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Full text of "Program and constitution of the United Communist Party of America."

The United Communist Party came into existence at the close 
of the world war that has doomed capitalist civilization. 

It is steadily perfecting its machinery for assault upon the 
American capitalist system, the most powerful remaining strong- 
hold of world imperialism. 

In the short period of this party's existence as the American 
section of the Communist International, it has accomplished much 
of the preliminary labor of organization, and has begun its historic 
rcle as the aggressive, class-conscious vanguard of the American 
proletariat. 

American capitalism is the most ruthless and formidable ex- 
pression of world-wide capitalism. In resolutely confronting: this 
enemy, it is necessary to understand the nature and development of 
its being. 

The essential characteristic of capitalism is production for prof- 
it, on the basis of private property in the principal means of pro- 
duction and exchange. This property is concentrated in the hands 
of a few. 

Starting as the simple tool of the handicraftsman, the means 
of production have developed into huge and complicated masses of 
machinery, around which have gathered hosts of workers whose 
sole part in the productive process is that of burdensome labor, for 
which they receive the scanty pittance allowed them by their task- 
masters in the form of wages. The enormous values accruing from 
industry, apart from that portion allotted to the workers as wages, 
are appropriated by the numerically small, but politically and econo- 
mically powerful employing class. 

Thus we have, on the one hand, a small class of idle capitalists, 
living luxuriously on the proceeds of the labor of the toilers ; and, 
on the other, the great mass of workers, whose sole asset is their 
power to labor, which they are compelled to sell to their masters 
for a bare sustenance. 

The economic grouping of these two classes inevitably generates 
^reconcilable antagonism. On the part of the capitalists, the de- 
sire is to extort the fullest value for a minimum return ; and, on the 
part of the workers, a constant effort to increase the wage for which 
they are forced to sell their labor-power. 

Owing to the existence of the capitalist system, a small group 
of imperialist governments had the opportunity for four long years 

— 3 — 



i ffco wm-lfPM of various countries to cut each other's 
to compel the worlcersoi v^ihj ^ into a gtat 

throats. The bourgeois w has cast the emi e italist system 

of extreme ^^J^^fZh S war is not only 
is overthrown, the repetition 01 juu , . „ destroyed econo- 

Sffiit Se worker, S dSm^f of which was one of the 

"^Effie* Suinftio°n rfSffid is going on. The growin, 
Meanwhile the rm^axio imper ialism and increasing ex- 

burden of the destr u ^; v ® 10 ;r b ., ' k closer t o an imdejv 
ffiwof^fflfSS SdS ^StK^determinntion to over- 
tlrow The* whSe Vapitalisf system instead of bettering «mj atajt | 

Sk SA^S S s^ nThS^^JSMS 

tdexdaatSbv means of the overthrow of the capitalist State 
^d SeSSiishmSt of the. Proletarian Dictatorsh ip -^rougi tta 
Soviets • the complete abolition of classes and the realization of 
sSism-the fet step of Communist society-is the responsible 
ask of the United Communist Party. 

PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY. 

The form of government of the United States, and of its con- 
rituent states, is the model for capitalist democracy. It places the 
lawmaking power into the hands of "representative parliaments," 
i e confesses, assemblies, city councils, etc. The placing of th» 
'a^maTiS power in the hands of a body elected, ostensibly, by 
popular vote is the basis of the contention of the ruling class and 
the democratic reform socialists, that this government is or by 
reforms can be made, a government "by the people." In this con- 
fusion lies the greatest obstacle to the working class understand- 
ing its situation and liberating itself. "The people" is a collective 
name for two antagonistic and irreconcilable forces that have no 
common object, and therefore cannot hold power together,— the class 
that lives bv its own labor and the class that lives by exploiting 
labor. "Government" consists in the domination of one of these 
' classes over the other; therefore, both classes cannot at the same 
time "govern." These two irreconcilable classes cannot be summed 
up under the one term, "the people." 

The "democratic parliament" or congress is but a blind to obscure 
the fact of class division. Congress functions, and .can only function 
as the clearing house for petty differences, within the sphere ot 
capitalist influence. The slight latitude to "popular will" is a lati- 

__ 4 __ 



tude allowed only within the boundaries of basic capitalist interest. 
Exercise of that will, outside of these limits, is punished as a crime. 

The American Congress is only the means of concealing the 
dictatorship of the capitalist class. It cannot be the arena for the 
struggle of the proletariat for power. Nor can parliamentarism be 
one of the forms of proletarian rule during the period of transition. 
Least of all can it be part of a Communist order in which there will 
be no class struggle and no State. 

Therefore the attitude of the United Communist Party toward 
parliament is hostile. It recognizes that at a future time industrial 
crises and revolutionary mass manifestations may compel the capi- 
talist government, for the sake of reawakening faith in bourgeois 
government, to permit a party of avowed revolutionary aims to par- 
ticipate in elections. In that case, the United Communist Party will 
nominate candidates to go into election campaigns only for propa- 
ganda purposes. If elected, these Communists will enter the legisla- 
tive bodies not to legislate reforms, but to expose the futility of par- 
liament and prove the nocess'ty of its overthrow. 

Until such time as legal participation in electoral activities be- 
comes possible, if such time ever occur, the Party will make use of 
election campaigns as occasions for widespread propaganda, reveal- 
ing to the workers the deceptive character of this "exercise of popu- 
lar will." 

Although realizing the usefulness of the parliamentary platform 
as an auxiliary in its revolutionary work, the United Communist 
Party, nevertheless, will decide the question of part'cipation in par- 
liament, in each instance, according to the specific conditions of the 
moment. 

Representatives of the United Communist Party of America, if 
elected to public office, remain under the full control of the Party. 
Their activities, in all instances, ai*e subordinate to the needs of 
the mass struggles of the workers outside paifament. These mass 
struggles are the essential weapons of the revolutionary proletariat 
against the capitalist State. 

"SOCIALIST" REFORM PARTIES. 

On the eve of the clash that will settle forever the issue between 
capitalism and Socialism, it becomes necessary to clear the revolution- 
ary ranks of all confusing and betraying, leadership. Bourgeois re- 
foi'm parties making sentimental use of the name "Socialist," but 
ready at the moment of crisis to accept leadership of the capitalist 
State and to defend capitalist "democratic institutions/' must, be- 
fore the crisis develops, be exposed and deprived of all influence. 

— . 6' — 



"Social Democratic" par ties and leaders a^me capitalist 

prevent a violent overthrow ( . e any overt hrow) i ^^ 

State. Only recently has American ^™ sl J f D ^ nin ess to permit 
sightedness of its ^'^^Z^.^ as\he '/Socialist" 
its misunderstood and mistrea-cea ^ ' leffisla ti V e bodies. Capi.- 

assemblymen of New Yorlc State ,, fe enter legisi ^ ^ 

talism has compe^ ito hm^ Soc^ se^ ^ to 

a party, to promise fldel ^ y ^% l ^f the existing bourgeois State 
declare their willingness to defend ^ ^ f ,, aTld to amend 
against "atta<* of foreign Bolsh^kgwera^ ^ Qf ^ 

their Socialist Party <»*f ^°^!°jS government. The American 
credits for the defense of the cap tahst Single 

tSfinSS S Sii&^ISelJ wor.ingmen in d, 

tunity to teach ^,Pjf ^* *^Lfl any other party pretending 
Party » the "Socialist Labor Party, .^^wcJpitalist law, are 

Labor party" and the "S'n^ Tax L'aju^ their 

.*" *>» 4f?J L^t5 all ona ,"C™mUi S t S %vill ruthlessly 

S&tlo^ffilSoWted in most ^^^^Titnl 

ments ofX SocSlist Party as it then existed, succeecled in item- 
ing a mild official and perfunctory OPP^^^^T these <S" 
,*? Pnvtv officials have since succeeded m expelling an incae ieib 
SerSnts and have revised their party program to its complete 
ieSeSenr Having lost most of their worldng ; eta * >llowmg by 
this servility, the Socialist Party leaders now strive to avoid me 



loss of the rest of their following by building' a new "International" 
that is but a duplicate of the Noske-Scheidemann Second Interna- 
tional. United Communist Party members will hold up the "Fourth" 
as well as the Second, International to the contempt of the world, 
which all such "Internationals" deserve. 

