he value to the .auseo^.^^ ^^ ^^^ Woman's 
efficiency of .^l^e loc^ll/^„TveS^to L. 1 Sonal Conimittee and the General Cor- 
ga\Sld?-lt^d"^f"the^^depk7tSiell Respondent, Caroline A.^^Dow.^^^^^^ ^^^^^ 

coEu^l1^dep"n°is%rTh^ ^.f^ It rsla^v J«"T\e^^=i^i^yoi^woi|f fs^l 

^HnnteTbv the convention. If the conven- j the most hopeful signs .of the times, 

adopted by tnecuiiv^ lecture work should XV-^' woman's Department is playing an 

be° handled^ by the National Office, it should ^J^ortant part, and is destined to Play a 

hP continued If, on the other hand the tjfi ^ore important part, m securing the 

convention decides that lecture worii should t^umph of the woman's movement and of 

S^ in the hands of the state organizations, socialism , , . „„^^^, 

?h<= Natfonal Otflee should entirely cease ° ^ number of States have state corres- 

tourinl any speSers except the candidates pondents and the locals and branches are 

for President and vice-president and foreign Electing women's committees to carry on 

%l&% lecturers and organizers. l^,if,,^^'^,T^^o^tir^rlJ^^^^^^^ 

T ean see good arguments on both sides j^ j ^ged. Hundreds of thousands, of 

and I arS indifferent as to which course is wmeiy ^^^^^ ^^^^^ circulation 

taken But, if the National Office is to 'gi^l women's organizers have been sent 

continue the -plan, it should be done with bpe^ ^ Special articles have been 

?hrsTecific sanction of the convention and ^1%.^^^^^ to the press. A petition for 

with the definite understanding that no suffrage was gathered, 

state organization shall have the right to eu teachers' bureau is also conducted in 

decreasf the efficiency of t^^^Xe^ „ive connection .with the W.oman's Department 

keeping it out of the state. , Either give object of which is to put Socialist 

thi National Office a free hand or none at \^l^^^^->^ ^^^ Socialist school boards or 

all. , ,., patrons in touch with each otlier. 

Tn ca-^e the plan is continued, it should ^ ^ separate report for the }^omans De- 
he so modified that the locals will be anx- partment will be made by the Woman s 
?oub t^aScept it, instead of having to be National Committee, 
coaxed to do so. MEMBERSHIP. 

It should also be so modified that any uve socialist Party was organized early 

local, no matter how small, could take aa jj^^l^i^^^'^igoi The records are too in- 

vantage of it. complete 'to determine just how many 

It should also be so modified that the ^^^^^^ ^^ j^^d in the years 1901 and 

locals will make a payment m advance. The membership for each year since 

Thfs is necessary for two reasons. ^First i^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ average dues received, 

because the National Office must not oe .^ ^^ follows: -. 

comoelled to practically suspena aii ouiei iKOTt; 

a?H?it4s for several months in order to jg^g 15,975 

lay the preliminary expense of the Ly- 1904 , 20,^63 

?lum Department, as it did last ^ear 1905 fgpj 

Second in order to guard against loss jg^g 26,7S4 

when locals cancel their contracts. 1907 |^';J^^ 

It would also necessarily liave to iDe 1908 ;;;;;;;:;::; i;;;; i;;; I! i! ;: 1 1 '. 41,479 

modified so that the ,^ages of the lectu ^^^^ _ 53,01 

ers would be three 'iollars per day an ^^^^ 34,71 g 

pensea, unless the conv*'JJ^i.°"' '^vote de- ^g-^g (flrgt three months) 125,826 

the membership I'^J^^^'^'^^^m^e three-dollar Tj^g mimber of locals and branches is 

cided to l""f ;% them Th^ tnr^ approximately five thousand. 

'r^^U^efk.T%ll --titutional provision CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. 

for special lecturers paymg ^^^''™ppiv to gince the National Congress of 1910 and 

to the National Office '^o^.^^^^J'^obiec- the party referendum following the same 

the Lyceum lecturer^._^_ I "^ve^no ^^j^^^ the P|^^Yonal constitution has been amended 

, ^^^^ .3,,^^ T..■^+A■ QC? -pnlln"W7R! 



