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Full text of "Programme of the Party of Hitler, the NSDAP and its General Conceptions"

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the 




Party of Hitler, 

the National Socialist German Workers' Party 



nd its General Conceptions 

by GOTTFRIED FEDER 

translated by E.T.S. Dusdale 



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The Programme 

of the N.S.D.A.P. 

and its General Conceptions 






by 



Gottfried Feder 



translated by E.T.S. Dugdale 




Published by Frz. Eher Nachf., 6.m.b.H., Munich 2 NO 




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Printed by J. G. WeiB'sdie Budidrudterei, Munidt 



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1 



Historical Account of the Rise of the 

N.S.D.AP, with a Biographical Survey of the 

Career of Adoif Hitler 

Adolf Hitler was bom on April 20 th, 1889, at Braunau on the Inn, 
a village of the old Bavaria, 

His father was the orphaned child of a poor peasant and worked his 
way up to being a Customs OfficiaL His mother came from a German 
peasant family. When he was 13 years old he lost his father, and four 
years later his mother, Adolf Hitler was then a scholar at the Real- 
s c h u 1 e at Linz on the Danube, after leaving the National School It had 
been his father's wish that he should become an official, but his own desire 
was to be an artist. His mother's death obliged him without further delay 
to earn his own living . 

At IT years old Hitler went to Vienna, where he aimed to become an 
architect. He earned a living by his own efforts, first as a builder's la- 
bourer, mixing the mortar, then as an architect's draughtsman. At IS years 
old he was already taking an interest m politics; he became anti-Marxist, 
but so far took no leading part. From his earliest youth Hitler had been 
passionately Nationalist, and his hope was to combine the social ex- 
periences of his working period with his nationalist convictions. For several 
years he lived in Vienna in extreme poverty. 

In 1912 he migrated to Munich, v/here he was a student. He had 
never known youthful enjoyments, but ever since the dag when he left 
home with 50 kronen in his pocket, labour and privation had been his lot. 

In February, 191^, he succeeded in getting free from the obligation 
to serve in the Austrian Army. Six months later war broke out. He 
immediately volunteered for service in the German Army, and obtained, 
by a direct appeal to King Ludwig of Bavaria, permission to enter a 
Bavarian regiment as a volunteer for the war. On October 10 th, 191 ^, 
the new regiment marched forth. 

On December 2nd, 1914, the 25-years old volunteer was awarded 
the Iron Cross, 2nd Class. 

In recognition of his bravery in the ataack on the 'Bayernwald' and 
in the other engagements near Wgtschaete, he was ordered to take on 
duty as a despatch-carrier, which demanded espedal courage and reliabi- 
lity, for reports had often to be carried across open ground under heavy 
fire. This quickly made his name known throughout the regiment beyond 
the narrow circle of his comrades. 

On October 7 th, 1916, he was wounded by a shell splinter. In March, 
1917, he returned to his regiment. He received several other distinctions, 

3 




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including a Regiments-Diplom for special bravery in the tiahts 
near Fontaines, and finally the Iron Cross, Class I ^ 

onr,?J!,.?'^°''u- '''*•• "'^ ^^ *^ ^«^«r«'M i"i"«d along with many 
comrades in his regiment bH the Mustard Gas which the British Z^l 
then using for the first time, and he ,was temporarUu fal ndedTOi IsT^a 
was in hospital the Revolution brolte out. 

On this Hitler resolved to become a politician. In 1919 he joined with 
a smail party consisting of 6 men and on it he founded the NaUmL^ 
of^'tht'LwT'" Workers' Partg. He drew up In outHne the Prog™ 
of the new movement, and settled its character and aims. 

The Nucleus: Seven Men. 
!,» t? ^*?J''"*'^'i '^"' ^'^°^^ "'"^'" ™3<le his first speech to seven men- 
?^n 970 *r^i"'^'l""' °^ "■ 25, 47; in December 111; in Janum-^' 
mo, 270, and shortli, afterwards TOO. On November 11 th, 1920 he spoke 
at a mass^-meetmg of 1700. He now organised the propaganda of the 

„ M~ i ~ * ?^'', ^''■^'"'a '■^^^^^ 3™0- Hitler's propagandist activitu 
n Munich was such that he was fmallg addressmg maJs-Sunos three 

a^ertn^nf th".'^M°''''"f'/^^'*''!^ °f Versailles, and denkd the 
f Tp, 12 f i' "'^ Marxists, the Centre Party, etc. that it was possible to 
fulfil that Treats. He pUloried the slogan of these Partir - °? ve uo 

arm i nnf! ^H .h'"'" ^'^"' "^^ ''« "* ""^ ^^^' ^^'^ continue to 
fhP r^ltl, T *''"'■ °™ """^y- '''^n ^^i* the wi'lions wrung from 
nd fhriDn** T^"^ ^'™^" '^'"°"- WW'^' oPPo^inff *« propaganda 
toat fte Ruh; wn„M'f' '" ^^"T l^ ='9"'"3 the Treat;,, he proph«ied 

mat tJie Ruhr would be occupied, whatever we signed. 

1921. 

This year was marked h^ the foundation of the first local aro^uos 

ntnlT'^n'^"^ ^f ^^^?"'- ^''^^' ^^9^"^^^^ ^^^ ^^-s* body oFmenT 

fn R.lSf n""*^', 'h^ ^'P^ ^^' ^'^^^ "^^"^* ^^^ Separatist movement 

Src^rfn MuS^h/''^^ '"'"'^ ^ "'"''^^ °* ^^^^ ^^^^ ^" *^^ 

h.in"^ "ll^^^c^ni?' ^' meetings that fulfilment of the Treaty would not 
help, as the S.P.D., Centre and Volkspartei asserted, to build up German 
prosperity m peace and quiet, but that the result of that foolish pohcu was 

ra^l H /^^^^'''f' >'''' ^ ^^^^ ''^^^> involving immense injury to 
German industry. Hitler's assertion that the black-red Government was 

&?J'T-''T**""f^^' *^^ ^'^'^ ^^^^^y^ ^^^ declared to bra 
bare^faced he An attempt at a revolt ^thin the Party was defeated 

Swcrs ""^^ Constitution of the Party, wiiich gave him dictatorial 

. o-?'^^^ Democracy, which was unable to continue to ignore the name 

tLni^^'^ rr "-'^^"^^^^^ *" ^'^ ''^ ^^ ^'^ ^"9"^^^ ^y "^^thod. of 
terronsm. There were sangumary collisions at the meetings, in which our 
leaders iron nerves maintained the upper hand. Rn invincible body-guard 




UN iorriird in the course of them, which thenceforward was named the 
J nun Dt'tiichment', 

1922. 

Whilst the conquest of Munich was proceeding, the movement was 
liiMliiiiiitig to spread throughout the rest of Bavaria. Hitler rejected all 
nviMiiircs, by way of compromise, to join up with other Parties. He| 
• iijuhiJilh] destroyed all similar 'nationalist' party formations, and made 
I hi' Miilioiial Socialist movement supreme over them. 

Ill October, 1922, Hitler marched at the head of 800 men to Co burg, 
iiud ill Jwice 24 hours for the first time utterly crushed the Red Terror 
m Ihnt town, 

/Vdoir Hitler declared then publicly that we were rushing headlong 
in I lie direction of inflation, which he had foreseen as the result of the 
ptiliti) of the black-red coalition. He became known as the most dangerous 
and hp.st hated enemy of the system. Social Democracy and the Centre 
I'Mfli} ceased defending themselves by argument, and adopted a policy of 
drhirnation. 

1923. 

In January, 1923, the first great Party Conference was held, and the 
iirst banners ot the Party were consecrated. The Storm Detachment was 
formally incorporated. 

The Party propaganda was exhaustively studied and improved, and 
the permanent principles of the organisation were settled and established. 
Adherents gathered round Hitler in large numbers, the majority of whom 
are to-day his stedfast partners in the struggle. The attacks on him were 
meanwhile pursued with increasing determination; he found himself in 
prison for the first time on the charge of disturbing the meetings of his 
adi^ersaries ; he was constantly fined. Nevertheless he never for one moment 
ceased fighting against the system. 

During the summer of 1923 Adolf Hitler proceeded to break down the 
Red Terror in the majority af the towns in Bavaria; Ratisbon, Hof, Bayreuth^ 
Nurenberg, Fiirth, Ingolstadt, Wiirzburg, Schweinfurt, — often at the cost of 
bloodshed in street fights, in which he defeated the Social-democratic and 
Communist terrorist bands. 

His struggle against the incompetent Government of the Reich v/as 
accompanied by bitter accusations. He prophecied the ill-success of 
the Government's feeble resistance in the matter of the Ruhr, and con- 
stantly attacked the stupid policy of an understanding with France, and 
that of fulfilment. He never failed to point out the necessity of an under- 
standing with England and Italy. 

In November, 1923, Adolf Hitler made his attempt to overthrow the 
system. The rising failed, and Hitler was arrested. 

1924. 
The great Trial took place in Munich in March, 1924, Though found 
guilty on the facts, our leader achieved overwhelming moral justification. 
Hitler's defence influenced the Court to such an extent, and his assumption 
of sole and exclusive responsibility was so convincing, that the speech 
of the counsel indicting him turned into a remarkable testimony to his 




honourable motives. The judge however condemned him to a period of 
detention. 

The National Socialist Party suffered by the loss of 'its leader Its 
adversanes were convinced that the movement was done for, and took 
courage to sign the infamous Dawes Pact, thus deiiberatelu starting the 
system of the plundering of Germany \viiich was brought to a head in the 
Young Plan, What a triumph for the Social Democrats and the Centre' 
Ihe objective of the enslavement of Germany was apparently achieved! 

In vain Hitler tried through his associates, who were at Hbertu to 
put up a fight against the Dawes Pact. In vain he made them declare in 
pubhc that the assurances of the Centre Party, the S.P.D, and the 
Volkspartci, that the foreign loans under the Plan would increase national 
prosperity, that unemployment would cease, that wages would be raised 
and taxes reduced, that agriculture would be saved, were merely a de- 
ception of the nation. In vain he made them point out that the Dawes Pact 
was bound to increase poverty, since the interest on the loans would 
cripple industry, whilst the ioans themselves merely served the purpose 
of fulfilling the financial obligations under the Plan; bankruptcy and 
unemployment would increase, wages would sink, prices and taxation 
would rise still further, and the farmers would be faced with utter 
ruin and be forced to part with all they possessed. 
On December 2C>th Hitler quitted the fortress. 

1925. 

By February 27 th, 1925. Adolf Hitler's call for the re-birth of the 
Party went forth, and he made his first speech after his imprisonment be- 
fore an audience of 4000 persons. 

The National Socialist movement had been broken up after the events 
S^'yTJ'^^ ?..*^ ^""^ ^'^ ^*' property and money had been confiscated; 
so that Adolf Hitler now started with nothing in hand to rebuild the Partu 
from Its foundations. Vor warts and G er m ani a in Berlin made fun of 
his efforts and mocked at the "fool whom imprisonment had made mad". 
Nevertheless the reconstruction of the Party proceeded with great rapiditu 
under Hitler's leadership. The old leaders gathered faithfully round him once 
more. Hitler stimulated the Party press into fresh activity. 

By December, 1-925, the Party numbered 27,000 members. 

The Centre and the Social Democrats in alarm decreed that the leader 
should not speak in public for two years. 

1926. 

June of this year saw the first Conference of the Partu since Hitler's 
imprisonment. 

The bourgeois world were still convinced that the policy of fulfilment 
would save Germany and that the Dawes Pact would revive industry The 
Marxists were convinced that their domination was unshakable. 

President von Hindenburg separated from his supporters and marched 
off with the Centre and S.P.D. 

P^/,i'5Ji.'^^-^^^'* ^^ *^^ struggle; by the end of the year it 
numbered 49,000 members. 



l«r.w. 

riu- order forbidding llillcr |h sprak in pulAlv wns witlidrjiwn, sidci' 
il vviis found impossible to enl'orrr il. Ih' u(hlressed numbers of uuiss nu'i'l- 
iiKl'i. I-ach month saw the l>tirtij uinit- mid more llrmly cousolidatcd. 

Developments all round proved with greater and greater Force thoi 
MiIUt had been right. The Dawes Pad was unmasked, and its ctjn- 
.tM|(ienccs were terrific. The SocinI Democrats and Centre Party allciiif)! 
I'd U) save what might be saved l)y means of lies and abuse. 

hi August Hitler summoned a Party Conference at Nurenbcrg, wliU^h 
finived a great success. By the end of the year the Party riunil)eryiil 
/'i,O0O members. 

1928. 

/\<k)lf Hitler led his Party in an intensified assault on the existing 
%ljslom. National Socialism was now the inexorable enemy of the de- 
-.Irttyers of Germany within and without. Hitler directed his attack espe- 
rinllij against the senseless ruining of the farmers and middle classes. He 
prtjphecled the catastrophe which would fall upon the home markets. 
He declared at hundreds of meetings again and again that the policy 
of [uUilment was lunacy, and that its consequences would mean death iiiid 
ruin to German industry. The Social Democrats and Centre mocked mid 
jeered in their attempt to get their revenge. Their hes and abuse wvrv 
directed at Hitler personally. 

By the end of the year the membership numbered 108,000, and 12 
members of the Party sat in the Reichstag. 

1929. 

Adolf Hitler continued his fight with the existing system with 
untiring energy. The Press of the Party was perfected, the Storm De- 
tachment increased, the SS formations strengthened^ and the propa- 
ganda intensified. The doctrines of National Socialism began to penetrat<» 
deeply into the national consciousness, 

On August 4 th the second Party Conference took place at Nurenberg 
on a tremendous scale. Hitler attacked the black-red system with ever in- 
creasing energy and stood forth without a rival as the most powerful 
leader against all that was meant by 'Democraty'. All attempts to oust 
him from the leadership of the Party were crushed. 

By the end of the gear the Party numbered 178,000 members. 

1930. 

The struggle against the Young Plan was in full swing. Hindenburg 
defended it with energy, asserting that by it Germany would be saved, 
that German industry would revive, that unemployment would be stemmed, 
that the farmers would breathe again, and that it would be possible to 
lighten taxation, 

Adolf Hitler described such views as unreal and fatal; he propheded 
the contrary. His Party proceeded to enlighten the nation amidst severe 
fighting. The opponents replied with a stream of Hes. 




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The Elections to the Reichstag took place on September Hth 1930 
Ihe Party polled 6\2 million votes, and 107 niGmbers were elected Its 
internal organisation was stronger than ever. H few minor attempts at 
revolt, promoted from outside, were promptly crushed by Hitler and 
those who would not submit unconditionally were expelled. 

-. Pt? ^^^^^ ^^^' ^"^^^^^ ^^^ "°^ delivered itself into the hands of 
the S.P.D, for good or ill, began to excite fte Church against Hitler, 
bishops and Priests, belonging to th.e Centre Partg, started a fanatical 
attack against the National Socialist movement, excommunicated its 
adherents, and even refused them Christian burial Hitler held unshakably 
to his conviction that the Cenh^e spelt ruin for Germany, and continued 
his fight against it with even greater determination than before. He 
sternly rejected any attempt to extort some modification of his opinions 
from him. 

By the end of the year the Party numbered 389,000 members. 

1931. 

The fight against the Young Plan continued. The consequences fore- 
seen by Hitler became a reality. 

The Government began to administrate by means of emergency mea- 
l"i^^; thinking thus to save industry. Sharp disputes followed, in which 
/Idolf Hitler again pointed out the fatal consequences of that policy. In 
a few months ~ a few weeks even — he was proved right. 

