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Full text of "Reds in America; the present status of the revolutionary movement in the U. S. based on documents seized by the authorities in the raid upon the convention of the Communist party at Bridgman, Mich., Aug. 22, 1922, together with descriptions of numerous connections and associations of the Communists among the Radicals, Progressives, and Pinks."

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_ nited States 
documents seized by the authorities in 
the raid upon the Convention of the Com- 
tnist Party at Bridgman, Michigan, 
Aug. 22, 1922, together with descrip- 
tions of numerous connections and asso- 
ciations of the Communists among the 

ves and Pinks. 


,\ front page cartoon, reproduced in original colors, from The Godless, dlus- i 
\ anti-religious weekly published in Moscow by the Communist Party < 
ussia, A careful study of the, detail will disclose a particularly vicious 
Moriloge, depicted in ii style now called ^advanced" or "Russian'* art. | 
Tin- translated caption reads: "Take, eat; this is my body." (Matt 26; 26.) 




The present Status of the Revolutionary 
Movement in the United States based on 
documents seized by the authorities in 
the raid upon the Convention of the Com- 
munist Party at Bridgman, Michigan, 
Aug. 22, 1922, together with descrip- 
tions of numerous connections and asso- 
ciations of the Communists among the 
Radicals, Progressives and Pinks. 


New York City 


Copyright, 1924 

y.. M, Whitney, director oF the Waahintiun 
Bureau o\ the American Deieiuie Society, was born 
in 1875, He ffradnated from Harvard in "1897 and 

■ .baa beers a newipaoer, reporter and editor In St. 

J, ;Lodift, U6Gitfii,'Ciiic>;j;y. San Francisco. Lob Angeles 
S&n Dicjii 1 -and ^QiVs iSe war covered die Siaie 
Department for the AsaGciaced Press, He has been 
x correspondent tn Mexico* Central and South 
America (or many papers. He is the author ai 
numerous pamphlet on patriotic eubjects, 

Opus Kb. Eill 



I nl i oduction ,....,..,... - . . . 5 

Tha Raid at Bridgman . 19 

In Political Fields ' . - 39 

Imola and Colleges*^ , 55 

Radical Publications and Literature * 71 

I »-irul" Organizations S5 

Relief Drives; The Agrarian Program 103 

American Civil Liberties Union . 117 

rho Industrial Program . 127 

Hi.- Stage and the Movies 141 

\uiiy, Navy, and the Government 155 

Thfl Labor Defense Council — Women's Clubs ♦ 171 

The Negro Program — Future Plans of Communists 189 

I'm went Status of the Bridgman Cases ......... 207 

ftie Shortcomings of Our Laws , , . * * 211 


Thesis on Co-ordination of Communist Activity in the Americas 219 

Appendix B. 

Thesis on "Relations of One and Two ,J . . '■ 225 

Appendix C. 

"Adaptation of the Communist Party of America to American 

Conditions" 231 

Appendix D. 

"News Letter Service" marked "Rush One to Each Group 


Appendix E. 

The Workers' Party on the United Front ....... Ml 

A ri'KNDlX P. 

Next Tasks of uhe Communist Party in America ..... 247 

Appendix G. _ 

"Our Bolshevist Moles" * b ' 

"Take, cat; this is my body.'* ........ Frontispiece 

Facing page 

Cablegrams from Moscow in coda 35 \ 

The Red Napoleon 44 

Communist publication* in the United States 66 

Schematic diagram of the Bolshevik propaganda organization . . 74 

Anti-Christian cartoon from Max Eastman's Masses . . + . 79 

The Young Comrade 98 

Captain Paxton Hibhen at the grave of John Reed 107 

"The Jesus-Thinkers," by Michael Gold 119 

"Communism and Chrietiamsm" 135 

Communist leaflets 161 

Appeal of Labor Defense Council 173 

Max Eastman and Claude McKay 190 


"Better to be despised for too anxious apprehensions, thou ruined by 
too confident security." 

'The effect of liberty to individuals is, that they may do what they 
olea&e: we ought to see what it will please them to do, before we risque 
congratulations, which may soon turn into complaints. Prudence would 
dictate this in the case of separate insulated private men; but liberty, when 
men act in bodies, is power. Considerate people, before they declare them* 
■elves, will observe the use which is made of power; and particularly of bo 
trying a thing as new power in new persons, of whose principles, tempers, 
and dispositions they have little or no experience, and in situations where those 
who appear the most stirring in the scene may not possibly be the real movers." 
The Rt. Hon. Edmund Burk£. Reflections on the Revolution in France, 
and on the Proceedings in Certain Societies in London Relative to that 
Event. In a letter intended to have been sent to a Gentleman in Paris. 
(Published in October, 1790.) 

Turning over the pages of Burke's Reflections, the thought is constantly 
dominant — even if no other sources of information were at hand — that the 
points of similarity between the French Revolution and that which recently 

■ Mired in Russia far outnumber those of dissimilarity. The revolutionaries 
of France were as much adepts at the dissemination of catchwords and 
■logans as their Russian prototypes of a later day. Some of the rallying 
rrles, as for instance "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," have persisted in their 
ipiychic malfeasance even to the present, and the literature of the French 
Involution abounds with phrases which crop out in the wordy exudates of 
[.ruin and Trotsky. The correspondence of Jean Baptiste Carrier 1 has been 
■ nrntly published, and it is difficult to realize that the scenes of terrible 

niolty which Carrier describes are not those in which the central figure is 
* Dzerzhinsky or a Moghilevsky or that Carrier's loathsome sacrilege is not 
tlmt of a Bukharin. 

The machinery of organized revolution which produced such a change 
lit France has been well described by Mrs. Nesta Webster, 8 and the most 
■1 nit ling truth is clearly brought out that the organization through which 
ilir chief conspirators accomplished their purposes of destruction was ma- 
nipulated through Minorities, secretly organized, and working in secondary 
urn! tertiary minorities^ also secretly organized, ultimately influencing vast 
numbers of people who knew not the objective and cared less. The direc- 

* 10. H. Carrier — Correspondence of Jean Baptiste Carrier. (John Lana Co.) 
Nesta Webster— World Revolution. (Small, Maynard & Co.) 



tion of the movement, therefore, always came from the top. It must bej 
admitted that the Revolution was in small part only, a reaction against abuses 
which were rapidly in process of abatement, and which, such as they were, 
furnished talking points to the curbstone agitators. Mr. Theodore Roose- 
velt showed his keen historical insight and freedom from the influence of 
Carlisle a Prussianized history when he wrote to Mr. Felix Frankfurter, 
one of our modern revolutionaries: 

"Robespierre and Danton and Marat and Herbert were just as evil as 
the worst tyrants of the old regime, and from 1791 to 1794 they were the 
moat dangerous enemies to liberty that the world contained." 

This organization of disorder in France carried its fighting front into 
foreign countries and counted upon reverberations as a part of its political 
capital at home. Friends of the Revolution in England, many of them 
fanatical in their devotion to the cause of democracy as pictured by its 
philosophers, organized, agitated, assembled, talked, and raised much money 
to help the cause along; so much so that many were of the belief that it was 
British government gold upholding the hands of the protesting party. As 
clearly defined but with less intensity, the same organized movement ap-> 
peared in the United States. Its advent caused George Washington and his 
coworkers considerable anxiety for they evidently could not understand its 
true significance. It can be said verily that the scars of that agitation are 
still apparent in our political life. They are the first deviations from the 
standard of a representative republican government as conceived by the 
framers of the Constitution, who were attempting to build something which 
could protect minorities against the liquid rule of a mob. 

It was in contemplation of such things that Edmund Burke was 
prompted to write his Reflections. The times furnished an opportunity for 
a bit of wise political philosophy, just as applicable to-day with our eyes 
turned towards the north-east, as it was in the days of Burke when he was 
viewing events from the safe side of the English Channel. The lessons are 
all worked out, ready for study. As this book will show, we have with us 
a group of people numbering about 30,000 at the most, ninety percent of 
whom are aliens and cannot vote, who are closely bound by ties of a harsh 
discipline, fear of treason, hope of loot, and an easy future. They are 
ruled by a clever, more or less secretly organized minority. As a minority, 
this party hopes, or rather its minority leaders hope, to dominate an in- 
articulate and unorganized majority. It is this latter mass, in which it is so 
difficult to stimulate reactions but wMch once stimulated are so difficult to 
stop, that was finally roused in both France and Russia. The revolutionary 
leaders themselves know it for we find William Z. Foster telling his fellow 
conspirators in the convention of Communists at Bridgman, Mich.: 

"The fate of the Communist party depends upon the control of the 
masses, through the capture of the trade unions, without which revolution is 
impossible V 

There is a certain candor about this which is refreshing even if spoken 



in IV I low Communists and in a secret session. Foster also said in the same 

"We no longer measure the importance of revolutionary organizations 
by their size," 

Foster has evidently studied the history of revolutions and the psy- 
' hology of minority control. Then again Foster said: 

"Communi&ts get things done and paid for by others." 

Quite so* Some of us have been watching the revolutionary movement 
foi years, and with Foster, the opinion is unanimous that if the following 
[hr« things happened, the movement in the United States will collapse in 
ii hurry. 1. Cessation of governmental support to socialistic projects, which 
ire on the periphery of the revolutionary program. 2. "Withdrawal of ad- 
vertising support on the part of the several large corporations from quasi- 
Dolthevik magazines and other similar publications. 3. It is also suggested 
that benevolent old ladies and gentlemen (some of them not so very old 
lither) clamber off the Bolshevik bandwagon and stand on a real rock-ribbed 
AniPiican platform, giving their funds to assist in maintaining the best 
government on earth as it was originally conceived. It is to be granted that 
ii'. ".i ving of money for an object thought worthy stimulates a satisfied feeling 
Which is quite desirable, but it is equally true that starving children in Rus- 
IJB ore not fed by the absent dollar — not at all. Up to this point at least, 
It in impossible to disagree with Mr. Foster. 

But we must turn aside for a moment and determine j.ust what kind of 
HI urbanization this revolutionary party is. A line of thought is suggested 
by r I it-: Communists themselves. The Bridgman Convention adopted a 'Thesis 
i ii 1 hn Relations of No. One (illegal branch) and No. Two (legal branch)." 
ti iv) is written by a committee of which J. Lovestone was chairman, at that 

executive secretary of the Communist party of America, and must 

therefore be accepted as authoritative. 

"The revolutionary party can avoid suppression into a completely secret 

rxistenco * * * by taking advantage of the pretenses of 'democratic 

forms' which the capitalist stats is obliged to maintain. By thia means the 

Communists can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program 

while establishing themselves with mass support." 

In other words, the revolutionary party assumes the pretense of demo- 
- i alii- forms in order to secure the support of the masses and this pretense 

iimed only during the transitory phase which precedes the climax of 

l'i<delarian dictatorship. Things are said sometimes which do not work 

■ Hi in practice — especially with the Bolsheviks* Therefore, it behooves us 

|0 r-\atnine the machinery of world revolution and see for ourselves whether 

|| ii ussurning the "pretenses of democratic form." 

Authentic evidence is fortunately right at hand. Hon. Henry Cabot 

i idgo of Massachusetts addressed the Senate of the United States January 

/. |024 and gave a clear insight into the workings of world revolution right 

"i ii i center in Moscow, Then followed the hearings before a Sub-Com- 

nf the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate 

i the chairmanship of Senator Borah "pursuant to S. Res, 50, declaring 


Anitkirt n nh 




that the Senate of the United States favors the recognition of the present 
Soviet Government in Russia," a resolution which was introduced by Mr, 
Borah himself. Mr. Robert F. Kelley and Mr. A, W. Kliefoth, both of the 
Division of Eastern European Affairs, Department of State, testified, and 
placed on record voluminous documents to back their conclusions. 

The Russian Communist party — This basic organization has never 
numbered more than 700,000 out of a general population of 120,000,000 and 
at the present time has about 387,000 members, largely confined to the urban 
centers. The party is highly disciplined, thoroughly organized, and is also 
a righting as well as a political unit. Its members may be called upon to 
go anywhere, either singly or in numbers, in some respects resembling our 
own militia. New members are recruited after a probationary period of 
at least one year, often extending to five years, during which each candidate 
is subjected to the most rigid observation and trial. At the present time,' 
no one can join who is not of the proletariat (urban industrial workers). 

"At the party Congress held in April, 1923, it was decided that for one 
year, only industrial laborers were eligible to be enrolled in the party, and 
they must be seconded by two party members. All other applicants, it was 
decided, are to remain candidates for another year."* 

Political reasons for limiting the membership to industrial workers 
are obvious. 

•'After admittance into the party, the new members must survive periodic 
combings of the party roster, during which their reports as practicing party 
members are minutely scrutinized. * * * The object of these cleansings 
is to eliminate all those who are not sincere communists."* 

Members are penalized for the slightest infraction of rules, lighter of- 
fenses being followed by suspension or expulsion from the party while 
greater transgressions are punished by those heavier penalties imposed under 
the statutes designed to discourage counter-revolution. Each member is 
pledged to propagandize against religion and is not allowed to enter a place 
of worship. Church marriage is a frequent cause for discipline. The 
Izvestux, official organ of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, pub- 
lished an article March 31, 1921, in which, 5 

"a notice [was given! to all members of the Russian Communist party 
in regard to the strict fulfillment of Article 13 of the constitution of tha 
Russian Communist party, which compels all members to carry on anti- 
religious propaganda." 

In return for such fealty to the party, members are carefully cared for 
in many ways. Shortly after the revolution when food was scarce, members 
of the party were first in line during the distribution of the food packages. 
They all have jobs under the government: 

"Senator Pepper, I understand you to say that yon did not know of any 
case where there was a member of the Communist party who is not also an 
office holder of the Soviet government? 

"Mr- Kelley. Yes, sir."4 

1 Speech of Senator Lodge, Cong, Rec, Jan 7, 1924, p. 579. 

a Loe. cit. 

9 Hearings of the Borah Sub-Committee, p. 14, 

' Ibid., p, 16. 


Naturally, this works both ways. 

"There is not known a case of a single member of the higher govern- 
mental organs, either in the Federation or in the so-called Russian Soviet 
Republic, who is not a member of the Russian Communist party,"* 

Then, there is the good old-fashioned Tammany method of getting the 
party heelers out of trouble. An official report 3 of the Central Control 
i ommittee of the Russian Communist party, made at the last Congress, 

" * * * AH our work is carried on in contact with the courts and 
with the state political administration^ in view of the fact that often in the 
courta there are pending cases of members of the party. The judicial organs 
inform us about the comrades in regard to whom there is judicial evidence. 
We acquaint ourselves with this evidence, as not infrequently there have 
been cases where comrades have been put into the dock solely as the result 
of personal intrigues. In such cases, * * * we have raised the question 
of the expediency and advisability of a public trial in court lest we under- 
mine the party authority of our comrades." 

The party also has a "monopoly of legality" and no other political 
MMMociations are allowed under heavy penalties. 9 

"I refer to the fact that we are the only legal party in the country, and 
have, in this wise, as it were, a monopoly of legality * * * . Let ua 
speak clearly — we have a monopoly of legality. We do not grant our oppon- 
ents political freedom. We do not give the possibility of legal existence to 
those who pretend to compete with us." Zinoviev, Pravda, April 2, 1922, 

The All-Russian Congress of the Russian Communist party meets, per- 
lupi, once a year, the lasl having been the twelfth. It was held in Moscow, 
April, 1923, and another is scheduled for March, 1924. The delegates are 
•ill hund-picked.* 

"Mr. Kelley. * * * [Exhibit] No. 21 is a translation from Pravda, 
May 12, 1923, a speech of Zinoviev, in which he points out that the delegates 

party conference [Congress] were carefully selected. * * * Se- 

lected by a small group of individuals. 
I Kxecutive] Committee.' 

Selected by the Central 

The selections, we may be sure, are safe ones. Not much voting is 
BOne ;it these Congresses. The business consists largely in listening to the 
i. ports of the "big chiefs," explanations of why things do not always hap- 
i" ii just so, and exhortations to remain steadfast in the faith. The same 
individuals always do the talking, usually members of the Central Com- 
mittee, or important members of the Soviet government. In turn the Central 
Committee is elected by the Congress: 3 

"According to the statutes of organization of the party, the supreme 
DOWer in the party is exercised by the All-Russian Congress of the Russian 
< ommunist party, which elects an executive organ called the Central Com- 
mittee of forty members, who, it is stated, should by preference he *Iaborera 
more closely connected with the proletarian mass.'" Pravda, April 28, 1923. 

' Mi'nnr.h of Senator Lodge, lot cit,, p. 578. 

lliu Central Control Committee of the Russian Communist party has the function 
uf mii'urvlslng' and controlling the machinery of the party and of the Soviet govern- 
IliiHt of Russia. Hearing's or the Borah Sub- Committee, p. 10, 
"■Inera of the Borah Sub -Committee, p. IB, 
m, urines of the Borah Sub- Committee, p. 14. 
i'h of Senator Lodge, p. 580. 




aim Jv "frS 1 .f , COm,ecEed l . with the Proletarian masses" are 

Zpnl.-.l 1 n ^ W u n > SEe f A vhen U comes to the "»«« of selecting 

n/rl 1 r " reaU ° f ' he CentraI Com »i»^. ^ey are promptly forgotten 

tTfe Conire ^m"*? *"** T * tW ° ™»^> and LtweL ^ess ons of 
the Congress holds supreme authority. With numerous proletarians on the 
Committee .t was, of course, difficult to transact business, so a PoHti a 
Bureau is elected by the Central Committees rontic, 

"Attached to [ejected by] the Central Committee, there is a Political 

within the Centra, Committee, which has bȣ xpm i^n^f u 
Ipril iflS Md mUSt te replaCed '' Hep ° rt of Comrade StaUn/ra;^ 
following are given as members of the Political Bureau: 
Lenin Zinoviev Tomsky 

Rykov Kamenev Trotsky 

Alternates: Rudzutak, Kalinin, Molotov, Bukharin 
Lenin is now dead. Trotsky is reported more or less ill, and in dis- 

KT V° PO fT W u h ° iher ^^ ° f the Bt ~ Tomsk" aTd 

nrl- rl r T u^ d aS h f Vmg P redom ^^ing influence owing to age and 

prev J0 pohtlcal kl5 t oryj th h Sta]in to ^ mak . * * « 

less. Rykov is perhaps of next importance because of hi skill alorS 
economic lines. He has been recently elected to fill Lenin's place. Kamenev 
whose correct name is Rosenfeld and who married Trotsky's sister is chief 
of the intellectual forces of the Bolsheviks, and is a close 8^ppo& *SS 
to Zmoviev (bom, Apfelbaum) . Zinoviev is unquestionably, at this time the 
dominatmg member of the Bureau. He is described as 4™ffi- ft 
is he who by the offices he holds in the Communist pa^y and the Communis 
Internatxona lis at the head of all propaganda in foreign countries ° ™ y 

hands " Pj SayS eV ' S the kver WhiGh We Cannot let out of °™ 

Th J h f/^ sian . C f ^ nu ^ P*rty, the Russian Soviet government, and the 
Third (Communist) International- A rather lengthy description of the 
Russian Communist party machinery has been attempted for three reasons: 
in the first place, through it a small group of men, if not merely one or two, 
esponsible to none but themselves, dominate, politically and economically 
a large mass of people. The structure is that of minorities, openly organ 
ized but of necessity secret. Secondly, the structure is characteristic of all 
communists organizations Finally, by a system of interlocking director- 
ates, characteristic of radical and liberal organizations even in the United 
states the Communist party machine dominates by its Political Bureau 
^ohtbureaii) the Russian Soviet Government (including the Federation of 
Soviet Republics) and the Third (Communist) International. "The func- 
tion of the Soviet government is to govern Russia; that of the International 
to carry out t he policy of the party abroad" both in the last analysis under 
1 Hearings of the Borah Sub- Commit tee, p, 23, 


the direction of the Political Bureau. A description by Lenin of the work 
"I the \ ohtical Bureau is enlightening in many respects. 1 

"The principal task of the Organization Bureau was the distribution of 
party forces and the task of the Political Bureau was the solution of political 

■ [iirslions. y 

"Naturally this division is to a certain extent artificial, being understood 
Uial it is impossible to conduct any policy without making certain classifies, 
lione. Consequently every question of organization assumes a political signifi- 
cance and among us has grown up the practice that the opinion of one 
member of the Central Committee is sufficient in order to have any particular 
question by virtue of this or that consideration held to be a political question. 

"To attempt otherwise to limit the activity of the Central Committee 
w.mJd in fact hardly be of value and in practice could hardly be possible 
During the year much of the work of the Political Bureau has con- 
sisted of the current solution of all questions arising having relation to policy 
unifying the activity of all soviet and party institutions, all organizations of 
1 ilie working class, unifying and striving to direct all the work of the Soviet 
Kcpubiics, all questions of an international, domestic and foreign policy 
each of us working in this or that party or soviet organization watches 
overy day for any unusual developments in political questions, foreign qr 

"The decision of these questions, as it expressed itself in the decrees of 
the soviet power or m the activity of party organizations was appraised by 
the Central Committee of the party. It is necessary to say that the questions 
were so many that it was necessary to decide them one after the other under 
rondnions of great haste and only, thanks to the full acquaintance of members 
of the collegium, to the understanding of the shades of opinion, and confidence 
was it possible to carry out the work. Otherwise it would have been impos- 
Hihle even for a collegium three times larger. Often it was necessary to decide 
rnnfhcting questions by substituting a telephone conversation for a meeting." 

It is entirely conceivable that when the telephone was out of order, 
I. ruin took upon himself the responsibility of making the decision. This 
relation, however, is not of so much interest to ns as that which exists 
l-rlween the party and the Third (Communist) International. The organiza- 
tion schemes of both are practically the same with slight differences in 
1. rminology. The Third International is the creation of Lenin who worked 
DUI the details in practice by utilizing the machinery of the Russian Com- 
munist party. Congresses are held at Moscow approximately every year, 
llm last (at the time this is written) having been held in Nov.-Dec.» 
1922. Calls for its assemblage are issued by the Executive Committee, which 
ROB the power of seating the delegates and determining the number of del- 
egates which are to represent each country. In turn, the Executive Com- 
tniitee is nominally elected by the Congress, but the method of election 
1 discs the cjueation as to whether it wasn't learned from political experience 
inquired in the Lower East-side of New York. Zinoviev, chairman of the 
Executive Committee, and unanimously elected president of the Congress 
"[n-Liking: 3 

• Before the Ninth Congress of the Russian Communist party. Hearings of the 
Borah Sub-Committee, p. 16. 

* Bulletin of the Third Congress, No. 2, p. 19. Cited by Mr. Kelley before the Borah 
Hub-Committee, p. 41. 



"Unless there is objection, I will have the voting take place* I beg the 
comrades who understand German and sit alongside of the Russian comrades 
to translate as well as they can to them. The voting will now take place. 
Has anyone any objection to this list? That appears not to be the case. The 

list is con Grilled." 

and the Executive Committee, having nominated itself, took office until the 
next Congress. Objection would have been futile, as the composition of 
the Congress was dominated by the Russian Communist party elements, 
voting under unit rule. The Congress agenda is prepared in advance, and 
consists largely of speeches and reports. The same persons appear, year 
after year. Voting is rarely attempted. 1 

"And after the vote was taken, in which t of course, the Russian motion 
was carried, Zinoviev remarks, *Comrades, this is the only vote during the 
whole Congress, and it is, after all, only a question of such a little thing.' " 

The Executive Committee of the Comintern* delegates the absolute 
authority vested in it to the Presidium, which it in turn elects. At present, 
the members of the Presidium of the Comintern, elected subsequent to the 
Fourth Congress are as follows: 3 

Zinoviev Katayama Shatskin 

Clara Zetkin Neurath Kolorav 

Kusinen Bukharin Souvarine 

Radek McManus Terraccini 

Little attention may be paid to those who are foreigners in Russia, as 
the Russian group dominates the organization and the foreigners are not 
often in Moscow anyway. Bukharin, Radek, and Kusinen are in immediate 
charge under Zinoviev, their names appearing on documents seized at Bridg- 
man, Mich. Kusinen signs the orders which go out Zinoviev is a member 
of the Political Bureau of the Communist party, and Bukharin is an alternate, 
"The Communist International is the chief channel of communication, 
organization, and agitation in the United States." 

The Communist party of America — This is the American Section of the 
Third or Communist International.* 

"It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary party— the 
American Section of the Third International— is the Communist party of 
America and that the legal party [Workers' party] is but an instrument 
which it uses to carry on its work among the masses." 

1 Speech of Senator Lodge, p. 585. The Congress has also a presidium of Its own which 
la in effect a "steering committee.'" 
3 Mr, Kelley before the Borah Sub-Committee, P. *0. 

s Radicals generally have a habit of abbreviating the long names of their organiza- 
tions. For instance, "Glavlit" refers to the Supreme Literature and Publishing Ad- 
ministration attached to the Commissariat of Education of the Russian Soviet 
Government, the bureau which has charge among other things of the press censor- 
ship; "Rosta" is the Russian Telegraph Agency which exchanges news with Reuters 
and the United Press; "Tuel" is the Trade Union Educational League of William Z. 
Foster, a branch of the Communist party of America to which is allocated the work 
of propagandizing and organizing within the trades unions. In the same manner, 
"Comintern" Is an abbreviation for Communist International. "Presidium of the 
Comintern" is an expression which is often used and refers to a small group of men 
within the Executive Committee which has ultimate authority, and which dominates 
the organization. The dominating group within the Presidium are members of the 
Political Bureau of the Russian Communist party, 
* See p. 3tM, 



And again: 1 
"The ruling of the Communist International must be accepted as obligat- 
ing every member of the Communist party of America, minority or majority. 
In work diligently in the immediate construction of a legal political party, 
I Workers* party]." 
That this status is accepted by the American elements :* 

"Even though the Communist party shall have come afaoveground and 
acts as tie section of the Communist International, the underground organ- 
LeoHon remains as the directing organ of the open Communist party. This 
uiutus is to continue up to and through the revolution and to the establish* 
tnent of the dictatorship of the proletariat." 
So that there is provision made for an illegal party to work as a secret 
minority within the open legal party. The relations between the two are 
* misidered in great detail both at the headquarters of the Comintern in Moa- 
OOW and by the local leaders. No other relationship is thought possible 
foi effectively carrying on the work of revolution in the United States. 
"The illegal Communist party * * * must continue to direct the 
whole communist work." 

"The whole open work of all communists * * * must be directed 
by ihe Communist party."s 

"The entire membership of the underground party, the real Communist 
party, must join the open parry [Worker's party] and become its most active 
rliMiieiil * * * must at all times hold positions of leadership in the 
legal party.'** 
And then again: 5 

"During the time when the Communist party operates, not under its own 
name and program in the open, but through a 'legal* political party with 
i. ted program and different name, the same principle is applied by having 
lull control of such legal party in the hands of the Communist party. 

"This is accomplished by having a majority of all important committees 

iiiosed of Communist party members, and by means of regular and com- 

ry caucuses of all the Communist party members within any legal unit, 

bound by the unit rule, a principle which will prevail in some effective form 
when the Communist party is itself in the open." 

"The convention of the Communist party must be held prior to the con- 
vniiion of the Labor [Workers'] party and determine all policies for the 
jiittly and all its open organizations," 
The absolute domination of the open party by the illegal party, the 
DMiiioctions with the Communist International are therefore shown. The 
Workers' party however is only one form of activity which is planned and 
•ii ii even does the Workers' party have a monopoly in the political field. 
I In presence of William Z. Foster at the Bridgman convention plainly in- 
■ ii itfld that his organization, the Trade Union Educational League was 
ncd to work in the field of labor as the Workers' party was designed 
i.. work in the field of politics.* 

notions signed by Bukharin, Ra^ek, ana Kusinen, p. 249. 

in on Relations of No. One (illegal branch) to No, Two (legal branch). Appendix 
i 'ten by J 4 Lo vest one, executive secretary of the Communist party of America 

Mini ji.injited by the Bridgman Convention. 

i.rt of the Adjustment Committee to the Convention, written by Robert Minor, 

inher of the Executive Committee, p. 2&. 

. i iniix P. 
. ndlx B, Thesis by J. Lovestone, 
oiutlons adopted by the Bridgman convention, p. 28. 





"The general control of the No. One [illegal branch] within X [Trade 
Union Educational League] as within all other organizations must be in the 
nands of the party, and not in the hands of special committees." 
Within the ranks of conservative labor unions are to be established 
nuclei, here and there gradually winning over the more or less radical and 
discontented to a "red" platform and securing the benevolent neutrality of 
the conservatives. The plan does not call for the adhesion in an organic 
sense of larger numbers of the labor union members but for secretly organ- 
zzed minority groups. Acting through the labor union organizations the 
Communist nucfci exercise an influence which reaches far beyond their 
immediate membership. 1 

"The party must use its a nil strength in the trade unions to 
iorm delegated conferences of labor organizations. Such conferences decide 
on a general political campaign including all forms of political action. 
Our members should initiate such action through the unions w 
In creating a united front for the working class for their economic strug* 
gles, the existing labor unions must remain the instruments of these struggles 
while the members of the Workers' party must be the instruments to unify 
these economic organizations." 

The same methods of control are extended to the Communist press. As 1 
Foster expresses it, "one of the secrets of control is monopoly of the press," 
and provision is made that, insofar as possible, all editors of the Workers' 
party organs shall be members of the Communist party. 

The convention of the Communist party at Bridgman was organized 
and carried on in true Bolshevik style. Little voting was allowed, care being 
taken to insure healing in the party dissensions early in the convention. 
Only true and trusted delegates were present, handpicked as it were. The 
program consisted principally of reports of committees, orders from Mos- 
cow to which the delegates themselves listened on the whole without much 
discussion. The convention had its presidium- 3 

''Throughout the Communist movement of the world, the system of 
presidiums' prevails, by which matters of necessarily secret nature are kept 
in the hands of the most reliable and most trusted members of the party. 
This is a necessary feature of a revolutionary organization." 

Secrecy of course is necessary to control, and the caution to observe it 
came from Moscow— the result of extended experience; — emphasized by the 
local leaders. 3 

"While coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make the 
mistake of being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district 
Communist party headquarters, records, or illegal machinery, its underground 
printing arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive Committee" 
* * * * The identity of members of No. One [illegal branch] 
working in offices or upon committees or in units of No. Two [legal branchl 
as well as their relations to No. One, must not be exposed. * * • Get 
used to speaking in terms that will not in any way reveal connections with 
No. One."* 

1 Appendix E, Instructions from Moscow. Vide. Chapter 11 

* Thesis by Lovestone, Appendix B, p. 221. 