^e^'^-^rt^^^^,^^^- a^ed ^Jri[^9" 1 SIL b^a^^ote of -B^sn^ 

%%%m Vecturef .& - ^the hi.h plage 8.5^1-majority B^, ^^^^^^ 

and stops at the b^^t hotels msherwa Reterenoum limiting of terms 

than we pay to a Pioneer "r-anizei pian==V in Section 3, Article IH. was 

'^.f'^'-'J^^r of ha?dshfn and ?"conveVnce. ^li^pTed bv a vote of '11.057 to 7.428-ma- 

all manner of hfrdsmn^ an^^ departments -jority 3.629. 

while tlieir employment may be a trifle ^^ SOCIALIST VOTE, 

more steady, they have eaually hard worK heginning with 

and much greater responsibility. the Social Domocratio party vote of 1900. 

A separate report for the Lyceu^^ De- t^he ^ Social D^^^^^.^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ .^ ^, 

^eTA 'f"tha'de"mrtmeXt, and I request follows: 



1900. 1902. 

Alabama 928 2,312 

Arizona ... 510 

Arkansas 27 

California 7,572 9,592 

Colorado 684 7,177 

Connecticut 1,029 2,804 

Delaware 57 .... 

Florida 603 . . , . 


Idaho 1,567 

Illinois 9,687 20,167 

Indiana i,374 7,111 

Iowa 2,742 6,360 

Kansas 1,605 4,078 

Kentucky 770 1,683 

XiOuisiana . . .... 

Maine 878 1,973 

Maryland 90S 499 

Massachusetts .. 9,716 33,629 

Michigan 2,826 4,271 

Minnesota 3,065 5,143 


Missouri 6,128 B^s'sB 

Montana 708 3,131 

Nebraska 823 3,157 


New Hampshire 790 li657 

New Jersey . 4,609 4,541 

New Mexico . . .... 

New York 12,869 23,400 

North Carolina . . .... 

North Dakota 518 1,245 

Ohio 4,847 14,270 

Oklahoma 815 1,963 

Oreg-on 1,495 3,771 

Pennsylvania 4,831 21,910 

Rhode Island .... 

South Carolina . . .... 

South Dakota 169 2,738 

Tennessee 410 

Texas 1,846 S,6i5 

Utah , 717 3 069 

Vermont 371 

Virg-inia 145 155 

Washlngrton 2,006 4,739 

West Virginia 268 .... 

Wisconsin 7,095 15,970 

Wyoming 552 

Total 9S,93f 223,494 


Our successes at the polls are too fa- 
miliar to need elaboration. The number of 
elected officials, which was very slight two 
years ago, has now increased to goodly 
proportions. Strange as it may seem, it is 
difficult to secure accurate information on 
this subject. As nearly as we were able to 

obtain the data, there were 1,039 of them 

in office at the beginning of the present 
year, classified as to the nature of their 
offices as follows: 

Auditors (city) 10 

Attorneys (city) ■ 4 

Aldermen I45 

Assessors '.'." ei 

Collectors 2 

Commissioners (city and town- 
ship) 9 

Commissioners (street) 1 

Commissioners (park) 2 

Commissioners (charter) 5 

Commissioners (public works) . . 1 

Congressmen 1 

Clerks (city, township and 

counts-) 25 

Clerks (court) .....!!! 1 

Coroners 7 

Councilmen '.'.".*.'.* 160 

Comptrollers * 3 

Constables .......".'.'.',' 57 

Directors '.".' '" j 

Election Officials .' 45 

Judges (civil) ] " o 

1904. 1906. 190S. 

1,853 389 1,399 

1,304 1,995 1,912 

1,816 2,164 5,842 

29,533 17,515 28,659 

4,304 16,938 7.974 

4,543 3,005 5,113 

146 149 240 

2,337 2,5S0 3,747 

197 98 584 

4,954 5,(711 ^,400 

69,225 42,005 34,711 

12,013 7.824 13,476 

14,847 8,901 8,287 

15,494 8,796 12,420 

3,602 1,819 4,185 

995 603 2,538 

2,106 1,653 1,758 

2,247 3,106 2,323 

13,604 20,699 10,781 

8,941 5,994 11,586 

11,693 14,445 14,527 

393 173 978 

13,009 11,528 15,431 

5,676 4,638 5,855 

7,412 3,763 3,524 

925 1,251 2,103 

1,090 1,011 1,299 

9,587 7,766 10,249 

162 211 1,056 

36,883 25,948 38,451 

124 ... 345 

2,017 1,689 2 421 

36,260 18,432 33,795 

4,443 4,040 21,779 

7,651 17,033 7,339 

21,863 18,736 33,913 

956 416 1,365 

22 32 100 

3,138 2,542 2,846 

1,354 , 1,637 1,870 

2,791 3,065 7,870 

5,767 3,010 4,895 

844 512 547 

218 . . 255 

10,023 8,717 14,177 

1,572 2,611 3,679 

28,220 24,916 28,164 

1,077 1,827 1,715 

409,230 331,043 424,483 

Justices of the Peace 


Magistrates '.'.'.'. 