Meanwhile numbers of National Socialist newspapers had starded jnto 
hfe, and the central publishing office of the Party had gradually grown 
to be a vast enterprise. The organisation had become highly efficient and 
the Storm Detachment had in course of time reached a high staoc of 
development. 

Our opponents wallowed in lies, and were allowing orders for aoods to 
be placed in France. 

By the end of the year 1931 the membership of the Hitler Party 
attamed to 806,000, a month later to 862,000, and again a month later to 
920,000. On the day of the Election there were something like a million 
members, and untold millions of supporters at the Polls. 

The man who was once a poor worker and later a soldier at the 
front has thus in barely thirteen years built op the greatest political 
orgamsation which Germany has ever seen. The sole resources against 
this man which his oppcnents can employ are lies and defamation And he 
has always won so far in spite of all the lies, and this time he has come 
near to being elected President of the Reich. 

Has anyone in the whole history of Germany ever accomplished a 
similar achievement in twelve years, in face of opposition from Party, 
high finance, Capital, Press, public opinion, bureaucracy, lies, terrorism, and 
persecution? 

This was no sheltered child; from his earliest gears he has been a 
man in the highest sense of the word, relying solely on his own strength. 

8 



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Preface 

/\l Weimar in 1926 the Council nl" the Party decided to publish a series 

• •r piiniplilets, dealing in a concise form with the fundamental questions 
«iiri-(iitig every aspect of political life in Germany. Our intention was, and 
\n, l<» present a consistent and complete picture of the attitude of National 
'.(K'Dilism towards the various tasks of our public life, and of the means by 
wtiUh it hopes to remove its errors and defects. 

Our tJisk is therefore to examine exhaustively how it stands, then 
lu I'Tiqnirc scientifically whence it originated, and finally, with 
rii'ntive inspiration, to answer the fateful question, what then? The 
hhtli aim of these pamphlets Is to indicate new methods for the Ufe of the 
Mute, Hm' I'inancc and economics; to set on high a 'rocher de bronze' 
in \hv midst of the chaos, to form a stock of clear knowledge by close 

• indy, s(t that out of it all mag emerge a united political will, 

A[, tlie great Meeting on August 31st, 1927, Adolf Hitler declared 

• iii[)lintiriilly : "Questions of Programme do not affect the Council 
<•! /Vdiiiitustration ; the Programme is fixed, and 1 shall never suffer 
rh.'inges in the principles of the movement, as laid down in its Programme." 
Willi this decisive pronouncement on the part of our Leader I associate 
inyself whole-heartedly, for nothing is more dangerous to the life and 
striidng force of a movement such as ours, than that, as time goes on, its 
(ixed Programme should be subjected to negative criticism. 

No man who feels that he cannot go the whole way with us in the 
U'wish question, in our fight against liigh finance, the Dawes Pact and the 
I);]upcrising policy, or in any other questions contained in our Programme, 
or is inclined to barter the liberty of the German nation through the League 
of Nations, the Locarno Pact, by compromise and cowardice, need apply to 
un; his place is outside the N.S.D.A.P. We utterly reject the 'superior pri- 
viite knowledge' which such as he are so ready to air in platform oratory 
(Hid journalistic out-pourings. 

A man who agrees fundamentally with our principles mag perhaps 
Imvc scruples about a few minor details, for we cannot expect cvergone to agree 
nb;jolutely on all questions, especially in an aggressive political movement, 

It is, however, a different matter when political enemies make mince 
meat of some one Point by odious misrepresentation quite beside the point, 
JLS has indeed happened. In such a case an official commentary is necessary. 
(Sec p. 19: Point 17.) 

We refuse to vary our Programme for reasons of expediency, as other 
Parties do, to suit so-called altered conditions. We intend to make condi- 
tions suit our Programme, by mastering them. 

I have been commissioned by Adolf Hitler to issue this scries of 
pamphlets, which are to form the official literature of the Party. 

1 luive included the official Manifesto of the Party of March 6th, 1930; 
also my reply to ten questions (p. H ct seq.) set us by the Deutsche 
T a g t' s z e X tu n g, the leading organ of the Reichsl and bund. That news- 
paper accepted my replies. 

This is the best and most effective way to dispose of all the lies about 
(»ijr Ul-disposition towards ownership and inheritance of landed property 
in Germany. 

9 



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1 Official Party Manifesto on the Position ol 

the N.S.DAP. with regard to the farming 

population and Agriculture 



1 Importance of the Far 



Munich, March 6, 1930, 
ming Class and of Agricultur 



for Germany. 

The German nation derive a considerable portion of their food frori 
importation of foreign food-stuffs. Before the world War we managed tc 
pag for these imports with our industrial exports, our trade, and our 
deposits of capital abroad. The outcome of the war put an end to this 
possibility. 



To-day we are paying for our imported food mostly with the help of^ 
foreign loans, which drive the German nation deeper and deeper in debt 
to the international financiers who provide credits. If things go on as they 
are, the German poeple will become more and more impoverished. 

The only possibihty of escaping from this thraldom Ues in the ability 
of Germany to produce essential food stuffs at home. Increased productI;on 
by German agriculture is therefore a question of life and death for the 
German nation. 

Moreover a country population, economically sound and highly pro- 
ductive, is essential for our industry, which will in future have more and 
more to look for openings in the home market 

We also regard the country population as the bearer of the inheritance 
of health, the source of the nation's youth, and as the back-bone of its 
armed strength. 

Maintenance of an efficient agricultural class, Increasing in numbers 
as the general population increases, is an essential plank in the National 
Socialist platform, because our movement considers the welfare of all our 
people in the generations to come. 

2. The present-day State's neglect of the Farming class 
and of Agriculture. 

Agricultural production, which in itself is capable of being augmented, 
is being handicapped, because the increasing indebtedness of the farmers 
prevents their purchasing the necessities of cultivation, and because the 
fact that farming does not pay removes the inducement to increase pro- 
duction. 

The reasons why farming fails to give a sufficient return for the labour 
are to be sought: 

10 



I in llu' i'xisling fiscal policy, which lays undue burdens on agri- 
niMiiM* This is dni' to Party considerations, and because the Jewish world 
(ttiiiii'ii imirlu'l - which really controls parliamentary democracy in Gcr- 
UtHUM wislies to destroy German agriculture, since this would place the 

• Muinii niiLloii, and especially the working class, at its mercy; 

* ni the competition of foreign agriculturists, who work under more 
i^jvimnibh- conditions, and who are not hold in check by a policy of 
jiMilrilioii inr German agriculture; 

A. ill \\\v extravagant profits made by the large wholesale middlemen, 

* iiM ilinisl themselves in between producer and consumer, 

'I ni I he oppressive rates the farmer has to pay for electric power and 
iHiihiitl Mumurcs to concerns mainlii run by jews. 

I In* high taxation cannot be met out of the poor return for labour on 
Ihr Uiiid. The farmer is forced to run Into debt and to pay usurious in- 
triv'il I'or loans. He sinks deeper and deeper under this tyranny, and in 
Mir ciiij forfeits all that he possesses to the Jew money-lender. 

I he German farming class is being expropriated. 



In I h e Reich, as we hope to is e c it, the rights of Land 
lijill be respected and there shall be an Agricultural 
Policy for Germany. 

'Hicrc can be no hope of any sweeping improvement in the conditions 
r poverty of the country population, or of a revival of agriculture, as 
long as the German Government is in fact controlled by the international 
fiiinu'ij-uKjgnatcs, helped by the parliamentary -democratic system of gO" 
viTiiinciit; for these desire to destroy Germany's strength, which is based 
on I he land. 

hi the new and very different German State, to which we aspire, 
I he farmers and agriculture will receive the consideration which is due 
h» them owing to the fact that they are a main support of a truly 
n.'itional German State. 

From this emerge the following requirements: 

1. The land of Germany, squired and defended by the German nation, 
iiuist be at the service of the German nation, as an home and as a means 
III' livelihood. Those who occupy the land must adminster it in this sense. 

2. Only members of the German nation may possess land. 

3. Land legally acquired by them shall be regarded as inheritable 
jtropcrty. To the right to hold property, however, is attached the obH- 
qation to use it in the national interest. Special Courts shall be appointed 
1<> oversee this obligation; these shall consist of representatives from all 
def}jirlmcnts of the land-holding class, and one representative of the State. 

'4. German land may not become an object of financial speculation. 
{vl Point 17. p. 19), nor may it provide an unearned income for its 
owner. It mag only be acquired by him who is prepared to cuhivate it 
himself. Therefore the State has a right of preemption on every sale of 
land. 

11 



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I III- M'Ult^tniiil; {)f prices far at^jricultural produce must be freed from 
ii-hIu'I sprciihition, and a stop must be put to exploitation of tlie agri- 
i»iiii*(il intrrt'sl Inj tlie large middlemen, the transfer of whose business 
'■> .(uHMiltiiral associations must be encouraged by the State. 

II ".In ill be Uie task of such professional organisations to reduce the 
Mniiiii(| expenses of farmers and increase porduction. (Provision of imple- 

I'., irijuiurcs, seed, breeding stock on favourable conditions, impro- 



It IS forbidden to pledge land to private lenders. The necessary loaj 
for cultivation on easy terms vi^ill be granted to farmers either by ass( 
aations recognised by the State, or by the State itself. 

5. Dues will be paid to the State for the use of land according to tt 
extent and quaEty of the property. This tax on land will obviate an 
further taxation of landed property. 

^ 6. No hard and fast rule can be laid down as to the amount of cult- 
vation. From the point of view of our population policy we require larc ^ ' 'ni'iils, war against vermin, free advice, chemical research, etc.) The 
numbers of small and middle-sized farms. Farmina on a laroe scaJB •'*"!*' slutll provide full assistance to the organisations in carrying out 

JKir Insk. In particular the State must insist on a considerable reduction 
II Uu- iM)st to farmers of artificial manui^es and electric power. 

A. i'he organisations must also establish the class of farm labourers as 
lU'iiiluTs of the farming community by contracts which are just in the 
loriiit s^Mise. Supervision and arbitration in these matters will be the func^ 
Inn ol' ihe State, It must be made possible for good labourers to rise to 
Ik* Nlalus of farm-owners. The much called-for improvement in living con- 
Nlltnis and wages of farm labourers will ensue as soon as the general 
.intiiruj situation improves. When these conditions take a turn for the 
H'llri-, it will be no longer necessary to employ foreign labour on the land, 
mil this custom will in future be forbidden. 

'L The national importance of the farming class requires that the State 
hall promote technical education in agriculture. (Juvenile institutions. 



Farming on a large seal 
however, has a very essential part to play, and, if it preserves a health 
relation towards the smaller businesses, it is justifiable. 

7. A law of inheritance will be required to prevent sub-division c 
property and an accumulation of debt upon it 

8. The State shall have the right of appropriating land, suitable com 
pensation being granted: 

(a) when not owned by a member of the nation; 
(bj when — by a judgment of the Land Courts — it is held that iti 
owner, by bad farming, is not acting in the national interest; 

(c) for the purpose of settling independent farmers on it, when th( 
owner is not cultivating it himself 

(d) when it is required for special State purposes in the national interes 
(e. g., communications, national defence). 



Land acquired illegally (according to German law) may be confiscate* il(|lt scliools for agriculture, with very favourable terms for youths with 



without compensation. 

9. It is the duty of the State to colonise land which has become avail 
able, by a scheme based on high considerations of a policy of population, 
The land shall be allotted to settlers as a hereditary possession under 



educationally. 
1. The present poverty of the land population must be at once 
relieved by remissions of taxation and other emergency measures. Further 
indebtedness must be stemmed by reducing the rate of interest on loans 



ith'iil; but no means.) 

nfessional organisations cannot provide all the 
issistance reqiuired by th& farming class; only the 



conditions which shall make a livelihood possible. Settlers shall be selected mlitical movement of the N.S.D.A.P. for German liberty 
by examination as to their civic and professional suitability. Special favour 
shall be shown to sons of farmers who have not the right to inherit (see § 7).' 

Colonisation of the eastern frontiers is of extreme importance. In thi^ 
case the mere establishment of farms will not be sufficient, but it will be *'..,,, ^ . . ^u r^ 

necessary to set up market towns in connection with the new branjclt '^M>e; ^harmg the for unes of the German community as a whole, 
Of mdustry. This is the only way to provide an opening for making the 
smaller farms a paying proposition. 

It will be the duty of Germany*s foreign policy to provide large 
spaces for the nourishment and settlement of the growing population of 
Germany. 

. The old political Parties, which were, and are, responsible for the 

4. The farming class must be raised economically and laiinnal enslavement, cannot be the leaders on the road to freedom. 



can do this. 

The country population are poor because the whole German nation is 
nur. It is an error to imagine that one single class of workers can es- 

and 

t crime to make jealousies between town folk and country folk, who arc 
KJHiid together for good or ill. 

Economic assistance under the present political system cannot produce 
i permanent improvement, for political slavery is at the root our people's 
Hjverty, and political methods alone can remove that. 



There are important economic tasks awaiting professional organisations 
tL our future State; even now they can do much preparatory work in that 
llrccLiun; but for the political struggle of liberation, which is to lay the 
(Hutdation of a new economic order, they are not suitable; for that struggle 



to that of the pre-war period by law, and by summary action againist will Imve to be fought out from the point of view not of a single profes- 
extortion. . 

2. It must be the State's policy to see to it that farming be made 
to pay. German agriculture must be protected bg tariffs, State regulation 
of imports, and a scheme of national training 



12 



si on, but from that of the whole nation. 

The movement which will carry through the political struggle for 



liberation to the end is the N.S.D.A,P, 



(signed) Adolf Hitler. 



13 



"V.TJ.',,TftT'^^'ft',!'*^"n~t'W"'Wfr'!f *•*,'' ' 17?*! 



The Policy of the N.S.DAP. on Ownership 
of Landed Property 

A Reply: by Gottfried Feder, 

The Deutsche Tagcszeitung (No. 47) of January 25th. 193 
published a number of questions put to us by the leaders of the Brandet 
burg Landbund. Their main object was to obtain a definition of the attituc 
of the N.S.D.A.P. towards private ownership of land, inheritance, raising 
credits, tariffs, price regulation, profit-sharing, and towards questions 
general social-political and elcction-tactical interest. 



'I 



111. 

I 111', qui'slion was set owing to anxiety — quite unfounded —regarding 
ill' pnssililc consequences of prohibiting loans from private capitalists 
m Uw security of the land, 

i\iiswcr. A State, which desires to malie agricultural property free 
MIDI debt, and to rescue the farmers from the claws of professional finan- 

hi-. 

Ml llif . 

I tii|iila]ism and to abolish the thraldom of interest, is not likely to 

riililinld lliG necessary credits nor to charge extortionate interest; on 

u- i'(>nir;ti-i^. National Socialism intends to assist agriculture to the utmost. 



so many farmers having been, as it is, driven from their homes 
Ji-ws — , a State, which desires to break down the money monopoly 



In order to allay anxiety with regard to any later arbitrary inter 
pretation of Point 17 of the Party Programme (see p. 19), the fir^ 
question was put in the following words: 

"Is the RS.D.A.P. prepared to give a guarantee that it will not se 
its face against ownership of land/' 

Answer. National Socialism recognises private ownership as a pri 
cipie, and places it under State protection. (See p. 30 IL 8,) 

It will seek to maintain a healthy combination of ah businesse; 
small and great, in the economic hfe of the nation, (See p. 30 11, 12, 

The spirit of the whole Programme proves clearly that Nation? 
Socialism, being a convinced and consistent opponent of Marxism, utteri 
rejects its ruinous central doctrine of general confiscation, and considers 
permanent agricultural class to be the best and surest foundation for 
national State. 

