The United Communist Party came into existence at the close
of the world war that has doomed capitalist civilization.
It is steadily perfecting its machinery for assault upon the
American capitalist system, the most powerful remaining strong-
hold of world imperialism.
In the short period of this party's existence as the American
section of the Communist International, it has accomplished much
of the preliminary labor of organization, and has begun its historic
rcle as the aggressive, class-conscious vanguard of the American
American capitalism is the most ruthless and formidable ex-
pression of world-wide capitalism. In resolutely confronting: this
enemy, it is necessary to understand the nature and development of
The essential characteristic of capitalism is production for prof-
it, on the basis of private property in the principal means of pro-
duction and exchange. This property is concentrated in the hands
of a few.
Starting as the simple tool of the handicraftsman, the means
of production have developed into huge and complicated masses of
machinery, around which have gathered hosts of workers whose
sole part in the productive process is that of burdensome labor, for
which they receive the scanty pittance allowed them by their task-
masters in the form of wages. The enormous values accruing from
industry, apart from that portion allotted to the workers as wages,
are appropriated by the numerically small, but politically and econo-
mically powerful employing class.
Thus we have, on the one hand, a small class of idle capitalists,
living luxuriously on the proceeds of the labor of the toilers ; and,
on the other, the great mass of workers, whose sole asset is their
power to labor, which they are compelled to sell to their masters
for a bare sustenance.
The economic grouping of these two classes inevitably generates
^reconcilable antagonism. On the part of the capitalists, the de-
sire is to extort the fullest value for a minimum return ; and, on the
part of the workers, a constant effort to increase the wage for which
they are forced to sell their labor-power.
Owing to the existence of the capitalist system, a small group
of imperialist governments had the opportunity for four long years
— 3 —
i ffco wm-lfPM of various countries to cut each other's
to compel the worlcersoi v^ihj ^ into a gtat
throats. The bourgeois w has cast the emi e italist system
of extreme ^^J^^fZh S war is not only
is overthrown, the repetition 01 juu , . „ destroyed econo-
Sffiit Se worker, S dSm^f of which was one of the
"^Effie* Suinftio°n rfSffid is going on. The growin,
Meanwhile the rm^axio imper ialism and increasing ex-
burden of the destr u ^; v ® 10 ;r b ., ' k closer t o an imdejv
ffiwof^fflfSS SdS ^StK^determinntion to over-
tlrow The* whSe Vapitalisf system instead of bettering «mj atajt |
Sk SA^S S s^ nThS^^JSMS
tdexdaatSbv means of the overthrow of the capitalist State
^d SeSSiishmSt of the. Proletarian Dictatorsh ip -^rougi tta
Soviets • the complete abolition of classes and the realization of
sSism-the fet step of Communist society-is the responsible
ask of the United Communist Party.
The form of government of the United States, and of its con-
rituent states, is the model for capitalist democracy. It places the
lawmaking power into the hands of "representative parliaments,"
i e confesses, assemblies, city councils, etc. The placing of th»
'a^maTiS power in the hands of a body elected, ostensibly, by
popular vote is the basis of the contention of the ruling class and
the democratic reform socialists, that this government is or by
reforms can be made, a government "by the people." In this con-
fusion lies the greatest obstacle to the working class understand-
ing its situation and liberating itself. "The people" is a collective
name for two antagonistic and irreconcilable forces that have no
common object, and therefore cannot hold power together,— the class
that lives bv its own labor and the class that lives by exploiting
labor. "Government" consists in the domination of one of these
' classes over the other; therefore, both classes cannot at the same
time "govern." These two irreconcilable classes cannot be summed
up under the one term, "the people."
The "democratic parliament" or congress is but a blind to obscure
the fact of class division. Congress functions, and .can only function
as the clearing house for petty differences, within the sphere ot
capitalist influence. The slight latitude to "popular will" is a lati-
__ 4 __
tude allowed only within the boundaries of basic capitalist interest.
Exercise of that will, outside of these limits, is punished as a crime.
The American Congress is only the means of concealing the
dictatorship of the capitalist class. It cannot be the arena for the
struggle of the proletariat for power. Nor can parliamentarism be
one of the forms of proletarian rule during the period of transition.
Least of all can it be part of a Communist order in which there will
be no class struggle and no State.
Therefore the attitude of the United Communist Party toward
parliament is hostile. It recognizes that at a future time industrial
crises and revolutionary mass manifestations may compel the capi-
talist government, for the sake of reawakening faith in bourgeois
government, to permit a party of avowed revolutionary aims to par-
ticipate in elections. In that case, the United Communist Party will
nominate candidates to go into election campaigns only for propa-
ganda purposes. If elected, these Communists will enter the legisla-
tive bodies not to legislate reforms, but to expose the futility of par-
liament and prove the nocess'ty of its overthrow.
Until such time as legal participation in electoral activities be-
comes possible, if such time ever occur, the Party will make use of
election campaigns as occasions for widespread propaganda, reveal-
ing to the workers the deceptive character of this "exercise of popu-
Although realizing the usefulness of the parliamentary platform
as an auxiliary in its revolutionary work, the United Communist
Party, nevertheless, will decide the question of part'cipation in par-
liament, in each instance, according to the specific conditions of the
Representatives of the United Communist Party of America, if
elected to public office, remain under the full control of the Party.
Their activities, in all instances, ai*e subordinate to the needs of
the mass struggles of the workers outside paifament. These mass
struggles are the essential weapons of the revolutionary proletariat
against the capitalist State.
"SOCIALIST" REFORM PARTIES.
On the eve of the clash that will settle forever the issue between
capitalism and Socialism, it becomes necessary to clear the revolution-
ary ranks of all confusing and betraying, leadership. Bourgeois re-
foi'm parties making sentimental use of the name "Socialist," but
ready at the moment of crisis to accept leadership of the capitalist
State and to defend capitalist "democratic institutions/' must, be-
fore the crisis develops, be exposed and deprived of all influence.
— . 6' —
"Social Democratic" par ties and leaders a^me capitalist
prevent a violent overthrow ( . e any overt hrow) i ^^
State. Only recently has American ^™ sl J f D ^ nin ess to permit
sightedness of its ^'^^Z^.^ as\he '/Socialist"
its misunderstood and mistrea-cea ^ ' leffisla ti V e bodies. Capi.-
assemblymen of New Yorlc State ,, fe enter legisi ^ ^
talism has compe^ ito hm^ Soc^ se^ ^ to
a party, to promise fldel ^ y ^% l ^f the existing bourgeois State
declare their willingness to defend ^ ^ f ,, aTld to amend
against "atta<* of foreign Bolsh^kgwera^ ^ Qf ^
their Socialist Party <»*f ^°^!°jS government. The American
credits for the defense of the cap tahst Single
tSfinSS S Sii&^ISelJ wor.ingmen in d,
tunity to teach ^,Pjf ^* *^Lfl any other party pretending
Party » the "Socialist Labor Party, .^^wcJpitalist law, are
Labor party" and the "S'n^ Tax L'aju^ their
.*" *>» 4f?J L^t5 all ona ,"C™mUi S t S %vill ruthlessly
S&tlo^ffilSoWted in most ^^^^Titnl
ments ofX SocSlist Party as it then existed, succeecled in item-
ing a mild official and perfunctory OPP^^^^T these <S"
,*? Pnvtv officials have since succeeded m expelling an incae ieib
SerSnts and have revised their party program to its complete
ieSeSenr Having lost most of their worldng ; eta * >llowmg by
this servility, the Socialist Party leaders now strive to avoid me
loss of the rest of their following by building' a new "International"
that is but a duplicate of the Noske-Scheidemann Second Interna-
tional. United Communist Party members will hold up the "Fourth"
as well as the Second, International to the contempt of the world,
which all such "Internationals" deserve.
The mass struggle of the proletariat grows out of the ever-
increasing antagonism between the workers and the capitalist class.