Mayors '.'.'','.'..' 

Members of Constitutional Con- 
vention , 

Pound Keepers '....'. 


Police Magistrates 5 

Police Judges 15 

Officers 4 

Presidents of Council 

Road Overseers ','.'.'. 

Recorders ! ! ' " 

Registrars of Deeds ..........', 

Representatives (state) .'.'.'. 


Presidents and School Boards. 2 

Members of School Boards 40 

School Trustees ....... 15 

School Directors !!!!!!70 

School Comptrollers ....'.'.'.'""' 2 

Chairmen of Boards 2 

School Supervisors . 1 

Members of Board of Education ' 12 

School Clerks 7 

School Treasurers .' | 3 

Surveyors . . ; 

State Senators 














Supervisors (county, town and 

city) 40 

Supervisors (of assessments) . . 1 

Treasurers 29 

Trustees (library) 2 

Trustees (township, village, city) 33 


Village Presidents 4 

Members of Board of Selectmen 2 

Members of Village Boards. , . 4 

Superintendents of Poor 3 

Members of Board of Public 

Affairs 3 

Cliairmen of Town Boards .... 1 

Chairmen of Board Trustees.. 1 

Town Chairmen 1 

Other Town Officials 9 

— 28 

fVIce Mayors ^ 1 

Total 1,039 


Since the national congress of 1910, two 
additional daily papers in the English lan- 
'guage have been started, namely: The 
Milwaukee Leader, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 
and the Alarm, Belleville, Illinois. Weekly 
papers have sprung up in many places, over 
one hundred and fifty of them being co- 
operative papers. The mailing list at the 
National (DflBce shows that the number of 
Socialist papers now published in this 
country is as follows: 

Daily, English 5 

Daily, foreign 8 

Weekly, English .....262 

Weekly, foreign 36 

Monthly, English 10 

Monthly, foreign 2 

Each week the National Office sends out 
mimeographed articles to about four hun- 
dred Socialist, union and other papers. We 
offer to send them to any paper that will 
print at least one article per week. Com- 
rades in various places have made such ar- 
rangements with their local non-Socialist 
papers, and we have placed them on the 
mailing list. 

_ During the sessions of Congress the Na- 
tional Office has sustained a press repre- 
sentative in Washington. He sends daily 
news service by mail to the Socialist dailies, 
and weekly service to the weekly Socialist 
and a number of union papers, and furn- 
ishes telegraphic service as desired. All of 
this service, except the telegraphic, is 
financed by the National Office and is sup- 
plied to the papers free of charge. 

The National Office also sent a special 
press representative to Indianapolis for a 
short time. It rendered financial assistance 
to the representative of the Socialist press 
at Los Angeles. And it has arranged to 
cover the national convention for the So- 
cialist press. 


There are now seven foreign speaking or- 
ganizations affiliated with the party, as 

Bohemian, Finnish, Italian, Polish Alli- 
ance, Polish Section, Scandinavian and 
South Slavic. 

All of these organizations are making 
substantial progress in carrying on So- 
cialist propaganda among their own people. 

An effort is now being made to unite the 
two Polish organizations. 

Separate reports will be made by the 


Our relations with the international 
movement have been fraternal and mutually 

In the eighth International S'ocialist Con- 
gress, held at Copenhagen, Denmark, from 
August 28 to September 4, 1910, our party 
was represented by eight delegates, namely: 
Victor L. Berger, Wm. D. Haywood, Robert 
Hunter, Morris HlUquit, Lena Morrow 
Lewis, John Spargo, May Wood-Simons and 
Luella Twining. 


