Programme of the Party of Hitler, the NSDAP and its General Conceptions

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the

Party of Hitler,

the National Socialist German Workers' Party

nd its General Conceptions

by GOTTFRIED FEDER

translated by E.T.S. Dusdale

I S:iSS.

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The Programme

of the N.S.D.A.P.

and its General Conceptions

by

Gottfried Feder

translated by E.T.S. Dugdale

Published by Frz. Eher Nachf., 6.m.b.H., Munich 2 NO

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All rights rGserved, espcdally
that of translation.

Printed by J. G. WeiB'sdie Budidrudterei, Munidt

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1

Historical Account of the Rise of the

N.S.D.AP, with a Biographical Survey of the

Career of Adoif Hitler

Adolf Hitler was bom on April 20 th, 1889, at Braunau on the Inn,
a village of the old Bavaria,

His father was the orphaned child of a poor peasant and worked his
way up to being a Customs OfficiaL His mother came from a German
peasant family. When he was 13 years old he lost his father, and four
years later his mother, Adolf Hitler was then a scholar at the Real-
s c h u 1 e at Linz on the Danube, after leaving the National School It had
been his father's wish that he should become an official, but his own desire
was to be an artist. His mother's death obliged him without further delay
to earn his own living .

At IT years old Hitler went to Vienna, where he aimed to become an
architect. He earned a living by his own efforts, first as a builder's la-
bourer, mixing the mortar, then as an architect's draughtsman. At IS years
old he was already taking an interest m politics; he became anti-Marxist,
but so far took no leading part. From his earliest youth Hitler had been
passionately Nationalist, and his hope was to combine the social ex-
periences of his working period with his nationalist convictions. For several
years he lived in Vienna in extreme poverty.

In 1912 he migrated to Munich, v/here he was a student. He had
never known youthful enjoyments, but ever since the dag when he left
home with 50 kronen in his pocket, labour and privation had been his lot.

In February, 191^, he succeeded in getting free from the obligation
to serve in the Austrian Army. Six months later war broke out. He
immediately volunteered for service in the German Army, and obtained,
by a direct appeal to King Ludwig of Bavaria, permission to enter a
Bavarian regiment as a volunteer for the war. On October 10 th, 191 ^,
the new regiment marched forth.

On December 2nd, 1914, the 25-years old volunteer was awarded
the Iron Cross, 2nd Class.

In recognition of his bravery in the ataack on the 'Bayernwald' and
in the other engagements near Wgtschaete, he was ordered to take on
duty as a despatch-carrier, which demanded espedal courage and reliabi-
lity, for reports had often to be carried across open ground under heavy
fire. This quickly made his name known throughout the regiment beyond
the narrow circle of his comrades.

On October 7 th, 1916, he was wounded by a shell splinter. In March,
1917, he returned to his regiment. He received several other distinctions,

3

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including a Regiments-Diplom for special bravery in the tiahts
near Fontaines, and finally the Iron Cross, Class I ^

onr,?J!,.?'^°''u- '''*•• "'^ ^^ *^ ^«^«r«'M i"i"«d along with many
comrades in his regiment bH the Mustard Gas which the British Z^l
then using for the first time, and he ,was temporarUu fal ndedTOi IsT^a
was in hospital the Revolution brolte out.

On this Hitler resolved to become a politician. In 1919 he joined with
a smail party consisting of 6 men and on it he founded the NaUmL^
of^'tht'LwT'" Workers' Partg. He drew up In outHne the Prog™
of the new movement, and settled its character and aims.

The Nucleus: Seven Men.
!,» t? ^*?J''"*'^'i '^"' ^'^°^^ "'"^'" ™3<le his first speech to seven men-
?^n 970 *r^i"'^'l""' °^ "■ 25, 47; in December 111; in Janum-^'
mo, 270, and shortli, afterwards TOO. On November 11 th, 1920 he spoke
at a mass^-meetmg of 1700. He now organised the propaganda of the

„ M~ i ~ * ?^'', ^''■^'"'a '■^^^^^ 3™0- Hitler's propagandist activitu
n Munich was such that he was fmallg addressmg maJs-Sunos three

a^ertn^nf th".'^M°''''"f'/^^'*''!^ °f Versailles, and denkd the
f Tp, 12 f i' "'^ Marxists, the Centre Party, etc. that it was possible to
fulfil that Treats. He pUloried the slogan of these Partir - °? ve uo

arm i nnf! ^H .h'"'" ^'^"' "^^ ''« "* ""^ ^^^' ^^'^ continue to
fhP r^ltl, T *''"'■ °™ """^y- '''^n ^^i* the wi'lions wrung from
nd fhriDn** T^"^ ^'™^" '^'"°"- WW'^' oPPo^inff *« propaganda
toat fte Ruh; wn„M'f' '" ^^"T l^ ='9"'"3 the Treat;,, he proph«ied

mat tJie Ruhr would be occupied, whatever we signed.

1921.

This year was marked h^ the foundation of the first local aro^uos

ntnlT'^n'^"^ ^f ^^^?"'- ^''^^' ^^9^"^^^^ ^^^ ^^-s* body oFmenT

fn R.lSf n""*^', 'h^ ^'P^ ^^' ^'^^^ "^^"^* ^^^ Separatist movement

Src^rfn MuS^h/''^^ '"'"'^ ^ "'"''^^ °* ^^^^ ^^^^ ^" *^^

h.in"^ "ll^^^c^ni?' ^' meetings that fulfilment of the Treaty would not
help, as the S.P.D., Centre and Volkspartei asserted, to build up German
prosperity m peace and quiet, but that the result of that foolish pohcu was

ra^l H /^^^^'''f' >'''' ^ ^^^^ ''^^^> involving immense injury to
German industry. Hitler's assertion that the black-red Government was

&?J'T-''T**""f^^' *^^ ^'^'^ ^^^^^y^ ^^^ declared to bra
bare^faced he An attempt at a revolt ^thin the Party was defeated

Swcrs ""^^ Constitution of the Party, wiiich gave him dictatorial

. o-?'^^^ Democracy, which was unable to continue to ignore the name

tLni^^'^ rr "-'^^"^^^^^ *" ^'^ ''^ ^^ ^'^ ^"9"^^^ ^y "^^thod. of
terronsm. There were sangumary collisions at the meetings, in which our
leaders iron nerves maintained the upper hand. Rn invincible body-guard

UN iorriird in the course of them, which thenceforward was named the
J nun Dt'tiichment',

1922.

Whilst the conquest of Munich was proceeding, the movement was
liiMliiiiiitig to spread throughout the rest of Bavaria. Hitler rejected all
nviMiiircs, by way of compromise, to join up with other Parties. He|
• iijuhiJilh] destroyed all similar 'nationalist' party formations, and made
I hi' Miilioiial Socialist movement supreme over them.

Ill October, 1922, Hitler marched at the head of 800 men to Co burg,
iiud ill Jwice 24 hours for the first time utterly crushed the Red Terror
m Ihnt town,

/Vdoir Hitler declared then publicly that we were rushing headlong
in I lie direction of inflation, which he had foreseen as the result of the
ptiliti) of the black-red coalition. He became known as the most dangerous
and hp.st hated enemy of the system. Social Democracy and the Centre
I'Mfli} ceased defending themselves by argument, and adopted a policy of
drhirnation.

1923.

In January, 1923, the first great Party Conference was held, and the
iirst banners ot the Party were consecrated. The Storm Detachment was
formally incorporated.

The Party propaganda was exhaustively studied and improved, and
the permanent principles of the organisation were settled and established.
Adherents gathered round Hitler in large numbers, the majority of whom
are to-day his stedfast partners in the struggle. The attacks on him were
meanwhile pursued with increasing determination; he found himself in
prison for the first time on the charge of disturbing the meetings of his
adi^ersaries ; he was constantly fined. Nevertheless he never for one moment
ceased fighting against the system.

During the summer of 1923 Adolf Hitler proceeded to break down the
Red Terror in the majority af the towns in Bavaria; Ratisbon, Hof, Bayreuth^
Nurenberg, Fiirth, Ingolstadt, Wiirzburg, Schweinfurt, — often at the cost of
bloodshed in street fights, in which he defeated the Social-democratic and
Communist terrorist bands.

His struggle against the incompetent Government of the Reich v/as
accompanied by bitter accusations. He prophecied the ill-success of
the Government's feeble resistance in the matter of the Ruhr, and con-
stantly attacked the stupid policy of an understanding with France, and
that of fulfilment. He never failed to point out the necessity of an under-
standing with England and Italy.

In November, 1923, Adolf Hitler made his attempt to overthrow the
system. The rising failed, and Hitler was arrested.

1924.
The great Trial took place in Munich in March, 1924, Though found
guilty on the facts, our leader achieved overwhelming moral justification.
Hitler's defence influenced the Court to such an extent, and his assumption
of sole and exclusive responsibility was so convincing, that the speech
of the counsel indicting him turned into a remarkable testimony to his

honourable motives. The judge however condemned him to a period of
detention.

The National Socialist Party suffered by the loss of 'its leader Its
adversanes were convinced that the movement was done for, and took
courage to sign the infamous Dawes Pact, thus deiiberatelu starting the
system of the plundering of Germany \viiich was brought to a head in the
Young Plan, What a triumph for the Social Democrats and the Centre'
Ihe objective of the enslavement of Germany was apparently achieved!

In vain Hitler tried through his associates, who were at Hbertu to
put up a fight against the Dawes Pact. In vain he made them declare in
pubhc that the assurances of the Centre Party, the S.P.D, and the
Volkspartci, that the foreign loans under the Plan would increase national
prosperity, that unemployment would cease, that wages would be raised
and taxes reduced, that agriculture would be saved, were merely a de-
ception of the nation. In vain he made them point out that the Dawes Pact
was bound to increase poverty, since the interest on the loans would
cripple industry, whilst the ioans themselves merely served the purpose
of fulfilling the financial obligations under the Plan; bankruptcy and
unemployment would increase, wages would sink, prices and taxation
would rise still further, and the farmers would be faced with utter
ruin and be forced to part with all they possessed.
On December 2C>th Hitler quitted the fortress.

1925.

By February 27 th, 1925. Adolf Hitler's call for the re-birth of the
Party went forth, and he made his first speech after his imprisonment be-
fore an audience of 4000 persons.

The National Socialist movement had been broken up after the events
S^'yTJ'^^ ?..*^ ^""^ ^'^ ^*' property and money had been confiscated;
so that Adolf Hitler now started with nothing in hand to rebuild the Partu
from Its foundations. Vor warts and G er m ani a in Berlin made fun of
his efforts and mocked at the "fool whom imprisonment had made mad".
Nevertheless the reconstruction of the Party proceeded with great rapiditu
under Hitler's leadership. The old leaders gathered faithfully round him once
more. Hitler stimulated the Party press into fresh activity.

By December, 1-925, the Party numbered 27,000 members.

The Centre and the Social Democrats in alarm decreed that the leader
should not speak in public for two years.

1926.

June of this year saw the first Conference of the Partu since Hitler's
imprisonment.

The bourgeois world were still convinced that the policy of fulfilment
would save Germany and that the Dawes Pact would revive industry The
Marxists were convinced that their domination was unshakable.

President von Hindenburg separated from his supporters and marched
off with the Centre and S.P.D.

P^/,i'5Ji.'^^-^^^'* ^^ *^^ struggle; by the end of the year it
numbered 49,000 members.

l«r.w.

riu- order forbidding llillcr |h sprak in pulAlv wns witlidrjiwn, sidci'
il vviis found impossible to enl'orrr il. Ih' u(hlressed numbers of uuiss nu'i'l-
iiKl'i. I-ach month saw the l>tirtij uinit- mid more llrmly cousolidatcd.

Developments all round proved with greater and greater Force thoi
MiIUt had been right. The Dawes Pad was unmasked, and its ctjn-
.tM|(ienccs were terrific. The SocinI Democrats and Centre Party allciiif)!
I'd U) save what might be saved l)y means of lies and abuse.

hi August Hitler summoned a Party Conference at Nurenbcrg, wliU^h
finived a great success. By the end of the year the Party riunil)eryiil
/'i,O0O members.

1928.

/\<k)lf Hitler led his Party in an intensified assault on the existing
%ljslom. National Socialism was now the inexorable enemy of the de-
-.Irttyers of Germany within and without. Hitler directed his attack espe-
rinllij against the senseless ruining of the farmers and middle classes. He
prtjphecled the catastrophe which would fall upon the home markets.
He declared at hundreds of meetings again and again that the policy
of [uUilment was lunacy, and that its consequences would mean death iiiid
ruin to German industry. The Social Democrats and Centre mocked mid
jeered in their attempt to get their revenge. Their hes and abuse wvrv
directed at Hitler personally.

By the end of the year the membership numbered 108,000, and 12
members of the Party sat in the Reichstag.

1929.

Adolf Hitler continued his fight with the existing system with
untiring energy. The Press of the Party was perfected, the Storm De-
tachment increased, the SS formations strengthened^ and the propa-
ganda intensified. The doctrines of National Socialism began to penetrat<»
deeply into the national consciousness,

On August 4 th the second Party Conference took place at Nurenberg
on a tremendous scale. Hitler attacked the black-red system with ever in-
creasing energy and stood forth without a rival as the most powerful
leader against all that was meant by 'Democraty'. All attempts to oust
him from the leadership of the Party were crushed.

By the end of the gear the Party numbered 178,000 members.

1930.

The struggle against the Young Plan was in full swing. Hindenburg
defended it with energy, asserting that by it Germany would be saved,
that German industry would revive, that unemployment would be stemmed,
that the farmers would breathe again, and that it would be possible to
lighten taxation,

Adolf Hitler described such views as unreal and fatal; he propheded
the contrary. His Party proceeded to enlighten the nation amidst severe
fighting. The opponents replied with a stream of Hes.

imm'c;^'^^rmvm<rwnr^-n^-vr,if^yW7rw:'>r'f^

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The Elections to the Reichstag took place on September Hth 1930
Ihe Party polled 6\2 million votes, and 107 niGmbers were elected Its
internal organisation was stronger than ever. H few minor attempts at
revolt, promoted from outside, were promptly crushed by Hitler and
those who would not submit unconditionally were expelled.

-. Pt? ^^^^^ ^^^' ^"^^^^^ ^^^ "°^ delivered itself into the hands of
the S.P.D, for good or ill, began to excite fte Church against Hitler,
bishops and Priests, belonging to th.e Centre Partg, started a fanatical
attack against the National Socialist movement, excommunicated its
adherents, and even refused them Christian burial Hitler held unshakably
to his conviction that the Cenh^e spelt ruin for Germany, and continued
his fight against it with even greater determination than before. He
sternly rejected any attempt to extort some modification of his opinions
from him.

By the end of the year the Party numbered 389,000 members.

1931.

The fight against the Young Plan continued. The consequences fore-
seen by Hitler became a reality.