But being also a determined opponent of the great capitalists whos 
aim it is to mobilise for themselves all agricultural values, and to oust th 
farmers by means of taxation and interest on loans, National Socialisn 
demands State protection of the farmers against aggression by the bic 
business interests. 

We need a strong, healthy class of farmers, free from the thraldon 
of interest and the tyranny of taxation. 



th '«'■ 



II. 

The second question was addressed to me personalty, as having bcei 
appointed by Hitler 'final arbiter of all questions toucMng the Programme 

*'What is the attitude of National Socialism towards inheritance 
property, and succession duties?" 

Answer. Since it is the mainstay of the national idea, continuity 
ownership, I e, inheritance of the land which a man's forefathers reclaims 
and cultivated, is a natural consequence. National Socialism therefore re 
cognises the principle of inheritance, as it does that of ownership of land 

If property goes to distant relatives the National Sociahst State wil 
levy a special tax, but in the case of nearer relationship this will be assesset 
at the rate prevailling at the moment, 

14 



IV. 



"Ilrcaking down the thraldom of interest." Abolition of unearned in- 
utiios. "What is the attitude of the National Socialist Party towards 
jipllal saved or inherited?" 

/Itiswer. Has any farmer to-day an 'unearned income' out of demands 
i>r interest, or can any landowner live on money saved from his rents? 

Tliis means that there is anxiety among certain land-owners who still 
i;ive a little capital left, or else there is intentional mis-comprehension 
n' ignorance of that most essential demand of the National Socialist 
*roqrararac. 

'n, B, We mean Oterally "breaking down the thraldom of interest". 

Mcj one will describe small amounts of interest from savings or a mortgage 

r a government loan, as the thraldom of interest. What we mean bg 

is when deliberate inflation has robbed us of all our savuigs, and the 

lucr lias to pay interest on fresh mortgages and short term credits at 

ntt's which ruin him. 

'Iliose who favour of sticking to the present system of capitalism are 
u|iihisl the true interests of the farmers, and in favour of allowing the 
Kinlis and their agents to batten on agriculture. 

For the rest I would refer readers to my pamphlets entitled Der 
.In at auf nationaler und sozialer Grundlage, and Das 
> r o g r a m m der N.S,D.A.P. 



V. 



Our policy as regards taxation states clearly and consistently: To 
ri'c the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation, and the producer 
rom taxes which cramp his business, 

"Does the Party intend to remove import duties?" 

Answer, The Landbund ought to be aware that the National 
Sodalist vote in the Reichstag went absolutely in favour of protective 
dutic^s on agricultural produce, in accordance with its principle — Pro- 
tt'clinii of the nation's work in town and country, 

VI. 

The question of Profit-sharing. 

U: is impossible here to deal with this wide and difficult subject. In my 
weekly journal. Die F 1 a m m c, I have described our attitude in detaii in 
i\ number of articles. 

15 



l 



"TT'.' vtj yM'f ' "3-' r ffji TT^ rC|T»r-- 



' I 



The article in the Deutsche Tageszeitung is misleading, sin 
it removes from their context the sentences which it quotes. I personal 
consider that profit-sharing in the general sense of the capitalist m 
Marxist schools of ideas is not the correct solution. On this subject o 
Programme refers to worl^ers in factories, and there is no point in attemp 
mg to clear up the question in a pamphlet dealmg with agriculture, 

VII. 
Extension of Old Hge Insurance Benefits. 
"How is it proposed to raise the funds for this purpose?" 
Answer. There is provision now for Old Age Insurance, but it is 
many cases insufficient, and is regarded as pauperisation. Once the burd 
of taxation is removed, and those who arc now unemployed but able 
work arc restored to the economic sphere, there will be sufficient means fc 
providing ample Old Age benefits for those who are past work 



Vill, IX, X, 

These are merely questions to do with Party tactics, and not with an 
prindpic, 

Being in opposition against a coaUtion which has brought unhappines 
to Germany, we have naturally now and again to vote with the Communist 
(although a whole world divides us from them), just as the Germai 



Our iillitude towards the permanent official class is surely a worthy 

my Wr should not be such whole-hearted admirers of the great King 

t MitiHslii if we were against this class. What the Army was abroad, a 

l<*iio, iiinnrnptiblc official class is for the State at home. Honour and duty 

mhimI r ;igain become essential qualities in our officials. The kind of 

lilliUnl^, who are at the beck and call of the Reds and the Blacks, will 
tli«iiip(H*nr in the coming State; such Party wire-pullers have no use 
(•It li(iii(»ur and duty. 

'I'hf suggestion that the National Socialists are against the officials and 
liih'jid lo reduce their pay and do away with pensions, is of the naturie 
mI II iiolitieal lie, which has been circulated by the Press of our opponents. 
On (lie contrary, we desire to grant to all members of the nation who 
!iiUH' stM'vccl Germany faithfully ail their lives long, a pension of honour 
v\ liUii wili relieve them of cares in their old age. It is only thus that 
nclnl nssistance will be freed from the stigma of 'pauperisation'. 

Wi' must also refer to the extension of the pension idea to the indepen- 

liMil. trmlcs and hand-workers. There is no need to worry about how we 

nil' 1(» raise funds for the purpose. When we cease paying thousands of 

1 1 lions abroad each year, and still more to our own banking houses, a 

ii;i(1i()ii of those sums will suffice to pay for Old Age Pensions, 



National and the Christian National Farmers do. We allow no one to dictat< '"^''i who are able to work. Our attitude towards the present system of 



to us where we get our adherents from, but we turn to all — workers 



The nation wants not fine words, but f orcef uhiess j not bargaining bul ■! 
solid work for our poor, down-trodden nation, ' 



16 



Unemployment Assistance and Insurance. 
It is not, in itself, the affair of the State to support with State funds 



.i si mice for those who cannot earn a hving has never altered; we have 



bourgeois and farmers — who have a good German heart in their bodie iilwitys pressed in Parliament for better conditions for the workless. This 
and are men of good will, and desire to see an end of Parliamentar wt- do, in)t because we think it a right state of things, but because a 
mis-government and the wretched policy of fulfilment (of the PeaQ invcriinictit like the present one, whose idiotic foreign and domestic policy 
Treaties). We do not consider that 'social communication' with other Par- \w curried labour, food production and all commerce to the edge of the 
ties IS a proper method of freeing the German nation from Marxism and 'l.i|ss, is in duty bound to let its poHcy go by the board 
Parliamentarianism, — for that leads to political bargaming. Nothing bu l\ State which is unable to reinstate in the economic world millions of 
dictatorial action and determined exercise of power can pull Germany oul inni who can work, deserves to be swept away; so if it fails financially 
01 the mud. 1^ iji^,^^^ ^^^ problem of assistance to unemployment, we merely shrug our 

iiHilders. 

The various attacks on the system of the dole, even if justified when 
llu-i) refer to cases of abuse of this social assistance, fail to turn us 
horn the principle we believe in. Granted that, amongst nearly 3,000,000 
( I K'lM ployed there may be 2 or 300,000 notorious scrimshankers who would 
r. II lilt J return to work if the dole were removed — we must not forget 
ili;it there remain at least 2V2 million good workers, employes, engineers, 



A full and clear account of the foregoing is given in No. 19 of thi 
National Socialist collection — Unser taglich Brot: Basic Ques 

tions of German Agriculture; by Hermann Schneider, Eckersl - --™-.. -. ^— . . . , . 

Qorf, Kreis Namslau, regarding the whole policy of National Socialism witi irrhnicians, foremen, clerks, etc. seeking desperately for work and unable 
respect to agriculture. It contains wM conceived proposals for re-establtshl 
ing the suffering farming class of Germany. 

No. 16, by Dr. Buchner, contains an excellent essay on the meaning 
and sph-it of our economic policy. 

No. 12, by Colonel Hierl, describes our policy of national defence. 

We shall conclude with a few remarks on certahi questions which 
our political enemies misrepresent spitefully and untruthfully in the hope 
of doing us an injury. 



lo I'irid it. It is owing to the failure of our thoroughly unsound State 
Milicti that it is impossible to make any change in the miserable unemployed 
Inlr. 

/\ Hacks on Religion and the Clergy. 

We cannot declare too often that the N.S.D.A.P. is not dreaming of 
ilhiclung the Christian religion and its worthy servants. 

I! is the corrupting policy of the Centre and the Bavarian People's 
i»;irli] which we attack; these lose no opportunity of crying "Church in 

17 




Danger" except when theg are making common cause with the athe 
cal, God-denying Social DemocracH. 

It is because we have so high and holg an ideal of man's i^elation 
wards his God that we hate to see religion besmirched with the dirt 
political conflict* 



2. The 25 Points 



The National Socialist German Workers' Party at a great massmeet 
on February 25th, 1920, in the Hofbrauhous-Festsaal in Munich amioum 
their Programme to the world. 

In section 2 of the Constitution o! our Party this Programme 
declared to be inalterable. 



The Programme 



iUI i'Uizens of the State shall be equal as regards rights and duties 

:;\:.:';:;;h'i;K^Tn'erests o?te whol^ but must proceed with-in the frame 
nr \Uv i'.mununity and be for the general good. 

We demand therefore: 
II. Abolition of incomes unearned by work. 

abolition of the Thraldom of interest 
r. In view of the enormous sacrifice of life and property demanded 

cannsriillon of all war gams. 

n we demand nationalisation of all businesses wh^ch have beca up 
,,n Uu' firesent formed into companies (Trusts). 

l^i.We demand that the profits from wholesale trade shall be 
The Programme of the German Workers' Party is limited as to penodl.^.jHHMl out. _ „ . . ^^^ 

The leaders have no intention, once the aims announced in it have bceii ^^ ^^ ^^^^^^ extensive development of provision for old age. 
achieved, of setting up fresh ones, merely in order to increase the di34 '• mamtcnance of a healthy middle dass, 

content^of th. .asses ar««, and so ™ th. cont^ued existence o| »;• W. ^d^c^p ^^ ^^<!^ .^f^J^^^^L^. IhaU 

^ 1 We demand the union of all Germans to form a Great Germany o 
the basis of the right of the self -determination enjoyed by nations. 

2 We demand equaUty of rights for the German People in its dealmgj 
with other nations, and abolition of the Peace Treaties of Versailles anc 
St. Germain. . . . 

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the nourishment of ou 
people and for setthng our superfluous population. 

4 None but members of the nation may be citizens of the State. Noa 
but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members ot tti 
nation. No Jew, therefore, mag be a member of the nation. 

5 Anyone who is not a citizen of the State may Uve in Germany on! 
as a quest and must be regarded as being subject to foreign laws 

6 The right of voting on the State's government and legislation i 
to be' enjoyed by the citizen of the State alone. W2 demand therefore thr^ .,^^ ^j^^ ^^^ am or ^f "^^^^ ;"^; r ^^%rj;"obtaTn^ the 
dl official appointments, of whatever kind, whether in the Reich, m th|„^. possibility of higher education ff °4J^^^j^7'^7^^^^ national system 
country, or in the smaller locaUties, shall be granted to citizens of tl|.^,^., , <^-^^^f ^J.™ Ih eSS Establishments must be 
State alone. m**^ i'liucation. Ine curriculum ui ;^^ nrarHral life Comprehension 

wToppose the corrupting custom of Parliament of filling pos|„,,„„ ,^,^ Une with the requirements of practical lUe. P 

merely with a view to party considerations, and without reference fi .„=..„. „.h„ *h. fniinwino declaration: 

character or capability. 

7 We demand that the State shall make it its first duty to promo 
the industry and Hvelihood of citizens of the State. If it not possib e j 
nourish the entire population of the State, foreign nationals (non^atiz^ 
of the State) must be excluded from the Reich. 

a Ml non^Gcrman immigration must be prevented. We demand th 
aU non-Germans, who entered Germany subsequent to August 2nd, lyHj 
shaU be required forthwith to depart from the Reich. 



m.iiocliate communaUsation 01 r^i'^^^^^wlxTreme consideration shall 

r;:,,trraur.° t^^^x:"^^- ^^^- -^ 

I IT localities. , . „i„ 

n Wg demand land-reform suitable to our national requirements 

nl nil speculation in land*. 

"■ ,., we demand that the Roman Law which -f!^^-^.^^^'^^''^" 
.„.<l order, shall be replaced by a legal sgstem tor ^" «™_ 
.0. With the aim ot opening to every capable -d-d str^^^^^^ 



„ -1 i'li-w 1QM Hdolf Hitler made the following declaration 

,„.. ..,„roH,lon 'confiscation "'■*™'<^XaBlfu remind o/notadministocd in accot- 
W..I-. I., cmitlscalc, if «f "^^«;.'*».l'"i'r " ac?o dancE with national welfare. It is 
;'::.?;„:',',': ,i;ffrsf .^,^1 a^*af^sf Lltl^h-rpri. w^* .p.cn,afe m .a... 
mrnildi, April 13th, 1928. (signed) Hdol! Hitler. 

19 



18 



of the State idea (State sociology) must be the school objective beginn 
with the first dawn of intelligence in the pupil. We demand developm 
of the gifted children of poor parents, whatever their class or occupatl 
at the expcnce of the State. 



«<iti dlsnission at the General Meeting of members on May 22nd, 

14 ccsolved that "This Programme is unalterable". This does 
■ .«l*iii Unit, every word must stand unchanged, nor that anything 
(•I d*H'|KMi or develop the Programme is to be prohibited, but it 
01 Ti c*. 4. 4. Mii|»M»»i Willi nhsolute decision and unswerying clarity that the principles 

hn tt.iULf T ^^V/.^^^"^ ^^^ standard of health in the naf hm.1 I.Mdlnu ideas contained in it may not be tampered with, 
by protectmg mothers and infants, prohibiting child labour, increa^ , , , u a- * -l ^ \^ « ^ a- 

bodily efficiency by obligatory gymnastics and sports laid down bu 1 *'"'"* '"" *'' ""* bendmg or twistmg from considerations of expediency, 

and bu extensivp Rimnnrt nf rinhc ^,-1^^,,^^ ,'« +1,^ u„j:i.. j._._i__„_^__x«t't I iM ill- 11 hilcrference with very important — and for the present-day 

<iiMHi|t'iiu'tils in politics, society and economics, very unwelcome — 
tMliih III lilt* Programme, no deviation of sentiment. 

/\ilnn llillcr prints its two main points in leaded type: 

The Common Interest before Self — 
the spirit of the Programme. 

/Ibolition of the Thraldom of Interest — 
the core of National Sociahsm. 