I request that the following recommenda- 
tions be submitted to the Committee on 

We have come to the point where the itch 
for office is likely to cause an influx of old 
party politicians into our ranks. We should 
increase the length of membership neces- 
sary to be a candidate for public office. 
Doubtless an attempt will be made to let 
down the bars and make it easier to get 
into the party and easier to run for office. 
It should be made harder, not easier. This 
is too critical a Juncture in our movement 
to throw down the safeguards and allow it 
to become the prey of designing self- 

The signing of blank resignations by our 
candidates for public office should be made 
obligatory. Even though the capitalist 
courts might declare such resignations 
void, their moral effect is great. But no 
committee should be entrusted with the 
power to All out and file such resignations. 
The membership in the territory covered by 
the office should alone have the power to 
decide when such action is ±0 be taken. 

The National Executive Committee and 
the Woman's National Committee should be 
elected from districts, so that the entire 
nation will be represented, such districts to 
be apportioned according to membership. 

The provision for the Woman's Depart- 
ment in the National Office, which now 
stands merely as a provision adopted by 
the party congress, should be made a part 
of the constitution. The General Corres- 
pondent should be made electable by the 
Woman's National Committee, and dis- 
chargeable by it or by the National Secre- 
tary. At present she is appointed by the 
National Secretary, with the approval of 
the Woman's National Committee, and dis- 
chargeable by either. 

To avoid a repetition of the fiasco which 
we have enacted this year in selecting the 
time and place for the national convention, 
it should be provided that the conventions 
and congresses are to be held in the city 
where the national headquarters are lo- 
cated, and that they are to be held In May 
or June. The National Executive Commit- 
tee or the National Secretary should be 
given authority to fix the exact date, which 
would naturally be affected by the times 
when appropriate halls could be secured, 
and other circumstances. It is the natural 
thing for the other parties to jockey over 
the place of their conventions, but it is 
idiotic for us to do so. 

The article about referendums needs to 
be overhauled. Branches should be given 
the power to initiate or second referen- 
dums. The time when a proposed referen- 
dum expires should be the 15th of the sec- 
ond month after its publication in the 
Monthly Bulletin. At present the com- 
ments of locals or branches on proposed 
referendums are published in the Weekly 
Bulletin and also in the Monthly Bulletin. 
As the Weekly Bulletin Is a miriieographed 
document and must have some limit to it, 
this practice is becoming impracticable! 



Tlu-y :-;ii.nri<l bo published in tli« Monthly 
JiiilUiUii only. These comments are on tiie 
incit'use. They show a healthy interest in 
party affaira and they need to be encour- 
aged. But, unfortunately, a local domi- 
nated by a freak can take advantage of this 
right and degenerate it into a nuisance. To 
avoid this, and also to keep the comments 
within reasonable space limits, each local 
or branch making such comments should be 
required to pay the cost of publishing them. 
When a referendum is proposed, another 
referendum to the same effect should not be 
permitted within a given length of time. 
And when a referendum js adopted, a refer- 
endum to undo it should not be permitted 
within a given length of time. The refer- 
endum is our great safeguard, and it must 
not be allowed to be reduced to an absurd- 
ity. It should be made entirely serviceable 
and at the same time fool-proof. 

Branches should also be given the power 
to nominate candidates for national party 

We ought to have some method of fur- 
nishing due stamps to distressed and un- 
employed members, without payment by 
them, and also without placing the burden 
on the branch, local or state organizations. 
If the National Office furnished such 
stamps, they would cost nothing except the 
triflmg amount paid for printing them 
They should be identical with all the other 
due stamps, so that there would be no taint 
of charity attached to them. The local sec- 
retaries should have the power to make req- 
uisition upon the state secretaries for 
whatever number of stamps are needed for 
this purpose, and the state secretaries 
should have the power to make requisition 
upon the National Secretary for them, with- 
out any money changing hands anywhere 
along the line. 

Wherever practicable, candidates for pub- 
lic office should be nominated by referen- 
dum vote. It is entirely feasible to nom- 
inate our candidates for president and vice- 
president in that manner. Of course. It is 
too late to do it this time, but it should be 
done hereafter. It will not only be the 
proper method of nominating, but it will 
vastly increase the usefulness of our na- 
tional conventions. They are now largely 
spoiled by the fact that they have such 
candidates to select. The provision should 
be so worded that in case of vacancy for 
president, the candidate for vice-president 
would take this place, and in case of va- 
cancy for vice-president, the next highest 
would take his place. 