The Government began to administrate by means of emergency mea-
l"i^^; thinking thus to save industry. Sharp disputes followed, in which
/Idolf Hitler again pointed out the fatal consequences of that policy. In
a few months ~ a few weeks even — he was proved right.

Meanwhile numbers of National Socialist newspapers had starded jnto
hfe, and the central publishing office of the Party had gradually grown
to be a vast enterprise. The organisation had become highly efficient and
the Storm Detachment had in course of time reached a high staoc of
development.

Our opponents wallowed in lies, and were allowing orders for aoods to
be placed in France.

By the end of the year 1931 the membership of the Hitler Party
attamed to 806,000, a month later to 862,000, and again a month later to
920,000. On the day of the Election there were something like a million
members, and untold millions of supporters at the Polls.

The man who was once a poor worker and later a soldier at the
front has thus in barely thirteen years built op the greatest political
orgamsation which Germany has ever seen. The sole resources against
this man which his oppcnents can employ are lies and defamation And he
has always won so far in spite of all the lies, and this time he has come
near to being elected President of the Reich.

Has anyone in the whole history of Germany ever accomplished a
similar achievement in twelve years, in face of opposition from Party,
high finance, Capital, Press, public opinion, bureaucracy, lies, terrorism, and
persecution?

This was no sheltered child; from his earliest gears he has been a
man in the highest sense of the word, relying solely on his own strength.

8

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Preface

/\l Weimar in 1926 the Council nl" the Party decided to publish a series

• •r piiniplilets, dealing in a concise form with the fundamental questions
«iiri-(iitig every aspect of political life in Germany. Our intention was, and
\n, l<» present a consistent and complete picture of the attitude of National
'.(K'Dilism towards the various tasks of our public life, and of the means by
wtiUh it hopes to remove its errors and defects.

Our tJisk is therefore to examine exhaustively how it stands, then
lu I'Tiqnirc scientifically whence it originated, and finally, with
rii'ntive inspiration, to answer the fateful question, what then? The
hhtli aim of these pamphlets Is to indicate new methods for the Ufe of the
Mute, Hm' I'inancc and economics; to set on high a 'rocher de bronze'
in \hv midst of the chaos, to form a stock of clear knowledge by close

• indy, s(t that out of it all mag emerge a united political will,

A[, tlie great Meeting on August 31st, 1927, Adolf Hitler declared

• iii[)lintiriilly : "Questions of Programme do not affect the Council
<•! /Vdiiiitustration ; the Programme is fixed, and 1 shall never suffer
rh.'inges in the principles of the movement, as laid down in its Programme."
Willi this decisive pronouncement on the part of our Leader I associate
inyself whole-heartedly, for nothing is more dangerous to the life and
striidng force of a movement such as ours, than that, as time goes on, its
(ixed Programme should be subjected to negative criticism.

No man who feels that he cannot go the whole way with us in the
U'wish question, in our fight against liigh finance, the Dawes Pact and the
I);]upcrising policy, or in any other questions contained in our Programme,
or is inclined to barter the liberty of the German nation through the League
of Nations, the Locarno Pact, by compromise and cowardice, need apply to
un; his place is outside the N.S.D.A.P. We utterly reject the 'superior pri-
viite knowledge' which such as he are so ready to air in platform oratory
(Hid journalistic out-pourings.

A man who agrees fundamentally with our principles mag perhaps
Imvc scruples about a few minor details, for we cannot expect cvergone to agree
nb;jolutely on all questions, especially in an aggressive political movement,

It is, however, a different matter when political enemies make mince
meat of some one Point by odious misrepresentation quite beside the point,
JLS has indeed happened. In such a case an official commentary is necessary.
(Sec p. 19: Point 17.)

We refuse to vary our Programme for reasons of expediency, as other
Parties do, to suit so-called altered conditions. We intend to make condi-
tions suit our Programme, by mastering them.

I have been commissioned by Adolf Hitler to issue this scries of
pamphlets, which are to form the official literature of the Party.

1 luive included the official Manifesto of the Party of March 6th, 1930;
also my reply to ten questions (p. H ct seq.) set us by the Deutsche
T a g t' s z e X tu n g, the leading organ of the Reichsl and bund. That news-
paper accepted my replies.

This is the best and most effective way to dispose of all the lies about
(»ijr Ul-disposition towards ownership and inheritance of landed property
in Germany.

9

' Y7r'!T"""'^7i ■' ''^T'\VT"*^V^V-'V ''? ""^ ■ ''JiJUT^.T^ •■ ' "TWWTW^IW^

1 Official Party Manifesto on the Position ol

the N.S.DAP. with regard to the farming

population and Agriculture

1 Importance of the Far

Munich, March 6, 1930,
ming Class and of Agricultur

for Germany.

The German nation derive a considerable portion of their food frori
importation of foreign food-stuffs. Before the world War we managed tc
pag for these imports with our industrial exports, our trade, and our
deposits of capital abroad. The outcome of the war put an end to this
possibility.

To-day we are paying for our imported food mostly with the help of^
foreign loans, which drive the German nation deeper and deeper in debt
to the international financiers who provide credits. If things go on as they
are, the German poeple will become more and more impoverished.

The only possibihty of escaping from this thraldom Ues in the ability
of Germany to produce essential food stuffs at home. Increased productI;on
by German agriculture is therefore a question of life and death for the
German nation.

Moreover a country population, economically sound and highly pro-
ductive, is essential for our industry, which will in future have more and
more to look for openings in the home market

We also regard the country population as the bearer of the inheritance
of health, the source of the nation's youth, and as the back-bone of its
armed strength.

Maintenance of an efficient agricultural class, Increasing in numbers
as the general population increases, is an essential plank in the National
Socialist platform, because our movement considers the welfare of all our
people in the generations to come.

2. The present-day State's neglect of the Farming class
and of Agriculture.

Agricultural production, which in itself is capable of being augmented,
is being handicapped, because the increasing indebtedness of the farmers
prevents their purchasing the necessities of cultivation, and because the
fact that farming does not pay removes the inducement to increase pro-
duction.

The reasons why farming fails to give a sufficient return for the labour
are to be sought:

10

I in llu' i'xisling fiscal policy, which lays undue burdens on agri-
niMiiM* This is dni' to Party considerations, and because the Jewish world
(ttiiiii'ii imirlu'l - which really controls parliamentary democracy in Gcr-
UtHUM wislies to destroy German agriculture, since this would place the

• Muinii niiLloii, and especially the working class, at its mercy;

* ni the competition of foreign agriculturists, who work under more
i^jvimnibh- conditions, and who are not hold in check by a policy of
jiMilrilioii inr German agriculture;

A. ill \\\v extravagant profits made by the large wholesale middlemen,

* iiM ilinisl themselves in between producer and consumer,

'I ni I he oppressive rates the farmer has to pay for electric power and
iHiihiitl Mumurcs to concerns mainlii run by jews.

I In* high taxation cannot be met out of the poor return for labour on
Ihr Uiiid. The farmer is forced to run Into debt and to pay usurious in-
triv'il I'or loans. He sinks deeper and deeper under this tyranny, and in
Mir ciiij forfeits all that he possesses to the Jew money-lender.

I he German farming class is being expropriated.

In I h e Reich, as we hope to is e c it, the rights of Land
lijill be respected and there shall be an Agricultural
Policy for Germany.

'Hicrc can be no hope of any sweeping improvement in the conditions
r poverty of the country population, or of a revival of agriculture, as
long as the German Government is in fact controlled by the international
fiiinu'ij-uKjgnatcs, helped by the parliamentary -democratic system of gO"
viTiiinciit; for these desire to destroy Germany's strength, which is based
on I he land.

hi the new and very different German State, to which we aspire,
I he farmers and agriculture will receive the consideration which is due
h» them owing to the fact that they are a main support of a truly
n.'itional German State.

From this emerge the following requirements:

1. The land of Germany, squired and defended by the German nation,
iiuist be at the service of the German nation, as an home and as a means
III' livelihood. Those who occupy the land must adminster it in this sense.

2. Only members of the German nation may possess land.

3. Land legally acquired by them shall be regarded as inheritable
jtropcrty. To the right to hold property, however, is attached the obH-
qation to use it in the national interest. Special Courts shall be appointed
1<> oversee this obligation; these shall consist of representatives from all
def}jirlmcnts of the land-holding class, and one representative of the State.

'4. German land may not become an object of financial speculation.
{vl Point 17. p. 19), nor may it provide an unearned income for its
owner. It mag only be acquired by him who is prepared to cuhivate it
himself. Therefore the State has a right of preemption on every sale of
land.

11

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I III- M'Ult^tniiil; {)f prices far at^jricultural produce must be freed from
ii-hIu'I sprciihition, and a stop must be put to exploitation of tlie agri-
i»iiii*(il intrrt'sl Inj tlie large middlemen, the transfer of whose business
'■> .(uHMiltiiral associations must be encouraged by the State.

II ".In ill be Uie task of such professional organisations to reduce the
Mniiiii(| expenses of farmers and increase porduction. (Provision of imple-

I'., irijuiurcs, seed, breeding stock on favourable conditions, impro-

It IS forbidden to pledge land to private lenders. The necessary loaj
for cultivation on easy terms vi^ill be granted to farmers either by ass(
aations recognised by the State, or by the State itself.

5. Dues will be paid to the State for the use of land according to tt
extent and quaEty of the property. This tax on land will obviate an
further taxation of landed property.

^ 6. No hard and fast rule can be laid down as to the amount of cult-
vation. From the point of view of our population policy we require larc ^ ' 'ni'iils, war against vermin, free advice, chemical research, etc.) The
numbers of small and middle-sized farms. Farmina on a laroe scaJB •'*"!*' slutll provide full assistance to the organisations in carrying out

JKir Insk. In particular the State must insist on a considerable reduction
II Uu- iM)st to farmers of artificial manui^es and electric power.

A. i'he organisations must also establish the class of farm labourers as
lU'iiiluTs of the farming community by contracts which are just in the
loriiit s^Mise. Supervision and arbitration in these matters will be the func^
Inn ol' ihe State, It must be made possible for good labourers to rise to
Ik* Nlalus of farm-owners. The much called-for improvement in living con-
Nlltnis and wages of farm labourers will ensue as soon as the general
.intiiruj situation improves. When these conditions take a turn for the
H'llri-, it will be no longer necessary to employ foreign labour on the land,
mil this custom will in future be forbidden.

'L The national importance of the farming class requires that the State
hall promote technical education in agriculture. (Juvenile institutions.

Farming on a large seal
however, has a very essential part to play, and, if it preserves a health
relation towards the smaller businesses, it is justifiable.

7. A law of inheritance will be required to prevent sub-division c
property and an accumulation of debt upon it

8. The State shall have the right of appropriating land, suitable com
pensation being granted:

(a) when not owned by a member of the nation;
(bj when — by a judgment of the Land Courts — it is held that iti
owner, by bad farming, is not acting in the national interest;

(c) for the purpose of settling independent farmers on it, when th(
owner is not cultivating it himself

(d) when it is required for special State purposes in the national interes
(e. g., communications, national defence).

Land acquired illegally (according to German law) may be confiscate* il(|lt scliools for agriculture, with very favourable terms for youths with

without compensation.

9. It is the duty of the State to colonise land which has become avail
able, by a scheme based on high considerations of a policy of population,
The land shall be allotted to settlers as a hereditary possession under

educationally.
1. The present poverty of the land population must be at once
relieved by remissions of taxation and other emergency measures. Further
indebtedness must be stemmed by reducing the rate of interest on loans

ith'iil; but no means.)

nfessional organisations cannot provide all the
issistance reqiuired by th& farming class; only the

conditions which shall make a livelihood possible. Settlers shall be selected mlitical movement of the N.S.D.A.P. for German liberty
by examination as to their civic and professional suitability. Special favour
shall be shown to sons of farmers who have not the right to inherit (see § 7).'

Colonisation of the eastern frontiers is of extreme importance. In thi^
case the mere establishment of farms will not be sufficient, but it will be *'..,,, ^ . . ^u r^

necessary to set up market towns in connection with the new branjclt '^M>e; ^harmg the for unes of the German community as a whole,
Of mdustry. This is the only way to provide an opening for making the
smaller farms a paying proposition.

It will be the duty of Germany*s foreign policy to provide large
spaces for the nourishment and settlement of the growing population of
Germany.

. The old political Parties, which were, and are, responsible for the

4. The farming class must be raised economically and laiinnal enslavement, cannot be the leaders on the road to freedom.

can do this.

The country population are poor because the whole German nation is
nur. It is an error to imagine that one single class of workers can es-

and

t crime to make jealousies between town folk and country folk, who arc
KJHiid together for good or ill.

Economic assistance under the present political system cannot produce
i permanent improvement, for political slavery is at the root our people's
Hjverty, and political methods alone can remove that.

There are important economic tasks awaiting professional organisations
tL our future State; even now they can do much preparatory work in that
llrccLiun; but for the political struggle of liberation, which is to lay the
(Hutdation of a new economic order, they are not suitable; for that struggle

to that of the pre-war period by law, and by summary action againist will Imve to be fought out from the point of view not of a single profes-
extortion. .

2. It must be the State's policy to see to it that farming be made
to pay. German agriculture must be protected bg tariffs, State regulation
of imports, and a scheme of national training

12

si on, but from that of the whole nation.

The movement which will carry through the political struggle for

liberation to the end is the N.S.D.A,P,

(signed) Adolf Hitler.

13

"V.TJ.',,TftT'^^'ft',!'*^"n~t'W"'Wfr'!f *•*,'' ' 17?*!

The Policy of the N.S.DAP. on Ownership
of Landed Property

A Reply: by Gottfried Feder,

The Deutsche Tagcszeitung (No. 47) of January 25th. 193
published a number of questions put to us by the leaders of the Brandet
burg Landbund. Their main object was to obtain a definition of the attituc
of the N.S.D.A.P. towards private ownership of land, inheritance, raising
credits, tariffs, price regulation, profit-sharing, and towards questions
general social-political and elcction-tactical interest.

'I

111.

I 111', qui'slion was set owing to anxiety — quite unfounded —regarding
ill' pnssililc consequences of prohibiting loans from private capitalists
m Uw security of the land,

i\iiswcr. A State, which desires to malie agricultural property free
MIDI debt, and to rescue the farmers from the claws of professional finan-

hi-.

Ml llif .

I tii|iila]ism and to abolish the thraldom of interest, is not likely to

riililinld lliG necessary credits nor to charge extortionate interest; on

u- i'(>nir;ti-i^. National Socialism intends to assist agriculture to the utmost.

so many farmers having been, as it is, driven from their homes
Ji-ws — , a State, which desires to break down the money monopoly

In order to allay anxiety with regard to any later arbitrary inter
pretation of Point 17 of the Party Programme (see p. 19), the fir^
question was put in the following words:

"Is the RS.D.A.P. prepared to give a guarantee that it will not se
its face against ownership of land/'

Answer. National Socialism recognises private ownership as a pri
cipie, and places it under State protection. (See p. 30 IL 8,)

It will seek to maintain a healthy combination of ah businesse;
small and great, in the economic hfe of the nation, (See p. 30 11, 12,

The spirit of the whole Programme proves clearly that Nation?
Socialism, being a convinced and consistent opponent of Marxism, utteri
rejects its ruinous central doctrine of general confiscation, and considers
permanent agricultural class to be the best and surest foundation for
national State.