The capitalist State is the expression of the organized power of the
ruling class. Standing apparently over and above both classes, it is,
in reality, an instrument of coercion for the ruling class against the
The power of the State is used more and more openly and ag-
gressively in this class struggle. Finally, it is revealed in its true
role as standing in the way of a proletarian victory. The economic
forces of the workers, organized and directed against the forces of
capitalism, are combatted by the forces of the State. Strikes are
declared unlawful; injunctions are issued against the workers; police
and military units of the State are openly used against strikers, to
drive them back into submission. Thus the workers are forced
to recognize the capitalist State as their enemy, and the economic
struggle of the working class takes on political significance. The
battles for higher wages and better working conditions are trans-
formed into a struggle for political power. The scattered struggles
of groups of workers against groups of capitalists now gaw into
revolutionary conflicts between the working class and the capitalist
class defended by the capitalist State. The conquest of that State
and the annihilation of its governmental machinery becomes the im-
mediate object of the straggle.
Consciously to direct this inevitable development and to lead
the working class in the final conflict is the historic mission of the
United Cominumst Party. To this end, the party makes the great
industrial struggles of the workers its major campaigns. It will
strive to give them conscious revolutionary direction. It will en-
deavor to develop an understanding of the strike in relation to the
overthrow of capitalism and the capitalist State. It will enter into,
organize, and lead mass protests and demonstrations, constantly, to
disturb capitalist society. A whole system of mass demonstrations
must be developed, growing ever more acute in form, and logically
leading to an uprising against the capitalist State. The government
will then function openly as a military dictatorship. The class strug-
— 7 —
»1» which so lone appeared in forms unrecognizable to the nnll-ons
of Ultt SreTtfy Engaged in it, develops into open combat, CIVIL
WAJ The United Communist Party will systematiadly and peraist.
m »v Emiili mVe the working class with the fact of the inevitability
cflmS conflict in The proletarian revolution. The United Com-
SuSSpaX must prepare the working class for armed msurrec-
to as the LS form of mass action, by which the workers shall
C ° nq M ttX proper time, the United Communist Party will initiate
the formate of Councils-Soviets-through which the whole power
the lormauon 01 ^uuxio « ited iuto ne overwhelming offensive
S S6toS ^InTpoteTower ofthe capitalist State. Through
Ssfvietst^wSig class will exercise its dictatorial powers lor
^uSsfui teriXatiof of the civil war ^ *^g*£ rt cl » SS '
and for the reconstruction of society on a Communist Dasis.
Workers' Council will be formed in time of revolutionary crisis
n«, thYinsti™ts of the revolution. They will be used to organ-
Z the SJiSS of the workers against the State and Become the
™ ofto ^working class government under tiie guidance ot the
linked Communist Party. As the proletarian State, the Workers'
CouncHs wSf Stam order during the transition, and will trans-
^n^tedtoJt* pSSaUhrough the Workers' Coun-
cils Wy^wfio^Otastrameiit for the fulfillment of an his-
toric mSn After private property ^^I'Zm^S^
and converted to Communist use, class divisions will disappeai.
W$h the passing of class antagonism, the State-which is at any
liven period in history but the organ of domination ol one clash
ovl?another-will also pass out of existence. The Workers' State
Sses to exist as a State, ceases to exercise the now unnecessary
polfce and military compulsion, and is converted into ; the > admrmstra-
tive organ, regulating social production and distribution.
PENETRATION OF MILITARY UNITS.
The capitalist class of this country fully realizes the danger
threatening it from the growing unrest among the workers suf fer-
ine from the effect of economic depression.
"* Th? strengthening of the police; the creatior i of .and demand
for, State constabulary forces; the formation of private armies of
spies and thugs; all this-ostensibly planned for the purpose of sup-
^S^g^lfxiotB,'' or combatting a "crime wave"-in reality, has
no other object than that of preparation for the inevitable clash
with the workers.
This clash is being forced by the capitalist class, by the gigantic
struggle it has undertaken to crush all labor organizations, thus re-
ducing the working class to a conditio-* of complete slavery.
In this struggle, as in all other class struggles, the military
forces of the State will be at the disposal of the capitalist class '
The United Communist Party must take into account the vari-
ous military organizations which are at the disposal oil the capitalists
It must analyze their character and formulate towards them a policy
of action which would win some of them from the side of the capi-
talists, and render others harmless to the workers.
Such organizations as the police, constabulary, and public and
private forces of spies and thugs are counter-revolutionary to the
core; and the United Communist Party has no illusion as to the pos-
sibility of converting them to the workers' cause. On them the Party
declares relentless war.
The Party must also recognize the class character of such semi-
imhtary organizations as the American Legion, which have in many
instances played a part in the suppression of the workers' move-
ment. The membership of the American Legion, consisting, mainly
of former enlisted men, has been misled bv the ex-officers who have
seized control of the organization, and who have diverted the former
private soldiers from their natural post-war class resentment. The
cynical denial by the government of the ex-soldiers' demand for a
war bonus, has somewhat weakened the blind reliance of the ex-
soldiers upon their off cer lenders. By propaganda among the mem-
bers, stressing the class distinction between their officers and them
selves, some of them may be won away from their leaders. However
it appears certain that some of the units of the American legion, at
least will be used to a considerable extent, as a recruiting ground
for the Amercan White Guard. h'»u»«
* aM «7 le fc X ? lIted Commu " is L t V&rty recognizes the fundamental dif-
feience between a conscript and a mercenary armv and navv. The
former, drafting its recruits by compulsion, furnishes a fert'% field
for Communist propaganda, and bv its character and structure
clearly reflects the economic class relationships of capitalist society"
rnnwJ «i«? M T2E y army a "£ navy m * the "National Guard"
SSSi'iS fc 1 ? f% a T e rel *t"»»? «**»*. they are to some extent
obscured by the fact that membership is voluntary. Yet thev con-
tain many workers who were attracted into the service bv the pres-
tige enjoyed by a uniform, by the seductive promises of good pay
and adventure, or by sheer economic necessity and starvation. The
_ — .
Party should conduct a systematic Propaganda m^l «N^£Jj
making clear to them the real function J*,jH
m order to awaken class-consciousness in them and bung them over
to the side of the Proletarian Revolution.
to ^m^ CommuniBt p a rty will issue special appeals to the
soldiIrs\ndsanors which will be distributed an«ng Ikem and wil
create Communist groups in the army and navy which snaU be
closely connected, in order to establish a unified revolutions y Body
within the armed force of the State.
""ass's 4— .f-kers who weroton Mo .the
worifSS or who vohmtoily ffffetrf m it, ^«»™J
;,„ +>,- f-fmitaiict class into the belief that Lhey weie suivmg to
"Mat the P World Safe for Democracy," that a new and better world
would be the result of this struggle ;ii 11w - nt ,o n f th P irreit
The war now having terminated, and the illusions ol the gieat
mass of Ser soldiers and sailors having ^n sh^en t° a great
extent certain organizations have been formed which have as then
SfSelttainmeSt of the same naive , ideals i for which ^fough
in the war. Such organizations are the World War Veteians, the
Private Soldiers' and Sailors' Legion, etc. These organizations al-
though not fully class-conscious, and still professing much of the
liberal I idealism of the bourgeoisie, nevertheless align, themselves
with the organized working class. In the approaching decisive
siiwle these organizations, if thoroughly permeated with Com-
mn^ untotandig. will fight in the ra oiks ■ ^J« ^Jf^
due to their military experience, they will be invaluable in the stiugv
X! The United Communist Party will carry on an extensive propa-
ganda among, them, organizing Communist groups with m their mem
bership and striving to transform them into fighting units of the
working class— the nuclei of a Red Army.
Outside of the bourgeois military organizations, the party will
carry on a propaganda of exposing their true nature discouraging,
voluntary enlistment, and systematically destroying the false pres-
tige which these institutions still en.ioy in the eyes of the workers.