State organizations should be required 
to furnish the National Office with a list 
or the local and branch secretaries in the 
state. Any state refusing or neglecting to 
do so thereby fails to co-operate with the 
rest of the organization, and it shoulil be 
denied the right to participate in national 
affairs. It should be denied the right to 
vote on national referendums, or to initiate 
or second referendums, or to nominate 
candidates for national party positions. Its 
members of the National Committee should 
also be denied the right to vote on that 
committee. If it has any members of the 
National Executive Committee or the Wo- 
man s National Committee, they should be 
denied the right to act on those commit- 

The provision requiring the National 
OfRce to take a referendum vote of a state 
in order to select state officers, iipon pre- 
sentation of a petition in case of contro- 
versy, shouW be struck out. It cost the 
National Office considerably more than a 
hundred dollars last year without accom- 
plishing anything at all. It is unworkable. 

unwise and unjust. Unworkable, becauMC it 
is practically impossible to teJl whether a, 
petition is vahd or not, or to tell wlio would 
be eligible to vote in the referendum. Un- 
wise, because states can settle their own 
trouble much better than the National 
Office can settle it for them. Unjust, be- 
cause it disfranchises a large portion of tli*^ 

The condition in which the party con- 
gress of 1910 left the matter of the foreign 
speaking organizations is unsatisfactory to 
everybody. It is unsatisfactory to the na- 
tional organization, to the state organiza- 
tions, to the county and local organizations 
and to the foreign speaking organizations 
themselves Part of these organizations 
get their dues stamps from the National 
Office and part of them get them from 
their locals. Part of them pay full local 
and state dues, part of them pay fifty per 
cent of the local and state dues, and part 
of them only pay national dues and do not 
pay any local and state dues at all This 
unsystematic lack of arrangement is in- 
tolerable. -.The constitution should be so 
changed that all of them would be affiliated 
in the same manner. They should all pay 
nfty per cent of the local and state dues. 
And they should ail pay their local, state 
and national dues to their respective na- 
tional translator-secretaries, to be propeil^ 
apportioned by them. The national du(-'-- 
should be paid in full as heretofore, because 
the National Office pays the wages of the 
translator-secretaries and furnishes the m 
ofiice room free of charge, 'besides appio- 
priatmg large sums of money to as sis' 
them in organizing work. Not more th;m 
one organization of any single nationalitv 
should be permitted to affiliate. 

Free-lancing should be abolished. When 
a comrade makes isolated dates with locals 
or branches it cannot properly be called 
free-lancing, and if done with the conseni 
or the state organizations there can be no 
objection to it. In fact, it is a nuisance foi 
1^ organization to handle such dates it- 
self. But comrades should not be permitti-d 
to make up tours in any way excejit throush 
the organization, and at the regular rate-. 
The National Executive Committee has 
Wisely stated that it is thb sense of tli,' 
cornmittee that all lectures delivered by So- 
cialist Party members for Socialist Part\ 
locals should be arranged by the organiz.i- 
*l°1 „ *^^ party upon the usual terms, and 
that Socialist Party lecturers working for 
non-party lyceums be- requested to make a 
stipulation with such lyceums that appli- 
cation for dates shall not be made to partv 
locals or branches. This statement should 
be embodied in the constitution. And, lesi 
it should be construed to only apply to cai)- 
italist lyceum bureaus, it should be definitn- 
ly provided that Socialist papers and peri- 
odicals shall not engage In the practice of 
touring lecturers. It is outside their do- 
main, and It interferes with the legiti- 
mate work of the organization. 
4-1- ^HPt National Executive Committee and 
the National Committee should be prohib- 
ited from appropriating or loaning the 
party funds for purposes outside the activ- 
^^n "^^ "^ national organization. Specinl 
calls for funds may well be made in speci;.! 
cases, but when money is voted out of the 
regular party funds, it keeps the National 
Office stripped of money and prevents it 
from developing its legitimate functions 
±ijaeh_ appropriation or loan decreases the 
activity of the organization just that much 
There is no need of tying up several 
thousand dollars in a mileage fund bv 
setting aside any percentage of the dues fo" 
that purpose. The necessary amount can 


be accumulated Immediately before a con- 
vention or congress by proper administra- 
tion. That provision should be struck out 
of the constitution. 