■ Vide, p. 199. 

- Confidential bullatin written by ^ovestona ana sent to Communlat groups thlOUxli- 

out the country, p. 38. iyuKU 


The Communist party of course has its Executive Committee and pre- 

iii iMy it is elected in about the same fashion as those elected in Moscow. 

Wlii In the Bridgman raid on the party convention was a staggering blow 

i the revolutionists, the latter have recovered their equilibrium rapidly and 

have transferred a part of their work to the Workers' party organization. 

I In- 1 Icntral Executive Committee of the Workers* party is now composed of: 

Alexander Bittleman William Z. Foster 

Earl R. Browder Benjamin Gitlow 

F. Burman Ludwig Lore 

J. P. Cannon J. Lovestone 

William F. Dunne Jnhn Pepper 

J. L. Engdahl C, E. Ruthenherg 

It also has its Political Bureau: 

Foster Browder Cannon 

Pepper Lovestone Dunne 


And it is perfectly safe to assume that this is the inside ring in 
i B United States. John Pepper officially represents the Third Interna- 
tional of Moscow in the Committee and in the Bureau. Pepper's correct 
name, i. e., the one under which he was born, is Pogany and his Com- 
munist party name is Lang. 

This picture is complete. For the time it is possible for the aver- 
man to gain a conception of the great political machine which controls 
ill.' destinies of so many individuals in Europe and which would extend its 
Operations to the whole world. The lines of activity and the channels of 
though! are now an open book. To an extent never before dreamed of, the 
principles of secret, irresponsible, minority control have been brought to 
. magnificent perfection. Yet, in the very perfection of its development 

I I the very danger to which it subjects society at large, the cancer-like in- 
filtration into untouched fields. If one minority can build up and sway 

f li a machine, why not another? That the leaders themselves have recog- 
nized this danger is apparent. 1 

"The Thesis adopted by the Third World Congress on the_ subject of 
organization explicitly prohibited the formation of closed factions within 
I 'nrnmunist patties." 

Of course; the danger is much too real. Another minority might grab 


It borders on the silly to say that this ponderous organization has been 
.in led for the purpose of bringing about a proletarian dictatorship. That 
■ .1 of a slogan may be sufficient to keep the proletarian busy with his 
[noughts while the leaders twist his nose, for "it is necessary for victory 
i bring about common 'mass action' of workers who are not yet commu- 
m t8." The climax of a proletarian dictatorship is somewhere else. The 

» Taken from a news letter service sent out by Brooks, representative or tHe Com- 
munist International in this country, p, 232, 



cCSti ^ ,0Cate "' 6VaIUate * «* ™ t0 **« Merest the movement 


y* German steam hamtner and Soviet wheat will conquer the eathe 



El one of many evidences of its work. 1 am also greatly indebted to Mr. Will- 
Ism E. Brigham, Washington correspondent of the Boston Evening Transcript* 
WAO has been of much aid and comfort because of his determined stand 
foi Americanism and his insistence that the American people shall know 
»Ik> truth of the radical situation. My appreciation is also expressed to 
Mr. Fred Marvin, editor of the Searchlight department of the New York 
Commercial who wrote the chapter concerning the trials of the Com- 

niflts at St. Joseph, Mich., following the raid at Bridgman. Thanks are 

HllO extended to Dr. Harris A. Houghton of New York, who has given me 
iminy valuable suggestions and who, at my request, corrected the final proofs. 
The officials of the Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice, 
■ pecially Mr. William J. Burns, Mr. John Edgar Hoover and Mr. George 
!■'. Ruch, have also been particularly helpful in advice and friendly 

* I Hinsm, 

My earnest hope is that this book will be helpful to those students of 
1 1 to science of government who are still befogged in the tractless sea of 
"liberism" as now defined and that it will ultimately prove to be a per- 
manent contribution to the bibliography of loyalty to American institutions. 

Washington, D. C, 
February, 1924. 


The preparation of the material for this hook hj» K„ c r. . . 
interest. Since much of it appeared in tL n ° 00 y ,as . been of absorbing 
a year ago, there ^b^CrTb^a^?" T^l f^"** ™ 
The attacks give little concert hlr^T fit *"* mt ^ 1 mnch !*»*"■ 
every hue, from Red t™ or ^X^f™^ T™' **? Padi » h » f 
Union, a most H ^iJS^SS^ S tJXS?*? ^ ^^ 
pretend to be patriots and wfeleTdSg und^te "clotk ^C! ^ 
iveism" are in reality playing the same nf tn- » Jm t * Progress- 

pacifists have been particu "rl V AK V tf£ u ^J*****. The 
obtain peace. PrdJh*^ » %"ting to 

m the open publication of the truth reX IZXl T £f ' ? h ° beheVe 

loyal to the Lets of those XtL^Z^U^ "*** *" ™ ^ 

*i America in this form would no^Ll. K l^ publication of Reds 

cooperation of the aZ^V^I^Z^ ^frlg?* 
Under the greatest difficulties this organization is attemnH^ V Directors ' 
ou^ucceeang generations an Ame/ea such" ^foSS? ^ffi^S 



: : : ', ; Crii^TES:ON£ :; 


The most colossal conspiracy against the United States in its history 
was unearthed at Bridgman, Michigan, August 22, 1922, when the secret 
Convention of the Communist party of America was raided hy the Michigan 
Constabulary, aided by county and Federal officials. Two barrels full of 
documentary proof of the conspiracy were seized and are in possession of 
the authorities. Names, records, cheeks from, prominent people in this 
country, instructions from Moscow, speeches, theses, questionnaires— indeed, 
the whole machinery of the underground organization, the avowed aim of 
which is the overthrow of the United States Government, was found in such 
shape as to "condemn every participant in the convention. 

It is now known and can be made public to what extent this movement, 
inspired from Moscow and directed by Lenin and Trotsky, has grown since 
the first seeds were sown a few years ago. The seriousness of the menace 
may now be measured for the first time. The ramifications of the organ- 
ization are now known. It can be stated with authority that the Workers' 
party of America is a branch of this organization, placed in the field by 
orders direct from Moscow and supported by the illegal branches of the 
Communist party. It is known that agents of the Communists are working 
I6C cetly, through "legal" bodies, in labor circles, in society, in prof es- 
nional groups, in the Army and Navy, in CongresSj in the schools and jcol- 
leges of the country, in banks and business concerns, among the farmers, 
in the motion picture industry— in fact, in nearly every walk of life. 

These agents are not "lowbrows," but are keen, clever, intelligent, 
educated men and women. They are experts in their several lines. Their 
programs, which are now known, show that their plans for inciting the 
negroes, the farmers, the clerks, the workmen in industry, members of Con- 
gress, employees in Government departments everywhere, to violence against 
I he constituted authorities, have been drawn with almost uncanny appreciation 
of the psychology of each group, with facts and figures so manipulated as 
to appeal to those approached, with false premises so cleverly drawn as to 
fool almost anyone. 

The names of persons interested directly or indirectly in this move- 
ment are astounding. They range from bricklayers to bishops, and include 
many prominent official and society people. It must be understood that 
by far the greater number of these people do not know to what they are 
lending the use of their names and influence or to what they are giving 
I heir money. They have been approached to give aid to the Workers' party, 




or to the many relief organizations which have sprung up diseuisin* Com 

thTsSret circles of Z ^™ - $&$&* ™ on what are known i 
KS Communists as Vaeksr lists" comprising the nam 

ot people who have given to one or another of the various "causes" whic 

~ss£#3?wK i ^ who w ^p^r P ? r oa w J 

contaS'hVpro'V^Erf- ,1^ pl T T* u Pr ° Sram9 ° f the C <™> I 
be printed in full Tt" ^ W ° f the d °™™"« 8 they might ai 

sr/ s ied srt: to Russia ' id by ^it° wtrr y Xwr 
=elr I 1 r rt«^ai ssisif 

f«L n C™™ * thrive on disorder. Trouble is a rallying cr 
Z™ r Y - . dell ^ latel y "Pknt" theii agents in labor unions hr 1 

riZ L lnSP1 ^ g d f Wder ; Th6ir creed is to mak « capital out of strik 
nots, and every other form of popular unrest. Their plans for the coal an 
railroad strikes, winch were so extensive a feature of 1922, were laid in 92 
Their sympathizers attend church meetings for the jmt^otvZ^t 
arguments to weaken the faith of members^ the clL^h P T^ey pf a hTe 
love the nationalization of women and children, and openly prSainT rtJ 

e ig ne^X^ot^l?L"rCuie the intf "T "A 

to meet the requirements for their foreign readers- fullv »h?W r 

I=!! S ..^! h - 5*"* are found^n ST&J&' ' SS*T J 

scheming i. done by Ae^e foreigne^ta « part of it, and practically 


lookouts could keep watch and give warnin- of tJwTT™ if * 

SSfT in whic " the -—^ ™ ^ - *-^&tsEr 

which the owner was accustomed to rent to summer cal^^fi 


-d to house the seventy-odd delegates to the convention. The spot 
tiuild be reached only by a wagon road, not in good repair, so that swift 
"Hioinobiles could not travel with sufficient speed to prevent flight. 

Watchers were also stationed in the town of Bridgman to note and 
report the presence of any strangers and on August 21, this foresight 
gelded its rewards. Word was also received from Chicago of a raid 
In lhat city on the offices of William Z. Foster, who was in attendance 
OK the Bridgman convention, in his official capacity as head of the Trade 
Union Educational League. Foster and some of the higher-ups from 

ia and the United States escaped during the raid but later seventeen 
Wfiws caught. Foster himself was arrested the nest day in Chicago, and 
denied that he was at Bridgman — but the authorities had the minutes of 
• In- meetings, including roll calls to which Foster answered "present," and 
the text of the speech delivered by Foster. Denial was useless. 

Preparations had been made, as is always the case at the illegal meet- 
lugs of the Communists, to secrete the records in case of discovery. In 
this instance a hole had been dug back of one of the cottages into which 
fftre dumped typewriters, mimeograph machines, adding machines, the 
private papers of the delegates and the official records of the convention 
ivben the authorities swooped down upon the conspirators. They are called 
Conspirators advisedly, for the purpose of the Communist party of America 
In to overthrow the Government of the United States by violence, by armed 
revolution, and to make this country like present-day Russia, 

It is interesting to note that every member of the Communist party 
Ihin what is known as a "party name," by which alone he is known to the 
I' i members. Rule No. 12 of the regulations governing the meetings 
nl Uridgman states that "no one shall disclose or ask for the legal name of 
Ihy person present." The identity of many members is unknown, al- 
l hough the party name of practically every member is now on record. 

The delegates who were in attendance at this illegal annual convention 
M the Communist party of America came from all parts of the United 
llntes, There were also present honored guests (albeit in an official 
Mpncity) from Moscow, bearing instructions from their chiefs, Lenine, 
rrotsky, et al., and they gave explicit orders as to what should be done 
h> lliis country looking to its overthrow. There were present besides 
1 ter, C. E. Ruthenberg, three times candidate for mayor of Cleveland: 
Mm Gitlow, the New York labor leader; Ella Reeve BIoot, who says 
U0 lias been arrested more than a hundred times for radical agitation 
hnong workers; Robert Minor, J. Lovestone, Ward Brooks, direct repre- 
• niaiive of the Communist International, of Moscow; Boris Reinstein, 
^presenting the Red Trade Union International of Moscow; Rose Pastor 
|lokes, whose spectacular radical career is well-known; William F. Dunne, 
Candidate for governor of New York on the ticket of the Workers' party, 
legal" branch of the "illegal" Communist party, and many others. The 
Jvrnteen arrested at or near Bridgman were Thomas Flaherty of New 
fork; Charles Erickson, Charles Kruiubeiii, Eugene Bechtuld and Caleb 
Harrison of Chicago; Cyril Lembkin, W. Reynolds, Detroit; William F. 




Dunne of Butte, Mont., and New York; J. Mihelic, Kansas City; Alex 
Ball, Philadelphia; Francis Ashworth, Camden, N. L; E. McMillin, T. R. 
Sullivan and Norman H. Tallentire, St. Louis; Max Lerner, Seattle, and 
Zeth Nordling, Portland, Oregon. 

The convention was called to order on the afternoon of August 17 
by Comrade J. Lovestone, Secretary to the Central Executive Committee. 
Lovestone, whose party name is L. C. Wheat, had just returned from a 
trip to Germany where he secured 132,000 from the International Propa- 
ganda Bureau. At the head of this organization is Karl Radek, the no- 
torious Bolshevik who has been identified with the Communist movement 
since the timfi of th* Rrest-Litovsk Treaty and whose real name is Tobinch 
Sobelsohn 1 , The International Propaganda Bureau was organized for 
the specific purpose of pooling and distributing all propaganda funds so 
that the money could be quickly placed where most needed. A definite 
proportion of the funds collected in the United States is sent to this bureau 
in Berlin, a definite portion being retained for direct propaganda work 

The convention was quickly organized, committees appointed, and 
the work begun. William Z. Foster figured largely in the organization, 
be having been seated as a fraternal delegate by virtue of bis position 
as head of the Trade Union Educational League. Comrades Ben Gitlow j 
and Caleb Harrison were chosen chairmen by the ^Presidium," or govern- 
ing body, of the convention. 

The regulations governing the convention, drawn by the grounds com- 
mittee, illustrate the efforts made to prevent any knowledge of the pro-j] 
ceedinga becoming known outside the secret circle. All persons were J 
forbidden to leave the grounds without permission of the grounds com- 
mittee, and if granted this permission they must register when leaving 
and report when returning. "No person shall mingle with strangers," ] 
reads Rule No. 4, and the next one provides that no persons shall be al- 
lowed to send messages or mail letters. Rule No, 6 reads, "No incrimin- 
ating literature or documents shall be kept in baggage or in rooms. All 
such matter must be turned over to the committee every evening. The 
grounds committee must arrange for the safe keeping of this matter." 

The rules prescribed the time lights should be out, what time the 
delegation should get up in the morning, and when they should bathe and j 
that "all persons going in bathing must wear bathing suits." Lest some 
trace of their plans become known it was forbidden to write on tables, 
seats, or any part of the premises, and all were prohibited from "throwing 
away papers or written matter of any kind;" it was provided that "all 
written notes, not longer required, must be handed to the committee for 
destruction." Roll calls were held three times a day to guard against 
spies getting in or leaving, and all grants to leave the grounds must be 
reported at every roll call. 

Following the organization of the convention and the adoption of the 
" Webster, Kerleri, Beckwith — Boche and Bolshevik, l>. 27 (Beckwith). 


i tiles and regulations, Comrade Ward Brooks, of Moscow, addressed the 
rutivention in German. Notes taken in English by Comrade Mas Bedacht, 
e member of the Central Executive Committee, were found among the 
buried records. At the outset of his address Comrade Brooks admitted 
lllfll "for the first time since the Third International" the party was faced 
by really serious problems. He said: 

"The revolutionary situation immediately following the Russian Revo- 
lution gave its impress on the Communist International. It was thought 
I licit we were really at the beginning of the world revolution. Some say 
lllBl this crisis will be the final one. Others that it will be followed by 
Q period of prosperity," 

Evidently prosperity is not to be desired, for the Communist movement 
thrives on the dissatisfaction of the masses. Throughout their literature and 
In all their speeches the Communists stress "class struggle," preaching 
always the need of creating class consciousness as a step toward the "strug- 
C,li\ 1 ' Comrade Brooks's explanation of the present situation follows in 
I In* next two paragraphs: 

"The situation is really that although the economic situation is bet- 
torblg, still the political consciousness and the class struggle are sharpen- 
in; 1 . Capitalism has no way out to regain complete health. The situation 
in I he Entente is such that England and France are constantly at odds. 
America is at odds with the rest of the world. This leads to a great 
Complication of interests. Thus the revolutionary movement is solidifying. 
Inland endangers the position of Great Britain on the Continent. 

"Germany is the greatest proletarian power, with seventy per cent 
mliiin population. The bourgeoisie cannot for any length of time hold 
(inner. The slogan of a proletarian government by the German Com- 
munist party is not artificial, but is based on the desires of the proletariat. 
Germany is the seed of Europe. France is eo closely connected with Ger- 

ii y that an uprising in Germany would ultimately lead to a revolution 

in France," 

Comrade Brooks went on to report on conditions in Italy, Hungary, 
Chechoslovakia, Poland, Finland, Japan and Russia, painting the picture 
lu brilliant colors for his American hearers, turning every defeat of Com- 
munist plans to victory by twisting the significance of the developments 
Mich led to the defeat and claiming the results as satisfactory to the 
* ommunists. Among other wild claims he made was that Russia herself 
li id i ontributed ninety-nine per cent to, the relief of the famine sufferers 
nl lliat country. Then he turned to America. 

,: The American situation. What has happened? Much and better. 
Tlic Communist party in America sees more concretely, more definitely, its 
ComI and also sees the methods. The tactical questions were never so 
ptenslvcly discussed as during the last year. This will fit them to take 
me lead in the class struggle. As far as results go nothing is to be seen 
hh yet. Are we better or worse off than we were last year? Better, be- 
i luse the party exists and knows why it exists. It is more fit for the 
purpose of the Communist party than it was last year." 




Inasmuch as they were among themselves at Bridgman there was 
need of pretending that the work of the Communists was legal. The diffe 
entiation of the legal and illegal branches was made clear, and the fact 
that the illegal branch is regarded as the more important and the con- 
trolling branch is plainly stated. For it is in the work of the illegal 
branch of the organization that the violations of the laws of the country 
are committed, the conspiracies fathered by Moscow and imposed upon the! 
party in America are carried out. The report of the Adjustment Com- 
mittee, of which Robert Minor was chairman and of which Brooks and 
Reinstein of Moscow were among the members, consisted of revolutionary 
resolutions, which were adopted, as follows: 

"1. To multiply tenfold the activities of the whole membership oj 
the Communist party in the trades nnions is not only a question of the 
life and death of the party, but, alongside of another form of the worjl 
among the masses, the best counterbalance against controversies that teal 
the party to pieces. 

"2. The road to revolution in America leads over the destruction on 
the power of the yellow leadership of the American Federation of Labor. • 
This aim can be accomplished only through work within the American 
Federation of Labor for the conquest of this organization. Therefore it is 
the main task of the Communists to work in the American Federation ofj 
Labor. ' 

"3. The main goal of the Communists in their trades union work is 
the unification of all organized labor into one federation, 

"4. The work in the independent unions must be carried on in the above' 
spirit. The necessary and right amalgamations (not artificial ones) ofl 
independent unions within a certain industry or in local councils should 
be influenced by the Communists so that they are not carried through in 
a separatist spirit against the American Federation of Labor but as a step 
toward the general unification of labor and in support of the work within] 
the American Federation of Labor. 

"5. The tendency for the formation of a national federation of inde- 
pendent unions or the amalgamation of local councils into a competing 
federation against the American Federation of Labor is harmful. 

"6. The existing councils wishing to affiliate with the Red Trades Union 
International should not be discouraged but should be attracted under' 
the condition that they support the trades union program of the party." 

"1, The illegal Communist party must continue to exist and must' 

continue to direct the whole Communist work. 

"2. The open work in all forms and especially in Number Two 1 is the 

main task of the party. 

"3, A legal Communist party is now impossible. Should conditions^ 

change, only a convention can change the party's policy." 

* Th» legal branch. 



"1, According to the thesis of the Second World Congress of the Com- 

Est International the role of the Communist party in the Proletarian 

Ittvolution is, The Communist party is the organized political lever by 
Miimua of which the more advanced part of the working class leads all the 
proletarian and semi-proletarian mass.' 

"2. The Communist party in its revolutionary outlook does in no 
PUntry feel itself bound by the existing laws forced upon it by the bour- 
i class state; not only in the historic revolution which it strives to 
Ming about and which naturally cannot be carried out legally, but also 
[I] Its activity in the period of preparation does the Communist party and 
i In- fighting proletariat come in open conflict with bourgeois justice and 
jk| i>igans of bourgeois state apparatus. Whether in spite of these facts 
K| Communist party can exist as an open party, tolerated by the enemy 
h ji Ho-called legal party, or whether it must exist as an illegal party die- 
Binds upon a number of circumstances which differ in various countries 
Mid from time to time. Even an open Communist party must be armed 
I mi the eventuality of exceptional laws against it and also for the carrying 
••til of many permanent tasks it must maintain an illegal apparatus. The 
nl situation in America makes the existence of a legal Communist 
■irty, as it exists in Germany, France, Italy, etc., impossible. In spite of 
••II differences America belongs in the category of countries like Finland, 
I'lilrmd, Roumania, Jugoslavia where the Communist party must be illegal. 
In ipite of the fact that lately an extension of the possibilities of legal 
Iftlvities has taken place, prospects for the possibilities of an open Com- 
munis; party within a reasonable length of time do not exist. The Amer- 

i illegal Communist party, therefore, is and remains The Communist 

■fty, the only section of the Communist International in this country, 

"3. The centre" of gravity of the Communist party lies in its open ac- 
ttvltles. The whole open work of all Communists in the legal political 
■■i:l. in the trades unions and all other organizations, and in the press* 
■ ii i be directed by the Communist party. The direction of this whole 
ii|nn work will not lead to a neglect of the illegal party work but, quite 

i ntrary, will instill the party with real life and give its work political 

|| ■ (finance. It will direct its attention to the great problems of the 

!c of the proletariat. It will establish the real connections between 

| [iarty and the masses and their struggle, If in the future Number 

1 should become a revolutionary mass party which can openly and 

irictedly operate as and call itself a Communist party, then the 

.. .ut underground organization will become an illegal apparatus within 
kit party and must be adapted to the new situation and new functions, 
i Di (ho practical carrying out of these policies the following rules must be 
■i ■ ■ i ved: 

"A. In all their activities the Communists are subject to the directions 
and discipline of the party. 

nipriki and LegaL 




"B. Every member of the Communist party is in duty bound to ba 
active in Number Two. 

i j " C j l he Central Executive Committee will see to it that the directing j 
body of Number Two will be subject to its guidance in the composition of 
its membership as well as in the execution of the political directiona of 
the Central Executive Committee. All meetings of the Number Two mus 
be prepared for by the Number One. This is especially important for th 
conventions of the Number Two which, under present conditions must b 
preceded by a convention of the Number One. 

"D. The same holds true for local party committees, 
"E. The meetings of party committees of Number One as well as th 
organizations and groups of Number One must be devoted, along with inner 
organizational questions, mainly to discussions of plans of action in the 
open work. These meetings must not duplicate and thus hinder the open 
work but must become the driving force of the open activities. 

T. The Number Two shall be recruiting ground for the Number One 
and must be the constant source of new forces. 

"G : No member of the Number One is allowed to neglect Number One 
work but must be in constant touch with the illegal organization This 
must grvc the members backbone and direction for the open work, 

H. The Central Executive Committee publishes monthly an illegal 
organ *or the discussion of important party questions to be distributed 
among party members and sympathizers. By actual work the Central Ex- 
ectitive Committee must keep in constant touch with the membership sol 
that its decisions are not carried out by purely mechanical means, bug 
also and more important, by a thorough understanding of party poIicV 
and technique on the part of the membership. 

"I. The publication of illegal propaganda and agitational literature 
tor mass distribution shall be adapted to political necessity whenever th] 
legal possibilities are exhausted." 

, . I' 1 '." 1 ! 10 P 1,0 ^™ of the Number Two must be short. A manifr 
winch in short, concise sentences, not in the form of a narrative or J 
syllogism, contains the declaration of principles. 

"2.— The red thread of the program is the idea and the practice of thj 
class struggle. In this connection mass-actions should be dealt with] 
1 his part must be American; it must deal with partial struggles of the] 
American masses as well as with the general struggle of the thirty millior] 
ot American workers. In this portion must be stated the basic element^ 
out 01 which our trade union tactics are developed. The fundamentals of] 
tiie United .Front should be here expressed, 

"3,--Tie political part must lead up to the climax of the proletariat 
dictatorship. This formula appears in contradistinction to the dictator] 
ship ot the capitalists. American democracy must be analyzed Rule o] 
the thirty million for the overthrow of capitalism as against rule of Walll 
htreet for the conservation of exploitation. Soviet rule as the historic! 
iorm ot a proletarian regime in the transformation period 



* 4. — One or two sentences may be inserted in a fit place dealing with 
thi yellows and reformists and against the policy of compromise*" 

"The Workers' party was organized to comprise not only Communists 
lull also sympathizers who, although not yet clear-cut Communists, gravitate 
lOWard Communism and accept the moral and political leadership of the 
| "Mirjumist International and the Communist party of America. From that 
point of view the decided n on -Communists and anti-Communists (that is, 
jlpponents of the existing Comintern), especially when they belong to the 
te of leaders, are not a desirable element in the Workers' party, but 
in a disturbing and at times even a dangerous element. Even though at 
.i oortain period of development we are forced to accept such elements 
hii account of their important following, we must do everything in our 
bOWOr to win this following for us as quickly as possible and to destroy 
Him influence of the non-Communists, * * To the question of whether it 
MfOllld be better for us if they go sooner or if it were better they go later* 
jfl answer: at the present moment an open breach would mean a split, a 
IfOckening and compromising of the as yet extremely weak party. They 
ii i iv therefore remain; but even now already our Communist work within 
lb- Workers' party must be doubled and trebled as well as our propaganda 
Ini the Workers' party, 

"Kspecially dangerous are the positions of power of the centrists and 
||lj centrists in the daily papers. This condition must be remedied im- 
mediately. First by organizational measures to get this press absolutely 
In our control; secondly; by the open criticism of their mistakes in the 

■ ■Hi. u[ organ of the Worker's party which latter organ must be absolutely 
In our control; thirdly, by the establishment as soon as possible of an 
I'jil'.lish daily paper. 1 " 

The "Coordination of Communist Activity in the Americas"* was dis- 

■ <• < ed at length as a thesis presented to the convention. The chief point 

le in this thesis was that the Communists of the United States must take 

Bl lead in. all Communist activity in the Latin American republics because 
"Ii- v brand the Latins as backward, lacking in intelligence and in no way 

Irtmg enough to accomplish anything without the support of the organ- 

i in this country. The capitalists of the United States were con- 

• I. mned utterly because they have invested so much money in Latin America, 
credit, naturally, is given for the work of aiding the countries to 

ll n 

tin &outh of the United States by giving employment to the people and by 
loping the natural resources. This extension of capital for use in 

I Rt in America is called "imperialism" by the Communists and the warning 
. .unded that the American capitalists are thus extending their influence 

■1 i he purpose of finding labor to import into the United States to 

lnnnk strikes. It is also stated in this thesis that: 

"The introduction of an exotic capitalism into Latin American countries 

rati riaily Communist paper was recently established In Chicago. 
Pr4> Appendix A. 



lias opposed to a backward and unripe proletariat the highly developed boJ 
geoisie of the most powerful capitalistic nation in the world, with llir 
military resources of the United States at its command. The fight [| 
unequal. Isolated, the Latin American workers can not hope to defend 
their interests successfully against their mighty adversary. They ncfld 
us as well as we need them. A proletarian revolution anywhere in Latin 
America is well nigh impossible until there is a revolution in the UnitoJ 
States. Wall Street, with its billions of dollars imperilled, would cruik 
it immediately. American imperialism, economic and political, i s thl 
instrument of exploitation throughout the western world. In Latin Ameri- 
ca, as inthe United States and Canada, the Class Struggle is a struffdi 
against Wall Street. w | 

Throughout the minutes of the convention, and also in all Communis 
literature the letter «X" is used to refer to the Trade Union Educational 
League, of which William Z. Foster is the head and organizer. This is don* 
in order to aid Foster in his efforts to avoid conflict with the authority 
and to make the American people and his opponents in labor union 
circles believe that it is not connected with the Communist movement, 
taster was a member of the committee which drew up the resolutions on thl 
Relation of the Communist party to the Trade Union Educational League, 
adopted by the convention. These resolutions provide specifically *thi 
the illegal branch of the party must always be in control of the Leagy 
lhey read as follows: 

"L— The party recognizes the 'X* as one of the most important facto 
for the revolutionizing of the trade and industrial unions and therefo 
will take all the necessary measures in order to develop and strengthen J 
through the active participation of the membership of the party to its worll 

"2, — The formulation of the trade union policies by the party must f 
based upon the closest contact of the party with the experiences of t 
trade union nuclei, 

"3.— The general control of the Number One nuclei within X as with! 
all other organizations must be in the hands of the party and not in tl 
hands of the special committees. 

"4.— Contact must be established between the executive committees of 
the party and the executive committees of the X. 

"5. — Number One nuclei within the X must be made to functii 

The most important event, in the eyes of the delegates, was the spew 
of Foster himself before the convention. His hostility to Samuel Compel 
and to the American Federation of Labor, of which Foster is a membej 
was shown in his address. He told of the work done among the railro* 
workers and the miners leading up to the strikes of 1922* He counselh 
violence in overthrowing the Government of the United States. He told u 
his dealings in person with the authorities in Moscow and how the leaded 
in Russia understood the situation in this country. His speech in pad 


"The fate of the party depends upon its control of the masses. The 
Irnde union work is one of the most important things in order to get control 
U the masses. The influence of the masses can be measured by the amount 
fcf control we happen to have in the trade union work in all countries. We 
Imve seen the Socialist party here go to pieces, more so than in any other 
lountry of the world. The Socialist party in Germany suffered, but not 
like the Socialist party here. It is practically outside the labor move- 
ment. There is nothing left of it, 

"One of the prime reasons is that the Socialist party in this country 
never understood the importance of industrial work; never had an indus- 
trial policy. It seemed to go along on the idea that the Socialist party 
•liould be an organization of citizens in general, and did not realize that 
tlio foundation had to be the workers, and not only the workers but the or- 
linnized workers. The Socialist party never realized that the key to the 
working class lies through organizations that carry on bread-and-butter, 
KVfiry-day struggles. The consequence was that the Socialist party has 
wavered ever since it was formed. The Socialist party never crystallized 
llnelf. It fell into the hands of Debs, and Debs has been a man who has 
nnver really grasped the significance of mass organizations. As a con- 
fluence, the Socialist party developed a wing that stood for dual organ- 
tmtions, a left wing. The right wing stood for working in trade unions 
In mild milksop fashion. They used the trade unions merely as vote- 
unltirtg machines. They did not attach first-rate importance to them. The 
iH't wing, led by Debs, Haywood and others, had the idea of dual organi- 
sm ions, the right wing had an idea of going along in trade union work 

'The result was a compromise between the two positions. They en- 
dorsed the principle of industrial unionism but failed to direct the active 
*<irk or attempt to put it into practice. The Socialist party had an in- 
Efttrial program, but they failed because of lack of organized effort. 
When the war came along, the Socialist party took a stand against the war. 
\\w result was that Gompers by controlling strategic points was not only 
Mr to sway the masses in favor of the war, but the whole working class 
M well, and the Socialist party failed to realize the necessity of intrenching 
llwlf in these masses and found itself at the end of the limb, amounting 
In nothing, The whole working class turned against it because it was 
fimltHh enough to allow their unions to remain in the hands of the bureauo 
■ .. v. The split that came along completed the job because of their faulty 
milufttrial policy. They could have withstood solidly but, because they 
IiimI nn hacking of the workers, they collapsed. 