( Jtice these two points are achieved, it means a victory of the ap* 



and by extensive support of clubs engaged in the bodily development 
the young. ^ 

22. We demand abolition of a paid army and formation of a nati( 
army. 

23. We demand legal warfare against conscious political lymg 
Its dissemination in the Press. In order to facilitate creation of a Get 
national Press we demand: 

(a) that all editors of newspapers and their assistants, cmplouinq t^ 
German language, must be members of the nation; 

(b) that special permission from the State shall be necessary befor 
non-German newspapers may appear. These are not necessarily printed i "*"n'hiiic| universalist ordering of sodetg in the 'true State' over the 
the German language; iccM-iit-day separation of State, nation and economics under the corrupt 

(c) that non-Germans shall be prohibited by law from participate ci "^'' '"'''''^^^'^^ ^^ ^^^ individualist theory of society as now constructed, 
financially in or mfluencing German newspapers and that the penalt ''*' ■'^'''"" ^*^*^ ^^ to-day, oppressing the working classes and protecting 
for contravention of the law shall be suppression of any such newsDanei *'*' f'''"'^''' 9^^^^ ^* bankers and Stock Exchange speculators, is the arena 
and immediate deportation of the non-German concerned in it ""' tfcklcss private enrichment and for the lowest political profiteering; 

It must be forbidden to publish papers which do not conduce to th< .•"''' r?*' ^^^^"^^^ f "' people and provides no high moral bond of 
national welfare. We demand legal prosecution of ah tendencies in a^ ''^T\ "'^7'^^^^^^^ money, most ruthless of a powers, holds absolute 
and Uterature of a kind Hkeiy to disintegrate our life as a nation an '"'":''' ""'* f^T'"' Tf^P^"^^' destrogmg influence on State nation, 
fTio c,tr.t>frt^^i^„ ^f 5„.K4-..4.:„„^ ,„i-:.,. ...M-. . / ., ii^^i^I^ dn ,,1 ii'ijf, tiiorals, drama, literature, and on all matters of morality, less 

iiMi to estimate. 

Ttiere must of course be no wavering, no drawing back in this giant 
l(ii!)(|lc; it is cither victory or defeat. 

llie somewhat varied view of the same basic principle, which I gave 

\i (iiif book, Der deutscheStaat auf nation a ler undsozialer 

r II n d 1 a g e, (F. Eher Nachf.) is not an alteration, but a scries of 

Dints which belong together, collected and arranged according to various 

Dlilical economic, financial, cultural, aspects of life. 

ir those views of mine (see p. 22) could be looked on as varying from 

l>r opposed to the 25 Points, Hitler would never have described my book 

0^ T[ + u u f J" '''^ '-""^^^ preface as the "catechism of our movement", /Inyone is free 

25 that all the fore-going may be realised we demand the creati Jo oljoose either of the views according to his taste, but if he compares 

?!.,f.,ii,'?"?_..^.^^f5^ .P^^^^^^ °^ }^^ ^^^^^' Unquestioned authority of thilinii together he will not find them mutually contradictory. 

Ill order to insure for the future absolute agreement in our demands 



the suppression of institutions which militate against the requiremeni 
above-mentioned. 

24. We demand liberty for all religions denominations in the State 
so far as they are not a danger to it and do not militate against the mora' 
feelings of the German race, 

The Party, as such, stands for positive Christianity, but does not binri 
Itself in the matter of creed to any particular confession. It combats thi 
Jewish-materialist spirit within us and without us, and is convinced thai 
our nation can only achieve permanent health from within on the principle] 

The Common Interest before Self. 



Munich, February 24th, 1920. 



20 



politically centraHsed Parliament over the entire Reich and its organisation 

and formation of Chambers for classes and occupations for the purposfl . - r. , , . ^u . ■ . .u 

of carrying out the general laws promulgated bu the Reich in the various ''' cKprcssed m our Programme, and to guard the movement against the 
States of the confederation. ^Imcks likely to injure any movement, — the 'suggestions for improvement* 

The leaders of the Party swear to go straight forward 
to sacrifice their lives ~ in securing fulfilment of the foregomg Points, 



rfrji'ii by professional and amateur critics, grumblers and know-alls, 
if necessary n,iolf Killer, at a conference of all district organisers held at Bamberg on 
'cbruiiry 14th, 1926, formally appointed Gottfried Fcder to be the final 
iidge of all questions connected with the Programme. 

21 



■TIW' 



^-s ts!"^-?"!' y^'K^.:tewiir/.rr"''^y»- ;• 



fffS 



3. The Basic Ideas 

It is our intention in this pamphlet to expose the essential print, 
of the National Socialist conception of the State as briefly and simpli 
possible. We shall in a later one deal in more detail with the socialogl 
theoretic and spiritual aspects of that conception. 

We shall also not attempt to describe the various other polij 
aspirations nor those who represent them in the different parties 
associations — this is a task by itself — but we set down here merely 
essential points of our demands. 

The world arose out of chaos, order out of disorder, organisati^ 
out of wild confusion. 



To-day chaos is rampart in the world, — confusion, struggle, hatri 
oppression, robbery, cruelty, self-seeking. Brother is estranged fri 
brother. Members of the same nation attack each other, stab a man 
death simply because he wears a Swastika Cross. They aU suffer under tl 
same burdens, the same privations; yet who ever during these last montti 
has heard of Marxist workers attacking or killing their employers, or the 
party leaders, or any of the bankers and Stock Exchange blood-sucke 
or any of the wholesale profiteers? The sole sacrifice to chaos is tl 



Mi.MiiiH iHi% departed from business, which is all in the hands of 
HMM.fMl MimiMiiilrs. The producers have surrendered to high finance, 
Mi» tl" Hi.nl I'liniu). The employers in the factories and offices, deep in 
,M |p... hi lir content with the barest pittance, for all the profits of 

I iiiu iiio pockets of the impersonal money power in the form of 

.( . i flint (ilvidends. 

\Uv p<'of)lr in control are totally unable to stem the chaos. Crushed 
Mtit Mlinvi' by taxation and interest payment, menaced from below bg the 
iMihhIliins iT llic submerged workers, they have bound themselves blindly 
. n UUiW t'( ml rolled by capitalism, whilst the exploiters of the present 
hitn^ siifl'iM- Ihem to remain in power merely as slavedrivers over the 
iMitiiliiit iMusses. Their fury is directed not against the lunacy of 
^Mixlniri, IhiI against the wearers of the Hooked Cross. They forget thai; 
nud'wt' alone saw the tragedy of German economics approaching, 
nri'lvt'tl and showed how, if taken in time, Germany by her own strength 
I lid ri'slort' the balance. 

/V'.siH'ialions under every kind of name, reasonable in their basic ideas 

Uofu'less in the present chaos of pubhc life, are seeking how to produce 

idtT. It is all in vain, for they are not in touch with the nation as a 

ii^nl, social whole. All are merely intent on snatching small advantages 



^ 



llu'ir own caste; bare of any political or economic principle, they 



good, simple worker. The Marxists have lost their heads and are crowdir PP'll to each political party in turn. They bow to the existing system 
to join up with the plunderers of their own class, whilst they turn savage] I'd liow»tow to the so-called supreme authority 
against those who stand ready to rescue it. 

The Nationalist and other Parties are in the Government, or i 
fighting to get into it with those who have destroyed their national idG£ 
and lose thereby both honour and character. The defence associatio 
are striving to penetrate 'into the State' — the State of Severing a 
Grzesinskg, ~ pacifists, internationalists and Jews, with whom they belie 
they can run the government. 

They have gone off their heads! The so-called Rechtskrei 
fall to see that eagles and snakes, wolves and lambs, mankind and th 
cholera bacillus, cannot join in co-operation. They are putting forth 



TlKMj cost the German nation untold sums in payments to numberless 

i.iniilsfVs, directors and wire-pullers, but no one of them does the least 

fjoil. Uinnlioii — a criminal measure — robbed all classes, the thrifty, 

H-mbt^'s ttl" associations, artizans of their savings. Some new tax, straight 

nut tlu- (jreen table, destroys the hopes based on years of work. An 

dvnnliKit'' gained after numberless meetings, discussions, deputations 

f tlu' Government, is usually annuUed bg to a rise in the cost of living, 

ilsc (H- a fall in prices. 

I'lisios and lunacy! How can a farmer live under such persecution? 

Uxw van the worker buy with prices rising all the time? What good 

It lo raise the pay of officials and employes when the index of the 



their strength to give an appearance of *order' to disorder, political chao«- 7 - '-, ,.• - , ._ t,, „„ i^^^^ .^ z^^-,^ rrodu\{Ut fnr hetn from 

poimcaj .fMeness, But they set their fac. .gainst the National SoeiaUstI ';;'■;;, J:-;^ f^^^^^ ^^J^^ Xm So.^r^Ii'Z'ZX 



nil, wliirh is not the 'Father of the Nation', but the tyrant and tax- 
iflU'clor of the money despotism. 



those 'fanatics', being filled with crazy fears that the latter might deprive 

them of some of their former privileges and positions, — forgetting thf 

they lost all through the very people from whom they now demand 'j- i, ^ »+ 

share in the political loaves and fishes. l So they turn again and again to the old Parties, say they dont care 

^t. . J ^ . 1 . M , , or politics and belong to no Party, and at the same time let the 

The industrials, great or small have but one end in view ^ profits ^ HudPar^g squabbles go on as before. 
only one longmg — credits -, onlg one protest — against taxation^ the^ ^'*'^'i'-^ ^^''^ ^'^^ ^ ^ . ,, , , t, , -, - 

fear and respect only one thing, — the banks; they shrug their shoulders //"' ^f^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ National Socialism has set before a is a 
over the National Socialist demand for breaking down the thraldom o rfntuination to restore form, to despel the chaos, to set the ^oHd 
interest *hiih has departed from, the old dispensations, in order again, and to 

^u ' J - . i < t . . , , ^, , , mini that order — In the highest Platonic sense. 

Their one desire is to 'make debts'. The vast tribute extracted froti . <^ , , ..t, ,u 

loans by the banks, without trouble or labour, they regard as perfectU H. sliould be stated here that we regard as Order neither the apparent 
in order. They found parties of economy and vote for the Dawes Laws nirr of a policed State, nor the robbery of finance hallowed by custom 
which are the main cause of the heavy taxation. i nd permitted by law, nor the consph-acics of syndicates, trusts, and other 



22 



23 




organised measures of national betrayal, however well they *t\im 
Even a band ^ of robbers has 'order', prisons have their 'regiilatlO 
But in the nation, taken as an organic whole, every aspect of our pi 
life shows pain, bondage, suppression, insuicerity, and presents a ch| 
picture of a struggle of all against all. 

Government against people, Party against Party, at the same 
concluding most umiatural alliances, employer against employe, mercli 
against producer and consumer, landlord against tenant, labourer agal 
farmer, officials against the public, worker against 'bourgeoisie', Chi 
against State, each blindly hitting out at his particular adversary 
thinking only of his own selfish interests, his advancement and 
money-bags. No one reflects that the other has a right to live, or 
pursuit of his own selfish ends means that someone else has to pay for^ 
No one thinks of his neighbour's welfare, or of his higher duties to 
community. A breathless pursuit after personal gain. Elbow your nei 
bour to get on, tramp on his body if you will get anything by it — t« 
care? That is modern business. 

Let us not deceive ourselves. We are in the midst of a great wq 
change, and it is natural that simple souls, poor wandering spirits, see 
way out of the chaos, seek relief in suicide, or think the world is com! 
to an end and join in the race after the golden calf and rush blindly in 
the whirlpool. "Enjoy while you can — after us the deluge." 

So terrible a blow to the morale of a nation js only possi 
and explicable when the w^holc intellectual foundation of society 
skaken or else false, ~ and in fact we see that Marxism, Capitalism, ; 
the leaders of our public life all worship the same god — Individualis 
Personal interest is the sole incentive, — obtaining advantages for on 
own narrow class in life. 

Later on a further contribution to this series will appear, devoted 
a careful socialogical study of the construction of society. 

Here I shall only attempt shortly to show a comparative picture 
the difference between the organic errors in the State and politi 
economy of to-day and the essence of a National Socialist State. T 
present day doctrine is; Society is the sum of the individuals — t 
State at its best a convenient aggregation of individuals or associatio: 

We may compare this doctrine of the construction of society to' 
he a p of stones. The only real thing about it is the individual pice 
of stone. Its shape is a matter of chance; whether a stone is on to^ 

underneath is indifferent. The result is neither more nor less than a heair.i nf them feel how important it is; for one of our Party slogans is 
of stones. l,,!il. capital and the Stock Exchange". But what the 'thraldom of 

By the same simile, the State which answers to our Nation* nt'sf really is, how it bears on the life of the nation and the indi- 
Socialist doctrine of sodcty and philosophy of the State is the ho us* lual. fiow 'finance' has enslaved the population, and what the right 
Speaking mechanically, the house also consists of so many individual brict il pniclical methods are which must be adopted to break it, and what 
~ sand, cement, ioists, windows, doors, floors, ctc» But any one can se • i tmiUs of breaking it would be for the whole population — is suf- 
that a house, a room, is a liigher entity, something new and peculiar an Utiil|) rlcar to very few to enable them to explain it in thcr own words, 
complete in itself, more than a mere sum total of bricks heaped togethcj in his great work, MEIN KAMPF, (Vol 1, pp. 224—225) Adolf Hitler 
Any one can understand that a house does not come into being by piliri ^ iiidirntcd the vast importance of this question as follows: "As 1 
a number of single parts in a heap, but only by assembling these pan U'nrd to Gottfried Feder's first lecture on breaking down the thraldom 
according to a dehberate plan. | ml crest in June, 1919, 1 knew at once that this was a theoretic truth 



wUh n nation. Not until chaos has been organically, by a 

■ i.m, brtuHiht into order and gives place to form, not until a 

liiiU' hns been assembled out of the mass of parts, can the true 

n. (hiltj then will the component parts assume a purposeful 

! « >MiiiHtt Spaim, formerly Rector of Vienna University, has explained 

M.i.-*i*l|| 111 Ills book, Der wahre Staat, and in his Gesell- 

I I h II' In- (" the socialogical bases of the present day individuahstic 
. . oppdst'd to the high ideal of universal order In a State founded on 

' MMiir ptliitM[)les. 

W»' Niilioiial Socialists coined the phrase, which all men can cora- 
rUvtul 

The Communitg before the Individual. 

II In niilii by serving the general interest as a member of the national 
(I I (Ml II I II II that the individual awakes to a higher hfe, each one in his 
VII jiliiti'. Only so will eacli one attain to the genuine Socialism, the 
HI 111 111 III! feeling, the true life, win consciousness of security, and realise 
niihi under the domination of this idea can an organic, national 
tvi'iiinuTit Earise from the present dag system of robbery, and be of 
nlll to the community, and to each member of the community. 

I () (liiij the individual is a helpless victim of the forces fighting for 

iriiisliTy; his associations are powerless to help him. It is not clearly 
nllsi'il w!k) is the real enemy — the idle profiteer and exploiter. 

In spile of the Marxist cry against capitahsra, the pious pronoun- 
iiiiMits of the Centre, the complaints of the busuiess ivorld about the 

II of Luxation and interest, no one realises the world enemy, the 
OHM i" vvliit'h overshadows the world, and its representative, the Jewish 
MlititU'. 

/Ul t'liisscs have felt the lash of interest; the tax collector bears heavy 

9 I' VI Til section of the population, — but who dares oppose the power 

hniik ninl Stock Exchange? Capital proclaims its character by growing, 

nluiry to all experience elsewhere on earth, as it were outside itself 

1hc»iLi pnins or labour, by means of interest and dividends, and by vt^axing 

I it IT in id more powerful each minute. The devilish principle of lies has 

led lite decency of creative labour. 

linn/: down the thraldom of interest is our war-cry. 

I kiHJw that this demand, which underlies every other, is not pro- 
III iiiiihM'stood in its full vast significance even in our own ranks. Very 
' (»i our speakers, for instance, dare to attack this basic question, though 



24 



25 



immensely important for the future of the German nation . . , The 

against international capital and finance has become the chief poi\ 
the Programme for the German nation's struggle for independence 
liberty." 

M serious National Socialists share this conviction, for the sol 
of this question implies solution of the Jewish question, — and mudi 
than that. 