The United Communist Party will oppose, with all measures at
its disposal, any attempts of the capitalists to involve the workers
of this country in an imperialist war. If, despite the Party s ef-
forts to arouse the working class into open rebellion against the
designs of the imperialist bourgeoisie, the latter succeeds m con-
scripting the workers into its army, the members of the Party must
not evade conscription, but shall work actively for Communism among
their fellow conscripts, that their arms and military training may
be used against the capitalist State.
IMPERIALISM AND WAR.
Two great powers remain in the world. Russian imperialism
met death in October, 1917. German and Austrian imperialism
were buried alive in the close of 1918. Crippled France and Italy
are called great by courtesy, while adolescent Japan is flattered
among the nations for its growth in stature and knowledge of cheat-
ing, but the two truly Great Powers carefully watch and thwart its
The two Anglo-Saxon Powers rise high above the rest of the
imperialist world. Britain, the older, and possessing the shrewder
political engineers, moves faster and seizing, by political trickery
and force, the remaining valuables of the world.
Shattered and hysterical imperialist France, terrified in finding
her war winnings worthless, hurls her militarized black colonials
into Germany, the resulting accounts of violations of women supply-
ing jokes for the jaded Parisian bourgeois. Unable to trust its
conscripted troops within the radius of the Russian Revolution, the
French government pours out its remaining treasure to any brigand
that applies with a plan to slaughter Russian workers and retrieve
the Tzarist loans. Losing wealth and prestige at every venture, im-
perialist France sinks fast to insignificance as a beggar at England's
But while all imperialisms are equal enemies of the working class,
the working class of each country must objectively recognize that
its own imperialism is the nearest at hand and is, therefore, the
more immediate enemy. The old, loosely federated Second Interna-
tional pursued the policy: "Let each proletariat curse the OTHER
imperialism and remain silent about its own" (thus really serving
its own master class, which wants the workers to hate foreign im-
perialism and so be the readier to stampade Into war). The war-
bom Communist International holds to the policy: "Let each prole-
tariat spring to the attack of its OWN imperialism !" In this spirit,
the United Communist Party centers its critical analysis and con-
demnation upon the comparatively newly fledged imperialism of
the United States.
The entry of the United States into the world war and into the
consequent diplomatic intrigues of Europe, marks the maturity of
American imperialism. The rest of the life of American capitalism
must be devoted to foreign military adventures. And yet, capitalism
a the whole world fears the next war. It dimly foresees that the
next world war will end in world revolution, and for that reason
seeks such a method as would not again put arms into the hands
of the exploited masses. „
The world capitalist class has found its one "peace measure.
This measure is a league or "Association of Nations," by which to
settle capitalist rivalries in committee, so to speak, instead oi upon
the battlefield. This scheme does not for one moment even con-
template full peace, but only peace between capitalist classes oi the
various countries. ... ,. ,
To the working class, the league or association of nations does
not offer peace, but more terrible and unrelenting warfare. To
avoid putting weapons into the hands of the slowly awakening and
dangerous masses, the capitalist class strives to establish an inter-
national military body, professionalized and rid of working class
elements. , . , . , , . ,
The plan announced and already m several instances put into
practice is to shift this international army from country to country,
as occasion and rebellion of a tortured people may require, to shoot,
rape, burn, and loot at the pleasure of the old men sitting at Ver-
sailles Five times this League of Nations' army, in embryo form
and not yet given its name, has been launched on murder-junkets
against the most advanced and only free people on earth— Soviet
Russia. Kolchak, Yudenitch, Denikin, Wrangel, and the Polish Gov-
ernment, each led its international brigands into Russia, and each
fell before this mightiest army now on earth—the army of the first
Socialist Republic— the army of the Third International.
The League of Imperialists that exterminated the Hungarian
Soviet Republic has failed in its attempts to crush the Russian na-
ion of free workers. The Communist International grows stronger,
«id commands the loyalty of more and. more thousands of workers
m the great cities that are the strategic centers of capitalist govern-
ments. Neither industrial populations nor conscripted armies can
now be trusted by capitalist governments. National loyalty cannot
much longer be the popular teaching of governments that have vio-
lated every nationalism— even surrendered their own national sov-
ereignity to a mechanical, soulless, international league. I here
jire only two loyalties left— the fragile loyalty to international capi-
talism, 'and the loyalty to International Communism.
Capitalism can no longer teach belligerency to a popular mass
that it cannot trust; pacifism, more especially civil pacifism, must
now be taught to its exploited and restless subjects. Under the
circumstances, workers of humane instinct must leave the Utopian
attitude of pacifism and must take the enlightened attitude of inter-
national workingi class resistance by armed force. No more con-
— 12 —
scientious objection" by individuals, but conscientious insurrection
by masses outside or inside of military units.
The United Communist Party warns the workers not to be lulled
by bourgeois "peace" agreements into expecting peace between capi-
talist nations. The very nature of capitalist production calls for
competitive exploitation of ever new fields. The enormous and
rapid accumulations of investment capital, with a simultaneous di-
minishing of available, undeveloped territories, guarantees not even
capitalist peace, but more wars of greater frequency, greater in-
tensity and of more terrible consequence if the capitalist system sur-
vives. We must expect these wars as a moral certainty and must
prepare that the workers, acting internationally, may transform
them from wars between nations into wars between classes, to oven-
throw the governing classes and ail capitalist governments, estab-
lish Socialsm and put an end to all wars.
The machine for that international action is the Communist
Because of the late coming of American capitalism's need for
foreign expansion, America has (as yet) a much smaller colonial
problem than have the other large powers, and little understanding
of the question. The brutality of American .military rule in the
colonies recently wrested from Spain, has attracted little attention
The subjection of the people of the Philippine Islands to a reign o!
fire and 'sword was accomplished withontthe American workers being
awakened to understanding and sympathy. The recent cruelties of
American rule in Haiti have been successfully covered with lies.
But the American workers' respite from thought on the colonial
question will soon end. The impending assault upon, and subjugation
of, Mexico promises the American workers a big enough and serious
enough colonial problem in the near future.
The precarious truce between Mexican politicians and the agent
of oil mining companies who has just been placid in the presidency
of the United States, will soon be broken by pressure of American
capital for greater profits than can be gained w'thout direct admin-
istration of Mexican affairs and /nil enslavement of the Mexican
workers. The indispensability of large petroleum supplies to present-
day industry, and the fact that Mex*co contains u large share of what
petroleum/has not already been monopolized by the British, dooms
the Mexican people to assault, devastation and robbery by American
oil and mining interests, backed by the United States Army.
— 18 — -
If the American workers and their brother-workers of Mexico
do not successfully resist the attack upon that country, we shall soon
have upon our hands as deadly a colonial problem as has any nation
of the world.
But wider fields than Mexico are sought by the Imperialism that
ripened in the United States through the war. Already most mi-
idealistic politicians mutter of the "ideal of the Monroe Doctrine;"
South America must be taken by United States capital, first through
intrigue, then through war. China, Siberia, and even the island pos-
sessions of the rival thief Japan, are eyed feverishly for anything
in them that American capital can steal. The United Communist
Party must warn the workers against the anti-Japanese race-war
propaganda now being stimulated on the Pacific Coast, couched in
soft words of democracy, to lure the workers into a capitalist adven-
ture for loot in Asia. America is already bursting with new colonial
The United Communist Party is, therefore, doubly obliged to
give its attention to the colonial problem in general and especially,
at the earliest possible moment, to give help to the peoples of Haiti,
Porto Pico, Santo Domingo, Hawaii, Samoa, St. Thomas, Guam, etc.,
as well as a shamefully belated assistance to the people of the Philip-
This task can only be accomplished through a careful study
of historical, social/, and economic conditions in each separate
colony upon its own peculiarities. Propaganda must be made to
clarify the minds of the proletarian and rural peon class
as well as landholding farmers not of the employer class. They must
be made to see the class division rather than the racial division of
peoples. By the example of Communist workers in their midst, they
must be brought to understand their interests in common with the
white and black proletariat of the United States. At the same time
the American proletariat must be brought to understand its interest
ii common with exploited colonials, by means of the United Commun-
ist Party press. American workers must be brought to support, by
all means in their power, any insurrection in colonial possessions,
and at a proper time incite effective insurrection. By communica-
tions and co-operation with American proletarian organizations, the
exploited classes in colonial poss%ssions will learn to understand
that the parasitic class of their own race is not their friend but
their betrayer to the enemy, for a share of the loot.