"The Communist party is not going to make the same mistake. This 

In i ■ i r • so much stress on the importance of the trade union work is one of 

rioHt helpful features of the movement. When we lay stress on the im- 

|i. .liner of this work, we realize that we must capture the trade unions if 

mi to get anywhere. Different Communists differ as to the importance 

i i iplnring the unions in the revolutionary struggle. Some say that the 

union, does not amount to anything; that it is just a neutral organ- 





ization and will never become a revolutionary unit. Others say that i 
is one of the really revolutional instruments of the workers and will function 
as such in the revolutionary struggle. Syndicalists take the position thai 
trade union work is the only thing. Although we may differ as to tM 
positive value of the trade union work, we must agree with the negative 
namely, that it is absolutely impossible to have a revolution in thj 
country unless we will control the mass trade unions. This fact alonj 
should justify the policy that the Communist party of the United Stat* 
is working out. If we wish a revolution, we must have their support. 

"After our delegation came back from Moscow last year, it brougl 
with us a program which we thought was a good practical program fo 
this country, and we want to tell you this— a lot of people say that those I 
Moscow do not understand the situation* I want to dispute that, 
found in the Red Trades Union International and in the Communist Inter* 
national and generally in Moscow, a keen understanding of the fundamental 
of our situation in this country. I can say that I found a better under! 
standing of the general fundamental situation in America than we can boas) 
of here. It was a peculiar thing to find men like Radek and Lenin tellin 
American revolutionary organizations that their industrial policy wk 
wrong. Radek said, Tour delegation that you had here at the previoui 
congress of the Communist International seemed to he too anxious to gelj 
away from the trade unions.' They do not know details but understand 
basic principles of trade unionism, and these fellows were too anxious id 
find excuses to run away. 

"Radek knew that these fellows were wrong because of his generJ 
knowledge of the international situation and fundamentals of the laboj 
movement. Radek stated that every policy that we are now undertaking, 
we should put into effect. Every leading man in Russia took that position] 
The important thing is that we finally arrived at a practical foundatioil 
for a trade union policy in this country. We came hack with this policif 
and started to put it into effect. It was laid before the Central Executive 
Committee and endorsed and also before the Number Two and endorsed 
and we were instructed to undertake to organize the Trade Union LeaguJ 
We began in February. The program initiated was to simultaneoSsll 
set up groups in all parts of the country. It was a very good conceptio? 
and should have worked out better than it did, but unfortunately most d 
the people were not clear and did not get as good results as should hav] 
been gotten. 

"However, we succeeded in establishing branches of the League i 
practically all important centres of the country. Some of these branch^ 
are small, but I think we have reached the point of development where wj 
no longer measure the importance of revolutionary organizations by sia 
In some places where there are only one or two men 7 more results are ot 
tained than where they have larger organizations which spend time h>hfo 
ing and not doing real work. We formed this league, but in forming il 
we were under a great disadvantage. We did not dare to say it was ? 
Communist organization. It was necessary to camouflage to a certail 

■Aleut, and for that reason it had to start differently. The ideal way 
|(j have started this league, was to call a national conference and there 
idopl a program, endorse the Red Trades Union International program 
"<l Bend it out broadcast. We were unable to do that because it would 
pmediately have been labeled Communist, The alternative was to start 
II and have the Chicago league function as the national organization un- 
it! it had union connections established and could call a national con- 
1 m lire. That has been the proposition up to the present time. The 
Chicago League served as the national organization. We picked its ex- 
MttUve board which mapped out a policy and served as a national organ- 
Itttion. We now have reached the stage where we nan call our national 
I (inference. 

"Before I touch on the conference, I would like to say that we started 

j League with an idea to making it a paying organization, but we had to 

Ibandon this idea. In spite of the financial loss, we had to give it up, be- 

i he American labor movement is in such a state and the bureaucracy 

ruthless and so weak that we run a great danger of expulsion for dual 
jjfllonism, and it was necessary to have an organization that did not carry 
Bros but more of a diffuse proposition so that they could not put a finger 
"ti il and clean it out. 

"In France they started out with a policy of accepting affiliation from 

■ mizations endorsing its program. It was a left block organization. The 

ram was very general in character, to overthrow the yellow bureaucracy. 

m affiliations from local and national unions and sympathetic ones even- 

Uy resulted in fact that the bureaucracy was able to charge them with 

■ a dual labor movement, and convinced the rank and file and the 
' rPHcli trade unions that the R. S. C* was in reality a dual labor movement, 

' " ot only convinced a great portion of them that that was the case hut 

UjMJ convinced the leaders of the R. S. C. themselves that it was an iinad- 
• iWo thing. 

"The reason urged for the split was that it was a dual organization 
[ore the split occurred, the R.S.C. abolished the proposition of accepting 

1 llions and therefore their organization, to some extent, was on the same 

is the Trade Union Educational League, but it was too late. The 

i was made and even by stopping the affiliations it did not have the 

litwl effect of taking away the unions. When the R. S. C. was formed 

niy respects was analogous to our own league except that it was dom^ 

hiilnl by syndicalists, and the Communists were in a minority, whereas in 

I 'ruled States the league is in the hands of the Communists. They paid 

J Attention to excepting dues when discussion on fundamental policy was 

iti|>lr<L Afterwards they found out that it was a great handicap. We de- 

|blr(l to accept neither affiliations nor organizations without dues, but rather 

Im " i n a more advanced manner, at least until we were well intrenched 

R ft firmer basis without danger of expulsion. We have succeeded in making 
1 ' " {1 int0 a number of organizations. In fact, I find that the American 

'-try Socialist Committee (France). 




trade union movement is very receptive to a great deal of the prograij 
w Tlte situation on the railroads: we have carried on work not onl 
in the mining districts, but were particularly successful in the railroad 
trades. To show the ripeness of the American trade unions for this ki n| 
of proposition, to concentrate on explaining the situation will be as god 
as any. We started out with the railroads with a program of industri] 
unionism. There are sixteen organizations on the railroads. We started ofl 
with laying stress on the proposition of industrializing the situation, an 
started a movement for amalgamation. The trade unions connected wit 
the Trade Union Educational League were instrumental in sending out sever) 
thousand letters through local unions. In the face of the convening of m 
railway employees* convention, Ave sent out a letter with the idea of industrial I 
organization to the rank and file and delegates to that convention (500JI 
ninety-eight per cent being highly paid officials getting from $400 to $70] 
a month, more than the presidents. When the convention came togethcl 
Knudson and I spoke to as many delegates as we could and the result wJ 
that between sending out these letters and one meeting, we set up a stamped} 
among the delegates of the convention and had a majority on record foil 
our program. 

"This shows conditions as they were at the convention. Samuel GompeB 
came to Chicago for the purpose of spiking the league and preventing il 
from having any effect on the convention, and he held a public meeSnJ 
and advanced the league as being financed by Moscow and out to destrol 
the unions. He sent a man there to address the workers. He was deniej 
the right to speak to the convention, but in spite of all that, we succeedoj 
in stampeding these under-officers for that much of the program. Coulfi 
that happen in France or any other country where a lot of fellows coulj 
stampede a convention of high-paid officials? It could not be done. S 
no other movement in the world is there such a thing. If we were able 9 
stampede the majority of this convention, what can we do with the rank ami 
file? The president of the railway employees' department issued a challend 
to me to the effect that these people who talk industrial unionism shouln 
help them get down to something concrete and something definite. 

"We drafted a program for industrial unionism and sent out 11,0 
copies to every trade union in America* This cost the party absolut 
nothing. It was so organized as to pay for itself. The trade unions 
Minneapolis and St, Paul raised the money and circularized all the railrj 
unions in the country. We knew that the strike was coming along and trj 
to be on the job. The strike occurred with the result that there was the gr< 
object lesson of bosses using one section to defeat the other. The Ieadel 
were cowards and did not dare tell the men that the brotherhoods wereH 
work. It fell upon our league to show the men this. We were the onl 
element in America to point out the lessons of this strike. The leaders fl 
not dare to mention it and we did it. The result has been that our propH 
ganda has run like wildfire through the railroad men of the country. 

"So far in the railroad situation we have merely talked industrial imiofl 
ism to them. We have not raised the issue of the Red Trade Union Intel 



llllonal and various other issues. If we have not raised them our enemies 
UVfl Mini in the campaigns wherever the officials have taken a hand in it, 
'In \ mild that the Trade Union Educational League is purely a Communist 
inl/ation, and the rank and file know definitely whom its program has 
nil From and what is involved. In such a desperate state, and destitute 
mI limdcibhip on the part of any of the officials, they are accepting it any- 
l>"iv During the strike I could go before them and talk anything at all. The 
Nil IhJiH broken and we have succeeded in getting a grip in these organiza- 
iImim nnrf have got them coming our way. We have got to break the mo- 
Rojioly of the press* 

"Tim bureaucracy of the trade unions has got the press which is one 
|| Mm urcrcts of control, and we must try to aim at that — the breaking of the 

nopoly of the press, and with the great volume of sentiment we could 

il . . -I'll, 

"I am not trying to overstress the importance of industrial trade union- 
Tin: workers of America are ready for new ideas. There is nothing to 

I i from the old machine and if we will go to them, they will listen to 
it lini wo have got to say. In our conference we should be very careful about 
ilm | Ingram that we adopt. As far as I am concerned, we should adopt 
h Ji hi -cut revolutionary program. Adopt a proposition indorsing Russia 

■ I indorsing the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia. Adopt a Teso- 

ii culling for the affiliation with the Red Trade Union International 

Million I qualifications. Adopt a program calling for industrial organiza- 

■ and adopt a revolutionary program as a basis of our work. Popularize 

II mill let it be spread broadcast. It is a strange thing that some of our 
who are most extreme radicals left us and advocated the idea that we 

refill on the industrial field. It is a strange situation, but natural." 

The relations of Number One and Number Two, that is the illegal and 

III branches of the party, to each other was set forth in a thesis that was 

|ilii]ilnl by the convention. 1 It was prepared with great care by an important 

liiiiimillce of which J. Lovestone, executive secretary of the party in Amer- 

iim chairman. It provides for the permanency of the illegal branch set- 

"•■I lot ill explicitly that even after the Communist party becomes strong 

;li to come out in the open the illegal branch will be necessary to 

(Ihnil the conspiracies of the party. It says at the outset, in discussing the 
ity of a Communist party": "all experience in the modern class 
lc proves that the working class can emerge victorious only after de- 
ling an organ of leadership in the form of a highly disciplined Com- 
i party, thoroughly conscious of revolutionary principles and tactics. 
I In lirst task of the Communists is, therefore, to develop such a party." 

The authors of this thesis point out that while education and propa- 
• < I ■ tire necessary in preparing for the final great armed revolution, it is 

important that all Communists have a major task in the "participation 

II the struggles of the workers as the most active force." The inciting 

"iiiMutti'H,' 1 not individuals or even small groups, to violence is held to be 

I u« Appendix B. 




the chief effort to which the Communists should lead themselves. It holihj 






that the leadership of the masses of the exploited can be attained only W 
directly engapng m all their struggles together with the masses of til I 
workers. It is then urged that political organizations are necessary 
states that m America it has become the most urgent, immediate task of 
Communists to secure a public, open, so-called 'legal' existence as an or* 
ization The significance of the following paragraphs is obvious 

A truly revolutionary (i. e. Communist) party can never be 'legal' 
he sense of having its purpose harmonize with the purpose of the laws man 
by the capitalist state, or its acts conform with the intent of capitalist 1 J 
Hence, to call a Communist party 'legal' means that its existence is toleral 
by the capitalist state because of circumstances which embarrass the ca 
taint States efforts to suppress it. The revolutionary party can avoid su 
pression into a completely secret existence only by one or both of two means, 
a- By taking advantage of the pretenses of 'democratic forms' which J 
capitalistic state is obliged to maintain. By this means the Communil 
can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program while estabJ 
lismng themselves with mass support. 

"b. (Later stage) By commanding such mass support among side masal 
or workers that enable them to proclaim publicly their final object in th] 
revolutionary struggle and manoeuvre openly to attain this object regardleJ 
oi the desire of the capitalist state to suppress it. It is necessary at tlJ 
present time (and circumstances make it the most urgent immediate need! 
to resort to the first of the before-mentioned methods of open contact witfl 
the working masses; which means to maintain an open political party wltH 
a modified name and a restricted program." 
The thesis continues: 

"A legal political party with such restrictions cannot replace the Co J 
munist party. It must also serve as an instrument, in the complete control J 
the Communist party, for getting public contact with the masses. It mini 
mobilize the elements of the workers most sympathetic to the Communis! 
cause, with a program going as far toward the Communist program as pol 
Bible while maintaining a legal existence. It must, with a course of actio., 
m daily participation in the workers' struggle, apply Communist tactics and 
principles, and thus win the trust of the masses, and prepare them for the 
leadership of the Communist party." 
Again it is declared that: 

"The overthrow of the capitalist system can only come through thl 
overthrow of the capitalist state." | 

"To accept this view is to accept the certainty that the capitalist statj 
will rind itself m violent conflict with the masses led by the Communis! 
party. While the capitalist state retains the governmental machinery and 
as the struggle grows sharper in approaching the final struggle, the capitalist 
state will inevitably strike again and again at the revolutionary party in thT 
effort to destroy it. After the Communist party shall have established itsefl 
in the open, it must be prepared for and must expect to be driven out of & 
legal existence from time to time. The Communist party must at all time? 



I. 10 organized that such attacks cannot destroy it. It must perform its 
I iiik lions of leadership in the class struggle no matter what tactics the ruling 
i n miopia — open as far as possible, secretly as far as it must." 

I or this reason, it argues, the underground machinery of the Communist 
i.i.iy, that is, the illegal machinery, is not merely a temporary device, but 
| for permanent use. 

"There is never a time," it states, "previous to the final overthrow of 
ii,. i npitalist state, when a truly revolutionary party does not have to per- 
I mi ii i ii considerable amount of work free from police knowledge and inter- 
It M'linv The Communist party will never cease to maintain its underground 

Iiini'iy until after the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat 

tit llin Form of the Workers' Soviet Republic," 

I I in held to be necessary for all members of the legal party to become 
iiipmlmrs of the Number One, or illegal part of the party, and it is impressed 

ii| all members of the Number One to be supporters of the legal political 

|ni 1 1 v. Then the thesis urges activity in the work of Communist party cau- 
■ ii < ■ . in the ranks of the trade unions, constantly striving to alienate con- 
|l rvfltive members of the unions from their conservative ideas, thus increas- 
mg the sphere of influence of the radicals in the union ranks until they 
I imc all-powerful. 

The Pittsburgh District presented a thesis complaining of lack of action 
nl the present time. This thesis said that the party was not thinking enough 
• I 111 immediate work in America, was relying too much on instructions and 
pull ra from abroad (meaning Russia) , and that it was and always must be 
jflrpnly in control of foreign elements because the English-speaking workers 
llWAVB get the easiest jobs. It says: "The Communist party is not organised 
i i Itself and for the satisfaction of idealists, but we are a rough fighting 
iTiization, aiming to bring about a mass movement in this country led by 

Comrade Lovestone also presented "a brief statement of the progress and 

lIlllH of the African Blood Brotherhood" which calls for a liberated race, 

' Mirmlcd hot merely from alien political rule, but also from the crushing 

• i-lil of capitalism*'; absolute race equality, "political, social and eco- 

liitiuif"; the fostering of race pride, "fellowship within the darker races and 

■ >ili the class-consciousness and revolutionary white workers"; higher wages 

Hiiil lower rents. The entire program is intended to incite the negroes to 

mm by violence the ends specified. 

The work of The World War Veterans was also highly commended by 

I, who presented to the convention the constitution and by-laws of 

If iti organization and a declaration of principles which has many revolution- 

im fixtures. It declares its unalterable opposition to any form of compul- 

[ |Ht v military training, and to "any interference, official or unofficial, with any 

lljilil secured by us by the first amendment to the Federal Constitution." 

Ii iiIho expresses sympathy with and states that the organization shares the 

Ignitions of "the people of India, Egypt, Ireland and Russia." 

The split in the Communist party of America in December, 1921, when 
iiu . members of the Central Executive Committee broke away from the 



majority members and continued publishing their illegal paper under tl 

h^?th° W -,- 0r f'T^ E ach , faCti0n Sent ^P^^ntatives to Moscow, an, 
the authentic there decided in favor of the majority, ordering the minorit 
fact,on to return at once to the fold and the majority faction to receive theS 
fZ,°M prejudlc ^ T1 f s iV xpknation of the Allowing messages receive, 
from Moscow and read to the convention. The first, a cablegram reads- 

Tit; l h l CabIegram Wa9 ig™* " Biock an <* Company" and apparently 1 
Iates to business matters "Block and Company" are Comrades Jake CaL 
dnd Kittleman, agents for the majority faction sent to Moscow. Thev 
course, are the "salesmen." The "board of directors" is the earning 
governing body of the Communist Third International, and the "stockholdf 
meeting is the convention at Bridgman. If it had been postponed the m 
np^rt h * ve . taken P Ia <*- The second message was a radiogram, also a 
parently a business message, which reads- 



who seceded from the Central Executive Committee; the "firm name au( 
rademark are the Communist organ. "John" is John J. Ballam of Wii 
throp, Mass., who was sent by the minority leaders 

Comrade Lovestone then read from the "news letter"* sent out from tl 
party headquarters with instructions to "rush to every group" the inform* 
Jon that Comrade Cook member of the Presidium of the Comintern anl 
the Presidium of the Red Trade Union International, has been ordered t 
return home (from Moscow) immediately, with full instructions from th 
Communist International," and urging all districts to hold themselves 
readiness to call hurried meetings to hear the instructions. He says in thli 
news letter that the Central Executive Committee, by a vote of five to five 
had decided not to postpone the Bridgman Convention in spite of mstruo 
I to. do so. This was doubtless because of the preparations aires* 
made for holding the meetings and the difficulties of disseminating the new! 
ot the postponement without letting the secret be known 

The imperative need of a "united front" of the workers was also pr< 
sented by Comrade Lovestone in a thesis on political activity.* After stating 

1 See Appendix D. 
9 See Appendix k. 



RAM 2-; 

D£KS MEEriflflUI 



g^^9,^ MERic A j^Agcgi 

^ .iwn^pftfi \3l%t 



■uitm* SO THEY CAN PARTICiPATF i • rwntHULUfclfc — _. 

Vj" f. ^_^3 

.Confirmation Copy 



■ Cablegrams sent by the Executive Committee of the Third (Communist) Inter- 
local to the convention of the Communist Party of America in session at Bridffman 
li. The messages have been decoded in the text (p. 36; 


i united front of labor^ a solid phalanx of the working class drawn up 

■ bflttle against the forces of the capitalist class and the capitalist state is 

III! prerequisite of the victory of the proletariat," he declared that the groups 

I Workers already in the labor organizations and independent groups 

' Workers must unite to attain this end. Without mentioning names, 

>< I rued repeatedly to the "treacherous leaders" of organized labor who 

I'nught the idea of the labor party, and cautions that because of this 

ord "labor" must be kept out of the name of the new party. He ap- 

llic support of the labor organizations when they have united on an 

Inpnndent candidate for office, but warns against lending support to the 

i I M unions when the latter are supporting the randidates of any other 

"The basis for a united political front," he says in announcing the 

I'liifJitmi for the coming elections in the United States, "which will embrace 

iking masses, has not yet been created in the United States. To enter 

■ n political federation with existing political organizations, none of 

Imi Ii has the support of the masses of the workers, would be to negate 

iImi possibility of creating a real united front of the workers politically. 

"|l Workers' party will, therefore, as a rule, nominate its own candidates 

i> iIm coming elections and carry on its campaigns independently." 

In referring to the platform, he says: "The platform must raise as the 
of the campaign immediate questions of the class struggle such as 

ployment relief, the open shop, the use of the injunction against the 

is, opposition to industrial courts, etc." He also says that special per- 
■ n may be secured from the Central Executive Committee to place a 
Hiilidate on the ticket of an existing working class political organization if 
impossible to launch an independent ticket. 

Am exhaustive report of the activities of the party, especially in rela- 
< n to the organization itself, followed. This report bitterly assailed the 

ily trouble-makers, and precipitated a scorching debate, but docu- 

lound by the authorities show that this trouble was settled by the resig- 
ho1m.ii of the three trouble-makers and the election of Robert Minor, A* 
l\ .1, < nkiircht nud E. Browder in their places. This was in obedience to the 

Idle from Moscow, and resulted in the unification of the party in Amer- 

I his settlement of factional fighting within the party was followed by 

nance of a "special bulletin," one copy to be sent to each group in 

■ country, with the injunction to "read this carefully: study each point 

llimmighly; and then make sure this is put into action." The bulletin deals 

Willi the relations of the members in legal and illegal work of the party, and 

'■'■►■ that the organization is enlarging its scope of work, and that new respon- 

i 1 1 it ics are imposed on each member. The features of the conspiracy laid 

limr in this document, with the injunction of secrecy are foreign in nature 

ili< American mind, but are a part and parcel of the communist work. 

*'A11 members of the Number One," says the bulletin, "must join the 

I nr Two, and activities of the latter are to be broadened as extensively 

« |ion.iible. We have no room for anyone who does not participate whole- 

|ti iitrdly. Number One must be strengthened by all possible means. No 



hquidators will be tolerated and all rights must be watched. Every menti 
'a °l Nu ™ h ™ 0ne must 3ubmit to an iron discipline in both Number Oil 
and Number Two. If anyone is called upon to do a certain task, lie 1 

she must carry it out unflinchingly 

"All addresses of connections of Number One must be kept in code, and 
all incriminating material is to be kept absolutely safe; if possible out! 
side of the place where you live. All records of Number One must be kepi 
saiely and the identity of the members of Number One working in officd 
or upon committees or in units of Number Two, as well as their relation^ 

lo Number One must not be exposed All groups are to havd 

alternate captains. All branches are to have alternate branch organizers. . . 
We must endeavor to have a majority of our members on all impor. 
tant committees, and all our members to £11 the offices of Number Two 
Use nothing but the Real Names in Number Two. Get used to speaking in] 
terms that will not in any way reveal connections with Number One, W 
not discuss any of the specific affairs of Number One in meetings of Number 

Under the head of Industrial Activities the bulletin says: 
"The proper conduct of this line .of activities is dependent upon tin 
alertness and understanding of our forces, and must be controlled al 
guided by Number One— the same principle applies here as was laid down] 
bet ore, that all decisions as to policies and fundamental principles, as welH 
as tactics, are to be decided upon by Number One before being carried ouJ 
m Number Two. We must organize nuclei of members of Number Two! 
and work as a unit within these nuclei, and become a live factor in all thl 
activities; but at all times keep our forces intact. 'We must endeavor, J 
create eft wing militant groups within the labor organizations in which wol 
must also become the leading factor." ■ l 

The end of this illegal, secret, mysterious convention came suddenly! 
On the afternoon of August 20, William Z, Foster saw on the grounds a maf 
whom he recognized as a Government official. Within a half hour he wal 
on his way to the railroad station at Bridgman with several of the othej 
delegates. He did not warn his comrades but promised to send more watched 
trom Chicago. The next day the watchers in the town of Bridgman reportef 
the presence of Chicago detectives arriving in town. In view of these facj 
the presidium decided to end the convention that day and so notified Comr j 
Caleb Harrison, who was presiding. The Presidium called a special meet] 
lor the final proceedings which were rushed through with machine-like snee 
It was then night, and no raid had come, but the delegates were warned 
their danger, the grounds committee advised everyone to leave and thi 
records, private papers, etc., were buried in the hole already prepared fo 
such an emergency. But there was no train they could take from Br idem* 
before morning so many of the delegates decided to stay in the grove Dur 
ing the night several made their way carefully out of danger, and' in thl 
morning the officers gathered in those who were left. 



In Political Fields 

1'iiHting political parties in the United States are more loosely organized 

vm before in their history. There is little party discipline and political 

initrmess which involves deliberate consideration of party principles is 

« ■iii-iit or at a low ebb. Therefore, political contests resolve themselves 

i i "rial contests, and the tendency is towards a government of men 

i 1 1 mil government of laws. Many causes have contributed to bring 

I iIiIh state of affairs but there has been no more potent one than that of 

| iifiiinunist-radical movement itself. The objective is best illustrated 

1 ilt present political situation in England, where party lines are more or 

unpletely obliterated and there has risen a workers' party, controlled by 

i" ily organized minority, with Moscow always in the background giving 

i <iil and financial assistance. In other words, the realignment has 

li ilong class lines. In the development of this realignment in the United 

Unit '», (he revolutionaries have approached the objective by both direct and 

Ittijlu'i'l methods. There has been the formation of a direct action political 

fm\\, called the "Workers* party" which is absolutely dominated by the 

■ I Communist party, and in turn by the Third International at Moscow. 

Irlili llie capture of the documentary evidence at Bridgman, Mich., the 

i i jiI manipulations of this alien group are now thoroughly understood. 

1'hfn* run be no further doubt either of the objective or the methods which 

• I ;-; employed. 

Mni of the insinuating methods used under the cover of respectability 

i icj'.iilarity, methods of which secrecy is a prime requisite for success 

mil whirl] will eventually bring about revolution by legislative enactment, 

| hiivn the way for revolution by force, only too little is generally under- 

Mini, One difficulty which retards understanding of this angle of the prob- 

ific necessarily complicated machinery which has been set in motion 

nmplish the Tesult. Few people stop to square details with general 

iples. The fact that there is now in Congress a bloc which is bent on 

it,", out the detailed behests of the Communist party, repudiating at the 
Mii>" linn 4 the name by which the movement should be designated, and that 
I I'f.if is itself built up on class lines, is not an accident but the best 
ire of design. 

Until that time has arrived when a workers' or labor party has been 

i mli up with sufficient strength to carry elections under its own name, the 

1 1 ilisappearance of the Tegular party lines may be expected* It is a 

inn which presents very little natural opposition to those who would 

I he machinery of party government for subversive purposes. In fact, 




it favors the entrance of radicals into the political field through regularly] 
established channels. The radicals have a positive program as opposed to 
those more conservative who either have no program or one that is manj| 
or less neutral. They have a positive advantage which is difficult to over*. 
come, and all of which is quite in harmony with recognized psychological] 

When a radical, having received the approval of the Republican on 
Democratic party machinery* is presented to the electorate, the citizen must 
vote in the last analysis for or against the Flag which in times past has stood ' 
for certain definite principles. There is no middle ground. The choice ili 
usually made with no such thought in mind, for to make it a conscious thought, 
there would be required a knowledge of men and events, a grasp of the] 
principles and science of government and the use of careful analytical power!] 
such as few possess. Consequently, mere inaptitude for political thought] 
which is a common characteristic, favors the election of the more dramatio] 
figure or that one which has a positive program no matter how fantastic or ] 
opposed to sound principles that program may be. 

The Communist party of America has presented candidates for office] 
many times to different electorates, under the legal emblem of the open polit-1 
ical organization known as the Workers' party. In the raid upon the illegal! 
convention at Bridgman, William F. Dunne who at that very time was a candUl 
date of the Workers' party for the governorship of New York State, wail 
arrested. He was a member of the Central Executive Committee of the] 
Communist party of America, and by virtue of such membership, he was! 
one of ten who controlled the Communist movement in this country under! 
direct orders from the Executive Committee of the Third International aJ 
Moscow. He is still (1924) a member of the Executive Committee of the! 
Workers' party. It is not at all likely that Dunne could ever be elected all 
governor of New York on any ticket. The Communist party of Americal 
does not number more than 30,000 persons throughout the whole of thai 
United States, and a majority or more are aliens not naturalized. To hopel 
that as a party with this numerical strength the Communists could carry! 
an election is fatuitous even to them. The danger does not lie in this direc- 
tion. A proper conception of the strength of the Communist party in thf 
political field can be attained only by recognizing the fact that a large numbej 
of people and their political leaders are believers in political and economic 
projects which are a part of the Communist party program, developed bi 
the Third International at Moscow but which in detail are not recognizee 
by them as a part of a definite and inclusive program. It is not permfssibh 
to call such persons "Communists " no matter how closely their ideals ap 
proximate those of the Communist party. One may include them within th< 
definition of the word "radical'' but that word in reality means little. Th< 
meaning of "progressive" has been utterly perverted, and its use to cove] 
a socialistic-communistic political movement can best be expressed "by 
shorter and uglier word" familiar to evervbodv. 

tar to everybody. 

I In- objective of the Communist party is political and economic control 
| till oountry through manipulation of an uneducated minority, using the 
|l « ol communism as a means to an end. Those who are cleverly directing 
I policies are certainly aware of the fact that all history shows the futility 

1 ■ unism as a political system, and this raises immediately the ques- 

m to their sincerity. But in the accomplishment of this objective, the 
i ii ate quite ready to use many things and people at this time which, 
'in | Jans develop, would be of little or no use to them later. To the 

ihmhEs, present usefulness of a project might depend on many factors 

'» mi the simple tendency to upset established customs or institutions, 

I possibilities or value for agitation or the promotion of unrest, 

i iu'c ii iid crime, the breaking down of family life, or the decrease of the 

11 iniive influence of religion. All or any would contribute to a state 

I IIiik or an instability of which world revolutionaries would take full 

1 "''. The time for radical change in anything is not now. 

Therefore, the political influence of the Communist party extends far 

PI I lite confines of its own membership, permeating the minds and con- 

I I In.;; the thought of large numbers who would violently resent the impli- 

that they were Communists. The subversiveness of the Communist 

does not lie so much in the violence which it threatens but in the 
inlion of ideals and ideas which are undermining our representative 
h|miUm,uj form of government. When these facts are taken into considera- 
ble .strength of the Communist party in political fields immediately 

;i tremendous aspect. Under our present definition of the word 

lllillnil" we are justified in regarding radicals as conscious or unconscious 
l ill' the Communist party, helping in the cause of world revolution, 
) - 1. Imm", aside the question as to the willingness with which the tools might 
i i ' inrh a designation. 