Anti-semitism is in a way the foundation of the feelmg underlain 
whole movement. Every National Socialist is an anti-semite, but every 
Semite need not be a National Sociaiist. Anti-semitism is negative 
anti-semite recognises the carrier of the national plaguc-germ, but 
knowledge usually turns into hatred of the individual Jew and the suco 
the Jews in the life of business. Then in the best event anti-siemii 
rises up to help in driving the Jew out of our State and' economic 
The anti-seraite does not worry his head about How and What next. 

If, even after the Jew was driven out, there still remained 
principle of present-day Jewish domination — self-interest before gen 
interest — and the Jewish banking and credit sgstem, there would stil 
enough bastard Jews, or even 'normal Germans' of mixed race as r 
to step into the Jews' shoes and rage against their own race as are 
Jews to-day, and we should perhaps see plenty of 'anti-semitcs' sr 
where the Jews once sat 

Now National Socialism with its main demand. Breaking down 
Thraldom of Interest, is essentially constructive. It bites deeper, and 
consequences are far more all-embracing. 

In my essay. Das Herzstiick unseres Programms, (Nat 
Jahrbuch, 1927) I pointed to the peculiar position that demand gives us a 
all other Parties and associations. In all our other demands we find si: 
and parallel aspirations in the Parties of the Right and Left. No 
Party but ourselves can show any counterpart of this one demand. 

We all know that neither the Left, with their false cry of ''D 
with Capitalism", nor the Right with their phrases about the Fatherla 
are capable of starting a new world epoch, for neither the Marxists 
the reactionaries could alter anything in the nature of our, economy 
would only destroy as the Communists in Russia do. They are incapable 
construction — like the Communists in Russia. 



i(> must earn their bread by mental or bodily work, whilst 

0}|) Nuinll proportion, without labour or trouble, pocket huge 

r llu'li- dividends, speculations and bank shares. We do not 

MitlHy savers and small capitalists — though they too owe, 

1. iiM h vvmuiugs to a false system — , but all their lives long many 

. Uii^ iHiimirit of then- httle interest was taken from them in the form 

*...!, till Hint we can easily afford to repay them in their old age 

. Mf iif iiirir itill earnings, which were taken away. I shall have more 

■iMH tilMiiil [Ills later on, 

%i» Irt I lie industrial, who has labouriously built up his business, and 
\svx[ II III cniirse of time into a company. He is no longer a free agent, 
h*\h to NJilisfy the greedy board of directors and his shareholders as 
II It I ir (iocs not wish to be squeezed out. 
•.M riic itlt nations that cover their deficits by means of loans. 
I \\\H Ihijildom spells ruin for any nation that hands over to the money 
wi. tln> Ijonkcrs, its sovereign rights at home, the control of its 
MM I ',. u\ its railways, and of taxation and customs, as Germany has 
It \i\\ nccepting the Dawes Law, 
< ii-nlivc labour is under the same thraldom, if it thinks of money 
■ -ir i\\\ else. To-day money, the 'servant of business', has become the 
Ui. in fact, the brutal tyrant of labour. 

I hrnldrmi of interest is the real expression for the antagonisms, 
tilnl versus Labour, blood versus money, creative work versus ex- 

Ihilinii. 

iiu' ftiTi'ssity of breaking this thraldom is of such vast importance 
nm mil It 111 and our race, that on it alone depends our nation's hope 
ii'.hMi iij) from its shame and slavery; in fact, the hope of recovering 
►)>iiu".s, prosperity and civilisation throughout the world. 

// is ilie pivot on which everything turns; it is far more than a mere 
. -.tlY of financial policy. Whilst its principles and consequences bite 



What do we mean by Thraldom of Interest? 

The condition of peoples under the money domination of the final 
of the world Jewry. 

The land-owner is under this thraldom, who has to raise loans 
finance his farming operations, — loans at such high interest as almc 
to eat up the results of his labour — , or who is forced to make debt{s £ 
to drag the mortgages after him like so much weight of lead. , 

So is the worker, producing in shops and factories for a pittant 
whilst the shareholder draws dividends and bonuses which he has n 
worked for. 

So is the earning middle class, whose work goes almost en 
to pay the interest on bank overdrafts. 



tnio political and economic life^ it is a leading qaestion for 
ttir study, and thus affects every single individual and demands a 
<'tt from each one: — Service to the nation or unlimited private en- 
I /It, /it. li means a solution of the Social Qaestion J' 
l\\\ 'world-questions' are capable of being described in one word, which 
, ilk I' n flame out of chaos; at the same time countless prophets and 
I'v t "I I 111 '.(It exhaust all the questions which arise out of that word. 



I 

W(' ciin say no more at present on this vast basic principle of National 

hilisnu I have already thrown Hght on every essential side of the 

blnii in my pamphlets: Das Manifest zur Brechung der 

f. It H e c h t s c h a f t — Munich, 1926 (now out of print) ; Der 

II I sbankrott. Die Rettung — Jos. C. Huber, Dicssen, 1919; 

kninmende Steuerstreik — Diessen, 1921 ; and Der D e u t - 

r SI a at auf nationaler und sozialcr Grundlage — 

I Inn- Nachf., Munich, (all obtainable through the Ubrary of our Party 

AAiitilrh, Thierschstr. 11}. 

iiiU'tisivc study is required to master the details of this problem, for 

pr-iulit-al economics of the last 50 years have followed the capitalistic 



26 



21 




idea so closely, that all who have grown up with it need a en 
Change of orientation in order to get free from it. 

A pamphlet on the subject is soon to appear, which will al 
members an explanation on this hlghltj important task of the 
nationalist State, 

_ In addition to the two quite novel basic principles of our Proa 
given above, we must mention certain others in connection witi 
general pohcij of the State. 

The principle underlHing our policy of the State is shortlu as fd 
The German Reich is the home of the Germans 

It is the great principle for our whole foreign policy, and ir 
Germany s pohtical hbcration, all the requirements of our racial po!i( 
the conditions of membership of the State, 

Our economic principle is: Th e duty of the national 
nomy is to provide the necessities of life and no! 
secure the highest possible profits for capital, 
nf atII!'" f jf'Tl^ ""^ economic policy embraces a fundamental att 
of National Sociahsm towards private property, and with regard t( 

SHndT^fi^T' f ^"'^"'f ' /'^"^ *^" ^'^y ^^^" *o the very greafl 
Syndicates, Trusts -^ and also to the great moral questions which 
be a Uvmg force m business, if the 'national economics' are not to 
proBtf ^ '"^''^ exploitation of the nation and to being run sim^ 

Our principle as regards finance is as follows: 
Finance shall exist for the benefit of the State 
magnates shall not form a State within the State, 

This principle involves a seismic change. It concerns the pra 
measures which will have to be taken to break the Thraldom of Intere" 

b^nMn s stem^^ ^^ ^"^^"^^' '^''^''^ ^^ *^^ ^^^^'^^ °^ ^^^'^^*' ancl'»«'- nim is 

Every one of these tasks is of the greatest importance from the 
of view of our Programme. They involve all tax legislation, ivitj 
ultimate - and seemingly impossible - aim of a State without tax 
Our principle as regards social subjects is as follows: 
The general welfare is the highest law of all. 



the fln(\ 



' 'MjiM'lvM MiFfcred by our German artistic and intellectual life at 
I Ww ft' wish dictatorsliip, especially through the poisoning of 

'lit ilils important domain of public life there are, of course, 
I til tun Improvements to be considered. 

'(•-Mt Hull our system of Law will have to be modified to meet 

■ 4 rrt'sli Institutions; that the scandal of election to Parliament 

- HiMtIc vote will have to be removed, and that, following the 

4ihMuil [h-i'IikI of a Dictatorship, we shall have to decide on the 

hmI vlfilidi' Jnrm of the State and the internal functions of the 

I Ml 'ifllll'H. 

'Mii'iniif. however, we can see in this brief outline the vast dimensions 
Mi' (|m"*nniis when set face to face with the tremendous fundamental 
il'lm ul iiiir Programme, 

II H mil I'lnidiiraental — in fact it is indifferent to us whether is to be a 
'ImIiii (h- a republic, whether we are to have a federation of 5 or 
< »i"'s pfuvifled only they are aU German States combined under a 
ii <'i'tMra] government, when face to face with the foreigner, and 
i<i' «l oiil|| Ihc citizens of the German State at home mag live happy and 

mUmI. 

. I he Programme Requirements in Detail 

UN Inniuilnlod by Gottfried Feder in Der deutschc Staat. 

II will I link c for clarity, when enUsting n^w members, to make use 

I. Pi I II ini til MIC in the form which follows. The minor clauses are ranged 

« Mil' miiir important headings, corresponding to the principles enun- 

'I 1)1 Hir prrrcding chapter, 

I (IV Political and Economic Programme of the N, S, D,H>P. 

Germany's re-birth to German liberty in the German 



1 1 



This pnnciple of ours is in direct opposition to present day pra 
according to which z^^x^^ class, every profession, tries to 
advantages for its own particular group in social pohcg without rec 
to the general interest. We wish to make it possible for all to fi^ 
dwelling and for all to make a living, and to institute a general syster 
care for the aged, y - 

_ As regards educational and moral progress it is our unchangei 
pnnaple: that all work in that direction is to be done from the sole p( 
ol view of German nationality. It cannot be by order or by force t 
the moral and intcOectual forces of our nation may introduce a n 
Renaissance, a new classic epoch in the arts. A stop will have to 

28 



mr;]iis lo this aim are: 
IJK- (jnJitical principle: The German Reich is the home of 
I li f G cr m an s. 
(.i) in ftH-cign policy: 

I lormation of a homogeneous national State, embracing all of 

( ii-rman race, 
:^ liiuTgetic representation of German interests abroad. 
(Ii| if I racial policy: 

,V Dismissal of ah Jews and non-Germans from all responsible 

[ positions in public life. 
M. I'revention of immigration of Eastern Jews and other parasitic 
I'oreigners, Undesirable foreigners and Jews to be deported. 
(- I hi internal policy: 

.'). None but Germans who profess entire community with the 
spirit and destiny of Germany may exercise the rights of a 
citizen of the State. 



29 




"mmr-iTfr.'^ .n.'.-v'j'^nf 



6. He who is not a German may only live in the Germi 
as a guest and is under foreign law. 

7. The rights of Germans shall have the preference over 
citizens of foreign nations. 

II Our economic principle: The duty of the State is to prj 
thenecessaries oflifeandnottosecurethehi 
possible profits for capital, 

a National Socialism recognises private property as a 
and protects it by law. 

9, The national welfare however demands that a limit . 
set to the amassing of wealth in the hands of individuals 

10. AH Germans form a community for the promotion of the 
welfare and Kultur. 

11. Within the Hmits of the obligation of every German to 
the sanctity of private property being respected, every C 
is free to earn and to dispose of the results of his labour. 

12. The healthy combination of all forms of busmcss, sm, 
large, in every domain of economic life, mcluding ' agrii 
shall be encouraged. 

13. AH existing businesses which until now have been in the 
of companies shall be nationalised. 

1^. Usury and profiteering and personal enrichment at the e^i 
and to the injury of the nation shall be punished with dej 

15. Introduction of a year's obligation to work (for the 
incumbent on every German. 

IIL Our financial principle: Finance shall exist for the M 
fit of the State; the financial magnates shal 
form a State within the State. Hence our aim to bl 
the thraldom of interest. 



U\\ iMilitU'jil principle: 
I I fi u' tt F all. 



The general welfare is the 



■iMiinii on a large scale of Old Age Insurance by nationa- 
n Mill Htf .-ujstem of annuities. Every member of the German State 
aIiiiII Uc assured of enough to live upon on attaining a certain 
miv, Ml, ir permanently disabled, before that age. 

'\ l'*iiliclpiiHon by all engaged in productive enterprises in the 
IMoflts nccording to efficiency and age* Responsibility will also 
hv s! in red in fulfilling the task from a national point of view. 

*'i, Si'l.'dif for social purposes of all profits made out of the War 
iHiil ifK' Revolution, not due to honest work, and of the fortunes 
til' usurers and money-grabbers. 

>r», He] Id' of the shortage of dwellings h^ extensive fresh con- 
'arijilion throughout the Reich by the means suggested in No, 20 
(m new national bank). 

'»iii cultural aim is that all the sciences and fine arts 
iiitll flourish on the basis of a politically free, 
<-nn omically healthy State. The means of achieving this 

:'h. 'l'riij[ijiig the young up to be healthy in body and free jn mind, 

iifkT llie great traditions of German culture. 
.'/. (\)ntph'lo liberty of creed and conscience. 
'/H. NfuH'litl protection for the Christian denominations, 
'JM. Discouragement of dogmas, which are opposed to German moral 

InsilncLs and contain matter injurious to the State and the nation. 
.'^0. Discouragement of all evil influences in the press, in literature. 
Mil* stii(|e, the arts and the picture theatres. 

M. IJherty of instruction in the German secondary schools; for- 
iiuition of a ruling class of high-mmded men. 



:vi 



16. Relief of the State, and hence of the nation, from it.- 
debtedness to the great financial houses which lend on int( 

17. Nationahsation of the Rcichsbank and the issuing houses 

18. Provision of money for all great public objects (waterp- 
railroads, etc), not by means of loans, but by granting 
interest bearing State bonds or without using ready m 

19. Introduction of a fixed standard of currency on a secured '; n i h «« r recommendations. 

20. Creation of a national bank of business development (curj 
reform) for granting non-interest bearing loans. 

21. Fundamental re-mo deliing of the system of taxation on s( 
economic principles. Relief of the consumer from the bi 
of indirect taxation, and of the producer from crippling tax 
(fiscal reform and reUef from taxation). 



m I li ( ary affairs. 

.V.'. To make the nation efficient by permitting every free German 
(ct stTve and bear arms. 

•VV /Uiolition of the paid Army. 

("ruation of a national Army for national defence under the 
command of a highly trained corps of professional officers. 



My 



M). 



30 




l>rcss reform. Suppression of all journals which miUtate against 
the national good. Strict responsiblHty for all untrue and intcn- 
llonally falsified intelligence. 

Modification of the franchise laws so as to cut out the demo- 
inlising methods of election contests, and the immunity of 
lliose elected. 



31 



i 




37. Formation of special Chambers for trades and profcssi 

38. Judicial reform as regards 
the Land Laws — recognisatlon of the rights of pro; 

land as a principle; no right to borrow from privat 
ces on the security of the land; the State to have th 
of pre-emption, espGcially in the case of foreigners and 
the State to be empowered to administer estates In thi 
of bad management on the part of the owner. 
Gvil Law " grealty increased protection for personal 
health, as opposed to the one-sided legal protection 
rights of property, which predominates at the present day; 

39. State Law reform. 
The form of State most suitable to the German ch 

is sovereign control united in a central personal pow 
nation must decide later on whether this central p 
power shall be wielded by an elected monarch or a pr 
Federal character of the Reich. 
The constitution of the German nation out of a num! 
countries closely bound together by race and history rr 
it necessary that each one of the States shall be very ej 
sivcly independent in internal affairs. 
It is the affair of the Reich to "represent the German 
abroad, and to provide for passports, customs, also h 
Army and Navy, 
There are three main obstacles to carrying out this national 
gramme of National Socialism: Marxism, the Parliamentary system 
the capitalist magnates. 