But being also a determined opponent of the great capitalists whos
aim it is to mobilise for themselves all agricultural values, and to oust th
farmers by means of taxation and interest on loans, National Socialisn
demands State protection of the farmers against aggression by the bic
business interests.

We need a strong, healthy class of farmers, free from the thraldon
of interest and the tyranny of taxation.

th '«'■

II.

The second question was addressed to me personalty, as having bcei
appointed by Hitler 'final arbiter of all questions toucMng the Programme

*'What is the attitude of National Socialism towards inheritance
property, and succession duties?"

Answer. Since it is the mainstay of the national idea, continuity
ownership, I e, inheritance of the land which a man's forefathers reclaims
and cultivated, is a natural consequence. National Socialism therefore re
cognises the principle of inheritance, as it does that of ownership of land

If property goes to distant relatives the National Sociahst State wil
levy a special tax, but in the case of nearer relationship this will be assesset
at the rate prevailling at the moment,

14

IV.

"Ilrcaking down the thraldom of interest." Abolition of unearned in-
utiios. "What is the attitude of the National Socialist Party towards
jipllal saved or inherited?"

/Itiswer. Has any farmer to-day an 'unearned income' out of demands
i>r interest, or can any landowner live on money saved from his rents?

Tliis means that there is anxiety among certain land-owners who still
i;ive a little capital left, or else there is intentional mis-comprehension
n' ignorance of that most essential demand of the National Socialist
*roqrararac.

'n, B, We mean Oterally "breaking down the thraldom of interest".

Mcj one will describe small amounts of interest from savings or a mortgage

r a government loan, as the thraldom of interest. What we mean bg

is when deliberate inflation has robbed us of all our savuigs, and the

lucr lias to pay interest on fresh mortgages and short term credits at

ntt's which ruin him.

'Iliose who favour of sticking to the present system of capitalism are
u|iihisl the true interests of the farmers, and in favour of allowing the
Kinlis and their agents to batten on agriculture.

For the rest I would refer readers to my pamphlets entitled Der
.In at auf nationaler und sozialer Grundlage, and Das
> r o g r a m m der N.S,D.A.P.

V.

Our policy as regards taxation states clearly and consistently: To
ri'c the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation, and the producer
rom taxes which cramp his business,

"Does the Party intend to remove import duties?"

Answer, The Landbund ought to be aware that the National
Sodalist vote in the Reichstag went absolutely in favour of protective
dutic^s on agricultural produce, in accordance with its principle — Pro-
tt'clinii of the nation's work in town and country,

VI.

The question of Profit-sharing.

U: is impossible here to deal with this wide and difficult subject. In my
weekly journal. Die F 1 a m m c, I have described our attitude in detaii in
i\ number of articles.

15

l

"TT'.' vtj yM'f ' "3-' r ffji TT^ rC|T»r--

' I

The article in the Deutsche Tageszeitung is misleading, sin
it removes from their context the sentences which it quotes. I personal
consider that profit-sharing in the general sense of the capitalist m
Marxist schools of ideas is not the correct solution. On this subject o
Programme refers to worl^ers in factories, and there is no point in attemp
mg to clear up the question in a pamphlet dealmg with agriculture,

VII.
Extension of Old Hge Insurance Benefits.
"How is it proposed to raise the funds for this purpose?"
Answer. There is provision now for Old Age Insurance, but it is
many cases insufficient, and is regarded as pauperisation. Once the burd
of taxation is removed, and those who arc now unemployed but able
work arc restored to the economic sphere, there will be sufficient means fc
providing ample Old Age benefits for those who are past work

Vill, IX, X,

These are merely questions to do with Party tactics, and not with an
prindpic,

Being in opposition against a coaUtion which has brought unhappines
to Germany, we have naturally now and again to vote with the Communist
(although a whole world divides us from them), just as the Germai

Our iillitude towards the permanent official class is surely a worthy

my Wr should not be such whole-hearted admirers of the great King

t MitiHslii if we were against this class. What the Army was abroad, a

l<*iio, iiinnrnptiblc official class is for the State at home. Honour and duty

mhimI r ;igain become essential qualities in our officials. The kind of

lilliUnl^, who are at the beck and call of the Reds and the Blacks, will
tli«iiip(H*nr in the coming State; such Party wire-pullers have no use
(•It li(iii(»ur and duty.

'I'hf suggestion that the National Socialists are against the officials and
liih'jid lo reduce their pay and do away with pensions, is of the naturie
mI II iiolitieal lie, which has been circulated by the Press of our opponents.
On (lie contrary, we desire to grant to all members of the nation who
!iiUH' stM'vccl Germany faithfully ail their lives long, a pension of honour
v\ liUii wili relieve them of cares in their old age. It is only thus that
nclnl nssistance will be freed from the stigma of 'pauperisation'.

Wi' must also refer to the extension of the pension idea to the indepen-

liMil. trmlcs and hand-workers. There is no need to worry about how we

nil' 1(» raise funds for the purpose. When we cease paying thousands of

1 1 lions abroad each year, and still more to our own banking houses, a

ii;i(1i()ii of those sums will suffice to pay for Old Age Pensions,

National and the Christian National Farmers do. We allow no one to dictat< '"^''i who are able to work. Our attitude towards the present system of

to us where we get our adherents from, but we turn to all — workers

The nation wants not fine words, but f orcef uhiess j not bargaining bul ■!
solid work for our poor, down-trodden nation, '

16

Unemployment Assistance and Insurance.
It is not, in itself, the affair of the State to support with State funds

.i si mice for those who cannot earn a hving has never altered; we have

bourgeois and farmers — who have a good German heart in their bodie iilwitys pressed in Parliament for better conditions for the workless. This
and are men of good will, and desire to see an end of Parliamentar wt- do, in)t because we think it a right state of things, but because a
mis-government and the wretched policy of fulfilment (of the PeaQ invcriinictit like the present one, whose idiotic foreign and domestic policy
Treaties). We do not consider that 'social communication' with other Par- \w curried labour, food production and all commerce to the edge of the
ties IS a proper method of freeing the German nation from Marxism and 'l.i|ss, is in duty bound to let its poHcy go by the board
Parliamentarianism, — for that leads to political bargaming. Nothing bu l\ State which is unable to reinstate in the economic world millions of
dictatorial action and determined exercise of power can pull Germany oul inni who can work, deserves to be swept away; so if it fails financially
01 the mud. 1^ iji^,^^^ ^^^ problem of assistance to unemployment, we merely shrug our

iiHilders.

The various attacks on the system of the dole, even if justified when
llu-i) refer to cases of abuse of this social assistance, fail to turn us
horn the principle we believe in. Granted that, amongst nearly 3,000,000
( I K'lM ployed there may be 2 or 300,000 notorious scrimshankers who would
r. II lilt J return to work if the dole were removed — we must not forget
ili;it there remain at least 2V2 million good workers, employes, engineers,

A full and clear account of the foregoing is given in No. 19 of thi
National Socialist collection — Unser taglich Brot: Basic Ques

tions of German Agriculture; by Hermann Schneider, Eckersl - --™-.. -. ^— . . . , .

Qorf, Kreis Namslau, regarding the whole policy of National Socialism witi irrhnicians, foremen, clerks, etc. seeking desperately for work and unable
respect to agriculture. It contains wM conceived proposals for re-establtshl
ing the suffering farming class of Germany.

No. 16, by Dr. Buchner, contains an excellent essay on the meaning
and sph-it of our economic policy.

No. 12, by Colonel Hierl, describes our policy of national defence.

We shall conclude with a few remarks on certahi questions which
our political enemies misrepresent spitefully and untruthfully in the hope
of doing us an injury.

lo I'irid it. It is owing to the failure of our thoroughly unsound State
Milicti that it is impossible to make any change in the miserable unemployed
Inlr.

/\ Hacks on Religion and the Clergy.

We cannot declare too often that the N.S.D.A.P. is not dreaming of
ilhiclung the Christian religion and its worthy servants.

I! is the corrupting policy of the Centre and the Bavarian People's
i»;irli] which we attack; these lose no opportunity of crying "Church in

17

Danger" except when theg are making common cause with the athe
cal, God-denying Social DemocracH.

It is because we have so high and holg an ideal of man's i^elation
wards his God that we hate to see religion besmirched with the dirt
political conflict*

2. The 25 Points

The National Socialist German Workers' Party at a great massmeet
on February 25th, 1920, in the Hofbrauhous-Festsaal in Munich amioum
their Programme to the world.

In section 2 of the Constitution o! our Party this Programme
declared to be inalterable.

The Programme

iUI i'Uizens of the State shall be equal as regards rights and duties

:;\:.:';:;;h'i;K^Tn'erests o?te whol^ but must proceed with-in the frame
nr \Uv i'.mununity and be for the general good.

We demand therefore:
II. Abolition of incomes unearned by work.

abolition of the Thraldom of interest
r. In view of the enormous sacrifice of life and property demanded

cannsriillon of all war gams.

n we demand nationalisation of all businesses wh^ch have beca up
,,n Uu' firesent formed into companies (Trusts).

l^i.We demand that the profits from wholesale trade shall be
The Programme of the German Workers' Party is limited as to penodl.^.jHHMl out. _ „ . . ^^^

The leaders have no intention, once the aims announced in it have bceii ^^ ^^ ^^^^^^ extensive development of provision for old age.
achieved, of setting up fresh ones, merely in order to increase the di34 '• mamtcnance of a healthy middle dass,

content^of th. .asses ar««, and so ™ th. cont^ued existence o| »;• W. ^d^c^p ^^ ^^<!^ .^f^J^^^^L^. IhaU

^ 1 We demand the union of all Germans to form a Great Germany o
the basis of the right of the self -determination enjoyed by nations.

2 We demand equaUty of rights for the German People in its dealmgj
with other nations, and abolition of the Peace Treaties of Versailles anc
St. Germain. . . .

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the nourishment of ou
people and for setthng our superfluous population.

4 None but members of the nation may be citizens of the State. Noa
but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members ot tti
nation. No Jew, therefore, mag be a member of the nation.

5 Anyone who is not a citizen of the State may Uve in Germany on!
as a quest and must be regarded as being subject to foreign laws

6 The right of voting on the State's government and legislation i
to be' enjoyed by the citizen of the State alone. W2 demand therefore thr^ .,^^ ^j^^ ^^^ am or ^f "^^^^ ;"^; r ^^%rj;"obtaTn^ the
dl official appointments, of whatever kind, whether in the Reich, m th|„^. possibility of higher education ff °4J^^^j^7'^7^^^^ national system
country, or in the smaller locaUties, shall be granted to citizens of tl|.^,^., , <^-^^^f ^J.™ Ih eSS Establishments must be
State alone. m**^ i'liucation. Ine curriculum ui ;^^ nrarHral life Comprehension

wToppose the corrupting custom of Parliament of filling pos|„,,„„ ,^,^ Une with the requirements of practical lUe. P

merely with a view to party considerations, and without reference fi .„=..„. „.h„ *h. fniinwino declaration:

character or capability.

7 We demand that the State shall make it its first duty to promo
the industry and Hvelihood of citizens of the State. If it not possib e j
nourish the entire population of the State, foreign nationals (non^atiz^
of the State) must be excluded from the Reich.

a Ml non^Gcrman immigration must be prevented. We demand th
aU non-Germans, who entered Germany subsequent to August 2nd, lyHj
shaU be required forthwith to depart from the Reich.

m.iiocliate communaUsation 01 r^i'^^^^^wlxTreme consideration shall

r;:,,trraur.° t^^^x:"^^- ^^^- -^

I IT localities. , . „i„

n Wg demand land-reform suitable to our national requirements

nl nil speculation in land*.

"■ ,., we demand that the Roman Law which -f!^^-^.^^^'^^''^"
.„.<l order, shall be replaced by a legal sgstem tor ^" «™_
.0. With the aim ot opening to every capable -d-d str^^^^^^

„ -1 i'li-w 1QM Hdolf Hitler made the following declaration

,„.. ..,„roH,lon 'confiscation "'■*™'<^XaBlfu remind o/notadministocd in accot-
W..I-. I., cmitlscalc, if «f "^^«;.'*».l'"i'r " ac?o dancE with national welfare. It is
;'::.?;„:',',': ,i;ffrsf .^,^1 a^*af^sf Lltl^h-rpri. w^* .p.cn,afe m .a...
mrnildi, April 13th, 1928. (signed) Hdol! Hitler.

19

18

of the State idea (State sociology) must be the school objective beginn
with the first dawn of intelligence in the pupil. We demand developm
of the gifted children of poor parents, whatever their class or occupatl
at the expcnce of the State.

«<iti dlsnission at the General Meeting of members on May 22nd,

14 ccsolved that "This Programme is unalterable". This does
■ .«l*iii Unit, every word must stand unchanged, nor that anything
(•I d*H'|KMi or develop the Programme is to be prohibited, but it
01 Ti c*. 4. 4. Mii|»M»»i Willi nhsolute decision and unswerying clarity that the principles

hn tt.iULf T ^^V/.^^^"^ ^^^ standard of health in the naf hm.1 I.Mdlnu ideas contained in it may not be tampered with,
by protectmg mothers and infants, prohibiting child labour, increa^ , , , u a- * -l ^ \^ « ^ a-

bodily efficiency by obligatory gymnastics and sports laid down bu 1 *'"'"* '"" *'' ""* bendmg or twistmg from considerations of expediency,

and bu extensivp Rimnnrt nf rinhc ^,-1^^,,^^ ,'« +1,^ u„j:i.. j._._i__„_^__x«t't I iM ill- 11 hilcrference with very important — and for the present-day

<iiMHi|t'iiu'tils in politics, society and economics, very unwelcome —
tMliih III lilt* Programme, no deviation of sentiment.

/\ilnn llillcr prints its two main points in leaded type:

The Common Interest before Self —
the spirit of the Programme.

/Ibolition of the Thraldom of Interest —
the core of National Sociahsm.