The warning has gone forth from the headquarters of both major 

il parties that there is danger of radicalism in their respective ranks. 

II" winning was entirely justified. The voter has no protection against 

| luniiiuation of personages on political tickets whose ideals do not 

with those who were the founders of the Republic. Insinuations 

l i Inn sort* operating through the formation of nuclei, are not confined 

llin political field. Agents are planted in labor unions, social and 

pldly circles, and in eleemosynary organizations for the purpose of 

Iii'illy securing the adhesion of dissatisfied individuals and factions 

| i In- support of the Communist cause or at least to secure the non- 

Hjtjnifiilion of the more conservative. This is done concisely and with de- 

n part of a plan. Again, in the field of politics, some candidates 

1 i iiIIht running on "regular" tickets have the direct and secret support of 

1 •miiiunist party and its friends* the backing of whom results from 

promises. Other candidates, however, be it said to their credit, 

I ni|narely for honest Americanism and against the cohorts under the 

1 i I. umcr which would destroy the American Government, home and 
i Ii 




In formulating a judgment as to the activities of the Conference foj 
Progressive Political Action, due regard must be paid to ail that has beeri 
presented above. As an organization, it has chosen to assume a nairJ 
which misrepresents its political objective. It has made the gesture ol 
refusing to seat delegates from the Workers' party which is the legal brancfl 
of the illegal Communist party. Its political program parallels that laicffl 
down by the. Moscow overlords in the "next tasks of the Communi&t party 
of America" (Appendix F), and carried to its logical conclusion, woulcl 
lead to "workers' control." The program, therefore, is simply a means to 
an end. Even the Executive Committee of the Third International at 
Moscow, has no word of criticism for the Conference for Progressiva 
Political Action, for in discussing this organization in its thesis ol 
the "Workers' party on the United Front" (Appendix E), it says in effects 
that in the field of general politics now covered by the Conference, the! 
methods used are not applicable in the field of labor. From a technicaH 
standpoint it may not be possible to designate the Conference fori 
Progressive Political Action as an important "front" for the Communist 
party, or to place it along with the Friends of Soviet Russia as an openi 
legal branch of the Communist party of America. As a matter of fact, thin 
"Conference" is doing exactly the work which the Communist leaders jiI 
Moscow have evidently allocated to it, whether the personnel of tin* 
"Conference" is aware of that fact or not. 

To call it a socialist organization as opposed to communist is specious, 
for in a thesis on tactics adopted by the Third International, the Moscow! 
group rightly say: "the realization of socialism is the first step towards thfl 
communist commonwealth." 

Following is something of the history and personnel of the Conference! 
for Progressive Political Action, which has succeeded in attracting tho 
adherence of a part of the following of the late Theodore Roosevelt. 

Townley and the Non-Partisan League, having stolen the machiner* 
of the Republican party in North Dakota, were finally driven from poweji 
through operations of the recall. In July 1921, Non-Partisan leaders left J 
over from this defeat and Socialist party leaders of the more radical types, 
met in Detroit and passed the following resolution: 

"Be it Resolved; That the incoming national executive committee be in- I 

strutted to make a careful survey of all radical and labor organizations in J 

this country with a view of ascertaining their strength, disposition and J 

readiness to cooperate with the socialist movement on a platform not incon- J 
sigtent with that of the party." 

"This survey was made and it was found, as every one knows, th. 
there was a vast amount of unrest, distrust, ill feeling and class consciott. 
ness; that the farmers were disgruntled at the fall in prices; that the work 
men were sore at the cut in wages; that the consumer was of the helid 
that somewhere along the line he was not getting a square deal; that busL 
ness was in a bad way; that the persistent use of the term profiteer had 
caused the people to believe every business man dishonest and unfair; thai 
the railroads, after being returned to their owners, were having a hard 
struggle to function properly; that money was tight, etc. In other wordd 





Ihl | n<l the very foundation upon which they hoped to lay their cam- 

: ■ for political control most favorable. The only question was how 

U | iced to gain that political control." 1 

Committee meetings were held in November, 1921, and it was agreed 
|h .1 -my conference of all radicals called by the socialist party would fail 

f lti purpose. In consequence the call was not issued at the instigation of 
| lilt* <l leaders of some labor organizations, which had been drafted into 

1 - lent socialist scheme to nationalize the railroads of the United States, 
lllti h i the name of the Plumb Plan, The actual call was Jieaded by William 

■ liiMiuii of the International Machinists' Union, the leading union in the 

1 railroad strike and bore the name of LaFollette's organization, the 
ij|i]m'h Legislative Service of Washington; of which Johnston is secre- 
ii.»\ mid treasurer. Johnston is a socialist and an ardent advocate of the 
nl Kussian form of government." 

1 1 i« obvious that, to be effective, the interest of the radical farmer 
III i Im aroused. To this end, it was no accident that Ben Marsh working 
• ■ H l< I'd wnley from the latter's headquarters in Washington on the day 
1 1 mi fohnston sent out his call for delegates from all radical movements to 
<"<' in Chicago, Feb. 20 and 21, 1922, sent out a call to the known rad- 
ImI dinner movements to have delegates meet in Chicago on Saturday, 
' linmry 18, 1922. 

Doth conferences met according to plan. Townley with his Non-Partisan 

Inline, the LaFolIette organization of farmers in Wisconsin, Marsh's organ- 

I hni known as the Farmers' National Council, and a few radical Granges 

■ I ((Miners' union, had delegates present. Marsh and Townley dominated 
1 mwting. "They proceeded with the usual socialist harangue of damn- 

nipilafism, and charged all defects in farming from short crops to 

r "I nippers to Wall Street. The socialist scheme of stealing party organ- 

Ituim was endorsed. The name adopted for the amalgamation of all 

lllluil farmer movements was The United Farmers National Bloc. A 

lliMiiniiiced radical was made president, and the present vice-president of 

Non-Partisan League made vice-president. Then the delegates to this 

• -nl ion in body moved over Monday, to the radical convention called 

|f Jdliimton, in keeping with the socialist resolution to which reference has 

■ i iniide. 2 

"In this Monday convention, February 20, 1922, were to be found dele- 

JUlnn from every radical movement in the United States, and while the 

MTipnper reports said the L W. W. and the Communist were excluded, yet 

wmiM appear from later articles in the New York Call, the leading 

Socialist paper in this country, that they were not excluded, but were 

■ HE. 

"Here again the system employed in the alleged farmers' meeting was 

fcil. Fiery speeches were made by radicals of all kinds. Capitalism 

*«i W.imcd for all human ills. Soviet Russia was lauded. The man who 


il It. Marvin, "My Country, 'tis of Thee' 
vln— vide supra. 


(Beckwith) p. 8. 


The Red Napoleon 

pays the wages was condemned as tyrannical. The plan of the socialists 
to unite under one common head all Tadical movements in the land was 
approved. But no party name was adopted since it was not proposed toj 
act as a party, but rather to adopt the Townley scheme of 'stealing* partyfl 
names through going into the primaries of one of the old parties — the plan 
bo successfully employed in North Dakota and Wisconsin. The names 
'radical,' 'socialist,' 'labor/ 'farmer,' 'industrial,' etc., which had been! 
used in the past were dropped, and there emerged an organization! 
known as The Conference for Progressive Political Action/ to he directed] 
until the next convention to be held after election this fall, by a committee 
of fifteen. 

"This conference agreed that in the States which were to be attacked 
through this system of stealing party names, local conditions should govern! 
action — that is, in one State it might be the Democratic party, in another it 
might be the Republican party; in one State it might operate under the namaj 
of The People's Reconstruction League* and in another under some other] 
name, or it might operate without any accepted name—just work to 'steal 1 ! 
one of the party names." 

'This is the organization that J3, today, directing socialist and radical 
activities in a large number of states, including Colorado. The dropping] 
of every name employed in the past and adopting the term progressive, iaj 
deceiving a large number of loyal persons. * * » 

"That the movement is of radical origin and not for the good of tho 
people, the State or the nation, is clear. First, referring back to the reso- 
lution adopted by the socialist convention upon which resolution the call for! 
the conference that formed the Conference for Progressive Action was 
based — and remember a similar call in 1907 by the same elements resulted 
in the formation of the I, W. W. Further, from the time of the issuance <-l' 
this call socialist and radical papers had much to say of the good that wouldj 
result. Johnston was lauded in the socialist papers for his action and thd 
purpose was unanimously endorsed. For several weeks preceding the con«l 
vention, the New York Call, at that time the leading socialist paper in thai 
country, contained much laudatory comment of the proposed gathering.'! 

At that time the confederation known as the Conference for Progressive 
Political Action consisted of the following organizations: 

1. The "Big Four" Railroad Brotherhoods, 

2. Railroad crafts which are a part of the American Federation of 
Labor and which include the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way 
Employees and Railway Shop Laborers, the International Association of 
Machinists, the International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths and Helpers, the 
Sheet Metal Workers, the Brotherhood of Railway Electrical 'Workers, the 
Brotherhood of Railway Car Men, the International Brotherhood of Boiler- 
makers, the Order of Railroad Telegraphers, the Brotherhood of Railway 
Clerks, the International Brotherhood of Stationary Firemen and Oilers, and 
the Brotherhood of Railroad Signal Men. 

3. The United Mine Workers, affiliated with the American Federation 
of Labor, 

4. The Amalgamated Clothing Workers, an open, legal branch of the 
Communist party. 

Joseph Pogany, known in the 
Hungarian Communist party 'as 
Schwartz, his alias in the United 
States being John Pepper and his 
American party name, Joseph Lang-, 
Is the representative of the Third 
(Communist) International of Mos- 
cow on the Executive Committee 
of the Communist party of Amer- 
ica. He was present at the illegal 
convention of the Communist party 
tit Brifigman, Mich., but succeeded 
in escaping: capture. A check for 
$25.00 signed by Bishop William 
M, Brown of Gallon, Ohio (Epis- 
copal ) made payable to "Joseph 
Lang-" and similarly endorsed was 
found on the grounds after the 

Pogany was originally an Hun- 
garian journalist, and has a long 
career in promoting: world revolu- 
tion to his credit. The loll owing 
has been written of him by an 
eye witness- "He is still suspected 
of having been the ringleader of 
the gang which murdered Count 
Stephen Tisza ; he was responsible 
for the agitation which, daring the 
Karolyi regime, made the reorgan- 
ization of the army impossible; and 
it was he who led the demonstra- 
tion against the "War Ministers, 

|iy»tetich and Earta, which ended in the resignation at those 'last shadows of 

I. hi regime. 1 It was Pogany who protested against the proposed preventive 

...,! against the Communists in February and March, 1919; and it was he who 

||n 'naval' detachment when it liberated Eela Kun-Cohen from his confinement 

I barracks of the First Honved Regiment in UU51-ut, and who later on, after 

I Contl-utca, helped to prepare the way, both actively and passively, for 

il 'triumph' of March 21. His share in the work of demoralizing the army 
i< I him for the post which he obtained, that of Commissar for War." 

!,-r Bela Kun- Cohen's regime, Pogany in the space of four short months 

in '.Tssively Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Commander-in-chief of the Red 

i mid Commissar of Education. He was known to be heartily in sympathy with 

■ - - ■ i or terror as instituted and maintained by Szamuelly and his army of 


I 'in' Ing this period,, there was an enforced production of Pogany' s play 

i " in Budapest. This with his ponderous physiognomy and nimble mentality 

hi tin il lor him the sobriquet of the H 'Red Napoleon" or the "Bolshevik Napoleon." 
I n Hungary was finally liberated from alien rule, Pogany escaped to Russia and 
in. Hi in Kun-Cohen presumably remained there for the following two years. 

l»OBfi.ny-Schwartz- Pepper-Lang was known to have arrived in America a few 

• hi. before the Bridgman Convention, with orders from, Moscow for American 

^Blinlftts and with instructions to take charge of the revolutionary forces in this 

I. How he entered is not known, and for that reason his presence here is 

i in alien revolutionary. His first appearance was at a meeting', of a radical 

klcli I'Yderatioii in the Bronx from which there was a hasty exit. It appears 

1 lin 'Intf this secret meeting, a blundering policeman entered the hallway of the 

I n mid began to ask innocent questions. The Janitor, knowing what was going 

tfiiv<< the alarm and those present disappeared down the Are escapes to meet 

in another place. . After the Bridgman raid Pogany disappeared, but was 

iwii in be. in correspondence with Communists as late as December, 1923, when 

-■ variously stated, that he was in Canada with Bel a Kun-Cohen or in Chicago. 

i ■ :iny speaks Hungarian, German and Russian but no English. His articles 

I llir romnumist party publications are forceful and it has been said that when 

»iii«'ii, Li. is with an authority and knowledge of the technique of revolution and 

.. i-yti single to future events that is not equaled. A critical examination of 

i rni'y work gives plain evidence that it is usually deleted of its more radical 

^HM lu avoid conflict with the authorities 



5. The Non-Partisan League, composed largely of farmers in the North- 
western States, which has received the sympathetic endorsement of the 
< unununist party of America. 

6. The Farmers' National Council. 

7. The Farm Labor party, later merging into the Federated Farm-Labor 

8. Women's Trade Union League. 

Of the original National Committee of the Conference for Progressive 

1 J'l Action, William H. Johnston was the chairman and Warren S, 

i lie treasurer. Some of the personal histories and connections of the 
I iiMiinittee are here given: 1 

William H. Johnston. Washington ; president. International Association 
■ ■I Machinists; lecturer, Rand School of Social Science; National Advisory 
Committee, National Labor Alliance for Trade Relations with and Recog- 
liiiinii of Russia; National Council, League for Industrial Democracy; 
•ii'cretary-treasurer and member of the Executive Committee of LaFollette 
People's Legislative Service; vice-president, People's Reconstruction League; 
Board of Directors, Labor Publication Society; Executive Committee Amer- 
itiLii Civil Liberties Union. Has been accused of saying that he "sees 
great advantage in the establishment of a soviet government in the United 

Warren S. Stone, grand chief, Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers; 
mniiber of the National Council, People's Legislative Service; member of 
Committee on Primaries of same organization; organizer of Labor Banks 
hi Cleveland and New York, As grand chief of the Brotherhood, he is 
roiponsible for the political activities of its official journal and its ultra- 
rmtical editor, Albert F. Coyle. 

William Green, Indianapolis; secretary, United Mine Workers of 

Sidney Hillman, New York; president of the Amalgamated Clothing 
Workers; has visited Soviet Russia and obtained concessions for the re- 
. ii;i]iEishment of the clothing industry in that country, capitalizing this by 
Moiling stock to workers in this country; Defence Committee I. W, W. The 

A mnlgiimated has been shown to be an open, legal branch of the Communist 
imrty of America. Of the documents seized at Bridgman, there was a report 
In Moscow of the work of organizing nuclei in trades unions by the Com- 
munists in which it was stated: "At best the prospects of our influencing 
ilir Ittbor movement (in the United States) are mainly in the predominantly 
fewish organizations like the International Ladies' Garment Workers, 
Amalgamated Clothing Workers, Hat, Cap and Millinery Workers, etc." 
p. 136.) 
Joseph A. Franklin, Kansas City, Kansas; president, International 
Brotherhood of Boilermakers, Iron Ship Builders and Helpers of America; 
member, National Council, People's Legislative Service; member, Execu- 
tive Committee, People's Reconstructive Service. 

E. J. Manion, St. Louis, Mo. ; president, Order of Railroad Telegraph- 
chairman, Nominations Committee, Conference for Progressive Po- 
lllical Action; member, National Council, People's Legislative Service. 

Edward Keating, Washington, D. C; editor, Labor, official organ of 
tin- Conference for Progressive Political Action; former member of Congress 
lmm Colorado. Of Labor, it has been said: "It is one of the most radical 
mid untruthful publications published. Its advocacy of violence is persist- 
rut. There is nothing too scurrilous and even defamatory for it to print 
regarding public officials and even the President of the United States. Its 
untruthful campaign against the Supreme Court could not be equalled even 

llMllway Review (Chicago), January 27, 1923. 



if openly presented by the Communist International and its well trained 
corps of propagandists. Indeed, the language appearing in Labor and in 
foreign Communist papers, impels one to believe the writing is that of one 
and tile same person." * Keating was formerly Plumb Plan manager. 

Morris Hillquit (Misca Hilkowitz), New York; national secretary, 
Socialist party of America; joint publisher of the New York Call, Socialist 
and pro-Soviet daily paper, now defunct; instructor and lecturer, Rand 
School of Social Science; national council, League for Industrial Democ- 
racy; National Committee, American Civil Liberties Union; one of the 
original founders of the Intercollegiate Socialist League ; contributing editor, 
Labor Age; chairman, Committee on Organization and Finance, Conference 
for Progressive Political Action. (Vide also Lusk Committee Report.) 

Benjamin C- Marsh, Washington, D. C; managing director, Farmers 1, 
National Council; managing director, People's Reconstruction League; 
publicity representative. Plumb Plan League; advocate of Single Tax, and 
nationalization of public utilities. 

Jay G. Brown, Chicago; national secretary, Farm-Labor party; formerly 
secretary of the National Committee for Organizing Iron and Steel Workers, 
a position once held by William Z. Foster. He was also a former I.W.W. 
organizer and was a director in Foster's Trade Union Educational Leaguej 
a branch of the Communist party of America; Friends of Soviet Russia, 
legal branch of the Communist party of America. 

George H, Griffiths, Minneapolis; National Non-Partisan League. 

Fred C. Howe, New York City; National Committee, American Civil 
Liberties Union; special writer, Federated Press; Board of Directors, Co- 
operative League of America; former Commissioner of" Immigration (under 
President Wilson) at the port of New York, "a position from which he 
resigned following a congressional investigation into his alleged neglect of 
duty and radical activities because of his unauthorized action in releasing 
alien radicals held for deportation by the Department of Justice (Congres- 
sional Record of 66th Congress, pages 1522, 1523) ;" chairman, Committee 
on resolutions and member of National Council, People's Legislative Ser- 
vice; contributing editor, Labor Age; Defense Committee, I. W. W.; organ- 
izer, School of Thought, Siasconset, Nantucket, Mass. 

Miss Agnes Nestor, Chicago, Women*a Trade Union. League, an organ- 
ization which is regarded by the Communist party of America as a part of 
its united open front against capitalism; assistant director, Bryn Mawr 
Summer School for Women Workers in Industry, Bryn Mawr College; 
Advisory Committee, Workers' Education Bureau of America. Among her 
other radical activities during the past twenty or more years, Miss Nestor 
with Mrs. Raymond Robins organized an agitative parade in Chicago-* 
designed to stimulate public interest in the release of Big Bill Hayward, 
on trial for murder. The Chicago Tribune at the time called it an "anar- 
chist parade." 

Basil M. Manly, Washington^ D. C; for many years a radical lobbyist; 
director, People's Legislative Service; author of publications distributed 
by the Rand School of Social Science; contributing editor, Labor Age, a 
weekly radical paper which is the successor of the Socialist Review, official 
organ of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society; former member of the War 
Labor Board and of the National Industrial Conference Board under Pres- 
ident Taft; Defense Committee, I. W. W. 

The above list comprises the names of those who directed the destiniel 
of the Conference for Progressive Political Action as originally made upj 
There have been some resignations among those who regard themselves] 


1 The "Searchlight Department' 
Fred Marvin, January 4, 1924, 

editorial page of the "New York Commercial' 


inng the more conservative, and the following ones have been added: 

D. B. Robertson, Ohio; president, Brotherhood Locomotive Firemen 
j ■ i*<l Enginemen; member Committee on Resolutions, People's Legislative 

James H. Maurer, Harrisburg, Pa.; president, Pennsylvania State Feder- 
ntton of Labor; president, Labor Publication Society of Chicago, publisher 
<if Labor Age; member, National Executive Committee, Socialist party, 
IU21-1922; chairman, Workers' Education Bureau of America; member, 
Njitional Advisory Committee, National Labor Alliance for Trade Relations 
with and Recognition of Russia; lecturer, Rand School of Social Science; 
member. National Committee, American Civil Liberties Union; member, 
(alternate) Board of Directors, Co-operative League of America. 

Benjamin Schlessinger, New York ; president, International Ladies' 
Garment Workers of America, subsidiary to the Amalgamated Clothing 
Workers, open, legal branch of the Communist party of America. 
H. F. Samuels, Idaho; farmer and merchant. 

D. C- Dorman, Montana; farmer; member, National Council, People's 
Legislative Service; member, Executive Committee, People's Reconstruc- 
tion League; national manager, Non-Partisan League; secretary -treasurer 
of the Montana State organization of the C. P. P. A. "Dorman swore that 
lit- did not believe in the Constitution and was opposed to the Flag of the 
United States; that the Flag was nothing but a rag, or words to that effect, 
ntid that the Government was no Government at all and should be des- 
n lived." Affidavit of Judge L. J. Palda, case of Ray McKaig vs. Frank 
Gooding, New York Commercial, Oct. 20, 1923. 

J. B. Laughlin, Boxchito, Okla.; president, Oklahoma Farm Labor 
1 In ion of America. 

Alice Lorraine Daly, South Dakota; Non-Partisan League. 
John M. Baer, Washington, D. C; former member of Congress from 
North Dakota; cartoonist for Labor and other radical publications; member 
National Council, People's Legislative Service. 

[ere, then, is a group of people, some of whom are known Communists 

ml if not in fact, others having direct connection with the Communist 

nf America both through personal contact and by virtue of their 

i hip m organizations, recognized as a part of the united front of the 

nw cohorts in the United States. The constituent organizations of the 

I'iriice for Progressive Action comprise a membership of about two 

i mi members, it is claimed, and it is certain that Labor, its official organ, 

ir*n readers to the number of approximately a million and a half. That 

hi II financed is shown by the fact that, as a paper, Labor costs much 

fli;m it brings in, that the Washington office employees of the Confer- 

ninnbcr more persons than are employed in the headquarters of either 

[tpublican or Democratic National Committees, and that it has just 

i ««<[ a plot of ground in Washington on which to erect a four story 

l< uicl limestone building. A publicity fund has been raised for the 

of furnishing speakers and disseminating literature, and for 

miing the Federated Press, which is so closely allied to the Communist 

of America as to be regarded by the Communists as their official 

nation. Several officials of the Federated Press are known to be 

Communists. It supplies radical news and propaganda to more than 

In* I daily and weekly newspapers in the United States, according 

• i itts by its officials. 




The Conference for Progressive Political Action is now rapidly organ- 
izing through the mid- and far West for the 1924 campaign. Inasmuch ai 
stealing party names was endorsed at the second Cleveland convention, It 
is certain that its future activities will include "boring from within' 5 lli> 
organization of whatever party happens to be the strongest locally. In 
states that are Republican, because most of the voters have the Republican 
habit, this organization seeks to control Republican nominations. In statjl 
where the Democratic habit prevails, the aim is to make the nomination* 
radical* In short, the words "Republican" and "Democratic" have no 
significance to these political pirates. For instance, in counties, conserva- 
tives are satisfied with nominations for strictly local offices and give 
in trade for such support help to radical candidates for Congress and other 
legislative positions. 

The method of organization is about as follows: a county chairman 
is selected in each county, being picked because of his ability to organizo 
a spread propaganda. The choice is made by the leaders and not by tho 
local members of the organization. This chairman then selects four vice- 
chairmen, one a wage-earner, one a farmer, one an ex-service man, and ono 
a woman* If the county is strongly unionized, then the first vice-chairmaffl| 
must be a member of a labor organization that has in no wise antagonized 
the people. The ex-service man is to be a member of the Legion if pos- 
sible, and if not possible, one is picked from the Spanish-American War 

The farmer vice-chairman is selected from the leading organization of 
farmers. If the Farm Bureau is the most influential, then he is select! 
from this. If he has been prominent in the dominant political party, thai 
fact is an added qualification in considering his fitness. If he has been 
prominent in the opposite, party, be can give as a reason for change tht 
fact that he has no hope for the salvation of the farmer through the action 
of the party that he is leaving. The fourth vice-president is always I 
woman, preferably some one prominent in lodge or church work with 
extensive acquaintance and organizing ability. She must be intelligent 
enough to grasp a talking acquaintance with the slogans of the Conference 
one who can make a handy speech and who because of her personality ann 
activity has a personal following. 

In the two years of its existence, the Conference for Progressive Po- 
litical Action, with frankly communistic connections and with a program 
which parallels in many respects that of the Communist party of America, ! 
has succeeded in accomplishing this: 

It has crystallized the small amount of radical sentiment to be found 
in the national legislature at all times; furnished this nucleus with aid 
and comfort; given it a standing by forcing upon it a positive programt \ 
disciplined it, thereby giving it advantages which are to accrue from such 

It has backed this element in its home districts and secured reelectionSm 
added to its strength by influencing the election of other radicals ami 
brought the whole group to a point where by voting EN BLOC on certain 

falters, it exercises the functions of a majority party notwithstanding the 
Mi | that its members were elected (with two exceptions) on regular party 
i u. 

In 1922, the Conference for Progressive Political Action en- 
ihu Hi'd among others for senatorships, the following: 

McKellar of Tennessee Ralston of Indiana 

Frazier of North Dakota Swanson of Virginia 

Kendrick of Wyoming Howell of Nebraska 

In 1923, the Conference endorsed 

Dill of Washington 
Wheeler of Montana 
Ashurst of Arizona 

La Follette of Wisconsin 
Brookhart of Iowa 
Norris of Nebraska 




I Farm-Labor party 

Shipstead of Minnesota 
Johnson of Minnesota 
AH of the above named were elected. In addition the Confer- 

< laims to have secured the election of Gov, Sweet of Colorado 

«m.i <;ov. Walton of Oklahoma, both Democrats, Preparations for 
1 1" H)24 campaign are being enthusiastically pushed. 

Literature of the organization is sent into every state where there are 

elections, advocating the choice of selected candidates and 

I luing its adherence to certain radical policies. In many instances it 

U known that the supporters switched from one party to another, voting 

i ■ ono candidate in the primaries and another at the elections. This is 

ly what was done in Pennsylvania; the radical element, backed by the 

i unce, was solidly behind Burke in the primaries, and its followers 

ii Inter instructed to vote for the Democratic candidate at the election. 

In ihe declaration of principles there is appeal for action with many 

Ifjiirnwits taken from the code of the Communists* It is a part of the Com- 

Mhinmi work here to make similar appeals through legal channels with 

'1. mil nt of alienating Americans from the Flag as a step toward the pro- 

n dictatorship to be established here following the exact pattern of 

now existing in Russia, This declaration refers, on Communist lines, 

tig record of injury and usurpation," and says in part: 
" The history of recent years is a history of repeated injuries and usur- 
l>y the servants of this oligarchy in both the dominant parties; all 
us their direct obj,ect the establishment of an absolue tyranny and 
i l ralic dictatorship within these United States. Life, liberty and hap- 
all have been sacrificed upon the altar of greed. To prove this let 
| •■ 1 ■ lie submitted to a candid world. 

"They have stifled free speech, throttled free press, and denied the sacred 

III • f assembly. They have used the Federal Reserve System, controlling 

i Mood of the nation's credit, as an instrument to deflate and crush 





farmers and independent business men and cause nation-wide unemployment, 
They have obstructed every honest effort to relieve the distress of agriculture 
thus caused and have used every influence to secure betrayal of the farmers' 

"They have conscripted 4,000,000 men and boys while they permitted 
corporations and individuals to extort unconscionable war profits and havfl 
sacrificed the soldiers' just demands for equitable compensation to the dil 
tates of Mellonism and the selfish interests of tax-dodging capitalists and 1 
profiteers. They have abolished the taxes upon excess profits of corpora. 
tions and have reduced the taxes upon incomes of millionaires. They have 
used the army and the troops and police forces of Stales and cities to crush 
labor in its struggles to secure rights guaranteed by the Constitution." 

Playing directly into the hands of the Communists in agitating radical 
legislation, the Conference for Progressive Political Action puts forward 
as its platform startling proposals affecting taxation, court proceedings anfl 
Government ownership which are worthy of the efforts of the cleverly tricky 
Communists, whose method of procedure is to advance any kind of theory 
to effect changes, in the belief that the more changes made, the easier it will 
be to bring about the great change, the establishment of the Dictatorship of 
the Proletariat. Among the proposals in this remarkable platform is ono 
providing that any decision of the Supreme Court of the United States may 
be reversed by a vote of Congress. Thus, distasteful court decisions may 
be nullified as soon as the Radicals can get control of Congress — and tho 
fight for this is now being waged. 

Another provision is that all dwellings, farmhouses, farm machinery, 
farm improvements, household furniture and tangible personal property be 
exempted from State and local taxation, and that all funds he raised by 
taxes levied on incomes above a certain amount, business profits and cor 
porations. Unemployment and old age pensions and a Federal workmen** 
compensation insurance fund are also advocated. This would result, they 
believe, as do the Communists, in breaking up what they love to call thn 
"capitalist State." The Plumb plan of Government ownership of railroad* 
and other public utilities i@ naturally included in the platform and tho 
Conference is now practically the only source of propaganda in this country 
for nationalizing of the railroads. 

Not satisfied with the plan to nullify decisions of the Supreme Coufl 
by vote of Congress, the platform of this group of radicals advocates Stata 
legislation providing that no act of any State Legislature shall be declared J 
unconstitutional if any one member of the Supreme Court casts his vote in] 
favor of the constitutionality of the measure. This, of course, would tend toj 
weaken the safeguard that the courts of the country give to all citizens and I 
would bring the entire judicial system of the country into disrepute, so that 
the coming of the proletarian dictatorship would be made more easy. New 1 
banking features are also advocated which would tend to concentrate tho! 
savings of workers in a way which would permit of their being used morel 
readily and in greater amounts for the provocation of unrest and other] 
unwise purposes. This is included in the proposal advanced for the organ-! 


i "in ider government charter of cooperative banks with full banking 

ttmvtiri designed especially to enable farmers and factory workers to mobil- 
i - iln-ii- own resources. 

A provision is also advocated that laws be enacted prohibiting inter- 

ii-inc by Congress either with injunctions or in any other way with the 

hi nf labor to organize, strike, picket, boycott and otherwise "to carry on 

Mil tint rial controversy by peaceful means." The Communists include vio- 

I in strikes as a cardinal principle, and now this alleged Conference for 

i naive Political Action seeks to restrain the Government from the use 
U| tlin only judicial means of preventing violence in labor warfare aimed at 
|ln i rovornment. 