By cultivation of class-consciousness of the propertyless masses,
even among peoples where capitalist forms have not developed, a
distinct progress towards Communism can be made, as has been
— 14 —
demonstrated by the Russian Soviet Republic in its handling of the
problem of backward peoples.
Capitalist society, staggering under the effect of the great war,
vn^nlo itself ever more clearly as incapable of fulfilling those lunc-
S^hWh its apo ogists have always advanced as the excuse lor as
Stence I his now failed, more dismally than ever, m its pre-
1 ended mission of supplying the world with the world's needs ; In
ifeself-imposed task of the organization of production, the capim-
ist class has revealed itself a failure.
The dislocation of production, and the breakdown of the deli-
cate and intricate fabric of international credit, as h result ol uie
weu has Plunged the -Industrial world into a crisis Capital sm, by
JK'vm" nature of its being, has always been attended by periodical
: 'mnics'" but the present crisis is of an essentially different nature
'vcm those crises which previously appeared and which eventual
ended by the disposal, in various ways of the surplus of commodities
This is no ordinary case of "over-production." The world s stock of
commodities is abnormally low, but despite their need, the hopelessly
insolvent foreign nations can no longer purchase the surplus ol
American industries. , .
In every other land, large masses of the people suffer for want ol
food, clothing and shelter, but a partly paralyzed industry can pro-
vide neither work nor subsistence for them. American capitalism
cannot be immune from this infection, and we are confronted with a
cr'sis rapidly growing to the proportions of the great social disasters
'"The capitalist press, despite its evident desire to conceal the
extent of the evil, da'ly carries the news of more and more stoppages
n various industries. With increasing frequency, large .numbers of
workers are being thrown out of employment, owing to the shut-
down of industrial enterprises. At the same time, the cheapening
of money, with the consequent "high prices" and "high rents'- is
ridding to the di<-vnt : sfnetkm of the masses.
Already the stirrings of this widespread discontent are heard.
Rent strikes, popular manifestations against "the high cost of liv-
ing " are symptoms of restlessness which will increase as the unem-
ployed workers exhaust the small savings of the period of "war
urostK-ritv." We mav expect with assurance a ser es of popular de-
monstrations on an unpanilWed spale. as a result of unemployment
It is the task of the United fWnmunist Party to crystallize and
— 15 —
■ J - ---•■ Ji-i- -i- - i • HP
co-ordinate these scattered manifestations of discontent, by direct-
ing them into channels of definite revolutionary action. The mass
of the unemployed is not stable in composition. It is a fluid bocy
oi drifting and changing membership. The Party, on the other '
hand, is stable, and possesses a permanent machinery of action.
Thus it will be comparatively easy for Communists to earn the
confidence of the unemployed toilers and be entrusted by them with
the guidance of their activities. *
It shall be the duty of the Communist units in each locality to
initiate the formation of unemployed committees. Where such com*
mittees already have been formed, through the efforts of other
organizations or individuals, Communists should secure as large a
representation as possible, in order to influence materially the local
policy. It is the task of the Party' to formulate a program of un-
employment agitation and action, which will unify the procedure of
all local bodies and conform with the revolutionary policies of Com-
' The active participation of the United Communist Party in the
unemployed movement will offer it wide opportunity for the revolu-
tionary enlightenment of the masses, by interpreting to them the
real cause and nature of their situation, and by showing them that
there can be no lasting mitigation of their lot, except by the over-
throw of the capitalist system through the aggressive action of the
revolutionary workers. By pointing out the assistance which the
State lends to the master class, in repressing any effort of the un-
employed workers to attain relief from their suffering by the seizure
of food or clothing or the forcible occupation of the houses of the
bourgeoisie, the Communists will be able to illustrate powerfully the
necessity for the destruction of the capitalist State and the establish-
ment of proletarian power.
The negro population of the United States, about 13 millions,
is principally composed of' unskilled laborers. It is the most ex-
ploited people in America. In the southern states, the former slave
owners descendants, who have inherited all the hatred and con-
tempt of their fathers for this helpless peopple, ruthlessly exploit
them. Negroes are denied even the formal protection of the law
accorded to their brothers, the white laborers. Scarcely a pretense
is made of even permitting them to vote. They are an outlaw race.
Organized illegal societies, secret or open, are formed by leading
citizens, to exercise over them a frank mob rule. They are lynched,
— 16 —
shot, hanged, and publicly burned at the stake, and their women are
outraged with impunity. They are deliberately kept in a state of
illiteracy by open and insidious methods , and those exceptional indi-
viduals who overcome these tremendous handicaps face the insuper-
able barrier of race prejudice. After attaining skill at a profes-
sion, they are compelled, in many instances, to labor at unskilled call-
ings. The leadership of reactionary politicians of their own race
and the degrading! influence of their church organizations only per-
petuate their economic and social subjection.
The capitalist class in order to maintain its power and reap its
profits, deliberately encourages, cultivates, and incites the white wage
slave against the negro wage slave. As a result, the negro is placed
between the two fiercely contending forces of capital and white labor.
Beaten and cajoled in turn by both, he is used by the master class
as a strike-breaker either in the uniform of the United States soldier,
or in overalls. Under these conditions, the negro is used in such a
manner as to obscure from his own eyes as well as from the eyes of
his white brother laborer, the nature of the class struggle.
The United Communist Party will actively support the negroes m
their desperate struggle against these hellish conditions. It points to
the only possible solution of the negro problem, namely: the abolition
of wage slavery, through the overthrow of the capitalist State and the
erection of a Communist society.
The task of the United Communist Party is to break down the
barrier of race' prejudice that separates and keeps apart the white
and the negro workers, and to bind them into a union of revolution-
ary forces for the overthrow of their common enemy.
The United Communist Party must find the revolutionary and
potential revolutionary elements among the negroes and select those
moat likelv to develop into revolutionary propagandists. These shall
be trained for revolutionary work. Negro Communists must enter
lodges, unions, clubs, and churches (which, among negroes, are not
essentially ecclesiastic institutions, but, in effect, are social clubs and
forums), "etc., to expose the reactionary leaders, who, for the pur-
pose of betraying their race, infest these institutions. Negro Com-
munists must combat in these gathering places the ideas of patriot-
ism, religion, etc., which aid in the subjection of the negro people.
Communists shall use the negro press as a means of present-
ing revolutionary ideas. Communists are to aid every movement
that tends toward the cultivation of the spirit of revolt among the
negroes, and especially must organize revolutionary direct-action
bodies of negroes and whites for resistance to lynching, mob rule,
etc. Great care must be exercised to avoid race wars, and to culti-
vate the spirit of self-protection and solidarity with the white work-
ers in the class war.
Especial attention must be given to those that have military
experience, in order that their talent may be used for training their
people for the inevitable revolutionary outbreak.
THE AGRARIAN QUESTION.
Capitalism dominates agricultural production as well as all other
functions of the economic life of society. The exploitation of the
agricultural proletariat links up the interests of this class insepara-
bly with the interests of the industrial proletariat of the c.ties.
The forces which drive the city workers into conflict with the capi-
talist State are also at work in rural d'stricts. There, too, capital-
ism compels revolutionary action on the part of the workers.
The toilers on the farms cannot solve their problems alone.
Only the industrial proletariat, led by the Communists, can release
them from the bondage of capitalism. Only by joining hands with
the workers of the cities can they throw off their yoke and achieve
a more abundant life.