MASS ACTION. 

The mass struggle of the proletariat grows out of the ever- 
increasing antagonism between the workers and the capitalist class. 
The capitalist State is the expression of the organized power of the 
ruling class. Standing apparently over and above both classes, it is, 
in reality, an instrument of coercion for the ruling class against the 
ruled. 

The power of the State is used more and more openly and ag- 
gressively in this class struggle. Finally, it is revealed in its true 
role as standing in the way of a proletarian victory. The economic 
forces of the workers, organized and directed against the forces of 
capitalism, are combatted by the forces of the State. Strikes are 
declared unlawful; injunctions are issued against the workers; police 
and military units of the State are openly used against strikers, to 
drive them back into submission. Thus the workers are forced 
to recognize the capitalist State as their enemy, and the economic 
struggle of the working class takes on political significance. The 
battles for higher wages and better working conditions are trans- 
formed into a struggle for political power. The scattered struggles 
of groups of workers against groups of capitalists now gaw into 
revolutionary conflicts between the working class and the capitalist 
class defended by the capitalist State. The conquest of that State 
and the annihilation of its governmental machinery becomes the im- 
mediate object of the straggle. 

Consciously to direct this inevitable development and to lead 
the working class in the final conflict is the historic mission of the 
United Cominumst Party. To this end, the party makes the great 
industrial struggles of the workers its major campaigns. It will 
strive to give them conscious revolutionary direction. It will en- 
deavor to develop an understanding of the strike in relation to the 
overthrow of capitalism and the capitalist State. It will enter into, 
organize, and lead mass protests and demonstrations, constantly, to 
disturb capitalist society. A whole system of mass demonstrations 
must be developed, growing ever more acute in form, and logically 
leading to an uprising against the capitalist State. The government 
will then function openly as a military dictatorship. The class strug- 

— 7 — 



»1» which so lone appeared in forms unrecognizable to the nnll-ons 
of Ultt SreTtfy Engaged in it, develops into open combat, CIVIL 

WAJ The United Communist Party will systematiadly and peraist. 
m »v Emiili mVe the working class with the fact of the inevitability 
cflmS conflict in The proletarian revolution. The United Com- 
SuSSpaX must prepare the working class for armed msurrec- 
to as the LS form of mass action, by which the workers shall 

C ° nq M ttX proper time, the United Communist Party will initiate 
the formate of Councils-Soviets-through which the whole power 
the lormauon 01 ^uuxio « ited iuto ne overwhelming offensive 

S S6toS ^InTpoteTower ofthe capitalist State. Through 
Ssfvietst^wSig class will exercise its dictatorial powers lor 
^uSsfui teriXatiof of the civil war ^ *^g*£ rt cl » SS ' 
and for the reconstruction of society on a Communist Dasis. 

Workers' Council will be formed in time of revolutionary crisis 
n«, thYinsti™ts of the revolution. They will be used to organ- 
Z the SJiSS of the workers against the State and Become the 
™ ofto ^working class government under tiie guidance ot the 
linked Communist Party. As the proletarian State, the Workers' 
CouncHs wSf Stam order during the transition, and will trans- 

^n^tedtoJt* pSSaUhrough the Workers' Coun- 
cils Wy^wfio^Otastrameiit for the fulfillment of an his- 
toric mSn After private property ^^I'Zm^S^ 
and converted to Communist use, class divisions will disappeai. 
W$h the passing of class antagonism, the State-which is at any 
liven period in history but the organ of domination ol one clash 
ovl?another-will also pass out of existence. The Workers' State 
Sses to exist as a State, ceases to exercise the now unnecessary 
polfce and military compulsion, and is converted into ; the > admrmstra- 
tive organ, regulating social production and distribution. 

PENETRATION OF MILITARY UNITS. 

The capitalist class of this country fully realizes the danger 
threatening it from the growing unrest among the workers suf fer- 
ine from the effect of economic depression. 

"* Th? strengthening of the police; the creatior i of .and demand 
for, State constabulary forces; the formation of private armies of 
spies and thugs; all this-ostensibly planned for the purpose of sup- 
^S^g^lfxiotB,'' or combatting a "crime wave"-in reality, has 



■pp 



no other object than that of preparation for the inevitable clash 
with the workers. 

This clash is being forced by the capitalist class, by the gigantic 
struggle it has undertaken to crush all labor organizations, thus re- 
ducing the working class to a conditio-* of complete slavery. 

In this struggle, as in all other class struggles, the military 
forces of the State will be at the disposal of the capitalist class ' 

The United Communist Party must take into account the vari- 
ous military organizations which are at the disposal oil the capitalists 
It must analyze their character and formulate towards them a policy 
of action which would win some of them from the side of the capi- 
talists, and render others harmless to the workers. 

Such organizations as the police, constabulary, and public and 
private forces of spies and thugs are counter-revolutionary to the 
core; and the United Communist Party has no illusion as to the pos- 
sibility of converting them to the workers' cause. On them the Party 
declares relentless war. 

The Party must also recognize the class character of such semi- 
imhtary organizations as the American Legion, which have in many 
instances played a part in the suppression of the workers' move- 
ment. The membership of the American Legion, consisting, mainly 
of former enlisted men, has been misled bv the ex-officers who have 
seized control of the organization, and who have diverted the former 
private soldiers from their natural post-war class resentment. The 
cynical denial by the government of the ex-soldiers' demand for a 
war bonus, has somewhat weakened the blind reliance of the ex- 
soldiers upon their off cer lenders. By propaganda among the mem- 
bers, stressing the class distinction between their officers and them 
selves, some of them may be won away from their leaders. However 
it appears certain that some of the units of the American legion, at 
least will be used to a considerable extent, as a recruiting ground 
for the Amercan White Guard. h'»u»« 

* aM «7 le fc X ? lIted Commu " is L t V&rty recognizes the fundamental dif- 
feience between a conscript and a mercenary armv and navv. The 
former, drafting its recruits by compulsion, furnishes a fert'% field 
for Communist propaganda, and bv its character and structure 
clearly reflects the economic class relationships of capitalist society" 
rnnwJ «i«? M T2E y army a "£ navy m * the "National Guard" 
SSSi'iS fc 1 ? f% a T e rel *t"»»? «**»*. they are to some extent 
obscured by the fact that membership is voluntary. Yet thev con- 
tain many workers who were attracted into the service bv the pres- 
tige enjoyed by a uniform, by the seductive promises of good pay 
and adventure, or by sheer economic necessity and starvation. The 

_ — . 



Party should conduct a systematic Propaganda m^l «N^£Jj 
making clear to them the real function J*,jH 
m order to awaken class-consciousness in them and bung them over 
to the side of the Proletarian Revolution. 

to ^m^ CommuniBt p a rty will issue special appeals to the 
soldiIrs\ndsanors which will be distributed an«ng Ikem and wil 
create Communist groups in the army and navy which snaU be 
closely connected, in order to establish a unified revolutions y Body 
within the armed force of the State. 



""ass's 4— .f-kers who weroton Mo .the 
worifSS or who vohmtoily ffffetrf m it, ^«»™J 
;,„ +>,- f-fmitaiict class into the belief that Lhey weie suivmg to 
"Mat the P World Safe for Democracy," that a new and better world 

would be the result of this struggle ;ii 11w - nt ,o n f th P irreit 

The war now having terminated, and the illusions ol the gieat 
mass of Ser soldiers and sailors having ^n sh^en t° a great 
extent certain organizations have been formed which have as then 
SfSelttainmeSt of the same naive , ideals i for which ^fough 
in the war. Such organizations are the World War Veteians, the 
Private Soldiers' and Sailors' Legion, etc. These organizations al- 
though not fully class-conscious, and still professing much of the 
liberal I idealism of the bourgeoisie, nevertheless align, themselves 
with the organized working class. In the approaching decisive 
siiwle these organizations, if thoroughly permeated with Com- 
mn^ untotandig. will fight in the ra oiks ■ ^J« ^Jf^ 
due to their military experience, they will be invaluable in the stiugv 
X! The United Communist Party will carry on an extensive propa- 
ganda among, them, organizing Communist groups with m their mem 
bership and striving to transform them into fighting units of the 
working class— the nuclei of a Red Army. 