Constitutional amendments in all States and Federal legislation are also 
lllvortilcd permitting cities and other units of Government to own and oper- 
|ll ill classes of public utilities, including markets, cold storage plants, coal 
||)i I food supplies; and authorizing cities, counties and other units of Gov- 
• iihik ill to issue bonds to raise the money to purchase these public utilities 
i mpplies. This is just what the Communists are working for in their political organizations as a preliminary step to the overthrow of the 
i iniicnt by force of arms. 

The next step taken by this group of radicals is to catechize every nom- 
• to Congress. A questionnaire is prepared and sent to all candidates 

gressionai election without regard to party affiliations before each 

[l . lion. A copy of this questionnaire is sent to every labor union member 
nl i very other person in sympathy with the labor union and radical move- 
1 1, with the request that the local unions and all local radical and so- 
il'' I progressive organizations take the matter up in their meetings and 
lii'urf.c the congressional nominees with the questions. These questionnaires 
■tr licuded with the peremptory demand, "Answer must be Yes or No I" 
i" ubfltnnce, they read as follows: 

1. If elected to Congress will you work and vote to repeal the Esch- 
Cummins railroad law? 

2. If elected to Congress will you work and vote against the ship sub- 
sidy and subsidies of all other special interests? 

3- Do you believe that five men on the Supreme Bench who have not 
Ih-cii elected by the people, and who cannot he rejected by the people, should 
he permitted to nullify the will of the people as expressed by their repre- 
i -unlives in Congress and the Executive in the White House? 

4. If elected, will you work and vote for a constitutional amendment 
restricting the power of the Supreme Court to nullify acts of Congress? 

5. If elected, will you work and vote against compulsory arbitration 
mid all attempts to destroy and restrict the rights of labor to organize, 
bargain collectively, and strike? 

6. Will you work and vote for a clean-cut Federal statute prohibiting 
Federal judges from issuing injunctions in industrial disputes? 

7. Will you work and vote to reinstate the taxes on excess profits and 
ui/iintain the taxes on big incomes? 

8. Will you work and vote against a sales tax on the food and neces- 
cs of the poor? 

9. Will you work and vote to reduce appropriations for the Army and 
Ntivy to a pre-war basis? 

10. Will you favor increased Federal appropriations for education? 




11. Will you waik and vote for a special tax on war grafters and 
profiteers to pay the soldiers a just compensation? 

12. Will you work and vote for a law to take the profit out of war by 
manufacturing battleships, munitions and other implements of war in Gov- 
ernment plants only? 

13. Will yoq work and vote for a clean-cut corrupt practices act which 
will put an end to Newberryism? 

14. Will you work and vote for the abolition of child labor and a con- 
stitutional amendment for that purpose if necessary? 

The public exposure of the Workers 1 ' Party of America as a branch of 
the Communist Party resulted in the refusal of this Council to seat delegate! 
from the Workers' Party in the Cleveland convention (1922) but the Coun- 
cil's work is greatly favored by the Communists because of its efforts lo 
disturb the functioning of the Government. 

It is frequently difficult to link individuals and organizations with the 
actual illegal Communist machine, but it is known that many members of 
the various labor unions, as well as of the American Federation of Labor, 
are members of the Communist party. The Brotherhood of Locomotivfl 
Engineers, whose president, Warren S. Stone, is treasurer of the Conference 
for Progressive Political Action, issue from its headquarters at Cleveland, 
0., a publication called "Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers Journal," 
of which Albert F, Coyle is "acting editor and publicity manager." On 
July IS, 1922 f Coyle, who is a Yale man, wrote to Robert Minor, at present 
a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of 
America, a letter beginning "Dear Comrade Minor," in which he states that 
he is trying to make the Journal "a real voice of the producing classes, in- 
terpreting to them the big social, political and economic movements ol til 
day," and refers to a meeting with Minor at the 1920 Convention of t?w 
Intercollegiate Socialist Society. 

This is but one of many such connections that unite individuall 
prominent in labor union circles with the Communists. The principles of 
many of the union leaders, as expressed in their public and private statu* 
ments, coincide with remarkable fidelity with the principles of Communism, 
It is, indeed, no secret that the radical wing of the American Federation of^j 
Labor, led by William Z. Foster, is allied with the Communist party of] 
America and is controlled by the ''underground" or illegal organization oil 
that party. The fight between Samuel Gompers and Foster for leadership 
of the American Federation of Labor is the reason ascribed hy many for 
Gompers' alleged conservatism— the only means hy which he could retain'] 
personal independence by combating the pronounced radicalism of Foster, j 
The latter's Trade Union Educational League agencies through which tlin 
illegal party works is controlled absolutely by the Communists. 

Directly associated with these organizations comprising the Coiiferen<M 
for Progressive Political Action is the National Federation of Federal Em- 
ployees, which is affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and in 
which are a number of Communists. These Communists are keeping welll 
under cover and their membership in the Communist party is not known tol 
the rank and file of the Federal Employees' organization. This federation] 


1* imnposed of various unions made up exclusively of Federal employees 

- I e members of the American Federation of Labor. It is their boast that 

omber of Gongress dares go against the wishes of the Federation if 

'• (Inn ires to hold his position in Congress. 

These unions are composed not only of postal clerks, rural letter car- 
mcl railway mail clerks, which are the best known of Federal employees* 

i, but they have organized county agents, engaged in agricultural exten- 

■ in, nil employees in public land offices, employees in irrigation, reclama- 
■ li forestry and like work, all those connected with Indian work, particu- 
l ii I v with Indian schools, and every other line of activity in which Govern- 

i employees are interested. 

The Federation of Federal Employees has shown its strength and influ- 

"ii more than one occasion* It is even a hit boastful of its power with 

i ■ mss and it was this boastftilness that attracted the attention of the 

i "111111110151 party and led to the "planting" of Communists in Federal 

||i|ilny for the purpose of getting control of the organization. The Federa- 
ttitn luis successfully resisted all attempts at any reorganization of Federal 
1 mi ins that would result in the decrease of the number of employees. It 

<'<led in forcing the House of Representatives to reject a report by the 

miltee on Appropriations against the continuation of a $240 annual 

1 lo Government employees. This bonus was first allowed employees 

1 ,• the war to offset the increased cost of living. The Appropriations 

* njllee reported in 1922 in favor of a reduction of this bonus upon the 

l- ml that the cost of living was lower and there was no longer a need of 

" employees a bonus over and above their fixed salary. The American 
PNli't'iilion of Labor immediately got behind the Federation of Federal 
JtlM|ilnyces and succeeded in forcing the House to reject this attempted econ- 
V, restoring the bonus for the fiscal year and appropriating for it $36,- 


Miiny bodies which appeal to "forward looking" individuals, or to 

Itlitliinlliropists, or to the sympathies of right-thinking people, are in the 

III indorsing candidates for office. Ostensibly their purpose is to aid suf- 

ii • Lo uplift the down-trodden: but in reality their work is in further- 

ul' the work of the Communist party in America. Among them are 

ini/.alions with high-sounding names like the All America National Coun- 

lliti Non-Partisan Relief Committee, the Society for Medical Aid to 

.miii, the League for Industrial Democracy, the American League to Limit 

mrtits, and the American Union Against Militarism, All the openly 

n 'ti I organizations, which sponsor such movements as "No More War 

nnd which are trying to influence congressmen and candidates for 

1 hfiir :', are directly or indirectly branches of the illegal Communist party 

heir work is being controlled, though some of them may not know it, 

ili< Communists in secret and illegal meetings. The list of such organ- 

i n the United States is so long that a mere enumeration of them 

Id lill several pages* 

llif Workers' party of America is the open political branch of the 



Communist party of America, and every member of the official Worken 
party is a member of the illegal branch of that organization. But the Com 
munists are clever enough to know that they cannot yet win elections through 
their own political party. Accordingly they have instructed their member! 
to support other candidates when no Workers' party ticket is in the field; 
and that party has no open candidates as yet (1922) in Congressional elec- 
tions. But these workers are also instructed to "make themselves felt" in 
order to acquire prestige in. the minds of the candidates they support. In 
this way they believe they will gain more strength in the campaigns. But it 
must be borne in mind that at all times every member of the ConmmnM 
party in America is bound to obey the orders of the illegal party and to bl 
entirely controlled in his political as well as industrial activity by it. 

Both Communists and every other breed of radicals were ready to makl 
capital out of the bonus question, however it might be decided by the Govern* 
ment. If the bonus were approved, they would attack the action as an im- 
position upon the people of the country and an effort of the "capitalist" 
state to rob the poor. If disapproved, that action would be attacked as ft 
capitalistic effort to defraud the ex-soldiers out of their just dues. TIiD 
"Conference/* like the Communists and all other radicals, makes friend 
with all dissatisfied portions of society. It takes the losing side on every 
public question in order to make capital out of the fact that the side lost, 
and its supporters, therefore, are believed to be hostile to the authorities, 

Those who are familiar with the workings of the Communists are award 
that the United States is in jeopardy. They are not fearful if the people 
of this country awake to the danger. But the enemies of civilization, both 
those in the Communist party and those on the fringe, who are playing 
with fire in their support of Communist theories, are at work to effect the 
overthrow of this Government, They are working cleverly, insidiously, 
and are willing to take plenty of time to accomplish their ends, hut their 
main purpose, the goal toward which they are striving, is the destruction 
of church, home and state in America and the raising of the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, controlled by Zinovieff and his gang in Moscow, to take tlm 
place of the Government of the United States. 




"Give us one generation of small children to train to manhood and 
unhood and we will set up the Bolshevist form of the Soviet Govern- 

. in ■ 

Tliis statement, made in 1919 by Mrs. Marion E. Sproul, a Boston 
k It on I teacher, has become the guiding light of the Communist party of 

\ ion, has been adopted officially as a slogan of the party, and is being 

• I ihroughout the United States by the secret, illegal organization for the 
IH|M)no of alienating the American youth from the precepts of this country 

I llie teachings of a century and a half of democratic government. Public 

"I private schools, colleges and universities are the feeding ground of the 

1 1 actual Communists" and the agents of the party have been deliber- 

»ly "planted" in the educational institutions of the United States for the 
■ ' of making converts of the young. Even in grammar schools of 
i I nger cities of the country the children have "nuclei" of Communism 
1 , nutly encouraged by radical- thinking teachers. 

Dr. William B. Bizzell, president of the Texas Agricultural and Mechani- 
■I College told the Dallas County Teachers' Institute in 1922 that "Red 
Iftillnilism is stalking over the prairies of Texas," little knowing that at that 

nl the Communists were supporting students in his own and other col- 

Pifin of that State. The Soviet Government of Moscow paid the expenses 
i : ly-five Russian students in a single college in the United States — and 
|linli first duty is to the Communist International which specifically provides 
'in. i i liny shall make use of every opportunity to make converts of as many 
If llii-ir associates as possible. One of the chief features of the Communist 
Mlly'* program in the United States is to send promising young men and 

i to the institutions of higher education to fit them for future work in 

I llnl movement aimed at the destruction by violence of the Government 

film United States and the substitution for it of a dictatorship of the 

1 i i rut, subordinate to the Moscow regime. 

Radicalism in colleges is nothing new. It has existed since such insti- 

i have been known. It has always taken one form or another, usually 

II ii litmus lines, for adolescence likes to believe that its mind is untram- 

fnl.,1 hy conventions* For generations educators have been familiar with 
111 period of mental revolt in the college youth which made him proclaim 
ii II an atheist, or an agnostic — some kind of a "free-thinker." It is 
■Inp.i' that has been so common as not to be alarming. For when college 
passed and the youth emerged into a sane, practical world which ia 



not particularly interested in religious technique as long as right living 
governs the people of the earth, this period passed and the college-bred youtli 
took his proper place. But today, when the Communism-fed student IeavM 
college he does not step out into a sane world, hut into the ranks of llm 
Communist movement which is watching him and waiting for his arrivt] 
to assign him to definite work for the propagation of the work of the party, 

Aside from the recognized schools and colleges every city now liiw 
Communist classes, attendance upon which is compulsory on the part even 
of little children, who are forced by law to attend public school a certain 
numbers of hours each day. These classes usually meet at night and all llial 
is taught is Communism. Attendance: is usually all thfi "home work" llm 
children have to do. Active Communists, frequently college graduate 
conduct them. There is a bit of fun mixed with these studies, so that, fo] 
the youngsters, the work will not become irksome. Ridicule is heaped upon 
religion, home ties, and especially upon the Government, in the form .1 
Communist songs which are taught the children. A sample of such son- 
will show the nature of all of them. A typical verse reads: 

A patriotic churchman in his den, in his den, 
A-fishing after gold and men — Red flag comes along, 
His holiness he cocks his eye, lets out a snort, and then, Oh m) ' 
Golly, golly, what a roar! Blood and gore! How he tore! 
Golly, golly, how he swore, at the Crimson Rag! 
Another song taught the children concludes with the verses: 

I've got rebellion in my heart, ( ] 

It's bred in flesh and bone, 

A rebel I will be 

As long as men shall men exploit 

On either side the sea. 

While right upon the scaffold lies, 

And wrong upon the throne, 

I'll be a blooming rebel, sir, 

A rebel to the bone. 

The drift from liberalism to radicalism and finally to Communism ll 
gradual and easy. Many college _orof essors, wn0 were liberal in their viewy 
and teachings became radicals almost without it being known, and so.mejB 
them, doubtless, without knowing it themselves. Others, however, and in~tJB 
group must be listed some of the leading "liberal" lights of the greateij 
universities in the country, knowingly preach and teach radicalism v 
is seized upon by the Communists for ammunition with which to furtlirr 
their ends. Men like Felix Frankfurter and Zacharia Chaffee, of Harvard! 
Frederick Wells Williams and Max Solomon Mandell, of Yale; and many] 
others in different schools and colleges throughout the country — these niflj 
are too wise not to know that their words, publicly uttered and even usfl 
in class-ruuxus, are, to put it conservatively, decidedly encouraging to till] 



^s. h is of men like these that James H. Collins wrote in the 

"Iny Evening Post: 

I ho spread of radicalism in our colleges is perhaps most marked of 

Mm cartoon type of radical, with his whiskers and bomb, has a very 

-I field of activity— any policeman would arrest him on sight. The 

i.ulical, on the contrary, can move in every circle. It is not easy 

Sometimes he is a self-seeker and loves notorietv 

l-l 'ui him. sometimes he is a self-seeker and loves notoriety. Aga: 
I-' riliiy to society, is .based. on- envy. Ambitious but lacking energy, he 
nle who succeed,through energy, and sours on life. Some of this 

.1... i 

1 Hi • lual radicalism is attributed to the materialism of the age. Socialism 

1 Imilar philosophies being based on the material concept of history. 

■ - Objerros charge it up to slipshod teaching of history and economics, 

' nil lacking the solid grounding that would put superficial radical theo- 

j "i proper perspective. . , . The teachings of a radical college 

•I- >.«M may have great influence. In one college recently some of the 

1 "it made a demonstration when a radical professor was dropped from 

bottlty. . . . Never having worked with his hands 3 nor mingled wiLh 

uniers, nor been creative or constructive in any way himself, the in- 

liuil radical sees nothing difficult in the revolutionary "program of "first 

■ everything down and then building from the ground up, entirely 

In a Los Angeles High School one of the teachers constantly taught 

' ,,( ca P ltal and took the side of labor in a definite attempt to instill in 

minds of her pupils the propriety of such hatred Finally, when she 

declared that the United States was behind Russia, Germany and 

progressive countries, one of the pupils publicly protested, because, 

| pointed out, "there is revolution or civil war in each of these coun- 

But that teacher continued for sunie lime after this incident ex- 

UlMling her theories to the youth under her charge. 

I Ik- Hpreading of propaganda in rural districts has been a subject of 
i I'v the Communists since the organization of the party. In certain 
I ..I the country where there are colonies of foreigners gathered under 

itiriistic influence radical plays are put on in school houses by amateur, 

I Ulcnt performers. Occasionally trouble arises when a patriotic 

" leacher discovers that meetings of what had been thought to be clubs, 

Inlies for social intercourse, were in reality Communist meetings under 

illusion of the Third International through the Communist party of 

it. One such incident may be cited as an example. 

\ colony of Finns, thirty-three families in all, of whom only three 

ere American citizens, is located about twelve miles north of Deer 

Minn. The company which located this colony confined its efforts 

to Finns and made particularly attractive offers to the colonists. 

Inllm-s secured a farm for each family and subsequent payments were 

linal. The thirty non-American families are Communists and they 

k to give ai play at the rural schonlhouse for the benefit of the Friends 

IVlrl Itussia. The teacher, Mrs. G. M. Smith, learned of the nature of 
|r| ■iiiiizntion, called the Suoma Raatagen Club, under the auspices of 




which the play was to be given. She discovered that the play was simp 
Red radical propaganda and refused to assent to the use of the schoolhoi 
for that purpose; but the Finns over-rode her by getting permission fr 
the county school superintendent, Mrs. Smith attended the entertainni" 
and forcibly prevented the giving of the Red play orUaking up a collect im. 
for t(he Friends of Soviet Russia. Singlehanded she drove them from ut 
schoolhouse when they began to shout, "We are Reds! We 'are Bolshevik* 

The Communists are constantly grooming some of their shining stl 
for positions in the faculties of our colleges. The pay of the teachers II 
all parts of the country, both in public and private institutions, is so si 
that many able men are unable to accept positions as teachers* But in 
small salary is no deterrent to the Communist, or the radical of any strips 
who joyfully accepts places where he may elaborate his views and tea 
real radicalism to the impressionable youth in his classes. His salary is f 
quently supplemented by funds from the Communist treasury, sometitin 
camouflaged under the cloak of "contributions" as a testimonial to his i I" 
thinking as expressed in his lectures. 

The dissemination of radical, or as they term it, liberal propaganda til 
institutions of learning, particularly in universities and women's collegfl 
has been a pet scheme of the radicals and their friends for years. There It 
hardly any university of size in the country today which does not have 1 
least a branch of the National Student Forum, or its predecessor, the Inl*t« 
collegiate Liberal League, or the League for Industrial Democracy. Thru 
are direct descendants of the Intercollegiate Socialist League which w«l 
out of existence when "Socialism" became too mild a term to satisfy 
radical tendencies of many members. The frequent changes in name 
characteristic of all organizations affiliated with the Communists, who a] 
their names and addressee in an effort to hoodwink the authorities, and f< 
the public, a proceeding in strict accord with the orders of Nicolai Lenin 
The Intercollegiate Liberal League was born at Harvard, April 2 7 1921, and 
it was a result of the activities of the Socialist and later the Liberal L 
that developed the "modern intellectuals," or as they are better known, tin 
"parlor Bolsheviki." There is so much in the teaching of radicalism 
appeals to the mental processes which invariably accompany certain pi 
in the life of every student, that it is not surprising that the Comrm^B 
party, as a business proposition, and the many inconspicuous indivulntil 
who are satisfied that they should be leaders and have no better me. 
attaining notoriety, have grasped the opportunities offered, as the Sor 
did before them. Many are really capitalists, while others are plain parasltB 

It is safe to say that no institution of learning in the country has bod 
so thoroughly saturated with the "liberal" activity as Harvard Unrverajjl 
This institution has stimulated such a spirit of democracy among the 
dents of the past generation that the radicals have had a more fertile null 
in which to work at Harvard than in a less liberal establishment, I N 
professors themselves have not been inactive in the encouragement of lit* 
movement, and the names of several of them appear prominently in 1 1« ■ 
roster roll of American liberals and are known in the "illegal" circles of ill* 


iihimhI party of America, These professors, as well as the professors 

iiij other colleges, number known Communists among their personal 

nil are frequently found speaking from the same platform even with 

' < «»f the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of 

hi. 1 1 is impossible that men of their intelligence should not know 

1 il iln-v are advocating what the Communist party desires but cannot use 

i hlilir propaganda because their own words would be discounted* Prom- 

ndieal speakers have been brought to speak at meetings of the Har- 

1 II horn Is from all sorts of organizations, among them men who are actu- 
imld agents of the Communist party, 

F toent in ilie organization of the Intercollegiate Liberal League 

m- n notorious as radicals, as well as men whose patriotism, and 
nuism cannot be questioned. The latter of course, did not realize 

I I they were lending their aid. It is inconceivable that Dean Briggs 
iMiilil in any way permit himself to be identified with a movement the chief 
I I- ■ i of which is to overthrow the Government of the United States by force 

linn And yet Dean Briggs was one of the speakers at the meeting to 

r the Intercollegiate Liberal League, in which the Communists were 

►l»ii-*lrd. Roger N. Baldwin, head of the American Civil Liberties Bu- 

■ on&cientious objector" who served a prison term as a "draft dodger" 

Itlhjt (he war, and intimate friend of the most radical of Communists, was 

i l he organizers. Another was the Rev. John Haynes Holmes, whose 

• \..i, rirun activities during the European War were so pronounced that 

■w York church had to be watched by officers of the Government, 

i Ihi « writings were used by the Germans as propaganda with which 

might to break down the morale of the Allied soldiers. 

I I mi') \V. L. Dana, known in Communist circles as one of the most 
I'm radical agitators, was also active in the organization of the Inter 

late Liberal League. Professor Dana, who was dismissed from Colum- 

I nlvorsity because of his radicalism, said as far back as 1918 that he 

i bo tflad to aid however he could in furthering the cause of Soviet 

America, and from that time on has been issuing pronouncements 

"olass war." Yet he is considered a leader in the radical collegiate 

P||i. Among the others participating in the organization of this league 

Augustus Dill, of The Crisis; Francis Neilson and Walter Fuller, of The 

Donald Winston, of Young Democracy, and representatives from 

I i of other colleges. Dean Briggs and President H. N, MacCracken 

il College were among the speakers, and by their presence lent aid 

I movement. The Rev. John Haynes Holmes, in his speech on that 

I '"ged tihe students to "identify themselves with the labor world 

1 lln-ir lo martyr themselves by preaching the gospel of free souls and 
• tin' rule of life." He predicted a revolutionj and said: "If you want 

' the side of fundamental right you have got to line up on the side 

1 "i . 

Inonling to the Literary Digest there were, in 1921, organizations of 

liiii'irnllftgiate Liberal League in 250 colleges and universities in this 

At about the time when the Harvard Liberal Club's application 





for membership in the Associated Harvard Clubs was rejected becau 
its radicalism, a thorough investigation of the club and the league was in 
In the report it was shown that some outside agency was financing tl 
establishment of the league and the various clubs and their activilli 
From the report of this investigation it is possible to quote one paragi'Hii 
which reads as follows: 

"It would appear that the Harvard Liberal Club, Harvard StudnnI 
Liberal Club and the Intercollegiate Liberal League may be the «»< 
devised and about to he used as propaganda agencies by radical moveiiinittl 
not yet disclosed, The Russian theory of instilling sympathetic ideas in ill 
younger generation while they are still an school is well known, and 11II01 
a brief examination ... it appears more than likely that the synllfl 
is being put into execution among college students in this country. Sui'li I 
plan of radical activity is most patently dangerous, as the students al H. 
age, while mentally keen, active and alert, have not yet formed their , 
manent characters and are at a formative period in their mental development 
during which they are particularly susceptible to the influence of ulili 
minds, especially those of their masters whom they are accustomed to 
up to as fountains of authority, wisdom and guidance. Under those cinum 
stances, with men like Felix Frankfurter, Roger Baldwin and others hdilM 
such a movement, its potentialities for evil at once appear to be tremendimi ' 

The retention of Professor Frankfurter at Harvard has called forlli I 
great deal of criticism from men in public affairs, Harvard graduates « 
others. When he was counsel for President Wilson's Mediation CommisoM 
in the Mooney case, in California, he had the temerity to try to influcn 
Theodore Roosevelt in the work he was doing in the endeavor to aid Moiyi«? 
This drew from the ex-president, whose Americanism has never been qufl 
tioned by friend or foe, the following letter, the existence of which fM 
people know: 

"I thank you for your frank letter. I answer it at length because jfl 
have taken and are taking ... an attitude which seems to me loT 
fundamentally that of Trotsky and the other Bolsheviki leaders in Ru 
an attitude which may be fraught with mischief to this country. 

"As for the conduct of the trial, it seems to me that Judge Dumifl'j 
statement which I quoted in my published letter covers it. I have not bfl 
able to find anyone who seriously questions Mr. Dunne's character, juriirlil 
fitness and ability, or standing. Moreover, it seems to me that your <fl 
letter makes it perfectly plain that the movement for the recall of Flafl 
was due primarily, not in the least to any real or general feeling as i 
alleged short-comings on his part, but to what I can only call the BolsheVB 
sentiment. The other accusations against him were mere camouflage. Xm 
assault was made upon him because he had attacked the murderous elenuB 
the dynamite and anarchy group of labor agitators. The movement agll 
him was essentially similar to movements on behalf of the McNamaraa, til 
on behalf of Moyer and Haywood. Some of the correspondents who attaofl 
me frankly stated that they were for Mooney and Billings just as they \\A 
been for the McNamaras and for Moyer and Haywood. In view of Jufl 


Statement it is perfectly clear that even if Judge Dunne is in error 
III* Itnlief as to the trial being straight and proper, it was an error into 

w\ tiroly honest men could fall. 

Mill the question of granting a re-trial is one thing. The question of 

Iff mi II is entirely distinct. Even if a r e-trial were proper this would 

I In I lie least justify a recall— any more than a single grave error on your 

1 ' , "' 1,1 justify your impeachment, or the impeachment of President 

I " I", appointing you. Fremont Older and the I. W. W. and the direct 

nrchi&ts and apologists for anarchy are never concerned for justice. 

I nr concerned solely in seeing one kind of criminal escape justice, 
ty QB certain big business men have in the past been concerned in 

lolher kind of criminal escape justice. The guiding spirits in the 

lili rit for the recall of Fickert cared not a rap whether or not Mooney 

Billings were guilty; probably they believed them guilty; all they were 

llird with was seeing a rebuke administered to, and an evil lesson 

I hi "l f public officials who might take action against crimes of violence 

1 '' by anarchists in the name of some foul and violent protest against 

i 'I i '-nditions. Murder is murder, and it is rather more evil when com- 

I I Hi the name of a professed social movement. It was no mere accident, 
' In- natural sequence of cause and effect that the agitation for the 

I! "I Fickert, because he fearlessly prosecuted the dynamiters (and of 

ll n human being doubts that Billings and Mooney were in some shape 

MM ■ privy to the outrage) should have been accompanied by the dyna- 

I "i' 1 - at the governor's mansion. The reactionaries have in the past 

' >;ir menace to this Republic, but at this moment it is the I, W. W. 

Unarmed Socialists, the anarchists, the foolish creatures who always 

I i",;iiiist the suppression of crime, the pacifists and the like, under the 

i llro Hearsts and La Follettes, and Bergers, and Hillquits, the Fremont 

m.l Amos Pinchots and Rudolph Spreckels who are the really grave 

These are the Bolsheviki of America, and the Bolsheviki are just as 

the Romanoffs, and are at the moment a greater menace to orderly 

Robespierre and Danton and Marat and Herbert were just as 

I 'li-- worst tyrants of the old regime, and from 1791 to 1794 they were 

i dangerous enemies to liberty that the world contained. When you 

|in ii'iiiing President Wilson, find yourself obliged to champion men 

lump you ought, by unequivocal affirmative action, to make it evident 

ill nre sternly against their general and habitual line of conduct. 

i have just received your report on the Bisbee deportation. One of 

1 I i»cnt leaders in that deportation was my old friend Jack Green- 

has just been commissioned a major in the Army by President 
Vocir report is as thoroughly misleading a document as could be 

l Lhe subject. No official writing on behalf of the President 

j lin excused for failure* to know, and clearly to set forth that the 

I W. is a criminal organization. To ignore the fact that a move- 

• an its members made into Bisbee is made with criminal intent 

I I v as foolish as for a New York policeman to ignore the fact 

,,ie Whyo gang assembles with guns and knives it is with crim- 




inal intent. The President is not to be excused if he ignores this In' 
for of course he knows all about it. No human being in his scnw 
doubts that the men deported from Bisbee were bent on destruction 
murder. If the President through you or anyone else had any riftlil 
to look into the matter, this very fact shows that he had been rciul 
in his clear duty to provide against the very grave danger in advarin 
When no efficient means are employed to guard honest, upright and m\\ 
behaved citizens from the most brutal kind of lawlessness it is inevitubl 
that these citizens shall try to protect themselves. That is as true wliofl 
the President fails to do his duty about the I. W. W. as when the pnllri 
fail to do their duty about gangs like the Whyo gang; and when eillml 
the President or the police, personally or by representative; rebuke ||| 
men who defend themselves from criminal assault, it is necessary shai|ih 
to point out that far heavier blame attaches to the authorities who I 
to give the needed protection, and to the investigators who fail to poinl iit|| 
the criminal character of the anarchistic organization against which ill" 
decent citizens have taken action. 

"Here again you are engaged in excusing men precisely like tfe 
Bolsheviki in Russia, who are murderers and encouragers of murder, will 
are traitors to their allies, to democracy and to civilization, as wt»l| 
as to the United States, and whose acts are nevertheless apologized I ■ 
on grounds, my dear Mr. Frankfurter, substantially like those which yo| 
allege. In times of danger nothing is more common and nothing nia 
dangerous to the Republic than for men to avoid condemning the cruninflj 
who are really public enemies by making their entire assault on the sliodj 
comings of the good citizens who have been the victims or opponents i 
the criminals. This was done not only by Danton and Robespierre, bul jj 
many of their ordinarily honest associates in connection with, for inslaiii 
the 'September massacres*' It is not the kind of thing I care to sec «-'■ 
meaning men do in this country. 

"Sincerely yours, 

'Theodore Roosevelt. 1 ! 

The writings of Lenin, Trotsky or other high priests of Commumiii 
as well as those of Marx and Engel, have been and undoubtedly still r 
used as text-books, or as prescribed reading, in classes or clubs in WellHu) 
Vassar, Smith, Yale and many other colleges, and trouble is conslujjiB 
occurring in various State universities in the West where radicalism is hclHj 
taught, or studied. In all these colleges, also, Communist propaganda |ii 
pared with a view to being placed in the hands of students, is secret!) ■ I 
culated among the students. From time to time this secret work of t 
Communists becomes known publicly through the indignation of aofl 
thoroughly American student into whose hands the propaganda falli 
mistake. However, this does not often happen, for the Communists 
very careful to place such literature only in "safe" hands. 