Since the membership has greatly in- 
creased, the apportionment of delegates to 
national congresses and conventions, dele- 
gates ■ to international congresses, and na- 
tional committeemen, should be changed ac- 

It is a waste of money to publish in book 
form the speeches made at our national 
conventions and congresses. The proceed- 
ings, exclusive of speeches and mere par- 
liamentary matter, should be published. 
This would prevent a waste of several hun- 
dred dollars. 

There should be an Information depart- 
ment in the National Office to act' as a 
clearing house regarding the activities of 
our elected officials. They need to have the 
benefit of each other's experience, without 
each of them having to conduct a volumin- 
ous correspondence in order to secure it. 
The comrades in general also need this in- 
formation. Such a department might also 
collect and furnish data on all manner of 
public and administrative questions. 

Consideration should be given to the 
matter of creating departments in the Na- 
tional Office for the furtherance and devel- 
opment of the work of the Intercollegiate 
Socialist Society and of tlie Young People's 
Socialist League. These excellent activities 
ought to be carried on as integral parts of 
the organization. 

The constitution should be so amended 
that the election of National Secretary will 
close at least one month before he takes 
his office. As it stands at present, his 
term begins only a day or two after the 
vote closes. This is unfortunate both for 
the elected and the defeated candidates, as 
they do not know what to count on nor 
whether they are at liberty to make other 

There should be a regular time set for 
the books of the National Office to be aud- 
, Ited, and a method provided for selecting 
the auditors. 

The bookkeeper and assistant bookkeeper 
in the National Office should be required to 
give bond, or else the provision requiring 
the National Secretary to give bond should 
be struck out. Just as the cashier of a 
bank has greater opportunity to get away 
with the funds than the president has, so 
aL^o the bookkeeper and assistant book- 
keeper have greater opportunity along that 
line than the National Secretary has. They 
make the entries in the books, handle the 
remittances and take them to the banks for 
deposit. I have the utmost confidence in 
them, but I am under bond myself, and the 
same caution which requires me tn give 
bond should require it of them. 

It is no longer necessary for ua to pro- 
hibit the National Office from publishing an 
official organ or a periodical. It might be- 
come advantageous for us to do so. At 
any rate, the way should be opened by 
striking out those portions of the constitu- 
tion. Our leaflets, our propaganda press 
service and our news press service sho-^ 
quite plainly that we have outgrown those 
provisions. Steps might well be taken to 
secure the second class mailing rate for the 
Monthly Bulletin so as to send it direct to 
each member who subscribes, and expand it 
into a monthly magazine. 

The party press should be owned and 
controlled by the party organizations, lo- 
cal, state and perhaps national. As for 
the co-operative papers, there are now no 
less than eight companies publishing a total 
Of over a hundred and fifty such papers. 

at comparatively sliglit exptinsio. Tholr 
value has been demon,sLralea oy tho elec- 
tion returns. These companies Hlii.uld bo 
absorbed by the state or national or. ;inj- 
zations and the plan developed unlit tuere 
is a paper in every locality m Uu; coun- 
try. Or in case it is not found feasible 
to absorb these companies, the organization 
h^r^^ i'^'^r'^*^ to produce such papers any- 
how. As to whether it should be done bv 
the state or the national organization de- 

?'?t''inL"^°Ti.^^'' ^'®^*'^ P^ ^^^ state organi- 
zations. If any considerable portion of 

offi^a t'''' .V^'^i^^'^S to ^lave the National 
?o the .Tn^^^.t the matter, it should be left 
to the states This subject should receive 
the serious attention of the convention 
The National Executive Committee should 

men?77..^fi.^°'""^ ^° ^^^^ special assess- 
ments for the purpose of erecting build- 
^^fn „^nd purchasing printing machinery, 
also for the purpose of buying the neces- 
sary land for the buildings. 