Outside of the bourgeois military organizations, the party will 
carry on a propaganda of exposing their true nature discouraging, 
voluntary enlistment, and systematically destroying the false pres- 
tige which these institutions still en.ioy in the eyes of the workers. 

The United Communist Party will oppose, with all measures at 
its disposal, any attempts of the capitalists to involve the workers 
of this country in an imperialist war. If, despite the Party s ef- 
forts to arouse the working class into open rebellion against the 
designs of the imperialist bourgeoisie, the latter succeeds m con- 
scripting the workers into its army, the members of the Party must 
not evade conscription, but shall work actively for Communism among 
their fellow conscripts, that their arms and military training may 
be used against the capitalist State. 

— 10- 



IMPERIALISM AND WAR. 

Two great powers remain in the world. Russian imperialism 
met death in October, 1917. German and Austrian imperialism 
were buried alive in the close of 1918. Crippled France and Italy 
are called great by courtesy, while adolescent Japan is flattered 
among the nations for its growth in stature and knowledge of cheat- 
ing, but the two truly Great Powers carefully watch and thwart its 
further growth. 

The two Anglo-Saxon Powers rise high above the rest of the 
imperialist world. Britain, the older, and possessing the shrewder 
political engineers, moves faster and seizing, by political trickery 
and force, the remaining valuables of the world. 

Shattered and hysterical imperialist France, terrified in finding 
her war winnings worthless, hurls her militarized black colonials 
into Germany, the resulting accounts of violations of women supply- 
ing jokes for the jaded Parisian bourgeois. Unable to trust its 
conscripted troops within the radius of the Russian Revolution, the 
French government pours out its remaining treasure to any brigand 
that applies with a plan to slaughter Russian workers and retrieve 
the Tzarist loans. Losing wealth and prestige at every venture, im- 
perialist France sinks fast to insignificance as a beggar at England's 
door. 

But while all imperialisms are equal enemies of the working class, 
the working class of each country must objectively recognize that 
its own imperialism is the nearest at hand and is, therefore, the 
more immediate enemy. The old, loosely federated Second Interna- 
tional pursued the policy: "Let each proletariat curse the OTHER 
imperialism and remain silent about its own" (thus really serving 
its own master class, which wants the workers to hate foreign im- 
perialism and so be the readier to stampade Into war). The war- 
bom Communist International holds to the policy: "Let each prole- 
tariat spring to the attack of its OWN imperialism !" In this spirit, 
the United Communist Party centers its critical analysis and con- 
demnation upon the comparatively newly fledged imperialism of 
the United States. 

The entry of the United States into the world war and into the 
consequent diplomatic intrigues of Europe, marks the maturity of 
American imperialism. The rest of the life of American capitalism 
must be devoted to foreign military adventures. And yet, capitalism 
a the whole world fears the next war. It dimly foresees that the 
next world war will end in world revolution, and for that reason 



seeks such a method as would not again put arms into the hands 
of the exploited masses. „ 

The world capitalist class has found its one "peace measure. 
This measure is a league or "Association of Nations," by which to 
settle capitalist rivalries in committee, so to speak, instead oi upon 
the battlefield. This scheme does not for one moment even con- 
template full peace, but only peace between capitalist classes oi the 
various countries. ... ,. , 

To the working class, the league or association of nations does 
not offer peace, but more terrible and unrelenting warfare. To 
avoid putting weapons into the hands of the slowly awakening and 
dangerous masses, the capitalist class strives to establish an inter- 
national military body, professionalized and rid of working class 

elements. , . , . , , . , 

The plan announced and already m several instances put into 
practice is to shift this international army from country to country, 
as occasion and rebellion of a tortured people may require, to shoot, 
rape, burn, and loot at the pleasure of the old men sitting at Ver- 
sailles Five times this League of Nations' army, in embryo form 
and not yet given its name, has been launched on murder-junkets 
against the most advanced and only free people on earth— Soviet 
Russia. Kolchak, Yudenitch, Denikin, Wrangel, and the Polish Gov- 
ernment, each led its international brigands into Russia, and each 
fell before this mightiest army now on earth—the army of the first 
Socialist Republic— the army of the Third International. 

The League of Imperialists that exterminated the Hungarian 
Soviet Republic has failed in its attempts to crush the Russian na- 
ion of free workers. The Communist International grows stronger, 
«id commands the loyalty of more and. more thousands of workers 
m the great cities that are the strategic centers of capitalist govern- 
ments. Neither industrial populations nor conscripted armies can 
now be trusted by capitalist governments. National loyalty cannot 
much longer be the popular teaching of governments that have vio- 
lated every nationalism— even surrendered their own national sov- 
ereignity to a mechanical, soulless, international league. I here 
jire only two loyalties left— the fragile loyalty to international capi- 
talism, 'and the loyalty to International Communism. 

Capitalism can no longer teach belligerency to a popular mass 
that it cannot trust; pacifism, more especially civil pacifism, must 
now be taught to its exploited and restless subjects. Under the 
circumstances, workers of humane instinct must leave the Utopian 
attitude of pacifism and must take the enlightened attitude of inter- 
national workingi class resistance by armed force. No more con- 

— 12 — 



scientious objection" by individuals, but conscientious insurrection 
by masses outside or inside of military units. 

The United Communist Party warns the workers not to be lulled 
by bourgeois "peace" agreements into expecting peace between capi- 
talist nations. The very nature of capitalist production calls for 
competitive exploitation of ever new fields. The enormous and 
rapid accumulations of investment capital, with a simultaneous di- 
minishing of available, undeveloped territories, guarantees not even 
capitalist peace, but more wars of greater frequency, greater in- 
tensity and of more terrible consequence if the capitalist system sur- 
vives. We must expect these wars as a moral certainty and must 
prepare that the workers, acting internationally, may transform 
them from wars between nations into wars between classes, to oven- 
throw the governing classes and ail capitalist governments, estab- 
lish Socialsm and put an end to all wars. 

The machine for that international action is the Communist 
International. 

COLONIAL PROBLEMS. 

Because of the late coming of American capitalism's need for 
foreign expansion, America has (as yet) a much smaller colonial 
problem than have the other large powers, and little understanding 
of the question. The brutality of American .military rule in the 
colonies recently wrested from Spain, has attracted little attention 
The subjection of the people of the Philippine Islands to a reign o! 
fire and 'sword was accomplished withontthe American workers being 
awakened to understanding and sympathy. The recent cruelties of 
American rule in Haiti have been successfully covered with lies. 

But the American workers' respite from thought on the colonial 
question will soon end. The impending assault upon, and subjugation 
of, Mexico promises the American workers a big enough and serious 
enough colonial problem in the near future. 

The precarious truce between Mexican politicians and the agent 
of oil mining companies who has just been placid in the presidency 
of the United States, will soon be broken by pressure of American 
capital for greater profits than can be gained w'thout direct admin- 
istration of Mexican affairs and /nil enslavement of the Mexican 
workers. The indispensability of large petroleum supplies to present- 
day industry, and the fact that Mex*co contains u large share of what 
petroleum/has not already been monopolized by the British, dooms 
the Mexican people to assault, devastation and robbery by American 
oil and mining interests, backed by the United States Army. 

— 18 — - 



WWI 



^m 



If the American workers and their brother-workers of Mexico 
do not successfully resist the attack upon that country, we shall soon 
have upon our hands as deadly a colonial problem as has any nation 
of the world. 

But wider fields than Mexico are sought by the Imperialism that 
ripened in the United States through the war. Already most mi- 
idealistic politicians mutter of the "ideal of the Monroe Doctrine;" 
South America must be taken by United States capital, first through 
intrigue, then through war. China, Siberia, and even the island pos- 
sessions of the rival thief Japan, are eyed feverishly for anything 
in them that American capital can steal. The United Communist 
Party must warn the workers against the anti-Japanese race-war 
propaganda now being stimulated on the Pacific Coast, couched in 
soft words of democracy, to lure the workers into a capitalist adven- 
ture for loot in Asia. America is already bursting with new colonial 
ambition. 

The United Communist Party is, therefore, doubly obliged to 
give its attention to the colonial problem in general and especially, 
at the earliest possible moment, to give help to the peoples of Haiti, 
Porto Pico, Santo Domingo, Hawaii, Samoa, St. Thomas, Guam, etc., 
as well as a shamefully belated assistance to the people of the Philip- 
pines. 