"Upton Sinclair made, in 1922, a tour of the United States, lecliirln| 
wherever he could on radicalism, ostensibly gathering material for 

1 ducation. Before his departure from his home in Pasadena, Calif 

riilnrtauied as guest of honor at a dinner given by Mrs. Kate Crane 

RDd Lrince Hopkins, known as radicals, although standing high in 

id. mm society. Representatives were present of all classes of radicalism 

-""i'mmism to theoretical Socialism, society men and women, and 

h picture stars and producers. It was entirely radical in its personnel 
» tiM.-nded to be. In telling of his then projected trip, Sinclair said 
I More were capitalist spies" in practically every school and college 
\w country reporting any teacher expressing liberal thought "This 
Ml.-rl network of spies," he said, "has created such a fear among school 
I university teachers" that nearly all his letters of inquiry remained 
• Wared, thus forcing him to visit the institutions in person in order 
' Information for his book in which he proposed to tell all about the 
' Influence and domination of the reactionaries and of Wall Street 
■ - «nd capital over the educational system of this country The 
I present appeared to believe all that Sinclair told them and there 
much indignation expressed because objection was being made to the 
Miliitf of radicalism in the schools of the United States. And yet this 
(III. "I tn.clnng is backed by the illegal Communist party of America and 
lh« liiissian Soviet Government of Moscow. 
fudge J. H. Ryckman was another speaker. He dwelt upon the "ter- 
11 iHTHecution" of the I. W. W. radicals in California and said that 
ror the assistance given by some wealthy radicals, mentioning Miss 
HHiv HJxby bpencer and Miss Esther Yarnell, well known in California 
who have given bail for many of the radicals arrested in the 
Uifl syndicalist movement, sponsored by the Communists, would have 
flped out m that State. Gaylord Wilshire, a prominent Los Angeles 
who boasts of his connections with the Communist movement, 
Nrccl an ultra-radical speech, full of sarcastic and scathing vindictive- 
> NMinnBt American democracy, saying that a mixture of syndicalistic 
Mitph-H and Communist tactics was the only salvation for this country 
takers are mentioned for the reason that this was the ammunition 
I lined by Upton Sinclair on his tour of American colleges in makin- 
■h*«<i4 to students. b 

Uler Sinclair had started his tour he wrote friends from San 
■co saying that Hears? s Magazine had accepted his latest novel 
Hind, and ascribing this good fortune to the fact that Norman 
100(1, known for his radical tendencies, and connected with the American 
Ihorties Union had shortly before been made editor of that magazine 
■•y 21, 192?, a small private meeting of a number of radical and 
hivc public school teachers of Pasadena was held, at which letters 
Hliclair were discussed. He had written from Chicago that at Madison 
M was received in a very friendly spirit and had held several suc- 

" iet ™&- , At the University of Chicago, he wrote, he had been 

■ mail auditorium in which to lecture, and so many students could 

hi to hear him that the meeting was adjourned to out-of-doors so 

m.I I nmld hear. "Generally speaking," he wrote, "I am very much 





pleased to find so many Socialists and adherents of other anti-capitnlUll 
systems among the college professors, and I am quite sure that il 
could only make these men feel reasonably sure of economic indepernl< m 
there would be a great wave of radical thought sweeping through all 

On this tour Sinclair was entertained by and addressed several I • 
clubs associated with the Intercollegiate Liberal League, and at 
places his meetings were held under the auspices of the " 
Club" of the college. The Cosmopolitan Club movement is one wlilij 
has been investigated and found to be engaged in spreading radical prupi 
ganda in practically all institutions in which it has been introduced, Tlin« 
are branches in Harvard, Yale, the Universities of California, Chi , 
Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, Kansas, Oregon, Pennsylvnttl 
Wisconsin and Indiana, Columbia and Cornell, Drake College, Iowa 
College, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Oberlin, Ohio State Coll* 
Ohio Wesleyan College, Purdue, Syracuse, Union College, Vanderbilt I 
versity, William Jewell College, Worcester University, Coe Universil 
Radcliffe College. 

These clubs include active Communists as well as radicals of ""I 
types and are unquestionably supported, at least in part, by the CnrtM 
munist party. In their membership are many foreigners, the osten 
object of the clubs being to foster international friendship. In some cart) 
radical professors are the active leaders in these clubs, although usu ' 
active Communists who are undergraduates are the leaders. They freqm nil 
have as speakers members of the Communist party of America who rn 
miss an opportunity to make converts. i 

As Upton Sinclair made his tour of the country and worked eilhlf 
directly or indirectly for Communism, so Lillian Reiseroff, of Cambtnl 
Mass., made her way from East to West, working directly for the ComiM 
nists, and organizing in schools and colleges, among her other activilli 
branches of the Young Workers' League of America, a part of the Comn 
organization supported as one of the "legal" portions of the radical pntlfi 
Miss Reiseroff made her way to the Pacific Coast and at Seattle foufl 
Sidney E. Borgeson, who while attending the summer school at the I > 
versity of Washington, was very active as a member of a numbei 
local radical organizations. These two worked together in college i 
and left together for Minneapolis, where Borgeson said he was to ll 
employed as an instructor at the University of Minnesota, and whfl 
Miss Reiseroff was to engage actively in organization work for the YojH 
Workers' League. 

The Communists have not been slow to seize upon the fact that \>\ 
tically no efforts are made, outside of the public school system, *■ 
its more or less lax laws relating to attendance at certain ages, to furnjfl 
children of foreign birth and children of the working class with «4| 
cational facilities. This lack of attention on the part of the AmerfS 
public has given the Communist an excellent opportunity to organize njfl 
schools for the teaching of Communism. Among the documents foil 


man, Mich., were many referring to the work on the education and 
Miming of the youth on Communistic lines. Much of this work 
1 1) I lie Young Workers' League^ which has been organized all over 
mtry in a remarkably short time. 

ngle example of how the Communists work in the schools and col- 
li I suffice to explain many recent activities in such institutions, 
nxty-five Russian men and women applied for admission to the 
illttl Slides from Mexico as students. They said they wished to matricu- 
University of California for study. The United States Govern- 
initted them to enter, believing them anxious to attend the University 
I iilllornia for educational purposes only. As a matter of fact the 
In i were sent by the Russian Soviet Government to Mexico to facilitate 

nice to this country. They were financed by the Communists in 

i nd carried on a well organized Communist propaganda on the 

Hi! I riKist under direction of the Third International of Moscow. They 

nil' m number of converts among the students of the University, according 

II informed visitor to the Coast. They also acted as advisers to 

iHiiMiiizers of the Young Workers' League in Pacific Coast States, 

Tl" 1 You ng Workers* League is an outgrowth of the Young People's 

mini League and the Young People's Socialist League, and was.or- 

l for "legal" propaganda purposes. The re-organization was ef- 

■ImI |>y the Executive Committee of the Workers' party and the instal- 

ijiili ill the various circles was in charge of the National Secretary, 

i.i Carlson, alias E. Connelly, alias Edwards. He is a member of 

I iiniminist party of America, of which the Workers* party is the 

i Ir^aT' political branch. The purpose of the Young Workers' 

tL to educate the members,, the young workers, to understand 

iiion in capitalist society, to show them the stupidity of seeking 

lintli higher, and to map a course of action for their emancipation.'' 

i ilir organizers of the League were such persons as Walter Bronstrup, 

arct Prevy, Mrs. Sadie Amter, Max Kaminsky and D, E. Early, 
[ well known in Communist circles. 

i li headquarters of this League is, at the time of this writing, at 
(HI East Twelfth Street, New York, and the country is divided into 

I I with an organizer in each district. Classes are held in many 
■ for the instruction of the young people. ajfd\thgir eldew along 

ii iii- lines; The 'following is Quoted, as an example, trom a 
Etui ..|' the organization in Roxbury, Mass.: 

"Mrrtings are held every Sunday evening. Classes have been opened 
mica and psychology and are attended* Harry W. L. Dana and 
Antoinette F. Konikow, of No. 52 Chambers Street, Boston, are 
(llit'in at these classes. Leo Golosov, of Dorchester, was formerly in 
Km nl' the organization and he has since been in Russia. Louis Marks, 
lirsler, is now at the head. Recently copies of Youth, a Com- 
biner, were distributed at one of the meetings." 
Till* is only a sample of the work done in many localities in ad- 
the work among the children. The Communists are using the 




schools regularly as places of meeting for older students of Commnnl 
as well as for children of tender years. In the classes such sludl 
as the "A. B, C. of Communism," "Fundamental Principles of Commit m 
"Theses and Resolutions of the Communist International" are read n 
studied. Youth, the publication just mentioned, was the official oi 
of the League until March, 1922, when the Young Worker became 
official organ. 

From a convention call issued by the national secretary of the 
Workers' League, the aim of the organization is given in the foil 
words: {( 0ur aim is to be the abolition of capitalism by means of 
Workers' Itepubliu t a government functioning through the power of l 
proletariat to the exclusion of all other classes, as the first step I. 
the establishment of an international classless society, free from all |i 
ical and economic slavery." International Liebknecht Day was first mil 
brated by the Young Workers' League of America in January, 1922, 
international meetings were held in almost every important city of i 
United States. A joint convention was held in New York in April. 
was announced that all organizations subscribing to the convention call || 
sending delegates, must agree to merge into the Young Workers' Li'ii 
Conventions were also held in Brooklyn in May, and in Chicago in I 
of the same year. 

Bearing in mind that this organization is chiefly interested in educn 
first the young and then their elders in Communistic lines of thought, 
that an effort has been made to lead the public to believe that 
Young Workers' League is not connected with the Communist movoi 
it is interesting to read the following communication, dated Moscow, 
27, 1922, and addressed "to the National Executive Committees of 
Communist pailies," whiuh waa found with uLher documents at British 
Mich., when the Communist party convention was raided: 

"Dear Comrades: In agreement with the Executive Committee of I 
Comintern, the Executive Committee of the Young Communist Internatim 
decided to launch an energetic campaign of the youth for the u 
front of the proletariat. For this purpose it decided to convi 
World Congress of Juvenile Labor* 

"In order to prepare the proletarian youth for our campaign, ll 
of utmost importance that the Communist parties with their press suppj 
us in the most extensive manner. This is especially necessary Li- 
the whole action is closely connected with the united front poli< . 
the Comintern in the next (near?) future. 

"We have already informed the National Executives of our 1- ■ 
in order that the editors of the party organs may support us. With coflfl 
eration to the immense significance of this forthcoming action and its nfl 
on the Social Democrats and Centrists, we ask you, the National Executfl 
Committees, to instruct the editors of your organs to grant su!U< 
space to the publications of the National Leagues as well as to the iiilfl 


urotip of Communist publications in the United States. Soviet Russia, The 
raid, unci The Young Worker, on the right William Z. Poster of Chicago; 
ft, Robert lliner. 


lonal publications. With Communist greetings of the Executive Corn- 
Inn of the Young Communist International." 

fn a circular marked "strictly confidential," sent from Moscow June 

L922, the National Executive Committees of the Communist parties 
ihi' various countries of the world were told that "recent events in the 
-i national labor movement render necessary a revision of our tactics 
iln- problem of 'the proletarian united front and juvenile labor. 1 " It 
lirn stated that the youth must not be made to carry on their fight 

I lie united front alone but that all branches of the Communist party 
||oh country must work together for the united front under the direction 
ilic National Executive Committee of the Communist Party. "The slogan 
In* united front will for a long time," the circular says, "be the underlined 
Miplc of all activities." 

The "recent events in the international labor movement" refers to 

ir-fusal of the Socialist Internationals to surrender to the Commu- 
« in the matter of calling a world labor congress, to insist upon all 
If working with the united front movement for the establishment of 

proletarian government of the world. Because of this opposition the 
Inr was dropped for the time and the Executive Committee of the Young 
nmists League, in Moscow, upon direction from their superiors in 

Soviet Government, shifted the movement to the various national 
imitations instead of trying to make it a solid world movement. 

1 1 is interesting to note the care with which this work in America, 

I Mir case in all other countries, is mapped out in Moscow* One of 
ip ilnruments found at Bridgman contains the proceedings of the Young 

mist International at Moscow, when, under the leadership of Zin- 

iImII. programs for the future were arranged and the work specified for 
• In (inches all over the world. Iir each cuuiiLry the youngsters must 
litnlriicted as to the form of government in that country and given 
Ml* Tor argument against its maintenance. Care must be taken that the 
arid work shall be interesting to the youth. A few paragraphs of 
n proceedings will be illuminating, 

"In view of the fact that almost all of the practical arrangements 

llir Leagues have an educational character (evenings of groups, 
llir™, discussions and entertainment evenings* excursions, etc.) and that 
ill niher departments of work an increase of the educational endeavors 
RwrcMary (training of officials), the systematic improvement of this 
|irrt of activities must be paid great attention to. The organization of 

tVOrlc (elaboration of plans, discussion of the active workers providing 
new force? and material) must in any case be transferred to a special 
■ ■•■inn-lit of the Executive Committee and the branch committees. 

"The performance of the task imposed by the Second Congress— that 
tinning educational work on the problems of the day — is only possible 
dm unlive members of the leagues know the elementary principles of 

Marxian theory- In order to enable the members to acquire this 
, political elementary instruction must be given. All young 




workers entering the Leagues must as far as possible during the first 
of their membership be provided with elementary political knowledg 

Then the work is mapped out in detail, taking them through gi 
much as is done in our public school system, until they are devolo 
full Communists when they are admitted to active membership in the |- 
and assigned to work. A part of this future work is given as "agiUll 
and propaganda" among youth not of Communist families. 

"The patient, persistent and systematic enlightenment of the hi 
masses of juvenile labor on the character of our opponents, along the ti 
tical lines of their daily activities, must become the basis of this agfl 
and propaganda work," reads a portion of the proceedings, "So fin 
the bourgeois youth organizations are concerned, it is the task of the Yd 
Communist Leagues to expose their class character, to fight the Churrli 
carry on a strong, elastic anti-religious propaganda, to lead a nitli 
fight against militarism and to unveil not less ruthlessly pacifism 
political neutrality. They must, furthermore, be able to sharpen the e 
antagonism in these organizations where proletarian and semi-prolelai 
elements are organized." 

In the resolutions adopted by the first national convention oi 
Young Workers' League of America, organized by the Young Commu 
League pursuant to instructions from Moscow, and which was held 
May, 1922, it is distinctly stated that "in the struggle of the working c 
against the capitalist class the laboring youth does not hold any sp« 
position; the class struggle is a conflict between but two classei 
working class and the capitalist class." The resolutions at this convcni 
endorsed Soviet Russia and "demanded" its recognition by the Ilh 
States, approved the stand of the World War Veterans against "the avm 
foe of the working class, the American Legion," and endorsed the fiifl 
of. Soviet Russia and all other Communist branches and efforts. 

The call for this convention was officially endorsed by four brain 
of the Young Women's League, Chicago, Detroit, Boston and New Y< 
A single paragraph from the resolution on education, adopted by the Yoi 
Communist International and approved by the convention in America, t 
the extent of the work of this organization: 

"With the change in the character and intensity of the class struj 
must come about a change in our method of agitation. This field n 
be subdivided .under these two headings: first, education within 
organization; second, propaganda and education among the masses." 

It has been seen that the machinery of the Communists for gain 
converts and trained workers embraces all stages and degrees of 1 
cation from the poor youngster who has to work selling papers, runB 

errands, or in any way, through the night Communist schools, the | 
lie schools, colleges and universities, even to professorial chairs in 
higher institutions. In addition to this, the names of all radicals who 
word or deed, lend encouragement or endorsement to the Communist IQ 
ment, are used in the propaganda work of gaining recruits to the Commtl 

Whenever a college professor, a Government official, a big business 

any individual whose name carries distinction in any line of 

I, rarelessly or with intent expresses an opinion which can be 

lined as favoring, even in a limited sense, the aims of the Communists, 

1 words are seized upon and used for propaganda purposes, especially 

niiilfjivoring to win over young men and women, in college or out, to 

1 munist party. Thus it is that correspondence between the late 

l\ SteinmetZj the electrical genius, and Lenin was broadcasted 

1 I i the English speaking world and was translated into many 

Tor propaganda purposes. It was given out by Lenin, 

inmetz, who had for many years been known as an enthusiastic in- 

li-rliiii) socialist, expressed to Lenin his admiration of the Russian Soviet 

iiHiirut in "the building up of socialism and economic reconstruction" 

I -11 -ring his services "to assist Russia in the technical sphere and 

1 1 uly in the matter of electrification in a practical way and with 

M*'n. M Lenin's reply was a studied attempt to furnish material for 

•mil, writing of "the necessity and the inevitability of supplanting 

l' in by a new social order" and using other hackneyed phrases 

Mllltn to those who study revolutionary literature. Lenin also took 

mlon to refer to the lack of recognition of the Soviet government by 

I Hutted States as a prime difficulty in the path of accepting the Steinmetz 

- ill assistance. 






ii" number of radical publications issued in the United States in- 

lilliiK those published abroad and circulated in this country almost trebled 

1 lliti year 1922. This is due to two facts: the tremendous increase 

llio growth of the Communist party and its "legal" branches 

unnrica, and the fact that a number of radical publications suspended 

llm raids by the authorities in December, 1920, and January, 1921. 

Itur lire known to be at least 227 radical publications printed in foreign 

"■•■■ and seventy-three in English issued in the United States; there 

■ I" others, for many of them are printed secretly and circulated sur- 

|iIJ|IoiihIy, and it is more than probable that some such papers find their 

i "iily into the hands of those whom they are intended to reach. In 

lillMim to these there are 269 papers printed in various languages abroad, 

H>bi<llnf< English, and imported into the United States in large quantities, 

| well as forty-two papers published in Argentine, Canada, Chile, Cuba, 

li i». Porto Rico and Uruguay, which are brought in increasingly large 

1 n to this country to aid in the drive of radical propaganda. This 

m tulnl of 611 periodicals known to be circulated among the people 

f llm United States, directly or indirectly aimed at the overthrow of this 


bi addition to the daily papers, weekly magazines and monthly reviews, 

-I in the above list, hooks are published and circulated for children 

i ■ IhIIh, all of them very cleverly presenting propaganda for the purpose 

Infilling Communism in the minds of the readers. Most of these books 

I ID [Mired in Russia and many of them are printed abroad, being brought 

| United States by smugglers. Picture post cards, some of them of 

I irliHtic merit, are also secretly brought to this country and efforts 

Bnimtuntly being made to give them wide distribution; but as these 

- |r«lfl are unmailable, under the laws of the country, they are usually 

id. No attempt is made, however, to distribute the books except 

ion li.iiid to hand, and through the underground organizations of the 

-niir party. The subtlety and excellence of these books are worthy 

ni'iidation but for the message they bear — that the Government of 

1'itiii'd States must be overthrown and the dictatorship of the prole- 

|| nutnblished. Several difFerent volumes of fables, imitating the Aesop 

C pecially designed for little folks, are widely read by Communist 

!m.i nnd the children of radicals of other stripes. 

M.Miv of the Communist books, also, may be obtained at public book 




stores. Care is taken in the preparation of these books — this refers boIi 
to the reading matter for mature people — to male them accord wilh U 
laws of the United States so that the propaganda may be more wi<ln| 
distributed. These volumes are largely philosophical and bearing nu || 
dustrial conditions. But the single moral pointed, the single lesson conveyt»( 
is that all capitalistic governments must be overthrown by violent 
Soviet governments, patterned after and under the direction of the ccnli |] 
Soviet government at Moscow, established. 

At first the Communist, anarchist and other radical papers publ. i> 
in this country were crude affairs, frequently printed on coarse, bmui, 
paper, and typographically barbarous. But today these papers are exortli. 
lently printed, many of them on better print paper than is used by imi 
metropolitan newspapers, and the make-up and typography of a nuliiil 
that would please the most exacting Journalist, Colors are freqimiilll 
used— though this applies exclusively, perhaps, to magazines and pfliw 
phlets. And whereas the reading matter in the early publications 
crudely put together, usually nothing but the most blatant excoriation fl 
government and praise of the Soviet regime, and almost invariably showtii 
ignorance of composition and of English, the present publication 
excellently written in blameless diction, and present their propaganda || 
far more insidious and interesting style. In fact, some of their newspapti 
and magazines are fascinating in their cleverness. The chief propap 
articles are logically constructed (on false premises, to he sure) ami ill) 

best American in the world would have to be on his guard to keep fi 

falling into agreement with the writer. These publications are wcl 
lustrated with cartoons and photographic reproductions and have v 
departments, even columnists and jokes, all carefully built to fi 
Communist propaganda. 

One excellent series of pamphlets is entitled "Children's Storir i 
Soviet Russia" and is issued by "Friends of Soviet Russia Famine 
Clubs of America." This is patently an effort to make use of the ]>ojl 
and girls* scout organizations and the pamphlet is purely a Comrmml | 
organ for the dissemination of Communist propaganda through the CqjJ 
munist "legal" branch known as Friends of Soviet Russia. It is profn 1 1 
illustrated, with covers in colors, and contains a number of stories aljfl 
and for children. The blow at capitalism is struck at the outset i 
following paragraph, as a preface to the stories: 

"The rich capitalists all over the world tried to crush the govermtM 
of the Russian workers and farmers. They blockaded Russia, T^fl 
crippled her factories and destroyed her farming machinery and mtm 
Russia fight for her life at a time when she was beginning to mak< llfj 
happy and free for all workers and their children. Then came drmjB 
starvation and death for millions." 

Radical periodicals are published from Boston to Los Angeles, ffl 
Seattle to Florida, The place of publication of the most radical is unknowflB 
they simply appear. They are printed in many languages including 


ilifn Ijiglish: Russian, Italian, Jewish, Ukrainian, Armenian, Bulgarian, 

I' I'nuitian, Esthonian, Finnish, German, Greek, Hungarian, Lithuanian, 

lUli Slovak, Spanish, Roumanian, Danish, Lettish, Slovenic and French. 

Many of the papers, such as The Communist, the official organ of 

1 nm munist party in America, are printed in various language editions. 

Pilitors of the different editions attend a regular round table at which 

illlm in-chief dictates the general policy to be followed in each article. 

(Mil icy is discussed by the polyglot circle and the translations are 

li I" conform, not in words, but in sentiment, to the policy dictated. 

nine is true of the books, pamphlets, circulars, posters and magazines, 

1 appear in many languages, directed to bringing about the one 

unit* result. This part of the Communist party work is thoroughly 

id and is progressing without a hitch. These publications are prac- 

tilj the reading matter the foreigner in the United States gets. They 

■ if fully prepared to keep his mind alien to the interests of the United 

1 rind are devoted to inspiring and maintaining interest in the "class 

MKK' r '" which is preached to him continuously from the time of his 

Ivnl in America. His only companions, frequently his only associates, 

ins language, and here is a newspaper, a weekly and a monthly 

i nc, and even books in his native tongue. There is little in reading 

illi'i I hat falls into his hands to urge him to become American because 

tiling lie wants in the way of reading matter is furnished him in his 

linage. And therein lies the seriousness of the foreign press situation 

lid* United States. With few exceptions the reading matter that comes 

hi* luind in his own language preaches either openly or by innuendo 

essity" for the violent overthrow of the United States Government. 

I hi 1 radical press was largely concerned with the strikes of 1922, lo be supposed. The radical and labor press was interested in the 

ilml iif unrest as an example of the larger, broader fight between capital 

i i I -i of which the strikes were regarded as but preliminary, although 

port ant, battles. Characteristic is the sentiment expressed: "Capital 

■ i in!': Labor is on the defensive." Not in part alone the fault of 

in una and operators, according to this press, but the coal and rail 

ivne entirely so — an unprovoked assault upon the living rights of 

Iters, Hence, also, the almost universal plea for the united front, 

Kttiei al strike, as the only hope against the unity of purpose and power 

il * niy, the ultimate end, of course, being "the complete abolition of 

li ih in." Certain of the editorials in recent numbers of the Communist 

i radical press on the strike situation are very bitter, "If they do 

i In nit u al words urge measures of direct action, words are scarcely 

hIihI in llie light of the inflammatory picture painted. To assert, as one 

Itn in dues, that "the bourgeoisie stands in a fighting line — ready to shoot 

i pVwn like dogs", and then add that "To give in means — Death! To 

||l means- — Life! Struggle!" does not require more in the way of 

.i in forcible resistance. 

Iosco w is the headquarters of the entire Communistic movement, 




all important orders affecting Communism throughout the entire 
come from that city. Berlin is one of the chief, if not the chief sulmNJ 
nate headquarters, for it is in the latter city, that the governing hody of || 
parties in Western Europe and America sits and directs the work d 
those two important sections of the world. The propaganda work iii 
United States has its headquarters in Berlin, always, of course, undoi 
supreme authorities in Moscow. Early in the summer of 1922, Jay I 
stone, secretary of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist I" 
of America, brought from Berlin $35,000 for propaganda work in i 
country. Later, A, A. Heller 1 of New York, representative of the Supn 
Soviet of People's Economy in the United States, received $48,001) f 
Berlin for the same purpose. This latest consignment of gold vtt& 
work in connection with the drive of the Friends of Soviet Russia foi 
ditional funds, the major portion of which goes into Soviet coffoi 

Bearing in mind that the United States, then, is fed with Comiini 
propaganda from Berlin, it is interesting to know that this propazin 
is prepared at the Berlin headquarters in English, printed on sh< 
one side only and thus distributed so that the English radical paper* 
reprint it simply by using shears and paste in its preparation. This nuili i 
is also furnished the foreign language press here in whatever languid 
desired, and in the same way. The Berlin organization is no secret uliroi 
for the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung published an excellent chart ol 
ramifications of the organization with the following interesting artirli 

"The chart shows the organization of the Bolshevik propaganda 
spread throughout Europe. Its management is being conducted by the pro 
ganda bureau, wjrich is a division of the All-Russian Central Exccitl 
Committee, having as its object the propaganda within the count i 
the army and abroad. The latter is divided into two sections: the K;ml 
and the Western. The Eastern section consists of eight groups, ill 
of China and Korea, Japan, India, Afghanistan, Turkey, Persia, CiiUi 
sus and the Nomadic nations. The Western section embraces, out I 
of the European countries, the United States of America. The propngfi 
bureau is headed by the propaganda committee, the members of which 
Zinoviev, Radek, Chicherin, Lunacharsky, Krassin, Litvinov and ot 
The committee is again divided into an Official Section, containing 
diplomatic and commercial delegations abroad, the press bureau, the 
agency 'Rosta' and a number of wireless stations as well as the secret 

1 Mr. Heller was Commercial Attache In Ludwig Marten's "Russian Soviet Emu 
prior to Marten's departure from this country under pressure. "Who's Who in 
York, ' edition of 1918, states: Heller, Abraham Aaron, Oen'l Mgr. Internat. Ol 
Co.; o. Minsk, Russia. October 1874; s. Lazarus and Sarah (Chautin) Hellerj 
Public sens, Moscow, Russia and New York; m. Edith Spectorsky, Dec, 1902, 
City. Children, Anna, kyndal, Mireille, Organized in 1893 firm of I* Heller A 
(importers of precious stones) and In 190& opened European office at Paris, 
Formed Internat. Oxygen Co., in 1910 and is now treasurer and Gen'l Mgr. of 
Mem. Executive Board Compressed Gas Mfrs. Ass'n, Dir. Rand Sehool of 
Science. Recreations, farming, golf. Clubs, Twilight, Inwood Country. Reuldi 
9 W. 68th St-, and Bernards ville, N. J. Address 115 Broadway, N. Y. City, 
International Oxygen Co. received large contracts during" the War to supply 
Army and especially the Navy with oyygen and other chemicals. 


s ™ 



\ mid B, conducting a special information and communications service 

the management of a member of the Extraordinary Commission, the 

I i, 'Hie official section is conducted by Litvinov in RevaL Here are 

tin printing offices, the information bureaus, and warehouses for goods 

' ill be required, should rapprochement with other countries be per- 

■ .. i 

Litvinov also has charge of the Central offices in Helsingfors, Riga, 

I Vague, Vienna, Rome, Stockholm, Copenhagen, London and Berlin. 

ItiiHflian money for the feeding of the chest of the Russian missions 

i ; forwarded by Litvinov either directly to those offices or to Berlin 

i II further transmission. It also is being used for the support of the 
I MIMiMiitiist groups, mainly those in Vienna, Prague and Berlin. 

"Berlin is ranking first among the Bolshevik central offices. It is 

with Soviet agents. Its head is Wigdor Kopp, with his secretary, 

link. The main offices are located in the Massenstrasse, Nr. 9. With 
lliii lliore are connected further separate bureaus constituting together 

mums administrative apparatus. The Berlin office is supporting the 

Rote Fakne, and is conducting the Red press bureau in the Muenz- 

1 L issuing reports which are being scattered in enormous quantities 

It Europe and the United States. The office is directed by the German 

■ mist, Anna Geier. The Berlin central office disposes of vast funds. 

Hi* obliged to maintain, however, an army of agents, informers, couriers, 

'■■I ■ newspapers, etc. Kopp also is subsidizing a shipping company; 

I name is Kopelevich. He places great confidence in the organiza- 

■ Trace and Work,' which is managed by Prof. Stankevich and the 

tint Golubsov, endeavoring to reconcile the Russian emigres with the 

|hi |i i Government. 

" Tlin secret sections are working by means of strikes, sabotage, provo- 

rmd economic crises. Their Central Office is administered from 

Mt'i>w and is under the direction of Zinoviev, Dzierzinsky, Kamenev, 

|l*ky and others. Every foreign country has there its representative. 

Muif' them there is the Englishman. MacLean, who was arrested recently 

i land during the demonstrations of the unemployed. The main and 

■ I i it 's are indicated on the chart. Seven of them are connecting Mos- 

ilh the centres of Europe. [The United States comes directly under 
"Tho second place after Berlin is Prague. It is the connecting main 
i Moscow and Paris. The office in Milan is directing the Italian, the 
ilka mid the Yugoslav Districts. Offices of similar importance are situ- 
• I In Home, Zagreb, Belgrade, Sofia, Adrianople and Constantinople, all 
hlili are directed from Adrianople, Roumania is under special direc- 
ul Rukovsky in Kiev. The well -organized Western sections of Zurich 
I Minion under the management of Rubalsky are worthy of mention, 
^A is a subdivision of the Paris seclfon and 3s receiving special atten- 
i-in Moscow. Toulouse is connected with Spain, while Belgium and 
M. M. I are connected with Paris. 

enormous organization could not be changed or overthrown in 




a night. Changes of individuals might lake place but they could noi || 
turb the entire structure. The organization of the Bolshevik props 
as outlined here is working for the only great goal for which it hn 
created, which is Universal Revolution." 