( Jtice these two points are achieved, it means a victory of the ap*

and by extensive support of clubs engaged in the bodily development
the young. ^

22. We demand abolition of a paid army and formation of a nati(
army.

23. We demand legal warfare against conscious political lymg
Its dissemination in the Press. In order to facilitate creation of a Get
national Press we demand:

(a) that all editors of newspapers and their assistants, cmplouinq t^
German language, must be members of the nation;

(b) that special permission from the State shall be necessary befor
non-German newspapers may appear. These are not necessarily printed i "*"n'hiiic| universalist ordering of sodetg in the 'true State' over the
the German language; iccM-iit-day separation of State, nation and economics under the corrupt

(c) that non-Germans shall be prohibited by law from participate ci "^'' '"'''''^^^'^^ ^^ ^^^ individualist theory of society as now constructed,
financially in or mfluencing German newspapers and that the penalt ''*' ■'^'''"" ^*^*^ ^^ to-day, oppressing the working classes and protecting
for contravention of the law shall be suppression of any such newsDanei *'*' f'''"'^''' 9^^^^ ^* bankers and Stock Exchange speculators, is the arena
and immediate deportation of the non-German concerned in it ""' tfcklcss private enrichment and for the lowest political profiteering;

It must be forbidden to publish papers which do not conduce to th< .•"''' r?*' ^^^^"^^^ f "' people and provides no high moral bond of
national welfare. We demand legal prosecution of ah tendencies in a^ ''^T\ "'^7'^^^^^^^ money, most ruthless of a powers, holds absolute
and Uterature of a kind Hkeiy to disintegrate our life as a nation an '"'":''' ""'* f^T'"' Tf^P^"^^' destrogmg influence on State nation,
fTio c,tr.t>frt^^i^„ ^f 5„.K4-..4.:„„^ ,„i-:.,. ...M-. . / ., ii^^i^I^ dn ,,1 ii'ijf, tiiorals, drama, literature, and on all matters of morality, less

iiMi to estimate.

Ttiere must of course be no wavering, no drawing back in this giant
l(ii!)(|lc; it is cither victory or defeat.

llie somewhat varied view of the same basic principle, which I gave

\i (iiif book, Der deutscheStaat auf nation a ler undsozialer

r II n d 1 a g e, (F. Eher Nachf.) is not an alteration, but a scries of

Dints which belong together, collected and arranged according to various

Dlilical economic, financial, cultural, aspects of life.

ir those views of mine (see p. 22) could be looked on as varying from

l>r opposed to the 25 Points, Hitler would never have described my book

0^ T[ + u u f J" '''^ '-""^^^ preface as the "catechism of our movement", /Inyone is free

25 that all the fore-going may be realised we demand the creati Jo oljoose either of the views according to his taste, but if he compares

?!.,f.,ii,'?"?_..^.^^f5^ .P^^^^^^ °^ }^^ ^^^^^' Unquestioned authority of thilinii together he will not find them mutually contradictory.

Ill order to insure for the future absolute agreement in our demands

the suppression of institutions which militate against the requiremeni
above-mentioned.

24. We demand liberty for all religions denominations in the State
so far as they are not a danger to it and do not militate against the mora'
feelings of the German race,

The Party, as such, stands for positive Christianity, but does not binri
Itself in the matter of creed to any particular confession. It combats thi
Jewish-materialist spirit within us and without us, and is convinced thai
our nation can only achieve permanent health from within on the principle]

The Common Interest before Self.

Munich, February 24th, 1920.

20

politically centraHsed Parliament over the entire Reich and its organisation

and formation of Chambers for classes and occupations for the purposfl . - r. , , . ^u . ■ . .u

of carrying out the general laws promulgated bu the Reich in the various ''' cKprcssed m our Programme, and to guard the movement against the
States of the confederation. ^Imcks likely to injure any movement, — the 'suggestions for improvement*

The leaders of the Party swear to go straight forward
to sacrifice their lives ~ in securing fulfilment of the foregomg Points,

rfrji'ii by professional and amateur critics, grumblers and know-alls,
if necessary n,iolf Killer, at a conference of all district organisers held at Bamberg on
'cbruiiry 14th, 1926, formally appointed Gottfried Fcder to be the final
iidge of all questions connected with the Programme.

21

■TIW'

^-s ts!"^-?"!' y^'K^.:tewiir/.rr"''^y»- ;•

fffS

3. The Basic Ideas

It is our intention in this pamphlet to expose the essential print,
of the National Socialist conception of the State as briefly and simpli
possible. We shall in a later one deal in more detail with the socialogl
theoretic and spiritual aspects of that conception.

We shall also not attempt to describe the various other polij
aspirations nor those who represent them in the different parties
associations — this is a task by itself — but we set down here merely
essential points of our demands.

The world arose out of chaos, order out of disorder, organisati^
out of wild confusion.

To-day chaos is rampart in the world, — confusion, struggle, hatri
oppression, robbery, cruelty, self-seeking. Brother is estranged fri
brother. Members of the same nation attack each other, stab a man
death simply because he wears a Swastika Cross. They aU suffer under tl
same burdens, the same privations; yet who ever during these last montti
has heard of Marxist workers attacking or killing their employers, or the
party leaders, or any of the bankers and Stock Exchange blood-sucke
or any of the wholesale profiteers? The sole sacrifice to chaos is tl

Mi.MiiiH iHi% departed from business, which is all in the hands of
HMM.fMl MimiMiiilrs. The producers have surrendered to high finance,
Mi» tl" Hi.nl I'liniu). The employers in the factories and offices, deep in
,M |p... hi lir content with the barest pittance, for all the profits of

I iiiu iiio pockets of the impersonal money power in the form of

.( . i flint (ilvidends.

\Uv p<'of)lr in control are totally unable to stem the chaos. Crushed
Mtit Mlinvi' by taxation and interest payment, menaced from below bg the
iMihhIliins iT llic submerged workers, they have bound themselves blindly
. n UUiW t'( ml rolled by capitalism, whilst the exploiters of the present
hitn^ siifl'iM- Ihem to remain in power merely as slavedrivers over the
iMitiiliiit iMusses. Their fury is directed not against the lunacy of
^Mixlniri, IhiI against the wearers of the Hooked Cross. They forget thai;
nud'wt' alone saw the tragedy of German economics approaching,
nri'lvt'tl and showed how, if taken in time, Germany by her own strength
I lid ri'slort' the balance.

/V'.siH'ialions under every kind of name, reasonable in their basic ideas

Uofu'less in the present chaos of pubhc life, are seeking how to produce

idtT. It is all in vain, for they are not in touch with the nation as a

ii^nl, social whole. All are merely intent on snatching small advantages

^

llu'ir own caste; bare of any political or economic principle, they

good, simple worker. The Marxists have lost their heads and are crowdir PP'll to each political party in turn. They bow to the existing system
to join up with the plunderers of their own class, whilst they turn savage] I'd liow»tow to the so-called supreme authority
against those who stand ready to rescue it.

The Nationalist and other Parties are in the Government, or i
fighting to get into it with those who have destroyed their national idG£
and lose thereby both honour and character. The defence associatio
are striving to penetrate 'into the State' — the State of Severing a
Grzesinskg, ~ pacifists, internationalists and Jews, with whom they belie
they can run the government.

They have gone off their heads! The so-called Rechtskrei
fall to see that eagles and snakes, wolves and lambs, mankind and th
cholera bacillus, cannot join in co-operation. They are putting forth

TlKMj cost the German nation untold sums in payments to numberless

i.iniilsfVs, directors and wire-pullers, but no one of them does the least

fjoil. Uinnlioii — a criminal measure — robbed all classes, the thrifty,

H-mbt^'s ttl" associations, artizans of their savings. Some new tax, straight

nut tlu- (jreen table, destroys the hopes based on years of work. An

dvnnliKit'' gained after numberless meetings, discussions, deputations

f tlu' Government, is usually annuUed bg to a rise in the cost of living,

ilsc (H- a fall in prices.

I'lisios and lunacy! How can a farmer live under such persecution?

Uxw van the worker buy with prices rising all the time? What good

It lo raise the pay of officials and employes when the index of the

their strength to give an appearance of *order' to disorder, political chao«- 7 - '-, ,.• - , ._ t,, „„ i^^^^ .^ z^^-,^ rrodu\{Ut fnr hetn from

poimcaj .fMeness, But they set their fac. .gainst the National SoeiaUstI ';;'■;;, J:-;^ f^^^^^ ^^J^^ Xm So.^r^Ii'Z'ZX

nil, wliirh is not the 'Father of the Nation', but the tyrant and tax-
iflU'clor of the money despotism.

those 'fanatics', being filled with crazy fears that the latter might deprive

them of some of their former privileges and positions, — forgetting thf

they lost all through the very people from whom they now demand 'j- i, ^ »+

share in the political loaves and fishes. l So they turn again and again to the old Parties, say they dont care

^t. . J ^ . 1 . M , , or politics and belong to no Party, and at the same time let the

The industrials, great or small have but one end in view ^ profits ^ HudPar^g squabbles go on as before.
only one longmg — credits -, onlg one protest — against taxation^ the^ ^'*'^'i'-^ ^^''^ ^'^^ ^ ^ . ,, , , t, , -, -

fear and respect only one thing, — the banks; they shrug their shoulders //"' ^f^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ National Socialism has set before a is a
over the National Socialist demand for breaking down the thraldom o rfntuination to restore form, to despel the chaos, to set the ^oHd
interest *hiih has departed from, the old dispensations, in order again, and to

^u ' J - . i < t . . , , ^, , , mini that order — In the highest Platonic sense.

Their one desire is to 'make debts'. The vast tribute extracted froti . <^ , , ..t, ,u

loans by the banks, without trouble or labour, they regard as perfectU H. sliould be stated here that we regard as Order neither the apparent
in order. They found parties of economy and vote for the Dawes Laws nirr of a policed State, nor the robbery of finance hallowed by custom
which are the main cause of the heavy taxation. i nd permitted by law, nor the consph-acics of syndicates, trusts, and other

22

23

organised measures of national betrayal, however well they *t\im
Even a band ^ of robbers has 'order', prisons have their 'regiilatlO
But in the nation, taken as an organic whole, every aspect of our pi
life shows pain, bondage, suppression, insuicerity, and presents a ch|
picture of a struggle of all against all.

Government against people, Party against Party, at the same
concluding most umiatural alliances, employer against employe, mercli
against producer and consumer, landlord against tenant, labourer agal
farmer, officials against the public, worker against 'bourgeoisie', Chi
against State, each blindly hitting out at his particular adversary
thinking only of his own selfish interests, his advancement and
money-bags. No one reflects that the other has a right to live, or
pursuit of his own selfish ends means that someone else has to pay for^
No one thinks of his neighbour's welfare, or of his higher duties to
community. A breathless pursuit after personal gain. Elbow your nei
bour to get on, tramp on his body if you will get anything by it — t«
care? That is modern business.

Let us not deceive ourselves. We are in the midst of a great wq
change, and it is natural that simple souls, poor wandering spirits, see
way out of the chaos, seek relief in suicide, or think the world is com!
to an end and join in the race after the golden calf and rush blindly in
the whirlpool. "Enjoy while you can — after us the deluge."

So terrible a blow to the morale of a nation js only possi
and explicable when the w^holc intellectual foundation of society
skaken or else false, ~ and in fact we see that Marxism, Capitalism, ;
the leaders of our public life all worship the same god — Individualis
Personal interest is the sole incentive, — obtaining advantages for on
own narrow class in life.

Later on a further contribution to this series will appear, devoted
a careful socialogical study of the construction of society.

Here I shall only attempt shortly to show a comparative picture
the difference between the organic errors in the State and politi
economy of to-day and the essence of a National Socialist State. T
present day doctrine is; Society is the sum of the individuals — t
State at its best a convenient aggregation of individuals or associatio:

We may compare this doctrine of the construction of society to'
he a p of stones. The only real thing about it is the individual pice
of stone. Its shape is a matter of chance; whether a stone is on to^

underneath is indifferent. The result is neither more nor less than a heair.i nf them feel how important it is; for one of our Party slogans is
of stones. l,,!il. capital and the Stock Exchange". But what the 'thraldom of

By the same simile, the State which answers to our Nation* nt'sf really is, how it bears on the life of the nation and the indi-
Socialist doctrine of sodcty and philosophy of the State is the ho us* lual. fiow 'finance' has enslaved the population, and what the right
Speaking mechanically, the house also consists of so many individual brict il pniclical methods are which must be adopted to break it, and what
~ sand, cement, ioists, windows, doors, floors, ctc» But any one can se • i tmiUs of breaking it would be for the whole population — is suf-
that a house, a room, is a liigher entity, something new and peculiar an Utiil|) rlcar to very few to enable them to explain it in thcr own words,
complete in itself, more than a mere sum total of bricks heaped togethcj in his great work, MEIN KAMPF, (Vol 1, pp. 224—225) Adolf Hitler
Any one can understand that a house does not come into being by piliri ^ iiidirntcd the vast importance of this question as follows: "As 1
a number of single parts in a heap, but only by assembling these pan U'nrd to Gottfried Feder's first lecture on breaking down the thraldom
according to a dehberate plan. | ml crest in June, 1919, 1 knew at once that this was a theoretic truth

wUh n nation. Not until chaos has been organically, by a

■ i.m, brtuHiht into order and gives place to form, not until a

liiiU' hns been assembled out of the mass of parts, can the true

n. (hiltj then will the component parts assume a purposeful

! « >MiiiHtt Spaim, formerly Rector of Vienna University, has explained

M.i.-*i*l|| 111 Ills book, Der wahre Staat, and in his Gesell-

I I h II' In- (" the socialogical bases of the present day individuahstic
. . oppdst'd to the high ideal of universal order In a State founded on

' MMiir ptliitM[)les.

W»' Niilioiial Socialists coined the phrase, which all men can cora-
rUvtul

The Communitg before the Individual.

II In niilii by serving the general interest as a member of the national
(I I (Ml II I II II that the individual awakes to a higher hfe, each one in his
VII jiliiti'. Only so will eacli one attain to the genuine Socialism, the
HI 111 111 III! feeling, the true life, win consciousness of security, and realise
niihi under the domination of this idea can an organic, national
tvi'iiinuTit Earise from the present dag system of robbery, and be of
nlll to the community, and to each member of the community.

I () (liiij the individual is a helpless victim of the forces fighting for

iriiisliTy; his associations are powerless to help him. It is not clearly
nllsi'il w!k) is the real enemy — the idle profiteer and exploiter.

In spile of the Marxist cry against capitahsra, the pious pronoun-
iiiiMits of the Centre, the complaints of the busuiess ivorld about the

II of Luxation and interest, no one realises the world enemy, the
OHM i" vvliit'h overshadows the world, and its representative, the Jewish
MlititU'.

/Ul t'liisscs have felt the lash of interest; the tax collector bears heavy

9 I' VI Til section of the population, — but who dares oppose the power

hniik ninl Stock Exchange? Capital proclaims its character by growing,

nluiry to all experience elsewhere on earth, as it were outside itself

1hc»iLi pnins or labour, by means of interest and dividends, and by vt^axing

I it IT in id more powerful each minute. The devilish principle of lies has

led lite decency of creative labour.

linn/: down the thraldom of interest is our war-cry.

I kiHJw that this demand, which underlies every other, is not pro-
III iiiiihM'stood in its full vast significance even in our own ranks. Very
' (»i our speakers, for instance, dare to attack this basic question, though

24

25

immensely important for the future of the German nation . . , The

against international capital and finance has become the chief poi\
the Programme for the German nation's struggle for independence
liberty."

M serious National Socialists share this conviction, for the sol
of this question implies solution of the Jewish question, — and mudi
than that.