This task can only be accomplished through a careful study 
of historical, social/, and economic conditions in each separate 
colony upon its own peculiarities. Propaganda must be made to 
clarify the minds of the proletarian and rural peon class 
as well as landholding farmers not of the employer class. They must 
be made to see the class division rather than the racial division of 
peoples. By the example of Communist workers in their midst, they 
must be brought to understand their interests in common with the 
white and black proletariat of the United States. At the same time 
the American proletariat must be brought to understand its interest 
ii common with exploited colonials, by means of the United Commun- 
ist Party press. American workers must be brought to support, by 
all means in their power, any insurrection in colonial possessions, 
and at a proper time incite effective insurrection. By communica- 
tions and co-operation with American proletarian organizations, the 
exploited classes in colonial poss%ssions will learn to understand 
that the parasitic class of their own race is not their friend but 
their betrayer to the enemy, for a share of the loot. 

By cultivation of class-consciousness of the propertyless masses, 
even among peoples where capitalist forms have not developed, a 
distinct progress towards Communism can be made, as has been 

— 14 — 



demonstrated by the Russian Soviet Republic in its handling of the 
problem of backward peoples. 

UNEMPLOYMENT. 

Capitalist society, staggering under the effect of the great war, 
vn^nlo itself ever more clearly as incapable of fulfilling those lunc- 
S^hWh its apo ogists have always advanced as the excuse lor as 
Stence I his now failed, more dismally than ever, m its pre- 
1 ended mission of supplying the world with the world's needs ; In 
ifeself-imposed task of the organization of production, the capim- 
ist class has revealed itself a failure. 

The dislocation of production, and the breakdown of the deli- 
cate and intricate fabric of international credit, as h result ol uie 
weu has Plunged the -Industrial world into a crisis Capital sm, by 
JK'vm" nature of its being, has always been attended by periodical 
: 'mnics'" but the present crisis is of an essentially different nature 
'vcm those crises which previously appeared and which eventual 
ended by the disposal, in various ways of the surplus of commodities 
This is no ordinary case of "over-production." The world s stock of 
commodities is abnormally low, but despite their need, the hopelessly 
insolvent foreign nations can no longer purchase the surplus ol 
American industries. , . 

In every other land, large masses of the people suffer for want ol 
food, clothing and shelter, but a partly paralyzed industry can pro- 
vide neither work nor subsistence for them. American capitalism 
cannot be immune from this infection, and we are confronted with a 
cr'sis rapidly growing to the proportions of the great social disasters 

'"The capitalist press, despite its evident desire to conceal the 
extent of the evil, da'ly carries the news of more and more stoppages 
n various industries. With increasing frequency, large .numbers of 
workers are being thrown out of employment, owing to the shut- 
down of industrial enterprises. At the same time, the cheapening 
of money, with the consequent "high prices" and "high rents'- is 
ridding to the di<-vnt : sfnetkm of the masses. 

Already the stirrings of this widespread discontent are heard. 
Rent strikes, popular manifestations against "the high cost of liv- 
ing " are symptoms of restlessness which will increase as the unem- 
ployed workers exhaust the small savings of the period of "war 
urostK-ritv." We mav expect with assurance a ser es of popular de- 
monstrations on an unpanilWed spale. as a result of unemployment 

It is the task of the United fWnmunist Party to crystallize and 

— 15 — 



i 



■ J - ---•■ Ji-i- -i- - i • HP 

co-ordinate these scattered manifestations of discontent, by direct- 
ing them into channels of definite revolutionary action. The mass 
of the unemployed is not stable in composition. It is a fluid bocy 
oi drifting and changing membership. The Party, on the other ' 
hand, is stable, and possesses a permanent machinery of action. 
Thus it will be comparatively easy for Communists to earn the 
confidence of the unemployed toilers and be entrusted by them with 
the guidance of their activities. * 

It shall be the duty of the Communist units in each locality to 
initiate the formation of unemployed committees. Where such com* 
mittees already have been formed, through the efforts of other 
organizations or individuals, Communists should secure as large a 
representation as possible, in order to influence materially the local 
policy. It is the task of the Party' to formulate a program of un- 
employment agitation and action, which will unify the procedure of 
all local bodies and conform with the revolutionary policies of Com- 
munism. 

' The active participation of the United Communist Party in the 
unemployed movement will offer it wide opportunity for the revolu- 
tionary enlightenment of the masses, by interpreting to them the 
real cause and nature of their situation, and by showing them that 
there can be no lasting mitigation of their lot, except by the over- 
throw of the capitalist system through the aggressive action of the 
revolutionary workers. By pointing out the assistance which the 
State lends to the master class, in repressing any effort of the un- 
employed workers to attain relief from their suffering by the seizure 
of food or clothing or the forcible occupation of the houses of the 
bourgeoisie, the Communists will be able to illustrate powerfully the 
necessity for the destruction of the capitalist State and the establish- 
ment of proletarian power. 

NEGRO PROBLEM. 

The negro population of the United States, about 13 millions, 
is principally composed of' unskilled laborers. It is the most ex- 
ploited people in America. In the southern states, the former slave 
owners descendants, who have inherited all the hatred and con- 
tempt of their fathers for this helpless peopple, ruthlessly exploit 
them. Negroes are denied even the formal protection of the law 
accorded to their brothers, the white laborers. Scarcely a pretense 
is made of even permitting them to vote. They are an outlaw race. 
Organized illegal societies, secret or open, are formed by leading 
citizens, to exercise over them a frank mob rule. They are lynched, 

— 16 — 



shot, hanged, and publicly burned at the stake, and their women are 
outraged with impunity. They are deliberately kept in a state of 
illiteracy by open and insidious methods , and those exceptional indi- 
viduals who overcome these tremendous handicaps face the insuper- 
able barrier of race prejudice. After attaining skill at a profes- 
sion, they are compelled, in many instances, to labor at unskilled call- 
ings. The leadership of reactionary politicians of their own race 
and the degrading! influence of their church organizations only per- 
petuate their economic and social subjection. 

The capitalist class in order to maintain its power and reap its 
profits, deliberately encourages, cultivates, and incites the white wage 
slave against the negro wage slave. As a result, the negro is placed 
between the two fiercely contending forces of capital and white labor. 
Beaten and cajoled in turn by both, he is used by the master class 
as a strike-breaker either in the uniform of the United States soldier, 
or in overalls. Under these conditions, the negro is used in such a 
manner as to obscure from his own eyes as well as from the eyes of 
his white brother laborer, the nature of the class struggle. 

The United Communist Party will actively support the negroes m 
their desperate struggle against these hellish conditions. It points to 
the only possible solution of the negro problem, namely: the abolition 
of wage slavery, through the overthrow of the capitalist State and the 
erection of a Communist society. 

The task of the United Communist Party is to break down the 
barrier of race' prejudice that separates and keeps apart the white 
and the negro workers, and to bind them into a union of revolution- 
ary forces for the overthrow of their common enemy. 

The United Communist Party must find the revolutionary and 
potential revolutionary elements among the negroes and select those 
moat likelv to develop into revolutionary propagandists. These shall 
be trained for revolutionary work. Negro Communists must enter 
lodges, unions, clubs, and churches (which, among negroes, are not 
essentially ecclesiastic institutions, but, in effect, are social clubs and 
forums), "etc., to expose the reactionary leaders, who, for the pur- 
pose of betraying their race, infest these institutions. Negro Com- 
munists must combat in these gathering places the ideas of patriot- 
ism, religion, etc., which aid in the subjection of the negro people. 
Communists shall use the negro press as a means of present- 
ing revolutionary ideas. Communists are to aid every movement 
that tends toward the cultivation of the spirit of revolt among the 
negroes, and especially must organize revolutionary direct-action 
bodies of negroes and whites for resistance to lynching, mob rule, 
etc. Great care must be exercised to avoid race wars, and to culti- 



vate the spirit of self-protection and solidarity with the white work- 
ers in the class war. 

Especial attention must be given to those that have military 
experience, in order that their talent may be used for training their 
people for the inevitable revolutionary outbreak. 

THE AGRARIAN QUESTION. 