It is equally true that the industrial workers cannot fulfill their
historic mission of liberating humanity from the domination of capi-
talism, if they limit their interest to the narrow confines of their
own industrial lives. The proletariat becomes a truly revolutionary
class when it acts as the vanguard of ALL the exploited. The
United Communist Party must, therefore, foster the revolutionary
tendencies of the agricultural workers. It must co-ordinate their
struggle with that of the workers in other industries. Successful
action against the capitalist State can be achieved only through the
united efforts of ALL workers.
In order to promote this solidarity of action, the United Com-
munist Party must make the agricultural workers conscious of their
interests in common with the whole of the working class. The Party
must inaugurate a special campaign to orgianijse units among the
agricultural proletariat, to develop the struggle of those workers
into revolutionary action.
The agricultural proletariat (farm hands, nrgratoiy laborers,
harvest hands, etc.) does not constitute the only element of the
country population which has interests in common with the indus-
trial proletariat, and which must be reached by the United Com-
munist Party. The small tenant and the poor farmer also fac?' a
problem of capitalist exploitation no less cruel than that which robs
the wage worker. These two are also the prey of profit-hungry capi-
talism. They are the victims of the landlords and mortgage hold-
ers. They are harassed by farm machinery trusts, produce monop-
olies and usurious bankers. They have not the necessary capital
to produce their products with modern machinery, nor up-to-date
methods by which to compete successfully in the markets.
The small tenant and poor farmer try to make up for this lack
of capital by toiling from dawn till dark, as no wage slave would
labor for any master ; and their children and wives are forced to a
never-ending grind of unpaid labor. Yet they cannot compete suc-
cessfully with the capitalist farmer, even though they sell in the
same market. Inevitably and inexorably they are being crushed in
the race of life, under the existing capitalist rules of the game. The
process of degeneration of the small farmer into the mortgaged farm-
er, then the tenant-farmer, then the farm-hand and migratory work-
er, is one of the unceasing tragedies of the capitalist systeem of ex-
To a certain extent, these classes of fanners find consolation for
their present misery in dreams of a prosperous future, dreams of
times of "busted trusts" and "people's rule." Numerous varieties
of fake reformers, including the yellow Socialists, encourage these
dreams, with promises of what "they will do" for the small farmer,
if only elected to office.
It is not the- function of the United Communist Party to curry
favor with these small farmers through promises of easy success.
It is the duty of the Party to point out to them that between them
and the capitalist farmers there exists an antagonism of interests,
an impassable gulf that cannot be bridged. By the very conditions
of their existence, these elements of the country population will be
drawn into the maelstrom of revolution against capitalism. Eapidly
they are becoming conscious of the fact that there is no hope for
them under capitalism, that, as long as this system endures, they are
It is the duty of the United Communist Party to organize wide-
spread propaganda among these classes. It must bring the small
farmers and tenants together with the farm proletariat, and must
make clear to them the identity of their interests with those of the
industrial proletariat. It must point out to them that only through
a Communist revolution can tenantry be abolished, the use of the
land restored to the workers without the payment of tribute to any
exploiters, and the great estates of the capitalist farmers be seized
for the purpose of large scale co-operative production. The United
Communist Party must organize them to take their place with the
militant working class under the banner of the Proletarian Revolu-
In addition to these classes of agrarians, there are the middle-
class larmers, who, while working on their land themselves, occasion-
ally hire labor. The natural tendency of this class is hostility to
revolutionary change. They have the psychology of the petty bour-
geoisie. Their inherent antagonism toward the proletariat is con-
stantly fostered by the dominant capitalist class.
Although it is not the function of the United Communist Party
to cater to these middle-class farmers by taking up their competitive
struggle against the great capitalist interests, the United Commun-
ist Party must neutralize as far as possible the effects of capitalist
propaganda, by spreading among them the facts about capitalism
and its institutions, and the truth about Communism and the revolu-
Lastly, there is the large class of bourgeois farmers, landed
proprietors and employers of labor, whose interests lie clearly with
those of the industrial capitalists as opposed to the proletariat. This
class is not susceptible to Communist propaganda. It will be our
bitterest foe. Against this class, the United Communist Party must
jead the workers in an uncompromising struggle.
In the United States, the lines between these different classes
oi the agrarian population are not as distinctly drawn as in the older
settled countries of Europe; in the Western states especially, the
ranks of small farmers are honeycombed with veterans of the indus-
trial struggle, blacklisted machinists, railroadmen and miners work-
ers who find it impossible to sell their labor-power to a capitalist
tor wages and who have "gone back to the land." These furnish a
ferment among their neighbors, which makes a very favorable field
lor Communist propaganda.
In spite of the fact that lines are not entirely crystallized and
n Sf V s ! constant flux from one class to the other, in general
the attitude that the United Communist Party must assume toward
the agrarian question may be summed up as follows:
1) Active championship of the agricultural proletariat and the
poor tenant farmer;
ol Neutralization of the hostility of middle-class farmers;
3) Relentless warfare against capitalist farmers and landlords,
m the name of the Proletarian Revolution.
LABOR UNIONS AND SHOP COMMITTEES.
The official leaders of the American labor movement have long
been the puzzle and the despair of the international revolutionary
movement. Labor union officering as a lucrative profession in the
— 20 —
United States ranks well with the lawyer's profession, stockbroker-
age, or real estate.
The heads of the American Federation of Labor, counting them-
selves the voice of the workingman, amaze the leaders of even the
yellow Amsterdam International Labor-Suppressing Secretariat by
refusing to co-operate with that yellow International on the ground
that it seeks to gain too much for labor. With a compact union-
political machine almost entirely divorced from and subjecting the
mass of the membership, the Gompers type has led a merry and
prosperous life these many years. Labor leaders hold lifetime sine-
cures and when they pass away, their probated wills often reveal,
fortunes worthy of Wall Street operatives. Occasional accidental
exposures bring to light labor kings by whom the craft unions are
hired out for a percentage, are withdrawn from one. employer for a
consideration paid by another, voted in the elections, and disciplined
either by the labor king's private thugs or through tips given to em-
ployer or police. Labor leaders holding government positions during
the war systematically worked with the government secret service in
the arrest of militant labor unionists for disturbing production.
Heads of the large Railroad Brotherhoods published in the capital-
ist press signed statements calling for union members to act as
strikebreakers in the recent "outlaw strike."
With such leaders as their mouthpiece, the vast majority of the
trade unions of America manifest no purpose further than that
of conserving the capitalist system and, in lawful manner, gaining
slight concessions in wages and working conditions. The destiny
of the American labor unions is, nevertheless, a revolutionary one.
Split up into isolated craft groups within one shop, holding
union meetings one or two evenings per month in places far removed
from both residence and shop, the workers attend union gatherings
only m handfuls, and leave the affairs of the organization to the
unrestrained will of officials.
Facing such paralysis of the body of organized labor, and yet
knowing that organized labor can and must take a large part in
overthrowing capitalism, sustaining the dictatorship of the working
class and reconstructing industry in the Workers' Republic, the
United Communist Party considers as one of the most serious and
immediate problems the question of the best method of breaking the
bureaucratic control of organized labor and transforming the union
structure into a machine of revolutionary action.
Not only can the revolution not come about without the active par-
ticipation of the larger part of organized labor, but the experience of
Hungary and of Germany would prove, even if American experience
did not forecast, that labor unions neglected in such a condition and
left under control of such leaders, would be manipulated as a deadly
implement for the defeat of the Workers' Revolution. The Workers'
Revolution cannot succeed without the support of the great bulk of
whatever labor organizations may exist at the time.