Anti-semitism is in a way the foundation of the feelmg underlain
whole movement. Every National Socialist is an anti-semite, but every
Semite need not be a National Sociaiist. Anti-semitism is negative
anti-semite recognises the carrier of the national plaguc-germ, but
knowledge usually turns into hatred of the individual Jew and the suco
the Jews in the life of business. Then in the best event anti-siemii
rises up to help in driving the Jew out of our State and' economic
The anti-seraite does not worry his head about How and What next.

If, even after the Jew was driven out, there still remained
principle of present-day Jewish domination — self-interest before gen
interest — and the Jewish banking and credit sgstem, there would stil
enough bastard Jews, or even 'normal Germans' of mixed race as r
to step into the Jews' shoes and rage against their own race as are
Jews to-day, and we should perhaps see plenty of 'anti-semitcs' sr
where the Jews once sat

Now National Socialism with its main demand. Breaking down
Thraldom of Interest, is essentially constructive. It bites deeper, and
consequences are far more all-embracing.

In my essay. Das Herzstiick unseres Programms, (Nat
Jahrbuch, 1927) I pointed to the peculiar position that demand gives us a
all other Parties and associations. In all our other demands we find si:
and parallel aspirations in the Parties of the Right and Left. No
Party but ourselves can show any counterpart of this one demand.

We all know that neither the Left, with their false cry of ''D
with Capitalism", nor the Right with their phrases about the Fatherla
are capable of starting a new world epoch, for neither the Marxists
the reactionaries could alter anything in the nature of our, economy
would only destroy as the Communists in Russia do. They are incapable
construction — like the Communists in Russia.

i(> must earn their bread by mental or bodily work, whilst

0}|) Nuinll proportion, without labour or trouble, pocket huge

r llu'li- dividends, speculations and bank shares. We do not

MitlHy savers and small capitalists — though they too owe,

1. iiM h vvmuiugs to a false system — , but all their lives long many

. Uii^ iHiimirit of then- httle interest was taken from them in the form

*...!, till Hint we can easily afford to repay them in their old age

. Mf iif iiirir itill earnings, which were taken away. I shall have more

■iMH tilMiiil [Ills later on,

%i» Irt I lie industrial, who has labouriously built up his business, and
\svx[ II III cniirse of time into a company. He is no longer a free agent,
h*\h to NJilisfy the greedy board of directors and his shareholders as
II It I ir (iocs not wish to be squeezed out.
•.M riic itlt nations that cover their deficits by means of loans.
I \\\H Ihijildom spells ruin for any nation that hands over to the money
wi. tln> Ijonkcrs, its sovereign rights at home, the control of its
MM I ',. u\ its railways, and of taxation and customs, as Germany has
It \i\\ nccepting the Dawes Law,
< ii-nlivc labour is under the same thraldom, if it thinks of money
■ -ir i\\\ else. To-day money, the 'servant of business', has become the
Ui. in fact, the brutal tyrant of labour.

I hrnldrmi of interest is the real expression for the antagonisms,
tilnl versus Labour, blood versus money, creative work versus ex-

Ihilinii.

iiu' ftiTi'ssity of breaking this thraldom is of such vast importance
nm mil It 111 and our race, that on it alone depends our nation's hope
ii'.hMi iij) from its shame and slavery; in fact, the hope of recovering
►)>iiu".s, prosperity and civilisation throughout the world.

// is ilie pivot on which everything turns; it is far more than a mere
. -.tlY of financial policy. Whilst its principles and consequences bite

What do we mean by Thraldom of Interest?

The condition of peoples under the money domination of the final
of the world Jewry.

The land-owner is under this thraldom, who has to raise loans
finance his farming operations, — loans at such high interest as almc
to eat up the results of his labour — , or who is forced to make debt{s £
to drag the mortgages after him like so much weight of lead. ,

So is the worker, producing in shops and factories for a pittant
whilst the shareholder draws dividends and bonuses which he has n
worked for.

So is the earning middle class, whose work goes almost en
to pay the interest on bank overdrafts.

tnio political and economic life^ it is a leading qaestion for
ttir study, and thus affects every single individual and demands a
<'tt from each one: — Service to the nation or unlimited private en-
I /It, /it. li means a solution of the Social Qaestion J'
l\\\ 'world-questions' are capable of being described in one word, which
, ilk I' n flame out of chaos; at the same time countless prophets and
I'v t "I I 111 '.(It exhaust all the questions which arise out of that word.

I

W(' ciin say no more at present on this vast basic principle of National

hilisnu I have already thrown Hght on every essential side of the

blnii in my pamphlets: Das Manifest zur Brechung der

f. It H e c h t s c h a f t — Munich, 1926 (now out of print) ; Der

II I sbankrott. Die Rettung — Jos. C. Huber, Dicssen, 1919;

kninmende Steuerstreik — Diessen, 1921 ; and Der D e u t -

r SI a at auf nationaler und sozialcr Grundlage —

I Inn- Nachf., Munich, (all obtainable through the Ubrary of our Party

AAiitilrh, Thierschstr. 11}.

iiiU'tisivc study is required to master the details of this problem, for

pr-iulit-al economics of the last 50 years have followed the capitalistic

26

21

idea so closely, that all who have grown up with it need a en
Change of orientation in order to get free from it.

A pamphlet on the subject is soon to appear, which will al
members an explanation on this hlghltj important task of the
nationalist State,

_ In addition to the two quite novel basic principles of our Proa
given above, we must mention certain others in connection witi
general pohcij of the State.

The principle underlHing our policy of the State is shortlu as fd
The German Reich is the home of the Germans

It is the great principle for our whole foreign policy, and ir
Germany s pohtical hbcration, all the requirements of our racial po!i(
the conditions of membership of the State,

Our economic principle is: Th e duty of the national
nomy is to provide the necessities of life and no!
secure the highest possible profits for capital,
nf atII!'" f jf'Tl^ ""^ economic policy embraces a fundamental att
of National Sociahsm towards private property, and with regard t(

SHndT^fi^T' f ^"'^"'f ' /'^"^ *^" ^'^y ^^^" *o the very greafl
Syndicates, Trusts -^ and also to the great moral questions which
be a Uvmg force m business, if the 'national economics' are not to
proBtf ^ '"^''^ exploitation of the nation and to being run sim^

Our principle as regards finance is as follows:
Finance shall exist for the benefit of the State
magnates shall not form a State within the State,

This principle involves a seismic change. It concerns the pra
measures which will have to be taken to break the Thraldom of Intere"

b^nMn s stem^^ ^^ ^"^^"^^' '^''^''^ ^^ *^^ ^^^^'^^ °^ ^^^'^^*' ancl'»«'- nim is

Every one of these tasks is of the greatest importance from the
of view of our Programme. They involve all tax legislation, ivitj
ultimate - and seemingly impossible - aim of a State without tax
Our principle as regards social subjects is as follows:
The general welfare is the highest law of all.

the fln(\

' 'MjiM'lvM MiFfcred by our German artistic and intellectual life at
I Ww ft' wish dictatorsliip, especially through the poisoning of

'lit ilils important domain of public life there are, of course,
I til tun Improvements to be considered.

'(•-Mt Hull our system of Law will have to be modified to meet

■ 4 rrt'sli Institutions; that the scandal of election to Parliament

- HiMtIc vote will have to be removed, and that, following the

4ihMuil [h-i'IikI of a Dictatorship, we shall have to decide on the

hmI vlfilidi' Jnrm of the State and the internal functions of the

I Ml 'ifllll'H.

'Mii'iniif. however, we can see in this brief outline the vast dimensions
Mi' (|m"*nniis when set face to face with the tremendous fundamental
il'lm ul iiiir Programme,

II H mil I'lnidiiraental — in fact it is indifferent to us whether is to be a
'ImIiii (h- a republic, whether we are to have a federation of 5 or
< »i"'s pfuvifled only they are aU German States combined under a
ii <'i'tMra] government, when face to face with the foreigner, and
i<i' «l oiil|| Ihc citizens of the German State at home mag live happy and

mUmI.

. I he Programme Requirements in Detail

UN Inniuilnlod by Gottfried Feder in Der deutschc Staat.

II will I link c for clarity, when enUsting n^w members, to make use

I. Pi I II ini til MIC in the form which follows. The minor clauses are ranged

« Mil' miiir important headings, corresponding to the principles enun-

'I 1)1 Hir prrrcding chapter,

I (IV Political and Economic Programme of the N, S, D,H>P.

Germany's re-birth to German liberty in the German

1 1

This pnnciple of ours is in direct opposition to present day pra
according to which z^^x^^ class, every profession, tries to
advantages for its own particular group in social pohcg without rec
to the general interest. We wish to make it possible for all to fi^
dwelling and for all to make a living, and to institute a general syster
care for the aged, y -

_ As regards educational and moral progress it is our unchangei
pnnaple: that all work in that direction is to be done from the sole p(
ol view of German nationality. It cannot be by order or by force t
the moral and intcOectual forces of our nation may introduce a n
Renaissance, a new classic epoch in the arts. A stop will have to

28

mr;]iis lo this aim are:
IJK- (jnJitical principle: The German Reich is the home of
I li f G cr m an s.
(.i) in ftH-cign policy:

I lormation of a homogeneous national State, embracing all of

( ii-rman race,
:^ liiuTgetic representation of German interests abroad.
(Ii| if I racial policy:

,V Dismissal of ah Jews and non-Germans from all responsible

[ positions in public life.
M. I'revention of immigration of Eastern Jews and other parasitic
I'oreigners, Undesirable foreigners and Jews to be deported.
(- I hi internal policy:

.'). None but Germans who profess entire community with the
spirit and destiny of Germany may exercise the rights of a
citizen of the State.

29

"mmr-iTfr.'^ .n.'.-v'j'^nf

6. He who is not a German may only live in the Germi
as a guest and is under foreign law.

7. The rights of Germans shall have the preference over
citizens of foreign nations.

II Our economic principle: The duty of the State is to prj
thenecessaries oflifeandnottosecurethehi
possible profits for capital,

a National Socialism recognises private property as a
and protects it by law.

9, The national welfare however demands that a limit .
set to the amassing of wealth in the hands of individuals

10. AH Germans form a community for the promotion of the
welfare and Kultur.

11. Within the Hmits of the obligation of every German to
the sanctity of private property being respected, every C
is free to earn and to dispose of the results of his labour.

12. The healthy combination of all forms of busmcss, sm,
large, in every domain of economic life, mcluding ' agrii
shall be encouraged.

13. AH existing businesses which until now have been in the
of companies shall be nationalised.

1^. Usury and profiteering and personal enrichment at the e^i
and to the injury of the nation shall be punished with dej

15. Introduction of a year's obligation to work (for the
incumbent on every German.

IIL Our financial principle: Finance shall exist for the M
fit of the State; the financial magnates shal
form a State within the State. Hence our aim to bl
the thraldom of interest.

U\\ iMilitU'jil principle:
I I fi u' tt F all.

The general welfare is the

■iMiinii on a large scale of Old Age Insurance by nationa-
n Mill Htf .-ujstem of annuities. Every member of the German State
aIiiiII Uc assured of enough to live upon on attaining a certain
miv, Ml, ir permanently disabled, before that age.

'\ l'*iiliclpiiHon by all engaged in productive enterprises in the
IMoflts nccording to efficiency and age* Responsibility will also
hv s! in red in fulfilling the task from a national point of view.

*'i, Si'l.'dif for social purposes of all profits made out of the War
iHiil ifK' Revolution, not due to honest work, and of the fortunes
til' usurers and money-grabbers.

>r», He] Id' of the shortage of dwellings h^ extensive fresh con-
'arijilion throughout the Reich by the means suggested in No, 20
(m new national bank).

'»iii cultural aim is that all the sciences and fine arts
iiitll flourish on the basis of a politically free,
<-nn omically healthy State. The means of achieving this

:'h. 'l'riij[ijiig the young up to be healthy in body and free jn mind,

iifkT llie great traditions of German culture.
.'/. (\)ntph'lo liberty of creed and conscience.
'/H. NfuH'litl protection for the Christian denominations,
'JM. Discouragement of dogmas, which are opposed to German moral

InsilncLs and contain matter injurious to the State and the nation.
.'^0. Discouragement of all evil influences in the press, in literature.
Mil* stii(|e, the arts and the picture theatres.

M. IJherty of instruction in the German secondary schools; for-
iiuition of a ruling class of high-mmded men.

:vi

16. Relief of the State, and hence of the nation, from it.-
debtedness to the great financial houses which lend on int(

17. Nationahsation of the Rcichsbank and the issuing houses

18. Provision of money for all great public objects (waterp-
railroads, etc), not by means of loans, but by granting
interest bearing State bonds or without using ready m

19. Introduction of a fixed standard of currency on a secured '; n i h «« r recommendations.

20. Creation of a national bank of business development (curj
reform) for granting non-interest bearing loans.

21. Fundamental re-mo deliing of the system of taxation on s(
economic principles. Relief of the consumer from the bi
of indirect taxation, and of the producer from crippling tax
(fiscal reform and reUef from taxation).

m I li ( ary affairs.

.V.'. To make the nation efficient by permitting every free German
(ct stTve and bear arms.

•VV /Uiolition of the paid Army.

("ruation of a national Army for national defence under the
command of a highly trained corps of professional officers.

My

M).

30

l>rcss reform. Suppression of all journals which miUtate against
the national good. Strict responsiblHty for all untrue and intcn-
llonally falsified intelligence.

Modification of the franchise laws so as to cut out the demo-
inlising methods of election contests, and the immunity of
lliose elected.

31

i

37. Formation of special Chambers for trades and profcssi

38. Judicial reform as regards
the Land Laws — recognisatlon of the rights of pro;

land as a principle; no right to borrow from privat
ces on the security of the land; the State to have th
of pre-emption, espGcially in the case of foreigners and
the State to be empowered to administer estates In thi
of bad management on the part of the owner.
Gvil Law " grealty increased protection for personal
health, as opposed to the one-sided legal protection
rights of property, which predominates at the present day;

39. State Law reform.
The form of State most suitable to the German ch

is sovereign control united in a central personal pow
nation must decide later on whether this central p
power shall be wielded by an elected monarch or a pr
Federal character of the Reich.
The constitution of the German nation out of a num!
countries closely bound together by race and history rr
it necessary that each one of the States shall be very ej
sivcly independent in internal affairs.
It is the affair of the Reich to "represent the German
abroad, and to provide for passports, customs, also h
Army and Navy,
There are three main obstacles to carrying out this national
gramme of National Socialism: Marxism, the Parliamentary system
the capitalist magnates.