tio^nr h"p^''«„*i^''-.J^.^ following recommepda- 

Wa"|s ""inrMflif." '" .^^^ Committee on 

So far as the National Office Is concerned 

the campaign this year should be a litera- 

conr^e'''?^''^^!,"' xr" • *'^" ^^ necessary, of 
°'^^??' /^^ the National Office to tour the 
ItTtr^fi.l'''' P^^-^i'^ent and vice-presfdint! 
to tm?r ^^L,'^''*'°"''^ translator-secretaries 
brinrbL fn ^f^-"" ''™°T the locals and 
Dranches m their own languages But in 
general,_ it is very unsystematic and un- ' 
econom cal for the national and state ot- 
ganizations each to tour speakers ove? the 
tfoni wflTh^T- -^'"^^ the^ state' o^-glnlza- 
l ,J^,"^ ^^ touring .speakers anyhow thev 
should be allowed to tour all of them wi?h 
onnflt^Hr -^^ceptions. This will avoid 'nTany 
?l^naT /^Sf '^"•^ """^-^ bad blood. The Na- 
tional Office can of course use its good 

a^d fhe"s^Pnw"^.*^^ f*^*^ organizations 
Ipthpr ^^^^^^""""^ l""- ^^t connected up to- 
fdnnt^'<i ^.^^f" ^H3^ method should be 
a_dopted, or else the state organizations 
should pract cally abandon the touring of 
speakers during the campaign and turn the 
whole mattep over bodily to the National 
?o da ^^""^ ^"^ ^^^<^^y be wimng 

fin? u^t.?f '°'^'^^ 9^^^ ^^^ permitted to con- 
?t can flood fif^^ *°.-^ literature campaign, 
turp M?^ ^•-."''' ■ ''"^'"'^ "^tion with litera- 
ture. My Idea is to secure the co-onera- 
tion, so far as possible, of every local and 
branch in the United States in making svs 
&pV« ho"«e-to-house distributions of 
n«1^n t^""^® .^ T^^' throughout the cam- 
we4 V«l nffi *""* "^ different leaflet each ' 
week for this purpose; to sell them to the 
locals and branches at cost; to furnish 
them free of charge to locals, branches and 
comrades who will undertake to distribute 
^hT ™,?^norganized communities; to maki 
use of the mailing list companies to "end 
st's'^'^an'^rtn^^^f-^""™^^^-'^ ''^ non-Social- 
torn' D?k-e. ^n^tl*^ pamphlets at rock bot- 
rVffli^-'^ ®®' ^" this manner the National 
Office can carry on a stupendous liWature 
campaign such as the SociaH^it Partv ha^ 

furLTe'li^^r "'• ■a-^'^ed 'of "tfndlrtaf- 
tn®r.l.v,J^ +'^^''t. provided we are permitted 
to concentrate upon it, and nrovi-i'^^ tho 

Wo"ted ^w.'t '""'^" ^'•*= ?'t P^mitt'ed'to 
ne voted away as appropriat-" ,ns. 

^e^ ^n,'.',!-V,'"^ t", "^^"^t.^k.^ t' have n-other 
U)OS ^ \ ^\^?'' "^" '-i-^ht thing in 

I r„r Urn'':,''';/'' ■■"^''^^ to repeat 

V'^nl U,c .slate and nn .-.n,-!! m— nizatin^^ 
from carrying nn the wide ^rnlrWr:^^^ 
will be possible. Immense meet- 


inKW i^nn IK) arranged for tho candidates in 
tho rcguliir manner, and they can be utll- 

r^?^ ^"'^ VJ? 1'"/^°^^ ^J putting vast quan- 
titlos of literature Into circulation. 

The most direct method of raising- a cam- 
paign fund IS the best. I recommend that 
a special assessment of one dollar per 
J^'^i^^'^^^T^.®, levied; ten per cent of it to go 
to the National Office, forty per cent to the 
sta.te office, and fifty per cent to the locals 
and branches. 

The canipaign ought not to be conducted 
on the vote catching plan. Without mak- 
mg any special appeal for votes, we will 
g-et all the votes that are coming to us 
and probably more. The campaign should 
be a campaign of education. 

r.r.? % FP^^f^'®* ^^"i^ i^ entering upon an 
era of big things. We must give ourselves 
room to do big things. We must expand 
our activities m accordance with the needs 
of the hour. We have a stupendous task 
before us and we must use the most effi- 
cient means of accomplishing it. 

We have a stupendous task of education 
and a stupendous task of administration 

Anyone who permits himself to be fooled 
into believing that the path from here to 
the co-operative commonwealth is a smooth 
and gentle incline will find himself terribly 
mistaken. •' 

On the contrary, there are mountains to 
climb, cliffs to scale, jungles to penetrate, 
rivers to ford and wild beasts to over- 
come, before the goal can be reached. 