For these reasons, the United Communist Party cannot be satis-
fied with the formation of a few new unions of declared revolution-
ary purpose, but of small membership and slight relation to key
industries. The exceedingly discouraging surface indications of the
old labor movement have led to the springing! up of several new*
unions comparatively small in size, of more or less revolutionary
intent. It had become almost an axiom of radical workingmen that
the old craft unions were corrupt and impotent beyond redemption,
and should be deserted in favor of new organizations. But, as a
rule, the members do not desert the old unions for the new. The
most typical of the new unions do not grow in size. Therefore,
dialectic reasoning brings the conclusion that reliance upon the form-
ation of unions confined in membership to workers who are theo-
retical revolutionists, is a mistake in policy.
The old unions grow more reactionary when the revolutionary
workers leave them. The opportunist officials discern this and
seek by every means to expel the Communists from the unions, in
order that their influence over the mass may be weakened by their
isolation. Bearing in mind the necessity of the closest contact of
Communists with those workers who have not yet reached the view-
point of the class struggle, Communists must not foster artificial
division in the labor movement, nor deliberately bring it about. On
the contrary, they must use all measures, short of abandoning Com-
munist work in the unions, to avoid giving to the bureaucracy the
pretext to expel them. On this most important question, the thesis
adopted at the Second World Congress of the Communist Interna-
tional points out the proper tactics: "Placing the object and the
essence of labor organizations before them, Communists ought not
to hesitate before a split in such organizations, if a refusal to split
would mean abandoning revolutionary work in the trade unions,
;md giving up the attempt to make of them an instrument of revo-
lutionary struggle, the attempt to organize the most exploited part
of the proletariat. But even if such a split should be necessary, it
must be carried into effect only at a time when the Communists
have succeeded by incessant warfare against the opportunist lead-
ers and their tactics, by their most active participation in the econ-
omic struggle, in persuading! the wider masses of workmen that the
split is occurring not because of the remote and as yet incomprehen-
— 22 —
cible aims of the revolution, but because of the concrete, immedi-
ate interests of the working class in the development of its economic
stru^le. Communists, in case necessity for a split arises, must
continuously and attentively discuss the question as to whether such
a split might not lead to their isolation from the working mass.
When bodies of militant workers are forced out of the old unions
by the reactionary officialdom, Communists are bound to support
6 The United Communist Party must work within the industrial
unions of the I. W. W., where these are unquestionably established;
and must give Communist support to its revolutionary rank and file,
especially during strikes and mass movements. At the same time,
narrow syndicalist teachings m opposition to the violent overthrow
of capitalism and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat must be dis-
couraged and combatted. »
The United Communist Party confirms the present necessity
of m>'litant workers remaining with the large mass of organized
workers, regardless of the declared reactionary aims of these unions
and, by determined and co-ordinated strength, turning these unions
to a revolutionary course. The United Communist Party, section of
the Communist International, is the instrument for that co-ordina-
tion of revolutionary work within the unions.
Militant workers must remember that the fabric of labor or-
ganizations is undergoing a change. Improvements in the machine
process are throwing the burden of production more and more upon
the unskilled worker, breaking down the aristocratic power of the
highly skilled craftsman, wh'ch has so frequently led him to font
tight' little unions enioying thp special favor of employers and ha?
often impelled him to return to work in the nvdst of a strike on
the plea of "keep ! ng contracts." Great masses of semi-skilled work-
ars are flocking mto unions formerly reserved to the skilled. They
are driven there in quest of relief from the pressure of collapsing
capitalist economy. Since the unskilled or semi-skilled are able to
perform the new machine tasks, the unions are compelled to admit
them in self -protection. In this way, the substance of the unions
is changing in character.
At the same time, imperialist capitalism, with its increasingly
powerful co-ordination and control of exploitation, is able to defeat
strikes or to deflate the workers' victories of all value. The lessons
of defeat and of sterile victories alike turn the workers* minds to
' restless thoughts of new methods. Such opportunities to open the
minds of the mass of orpmized workers must not be wasted by
„ 28 —
Communists withdrawing from the mass into small "revolutionary"
A militant union preamble will not suffice as a substitute for
membership. It is demonstrated that a labor union, craft or indus-
trial, cannot fullfill the task of a political party. In order to function
at all, a labor union must take in every worker on the job, regard-
less of his political or social opinions. Obviously, many non-revolu-
tionary workers must be taken into the most "revolutionary" of
unions, and even be compelled to join against their wills.
The principle in regard to labor unions is exactly the opposite
of that of the revolutionary political party. A revolutionary political
party must confine its membership to workers of absolutely known
revolutionary devotion and clear understanding. Labor union mem-
bership must be spread to the broadest possible masses. A revolu-
tionary political party must function at least partly underground
and secretly. A labor union can function efficiently only in the open.
A tangle between these two principles has brought the I W w'
to much trouble and hampered its growth. Trying to function as a
revolutionary propaganda body (i. e., political party, whether it
admits the term or not), and at the same time as an open union,
the I. W. W. has wavered between a propaganda too revolutionary
tor an open organization, and one too moderate for a revolutionary
The remedy for this is a clear distinction between the political
party and the labor union. The labor union should function in the
open, as it must. The revolutionary political party should function
under the protection of secret membership, and thus give the work-
ers, through its underground press, a full understanding) of the
science of revolution, which the workers can never get until the
propaganda is made without reservation or camouflage. A revolu-
tionary party must discard all camouflage and cloudy circumvention,
and say what it means—that the workers must prepare for armed
Members of the United Communist Party will form the revolu-
tionary group within each union, regardless of what kind of union
it may be. The United Communist Party caucuses within the unions
snail nave the power of discipline to compel Communists regularly
to attend union meetings. By discipline, they shall regulate the ac-
tivities of Communists upon the floor, and in voting in the union
assembly. Upon every important question affecting the welfare of
the union and labor m general, the caucus shall formulate a policy
and all members shall strictly adhere to the decision.
In all industrially developed countries, the increasing pressure
— 24 —
of the class straggle compels common action of all the workers in
a given industry, in spite of the craft divisions fostered by the craft
unions and in spite of the sabotage of the union bureaucracy. This
intensifying of the labor struggle necessitates the development from
craft unionism to industrial unionism. In striving to transform the
unions into more efficient instruments of the class war, the workers
are hindered by the method of union management, which puts all
power within the union into the hands of the officials. In order
to overcome this condition, the workers make use of the shop com-
mittee and the shop delegate system of union management. Under
the shop delegate system, power in the union rests in the hands of
delegates elected by the workers in the shops. In this manner, the
workers are enabled to gain control of the union and to transform
it, into a more powerful weapon for the revolutionary struggle.
Through the shop committees, the workers in the shop deal directly
with the employers without the intervention of the union officials.
The shop committee is a form of organization especially adapted
to the struggle of the workers for control in the shop. Where the
shop is organized into a number of craft unions, as is generally the
case in the United States, the shop committee will consist of mem-
bers from all the crafts, and thus become a force for their 'trans-
formation from the craft to the industrial form. The experience of
revolutionary workers in European countries shows that, in the
course of the struggle, the shop committee takes on more and more
authority, and eventually becomes the medium through which work-
ers' control over production is established. In the inevitable strug-
gle for that control, the most determined resistance on the part of
the bourgeoisie through the State will be directed against the work-
ers, and will thus force them into a struggle for political power.
Clearly keeping in mind their special functions as instruments, first
for control of the unions by the workers in the shop, and ultimately
for workers' control over production, the Communist must strive
in every way to popularize tha shop committees and the shop dele-
gate system and take the leading! part in organizing them.
Members of the United Communist Party must aim to subordi-
nate the general activities of the labor unions to the revolutionary
struggle of the working class for the overthrow of capitalism and
the establishment of Communism.
While two Internationals of political parties contend for the ,
leadership of the working class (the yellow "Second International"
striving to hold the workers in loyalty to $he various capitalist States
and to the Capitalist League of States, while the Communist Inter-
national rouses the workers everywhere to disobedience to their en-
slavers and to loyalty to the cause of World Socialism), another and
parallel struggle is going on between two Internationals of labor
unions (economic organizations).