While the Berlin organization, with the multitude of tentacles 
lined above, serves to direct the attitude of the papers of the United 
and various other countries as well, along lines for the general CommU 
movement, editors of the radical newspapers are permitted great frefli 
m handling their local situations and problems. Every strike, every n 
ical disturbance, every racial clash is seized upon to promote the caul 
radicalism and to serve as an agency for an attack upon the "capital! 
state and form of society. On these lines the radical press in the (Jim 
States leads the world, for the Communists abroad have passed the I 
of development where they have to be continuously aroused, The i 
eigner in the United States, dependent in large measure for his infom 
and almost entirely for his reading matter upon the radical press. 
to have his mind concentrated on his "wrongs" in order to keep him til || 
proper pitch of rebellious feeling. 

Therefore, the radical press pursues its tireless course with steadily 
creasing skill in fastening upon those issues in the industrial and polill 
life of the United States which lend themselves, often neatly enough 
the cause of radicalism. The characteristic feature about this attitudi 
blame, contemptuous or ironic, as the case may he, is that never 1 ■ 
chance is a fair or good word, even an extenuating word, said for the 
mg state of things. Never, by any chance, is an effort made, never 
a suggestion, to improve conditions that exist; the sole aim and obi 
utterly to destroy the present social system before considering the ». 
that will have to be made in effecting the establishment of the Dictator 
of the Proletariat in America. Everything that is, is wrong, they say] 
is black, and there is no relief or betterment in sight because relief 
betterment are not to be looked for in a cesspool of iniquity. Read 
press day after day and its influence will not be denied. A blatant o 
vinisrn might be proof against it. An intelligent appreciation of it, pro ( 
con, is not to be found belittling it. How a full sympathy with it miml 
nourished and strengthened, it is disconcerting to think. 

The proletariat of the United States, the Communists and other ra 
leaders believe, has passed the stage where wild excitement is necess 
waken workers to appreciation of what they must do. Accordingly a ( 
appears in their press. In 1920 the efforts of press and agitators 
devoted to exciting the workers to radicalism in thought and deed, 
most inflammatory appeals were printed and broadcasted by every means 
could be found in which the law could be evaded. But today the p 
gamda is far more insidious. The minds of the workers have been 
with the necessity of overthrowing the Government by violence and 
they are being trained to the work which is regarded solely as prelim 
to the great "mass action". That is why the united front is being pre 
and stressed on every occasion. The Freiheit, the daily organ of the J 


' i if lor. of the Workers' Party, the "legal" political branch of the Com- 

I>"'y °* America, in discussing strikes editorially, said in the 

| i of 1922: 

*The "right to work* has no meaning to them [the employers] when 
look out the workers, reorganize the factories, have the work done 

I Idi (in order to deprive their own workers of work) and demand for 

[vw the right to discharge employees. The worker is to them of 

• t value than a machine, 

I machine is not thrown out when there is not enough work to keep 

The worker, however, who creates all the wealth for his employer 

li I ho sweat of his brow is thrown out in the street when there is not 

work to keep him busy. 

'\W are not discussing this with the railroad companies or other era- 

We do not want to preach morals to them. We only want that 

kcrs themselves conceive fully the 'sacred right to work.' 

"Tlic present crisis will not last forever, and not always will the pres- 
ilors have the upper hand. The time will come when the workers 

II rnnlize their power and will remind themselves of 'the right to work 5 . 
"The workers will acquire the right to work with the abolishment of 
I liln of the employers over the industries and with the substitution of 

I dlthilinship of the masters with that of the workers*" 

A" mi example of the radical press' efforts to keep the spirit of the 
iiltnx up to fighting pitch, a couple of paragraphs from a recent number 
Vj Elore, a Hungarian daily Communist paper of New York, will suffice, 

* btipor, in an editorial printed in September, 1922, shows the character- 
hope that out of the railroad and coal strikes, or any other similar 

ii. may grow the means to the great end, the triumph of Communism 

il'h the general strike. In part this editoral says: 

be new factor of the American labor movement is the spiritual 

ml w liifli fills with revolutionary solidarity the awakening masses. Soon 

Will appear, in every fight of the workers, that feeling of revolu- 

nolidarity which gives the masses participating in the fight a strong 

ill, which makes them feel that they no longer fight only for temporary 

■ i is, not only to preserve the attained results, but that they enter the 

t On ;< wider basis, affecting the whole working class. The revolutionary 

lloiw Id the foreground. 

1 i Communist self-consciousness of the workers has become a power- 

poii against capitalism which is already shocked by this strength, 

Hjilifili ihe workers have not even used yet the weapon that has become 
1 in il (us steel} by solidarity. What is this weapon? 
■•Tim (bought of a GENERAL STRIKE is this weapon which has be- 

lifest among broad ranks in spite of all the soothing efforts of the 

It- 1 ii pashas. The workers want to employ this weapon, they demand 

-I Ijm employed. . . The mass has issued the password that the terror 

, ■.,,-niment must be answered by a general strike." 
'I In- masses grow more and more in favor of the revolutionary fight 
imIi this they voluntarily accept Communist leadership. In trade 



il,tw s the f T Uben T **«" ? h ; ead y that the bourgeoisie do not repress. ,|„. 

C deyern 3S o? g f h ^? ™ ol f °»«y n nger _ post towards vie,.., 
other Sfi^SuLii ^iffridv^. ' the r hm < C °— hl ' 

more o^thJJ^hS^i^ST* r^"" ** 3 ^^ dove" ii 

i—to'ScSX^Szr^T t! T soIidarity and their cl ™M 

their oon S titu i nal righ ~ y S'do'lr r^ ,hem and ^ eak "' 

letaria. a certain amoC 5 letSo^ *" G ° Ve ™ alW the W 

of the upward of a hundred SoSXfn^pe™ nof f ^ "," 
weeklies, month ies, pamphlets and hnnlr. ew lPf p , ere \ ? ot to mention l||| 

defiance to the estabLhe'd 0" g ° ^ rnmLt fr^T^f f,^^' , 

urging the workers to take the win, £ rt ™ . , mted Stal( "" "' ' 

Russia, and establish £ longed^ S^T "' ™ ™ ^ 

ltl evftrv fr-tiv i« +U~ .... .1 . r' 

servative" press. Unfortunatelv tUT ■ t ' 1S Called tlu " 

papers to he fair and permit S J3 T ° f m ° St metro P°litar, 

Hon with pntaUe ^Zt^^^CS^ ' 

appeal to the so-called "intellectuals" who ^i?K Communlst PWpagaml 
serious, for the policy of th os nubl^o,* " ""f.PfP"*- This » nol 
They are classed as revolutionary an ™T ^'"l 7 BVident to '»'" 
** ** are engaged, pertly ^^^££1^ 


Mir * y *-l;& %f^m 



This cartoon, illustrating the anti- Christ! an character of the revnluttl 
movement in the United States, was first published in Max Eastmans ,£331 
Masses suppressed during the war and revived in the pSe Z.^ i 

SiS.S.«v-? iatal1 ^r 1 ?' Art Yo ™ ancl ™ optioned?" 'Hating their 'l 
SffffETS^fccS repr ° dUCed in the now *<*»«* socially and pro-BoVhev k I 


Jul tuiiists. But when a publication like the official Journal of the Amer- 

I [linkers' Association falls into a trap laid for it, one must express 

i i it. If any organization in the country should be conservative it 

I Mint i)!' the bankers*. And when a number of the official organ of that 

1 /ill ion came from the press with an article by Ivan Narodny (alias 

Hni'llri, alias Ivan Ivanovitch, alias Jaan Siboul, alias Jaan Talue) a sus- 

• iliiring the war, there was reason for surprise. The article, to be sure, 

in nsiensible attack on the Soviet government in Russia, but it was 

iIhiiIi il for ulterior purposes after a considerable discussion and carefully 

i i >l in by the Communists here, who had a quiet laugh at the ease 

till which they effected an entrance to the bourgeois press. Narodny has 

mhI lime for counterfeiting, has long been and admits that he is an 

ii||u> revolutionist, working from Russia, and has had a career of crime 

I iiiln of which would fill a book. 

All the radical press of the United States are considered official organs 

■ I In Communist party, for all the official orders from Moscow are given 

h li publication in order that the instructions may reach all members 

' 'In party. As an example of this there appeared a proclamation 

l liy the Executive Committee of the Communist International, 

fl •«■ • » I ni Moscow July 22, 1922, calling upon "The Workingmen and Work- 

iir.i-"inrn of All Countries" to keep up the fight for help for Russia. Re- 

■ to the demands of the sane countries of the world that private 

i, he respected by the Soviet government before the question of 

b'lif'iiiliim will be considered, this proclamation says: 

regards the factories and mines . . . Soviet Russia faas 

M I "hat she will never and on no account return them, . . . The Rus- 

il-in iHolriariat will not return them, because otherwise the rivers of blood 

t'linh it has saved the revolution will have been spilled in vain. The 

1 . revolution which gave the factories and the estates into the hands 

lit** Nubian leaders, was the first step made by the international prole- 

|i i Inwards liberation from the capitalistic yoke. No backward step will 

rn, cost what it may." 

Ilii- Communist and other radical papers not only have their own car- 

i "f whom Art Young is the most prolific and most effective, and 

mil paragraphers, whose ability cannot be questioned, but they have 

lilt moi press service in the Federated Press. This is in part a co- 

niiw association of labor and radical papers. Its aim has been to collect 

1 1 1 tribute all news pertaining to the labor and radical movements. It 

i .-led to get the sanction of the conservative labor organizations, but 

In ilism was too well known and in this the effort failed. The Com- 

i parly of America considers the Federated Press its own press ser- 

niization, and it is certain that several of the officials of the press 

■ • . nre active members of the Communist party. Upwards of two hun- 

1 ip'-is in the United States are affiliated with the Federated Press. 

I T Lochner is European director and acting business manager, and 

office in Berlin, where he is in close touch with the International 

aula Bureau of the Communist International, 



In order to facilitate the collection of funds for the Federated Vt 
and through it the dissemination of radical propaganda, a Federated I'm 
League was organized in Chicago on February 4, 1922. By this Lt I 
membership in the Federated Press is stimulated, funds are colle 
frequently from parlor Bolshevik cireles and wealthy people who belj 
they are giving to aid the Mown -trodden' to express themselves and n 
themselves heard by the rest of humanity. A number of chain papn 
been established from Boston to Los Angeles, and agents of the Lei 
who are really working for the cause of the Communist party of Ai 
are active in every city in the country. The officials of the League, 
at the Chicago meeting were: Robert Morss Lovett, president; Mrs. I 
C« Lillie, vice-president; George B. Hooker, vice-president; E, C. \V< 
worth, treasurer; and Clark H. Getts, secretary. 

It is evident that the Communist element is gaining control enl i 
this news-gathering organization. Besides the Berlin office, an ofli 
been established in Moscow and the Communist International us< 
office for the purpose of sending out manifestos and strong 
ganda ? to be published in this country. According to Robert M. ilin4| 
chairman of the Executive Board, who is connected with the New Mo 
a radical publication in Chicago, the central figures in the Federated I'tt 
are Jack Carney, editor of the radical Voice of Labor; Arul Swabeck, t\ I •■ 
and Editor of Nytio who controlled ten votes at the Chicago mr< 
Editor Feinburg, of Solidarity; William Z. Foster, head of the Trade 1 till 
Educational League and a delegate to the illegal convention of the < hf| 
munist party of America at Bridgman, Mich: Carl Haessler. the mil - ,■ 
professor who spent two years in the penitentiary; Mabel Sear 
Milwaukee; Clark H. Getts, who has served a jail term: Carroll I' 
a college man; Louis P. Lochncr, the European representative, and 
McCreery, the woman agitator who was active in the establishmenl • 
chain papers throughout the country 1 . 

E. J. Costello was manager of the Federated Press until, beca i 
a wrangle in the board, he was dismissed and Carl Haessler took hh 
William Z. Foster, who among his numerous radical activities is a in i 
of the board of trustees of the Garland Foundation, expected to turn 
$100,000 of the Foundation to the Federated Press, and told a numbci | 
people that he was going to do so, but the row in the management <■! l ! 
organization upset these plans. Among the people to whom Foster mu 
this statement were Mrs, Kate Crane Gartz, the Pasadena society purll 
Bolshevik, and Charlie Chaplin, the motion picture comedian. I 
also told them that the Garland Foundation could be depended upon whfl 
ever anyone got into trouble because of radical political op in nun 

1 For the year 1923, Carl Haessler was managing editor, and Tom Tippett, to 
manager. C- A, Moseley, editor. The Executive Board "was composed of: 1 
Tt. Downie, chairman. "Labor News," OaJesh-nr^, 111-: Joseph Schlossberjr. vica 
man, "Advance", New York; E. B. Ault, "Union Kecord", Seattle; R. TJ. Ci 
"IjB.hnr "Rp.vIrw" j "Minnpa'priltH; "MCatfi Tenhnnen. "Tmmipa", ffiipnrinr, Wlfl-J 1 
Z. Foster, "Labor Herald", Chicago; Arne Swabeck, 'Nv Tid", Chicago; J. A. 
ray, "Midwest Labor News", Omaha; Albert F. Coyle, "Brotherhood of Loec 
Engineers' Journal", Cleveland. 



I of the organizers of the Communist party and its "legal" political 
muIi. | lie Workers' party, among them William Thurston Brown, of San 
n, were promised regular monthly salaries hy Foster to be paid 
• >tn the Garland Foundation. 

A detailed account of how thoroughly the work of organization and 

illy df collecting money for the furtherance of the aim of the Com- 

I | kmI y is done will prove interesting as well as illuminating. Bruce 

n Iriiding Communist of Seattle, went secretly to Los Angeles, ar- 

llirre on the night of March 24, 1922, to raise money for the Feder- 

■ i I'i'rhh League and at the same time to spread Communist propaganda. 

1 i I wo objects were specified in his instructions for the trip, A seurel 

m. i. mihv was held March 26 at which Rogers met William Thurston 

I lla Reeve Bloor, who was a delegate to the illegal convention at 

ii, and Alfred Bush. Rogers explained the purpose of his trip and 

i nil that small groups of "thoroughly grounded Communists" who 

n • minis of craft unions travel from place to place and join the local 

ilming their short sojourns in industrial centers for the purpose of 

llie radical factions and starting Communist nuclei within the craft 

He said that a group of printers and stereotypers had come to 

i from Detroit and worked along those lines. 

riioae present at this conference endorsed the Roger plan as he out- 
m. ,1 .1 and decided to get in touch with San Francisco, Portland, Seattle, 
||| Luke City and Chicago for the purpose of inviting such groups of 

, foot-loose craft union men to go to Los Angele3 and strengthen 

i 1 1 radical movement. 

II tigers went to the Labor Temple in Los Angeles, but he later told 

l that he had anything but a cordial reception there. He said the 

u d Press had been laboring under a misapprehension when thinking 

. il .i news represents the viewpoint of the average American-born worker, 

|l Im said, is as yet wrapped up in the capitalistic ideology. He made a 

i ip to San Diego but returned in time to speak at a meeting of the 

I m i. .Mini of the Socialist party. He was introduced as the representative 

fill*- Federated Press service and spoke on "The Origin of Newspapers 

n< Press Service," He afterwards told friends that he was very well 

i .1 with the way his Communist propaganda was received. His head- 

i . in Los Angeles were at the Van Winkle Hotel, No. 349 South 

hect, kept by an Irish woman, an old-timer in the radical movement, 

i i sheltered many Communists in her hostelry. 

i in ihc evening of April 6 a secret meeting was held at the home of a 

ml Mrs. Kashub, at which were present Ella Reeve Bloor, Arthur 

i u Miss Moran, well known among the public school teachers because 

I.. . rndicalism, Rogers, a Mrs. Mellentine, who is a member of the Sever- 

, Club of Los Angeles, and five others. There were no introductions 

meeting was shrouded in strictest secrecy. At this meeting further 

I | ( ,i the work of the Communist party were agreed upon, especially 

llu.'crs* work on the Pacific Coast. Rogers was scheduled to speak 
| lit, Modern School on the night of April 17, but cancelled the lecture be- 



cause of the small attendance, for which he blamed lack of adverlmin, 
Mrs Bloor was speaking the same night at a widely advertised m« ■ 
at the bnelley Club under the auspices of the Young People's Forum II 
led to an arrangement with Emanuel Levin to establish a clearing-hol 
tor radical speakers so there would not again come about a conflict of <l,i. 

Kogera worked his way into parlor bolshevik circles, using his co 

tion with the Federated Press as an opening wedge. He was after b| 
game, planning to raise enough money from wealthy radicals in PasadeJ 
Hollywood and Los Angeles to establish a chain of papers in the! South m 
A \: . co ^™ led h y the ^derated Press. He was the guest of the Wrilru 
Uud m Hollywood, where he said he met a number of men with radii -,il 
iS? 8 ,-. ° su PP° rt the ^derated Press. Mrs. Martha Kashub, Mrs. Gayloi 
Wilshire and Countess Korzybska (Lady Edgerly) gave him valn.ilJ. 
leads. On the night of April 12, he spoke at the Shelley Club abour tflj 
necessity of building up a radical press service in the United States. Mill I 
ot his lecture was taken from Upton Sinclair's "Brass Check." 

|To some of his closest friends he told the real object of his trip J 
Los Angeles. He told them that the Federated Press, which was the ',,1, 
radical press service in the country, could not exist on the support il n 
ceived trom labor organizations for two reasons: first it did not represfid 
the viewpoint of the great mass of organized labor, being far too advanoJ 
revolutionary for the conservative American-born working man; mu\ 
second, that no enterprise was ever financed by "passing the hat" explain 

ing that he meant that the small contributions of organized labor were 

sufficient to keep the Federated Press going. 

Consequently, he said, the Federated Press representatives from Boali* 
to the Pacific Coast had been instructed to go after the wealthy liberal 
and get as many life members for the Federated Press League at $H).ii. 
each as possible. "Do not offend the liberals and do anything to n\m ■ 
the parlor reds, he said, is to be the watchword of the Federated Prati 
Ihe interesting feature of this is that Rogers and many other representath 
of the Federated Press are Communists and their propaganda and motim 
raising activities pave the way for later penetration on the part of l!|< 
Communist party whose open emissaries follow the leads and use ill. 
sucker lists*' they get from men like Rogers. 

Rogers was greatly pleased with the result of his visit to San T)i. 

although it was brief. He reported that all the labor unions in San Dm 
had voted to support the Federated Press, and although in nearly evnr] 
instance there was a motion to divide the money with Soviet Russia Cnl 

famine relief the trip proved a financial success. He said that sup, 

T *i! ^l 11 **™ radicals was also forthcoming in a generous mam,. , 
and that Che Templet on Johnsons, a very wealthy family of San Diego wri 
the only ones who had refused him when he had asked them for a SlOOU 
donation, although formerly they had been among the chief supporter 
the 1 federated Press. He mentioned as one who had given "very liberally 1 
Lyman J. Gage, formerly president of the First National Bank of ChiciMi 
and Secretary of the Treasury under President McKinley and Presidnnl 



■ II, Of course Mr. Gage, who was then very old and had for years 
. |i ii resident at Katherinc Tingley*s Theosophical Society colony on 

■ Jul Ijoma, had no idea that his money was to be used to further the plans 

i nspiracy directed at the overthrow by violence of the Government 

|||l h lin had once served. It simply shows the ease with which the Com- 

i'. finance their work. 

In addition to these wealthy people from whom he secured money, 

n also told of finding a thriving colony of parlor Bolsheviki in San 

who pledged their aid to the cause. In this connection he spoke 

I it uortain Dr. Stone and a Dr. Ritter as among his "prospects," Rogers' 

Mil hi San Diego was not casual; he was ordered by the Central Executive 

1 tee of the Communist party of America to go to that city during the 

■ hi ion there of the Congress of Social Workers and to spread propa- 
• i In among the many radicals and semi-radicals in attendance. 

Robert Morss Lovett, then president of the Federated Press League, wrote 

i i while he was in Los Angeles, urging him to canvass the movie colony 

) Hollywood, giving him the names of prominent actors who "helped us 

1 i I- and will do it again." Lovett has since denied having written this 

liiiii, but his name is signed to it and affidavits are in the posession of 

I ••'in authorities testifying to the facts as here stated. This letter, written 

I Chicago under date of April 29, reads: 

"Dear Bruce; Mr + Getts and I just returned from Milwaukee and 
luul your letter of the 15th in which you inclosed $500. A former letter 
fllm received while we were away inclosed $700, making a total of $1200 
Ml mill the office this month. 

"Mr, Getts will answer your letters himself, but I wanted to take up 

ili vi mi the matter of canvassing the Movie Colony at Hollywood. First 

I WMhl 1o tell you that I have personally written to about fifteen big pro- 

fllllri'iH and prominent actors at Hollywood, including Wm. C. De Mills, 

tlln n llollabar, Von Stroheim, Percival T. Gerson, Will Rogers, Charles 

Knv mid Charlie Chaplin. These men are with us. They helped us before 

■■"I will do it again. Present the situation strong and don't let them get 

II « imy, for we need the money and need it badly. Work through the 

ranee Club and it will be easy for you. 

"I may join you in San Francisco next month, for we must put it over, 

■ "■l put it over by August or we will be out of the office. 

"Good luck to you, Bruce. Please work hard. Your commission 
iltmilil he in Los Angeles by the 4th of May. 

"Warmly yours, 

"(Signed) Robert Morss Lovett." 

After raising many thousands of dollars from the wealthy supporters 

I imlicalism in Los Angeles, Rogers went to Pasadena where there is a 

litij'r rump of parlor Bolsheviki, On Sunday, June II, Rogers met at the 

llimie of a Mrs. Ellsworth, in the fashionable Oak Knoll District* a number 

i ■ ■-■nlihy radicals, including Mrs. Kate Crane Gartz, Mrs. Gaylord Wil- 

•liln\ Mrs. Van Toll> Prince Hopkins and others. He addressed them on 

i i. .11 of the Federated Press, saying frankly that it was the only avenue 



through which the Communists, the Workers' party and the Trade 1 nil 
Educational League could reach the working class and all those intei 
in the working class struggle. He said that the Federated Press was in dirt 
need of funds and that he had been instructed to raise $25,000 in uj 
around Los Angeles. After his address he talked privately with moBl nl 
those present. 

Rogers left Los Angeles for San Francisco June 15. The radical land 
lady at whose hotel he lived said that Rogers did more for the radical cautl 
during his two months in Los Angeles than had ever been done before. Sf| 
said that he, under the pretense of raising money for the Federated Pn 

had collected more than $20,000 for the Communists. Part of the m< 

he said, will be turned over to the Federated Press but it will be spenl fa\ 
the same purpose, for Rogers told her, she said, the Federated Presi . 
gradually growing into the one news gathering agency which is firmly con 
trolled by the Communists. Rogers collected money from the Liborflll 
saying that the Federated Press was nothing moTe than an independent pri 

service interested solely in getting the truth before the people; and fi 

the labor unions saying that it was about to become the official org;m oj 
the American Federation of Labor. The latter statement, however, drntf 
forth a rebuke from Francis Drake, editor of the local American Federation 
of Labor organ, who said that the Federated Press was spreading Comrmml | 
propaganda colored in the interests of disruptionists like William Z. Fi 
Alexander Howatt, and Curley Grow. 

1 1 



"legal" organizations 

When the Communist party of America was officially declared to be 

Ull il organization in the United States, its avowed object being the 

iiliiow by violence of the established government of this country 

I I lin inauguration of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat here, 

Immediately burrowed underground — and continued to function 

li fni'ti greater activity. But in order to carry on the propaganda for 

(P nl form of government in the United States, as it was under orders 

in Moscow to do, it became necessary to find some way of "legal expres- 

n M in order to reach the people of whom it hoped to make converts. 

" M (LB no need to waste time, money and energy in spreading Communist 

, inda among Communists, but it was highly important that some 

" be found quickly to reach the hated bourgeoisie, to show them the 

"i" <>f Communism and to raise them to the high radical estate of 


1 1 was also necessary to have organizations to secure funds from the 

nooisie to be expended in fighting the battle of the united front, for 

tCtioD against the present order of church, home and state. For it 

POOM from the outset, as established by the Russian Reds, the method of 

c mtinists to extract money from the rich to finance their overthrow. 

im matter was the subject of much deliberation among the members of 

huh i circle of the Communist party underground, and experts were 

nl 1 1 inn Moscow to aid in the solution of this important problem. Finally, 

hi'' uric found and today there are four chief organizations, classed as 

1 1," by which the fight against the United States Government may be 

II i IihI out and financed. There are also a number of subordinate bodies 

Htliiiip; to aid the chief "legal" branches as well as non-Communist organ- 

mimi the activities of which directly lend aid to the work "in the open" 

| llir Communists underground. 

The legal organizations are definitely controlled by the Communist 

♦ ■!» of America which, in turn, is controlled by the inner Soviet circle in 

MU'uw- The programs for work by the legal organizations are drawn up 

V 'In Central Executive Committee of the Communist party and approved 

Munrow before being put into operation by the various bodies whose 

iff* nre known to the public. It wa3 partly for the purpose of effecting 

nliict between the legal bodies, the Communist party of America and 

■ Inn ling head at Moscow that the illegal convention of the Communist 
Ply was held in Brldgman, Mich., when it was raided by the Michigan 
i-i' iinlhorities. The delegates to this convention, while influenced largely 




by the words and acts of the Central Executive Committee, were really i 
authorized representatives of the party to decide on the best means I 
putting into action the instructions from Moscow. 

An example of the activities of the legal branches of the parly i ii. 
dissemination of information regarding the interest taken by the Mo 
Central Bureau of the Communist movement in the situation in the Unlli < 
States. Early in September, 1922, the Central Executive Committee ol tl| 
Communist party of America received from Moscow an appeal to i 1 
workers of England to aid the striking coal miners of the United Still 
The Central Executive Committee immediately set to work translating til 
document and the distribution of the translation was made throiij I 
the country to the legal organizations in order that it might be tn > 
known to as many working men as possible. By this it was hoped to allvm 
non-Communist workers to the ranks of the Communists, as the argmncil 
was used that the Moscow Government was lighting for the American worl 
man and woman. This document, copies of which were sent to all Com 
munist parties in the world, translated by the Central Executive Comni II 
reads as follows: 


"Workers of England: 

"It is now four months that the fierce struggle of the American miniM 
with the Coal Barons is going on. For several months hundreds of id 
sands of workers without regard to language or race are defending rlinu 
selves against the attacks of the American Financial Kings. An arm, ' 
hired workers from the camp of the bourgeoisie, the establishment of mm 
tial law, a whole army of provocateurs, have been unable to break 1 1 
unitedness and compel them to work for the exploiters for a further refluent 


"It is well known to the English capitalists that a defeat of the A 

ican exploiters will mean their own defeat and a strengthening of (hi 
English wage slaves. They have realized what constitutes their chi 
terest and are coming to the assistance of American mine owners. Tlml 
are loading and shipping to America a whole fleet with coal. Every stcnmJ 
with coal arriving in a North American harbor strengthens the fori 
the c'oal barons and nullifies the results which have been attained h\ ill 
struggling workers. 



I'M* must be countered by the international unity of the workers. 


II II US I IT IS YOUR TURN NOW. You must understand that every 

lliifj of a ship with coal being sent to America is a blow in the back 

i In. workers who are struggling there. You must understand that you 

ndering support to the capitalists to the extent of your failure to in- 

■ with the delivery of coal to America. 

Tfou must understand that the defeat of the American workers will 

v\\ i My react against you. The reduction of the wage scale and the In- 

}imihd ill the working day in America will bring the same consequences in 


II you present against the united front of the exploiters the united 

I (tie exploited, then your aid will greatly increase the fighting 

Ik of the American proletarians, and will help them to achieve victory, 
.1 \i-ii, equally with your American brothers, will reap the fruits of this 

i lila is why we call upon you to: 





"President of the Communist International." 

Anonipanying this appeal by Zinovieff were instructions to the Cen- 

| i lenitive Committee of the Communist party of America to promote 

■lion in an effort to arouse the striking miners to a point of armed in- 

iinii. No opportunity is ever lost by the leaders of the world Com- 

vement to make of any trouble or disorder the spark to set off 

lii'il violence by which they hope to accomplish the overthrow of the 

in I. These instructions are verbatim as follows: 

riifl Central Committee of the Communist party of America must direct 
ilienlur attention to the progress of the strike of the miners of Amer- 

v-ii;itors and propagandists must be sent to the strike regions. 

"Il in necessary to strive to arouse the striking coal miners to the point 

■ I insurrection. Let them blow up and flood the shafts. Shower 

| ih Ike regions with proclamations and appeals. This arouses the revo- 

iimv Hpirit of the workers and prepares them for the coming revolution 



"President of the Communist International:** 





With this background it is possible to understand some of the vv. 
that is being done by the "legal" organizations through which the Co] 
munist party of America is able to spread the propaganda looking 
the overthrow by violence of the Government of the United States uni 
orders from Moscow. It should also be borne in mind that these organl 
tions frequently change their names in order to mystify the authorities I] 
fool the public. First, probably, in importance among the various ! 
organizations is the "Workers' party of America, ostensibly a political pufj 
of the laborers. The documents found at Bridgman, Mich., demolish tjj 
beyond the question of a doubt that the Communist party control- it J 
directs every action of the Workers' party. By gathering the labor. 
this country into a single political party and keeping them steeped in Coffl 
munist propaganda the leaders believe they can make converts of llifM 

The Workers' party of America was born December 24, 1921, i\\ 
convention called by the American Labor Alliance, secretly organized IjJ 
the Communist party as a "cover." The convention call invited dch ■ ,i, 
from such organizations as the Finnish Socialist Federation, the Hmi 
Federation, the Irish- American Labor Alliance; and the majority of ill) 

delegates to this convention was hand-picked by the Central Executive C 

mittee of the Communist party of America. The delegates represctilnf] 
besides those organizations just mentioned, the Italian Workers' Feder 
the Jewish Workers' Federation, the Jewish Socialist Federation and lh| 
Workers' Educational Association. They came from Massachusetts, Ni j 
York, Montana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Missouri, Wisconsin, Illinois, Minni 
sota, Virginia, New Jersey, Michigan, Colorado and Kansas. There WAM 
164 delegates besides about one hundred fraternal delegates. One rouri 
sented the Industrial Workers of the World and two the African Rlood 

J. Louis Engdahl, in opening the convention, said that it had I 

called for the purpose of establishing in this country a real revoluli* 

political party "to wage successful combat against and finally to acliinl 
the overthrow of American capitalism." J. P. Cannon, at that time a rn< 
of the Central Executive Committee of the Cincinnati Communist pari} | 
America, told this first convention of the great victory that had beei, 
by the workers in Russia, endeavored by inflammatory sentences to 
the delegates to revolutionary enthusiasm, and bitterly attacked capital km 
Caleb Harrison, one of the delegates to the Bridgman, Michigan, convonii. ifl 
was elected permanent chairman of the Workers' party meeting; Margin*) 
Prevey, vice chairman, and Elmer T. Allison, J. Louis Engdahl and W, V 
Weinstone, another Bridgman delegate, secretaries. 