1. Our anti-Marxist campaign is directed against the disruptive
trines of the jew, Karl Marx ~ that of the class-war which splits
nation, that of distruction of private property which makes businesi
possible — and against the whole economic materialistic view of hi

Mll^Wnif fli iiinli'i-i;il Ihttujs, coiiiiiicrtiM!, is dik'ilij rt'f)r("S(Mitetl ln| Ww

i

HmHmiihI '.111 hilistii, like a(iLi-scniiUsiM, rt*<jards the Jewish-matcrialislic
)»M . Mil. ihirl rausc of the evil; it knows however that this greatest
■ ui til'thirii must not stop short at merely destroying the Semitic
i*ii|i i'. wlif) the great I^ro gramme of National Socialism goes far
^i-.i^-l lju« aitii Semitic desire to destroy, for it offers a positive con-
uHtvi' phliiic. showing how the National Socialist State of labour and
H» ^/I'liii'iil oufilU to appear when completed,

njnv ijii'. fiigh aim is achieved the National Socialist Party will dissolve
^nHfihrttllii; inr National Socialism will then be the entire life of the
lU' hi^Miiait nation. The N.S.D.A.P. is not a poUticai Party in the ordinary
" Mf \hv word, but is that section of the nation, which is confident
f nHW ot IJK' future, which has gathered round strong and determined
tidjti lo tU'liver Germany from shame and impotence abroad and from
iihiitilhntUtn at home, and to make her once again strong and respected
hhhI, iiinl morally and ecconomically healthy at home.

t

"T\w German Reich is the home of the German people.''

rvt'i|) word of this principle of State policy is a cut with a lash, when
rnti'^ltU'r lln' miserable state of things to-day.

I hr '(uTjnan Reich' — where is there a German Reich to-day? Can
niiitnit Inn clnlin to be called an independent State? No! Not even the
Hi 4'((Mi|t|jii'ciil pundits in State Law could describe a country, such as
I iiiiMJit \s iitJW, as one in full enjoyment of aU its rights of sovereignty.

IIh' flvf uiost important rights of a State are: sovereignty over its
iiltKK, Its anni], its finances, its internal administration and communi-
hmn, luid laslhj its justice.

Villi tiavt" only to put the matter in this way to any layman without

, IhiT i'xfilnnation of a nation's rights under International Law, and
2. Our campaign against parliaments is directed against the la|„f„HH' II willi Germany's position to-day, and it becomes clear that it is

HvJhh- id maintain that a severeign 'German Reich' exists any longer.

nnr t'nnlrol of our territory is a mockery, for whenever France chooses
i'Mn M'l/e upon German land without asking leave and without suffering
M^llltiii. Czechs, Poles, Danes can venture on any inroad into German
llnili wllliont fear of hindrance. The 'accursed old regime' put a very
TM-nl l(aAM|)retation on the slightest breach of frontier, A military inroad
I iriiiiiiu territory then implied a 'state of war'.

In protect its territorial sovereignty a nation needs an armed force

responsibility of the so-called representatives of the people, who —
immune — can never be summoned in practice to answer for the r(
of their decisions; also against all the evils w^hich arise out of the st
(moral corruption, nepotism, venality), all resulting in the final ev
a government which is dependent on such a parliament

3. Our campaign against Mammon, which ranks above the other
is directed against the world- cm bracing powder of money, i. e. the per
exploitation of our nation by the great lending houses.

It is also a tremendous struggle against the soul-killing, mate

;

S2

spirit of greed and rapacity with all its disruptive accompanifl*'''''^' '<» ';<1_'^"llii^g any attack on jts land, and therefore^ on the h^^^

throughout our public, commercial and cultural Ufc, ^ - ^. - . . <> -

The main battle is one between two world-theories, represent
two essentiahy differing structures — the spirit which has created
creative and the unquiet, grasping spirit. The creative spirit, deep-n
but superior to the rest of the world in spiritual experience, is ci
mainly by the Arian race; — The grabbing spirit, without roots anyw

tplm-'ts of its nationals. A free State cannot permit a foreign Power to
iiilKlM' its actions, or to have the right of deciding the strength,
tipiiu'iil, unriaments, garrisons of its Army; if it does, it is certainly

'nnvtMH'i<|n'; it cannot command its means of power; It has given up
(i<ul nl lis tnilitary forces, Germany has done this by giving in to the

Ml < I nil missions for Disarmament and ControL

33

Germany had already suffered this humiliation under the
conditions, and had lost her international rights.

Nevertheless she might have retained some part of her internal c(,
but as soon as the military control was destroyed, the financial ma J
seized the opportunity for limitless exploitation of German labour.

First of all the muddy torrent of Revolution burst forth over GGrntrt
then the usurers and profiteers, the Sodal-democratic traitors, sotr*
chaos, deserters, jail-birds shared the power with the Democrats
Centre, and behind and over all the financiers, the Jews, did their bushu
Soon the Free Masons of the so-called National Parties, especially Brot
Stresemann, were called in. The final blow was soon to come. The
perts with their Dawes Law robbed Germany of control of her finani
which was bartered away to a handful of Jews, the German and for
financial magnates. The Reichstag let the railways go, and with
all control of communications, also a great part of the control of tax
and customs, by handing them over to the Reparations Commissioner,

Control of justice hardly exists any more. The occupied districts^
under foreign military law; special regulations govern the rest of Gen
such as those for the defence of the Republic; insecurity of rights, orc^
sed public robbery through the so-called Aufwertungsgese]
forcing the Courts to declare that wrong is right.

Policy of the State

in- i 1 1' r m a ri H c i c h shall b e a h o m e f o r t h e G e r-
■••I Un h'vvs, Russians (Communists), Social Democrats, who have
iili'd Germany (Cnspieii), nor for all the foreigners who
•• -Jiorter stay on German soil.
>ii •.hnrp and fundamental opposition to the Weimar Constl-
h NfH'nks only of 'German nationals', but ignores the con-
• -'I <irn)uii]' in the national, or rather racial, sense.
"\i nf ilu- seven following theses has three separate aspects
' M|M poliry. (b) population, (c) citizenship,

» ' ■■ I f Mf (I policy,

• Mnfi of a solid national State, embracing all
' ii • 1 of the German race.

II III litM'inim blood, whether living under French, Danish, Polish,

I Ml Ihilliiii sovereignty, shall be united in a German Reich. We de-

HrUlu'i- less nor more than what was demanded for our enemies ■ —

fill nl (iciinans to decide to belong to their motherland, the German

Germany is no longer a sovereign State, She is a colony of si;
Germans are oppressed, thrown into prison, denied free speech — si
because they are still 'German' and desire to end their slavery.

Yes, we want to have Germany free again, and this coming Gerd
Reich shall be the home of the Germans, — not merely a machine
keeping order, not merely a 'State', an 'authority', a 'government*:
sinecure for a handful of reigning houses, but a Home, that w
of charm — love of home, lovely, sunny, beloved. The smell of
home earth rises up, the wanderer thrills with joy to feel the he

h'l- rlnhti 111! Germans in Sudeten Germany, Alsace-Lorraine. Poland,

iMjn*' roloni) of Austria, and the States which succeeded to the old

Tills lU'iiuitid however expressly excludes any tendency towards

tiili'iiii; II is llic simple and natural demand, which any strong natio-
iml-. hinviir<l as its natural requirement.

.Miuiin representation of German interests abroad
nilhiT mid necessary corollary of Point 1.
\H iiMiiillii the best, most industrious and venturesome ~ engineers,
i-rf«, (M-nfessors, merchants, doctors — who go into foreign lands,
Ml (irniiaii Kultur with them. They are members of the great
Ml nnlltitiiii family, to which they must never be lost. They have a
In t'xpff! protection from home when they are abroad. They

is the fcehng of security, and from that blossoms the fine flower of
of home. The State and nation can have no finer aim than this.

soil beneath his feet; he is bound to it by blood ties. The home fee | |„. ,„,t merely disseminators of Kultur, but the conscious advance

but

i\ II?!' (icrnianic idea in the world; not 'apostles of humanity
*i i»r I hi' Nordic idea.
It greater than a cautious social policy, than unemployment insurai|li(i*«i' who represent Germany abroad should not acquire foreign
than housing schemes, though indeed having one's own home is onel«^, hiil sllrk to their superior German character. Our Foreign Office
the strongest incentives for love of home, JIk- favt'pt clean with an iron besom. We must finish with the

Home is more than an 'Imperial State', which one serves, wheii'"""^'"-"^ t^^^^^ ^^^ foreigner after the manner of Erzberger and
from enthusiasm or under compulsion.

It is more than an adminstration, more than the defence of one's
interests, more than a crib for cattle, or protection for person and prope
All these public objects must serve the conception of home. Just as
idea of home has a special charm of the children in a properly organ]

niMiin, nud it will be seen that strong representation of German
.I'l will \m quite otherwise respected, and attention to German desires
11' oi CO 11 tempt will be the result.

family, as one's own room arouses very different feelings from a re n ii s I b I e positions in public life.

in a hotel or a prison cell; home is sometTiing unspeakably tender

is the Liberal — parliamentary — democratic conception of the social S%
34

►) N II (1 ;i I policy,
Lx elusion of Jews and all no n -Germans from all

liN denifind is so natural to us National Socialists that no further

yet powerful, superior to the idea of an association for a purpose, wi u\\Uui is needed; but it is not possible to give convincing arguments

I'f \n ihose who fail to take in the principles of our racial doctrine.

35

^rr?n-^'

•T'^i

""^^T^7T'^WW^^'^^^fTimYy^'r.,tSf^-J

■fr 'JT^

rtilWiMli-"V

"wpiWfJ ' J » I'" ' V JJT '^^ ''ijr'n-T'^TT •

^'-£''wEr?"'^'-^-- 'S^ ^'«'^ o' the ;eJ

the middle of a s^«ih^ *''^* '^ cabbage which Zf ^'^ demand.!
strawberries rl,Tu ^^"^ P'^nt was a <!trL, k ^'^ ^f""'" ^9 chan J

a sheep, a German L.wh ^°I '" ^'"°''S a flock nfT^^ ^' ^ he fhouq

""migrated inf^ Gemlu J*'' ''^^^^ f°'^ tte East '1 '^"S-e^t^Wishel
Germanjj, We ha,^ ,. 'J' have enriched thT , ^^ho have recentl,,!

°ne way open for this rrif? '"'"' °^ Nordic inst^! J ^^ '' ''^^ alwaus ;
'ong as order is J,^L-^^^ P^oPle. - it hs. f « "'■ There is but,
Therefore we ^demand l"'^"'^''' f«-the af the^f 7 p'° !i°P^ ^o' t' ^

^i tn.2 tittle of thp

'nto holes. They sTarted^l' •^'" housed ".^"^'^^.^a-^ 9'-''at deartfof
pearls, Persian carpet i^^'^ <^'"iii husines bunto '"' ^"'^ *° '^^^P
thousand mark note connf","""'' ff°'<J. silver "n^?,- "^ «^«'Uthing _
"tor Companu) Th!', PP®""' '^^d, literaturp fh P'atmMm, War Loan
Germans - in" be eues T/*« '^^''^'"^ '^ "« rich "' '''f" ^'^' Evapo-
""^^l Germans'.*^ ^' ~ ''"<' '°ok rank as

Tt.j "'^ ^^"SG of the

ims question doer^ j^^f

norrh"^;a„\f ,r°^P'^^^^^^^^^^^ '" the Wisiona,

h^stardised"" "^ ^'^"^ -'^h the Germar^atio "J,'; .'i'tf ^-'"'h:!

B"» we can state H "' ''"

r'^abi"^ Tnt^U- rr?>"<-^^- -Ued"t ^^ —-

^eing a .number of bnnl! ^^"^^3% by question? nf """'^ ^^ *^e re-

36

i!

I) As regards State rltl jkom hIiI p wi* iUmihuhI:

R Tlnit none but GerftiiitriN, w li o b i* I i i> u f in German
Ij H 1 1 II r and the com m n n d i' s I I ii )t o 1' ;i 1 1 i\v r m a n s, shall
-'♦'■■., I lie rights of a cMH / c n oT I li v S t <i U'.

II here limits must be (Irawn. Profile, who, even though German
i\. consciously in a wiiij injurious In Ihe nation and the State, and
,iiid obey orders from al>ro!Ml i. v. do not accept a share in the

..II destiny, may not be allovvml |.lu> ri(]bts of citizenship j there are

, ) .^iii lo whom we shall have to dotiij the' high honour of enjoging these

iiib..

h. Non-Germans may only dwell in the German State
<i nests, and shall be regarded as being subject to

■ I ci gn law.

lUis is a necessary principle, calculated to put an end forever to the
i iiiid obsequiousness towards the foreigner. But it does not mean that

■ shall not welcome citizens of a foreign country warmly and treat them
II as guests so long as they conduct themselves properly; but

7. The rights and interests of Germans shall have
iM.'ferencc over those of the subjects of a foreign
II .1 1 i on.

Our further requirements need not be included in our Programme in
WriaiL For instance, the form assumed by the laws affecting foreigners will
rufiie on for settlement later, also the methods for excludmg the Jews.
i\ Programme of principles cannot be expected to be a Programme of
.hjion, giving tactical details of how supremacy is to be secured, etc.
I am opposed altogether to fixing our Programme too rigidly, for in this
(|reat struggle we must first determine the principles from which we shall
never draw back, and not imitate the votecatdiing methods of the
boujrgcois and Socialist Parties.

Economic Policy

It is the duty of the National Government to provide
the necessaries of life and not to secure the highest
possible profits for Capital

It may occur to simple, plain-thinking men that to announce this
obvious fact as a principle is superfluous. It is a common-place to the
producer, the farmer, the artizan, the manufacturer, that what he makes
is either used or consumed, — by himself or, as an article of commerce,
by others.

In his eyes business which is not concerned with production or con-
sumption is ridiculous, impossible, against common sense.

This brings us to one of the great mtcllectual difficulties in our
recruiting work. Our fellow-countrymen are bound to say: — Of course
your natural sentiment m thinking of the meanings and aims of labour

37

\nf^^!i':rz^i^wiim!ipr-ifj^m.^'^rV'v,KTrfm'-v

M

What about the banl^^? tu

Not freeiri^H Jl,'^'!" P"'"'^"'^^ and distribute tt^^f' ".'" '^"^"^ whS
-ngageSt to' °tu.^l,''''^"^ ^^ ""-'"S ov * anHr''^ necessaries?!
whether tblZoSrlT^' *^«a <*arge i^tLe"t n^°Yf *^ "'''"^'

of life comes a bad stco^r """ ^'^^^ ""'^ "'-■ -PPlymg nLssMes

conscious of his Mgrt^^r as an 1""^''"^"' ""■'- '""-eat he whn •
woral worth ^ iv +t, ^^ ^^ economic hiuh^r n« f' ^ ^^^ ^^

3g ' '' "P ^oth quaaty and

■i=f t,MI)f fit prodiirHon, pnji lil!< tMripl()||Oh wiMI, so iluil Ukmi may ha able
. . i-uirhnst- <|()(Kis frediK mtisl nlwri|jf* In- IliloKitiij (tf Imprnvtments and
. n. u-nlM ol' pinnt ami trading iiu'lhtnh. If lie puts all this first in his

I ,rv». \w Is 'supplijliKi tlu' in-(vssarli"s ol" life* in Ihe best and highest

nr. jind profits ' will coitic of Ihi'tiist-lves without his making
ih. Ml Ills iirst object. Tlic liiH-a mid most universally known
• unfile of this kind of mamtintinrer is Henry Ford. There are other

, hi our own heavy in([uslrics whirh stand equally high, — Krupp,

lUtilnrl", Abbe, Mannesmann, Siemens, and numerous others.