Capitalism dominates agricultural production as well as all other 
functions of the economic life of society. The exploitation of the 
agricultural proletariat links up the interests of this class insepara- 
bly with the interests of the industrial proletariat of the c.ties. 
The forces which drive the city workers into conflict with the capi- 
talist State are also at work in rural d'stricts. There, too, capital- 
ism compels revolutionary action on the part of the workers. 

The toilers on the farms cannot solve their problems alone. 
Only the industrial proletariat, led by the Communists, can release 
them from the bondage of capitalism. Only by joining hands with 
the workers of the cities can they throw off their yoke and achieve 
a more abundant life. 

It is equally true that the industrial workers cannot fulfill their 
historic mission of liberating humanity from the domination of capi- 
talism, if they limit their interest to the narrow confines of their 
own industrial lives. The proletariat becomes a truly revolutionary 
class when it acts as the vanguard of ALL the exploited. The 
United Communist Party must, therefore, foster the revolutionary 
tendencies of the agricultural workers. It must co-ordinate their 
struggle with that of the workers in other industries. Successful 
action against the capitalist State can be achieved only through the 
united efforts of ALL workers. 

In order to promote this solidarity of action, the United Com- 
munist Party must make the agricultural workers conscious of their 
interests in common with the whole of the working class. The Party 
must inaugurate a special campaign to orgianijse units among the 
agricultural proletariat, to develop the struggle of those workers 
into revolutionary action. 

The agricultural proletariat (farm hands, nrgratoiy laborers, 
harvest hands, etc.) does not constitute the only element of the 
country population which has interests in common with the indus- 
trial proletariat, and which must be reached by the United Com- 
munist Party. The small tenant and the poor farmer also fac?' a 
problem of capitalist exploitation no less cruel than that which robs 
the wage worker. These two are also the prey of profit-hungry capi- 
talism. They are the victims of the landlords and mortgage hold- 

_18 — 



ers. They are harassed by farm machinery trusts, produce monop- 
olies and usurious bankers. They have not the necessary capital 
to produce their products with modern machinery, nor up-to-date 
methods by which to compete successfully in the markets. 

The small tenant and poor farmer try to make up for this lack 
of capital by toiling from dawn till dark, as no wage slave would 
labor for any master ; and their children and wives are forced to a 
never-ending grind of unpaid labor. Yet they cannot compete suc- 
cessfully with the capitalist farmer, even though they sell in the 
same market. Inevitably and inexorably they are being crushed in 
the race of life, under the existing capitalist rules of the game. The 
process of degeneration of the small farmer into the mortgaged farm- 
er, then the tenant-farmer, then the farm-hand and migratory work- 
er, is one of the unceasing tragedies of the capitalist systeem of ex- 
ploitation. 

To a certain extent, these classes of fanners find consolation for 
their present misery in dreams of a prosperous future, dreams of 
times of "busted trusts" and "people's rule." Numerous varieties 
of fake reformers, including the yellow Socialists, encourage these 
dreams, with promises of what "they will do" for the small farmer, 
if only elected to office. 

It is not the- function of the United Communist Party to curry 
favor with these small farmers through promises of easy success. 
It is the duty of the Party to point out to them that between them 
and the capitalist farmers there exists an antagonism of interests, 
an impassable gulf that cannot be bridged. By the very conditions 
of their existence, these elements of the country population will be 
drawn into the maelstrom of revolution against capitalism. Eapidly 
they are becoming conscious of the fact that there is no hope for 
them under capitalism, that, as long as this system endures, they are 
doomed. 

It is the duty of the United Communist Party to organize wide- 
spread propaganda among these classes. It must bring the small 
farmers and tenants together with the farm proletariat, and must 
make clear to them the identity of their interests with those of the 
industrial proletariat. It must point out to them that only through 
a Communist revolution can tenantry be abolished, the use of the 
land restored to the workers without the payment of tribute to any 
exploiters, and the great estates of the capitalist farmers be seized 
for the purpose of large scale co-operative production. The United 
Communist Party must organize them to take their place with the 
militant working class under the banner of the Proletarian Revolu- 
tion. 

_19 — 



In addition to these classes of agrarians, there are the middle- 
class larmers, who, while working on their land themselves, occasion- 
ally hire labor. The natural tendency of this class is hostility to 
revolutionary change. They have the psychology of the petty bour- 
geoisie. Their inherent antagonism toward the proletariat is con- 
stantly fostered by the dominant capitalist class. 

Although it is not the function of the United Communist Party 
to cater to these middle-class farmers by taking up their competitive 
struggle against the great capitalist interests, the United Commun- 
ist Party must neutralize as far as possible the effects of capitalist 
propaganda, by spreading among them the facts about capitalism 
and its institutions, and the truth about Communism and the revolu- 
tionary movement. 

Lastly, there is the large class of bourgeois farmers, landed 
proprietors and employers of labor, whose interests lie clearly with 
those of the industrial capitalists as opposed to the proletariat. This 
class is not susceptible to Communist propaganda. It will be our 
bitterest foe. Against this class, the United Communist Party must 
jead the workers in an uncompromising struggle. 

In the United States, the lines between these different classes 
oi the agrarian population are not as distinctly drawn as in the older 
settled countries of Europe; in the Western states especially, the 
ranks of small farmers are honeycombed with veterans of the indus- 
trial struggle, blacklisted machinists, railroadmen and miners work- 
ers who find it impossible to sell their labor-power to a capitalist 
tor wages and who have "gone back to the land." These furnish a 
ferment among their neighbors, which makes a very favorable field 
lor Communist propaganda. 

In spite of the fact that lines are not entirely crystallized and 
n Sf V s ! constant flux from one class to the other, in general 
the attitude that the United Communist Party must assume toward 
the agrarian question may be summed up as follows: 

1) Active championship of the agricultural proletariat and the 
poor tenant farmer; 

ol Neutralization of the hostility of middle-class farmers; 
3) Relentless warfare against capitalist farmers and landlords, 
m the name of the Proletarian Revolution. 

LABOR UNIONS AND SHOP COMMITTEES. 

The official leaders of the American labor movement have long 
been the puzzle and the despair of the international revolutionary 
movement. Labor union officering as a lucrative profession in the 

— 20 — 



United States ranks well with the lawyer's profession, stockbroker- 
age, or real estate. 

The heads of the American Federation of Labor, counting them- 
selves the voice of the workingman, amaze the leaders of even the 
yellow Amsterdam International Labor-Suppressing Secretariat by 
refusing to co-operate with that yellow International on the ground 
that it seeks to gain too much for labor. With a compact union- 
political machine almost entirely divorced from and subjecting the 
mass of the membership, the Gompers type has led a merry and 
prosperous life these many years. Labor leaders hold lifetime sine- 
cures and when they pass away, their probated wills often reveal, 
fortunes worthy of Wall Street operatives. Occasional accidental 
exposures bring to light labor kings by whom the craft unions are 
hired out for a percentage, are withdrawn from one. employer for a 
consideration paid by another, voted in the elections, and disciplined 
either by the labor king's private thugs or through tips given to em- 
ployer or police. Labor leaders holding government positions during 
the war systematically worked with the government secret service in 
the arrest of militant labor unionists for disturbing production. 
Heads of the large Railroad Brotherhoods published in the capital- 
ist press signed statements calling for union members to act as 
strikebreakers in the recent "outlaw strike." 

With such leaders as their mouthpiece, the vast majority of the 
trade unions of America manifest no purpose further than that 
of conserving the capitalist system and, in lawful manner, gaining 
slight concessions in wages and working conditions. The destiny 
of the American labor unions is, nevertheless, a revolutionary one. 

Split up into isolated craft groups within one shop, holding 
union meetings one or two evenings per month in places far removed 
from both residence and shop, the workers attend union gatherings 
only m handfuls, and leave the affairs of the organization to the 
unrestrained will of officials. 

Facing such paralysis of the body of organized labor, and yet 
knowing that organized labor can and must take a large part in 
overthrowing capitalism, sustaining the dictatorship of the working 
class and reconstructing industry in the Workers' Republic, the 
United Communist Party considers as one of the most serious and 
immediate problems the question of the best method of breaking the 
bureaucratic control of organized labor and transforming the union 
structure into a machine of revolutionary action. 