On the one hand, the "International Federation of Trade Unions,"
with headquarters at Amsterdam, endeavors with a subtle program
of mild "socialistic" reform to lure the economic labor unions into
collaboration with the capitalist governments and league of govern-
ments, seeking, in case of revolutionary crisis, to paralyze and de-
moralize the working class of all countries simultaneously, in the in-
terest of the capitalist class.
On the other hand is the Red Trade Union International, with
headquarters at present located in Moscow. This International of
Trade and Industrial Unions seeks to do for the trade unions what
the Third (Communist) International is doing for the revolutionary
political parties; that is, to ally the economic organizations of the
workers of the world into a single front for the carrying on of the
labor struggle on the economic field in the interest of the working-
class, renouncing loyalty to the capitalist class and governments,
and co-operating with the Communist International in all respects.
The American Federation of Labor officials have as yet been
displeased even with the mild "socialistic" phrases of the yellow
Amsterdam International, and have expressed unwillingness to af-
filiate with it; while they do not so much as dare to mention the
Red International of Trade Unions.
The United Communist Party, vigorously opposing any sugges-
tion of affiliating American organized labor with the Amsterdam
International, will carry on a wide propaganda for affiliation of all
organized labor with the Red International of Trade and Industrial
Unions. Members of the United Communist Party within unions
shall work accordingly.
Where revolutionary minorities within American organized la-
bor adhere to the Red Trade Union International and affiliate with
it, United Communist Party members will pursue the policy of keep-
ing these revolutionary minorities within their national organiza-
tions, there to combat any efforts at affiliation with the Amsterdam
International and to bring the entire American labor movement mto
the Red International.
The winning of the organized labor masses away from their
misleaders becomes each day more feasible. Already labor leadera
have frequently had to resort to the aid of the police power of
the government to compel obedience to the "lawful" (!) union heaas;
already the capitalistic labor leaders have gone to law courts for
anti-labor injunctions which they formerly denounced as enslaving.
— 26 —
Already "outlaw" strikes have been directed mainly not against the
employers but against labor officials. A vast mass of the work.
S within the unions is not willingly under the influence of the
Sox official but is restlessly searching f or fellow-workers upon
whom they can pin their faith for leadership m revolt. Often these
revolts f.'.il through the incapacity of the untried new leaders chosen
nt random The work of the United Communist Party is to tram
to i embers to take this leadership. "Outlaw" movements may by
Se Sent direction, often be made to burst the bureaucratic shell,
instead of filtering out in schisms, or resulting m the discharge ot
the $SEta XSfsetae every opportunity to show their fellow-
workers that the historic function of the labor movement, is not to
cather crumbs from the capitalist table, but to expropriate from
private hands the means of production and. exchange. Comets
must util'ze every example of violence against the workers by the
State to convince them that the necessary overthrow of capitalism
n-imiot be accomplished by unarmed and passive opposition, but only
r^pe lor a?S?d mass action on the part of the organized toilers.
Y "The economic struggle of the proletariat becomes political
struck during an epoch of the decline of capitalism much qmckei
& durliS an epoch of its peaceful development. Every serious
o?omic clash may immediately place the workers face to face
with the question of revolution. Therefore it is the duty of the
Communists in all the phases of the economic struggle to point out
to the workers that the success of the struggle is only possible it
the working class conquers the capitalists in open figh t, and by
means of dictatorship proceeds to the organization of a Socialist
order."— Theses and Statutes of the Second Congress of the Third
Tn all its work, the United Communist Party of America is guided
and aided by the Communist Internal onal, a part of which it is and
to whose principles and tactics it unreservedly subscribes.
Tho TTnited Communist Party of America calls upon the work-
ers of America to take their place in the ranks of the world i revolu-
tionary pSariat under the red banner of the Communist Interna-
tl0n There is but one solution for the ills of capitalist society, but
one way for the workers to achieve freedom: the way of revolution
•md the workers' dictatorship.
ALL POWER TO THE WORKERS!
HAIL TO COMMUNISM!
' — 27 —
CONSTITUTION OF THE
UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA
ARTICLE I. NAME, PURPOSE, and EMBLEM
Section 1, The name of the Organization shall be the United Communist
Party of America — Section of the Communist International.
Section 2. The United Communist Party of America is the organization
of the vanguard of the class-conscious workers. Its purpose is the organization
and education. of the workers for the forcible overthrow of the capitalist State;
the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, the abolition of the
capitalist system, and 'the development of the Communist Society.
Section S. The emblem of the Party shall be a hammer, sickle and sheaf
of wheat above the words "All Power to the Workers" surrounded by a circular
margin with the words "The United Communist Party of America, Section of
the Communist International."
ARTICLE II. MEMBERSHIP.
Section 1, Any person who accepts the principles and tactics of the Party
and of the Communist International, and agrees to submit to the Party dis-
cipline, and to engage actively in its work, shall be eligible for membership,
provided he has severed connections with all other political parties.
Section 2. Applicants must be accepted with due care, and only upon re-
commendation of two members who have been members for at least three
months, except in newly organized groups in new territories. Every applicant
shall be assigned to a recruiting group on probation for two months. Before
being admitted to full membership, the applicant must familiarize himself with
the program and constitution of the Party. The applicant can be accepted
only upon. the examination and recommendation of the recruiting group
instructors, and by unanimous vote of the group to which he has been assigned.
Section 5. Three reliable members shall be assigned to each recruiting
group; they shall participate in these groups as instructors only, and, at the
same time, remain members of their respective groups.
Section h. Applicants shall pay an initiation fee of one dollar and monthly
dues of seventy-five cents, including the month of initiation.
Section S. Members may transfer from one party unit to another only
upon permission of the party unit to which they belong. The unit granting
the transfer shall notify the unit to which the member transfers, through the
regular party, channels.
Section 0. No member of the party, without the consent of the Central
Executive Committee, shall accept or hold any appointive public office, honor-
ary or remunerative, otherwise than through civil service, nor enter the service
of the government in any way except through legal compulsion. No member
shall be a candidate for any public .office except by instructions of the Party.
ARTICLE III. UNITS OF ORGANIZATION.
Section 1. The basic unity of the Party shall he a group of approximately
-on members and whenever possible not less than five.
"on 2 Each Party group shall elect a group organizer to serve as
ominoetinir link between the group and the unit above,
1 SeZn T Not more than ten groups shall constitute a. branch, and not
over 'ten branches a section, not over ten auctions a .sub-district, and : j'
ten sub-districts a district. Districts shall be organized around the industrial
■enters rather than along state lines.
Section ,;. Groups may consist of members speaking the same language.
ARTICLE IV. ADMINISTRATION.
Section 1. The supreme administrative body shall be the Convention of
Stfotion .2 Between Conventions, the supreme body of the Party shall be
the Central Executive Committee, which shall consist of nine members elected
bv the Convention. The Convention shall also elect nine alternates for the
Central : fiw Committee. In case the list of alternates is exhausted, the
ifecutive Committee shall have power to f ill I vacancies. All Cen ral
Executive Committee members shall be employed by the v *^>W*J^Jg£
i,i the eitv in which the national headquarters is located, or in adjacent ernes.
Their wk "hall be entirely confined to that of the Central Executive Com-
mittee, central Executive Committee shall direct all the activities
of the Partv It "Lll establish such departments as Organization, Industrial,
tS^^AlSSSm, Ed/orial. Educational Research, Intej-
licenee Technical, Defense, Young Communist League. At the head of each
K loni Cvinil be nlaced a member of the Central Executive Committee, who
3 be held '^nsS to the Central Executive Committee for the proper
functioning of his department. ,„,•,,, „„,„„„ +„
Section !>. The Central Executive Committee shall have the power to
% 5^nftffi^S«Sf2 t S» representatives of the National
0, ^^& W^S'Sa"- * ^tisfy the Party needs of the language
Kr0U ?3) Consider language editors recommended by District Committees
make a monthly report of its activities, and of Party fniam.es iti muui uy
,U8tr SSiir»n 0. The administrative power of the district * a " ^^Ij" t?