I Ik' character of such busirsesses is ahogether different when they are
iioi piTsonally controlled by men of high moral qualities who look after
ihf interests of their workers, but arc handed over to impersonal limited
n.iu|)nnics.

So long as the founder of a business is also the chief shareholder
.11 id ean maintain the standard of excellence of his products, all may
Im' well; but as soon as conversion takes place ifc is overhclmed by the
jiilrrests of the capitalist shareholders. The former owners, the managers,
II nv^ depend on the Board, representing the share-holders, for improve-
ineiits in business methods and working conditions, — and the share-
linlders have no interest (beyond that of the slave-driver) in the welfare
ol" the workers and the excehence of the work, so long as the dividends
(■oming out of it are good large ones. The introduction of proprietory
shares has had a most devastating influence, for any chance speculator
ran corner the shares and actually become owner of large industrial works
without knowmg anything about them. To the Stock Exchange stocks and
shares are merely so much paper for them to play with. They are not
interested in conditions of production and labour, most of them could not
say what the products or the conditions of marketing, labour, wages and
maintenance arc in the business of which they are the owners by law, (!)
And owners they actually arc, just because they happen to have cornered
the shares of this or that factory in the market.

Let us now examine this state of affairs in the light of its effect on
political economy, so as to realise the corrupt character of the capitalist
system.

To-day business merely looks for a return on capital
The large retail stores follow different methods. They cultivate
'attractlon\ 'bluff, 'averaging', 'luxury articles', and arouse desire for
non-necessaries, as I showed above*

Great palaces, built with aU the arts of refinement, invite to
purchase apparently cheap, but mostly quite useless articles, and by
offering easy conditions of payment they entice their customers to spend
all manner of sums on pure luxury. Rest-rooms are provided to enable
people to spend a long time m the stores, which thus become mere hot-
beds for extravagance, for let no one imagine he gets anything as a
present. Really well-off people don't buy in large stores; they know what
the poorer one don*t know — he who buys cheap buys dear. Do the
crowds who buy in those palaces imagine that they were built otherwise
than with their saved up pennies? Do they thmk they get off paying for
the escalators, the lifts, the rest-rooms, the fairy-like illumination?

89

^'VW^-T*^-'

?'«^ large -slores. W?r,aarH l^"'' ^ ^^^' ^Wch u'tl "'"'"H ^^^'•^'- thaj,
'" practical operaiion vvhFrh^f™ ^' ^ ^P^cial form 'f H '^ "^''* ^a^^^^
mereJu there forth" o^mn ?°^^ "°' Provide Tpp^ "^^ capitalistic idea

, «ve„ tlais leadirT "'"'"''"^ ''"Wte forth °'J''^' '^"^ ^'

fwiiich, we should nh^ conception of provision nf^u ^ ^liareholders.
oi economics) the °/J^^- ^'^ nothing todi wi?h th' "^'^'^^^aries of life
P«vate prop^rtS' '"""°" ""'^^ «-t in import^ fe L o^°"ri^' ^^'^n.'
8 Mat- " °"^ attitude towards/

A producer will fa"l to™^/'' "'"^' ^^ the properTu nfT'' '^'" ''"i^^y
the Properts of a vaaue "1 """"^ *''9 his work or tt ^'? ^*° ^""^i^s
f[";ts of his laboj^ho^d"™""?""' "°'- ^i'lhe readfl,r'r' '*°'"'' "^
wght understanding of ttol^"-*" ^" '"dividual the nl^-f^"'' "^^t the
°i private ownership *"' ""''"'"S °f 'work' leads naturaih, f''*' "'"'' '
There is fjnaiiu 1 f f^ °«uralls to recognition

out of his own garden tjTV'"'"'^- ^ "=aVs Z Vur "y*'^- ^"^
house, /iny one who rtnl ^^^^' *an a mea] eafT^ , ^"'^ vegetabJes
joy of possession ,V°f^,,r ''""w the iongtag tor n"' "°'''*^'' ^^'^S
Pnvate ownership ^1^'^ '"^ understand thri^nnrfJ^"''''""^ "Or the
he preying tj,p7 of tn is T" '''' "° rootsanSe f 7f °^ recognising
*o possess, Wwist thTwidfr"'^' '"^^°»^' «'ways^eeWno " ™.''°"^ *»>«'
wodest in his idearHl '"^"' *e solid man of fh» ^ something fresh
^ workman does no; "\'^«nts no more thM hp V '°"' '' absoiutelu
he wants a nice mtle Vn^ *° ?'^^ '^ «"e vTuT^u^u"^ ^'',^9 '"^ "'ork
course of his iL "e IZZ k ^'^ °«"'' "of a Wr d on'e'r^'' ".^^^^ ^^«
house cost to build fiTtthp ,^ ""^'"9 three or fot ^U"/ ^''^'? ^^ the
i^e tied to any p oi of 1«^^ ^7' **'^ ™P«aHst - he riT "'"''' «^ ^he
mortgage deeds and L.' '^^ 'deal is a bio ^.t! , ff "°' *ant to
other people's LrM„ P'^'^'^^ory notes. Wealth f ^^*>'«ed with scrip

Wealth is • hands of

40 Possessionless workers

SuH llu- indebted middle dnss rtrp (H'HMUf Imllri'i mul r(ittlu'f M'jHirntcd

ffmii llu' rich; countless small owiu*r»i nu' <lhhnl(H'il M|M»n hir drUt, Jiiid llii"
^...ivn of the financiers, wlio kiiuw im fMllHilnnd. iiu lionu' -Imid, waxes
j . • ) iinH'e sinister, as they sit iti llu'li inniltMi lohlu'f Imrott caslk'S, tlie
hn\[i^. To meet this the Nalional '.hiir ■.[mil hm- lu jl llinl:

Ji/f.

I u I 1)1 t' i| I ii I M (-0 1)1 III u ]i J I ij nl'
111 Ml <* ( (trn Ml tMi vv V 1 I" n i* v a ii d

Ul All Germans shall in
■ M I li for the f urthe r ;rn <' I
Hull Ii r.

Iliis idea of community of wotli nnidu-. llu- iMMtiiumic overthrow of the
lllvi'jsalist conception of socieli). All wnHt and firodnction must be hi-
ludi'd within the higher idea of sorvUv (o llir minnaauLy. It is in no way
tt|.pnsed to personal effort and induslrjj, Iml 11 ituvaiis that individual pro-
i|i' ,. shall not be at the expence of one's I'l-llow men. Our No. 11 gives.
1 i-irssion to this demand.

//. Within the frame of the general duly of work attaching to every
uuij and with recognition of private ownership as a principle^ every
.•I an shall be free to earn in whatever manner he chooses ^ and
to dispose of the results of his labour.

The foregoing expressly rejects the socialising schemes of Marxism
Mild also high finance. The State shall include the greatest possible

Ml a liber of free existences linked by the social idea of service. It is

i.r t:ourse out of the question to run mines, blast-furnaces, rolling mills,
■.hip-yards on a small scale, but a hundred thousand free and independent
master-shoemakers are better than five monster shoe factories.

The great landed estates in the North and East of Germany are more
I > inductive by being run on a large scale than if managed by small
hcehold farmers. Small freeholds do best if within easy reach of towns
iiul villages. Our No, 12 demands that:

12. A healthy combination of businesses of all kinds,
large and small, including farming, shall be main-
I a i n e d.

13. Great businesses (syndicates, trusts) ar e n ati onalis ed.
This demand is consistent with our general struggle against the

c apitalistic idea, — The first aim of syndicates and trusts in any parti-
cular branch of production is to unite with other similar businesses for
(he purpose of dictating prices. They are governed by no desire to
distribute good wares at a cheap price. Such 'rings' are specially attracted
by new businesses which are doing well. New firms in the same Hne of
business are bought up and put out of the way, often at a very large
price by way of compensation. Supply is regulated by pooling, by which
means they are able to regulate prices in accordance with an apparently
genuine 'supply and demand'. That is what concerns the shareholders,
who have no desire to see prices kept low by competition. New ideas and
inventions are viewed with a hostile eye, and preferably suppressed if
their adoption would endanger the paying capacity of older plants. Such
businesses, run as huge trusts from a big central office, are clearly
*ripe for socialisation', i, e, they have ceased to fulfil any of the services

41

tir.,«^"""i '^^9^ ^^^^ s«^dTrf th?rnh' *' ^''«' supplies no'^Z
talistic methods'. We refer espSu^n J ™ ^"'^'"e na«on bu 'caDli
by the inflation. It was the fT^t k *^°^® '^'^° Promoted and nroZI
s^tous nation was robb d of the whole nf -f''"'^ *''^' ^^ enZf^nlf

Thesis oTtiT.^^ ip-- !n°^^-r^ ''" ^ -- Of i„V
ro^J>er«. C was worse than hl«hwJ

Zu *° '"'^ "'^'"'^""^ ^°^^^ band "''''"^'^ "f *^ 'w^r comj

that organised fraud agalnft the™ ion' m f^h '^"' '^^^a^''^ ^"1 ^gree
more, .everela than sm'ail thefc ofmon'ro'^ra'af'^'^'' ^'' ^"^ -en''

o^ j;Vl|-Vo"r1-"rro:?nra^/---> .-r of labour

*e PubHc°We%*V:7Lr^lcri^"^ ^"' '^^ '^"^ ^IsiMe expression to
place before each German a„eT4l'^r^"''<> ^e eduoationV and ta

*.ct fumiment of duty |„ wording t ^ se^r^of Z ^l^^^ °^^'^

Financial policy

Breaking the thraldom of interest

seconrrpff'lrwrshrtl'r r", ^° ^""« -* •^-n .-n the
for achieving our objective in practice ' ''"" "^^ "^^^"^^^ ^"^'^^le

Hstd':'b?:r„rs°aVS^f^rm*t'h\"'^^br^''^-''»--f-m
teresttothegratfinan'ofa%'o'L:s"^^''°" to pay m!
Tl^^re ^srcorplrir\^,;rL^3;oMt has „o necessity to do so.
every now and then requires loans arfri!! ""[' ""^ P*"'™*^ Person who
controls the Mint; it can thus m« if ! ""■'-'■'' '" '»^^« ^^b's The Sta^e
c-not dol It did tins in a luetic faTh^"','- ^^'^'^ *« Private p^so^
the same with the Renfenmark and Jl tm ■ 7 '"' '""^«™- " did'

^thout the danger V^U^„ ^^^ Z^->^ TXTt^^"^'
42

/.' 77/r Reichsbank and af! fhr iwuiiii: hxtiir, nrr nationalisecl, and
/"-'. // there is provision oj ntoncv jOr ail iin'til public Objects
: ^' .tftr/wwcr, railroads, etc.) not bv nirtins of loans, but by granting
"I till crest-bearing State bonds, or wit /tout using ready money.

h\ other words: — Wanton prinlhitj of bank notes, without creating
yv values, means inflation. We all lived through it. But the correct
■ iirlnsion is that an issue of non - interest - bearing bonds by the State
iiiimt produce inflation if new values arc at the same time created.

TiiG fact that to-day great economic enterprises cannot be set on
A without recourse to loans is sheer lunacy. Here is where reasonable
" of the State's right to produce money which might produce most
I.' iiri'icial results.

It must be clear to anyone that, for instance, a great electrical plant
ii.iiuj water-power might well be erected in the following unexceptional
nijnner:

The Government introduces a Bill in the legislative Council for ex-

I'loUing the water-power of Bavaria, Saxony, etc., by satisfying all

-: gnomic requirements. The local Diet, or other body, decides on con-

. uction, empowers the Finance Minister or the State Bank to issue a

lies of bank notes, marked specially to show that they are fully covered

1 the new works under contemplation. These notes are supported by the

rambined credit of the State or the Reich. No one can show any

objection on the score of inflation. Construction takes place on the

dditional credit granted by the Council representing the nation, and the

lotes become legal tender like the rest.

When the work is completed, nitrates or electricity are supplied
Lo customers against this money, and in a few years the issue can be
recalled and destroyed. Result: The State, the nation has instituted a
new work, which secures to them a great new source of revenue,
and the nation Is the richer by it.

To prove the folly of the present system let us compare the
foregoing with what goes on now.

h loan is taken up. K few capitalists do what the whole nation,
even though Parliament may vote in favour of it, cannot do; they allow
the State to borrow money from them. -Instead of using its direct
authority for the benefit of the nation, the State engages to pay per-
manent interest for the sum required to complete certain work, thereby
hanging a miU-stone round its neck. And, what is most costly of all,
it issues bonds, thus creating 'fresh purchasing capacity'. On the balance-
sheei; it makes no difference whether the new work is represented by
new paper money or new bonds. But the community suffers injury be-
cause the bonds imply that the new work is mortgaged to capital, which
naturally makes itself quite secure, dictates prices, and takes the profits.
Thus it is really the financiers who are the richer by the development of
the nation's water-power; they are indifferent about repayment; thcij
like to have to such monopolies as permanent milking cows. The popu-
lation arc forced to pay dear for etectric current or nitrates, and once
■again a part of the national property is converted in the interests of the
financiers.

4a

^'!;."

^ nuist refer the rc^-^ri

mmimmm

'oPment and economy^ ' ""'^ national bank for d.ve-

^rter the surrpcc-Fir? o ^- ^euers Utopia.

section also were in sympathy Bu 7™,^.-/ °"°P®''^*e; 'he bourgeois
Government were empowered to establish ^f'^^ •^?'' '" *e La„dta?th'

(B a u rn a r k . S c h e i n e n) covered^h , h '"'"^ '"^"'^ ^^^ development
houses. These could then b7Zl,A^/'^ '"''^'"^ ^^ tl^e newJt, S
interest, which alone ISau mak^ 1 -^''^ ^'^"" ^^'^ huge bu In o
qtiantities, ^"^ "^^^^^ it impossible to build in sufficient

44

Everij German with n hniiic of Ills own.

A free people on tim'rnMiiiibiT(M| hiiid.

:V. Complete re-modelfifijr of tht \ysivm of taxation on social

'(ttiral economic principles. Ihlivrry of tlw consumer from the burden

•' indirect taxation^ and the proilacvr from taxes which grantp his
I iivities.

Social Policy

Social policy is the favorite motto of our present political cure-alls.
II s( Rinds so nice, makes them popular, and attracts votes for the Party
I Itch promises to make everything right.

When every Party promises the official, for instance, an increase of
(til! I, they call that Social Policy.

It is the same when they promise to grant the wishes of the clerks
J id workers; or when they do a little to relieve people with small incomes,
r war sufferers, or young teachers, or Germans abroad.