Not only can the revolution not come about without the active par- 
ticipation of the larger part of organized labor, but the experience of 
Hungary and of Germany would prove, even if American experience 



did not forecast, that labor unions neglected in such a condition and 
left under control of such leaders, would be manipulated as a deadly 
implement for the defeat of the Workers' Revolution. The Workers' 
Revolution cannot succeed without the support of the great bulk of 
whatever labor organizations may exist at the time. 

For these reasons, the United Communist Party cannot be satis- 
fied with the formation of a few new unions of declared revolution- 
ary purpose, but of small membership and slight relation to key 
industries. The exceedingly discouraging surface indications of the 
old labor movement have led to the springing! up of several new* 
unions comparatively small in size, of more or less revolutionary 
intent. It had become almost an axiom of radical workingmen that 
the old craft unions were corrupt and impotent beyond redemption, 
and should be deserted in favor of new organizations. But, as a 
rule, the members do not desert the old unions for the new. The 
most typical of the new unions do not grow in size. Therefore, 
dialectic reasoning brings the conclusion that reliance upon the form- 
ation of unions confined in membership to workers who are theo- 
retical revolutionists, is a mistake in policy. 

The old unions grow more reactionary when the revolutionary 
workers leave them. The opportunist officials discern this and 
seek by every means to expel the Communists from the unions, in 
order that their influence over the mass may be weakened by their 
isolation. Bearing in mind the necessity of the closest contact of 
Communists with those workers who have not yet reached the view- 
point of the class struggle, Communists must not foster artificial 
division in the labor movement, nor deliberately bring it about. On 
the contrary, they must use all measures, short of abandoning Com- 
munist work in the unions, to avoid giving to the bureaucracy the 
pretext to expel them. On this most important question, the thesis 
adopted at the Second World Congress of the Communist Interna- 
tional points out the proper tactics: "Placing the object and the 
essence of labor organizations before them, Communists ought not 
to hesitate before a split in such organizations, if a refusal to split 
would mean abandoning revolutionary work in the trade unions, 
;md giving up the attempt to make of them an instrument of revo- 
lutionary struggle, the attempt to organize the most exploited part 
of the proletariat. But even if such a split should be necessary, it 
must be carried into effect only at a time when the Communists 
have succeeded by incessant warfare against the opportunist lead- 
ers and their tactics, by their most active participation in the econ- 
omic struggle, in persuading! the wider masses of workmen that the 
split is occurring not because of the remote and as yet incomprehen- 

— 22 — 



cible aims of the revolution, but because of the concrete, immedi- 
ate interests of the working class in the development of its economic 
stru^le. Communists, in case necessity for a split arises, must 
continuously and attentively discuss the question as to whether such 
a split might not lead to their isolation from the working mass. 
When bodies of militant workers are forced out of the old unions 
by the reactionary officialdom, Communists are bound to support 

6 The United Communist Party must work within the industrial 
unions of the I. W. W., where these are unquestionably established; 
and must give Communist support to its revolutionary rank and file, 
especially during strikes and mass movements. At the same time, 
narrow syndicalist teachings m opposition to the violent overthrow 
of capitalism and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat must be dis- 
couraged and combatted. » 

The United Communist Party confirms the present necessity 
of m>'litant workers remaining with the large mass of organized 
workers, regardless of the declared reactionary aims of these unions 
and, by determined and co-ordinated strength, turning these unions 
to a revolutionary course. The United Communist Party, section of 
the Communist International, is the instrument for that co-ordina- 
tion of revolutionary work within the unions. 

Militant workers must remember that the fabric of labor or- 
ganizations is undergoing a change. Improvements in the machine 
process are throwing the burden of production more and more upon 
the unskilled worker, breaking down the aristocratic power of the 
highly skilled craftsman, wh'ch has so frequently led him to font 
tight' little unions enioying thp special favor of employers and ha? 
often impelled him to return to work in the nvdst of a strike on 
the plea of "keep ! ng contracts." Great masses of semi-skilled work- 
ars are flocking mto unions formerly reserved to the skilled. They 
are driven there in quest of relief from the pressure of collapsing 
capitalist economy. Since the unskilled or semi-skilled are able to 
perform the new machine tasks, the unions are compelled to admit 
them in self -protection. In this way, the substance of the unions 
is changing in character. 

At the same time, imperialist capitalism, with its increasingly 
powerful co-ordination and control of exploitation, is able to defeat 
strikes or to deflate the workers' victories of all value. The lessons 
of defeat and of sterile victories alike turn the workers* minds to 
' restless thoughts of new methods. Such opportunities to open the 
minds of the mass of orpmized workers must not be wasted by 

„ 28 — 



Communists withdrawing from the mass into small "revolutionary" 
unions. 

A militant union preamble will not suffice as a substitute for 
membership. It is demonstrated that a labor union, craft or indus- 
trial, cannot fullfill the task of a political party. In order to function 
at all, a labor union must take in every worker on the job, regard- 
less of his political or social opinions. Obviously, many non-revolu- 
tionary workers must be taken into the most "revolutionary" of 
unions, and even be compelled to join against their wills. 

The principle in regard to labor unions is exactly the opposite 
of that of the revolutionary political party. A revolutionary political 
party must confine its membership to workers of absolutely known 
revolutionary devotion and clear understanding. Labor union mem- 
bership must be spread to the broadest possible masses. A revolu- 
tionary political party must function at least partly underground 
and secretly. A labor union can function efficiently only in the open. 

A tangle between these two principles has brought the I W w' 
to much trouble and hampered its growth. Trying to function as a 
revolutionary propaganda body (i. e., political party, whether it 
admits the term or not), and at the same time as an open union, 
the I. W. W. has wavered between a propaganda too revolutionary 
tor an open organization, and one too moderate for a revolutionary 
purpose. 

The remedy for this is a clear distinction between the political 
party and the labor union. The labor union should function in the 
open, as it must. The revolutionary political party should function 
under the protection of secret membership, and thus give the work- 
ers, through its underground press, a full understanding) of the 
science of revolution, which the workers can never get until the 
propaganda is made without reservation or camouflage. A revolu- 
tionary party must discard all camouflage and cloudy circumvention, 
and say what it means—that the workers must prepare for armed 
insurrection. 

Members of the United Communist Party will form the revolu- 
tionary group within each union, regardless of what kind of union 
it may be. The United Communist Party caucuses within the unions 
snail nave the power of discipline to compel Communists regularly 
to attend union meetings. By discipline, they shall regulate the ac- 
tivities of Communists upon the floor, and in voting in the union 
assembly. Upon every important question affecting the welfare of 
the union and labor m general, the caucus shall formulate a policy 
and all members shall strictly adhere to the decision. 

In all industrially developed countries, the increasing pressure 

— 24 — 



of the class straggle compels common action of all the workers in 
a given industry, in spite of the craft divisions fostered by the craft 
unions and in spite of the sabotage of the union bureaucracy. This 
intensifying of the labor struggle necessitates the development from 
craft unionism to industrial unionism. In striving to transform the 
unions into more efficient instruments of the class war, the workers 
are hindered by the method of union management, which puts all 
power within the union into the hands of the officials. In order 
to overcome this condition, the workers make use of the shop com- 
mittee and the shop delegate system of union management. Under 
the shop delegate system, power in the union rests in the hands of 
delegates elected by the workers in the shops. In this manner, the 
workers are enabled to gain control of the union and to transform 
it, into a more powerful weapon for the revolutionary struggle. 
Through the shop committees, the workers in the shop deal directly 
with the employers without the intervention of the union officials. 
The shop committee is a form of organization especially adapted 
to the struggle of the workers for control in the shop. Where the 
shop is organized into a number of craft unions, as is generally the 
case in the United States, the shop committee will consist of mem- 
bers from all the crafts, and thus become a force for their 'trans- 
formation from the craft to the industrial form. The experience of 
revolutionary workers in European countries shows that, in the 
course of the struggle, the shop committee takes on more and more 
authority, and eventually becomes the medium through which work- 
ers' control over production is established. In the inevitable strug- 
gle for that control, the most determined resistance on the part of 
the bourgeoisie through the State will be directed against the work- 
ers, and will thus force them into a struggle for political power. 
Clearly keeping in mind their special functions as instruments, first 
for control of the unions by the workers in the shop, and ultimately 
for workers' control over production, the Communist must strive 
in every way to popularize tha shop committees and the shop dele- 
gate system and take the leading! part in organizing them. 