District Convention to be held at least once each yea r. Between the District
fVirivnntions the work of administration shall be vested m the, DiM.nct Jwccm
v^nS^ doSl 1?«« District <*™^&?^^ B C^S *K
SJaffis Wb7«i i to tne appeal of the sub-district committee. Every three
months, all district organizers shall be called in for a conference by the Central
EXeC Slon G r m The e administrative power of the Sub-district shall be vested in
the Sub-district Convention to be held once every six months. Between bu h-
district Conventions, the work of administration shall ho vested vn the bub-
district Executive Committee composed of section organizers and such others
as the coSion may elect. Every three months the District Committee shall
call a conference of all sub-district organizers of the respective districts.
SecUonS The Section Committees shall consist of branch organizers and
shall elect the section organizers. Branch Committees shall consist of group
organizers and shall elect the branch organizers.
ARTICLE V. EDUCATION AND PROPAGANDA.
Secti07i 1 Every branch shall elect an Educational-Propaagnda Director.
The directors shall form the Sub-district Educational-Propaganda Committee in
theh respective languages, and these shall be combined into Distru-t Educational.
Propaganda Committees.' The secretaries of the District Edueational-Propa-
gan a ComniUtees shall constitute the General Educationa -Propaganda Hoard
foi "the .district! At least one member of the District Executive Committee
shall also' serve on the General Educational-Propaganda Board.
Section 2 The functions of these committees shall be to conduct the work
of Communist education in their respective languages. They may also recom-
mend ^Sns for agitation and organization in their languages to be carried out
thl0l &£ f All Sr^trcommittees shall follow instructions of their
superior committees; they must at all times subordinate themselves to the
"*"&«£?. ° AutmStees may select any member of the Party to co-ope-
rate with them.
ARTICLE VI. DISCIPLINE.
Section 1. Every unit of the Party is responsible for the maintenance of
Party discipline over its members and subordinate groups. Members expeed
fiom groups or refused transfers may appeal to the* Branch Committee, and
subMcUnate units to the next higher units. All acts of discipline must be re-
portal automatically to the next higher unit for action. Pinal action is to he
take ««lS e g SU ¥ve S S i0 Commiinist elected or appointed to an official position
in a labor union or any other organization shall bo under strict Party control
and I tt immediate instructions of the Party caucus of his labor union or other
Section S. No delegates to National Conventions shall he bound by de-
cisions of the units by which they are elected. Delegates are obligated to
present instructions as recommendations to the Convention. „„„.,„„ fflT1(1
Section A. Party policies shall be formulated by the Party Convention and
the Central Executive Committee. All subordinate Party units are bound by
the decisions of the Convention and the Central Executive Cominilioc.
Section 5. All Party units shall confine their activities to their respective
eVn Seotion 6. The Central Executive Committee shall maintain discipline
_ 30 —
over its members; it, may remove any one of its members by a unanimous vote
of the remaining members of the Committee.
Section 7. No unit of the Party shall publish a Party organ without the
consent of the Central Executive Committee,
Section 8, All papers published by the Party shall be under the editorial
control of the Central Executive Committee.
ARTICLE VII. FINANCE.
Section 1. Applicants for membership shall pay an initiation fee of one
dollar, which shall be forwarded to the National Organization.
Section 8. Monthly dues shall be seventy-five cents, which shall be paid
into the treasury of the National Organization, Dues shall be receipted for by
due stamps issued by the Central Executive Committee.
Section 8. An organization stamp shall be issued by the Central Executive
Committee, which shall be used as a receipt for special contributions from the
Section U. Special assessments may be levied by the Convention and the
Central Executive Committee. No member shall be considered in good stand-
ing unless he pays such assessments. Organization stamps shall be used as
receipts for these assessments.
Section 5. The Central Executive Committee shall make no special levies
on language units of the Party for literature or otherwise.
Section ti. Husband and wife belonging to the same group shall be oblig-
ated to pay only seventy-five cents dues monthly.
Section 7. Unemployed and imprisoned members shall be so reported by
the group organizer and shall not be considered in bad standing because of
non-payment of dues.
Section A*. Dues shall be paid monthly. No advance payments shall be
made, and members who have not paid dues by the first of the month for the
previous month, shall be considered in bad standing. Members three months in
arrears shall be excluded from their groups.
ARTICLE VIII. CONVENTIONS,
Section 1. A National Convention shall be held annually at a time and
place designated by the Central Executive Committee. The Central Executive
Committee shall call emergency conventions when requested by District Com-
mittees representing a majority of the membership.
Section g. In case of emergency, the Central Executive Committee may
call special National Language Conferences, the expense of which shall lie borne
by the regular party treasury.
Section S. The number of delegates shall be determined by the Central
Executive Committee according to the circumstances. Delegates shall be ap-
portioned to the districts in proportion to the membership.
Section 4, AH delegates shall be elected at District Conventions.
Section S. Delegates to National Conventions shall be paid railroad
expenses and the same per diem as party officials.
Section a. The Convention call and apportionment of delegates must be
issued not less than sixty days before the regular Convention,
_ 81 —
. , .i n ra „ „ C •)■>,„ pall for the Convention is issued, the
Section 7. .At the same ^ fs the ca u lor ra i discussion pro-
Central Executive Committee , shall , submit tc every gr up *
positions that are to come before the Grave « °n jx am
press with agenda and problems to be placed bet ok. vnt wmvinu
ARTICLE IX. INTERNATIONAL
n *• * n i o+ DQ end alternates to the International Congress of the
ComSsTln^^^ Se - toy ' ShaU bC ekCted by *«
Central Executive Committee.
ARTICLE X. COMMUNIST INDUSTRIAL AND OTHER UNITS.
Units (Caucuses witmnm ^ ^ ^ w ted ith
otte l£* of thelame P « through elected or appointed Caucus Organs
«„£ 7 These organizers shall constitute the Trade Branch and shall
»w + n, Anoint Trade Organizers, who shall constitute the Industrial Council.
1 MuTl S, Industrial Councils shall elect Industrial Organizers, who
shall constttute the District Council of Industry.
gS*. The Directors of the District. Councils of Industry .hall be
appointed by the Party District Executive Committee. ,,,,... .
TcctionO All Party Industrial Units shall work undt* the direction of
the CeS ExStivT Committee through the ^pcetwe D.stnet Executive
rLimittees and the various industrial sub-divisions.
Zc£! 7 In all cases where there are less than three party members to
which 'ffto of «»nteation is to be applied, a member sW be appointed
hv his hifher unit as a Caucus organizer. .
SflSS « Party shop units, functioning under, the direction of then?
reapSSTtride teaches, "hall have. Wf^^p^XSS '
provided that these shop units comprise at least live I .uty mc m iu.s.
same form as the Communist Industrial Units.
Request Date: 26-JAN-2010
Expiration Date: 29-JAN-2010
■ f fi
ILL Number: 3663170
Call Number: N/A Q ~Q\0 A^
Title: Program and constitution of the United
Communist Party of America., Constitution
Pub. Place: [S.I.] ; United Communist Party of America
section of the Communist International,
Requester: TEXAS STATE UNIV-SAN MARCOS -
TGQ or OCLC #:
TGQ or OCLC#: 6 1894674
Address: 64 SATvia
Loan/Texas Slate University-San
Marcos/601 University Drive/San Marcos,
Patron Name: Wright, Jonathan
Delivery Method: Library Mail
Request Note: FAX/ARIEL:512-245-3002/Ariel
184.108.40.206 OCLC Req. Ex. Source:
Need by Date: 24-FEB-2Q10
Verification Source: <TN:202297><ODYSSEY: 147.26.1 10.59/ILlOopyright Compliance:
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Supplier Reference: 1LLNUM:6 1894674 Requester Symbol:
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