And all the people run after these political rat-catchers when they play
nri their 'social* fluted

It must first be made clear that Social Policy denotes, The public
\\felfare the highest law, and that, as now understood, Social
policy is really one of self-interest having no regard to the general wel-
fare. M\ sorts of careless promises are made, and those who make them
must know from the start that it is impossible to fulfil them.

Now that Germany is so powerless politically, economically and finan-
cially, — which finds expression first in the Dawes Laws and now in the
Young Law, and in the so-called policy of fulfilment which has laid
burdens on our nation, making life almost impossible — it is both false
and ridiculous to talk about 'Social PoUcy', Now that German life is so
cramped, when each man is treading on his neighbour and trying to get
ahead of him and to shove him aside, when the different classes of the
population are at variance, promises to favour one group at the expencc
of another are not 'Social Pohcy for the general good', but one of
inciting one class against another. They know very well that a momentary
'improvement' is annulled by a higher cost of living and higher taxation.

Social poHcy means something very different — a determination to
solve the social problem.

The out-of-luck, the exploited working classes believe that their just
wages, their proper position in the social order is being withheld from them
— hence class war.

It is clear to all that our economic life is suffering from deep injuries,
bitter injustice. And yet the conclusions drawn by Marxism with its
'class war' and its 'social and economic demands' of 'expropriating the
expropriator* and 'sociahsation' are utterly false, for that strikes at all
the true requirements of a genuine social policy, whose highest law is
the general welfare,

^ Hn allusion to the Pied Piper of Hameln.

45

HotJiIng further k n(> h w 1

Once again National Sori«J?.m t f f * ^"* ""^^ ^ ^^ap of ruins

The social-political theories wh U ? ''""'" ^"^9"^^.
marxism, the war between ^1''^^ "•''f '""^ *° ''^ 'anti-capitalistiC
dole Th"'''f '^''y ^^P"-«"«f for th7u ^'«f/.°."'« ^^ "ndersfood to-da„

Capitalism and Marxism «ro ^ ^ ^ "* *° °"^«"-
same intellectual stem "^h^^iH whn,""^ *!" '^"^•' ^li^H grow on the

22. G r e a t d e V el o n m . . «"ef law ,s the general welfare.

social organisatioirof tte M xLlT'"°f ,."' *"'" Uathe in^sh'IS?
46

iKT aim in Me fades away in iln^ s!miimiU* for n inomonlari} inrrcasi^ of
rivs, and he never realises wliiit llio ipi'til uitn tif suiial policij sliould'
In 1 roper provision for old ini <,',

vVe note once again how tlie Slnli* disrtivt'nMi a good and romriiend-'
Mlitc solution in the case of the ofliclnl rhiss, 1))| providing for them after
Ml ./ment. It is the proper and happi} sohilloii of the capitalist ideal of
in .iie, namely to convert it into the true Slate's ideal of provision, based
..II i.LTSonal labour and efficiency.

t will be the highest and noblest aim of National Socialism to realise
!': standard of general welfare.

2^1. Profit-sharing for all.

The N.S.D.il.P. identifies itself with this demand. It is m fact a purely
;iist demand in the proper sense of the word; nevertheless it comes
I. is as an attractive but corrupting present from capitalism.

Sharing of profits arising out of the work of others comes under the

ii i of the unearned income which is most sharply attacked by National

falism. Sharing of the profits from a man's own work is a demand

rstural and socially so just, that nothing can be advanced against it as a
!■ .dple.

It is in the carrying of it out that the difficulty arises, that is, in

I fcing the amount of the share due to the production, skill and in-

. iry of the worker, and of that due to the brain work of the in-

itor, the accountant, the merchant, the management, and other circum-

sices connected with the business.

It is of course highly important that the parties who increase the
vulue of a product should not be left out of consideration. Even under
I lie present system some part of the booty which capital hopes to get
out of a business could be recovered for the worker.

We shall not discuss here the question of how later on the National
' iociali.st State will solve the problem,

I personally considered that a general lowering of prices, at the same
vime maintaining wages at the present level, would be the better and
more practical way to fulfil the demand for sharing out the profits of
ihe whole of our national production.

It is however possible that the National Socialist State will solve
die problem in a far more comprehensive manner than is conceived to-day
by brains with a Marxist and capitalistic tendency. The present demand
for profit-sharing springs either from a desire for profits (essentially
capitalistic], or from envy (essentially Marxist).

In the ideal State alone, as we conceive it, is it justified, because,
when we come to solve it, we must avoid the capitalistic method of
granting a small share in the business, the sole object of which Is to
secure for the larger shareholders their right to their dividends, and also
the Marxist idea of envy, for that debases the personal factor and in-
jures the general public.

47

* '■•r7)1711"T''^>"'''"JJ<.'f'*?Tyi

w.

flivc a

f™ examples for the sake of claritg.

every member of the n aH nn ''\^'"^ ^^^*^^ ™"st givi
national production ^" ' '^"^^ ^" ^^^ Profits a

Socl^lir/t^trlt!^^^^^^^^ ^^^ i-t^- Of . genuine Nationa
^ansport-workers., hospitalXrSrs - 'to namf' ,^ailway-men. postmen
labourers, miners, builders' labourers t^T ^""^^ ^ /'^ ~' agriculture
sharmg, simply because these cS^^^^^^^ ^'^^ Profit,

Also of agriculture, (in which not merdu thp H™f 7^"*.'/' '""''^^'^ ^^^^^^
considered, but also the million^ ZlnlV^- ^^^^ ^^ ^^^"^^"^ have to bt
with it) it must be said tha t "Ln^'^^'"^ '^ ^*^'^ businesses connecte
in the heavy mausinlT a^ L'Tn.lVn^^^^^^^^ H-vesfis g^d^

pressure of world competition ^ ^'^^"^ ^ ^^'^ P^^^'t oxving the

often'l^glg^rn^^^^^^^ and employ., who are

he circumstances, cannoFhope for a d rP.f 1 ''''^"^^^^ ^"' ^^^^^' °^^i"9 tc
less consideration than thr nlL^ tlf''" 'l^^ Profits, are to gel
washers-up or porters in a nighS or a S- f k ..'^"'^ ^''^^^' ^^
or chemical factory enjoying a mononn^n Ll^^\ ^'*^' ^' ^" ^^^ «Ptiea
Are the latter to share the prZs and f'^,/''^/^m the whole world?
are thj to make it more anT more imptj?2'f '".J"^"^^ ^^^^^^^^^^l
nation to attain to these advantages? '"^^^'^'^^^ ^^^ ^^^ "majority of the

Prese|^ '^l^^^^t^.^Xf^^^^^ ^"T' ^^^^^*--
splendid work for a business for Zfs Surh ^ "' '' '"^^^ ^^^^ ^«^^
pohtical nature need not be d scus.^r;^ aspirations of a social^

general principles. The demand as tS ^^ '^'' '"'^''^^ ^n'

and one which should attract^dhtents^^^^^^^^^

general business situation and o^trtthnS Lin'^'".'' "1"^^^^ ^" ^^^
the management; failure may come thrnnnin f ^"^ salesmanship of
mistake in calculations. HoweverTkiUed ?h5 ./'f ^ construction or a
industrious, they can have liSe n nn If '""' "^^^ ^^' ^^^^^^^ver
the year's work, or on the aa nf or In " ^ f^^"'^ °^ ^^^ results of
^-n demanding a proper Z^'^^^J'^J^If f^'^'^^U lustifies them
economic grounds for their claS Vsh^- but there are no moral or
quite rightly resist the suggesShat the shn ?IH ' ^'""^'^'^ ^^'^ ''^''^^
bLismcss year out of their ZSal^^^^^^^^^^^

expected to make up bu a IowpHh^ .f ^ "^""'^ ''^htlu resist beinq
extravagant living o^n the parTof the I^f' '""'J'^ management o?
only justifiable if there s a bill u JJ ^^^^*«'*^- ^ut 'profit-sharing^ is
or if special effcency merits it! ^ ^ ''"^'^'^^ ^" ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ and losses!

Here is one aspect of general profit-sharing.
48

Why, for insKince, sliotiltl Ihi' tji*^iil dur wnrks of (icniunn), wUli
Hu'ir prcdomirianL position uf inoiiotinlij, nirillnm- lo lu- ImiI n capitalistic
Mitlking cow for the shcrehnldns olf llu' I <i. InrlM'niii(tuslrii\ iind at the
hcst, by raising prices, givo n •June n1 p">t'Hs l.o llicir workers and
-.llicials?

It will be the task oJ" tlu- iMnlioiml Socialist Slate to see that
luige monopolist profits shall lie phurd iii iIk> ((ciieral disposal by a most
«ti'nerous lowering of prices,

It is obvious that the prnblcni is uol a question of Social policy,
luit is closely bound up with the prcs»>nl-day capitalistic social order
(sliareholdcrs*s claims).

We wish to apply these sltortly expressed principles; and to be guided
b),^ them in our aim of realising proljt- sharing as widely as possible in
-ill businesses in which the profits go exclusively into the pockets of
professional financiers.

24. Expropriation of all profits not made by honest
work, but through the war, the Revolution — and
Further — the stabilisation and re-valuation of the
Frtark; also the property of money-lenders and grabbers.

This is a measure of punishment and justice, requiring no explanation
under any principle.

25. Removal of the dearth of housing by extensive
building throughout the Reich with the means provi-
ded under No. 20 (the bank for development}. This closes the
list of social-poUtical demands. On the technical financial question not much
can be said In this pamphlet, for it is a very large special subject,
and one which, it would seem, only financial minds understand and which
actually will have to be carried out by them. Pamphlet 8 of the
N.S. library deals fully with the subject.

Religion and Art

It is not possible to state on this subject mor^ than a very few
leading principles in the space of a programme. That has already been
done. For the rest it must be our principle not to drag questions of
religion into statements on general politics; although we may well treat
the corrupting influence of the secret doctrines of Judaism as an object
for public statements and attacks,

Tne same applies to aJl the stupid attacks on Christianity. Ex-
pressions such as "Christianity has only done harm" merely show that
the man who says them has neither human nor political intelligence.

One may well blame the Church for raeddUng in politics, and all
good Christians will disapprove the cruelties practiced in the name of the
Cross by the Inquisition, and trials for witch-craft, but it is wrong to
abuse in general terms the greatest phenomenon in human history for the
mistakes and depravities of individuals. The Christian rehgion has raised
and edified millions and millions and brought them to God by the
wag of suffering.

49

T!u.

(Iilfiir4' u) llri

""■"■"";" '"-=• "'S iTz: '"'•""- *» ■■■'««"..«

.M°H.-"» ""--p.. ......,„, „<,.,„„^^,,

Military and other Reforms

them out and, above an, of maS thl l''\°^ """'^'"9 a"d wo kin q
th^ g«at problem of the coInfZrs^C tT ''^1°"^^' P^^' vvilfbe
will be ours, and when we shall havA„ ^"^^ ^''^^ P°"«cal power

knowledge necessary lor taking over th.h'^"'^'"^ ""'^ «^^ f"--^^ ami
Here we have a rich fi^in f "^'"^'^ "* '^"^ State.

, The sig„iricrn<:?S J:; So™ -^-^^atlona, Sociaiis..

leaves no domain of the Snfi p"" '' ^^°''"' ^^ the fact that it

5. What we do not desire

themselves - through theTr fwn ^i m'^^ '"'^'"^ ^^^^^U ^ trace of
classes that have been dethroTed tfn ;/''' -^' ^" ^^^^'^^ *« set the
positions. The officer cla^rnnH V.,^ 1?^'" '^^ ^^^^^^* former privi phpH
^l^etter th,, ,„, ,t^^^^^^^^^ really no h'X'o'

m with our idea of serving the nation^fiSt of aH " ^'^^ ^^""^"^^ ^^'^

working class, nor any kL of tZ.^''.-'^" "'^''^'^^^^ ^i^vation for the
hin^seif into believing S 00^^^'"^^"-^^'^^^^;^° "^^^ ^.a/tLk
oppressed in the past, assume ^a da m To^h.. "'^^^ ^'"^ having been

cmim lo iH- cfjvni power. Such aspl-
50

i/iiions, when translated into riMillIU*'^, iiiiTni1ini)l|| h-m! Im Inilbli" roti-
niuences, such as those whirh jh roiiiiifHibil Ww Mm It 1 inhnii*n* rvvoW
ni November, 1918, So far il Is finl llii' *ii|i|»[i'H'it'ir ^iMllnii of Ihi' ixtpii-
liilion which are on top, but n c rowd (>r iiolUiniJ »iwiiMlb'i^*, i)iiT(l[| Jidvi'ii-
iiiiiTs, profiteers^ jabberers iitid fouls, vvhn Unw i|n1 |Hi%st'ss)<m of lln'
iHilitical machine and the adnilnistniHnn. I In- |HniiilM*d dlehilnrshif) of tli*^
piuletariat has turned into

The dictatorsliip til Ihi' 'P 1 n M I iir I n T.

Even a new ordering of i\w Sbiti' tindi'i Nnllotinl Snt iallsiu rould have
no hope of succes unless it had al ils dls|Kisjil 11 vcri) thoroughlg trained
\\\\U of resolute men complotelii iinbmMl wilii Hie principles of our
Programme, serious men of energij luid t-xpiTiinice. Even with us too
iiKiiiy pure demagogues would ulbovv Ihrir way in and reap advantage
(iiider the new order.

It is much easier to criticise the faults <>f a collapsing social order than
io do constructive work on it.

We require not merely a new Party, slowly obtaining a footing in
Parliament and administration, and then perhaps accepting a post or two
id a coalition Ministry, only to get its back broken in the end^ — for
liien our part in history would be played out, just as to-day Social
f)emocracy is finished as a political and intellectual force in Germany.
the same applies to the German Nationalists, who have already gone back
on their main principles in order to get seats in the Government.

We do not want Ministers who take office purely for the sake of
Ihe position or for power, but we shall consider any such position as a
stage towards our great objective. Between ourselves and the rest there
is always the flaming sword of our world theory.

On the one side the State, or rather the sham State, of the Liberal-
democratic-parliamentary stamp, forced by necessity to mask the tyranny
of the financiers, and at its feet a seething mob of Jew camp-fo-Ilowers
nnd place-hunters, fighting to make a living out of the system.

On our side, the fight for the liberation and purification of our
people, till we achieve the true State of social justice and national liberty,

6. Conclusion

The task 0! this first pamphlet of the N. S, Library is to teach the
National Socialist what he should know about the Party Programme, We
have seen again and again the single main principle which is drawn
through all our arguments like a scarlet thread: National Socialism
is a theory of the world, standing in sharp opposition
to the present-day world of capitalism audits Marxsist
and bourgeois satellites.

Our life is a struggle in the service of this mighty Idea, a struggle
for a new Germany.

We National Socialists wave our storm-banner before the world. Ever
young, shining and glittering in the sun, rises the Hooked Croos, the
symbol of re-awakening life.

4* 51