Members of the United Communist Party must aim to subordi- 
nate the general activities of the labor unions to the revolutionary 
struggle of the working class for the overthrow of capitalism and 
the establishment of Communism. 

While two Internationals of political parties contend for the , 
leadership of the working class (the yellow "Second International" 
striving to hold the workers in loyalty to $he various capitalist States 
and to the Capitalist League of States, while the Communist Inter- 
national rouses the workers everywhere to disobedience to their en- 

_25 — 



slavers and to loyalty to the cause of World Socialism), another and 
parallel struggle is going on between two Internationals of labor 
unions (economic organizations). 

On the one hand, the "International Federation of Trade Unions," 
with headquarters at Amsterdam, endeavors with a subtle program 
of mild "socialistic" reform to lure the economic labor unions into 
collaboration with the capitalist governments and league of govern- 
ments, seeking, in case of revolutionary crisis, to paralyze and de- 
moralize the working class of all countries simultaneously, in the in- 
terest of the capitalist class. 

On the other hand is the Red Trade Union International, with 
headquarters at present located in Moscow. This International of 
Trade and Industrial Unions seeks to do for the trade unions what 
the Third (Communist) International is doing for the revolutionary 
political parties; that is, to ally the economic organizations of the 
workers of the world into a single front for the carrying on of the 
labor struggle on the economic field in the interest of the working- 
class, renouncing loyalty to the capitalist class and governments, 
and co-operating with the Communist International in all respects. 

The American Federation of Labor officials have as yet been 
displeased even with the mild "socialistic" phrases of the yellow 
Amsterdam International, and have expressed unwillingness to af- 
filiate with it; while they do not so much as dare to mention the 
Red International of Trade Unions. 

The United Communist Party, vigorously opposing any sugges- 
tion of affiliating American organized labor with the Amsterdam 
International, will carry on a wide propaganda for affiliation of all 
organized labor with the Red International of Trade and Industrial 
Unions. Members of the United Communist Party within unions 
shall work accordingly. 

Where revolutionary minorities within American organized la- 
bor adhere to the Red Trade Union International and affiliate with 
it, United Communist Party members will pursue the policy of keep- 
ing these revolutionary minorities within their national organiza- 
tions, there to combat any efforts at affiliation with the Amsterdam 
International and to bring the entire American labor movement mto 
the Red International. 

The winning of the organized labor masses away from their 
misleaders becomes each day more feasible. Already labor leadera 
have frequently had to resort to the aid of the police power of 
the government to compel obedience to the "lawful" (!) union heaas; 
already the capitalistic labor leaders have gone to law courts for 
anti-labor injunctions which they formerly denounced as enslaving. 

— 26 — 



Already "outlaw" strikes have been directed mainly not against the 
employers but against labor officials. A vast mass of the work. 
S within the unions is not willingly under the influence of the 
Sox official but is restlessly searching f or fellow-workers upon 
whom they can pin their faith for leadership m revolt. Often these 
revolts f.'.il through the incapacity of the untried new leaders chosen 
nt random The work of the United Communist Party is to tram 
to i embers to take this leadership. "Outlaw" movements may by 
Se Sent direction, often be made to burst the bureaucratic shell, 
instead of filtering out in schisms, or resulting m the discharge ot 

the $SEta XSfsetae every opportunity to show their fellow- 
workers that the historic function of the labor movement, is not to 
cather crumbs from the capitalist table, but to expropriate from 
private hands the means of production and. exchange. Comets 
must util'ze every example of violence against the workers by the 
State to convince them that the necessary overthrow of capitalism 
n-imiot be accomplished by unarmed and passive opposition, but only 
r^pe lor a?S?d mass action on the part of the organized toilers. 
Y "The economic struggle of the proletariat becomes political 
struck during an epoch of the decline of capitalism much qmckei 
& durliS an epoch of its peaceful development. Every serious 
o?omic clash may immediately place the workers face to face 
with the question of revolution. Therefore it is the duty of the 
Communists in all the phases of the economic struggle to point out 
to the workers that the success of the struggle is only possible it 
the working class conquers the capitalists in open figh t, and by 
means of dictatorship proceeds to the organization of a Socialist 
order."— Theses and Statutes of the Second Congress of the Third 
International, 

Tn all its work, the United Communist Party of America is guided 
and aided by the Communist Internal onal, a part of which it is and 
to whose principles and tactics it unreservedly subscribes. 

Tho TTnited Communist Party of America calls upon the work- 
ers of America to take their place in the ranks of the world i revolu- 
tionary pSariat under the red banner of the Communist Interna- 

tl0n There is but one solution for the ills of capitalist society, but 
one way for the workers to achieve freedom: the way of revolution 
•md the workers' dictatorship. 

ALL POWER TO THE WORKERS! 

HAIL TO COMMUNISM! 

' — 27 — 



CONSTITUTION OF THE 
UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA 

ARTICLE I. NAME, PURPOSE, and EMBLEM 

Section 1, The name of the Organization shall be the United Communist 
Party of America — Section of the Communist International. 

Section 2. The United Communist Party of America is the organization 
of the vanguard of the class-conscious workers. Its purpose is the organization 
and education. of the workers for the forcible overthrow of the capitalist State; 
the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, the abolition of the 
capitalist system, and 'the development of the Communist Society. 

Section S. The emblem of the Party shall be a hammer, sickle and sheaf 
of wheat above the words "All Power to the Workers" surrounded by a circular 
margin with the words "The United Communist Party of America, Section of 
the Communist International." 

ARTICLE II. MEMBERSHIP. 

Section 1, Any person who accepts the principles and tactics of the Party 
and of the Communist International, and agrees to submit to the Party dis- 
cipline, and to engage actively in its work, shall be eligible for membership, 
provided he has severed connections with all other political parties. 

Section 2. Applicants must be accepted with due care, and only upon re- 
commendation of two members who have been members for at least three 
months, except in newly organized groups in new territories. Every applicant 
shall be assigned to a recruiting group on probation for two months. Before 
being admitted to full membership, the applicant must familiarize himself with 
the program and constitution of the Party. The applicant can be accepted 
only upon. the examination and recommendation of the recruiting group 
instructors, and by unanimous vote of the group to which he has been assigned. 

Section 5. Three reliable members shall be assigned to each recruiting 
group; they shall participate in these groups as instructors only, and, at the 
same time, remain members of their respective groups. 

Section h. Applicants shall pay an initiation fee of one dollar and monthly 
dues of seventy-five cents, including the month of initiation. 

Section S. Members may transfer from one party unit to another only 
upon permission of the party unit to which they belong. The unit granting 
the transfer shall notify the unit to which the member transfers, through the 
regular party, channels. 

Section 0. No member of the party, without the consent of the Central 
Executive Committee, shall accept or hold any appointive public office, honor- 
ary or remunerative, otherwise than through civil service, nor enter the service 
of the government in any way except through legal compulsion. No member 
shall be a candidate for any public .office except by instructions of the Party. 

„28 — 



c 



ARTICLE III. UNITS OF ORGANIZATION. 

Section 1. The basic unity of the Party shall he a group of approximately 
-on members and whenever possible not less than five. 

"on 2 Each Party group shall elect a group organizer to serve as 
ominoetinir link between the group and the unit above, 

1 SeZn T Not more than ten groups shall constitute a. branch, and not 
over 'ten branches a section, not over ten auctions a .sub-district, and : j' 
ten sub-districts a district. Districts shall be organized around the industrial 

■enters rather than along state lines. 

Section ,;. Groups may consist of members speaking the same language. 