1. Our anti-Marxist campaign is directed against the disruptive 
trines of the jew, Karl Marx ~ that of the class-war which splits 
nation, that of distruction of private property which makes businesi 
possible — and against the whole economic materialistic view of hi 



Mll^Wnif fli iiinli'i-i;il Ihttujs, coiiiiiicrtiM!, is dik'ilij rt'f)r("S(Mitetl ln| Ww 

i 

HmHmiihI '.111 hilistii, like a(iLi-scniiUsiM, rt*<jards the Jewish-matcrialislic 
)»M . Mil. ihirl rausc of the evil; it knows however that this greatest 
■ ui til'thirii must not stop short at merely destroying the Semitic 
i*ii|i i'. wlif) the great I^ro gramme of National Socialism goes far 
^i-.i^-l lju« aitii Semitic desire to destroy, for it offers a positive con- 
uHtvi' phliiic. showing how the National Socialist State of labour and 
H» ^/I'liii'iil oufilU to appear when completed, 

njnv ijii'. fiigh aim is achieved the National Socialist Party will dissolve 
^nHfihrttllii; inr National Socialism will then be the entire life of the 
lU' hi^Miiait nation. The N.S.D.A.P. is not a poUticai Party in the ordinary 
" Mf \hv word, but is that section of the nation, which is confident 
f nHW ot IJK' future, which has gathered round strong and determined 
tidjti lo tU'liver Germany from shame and impotence abroad and from 
iihiitilhntUtn at home, and to make her once again strong and respected 
hhhI, iiinl morally and ecconomically healthy at home. 



t 



"T\w German Reich is the home of the German people.'' 

rvt'i|) word of this principle of State policy is a cut with a lash, when 
rnti'^ltU'r lln' miserable state of things to-day. 

I hr '(uTjnan Reich' — where is there a German Reich to-day? Can 
niiitnit Inn clnlin to be called an independent State? No! Not even the 
Hi 4'((Mi|t|jii'ciil pundits in State Law could describe a country, such as 
I iiiiMJit \s iitJW, as one in full enjoyment of aU its rights of sovereignty. 

IIh' flvf uiost important rights of a State are: sovereignty over its 
iiltKK, Its anni], its finances, its internal administration and communi- 
hmn, luid laslhj its justice. 

Villi tiavt" only to put the matter in this way to any layman without 



, IhiT i'xfilnnation of a nation's rights under International Law, and 
2. Our campaign against parliaments is directed against the la|„f„HH' II willi Germany's position to-day, and it becomes clear that it is 

HvJhh- id maintain that a severeign 'German Reich' exists any longer. 

nnr t'nnlrol of our territory is a mockery, for whenever France chooses 
i'Mn M'l/e upon German land without asking leave and without suffering 
M^llltiii. Czechs, Poles, Danes can venture on any inroad into German 
llnili wllliont fear of hindrance. The 'accursed old regime' put a very 
TM-nl l(aAM|)retation on the slightest breach of frontier, A military inroad 
I iriiiiiiu territory then implied a 'state of war'. 

In protect its territorial sovereignty a nation needs an armed force 



responsibility of the so-called representatives of the people, who — 
immune — can never be summoned in practice to answer for the r( 
of their decisions; also against all the evils w^hich arise out of the st 
(moral corruption, nepotism, venality), all resulting in the final ev 
a government which is dependent on such a parliament 

3. Our campaign against Mammon, which ranks above the other 
is directed against the world- cm bracing powder of money, i. e. the per 
exploitation of our nation by the great lending houses. 

It is also a tremendous struggle against the soul-killing, mate 



; 



S2 



spirit of greed and rapacity with all its disruptive accompanifl*'''''^' '<» ';<1_'^"llii^g any attack on jts land, and therefore^ on the h^^^ 

throughout our public, commercial and cultural Ufc, ^ - ^. - . . <> - 

The main battle is one between two world-theories, represent 
two essentiahy differing structures — the spirit which has created 
creative and the unquiet, grasping spirit. The creative spirit, deep-n 
but superior to the rest of the world in spiritual experience, is ci 
mainly by the Arian race; — The grabbing spirit, without roots anyw 



tplm-'ts of its nationals. A free State cannot permit a foreign Power to 
iiilKlM' its actions, or to have the right of deciding the strength, 
tipiiu'iil, unriaments, garrisons of its Army; if it does, it is certainly 

'nnvtMH'i<|n'; it cannot command its means of power; It has given up 
(i<ul nl lis tnilitary forces, Germany has done this by giving in to the 

Ml < I nil missions for Disarmament and ControL 



33 




Germany had already suffered this humiliation under the 
conditions, and had lost her international rights. 

Nevertheless she might have retained some part of her internal c(, 
but as soon as the military control was destroyed, the financial ma J 
seized the opportunity for limitless exploitation of German labour. 

First of all the muddy torrent of Revolution burst forth over GGrntrt 
then the usurers and profiteers, the Sodal-democratic traitors, sotr* 
chaos, deserters, jail-birds shared the power with the Democrats 
Centre, and behind and over all the financiers, the Jews, did their bushu 
Soon the Free Masons of the so-called National Parties, especially Brot 
Stresemann, were called in. The final blow was soon to come. The 
perts with their Dawes Law robbed Germany of control of her finani 
which was bartered away to a handful of Jews, the German and for 
financial magnates. The Reichstag let the railways go, and with 
all control of communications, also a great part of the control of tax 
and customs, by handing them over to the Reparations Commissioner, 

Control of justice hardly exists any more. The occupied districts^ 
under foreign military law; special regulations govern the rest of Gen 
such as those for the defence of the Republic; insecurity of rights, orc^ 
sed public robbery through the so-called Aufwertungsgese] 
forcing the Courts to declare that wrong is right. 



Policy of the State 



in- i 1 1' r m a ri H c i c h shall b e a h o m e f o r t h e G e r- 
■••I Un h'vvs, Russians (Communists), Social Democrats, who have 
iili'd Germany (Cnspieii), nor for all the foreigners who 
•• -Jiorter stay on German soil. 
>ii •.hnrp and fundamental opposition to the Weimar Constl- 
h NfH'nks only of 'German nationals', but ignores the con- 
• -'I <irn)uii]' in the national, or rather racial, sense. 
"\i nf ilu- seven following theses has three separate aspects 
' M|M poliry. (b) population, (c) citizenship, 

» ' ■■ I f Mf (I policy, 

• Mnfi of a solid national State, embracing all 
' ii • 1 of the German race. 

II III litM'inim blood, whether living under French, Danish, Polish, 

I Ml Ihilliiii sovereignty, shall be united in a German Reich. We de- 

HrUlu'i- less nor more than what was demanded for our enemies ■ — 

fill nl (iciinans to decide to belong to their motherland, the German 



Germany is no longer a sovereign State, She is a colony of si; 
Germans are oppressed, thrown into prison, denied free speech — si 
because they are still 'German' and desire to end their slavery. 

Yes, we want to have Germany free again, and this coming Gerd 
Reich shall be the home of the Germans, — not merely a machine 
keeping order, not merely a 'State', an 'authority', a 'government*: 
sinecure for a handful of reigning houses, but a Home, that w 
of charm — love of home, lovely, sunny, beloved. The smell of 
home earth rises up, the wanderer thrills with joy to feel the he 



h'l- rlnhti 111! Germans in Sudeten Germany, Alsace-Lorraine. Poland, 

iMjn*' roloni) of Austria, and the States which succeeded to the old 

Tills lU'iiuitid however expressly excludes any tendency towards 



tiili'iiii; II is llic simple and natural demand, which any strong natio- 
iml-. hinviir<l as its natural requirement. 

.Miuiin representation of German interests abroad 
nilhiT mid necessary corollary of Point 1. 
\H iiMiiillii the best, most industrious and venturesome ~ engineers, 
i-rf«, (M-nfessors, merchants, doctors — who go into foreign lands, 
Ml (irniiaii Kultur with them. They are members of the great 
Ml nnlltitiiii family, to which they must never be lost. They have a 
In t'xpff! protection from home when they are abroad. They 



is the fcehng of security, and from that blossoms the fine flower of 
of home. The State and nation can have no finer aim than this. 



soil beneath his feet; he is bound to it by blood ties. The home fee | |„. ,„,t merely disseminators of Kultur, but the conscious advance 



but 



i\ II?!' (icrnianic idea in the world; not 'apostles of humanity 
*i i»r I hi' Nordic idea. 
It greater than a cautious social policy, than unemployment insurai|li(i*«i' who represent Germany abroad should not acquire foreign 
than housing schemes, though indeed having one's own home is onel«^, hiil sllrk to their superior German character. Our Foreign Office 
the strongest incentives for love of home, JIk- favt'pt clean with an iron besom. We must finish with the 

Home is more than an 'Imperial State', which one serves, wheii'"""^'"-"^ t^^^^^ ^^^ foreigner after the manner of Erzberger and 
from enthusiasm or under compulsion. 



It is more than an adminstration, more than the defence of one's 
interests, more than a crib for cattle, or protection for person and prope 
All these public objects must serve the conception of home. Just as 
idea of home has a special charm of the children in a properly organ] 



niMiin, nud it will be seen that strong representation of German 
.I'l will \m quite otherwise respected, and attention to German desires 
11' oi CO 11 tempt will be the result. 



family, as one's own room arouses very different feelings from a re n ii s I b I e positions in public life. 



in a hotel or a prison cell; home is sometTiing unspeakably tender 



is the Liberal — parliamentary — democratic conception of the social S% 
34 



►) N II (1 ;i I policy, 
Lx elusion of Jews and all no n -Germans from all 



liN denifind is so natural to us National Socialists that no further 



yet powerful, superior to the idea of an association for a purpose, wi u\\Uui is needed; but it is not possible to give convincing arguments 



I'f \n ihose who fail to take in the principles of our racial doctrine. 

35 




^rr?n-^' 



•T'^i 



""^^T^7T'^WW^^'^^^fTimYy^'r.,tSf^-J 



■fr 'JT^ 



rtilWiMli-"V 



"wpiWfJ ' J » I'" ' V JJT '^^ ''ijr'n-T'^TT • 



^'-£''wEr?"'^'-^-- 'S^ ^'«'^ o' the ;eJ 

the middle of a s^«ih^ *''^* '^ cabbage which Zf ^'^ demand.! 
strawberries rl,Tu ^^"^ P'^nt was a <!trL, k ^'^ ^f""'" ^9 chan J 

a sheep, a German L.wh ^°I '" ^'"°''S a flock nfT^^ ^' ^ he fhouq 

""migrated inf^ Gemlu J*'' ''^^^^ f°'^ tte East '1 '^"S-e^t^Wishel 
Germanjj, We ha,^ ,. 'J' have enriched thT , ^^ho have recentl,,! 

°ne way open for this rrif? '"'"' °^ Nordic inst^! J ^^ '' ''^^ alwaus ; 
'ong as order is J,^L-^^^ P^oPle. - it hs. f « "'■ There is but, 
Therefore we ^demand l"'^"'^''' f«-the af the^f 7 p'° !i°P^ ^o' t' ^ 

^i tn.2 tittle of thp 

'nto holes. They sTarted^l' •^'" housed ".^"^'^^.^a-^ 9'-''at deartfof 
pearls, Persian carpet i^^'^ <^'"iii husines bunto '"' ^"'^ *° '^^^P 
thousand mark note connf","""'' ff°'<J. silver "n^?,- "^ «^«'Uthing _ 
"tor Companu) Th!', PP®""' '^^d, literaturp fh P'atmMm, War Loan 
Germans - in" be eues T/*« '^^''^'"^ '^ "« rich "' '''f" ^'^' Evapo- 
""^^l Germans'.*^ ^' ~ ''"<' '°ok rank as 

Tt.j "'^ ^^"SG of the 

ims question doer^ j^^f 

norrh"^;a„\f ,r°^P'^^^^^^^^^^^ '" the Wisiona, 

h^stardised"" "^ ^'^"^ -'^h the Germar^atio "J,'; .'i'tf ^-'"'h:! 

B"» we can state H "' ''" 

r'^abi"^ Tnt^U- rr?>"<-^^- -Ued"t ^^ —- 

^eing a .number of bnnl! ^^"^^3% by question? nf """'^ ^^ *^e re- 

36 



i! 



I) As regards State rltl jkom hIiI p wi* iUmihuhI: 

R Tlnit none but GerftiiitriN, w li o b i* I i i> u f in German 
Ij H 1 1 II r and the com m n n d i' s I I ii )t o 1' ;i 1 1 i\v r m a n s, shall 
-'♦'■■., I lie rights of a cMH / c n oT I li v S t <i U'. 

II here limits must be (Irawn. Profile, who, even though German 
i\. consciously in a wiiij injurious In Ihe nation and the State, and 
,iiid obey orders from al>ro!Ml i. v. do not accept a share in the 

..II destiny, may not be allovvml |.lu> ri(]bts of citizenship j there are 

, ) .^iii lo whom we shall have to dotiij the' high honour of enjoging these 

iiib.. 

h. Non-Germans may only dwell in the German State 
<i nests, and shall be regarded as being subject to 

■ I ci gn law. 

lUis is a necessary principle, calculated to put an end forever to the 
i iiiid obsequiousness towards the foreigner. But it does not mean that 

■ shall not welcome citizens of a foreign country warmly and treat them 
II as guests so long as they conduct themselves properly; but 

7. The rights and interests of Germans shall have 
iM.'ferencc over those of the subjects of a foreign 
II .1 1 i on. 

Our further requirements need not be included in our Programme in 
WriaiL For instance, the form assumed by the laws affecting foreigners will 
rufiie on for settlement later, also the methods for excludmg the Jews. 
i\ Programme of principles cannot be expected to be a Programme of 
.hjion, giving tactical details of how supremacy is to be secured, etc. 
I am opposed altogether to fixing our Programme too rigidly, for in this 
(|reat struggle we must first determine the principles from which we shall 
never draw back, and not imitate the votecatdiing methods of the 
boujrgcois and Socialist Parties. 



Economic Policy 

It is the duty of the National Government to provide 
the necessaries of life and not to secure the highest 
possible profits for Capital 

It may occur to simple, plain-thinking men that to announce this 
obvious fact as a principle is superfluous. It is a common-place to the 
producer, the farmer, the artizan, the manufacturer, that what he makes 
is either used or consumed, — by himself or, as an article of commerce, 
by others. 

In his eyes business which is not concerned with production or con- 
sumption is ridiculous, impossible, against common sense. 

This brings us to one of the great mtcllectual difficulties in our 
recruiting work. Our fellow-countrymen are bound to say: — Of course 
your natural sentiment m thinking of the meanings and aims of labour 



37 



\nf^^!i':rz^i^wiim!ipr-ifj^m.^'^rV'v,KTrfm'-v 



M 



What about the banl^^? tu 

Not freeiri^H Jl,'^'!" P"'"'^"'^^ and distribute tt^^f' ".'" '^"^"^ whS 
-ngageSt to' °tu.^l,''''^"^ ^^ ""-'"S ov * anHr''^ necessaries?! 
whether tblZoSrlT^' *^«a <*arge i^tLe"t n^°Yf *^ "'''"^' 

of life comes a bad stco^r """ ^'^^^ ""'^ "'-■ -PPlymg nLssMes 

conscious of his Mgrt^^r as an 1""^''"^"' ""■'- '""-eat he whn • 
woral worth ^ iv +t, ^^ ^^ economic hiuh^r n« f' ^ ^^^ ^^ 

3g ' '' "P ^oth quaaty and 



■i=f t,MI)f fit prodiirHon, pnji lil!< tMripl()||Oh wiMI, so iluil Ukmi may ha able 
. . i-uirhnst- <|()(Kis frediK mtisl nlwri|jf* In- IliloKitiij (tf Imprnvtments and 
. n. u-nlM ol' pinnt ami trading iiu'lhtnh. If lie puts all this first in his 

I ,rv». \w Is 'supplijliKi tlu' in-(vssarli"s ol" life* in Ihe best and highest 

nr. jind profits ' will coitic of Ihi'tiist-lves without his making 
ih. Ml Ills iirst object. Tlic liiH-a mid most universally known 
• unfile of this kind of mamtintinrer is Henry Ford. There are other 

, hi our own heavy in([uslrics whirh stand equally high, — Krupp, 

lUtilnrl", Abbe, Mannesmann, Siemens, and numerous others. 