We shall have reverses and discourage- 
nients. We shall have need for every grain 
of our courage, wisdom, persistence, re-' 
^ourcefulness, constructiveness, and self- 

But all obstacles will be overcome and 
the goal will be reached. The industries 
have evolved to the point where they are 
^l?-? f% Socialism. It is ours to convince 
our fellow workingmen and women that 
tms is true, and to transform our princi- 
ples into action. We believe that the pres- 
ent IS the most promising moment in the 
^^SJt^ ^ liistory, and we face the future 
With enthusiastic confidence. 

Fraternally submitted, 

National Secretary. 




Eeport of Lyceum Department. 



(Locals) $76,899.32 

(Organizers) . 379.00 
(Misc.) 270.84 

Slides (Lan- 
tern) 98.45 

Printing ...... 12.11 

Special Lec- 
tures 1,561.31 

Donations and 

Collections .. 499.S1 

Miscellaneous . 222.68 


Advanced b y 
National Of- 
fice before 

Jan. 1 3,038.75 



Wages .$ 6,510.02 

Postage 1,859.79 

Telephone and 

Telegraph . . 338.00 

Freight and Ex- '^ 

press 1,971.54 

S'tationery and 

Supplies .... 536.35 

Office Fixtures. 849.19 

Slides (Lantern 

Advertising). 124.28 

Printing 12,250.06 

Organizers . 5,735.20 

Lecturers 21,503.15 

Subscriptions .. 27,166.58 

Miscellaneous.. 298.69 


Bank Balance, 

April 15 ... 3,838.92 


Assets on Hand. 

Bank Balance, 

April 15 $ 3,838.92 

Office Fixtures 

(approx.) ... 700.00 

Supplies 500.00 

Total- $ 5,038.92 

Freight and Ex- 
press $ 53.51 

Stationery and 

Supplies .... 45.20 

Printing .60 

National Office. 3.086.71 

~ $ 3,186.12 

Estimate of Unfinished Business. 
Amount still due 

from Locals. $21,962.28 

Amount needed 
to complete 
Office (esti- 
mated) ...$ 400.00 

(estimated) 1,600.00 

(estimated) 10,000.00 


I shall submit at the convention for the 
consideration of such delegates as may be 
Interested a detailed and itemized statement 
of the amount paid by each Local and the 
amount paid to each organizer, lecturer and 
publisher, together with the number of sub- 
scriptions forwarded to each up to May 9th. 

It is probable that this entire work will 
be completed without one cent of expense to 
the National treasury. In the amount put 
down as due the National Office is included 
one-fifth of the National S'ecretary's salary 
and part of the salary of other National 
Office employes proportionate to the increase 
that the Lyceum has meant in their work. 
The Lyceum has also been charged with 
one-half the National Office telephone, one- 
third the light and one-fourth of the rent, 
so that it can truly be said to have been self- 
sustaining. In comparing it with any other 
Party activities, this should be kept in 

That, whereas practically all other pro- 
paganda work is partly paid for with dues, 
either local, state or national, not a cent of 
dues-money has been used to carry on the 
Lyceum, except that about $3,000 was ad- 
vanced during six months preceding January 
1, to start it. This is now on- hand and can 
be returned at any time. Tho entire prop- 
osition has been paid for out of the com- 
missions on the Socialist papers and books 
sold by the comrades. 


But the real significance of this Lyceum 
work cannot be measured in terms of 
money. Weighing the arguments for and 
against it, it is essential to understand th© 
conditions that led up to the project, the 
fundamental ideas at the bottom of it and 
the objects to be accomplished. 

Like many other comrades, T have for 
years studied the problem of how to hold 
our Party membership. I noted that during 
campaign time our membership always 
grows, but when no active campaign is being 
waged by a local, the tendency is ever pres- 
ent for the organization to dissolve itself 
Into a mere little philosophical discussion 
society, where a few of the faithful come 
together semi-occasionally and engage in 
the more or less pleasant pastime of "clar* 
Ifying" each other. 

With others, I have come to the conclu- 
sion that just as a man must exercise to 
develop his muscle, so an organization to 
hold its members and build itself up, MUST 

The first purpose of the National Socialist 
Lyceum is to furnish this work to locals, to- 
gether with a special incentive for them to 
do it; work that is worth while enough to 
bring back into the harness every old war 
horse and to make use of the enthusiastic 
energy of every new convert; work through 
which they will learn that they can accom- 
plish more together as an organization than 
by themselves as Individual bushwhackers; 


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