ARTICLE IV. ADMINISTRATION. 
Section 1. The supreme administrative body shall be the Convention of 

Stfotion .2 Between Conventions, the supreme body of the Party shall be 
the Central Executive Committee, which shall consist of nine members elected 
bv the Convention. The Convention shall also elect nine alternates for the 
Central : fiw Committee. In case the list of alternates is exhausted, the 
ifecutive Committee shall have power to f ill I vacancies. All Cen ral 
Executive Committee members shall be employed by the v *^>W*J^Jg£ 
i,i the eitv in which the national headquarters is located, or in adjacent ernes. 
Their wk "hall be entirely confined to that of the Central Executive Com- 
mittee, central Executive Committee shall direct all the activities 
of the Partv It "Lll establish such departments as Organization, Industrial, 
tS^^AlSSSm, Ed/orial. Educational Research, Intej- 
licenee Technical, Defense, Young Communist League. At the head of each 
K loni Cvinil be nlaced a member of the Central Executive Committee, who 
3 be held '^nsS to the Central Executive Committee for the proper 
functioning of his department. ,„,•,,, „„,„„„ +„ 

Section !>. The Central Executive Committee shall have the power to 

% 5^nftffi^S«Sf2 t S» representatives of the National 
0, ^^& W^S'Sa"- * ^tisfy the Party needs of the language 
Kr0U ?3) Consider language editors recommended by District Committees 

make a monthly report of its activities, and of Party fniam.es iti muui uy 

,U8tr SSiir»n 0. The administrative power of the district * a " ^^Ij" t? 
District Convention to be held at least once each yea r. Between the District 
fVirivnntions the work of administration shall be vested m the, DiM.nct Jwccm 
v^nS^ doSl 1?«« District <*™^&?^^ B C^S *K 

SJaffis Wb7«i i to tne appeal of the sub-district committee. Every three 

__29 — 



months, all district organizers shall be called in for a conference by the Central 

EXeC Slon G r m The e administrative power of the Sub-district shall be vested in 
the Sub-district Convention to be held once every six months. Between bu h- 
district Conventions, the work of administration shall ho vested vn the bub- 
district Executive Committee composed of section organizers and such others 
as the coSion may elect. Every three months the District Committee shall 
call a conference of all sub-district organizers of the respective districts. 

SecUonS The Section Committees shall consist of branch organizers and 
shall elect the section organizers. Branch Committees shall consist of group 
organizers and shall elect the branch organizers. 

ARTICLE V. EDUCATION AND PROPAGANDA. 

Secti07i 1 Every branch shall elect an Educational-Propaagnda Director. 
The directors shall form the Sub-district Educational-Propaganda Committee in 
theh respective languages, and these shall be combined into Distru-t Educational. 
Propaganda Committees.' The secretaries of the District Edueational-Propa- 
gan a ComniUtees shall constitute the General Educationa -Propaganda Hoard 
foi "the .district! At least one member of the District Executive Committee 
shall also' serve on the General Educational-Propaganda Board. 

Section 2 The functions of these committees shall be to conduct the work 
of Communist education in their respective languages. They may also recom- 
mend ^Sns for agitation and organization in their languages to be carried out 

thl0l &£ f All Sr^trcommittees shall follow instructions of their 
superior committees; they must at all times subordinate themselves to the 

"*"&«£?. ° AutmStees may select any member of the Party to co-ope- 
rate with them. 

ARTICLE VI. DISCIPLINE. 

Section 1. Every unit of the Party is responsible for the maintenance of 
Party discipline over its members and subordinate groups. Members expeed 
fiom groups or refused transfers may appeal to the* Branch Committee, and 
subMcUnate units to the next higher units. All acts of discipline must be re- 
portal automatically to the next higher unit for action. Pinal action is to he 

take ««lS e g SU ¥ve S S i0 Commiinist elected or appointed to an official position 
in a labor union or any other organization shall bo under strict Party control 
and I tt immediate instructions of the Party caucus of his labor union or other 
organization. , 

Section S. No delegates to National Conventions shall he bound by de- 
cisions of the units by which they are elected. Delegates are obligated to 
present instructions as recommendations to the Convention. „„„.,„„ fflT1(1 

Section A. Party policies shall be formulated by the Party Convention and 
the Central Executive Committee. All subordinate Party units are bound by 
the decisions of the Convention and the Central Executive Cominilioc. 

Section 5. All Party units shall confine their activities to their respective 

eVn Seotion 6. The Central Executive Committee shall maintain discipline 

_ 30 — 



over its members; it, may remove any one of its members by a unanimous vote 
of the remaining members of the Committee. 

Section 7. No unit of the Party shall publish a Party organ without the 
consent of the Central Executive Committee, 

Section 8, All papers published by the Party shall be under the editorial 
control of the Central Executive Committee. 

ARTICLE VII. FINANCE. 

Section 1. Applicants for membership shall pay an initiation fee of one 
dollar, which shall be forwarded to the National Organization. 

Section 8. Monthly dues shall be seventy-five cents, which shall be paid 
into the treasury of the National Organization, Dues shall be receipted for by 
due stamps issued by the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 8. An organization stamp shall be issued by the Central Executive 
Committee, which shall be used as a receipt for special contributions from the 
membership. 

Section U. Special assessments may be levied by the Convention and the 
Central Executive Committee. No member shall be considered in good stand- 
ing unless he pays such assessments. Organization stamps shall be used as 
receipts for these assessments. 

Section 5. The Central Executive Committee shall make no special levies 
on language units of the Party for literature or otherwise. 

Section ti. Husband and wife belonging to the same group shall be oblig- 
ated to pay only seventy-five cents dues monthly. 

Section 7. Unemployed and imprisoned members shall be so reported by 
the group organizer and shall not be considered in bad standing because of 
non-payment of dues. 

Section A*. Dues shall be paid monthly. No advance payments shall be 
made, and members who have not paid dues by the first of the month for the 
previous month, shall be considered in bad standing. Members three months in 
arrears shall be excluded from their groups. 

ARTICLE VIII. CONVENTIONS, 

Section 1. A National Convention shall be held annually at a time and 
place designated by the Central Executive Committee. The Central Executive 
Committee shall call emergency conventions when requested by District Com- 
mittees representing a majority of the membership. 

Section g. In case of emergency, the Central Executive Committee may 
call special National Language Conferences, the expense of which shall lie borne 
by the regular party treasury. 

Section S. The number of delegates shall be determined by the Central 
Executive Committee according to the circumstances. Delegates shall be ap- 
portioned to the districts in proportion to the membership. 

Section 4, AH delegates shall be elected at District Conventions. 

Section S. Delegates to National Conventions shall be paid railroad 
expenses and the same per diem as party officials. 

Section a. The Convention call and apportionment of delegates must be 
issued not less than sixty days before the regular Convention, 

_ 81 — 



. , .i n ra „ „ C •)■>,„ pall for the Convention is issued, the 

Section 7. .At the same ^ fs the ca u lor ra i discussion pro- 

Central Executive Committee , shall , submit tc every gr up * 

positions that are to come before the Grave « °n jx am 
press with agenda and problems to be placed bet ok. vnt wmvinu 

ARTICLE IX. INTERNATIONAL 

n *• * n i o+ DQ end alternates to the International Congress of the 

ComSsTln^^^ Se - toy ' ShaU bC ekCted by *« 

Central Executive Committee. 

ARTICLE X. COMMUNIST INDUSTRIAL AND OTHER UNITS. 

Units (Caucuses witmnm ^ ^ ^ w ted ith 

otte l£* of thelame P « through elected or appointed Caucus Organs 

«„£ 7 These organizers shall constitute the Trade Branch and shall 
»w + n, Anoint Trade Organizers, who shall constitute the Industrial Council. 
1 MuTl S, Industrial Councils shall elect Industrial Organizers, who 
shall constttute the District Council of Industry. 

gS*. The Directors of the District. Councils of Industry .hall be 

appointed by the Party District Executive Committee. ,,,,... . 

TcctionO All Party Industrial Units shall work undt* the direction of 

the CeS ExStivT Committee through the ^pcetwe D.stnet Executive 

rLimittees and the various industrial sub-divisions. 

Zc£! 7 In all cases where there are less than three party members to 
which 'ffto of «»nteation is to be applied, a member sW be appointed 
hv his hifher unit as a Caucus organizer. . 

SflSS « Party shop units, functioning under, the direction of then? 
reapSSTtride teaches, "hall have. Wf^^p^XSS ' 

provided that these shop units comprise at least live I .uty mc m iu.s. 

same form as the Communist Industrial Units. 



Request Date: 26-JAN-2010 

Expiration Date: 29-JAN-2010 

ILL Number: 



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ILL Number: 3663170 
Call Number: N/A Q ~Q\0 A^ 
Format: Monograph 

Title: Program and constitution of the United 

Communist Party of America., Constitution 
(1921) 
Pub. Place: [S.I.] ; United Communist Party of America 
section of the Communist International, 
1921. 
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