I Ik' character of such busirsesses is ahogether different when they are 
iioi piTsonally controlled by men of high moral qualities who look after 
ihf interests of their workers, but arc handed over to impersonal limited 
n.iu|)nnics. 

So long as the founder of a business is also the chief shareholder 
.11 id ean maintain the standard of excellence of his products, all may 
Im' well; but as soon as conversion takes place ifc is overhclmed by the 
jiilrrests of the capitalist shareholders. The former owners, the managers, 
II nv^ depend on the Board, representing the share-holders, for improve- 
ineiits in business methods and working conditions, — and the share- 
linlders have no interest (beyond that of the slave-driver) in the welfare 
ol" the workers and the excehence of the work, so long as the dividends 
(■oming out of it are good large ones. The introduction of proprietory 
shares has had a most devastating influence, for any chance speculator 
ran corner the shares and actually become owner of large industrial works 
without knowmg anything about them. To the Stock Exchange stocks and 
shares are merely so much paper for them to play with. They are not 
interested in conditions of production and labour, most of them could not 
say what the products or the conditions of marketing, labour, wages and 
maintenance arc in the business of which they are the owners by law, (!) 
And owners they actually arc, just because they happen to have cornered 
the shares of this or that factory in the market. 

Let us now examine this state of affairs in the light of its effect on 
political economy, so as to realise the corrupt character of the capitalist 
system. 

To-day business merely looks for a return on capital 
The large retail stores follow different methods. They cultivate 
'attractlon\ 'bluff, 'averaging', 'luxury articles', and arouse desire for 
non-necessaries, as I showed above* 

Great palaces, built with aU the arts of refinement, invite to 
purchase apparently cheap, but mostly quite useless articles, and by 
offering easy conditions of payment they entice their customers to spend 
all manner of sums on pure luxury. Rest-rooms are provided to enable 
people to spend a long time m the stores, which thus become mere hot- 
beds for extravagance, for let no one imagine he gets anything as a 
present. Really well-off people don't buy in large stores; they know what 
the poorer one don*t know — he who buys cheap buys dear. Do the 
crowds who buy in those palaces imagine that they were built otherwise 
than with their saved up pennies? Do they thmk they get off paying for 
the escalators, the lifts, the rest-rooms, the fairy-like illumination? 

89 



^'VW^-T*^-' 



?'«^ large -slores. W?r,aarH l^"'' ^ ^^^' ^Wch u'tl "'"'"H ^^^'•^'- thaj, 
'" practical operaiion vvhFrh^f™ ^' ^ ^P^cial form 'f H '^ "^''* ^a^^^^ 
mereJu there forth" o^mn ?°^^ "°' Provide Tpp^ "^^ capitalistic idea 

, «ve„ tlais leadirT "'"'"''"^ ''"Wte forth °'J''^' '^"^ ^' 

fwiiich, we should nh^ conception of provision nf^u ^ ^liareholders. 
oi economics) the °/J^^- ^'^ nothing todi wi?h th' "^'^'^^^aries of life 
P«vate prop^rtS' '"""°" ""'^^ «-t in import^ fe L o^°"ri^' ^^'^n.' 
8 Mat- " °"^ attitude towards/ 

A producer will fa"l to™^/'' "'"^' ^^ the properTu nfT'' '^'" ''"i^^y 
the Properts of a vaaue "1 """"^ *''9 his work or tt ^'? ^*° ^""^i^s 
f[";ts of his laboj^ho^d"™""?""' "°'- ^i'lhe readfl,r'r' '*°'"'' "^ 
wght understanding of ttol^"-*" ^" '"dividual the nl^-f^"'' "^^t the 
°i private ownership *"' ""''"'"S °f 'work' leads naturaih, f''*' "'"'' ' 
There is fjnaiiu 1 f f^ °«uralls to recognition 

out of his own garden tjTV'"'"'^- ^ "=aVs Z Vur "y*'^- ^"^ 
house, /iny one who rtnl ^^^^' *an a mea] eafT^ , ^"'^ vegetabJes 
joy of possession ,V°f^,,r ''""w the iongtag tor n"' "°'''*^'' ^^'^S 
Pnvate ownership ^1^'^ '"^ understand thri^nnrfJ^"''''""^ "Or the 
he preying tj,p7 of tn is T" '''' "° rootsanSe f 7f °^ recognising 
*o possess, Wwist thTwidfr"'^' '"^^°»^' «'ways^eeWno " ™.''°"^ *»>«' 
wodest in his idearHl '"^"' *e solid man of fh» ^ something fresh 
^ workman does no; "\'^«nts no more thM hp V '°"' '' absoiutelu 
he wants a nice mtle Vn^ *° ?'^^ '^ «"e vTuT^u^u"^ ^'',^9 '"^ "'ork 
course of his iL "e IZZ k ^'^ °«"'' "of a Wr d on'e'r^'' ".^^^^ ^^« 
house cost to build fiTtthp ,^ ""^'"9 three or fot ^U"/ ^''^'? ^^ the 
i^e tied to any p oi of 1«^^ ^7' **'^ ™P«aHst - he riT "'"''' «^ ^he 
mortgage deeds and L.' '^^ 'deal is a bio ^.t! , ff "°' *ant to 
other people's LrM„ P'^'^'^^ory notes. Wealth f ^^*>'«ed with scrip 

Wealth is • hands of 

40 Possessionless workers 



SuH llu- indebted middle dnss rtrp (H'HMUf Imllri'i mul r(ittlu'f M'jHirntcd 

ffmii llu' rich; countless small owiu*r»i nu' <lhhnl(H'il M|M»n hir drUt, Jiiid llii" 
^...ivn of the financiers, wlio kiiuw im fMllHilnnd. iiu lionu' -Imid, waxes 
j . • ) iinH'e sinister, as they sit iti llu'li inniltMi lohlu'f Imrott caslk'S, tlie 
hn\[i^. To meet this the Nalional '.hiir ■.[mil hm- lu jl llinl: 



Ji/f. 



I u I 1)1 t' i| I ii I M (-0 1)1 III u ]i J I ij nl' 
111 Ml <* ( (trn Ml tMi vv V 1 I" n i* v a ii d 



Ul All Germans shall in 
■ M I li for the f urthe r ;rn <' I 
Hull Ii r. 

Iliis idea of community of wotli nnidu-. llu- iMMtiiumic overthrow of the 
lllvi'jsalist conception of socieli). All wnHt and firodnction must be hi- 
ludi'd within the higher idea of sorvUv (o llir minnaauLy. It is in no way 
tt|.pnsed to personal effort and induslrjj, Iml 11 ituvaiis that individual pro- 
i|i' ,. shall not be at the expence of one's I'l-llow men. Our No. 11 gives. 
1 i-irssion to this demand. 

//. Within the frame of the general duly of work attaching to every 
uuij and with recognition of private ownership as a principle^ every 
.•I an shall be free to earn in whatever manner he chooses ^ and 
to dispose of the results of his labour. 

The foregoing expressly rejects the socialising schemes of Marxism 
Mild also high finance. The State shall include the greatest possible 

Ml a liber of free existences linked by the social idea of service. It is 

i.r t:ourse out of the question to run mines, blast-furnaces, rolling mills, 
■.hip-yards on a small scale, but a hundred thousand free and independent 
master-shoemakers are better than five monster shoe factories. 

The great landed estates in the North and East of Germany are more 
I > inductive by being run on a large scale than if managed by small 
hcehold farmers. Small freeholds do best if within easy reach of towns 
iiul villages. Our No, 12 demands that: 

12. A healthy combination of businesses of all kinds, 
large and small, including farming, shall be main- 
I a i n e d. 

13. Great businesses (syndicates, trusts) ar e n ati onalis ed. 
This demand is consistent with our general struggle against the 

c apitalistic idea, — The first aim of syndicates and trusts in any parti- 
cular branch of production is to unite with other similar businesses for 
(he purpose of dictating prices. They are governed by no desire to 
distribute good wares at a cheap price. Such 'rings' are specially attracted 
by new businesses which are doing well. New firms in the same Hne of 
business are bought up and put out of the way, often at a very large 
price by way of compensation. Supply is regulated by pooling, by which 
means they are able to regulate prices in accordance with an apparently 
genuine 'supply and demand'. That is what concerns the shareholders, 
who have no desire to see prices kept low by competition. New ideas and 
inventions are viewed with a hostile eye, and preferably suppressed if 
their adoption would endanger the paying capacity of older plants. Such 
businesses, run as huge trusts from a big central office, are clearly 
*ripe for socialisation', i, e, they have ceased to fulfil any of the services 

41 



tir.,«^"""i '^^9^ ^^^^ s«^dTrf th?rnh' *' ^''«' supplies no'^Z 
talistic methods'. We refer espSu^n J ™ ^"'^'"e na«on bu 'caDli 
by the inflation. It was the fT^t k *^°^® '^'^° Promoted and nroZI 
s^tous nation was robb d of the whole nf -f''"'^ *''^' ^^ enZf^nlf 

Thesis oTtiT.^^ ip-- !n°^^-r^ ''" ^ -- Of i„V 
ro^J>er«. C was worse than hl«hwJ 

Zu *° '"'^ "'^'"'^""^ ^°^^^ band "''''"^'^ "f *^ 'w^r comj 

that organised fraud agalnft the™ ion' m f^h '^"' '^^^a^''^ ^"1 ^gree 
more, .everela than sm'ail thefc ofmon'ro'^ra'af'^'^'' ^'' ^"^ -en'' 

o^ j;Vl|-Vo"r1-"rro:?nra^/---> .-r of labour 

*e PubHc°We%*V:7Lr^lcri^"^ ^"' '^^ '^"^ ^IsiMe expression to 
place before each German a„eT4l'^r^"''<> ^e eduoationV and ta 

*.ct fumiment of duty |„ wording t ^ se^r^of Z ^l^^^ °^^'^ 

Financial policy 

Breaking the thraldom of interest 

seconrrpff'lrwrshrtl'r r", ^° ^""« -* •^-n .-n the 
for achieving our objective in practice ' ''"" "^^ "^^^"^^^ ^"^'^^le 

Hstd':'b?:r„rs°aVS^f^rm*t'h\"'^^br^''^-''»--f-m 
teresttothegratfinan'ofa%'o'L:s"^^''°" to pay m! 
Tl^^re ^srcorplrir\^,;rL^3;oMt has „o necessity to do so. 
every now and then requires loans arfri!! ""[' ""^ P*"'™*^ Person who 
controls the Mint; it can thus m« if ! ""■'-'■'' '" '»^^« ^^b's The Sta^e 
c-not dol It did tins in a luetic faTh^"','- ^^'^'^ *« Private p^so^ 
the same with the Renfenmark and Jl tm ■ 7 '"' '""^«™- " did' 

^thout the danger V^U^„ ^^^ Z^->^ TXTt^^"^' 
42 



/.' 77/r Reichsbank and af! fhr iwuiiii: hxtiir, nrr nationalisecl, and 
/"-'. // there is provision oj ntoncv jOr ail iin'til public Objects 
: ^' .tftr/wwcr, railroads, etc.) not bv nirtins of loans, but by granting 
"I till crest-bearing State bonds, or wit /tout using ready money. 

h\ other words: — Wanton prinlhitj of bank notes, without creating 
yv values, means inflation. We all lived through it. But the correct 
■ iirlnsion is that an issue of non - interest - bearing bonds by the State 
iiiimt produce inflation if new values arc at the same time created. 

TiiG fact that to-day great economic enterprises cannot be set on 
A without recourse to loans is sheer lunacy. Here is where reasonable 
" of the State's right to produce money which might produce most 
I.' iiri'icial results. 

It must be clear to anyone that, for instance, a great electrical plant 
ii.iiuj water-power might well be erected in the following unexceptional 
nijnner: 

The Government introduces a Bill in the legislative Council for ex- 

I'loUing the water-power of Bavaria, Saxony, etc., by satisfying all 

-: gnomic requirements. The local Diet, or other body, decides on con- 

. uction, empowers the Finance Minister or the State Bank to issue a 

lies of bank notes, marked specially to show that they are fully covered 

1 the new works under contemplation. These notes are supported by the 

rambined credit of the State or the Reich. No one can show any 

objection on the score of inflation. Construction takes place on the 

dditional credit granted by the Council representing the nation, and the 

lotes become legal tender like the rest. 

When the work is completed, nitrates or electricity are supplied 
Lo customers against this money, and in a few years the issue can be 
recalled and destroyed. Result: The State, the nation has instituted a 
new work, which secures to them a great new source of revenue, 
and the nation Is the richer by it. 

To prove the folly of the present system let us compare the 
foregoing with what goes on now. 

h loan is taken up. K few capitalists do what the whole nation, 
even though Parliament may vote in favour of it, cannot do; they allow 
the State to borrow money from them. -Instead of using its direct 
authority for the benefit of the nation, the State engages to pay per- 
manent interest for the sum required to complete certain work, thereby 
hanging a miU-stone round its neck. And, what is most costly of all, 
it issues bonds, thus creating 'fresh purchasing capacity'. On the balance- 
sheei; it makes no difference whether the new work is represented by 
new paper money or new bonds. But the community suffers injury be- 
cause the bonds imply that the new work is mortgaged to capital, which 
naturally makes itself quite secure, dictates prices, and takes the profits. 
Thus it is really the financiers who are the richer by the development of 
the nation's water-power; they are indifferent about repayment; thcij 
like to have to such monopolies as permanent milking cows. The popu- 
lation arc forced to pay dear for etectric current or nitrates, and once 
■again a part of the national property is converted in the interests of the 
financiers. 

4a 



^'!;." 



^ nuist refer the rc^-^ri 

mmimmm 

'oPment and economy^ ' ""'^ national bank for d.ve- 

^rter the surrpcc-Fir? o ^- ^euers Utopia. 

section also were in sympathy Bu 7™,^.-/ °"°P®''^*e; 'he bourgeois 
Government were empowered to establish ^f'^^ •^?'' '" *e La„dta?th' 

(B a u rn a r k . S c h e i n e n) covered^h , h '"'"^ '"^"'^ ^^^ development 
houses. These could then b7Zl,A^/'^ '"''^'"^ ^^ tl^e newJt, S 
interest, which alone ISau mak^ 1 -^''^ ^'^"" ^^'^ huge bu In o 
qtiantities, ^"^ "^^^^^ it impossible to build in sufficient 

44 



Everij German with n hniiic of Ills own. 

A free people on tim'rnMiiiibiT(M| hiiid. 

:V. Complete re-modelfifijr of tht \ysivm of taxation on social 

'(ttiral economic principles. Ihlivrry of tlw consumer from the burden 

•' indirect taxation^ and the proilacvr from taxes which grantp his 
I iivities. 



Social Policy 



Social policy is the favorite motto of our present political cure-alls. 
II s( Rinds so nice, makes them popular, and attracts votes for the Party 
I Itch promises to make everything right. 

When every Party promises the official, for instance, an increase of 
(til! I, they call that Social Policy. 

It is the same when they promise to grant the wishes of the clerks 
J id workers; or when they do a little to relieve people with small incomes, 
r war sufferers, or young teachers, or Germans abroad. 

And all the people run after these political rat-catchers when they play 
nri their 'social* fluted 

It must first be made clear that Social Policy denotes, The public 
\\felfare the highest law, and that, as now understood, Social 
policy is really one of self-interest having no regard to the general wel- 
fare. M\ sorts of careless promises are made, and those who make them 
must know from the start that it is impossible to fulfil them. 

Now that Germany is so powerless politically, economically and finan- 
cially, — which finds expression first in the Dawes Laws and now in the 
Young Law, and in the so-called policy of fulfilment which has laid 
burdens on our nation, making life almost impossible — it is both false 
and ridiculous to talk about 'Social PoUcy', Now that German life is so 
cramped, when each man is treading on his neighbour and trying to get 
ahead of him and to shove him aside, when the different classes of the 
population are at variance, promises to favour one group at the expencc 
of another are not 'Social Pohcy for the general good', but one of 
inciting one class against another. They know very well that a momentary 
'improvement' is annulled by a higher cost of living and higher taxation. 

Social poHcy means something very different — a determination to 
solve the social problem. 

The out-of-luck, the exploited working classes believe that their just 
wages, their proper position in the social order is being withheld from them 
— hence class war. 

It is clear to all that our economic life is suffering from deep injuries, 
bitter injustice. And yet the conclusions drawn by Marxism with its 
'class war' and its 'social and economic demands' of 'expropriating the 
expropriator* and 'sociahsation' are utterly false, for that strikes at all 
the true requirements of a genuine social policy, whose highest law is 
the general welfare, 

^ Hn allusion to the Pied Piper of Hameln. 



45 



HotJiIng further k n(> h w 1 

Once again National Sori«J?.m t f f * ^"* ""^^ ^ ^^ap of ruins 

The social-political theories wh U ? ''""'" ^"^9"^^. 
marxism, the war between ^1''^^ "•''f '""^ *° ''^ 'anti-capitalistiC 
dole Th"'''f '^''y ^^P"-«"«f for th7u ^'«f/.°."'« ^^ "ndersfood to-da„ 

Capitalism and Marxism «ro ^ ^ ^ "* *° °"^«"- 
same intellectual stem "^h^^iH whn,""^ *!" '^"^•' ^li^H grow on the 

22. G r e a t d e V el o n m . . «"ef law ,s the general welfare. 

social organisatioirof tte M xLlT'"°f ,."' *"'" Uathe in^sh'IS? 
46 



iKT aim in Me fades away in iln^ s!miimiU* for n inomonlari} inrrcasi^ of 
rivs, and he never realises wliiit llio ipi'til uitn tif suiial policij sliould' 
In 1 roper provision for old ini <,', 

vVe note once again how tlie Slnli* disrtivt'nMi a good and romriiend-' 
Mlitc solution in the case of the ofliclnl rhiss, 1))| providing for them after 
Ml ./ment. It is the proper and happi} sohilloii of the capitalist ideal of 
in .iie, namely to convert it into the true Slate's ideal of provision, based 
..II i.LTSonal labour and efficiency. 

t will be the highest and noblest aim of National Socialism to realise 
!': standard of general welfare. 

2^1. Profit-sharing for all. 

The N.S.D.il.P. identifies itself with this demand. It is m fact a purely 
;iist demand in the proper sense of the word; nevertheless it comes 
I. is as an attractive but corrupting present from capitalism. 

Sharing of profits arising out of the work of others comes under the 

ii i of the unearned income which is most sharply attacked by National 

falism. Sharing of the profits from a man's own work is a demand 

rstural and socially so just, that nothing can be advanced against it as a 
!■ .dple. 

It is in the carrying of it out that the difficulty arises, that is, in 

I fcing the amount of the share due to the production, skill and in- 

. iry of the worker, and of that due to the brain work of the in- 

itor, the accountant, the merchant, the management, and other circum- 

sices connected with the business. 

It is of course highly important that the parties who increase the 
vulue of a product should not be left out of consideration. Even under 
I lie present system some part of the booty which capital hopes to get 
out of a business could be recovered for the worker. 

We shall not discuss here the question of how later on the National 
' iociali.st State will solve the problem, 

I personally considered that a general lowering of prices, at the same 
vime maintaining wages at the present level, would be the better and 
more practical way to fulfil the demand for sharing out the profits of 
ihe whole of our national production. 

It is however possible that the National Socialist State will solve 
die problem in a far more comprehensive manner than is conceived to-day 
by brains with a Marxist and capitalistic tendency. The present demand 
for profit-sharing springs either from a desire for profits (essentially 
capitalistic], or from envy (essentially Marxist). 

In the ideal State alone, as we conceive it, is it justified, because, 
when we come to solve it, we must avoid the capitalistic method of 
granting a small share in the business, the sole object of which Is to 
secure for the larger shareholders their right to their dividends, and also 
the Marxist idea of envy, for that debases the personal factor and in- 
jures the general public. 



47 



* '■•r7)1711"T''^>"'''"JJ<.'f'*?Tyi 



w. 



flivc a 



f™ examples for the sake of claritg. 

every member of the n aH nn ''\^'"^ ^^^*^^ ™"st givi 
national production ^" ' '^"^^ ^" ^^^ Profits a 

Socl^lir/t^trlt!^^^^^^^^ ^^^ i-t^- Of . genuine Nationa 
^ansport-workers., hospitalXrSrs - 'to namf' ,^ailway-men. postmen 
labourers, miners, builders' labourers t^T ^""^^ ^ /'^ ~' agriculture 
sharmg, simply because these cS^^^^^^^ ^'^^ Profit, 

Also of agriculture, (in which not merdu thp H™f 7^"*.'/' '""''^^'^ ^^^^^^ 
considered, but also the million^ ZlnlV^- ^^^^ ^^ ^^^"^^"^ have to bt 
with it) it must be said tha t "Ln^'^^'"^ '^ ^*^'^ businesses connecte 
in the heavy mausinlT a^ L'Tn.lVn^^^^^^^^ H-vesfis g^d^ 

pressure of world competition ^ ^'^^"^ ^ ^^'^ P^^^'t oxving the 

often'l^glg^rn^^^^^^^ and employ., who are 

he circumstances, cannoFhope for a d rP.f 1 ''''^"^^^^ ^"' ^^^^^' °^^i"9 tc 
less consideration than thr nlL^ tlf''" 'l^^ Profits, are to gel 
washers-up or porters in a nighS or a S- f k ..'^"'^ ^''^^^' ^^ 
or chemical factory enjoying a mononn^n Ll^^\ ^'*^' ^' ^" ^^^ «Ptiea 
Are the latter to share the prZs and f'^,/''^/^m the whole world? 
are thj to make it more anT more imptj?2'f '".J"^"^^ ^^^^^^^^^^l 
nation to attain to these advantages? '"^^^'^'^^^ ^^^ ^^^ "majority of the 

Prese|^ '^l^^^^t^.^Xf^^^^^ ^"T' ^^^^^*-- 
splendid work for a business for Zfs Surh ^ "' '' '"^^^ ^^^^ ^«^^ 
pohtical nature need not be d scus.^r;^ aspirations of a social^ 

general principles. The demand as tS ^^ '^'' '"'^''^^ ^n' 

and one which should attract^dhtents^^^^^^^^^ 

general business situation and o^trtthnS Lin'^'".'' "1"^^^^ ^" ^^^ 
the management; failure may come thrnnnin f ^"^ salesmanship of 
mistake in calculations. HoweverTkiUed ?h5 ./'f ^ construction or a 
industrious, they can have liSe n nn If '""' "^^^ ^^' ^^^^^^^ver 
the year's work, or on the aa nf or In " ^ f^^"'^ °^ ^^^ results of 
^-n demanding a proper Z^'^^^J'^J^If f^'^'^^U lustifies them 
economic grounds for their claS Vsh^- but there are no moral or 
quite rightly resist the suggesShat the shn ?IH ' ^'""^'^'^ ^^'^ ''^''^^ 
bLismcss year out of their ZSal^^^^^^^^^^^ 

expected to make up bu a IowpHh^ .f ^ "^""'^ ''^htlu resist beinq 
extravagant living o^n the parTof the I^f' '""'J'^ management o? 
only justifiable if there s a bill u JJ ^^^^*«'*^- ^ut 'profit-sharing^ is 
or if special effcency merits it! ^ ^ ''"^'^'^^ ^" ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ and losses! 

Here is one aspect of general profit-sharing. 
48 



Why, for insKince, sliotiltl Ihi' tji*^iil dur wnrks of (icniunn), wUli 
Hu'ir prcdomirianL position uf inoiiotinlij, nirillnm- lo lu- ImiI n capitalistic 
Mitlking cow for the shcrehnldns olf llu' I <i. InrlM'niii(tuslrii\ iind at the 
hcst, by raising prices, givo n •June n1 p">t'Hs l.o llicir workers and 
-.llicials? 

It will be the task oJ" tlu- iMnlioiml Socialist Slate to see that 
luige monopolist profits shall lie phurd iii iIk> ((ciieral disposal by a most 
«ti'nerous lowering of prices, 

It is obvious that the prnblcni is uol a question of Social policy, 
luit is closely bound up with the prcs»>nl-day capitalistic social order 
(sliareholdcrs*s claims). 

We wish to apply these sltortly expressed principles; and to be guided 
b),^ them in our aim of realising proljt- sharing as widely as possible in 
-ill businesses in which the profits go exclusively into the pockets of 
professional financiers. 

24. Expropriation of all profits not made by honest 
work, but through the war, the Revolution — and 
Further — the stabilisation and re-valuation of the 
Frtark; also the property of money-lenders and grabbers. 

This is a measure of punishment and justice, requiring no explanation 
under any principle. 

25. Removal of the dearth of housing by extensive 
building throughout the Reich with the means provi- 
ded under No. 20 (the bank for development}. This closes the 
list of social-poUtical demands. On the technical financial question not much 
can be said In this pamphlet, for it is a very large special subject, 
and one which, it would seem, only financial minds understand and which 
actually will have to be carried out by them. Pamphlet 8 of the 
N.S. library deals fully with the subject. 

Religion and Art 

It is not possible to state on this subject mor^ than a very few 
leading principles in the space of a programme. That has already been 
done. For the rest it must be our principle not to drag questions of 
religion into statements on general politics; although we may well treat 
the corrupting influence of the secret doctrines of Judaism as an object 
for public statements and attacks, 

Tne same applies to aJl the stupid attacks on Christianity. Ex- 
pressions such as "Christianity has only done harm" merely show that 
the man who says them has neither human nor political intelligence. 

One may well blame the Church for raeddUng in politics, and all 
good Christians will disapprove the cruelties practiced in the name of the 
Cross by the Inquisition, and trials for witch-craft, but it is wrong to 
abuse in general terms the greatest phenomenon in human history for the 
mistakes and depravities of individuals. The Christian rehgion has raised 
and edified millions and millions and brought them to God by the 
wag of suffering. 



49 



T!u. 



(Iilfiir4' u) llri 



""■"■"";" '"-=• "'S iTz: '"'•""- *» ■■■'««"..« 

.M°H.-"» ""--p.. ......,„, „<,.,„„^^,, 



Military and other Reforms 



them out and, above an, of maS thl l''\°^ """'^'"9 a"d wo kin q 
th^ g«at problem of the coInfZrs^C tT ''^1°"^^' P^^' vvilfbe 
will be ours, and when we shall havA„ ^"^^ ^''^^ P°"«cal power 

knowledge necessary lor taking over th.h'^"'^'"^ ""'^ «^^ f"--^^ ami 
Here we have a rich fi^in f "^'"^'^ "* '^"^ State. 

, The sig„iricrn<:?S J:; So™ -^-^^atlona, Sociaiis.. 

leaves no domain of the Snfi p"" '' ^^°''"' ^^ the fact that it 

5. What we do not desire 

themselves - through theTr fwn ^i m'^^ '"'^'"^ ^^^^^U ^ trace of 
classes that have been dethroTed tfn ;/''' -^' ^" ^^^^'^^ *« set the 
positions. The officer cla^rnnH V.,^ 1?^'" '^^ ^^^^^^* former privi phpH 
^l^etter th,, ,„, ,t^^^^^^^^^ really no h'X'o' 

m with our idea of serving the nation^fiSt of aH " ^'^^ ^^""^"^^ ^^'^ 

working class, nor any kL of tZ.^''.-'^" "'^''^'^^^^ ^i^vation for the 
hin^seif into believing S 00^^^'"^^"-^^'^^^^;^° "^^^ ^.a/tLk 
oppressed in the past, assume ^a da m To^h.. "'^^^ ^'"^ having been 

cmim lo iH- cfjvni power. Such aspl- 
50 




i/iiions, when translated into riMillIU*'^, iiiiTni1ini)l|| h-m! Im Inilbli" roti- 
niuences, such as those whirh jh roiiiiifHibil Ww Mm It 1 inhnii*n* rvvoW 
ni November, 1918, So far il Is finl llii' *ii|i|»[i'H'it'ir ^iMllnii of Ihi' ixtpii- 
liilion which are on top, but n c rowd (>r iiolUiniJ »iwiiMlb'i^*, i)iiT(l[| Jidvi'ii- 
iiiiiTs, profiteers^ jabberers iitid fouls, vvhn Unw i|n1 |Hi%st'ss)<m of lln' 
iHilitical machine and the adnilnistniHnn. I In- |HniiilM*d dlehilnrshif) of tli*^ 
piuletariat has turned into 

The dictatorsliip til Ihi' 'P 1 n M I iir I n T. 

Even a new ordering of i\w Sbiti' tindi'i Nnllotinl Snt iallsiu rould have 
no hope of succes unless it had al ils dls|Kisjil 11 vcri) thoroughlg trained 
\\\\U of resolute men complotelii iinbmMl wilii Hie principles of our 
Programme, serious men of energij luid t-xpiTiinice. Even with us too 
iiKiiiy pure demagogues would ulbovv Ihrir way in and reap advantage 
(iiider the new order. 

It is much easier to criticise the faults <>f a collapsing social order than 
io do constructive work on it. 

We require not merely a new Party, slowly obtaining a footing in 
Parliament and administration, and then perhaps accepting a post or two 
id a coalition Ministry, only to get its back broken in the end^ — for 
liien our part in history would be played out, just as to-day Social 
f)emocracy is finished as a political and intellectual force in Germany. 
the same applies to the German Nationalists, who have already gone back 
on their main principles in order to get seats in the Government. 

We do not want Ministers who take office purely for the sake of 
Ihe position or for power, but we shall consider any such position as a 
stage towards our great objective. Between ourselves and the rest there 
is always the flaming sword of our world theory. 

On the one side the State, or rather the sham State, of the Liberal- 
democratic-parliamentary stamp, forced by necessity to mask the tyranny 
of the financiers, and at its feet a seething mob of Jew camp-fo-Ilowers 
nnd place-hunters, fighting to make a living out of the system. 

On our side, the fight for the liberation and purification of our 
people, till we achieve the true State of social justice and national liberty, 

6. Conclusion 

The task 0! this first pamphlet of the N. S, Library is to teach the 
National Socialist what he should know about the Party Programme, We 
have seen again and again the single main principle which is drawn 
through all our arguments like a scarlet thread: National Socialism 
is a theory of the world, standing in sharp opposition 
to the present-day world of capitalism audits Marxsist 
and bourgeois satellites. 

Our life is a struggle in the service of this mighty Idea, a struggle 
for a new Germany. 

We National Socialists wave our storm-banner before the world. Ever 
young, shining and glittering in the sun, rises the Hooked Croos, the 
symbol of re-awakening life. 

4* 51