Christmas day was devoted to drafting the constitution of the Wu 
party. Efforts were made by some of the ultra-radicals Lo call fin Iftl 
mediate revolution, and much time was wasted by violent debates ami vli 
ulent attacks upon the United States. But as the inner circles of the Cniiy 
munist party had prepared in advance the constitution these debates w|H 
merely in order to give the rabid radicals an opportunity to work off tlm|| 
heat. The following day William F. Dunne, then of Montana and iinlf 


1 ill il Into ;ind New York, and candidate for governor of New York in 
i I 12 elections on the Workers' party ticket, made an impassioned ad- 

■ n the activities of the I. W. W. in the West. The Sacco and Vanzetti 
IN also taken up and condemnation of the United States was voiced 

nllltlona adopted. The convention delegates then stood while the 

I I hi|t was sung. The purpose of the Workers' party was described 

I-, in an editorial in Uj Elore, the Hungarian Communist paper: 

I .il ilic last two years the great mass of the American proletariat 

Mini without a direct political leader- Persecution hag forced the only 

y political organization, the Communist party, under the 

I rim I it could continue its activity only as an illegal organization. 

Illi*fial organization it could reach the mass only indirectly; there- 
• mi Id not exercise upon the mass such moral effect as is absolutely 

■ ii \ in order to assert its leadership of the mass. The party 

II in mi could have gained a bigger moral influence over the mass be- 
| tvllh its organizations it never could step to the front rank of the 

However, in spite of the most severe 'legal' persecutions, the Com- 
i work cannot stop; therefore, it is necessary to place a party at the 
i A 1 1 n mass which, although revolutionary, cannot be persecuted. 
IV inkers' party will fulfill this task. 

I In Workers' party will meet the requirements of the American pro- 
Ill It will be a powerful weapon for class struggle which cannot 
'I out of the hand of the proletariat with the slogan of 'lawless- 
IImm party will take its stand at the head of ewry movement of the 

ill in order to lead it with revolutionary bravery and with Com- 

i ii'iilmm. 

I In- Workers 5 party will be based entirely upon the principles of the 

• t liiii'inational. The organization of the Workers* party is the first 

ml a big and strong revolutionary mass movement. 

Mi- furmation of this party proves, too, that, in spite of the per- 

II on the part of the bourgeoisie, the proletariat can still find 

mi >■. nli which to continue its attacks against the capitalistic order. There 

llli h persecution as to make it impossible for us to continue the fight. 

1 !.;■ .lass looks with confidence into the future; it will be led by 

I parly which uses the well-tried tactics of the Third International, 

i [llli ni party which knows no compromise." 

I In Workers' party counts largely on support from the women voters. 

■ i .nr wjis taken in effecting an organization which would reach all 

Dl working women, including, as the program states, "millions of 

nil farmers' wives isolated from the general field of the organized 

I Iuhh struggle," for it was deemed an absolute necessity to "win 

htm nti of the working class to the party's ideal" and to "unite them for 

| link Idem to the general proletarian struggle." Accordingly women's 

|H linn wore started in various parts of the country with leaders whose 

Itu hided spreading propaganda, the substance of which, subversive of 

- lihtlioH, is dictated through the Workers' party by the Central 




Executive Committee of the Communist party of America. 

At the beginning of the railroad and coal strikes, when it was ti 

these troubles might lead to the longed-for General Strike which 
effect the violent overthrow of the Government of the United Stat* 
the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, it was quick I y 
that the women's committees of the Workers' party could do some excfllll 
agitational work among the families of the strikers. According I 
National Women's Committee, which is a secret body, on April 1, I 1 
adopted and set in motion a program for women's emergency work in 
mining districts. A form set of resolutions was sent out to all woi 
Communists in the districts to he adopted by the women committee* to i 
formed, and specific instructions were given the Communists of whirh il 
following are portions: 

"Before bringing this resolution to a vote/the members of the nUl 
[that is, the inner circles of Communists] and the Number One 
[that is, the women members of the illegal organizations of Comiminl 
should do a thorough piece of agitational work to insure its entmisli 

"As soon as the vote is taken, a meeting of women should be hi 
under the auspices of the union, A working committee should be appoint 
THE COMMITTEE, The Chairman, however, should be the local m\ n 
who has the most experience and been most active in past strikes, irr«p| 
tive of her being a member of Number One. This is important. 

"Other working women in the locality, who are sympathetic, sin 
by all means be encouraged to attend meetings and participate in the 

"Number One women must not use this committee for prop; 
UNCONNECTED WITH THE STRIKE, The efforts of Number One ■■ 
be to create solidarity and morale. Plenty of opportunity for propazin 
on issues directly related to the strike can be found. 

"Number One women should suggest to the women's committed! 
forming of a literature committee with a view of publishing a leaflet 
house-to-house distribution. The text of such a leaflet will be hv 
National Woman's Committee. THIS SHOULD BE PRESENTED AS 
WORK OF A LOCAL WOMAN. It may be modified or enlarged 
local conditions. 

"The National Women's Committee urgently recommends that 
emergency project, unanimously passed upon, SHALL REMAIN SECI 

Finally, thejast paragraph of the "Principles and Aims of the Worl 
party," definitely and positively links this political organization with 
Communist party. This document was found buried at Bridgman 
the convention of the Communist party was raided, and the last parai 
reads as follows: 

"The Workers' party declares itself in sympathy with the princ 
of the Communist International and enters the struggle against Amci 
capitalism, the most powerful of the national groups of capitalists 


lilttrfthip of the Communist International. It rallies to the call, 

1 1 « i of the World Unite,' ,: 

I hi whole work of the Workers' party is aimed to educating the work- 

i mid mass in Red Trade Union International ideas through active 

million in the political life of the country. The subtlety of this 

i I til preparation for future political action is cleverly conceived, 

I hiil for the fact that the connection between the Workers* party and 

i n authorities is now known, the results of the methods employed 

1 1 i v« been the source of much trouble in the future. This may yet 

Ni'il in importance, probably, in the legal organizations of the Conv 

• | y is William Z. Foster's Trade Union Educational League. This 

I chiefly at the industrial life of the nation and is constantly at open 

in a minority organization with the American Federation of Labor. 

ill t and uncompromising attitude toward capital and its power within 

imnrlcun Federation of Labor show that it has large influence in 

in unitization and is constantly making gains within the Federation 

i hip. It was organized by Foster in 1920 and embraced at the out- 

i more radically inclined labor unions. Shortly after this organiza- 

i formed the Communist International promulgated the policy of 

I'rom within" the trade unions with a view to wrecking the trade 

1 1 vcment in this country. Foster was approached by the Commu- 

■ m.l an a consequence he attended the Congress of the Communist Inter- 

II I and the first congress of the Red Trade Union International held 

1 ii w in July, 1921* 

|l|ion Foster's return from Moscow the Trade Union Educational 

immediately became a propaganda agency for the Communist In- 

. mil and flffiliatp.d with the Red Trade Union International. Foster 

liriitcdly denied this, and has declared that no connection existed be- 

lu organization and the Communists. But, thanks to the Bridgman 

1 .<i> iliite proof of his connection is now available. The Labor Herald 

i- ullirial organ of the Trade Union Educational League. The principles 

i |m. ; i un of Foster's League were distributed widely throughout the 

ily in 1922 and the following sentences from it are significant: 

I Im Trade Union Educational League proposes to develop trade 

in l ■ "in their present antiquated and stagnant conditions into modem, 

|f fill labor organizations capable of waging successful warfare against 

I To this end it is working to revamp and remodel from, top to bot- 

||n ii theories, tactics, structure and leadership- Instead of advocating 

vii i ling shameful and demoralizing nonsense about harmonizing the 

■in of capital and labor, it is firing the workers' imaginations and 

. I heir wonderful idealism and energy by propagating the inspiring 

i t)| the abolition of capitalism and the establishment of a workers' 

i i,. 

I lir Trade Union Educational League groups the militants in two 

l. localities and by industries. In all cities and towns general groups 

1 1 |m of all trades are formed to carry on the work of education and 





reorganization in their respective localities. These local general group i » 
iacihtate their work, divide themselves into industrial sections. . . . All tl. 
local general groups are kept in touch and cooperation with each». 
through a national corresponding secretary. Likewise all the local indi 
educational groups are linked together nationally, industry by induiti 
through their respective corresponding secretaries. Every phase an,! 
or the trade union movement will have its branch of the life— ivin* ediu I 
tional organization." c 

The entire work of the Trade Union Educational League is based u 

the following decisions of the Red Trade Union International: 

1.— Workers' Control is the necessary school for the work of pre 

ing the masses for the proletarian revolution. 

"2.— Workers' Control must be the war-cry for the workers of cvurf i 

capitalist country and must be utilized as a weapon to disclose fir. I 

and commercial secrets. 

«3— Workers' Control must be largely used for the reconstruct! 
Of the outlaw trade unions and the industrial factions, the former I 
fiarmlul tor the workers' revolutionary movement. 

"^--Workers* Control i s distinct from capitalist schemes, and to il.. 
dictatorship of the capitalist class it opposes the dictatorship of the worl .... 
class. In the various activities within the shops the so-called revolutioi 
nuclei perform the various functions promulgated bv the Trade UniiiB 

Who is William Zebulon Foster, familiarly known as "Bill" Foat«| 
The authorities have known that he was a "radical" for a long time, ai 
has been accused of being "Red," but there has not been much proof offend 
the public on the matter. Foster himself has denied repeatedly thai I 
was anything but an honest working man, devoted to bettering the condl 
tions of his fellow-workers. He has denied that he was a Communist, t.ut 
at times has admitted that he was affiliated with the Communists, 
he went to Moscow he attempted to make the trip in secret, hut it b< 
known, and after that he was a bit more frank about his sympathies 
the Red movement. 

Now it is possible to establish definitely that Foster is a Commune 
a paid employee of the Communist party of America, and that the Traill 
Union Educational League, of which he was the founder and is the 
is a branch of the Communist party designed to "bore from within" ill] 
labor union branches of the American Federation of Labor and de.Hh 
that organization. 

That Foster is not only a paid agent of the Moscow government bill 
is also a paymaster is shown by the fact that when he returned fron 
secret trip to Russia, he brought with him, presumably to carry on ( <>ni 
munist propaganda in this country the sum of $40,000. On anotlul 
occasion, in April, 1923, the Trade Union Educational League, of whl9 
Foster is the organizer and head, received the sum of $90,000 from Mosocfl 
In August, 1922, Lozovsky attended the secret illegal convention of il>. 
Communist party of America at Bridgman, as a delegate from Mo 



i i 

1 -d over to Foster for the use of the Trade Union Educational 

the sum of $35,000, making a total of S^^OO 1 , It is not to be 

U i m<I from this that this is all the money that the Moscow government 

i In- Third International has sent to this country for the purpose of 

ItiilMy overthrowing this government, as undoubtedly many sums have 

ill of which none but the immediate parties concerned have knowledge. 

Foster has repeatedly denied that this League had any connection 

llh the Communist party, but we have seen how he has discussed it 

nly in the inner councils of the party at their convention at Bridgman, 

h. Among the documents left buried on the Bridgman farm August 22, 

!. when the convention was broken up by the raid of the authorities, 

s questionnaires, answered by the delegates in their own handwriting 

icd over to the grounds committee for safe keeping, 

I iter gave his age as 41, stated that he was born in the United States 

I WU married— each in answer to questions submitted in mimeographed 

1 I [e said that be used English "in the main," but that he could speak 

m .in and French imperfectly. "When not in party employ," he said, 

Occupation was railroading. He said he once belonged to the Socialist 

lv, and "has been active in the revolutionary movement" twenty-one 

ih. His present position, he said, was the only office he had held, how- 

h In the revolutionary movement. He had been "active in the Communist 

■meat" one year and was at that time a paid employee of the Communist 

lv "if America, his office being given as "industrial director". 

In response to the question, "How many times arrested?" he answered, 
B] limes in trade union work", but gave two months as his longest 
it "I imprisonment. He said he had never been deported -and was not 
i < indictment. This questionnaire having been filled out before the 
il, In* statement that he was not under indictment was true at that time. 
►•iiiin! that he was inclined to industrial work in the party, and that he 
I boon a member of a labor union twenty-one years. It will be noted that 
Moor union experience coincides exactly with his time of activity in 

lutionary movement in his own opinion. He said he was still a 

■ D ii of the Railway Carmen's Union, and was formerly a member of 

BOmen, Street Carmen, I. W. W. etc.," and had held the offices of 

;(gent, secretary and president in unions. He admitted that he 

I participated in scores of strikes in which he had "held a position of 

I • ihip" And he printed in capital letters, as if to emphasize his 

that he had never belonged to the Army or Militia. 

|o much for Foster's own story of his life, as told by himself. In 

1 tl may be said that he was born in Taunton, Mass., Oct. 25, 1881. 

i I'lOfi to 1911 he was a reporter on the Socialist Call, and when 
plod to cover the activities of the I. W. W. he became so interested 

I conization that he joined it. In 1911 he represented the I. W. W. 

ndicalist Congress in Toulouse* France, and announced that he 

ninny of A. W, Kllefoth, Assistant Chief of the Eastern European Division 
Miute Department before the Senate Committee investigating Communist 
R|t««fitn1n In the United States (Jan, 1924). 





a syndical-anarchist He also attended the anarchist conference ■ 
Barcelona, Spain, on this trip and visited Germany before returning i 
America, Prior to this, his first trip to Europe, he took an active pari I 
the free speech fight in Spokane, Washington, and was arrested and Iffl 
prisoned for a short term for his participation. 

At the Barcelona anarchist conference the policy of "boring 1 
within" was stressed, and Foster immediately adopted it as his own, to 1 
used in his future battles in America. When the Russian Revolution cilffl 
and Lenin and Trotsky told of their plans for a great Dictatorship of [H 
Proletariat to embrace the whole world, Foster evolved his scheme M 
"one big union." These two expressions have been great favorites ol III 
—his pet slogans for years. The "boring from within" policy he hm ..,■ 
plied to the American Federation of Labor, planting men within the orp 
zation to alienate as many members as possible from the strictly lull 
features of the Federation and convert them to the idea of "one big union 
As a member of the I. W. W. and the American Federation of Lnlmi 
foster was active in the strike of the Standard Steel Car Company 
Butler, Pa. He was general secretary of the Steel Strike Organizing 
mittee, principal organizer of the steel workers in Pittsburgh, and in I'M 
was a member of the Home Colony of Anarchists in the State of Wash I III 
ton. He organized the Stock Yards Labor Council in July, 1917, mi.l 
endeavored to unite that body with the I. W. W. The following yeai & 
left Chicago for Pittsburgh to become secretary-treasurer of a ej 
organizing committee of the American Federation of Labor in the I'm 
burgh district. He represented the Electrical Workers at the confernniH 
to organize the Iron and Steel Workers, in Washington, in September, 1 01 J 
and in January, 1920, he promoted the railroad strike. 

Foster is a believer in direct action, in force instead of the ballol | 
bring about changes in government, and in ownership of industriei I 
Labor, He is secretary of the Syndicalist League of North America 

member of the National Committee of the American Civil Liberties Ui 

one of the trustees of the Garland Foundation, and is a frequent contribiilm 
of extremist articles to the many radical papers in this country. He is tU 
author of several books intended to incite the workers to violence agnltid 

Before 1910 Foster was working to form the greatest revolution*! 
movement the world has ever seen, and so the plans of Lenin and Trol il 
fitted in exactly with his plans. The Russians had a better opporlnnm 
to put their revolutionary plans into effect, with the aid of Germany, I ■■< 
they found an able aid on this side of the water in Foster. By 1919 !)< 
was working to overthrow Gompers in the American Federation of Lnbtil 
an J completely to destroy that organization. In Chicago, when raemhci-. uj 
the I. W* W. were on trial he urged them not to attempt to figlii ||| 
Government openly, but to join the American Federation of Labor .>.. | 
"bore from within." 

After becoming a leader of the I. W. W. and touring Europe as ihft 
representative of that organization, he became so pronounced in his ni I 


I im I lie overthrow of the Government by force and so insistent about "boring 

I within" as a fixed policy of any organization that could be used to 

mrthor his ambitious ends that the I. W. W. disagreed with him and he 
l»fl I hut party. From the beginning his plans have been consistent, with 
llin one aim of doing away with all organized government and giving 

t || jontrol of the world. His ideas were so radical that the I. W. W. 

iltd by contrast, and even Solidarity refused to publish his articles. 

Illli by little he has organized the radicals and Reds in all branches of 

[nduHtry, gathering them into the American Federation of Labor, until, 

li their influence and support, he has put himself into a position 

»«l Importance rivaling that of Gompers. 

In August, 1920, Foster met with representatives of twenty -four inter- 

Im at Youngstown, Ohio, to vote for a proposed general strike of 

1 1. 1 1 Industry workers. The strike was carried by 98 per cent, chiefly 

■ li the efforts of Foster. He has always been interested in negro 

II IlieM mid in 1919 he promised Lee Fort Whitman, the negro radical, 

jllitl In would aid him in bringing the negroes into the steel workers' union. 

|| U ulleged that he was connected with a free speech campaign having to 

ih the Inter-Church World Movement in April, 1920. In November 

3 |ji til year he left the staff of The New Majority, with which he had been 

lili-niU'ied for some time, and organized the Trade Union Educational 

U.i|Hm for the avowed purpose of hastening the evolution of labor from 

Hull hi Industrial. 

Ill December, 1920, at a meeting of the Executive Board of the Meat 
UlltlfrV Union, held in New York City, he explained to the meat cutters 

I In v could strike to force the surrender of all the capitalists and 

Ll-.ii i he wage reduction and open-shop movement. He attended the 

IM Congress of the Red Trade Union International, at Moscow, in June, 

■I M a representative of the Amalgamated Textile Workers of America. 

i i i in now advocating on all occasions, as a preliminary to centraliza- 

l ;.ll power in the workers' hands, the amalgamation of all unions 

i lie same craft. In April, 1922, he stated in a speech in Chicago that 

l| llm workers receive all they were entitled to it would mean the elimina- 

ol the employer class, and referred to the coming struggle between 

I nod labor as the most brutal war the world has ever known. 

In advocacy of violence in the fight against capitalism Foster has 

,, volumes. He was very much impressed with the French workers 

IrH and the destruction of property accomplished by them in their 

It was during one of his visits to Europe that he had an oppor- 

ol" studying sabotage at first hand, and on his return to America 

n»le: , • , 

"Noxt to the partial strike, the most effective weapon used by tne 
nlmts in their daily warfare on capitalism is sabotage. 
i . rhaps the most widely practised form of sabotage is the restriction 
M 'i. i workers of their output. 

"Thn most widely known form of sabotage is that known as putting 
,„ liincry on strike.' If he is a railroader, he cuts wires, puts cement 





in switches signals, etc., runs locomotives into turntable pits and m, . 
every possible way to temporarily disorganize the delicately adjusLnl ,,, 
road system. If he is a machinist or factory worker, and hasnl ,.- H ,| 
access to the machinery, he will hire out as a scab and surreptitious 

OfrTJ 1,'M h «*W°*** machinery or otherwise disable! 
Oftentimes he takes time by the forelock, and when going on strike '„ 
he machinery on strike' with him, hiding, stealing *o r destroying 
small indispensable machine part which is difficult to replace. 
. .. An ™? e . r kin< ? oi sabotage widely practiced by Syndicalists ifl | 
actics of either ruining or turning out inferior products. Thus, by ■ ■ „ 
thdr employers financial losses, they force them to grant their deiri , 

Sabotage is peculiarly a weapon of the rebel minority. Its sun , 
application^ unlike the strike, does not require the cooperation o 
the workers interested. A few rebels can, undetected, sabotage and demorfli 
an industry and force the weak or timid majority to share its be.,,!'! 
itie byndicahsts are not concerned that the methods of sabotage imi 
underhanded or unmanly/ They are very successful and that is all 11 
ask of them. (Syndicalism., pages 15, 16, 17 and 18.) 

In advocating direct action as against political action, Foster wrol 

Ihe superiority of direct action to political action in winni.i, 

cessions from capitalism is clearly seen in a comparison of the Au 
ments to date of the direct action and political action movements. 

Ihe chief cause for the greater success of the labor unions than I 

political party is found in the superior efficacy of direct action to po 

action. The former is a demonstration of real power, the latter I 

an expression of public sentiment. 

/The campaign for 'law and order' tactics that is continually carr'J 
on in the unions by various kinds of legalitarians and weakling 

L oc 1 !, w Up ? n th ™* lt must cease " (Syndicalism, pages 20, 22, 
2% 25, 2o and 49* ) 

Regarding society in general and his utter disregard for it V 
writes in Syndicalism, pages 27 and 28: 

■ <<Tne Syndicalist takes no cognizance of society. He is interested 
m the welfare of the working class and consistently defends it. He I. 
the rag-bag mass of parasites that make up the non-working class p« 
society to look after their own interests. It is immaterial to him 
becomes of them so long as the working class advances. He is not 
of turning the wheels of progress backward, in thus constantly com 
himselt to the interests of the working class, as he knows that by fn 
the working class entirely he will give social development the grl 
stimulus it has ever known.*' 

Later on, condemning patriotism, Foster writes; 

"The Syndicalist is a radical anti-patriot. He is a true internation 
knowing no country. He opposes patriotism because it creates feeling 
nationalism among the workers of the various countries and prevent! 
operation between them, and also because of the militarism it inevil 
breeds." (Syndicalism, page 2-9.) 


Ml Ihe doctrines expressed in the book, Syndicalism, Foster used in 
I. published later and called, Trade Unionism. This latter book he 

1 ■ -I by the thousands of copies when he was lining up the forces 

III n-ai steel strike in 1919. In one place Foster, after having 
Itliml ihe world with the workers in control, has written: 

I ".l.i the new order as pictured above, Government, such as we know 

"I gradually disappear. In an era of Science and Justice, this 

Hi I H'l institution, having lost its usefulness, would shrivel and die. 
I ill, v a large branch of Government relates to war. The abolition 

J |ti nl it system would render this useless. It would make impossible 
|l il rivalry between the nations over markets, and thus destroy the 
flMindntions of war. A friendly, spontaneous, international coopera- 

||ki llmt between the various states in the Union would supersede the 

Ml i I 'I "irate war departments. 

linul courts, police, jails and the like would go also. Crime is 

1 * wholly to poverty. In a reign of plenty for all it would 

illy disappear. The few criminals remaining would be subjects for 
In In i ul her than jails. Likewise the civil courts, with their hordes of 

, would vanish. People would no longer have to wrangle over 
iii lights. 

M |lir Industries now in the hands of national, state and municipal 

IJMhini'iilH would be given over completely into the care of the workers 

il In them. Unlike in our days of graft these workers would then 

■ ■ > \ reason to give the public the best possible service. The teachers 

I htivo full control over education, the doctors over sanitation, the 

I kefs over the transmission of mail, etc. This would certainly 

| I -'I efficiency, for no other body would be SO competent to control 
In h v us the workers directly employed in it. Surely no mere legisla- 
inhlies could hope to be in possession of sufficient knowledge to 
Hh'lligcntly advise such groups of scientifically organized producers, 

control them. 
Wnli war, crime, class antagonisms and property squabbles obliter- 
Ititj the management of industry taken from its care, little or no 
Would exist for government. What few extraordinary occasions 
lci|iiiiing legislative action to arrive at some sort of solution could 
"II' -I by the Trade Unions, which would still contrive to have many 

I Trade Unionism, pages 24 and 25.) 

| 1 1 ii Workers 3 party functions in politics and the Trade Union 

Hi hum I League in industry, so the "Friends of Soviet Russia" is the 

Nitmicial branch of the Communist party of America, A member 

1 i Executive Committee of the Communist party is known 

bid that but for the funds collected by the Friends of Soviet Russia 

ilrusible purpose of relief, the party would hardly be able to 

tin's country as a great portion of the relief money never leaves 

lllnl Slates but is used for propaganda. This organization was formed 
i I ihe Central Executive Committee of the Communist party for 



the purpose of securing funds for the relief of Soviet Russia and bI 
expose and refute the lies which are constantly being circulated nljinij 
in the capitalist press and to present the real facts about Soviet llu 
the American people, and create a demand for the lifting of the bin 
against her and the resumption of trade." 


Article one of the constitution of the society provides that tli« 
Uected shall be sent ''to Russian Soviet authorities." The ormm 


of this body was brought about by Caleb Harrison, one of the d 
delegates to the illegal Bridgman convention, and Dr. Jacob W. Ilmi 
The names of the first executive committee and advisory commit It 
prove its connection with the Communist party. The first-named coiM 
comprised Dr, Hartman, Caleb Harrison, Edgar Owens, Allen S. | 
Dr. J. Wilenkin, Dr. William Mendelsohn and Dr. Leo S. Reichel. I | 
visory committee included William Z. Foster, William F. Dunne, Rosi I" 
Stokes, Caleb Harrison, Robert Minor and Ella Reeve Bloor, all ..l 
delegates at Bridgman; Dennis Bait, Elmer T. Allison, Jack Carney, ],m 
Lore, Edgar Owens, Mary W. Vorse, Hulet M, Wells, Max Eastman, 
S. Broms, Joseph P. Cannon, Dr. Wilenkin, Dr. Mendelsohn and Dr. R| S 
The activities of this organization have spread rapidly througnoij 
United States and Canada. Branches have been established, prop 
spread by means of pamphlets, mass meetings and moving pictures. AIM 
tions with labor organizations, societies and associations have incj 
new relief bodies have been organized. A subsidiary branch known d 
"American-Federated Russian Famine Relief Committee" has been 
ized to purchase supplies with the money secured by the Friends of $ 
Russia. Speakers from radical unions, I.W.W. and Communist or<2 
are touring the country in the interests of this society. Among the "... 
zations affiliated with the Friends of Soviet Russia are the following, all I 
bodies ; 

The Workers' party, Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, th 

Workingmen's Association, Socialists Consumers' League, Russian- I 
Workers' Educational Society, Lithuanian Relief Committee, Amertiih I I 
anian Workers' Literary Society, American-Hungarian Workers' Fe<l 
New England Workers' Association, Czecho-Slovak Workmen's Count ' 
America, National Croatian Society, World War Veterans, Toroniu I. > 
and Labor Council, Montreal Trades and Labor Council, Amalgamatr.l ' I 
ing Workers of America, Chicago Federation of Labor, Detroit I 
of Labor, Seattle Central Labor Council and Tacoma Central Labor < '■■■■ 

The contribution list, a printed form used by the Friends of 
Russia at its inception bore the interesting and illuminating legend, 
dorsed by the official representative of L. C. A. K. Martens," tlir 
representative of the Moscow Communist Government who was obli 
leave the United States, through fear of deportation, papers ahead \ lid 
been issued. 

The next legal branch in importance in the work of furtherlni] 
interests of the Communist party of America in the United States is p. 
the Young Workers' League, which is one of the pets of Robert Minor I 


JANUARY, 1924 

Price 5 cents 

Why We Fight Against the Public Schools 


: ilitls have 

,h..i| two kinds ol" 

One for their 

I i.ii.ii.'D, private 

i . H- they are 

Ic over the 

.- I the other, 

■i liooli, where 

leach the 

E in bo willing 

Kent slaves 

i . we taught 

. i -I. 'I'M. 

Kj public schools, 

hlldren of the 

..■ iim' (might that 

. ii.. [>wt govern- 

... 1 1.. world. But 

i ir told that 

ni'rit allows 

. Itltilron o( 5 years 

I i,. work under 

n.litions in 

. factories and 

i r to get a 

|| You are told that the organizations of 

. i like the unions and the communist 

wicked organizations that are unjust 

. ... ■ itioble and bad all around. The child 

i- is taught to hate the working class 

it the capitalists.., They tell you that 

, ■ ig yon an education, but it is not true. 
I tihlv tcftph you enough 

The World Belongs To Us 

iting, reading 

and 'rithmetic to make 

you able to cany on work 
for the boss when you are 
old enough to be dragged 
into a factory or a mine. 
In your religious train- 
ing you are told that even 
if things are bad on this 
earth, everything will be 
wonderful when you die 
and go to Heaven, for 
there you will be in Para- 

But we do not want to 
wait until we are alt dead 
to go to a Paradise. That 
is all a lie. When you die, 
you arc dead and that ia 
all there is to it. We 
want our Paradise right 
here and now. We work 
hard and make all the 
beautiful things of life 
and we want to enjoy 
them now. And if we put 
up a good, strong ftghtfor it, we can have our 
heaven on earth, where we shall live like human 
beings and not like beasts in a hole. 

That is what the Junior Section ts organized 
for We want to get all the children of the work- 
ers united into a strong organization. We want 
to tight, all of us together"! The older men and 
women workers in the Workers Party : the young 


mmtat paper for little folks. The YOnnff Comrade, official organ of the 

Mt Ion. young "Workers' Leag-ue of America. 



I t nmmunist who was a delegate to the Bridgman convention. Minor's 
m I | "luring the war which would have resulted in his execution but 
1 Influence exercised in his behalf is well known. The aim of this 

■ i ton is to place the ideals of Communism before the youth of this 
IMh in m most subtle manner so that when they attain maturity they 

iliMiungh Communists ready for the work of moving toward the 
I iv violence of the Government under which they now live. This 
[rowth of the Young People's Communist League and the Young 
socialist League. It was recently reorganized for "legal" propa- 
< purposes by the Executive Committee of the Workers' party. The 
H I. .11 of the various circles is in charge of the national secretary, 
I nrlson, alias E, Connolly, alias Edwards. The purpose of the 
pt In to educate the young workers to understand their position in 
■llll society, to show them the stupidity of trying to climb higher, 
map out a course of action for their emancipation, 
tig the organizers are a number of well-known Reds, members of 
I nnitnuniet party of America. Walter Bronstrup, Mrs. Margaret Prevey, 
hwlln Amter, Max Kaminsky and D. E. Early are active in the organ- 
Mi Something of the work of this organization was told in a previous 

f this chronicle. 

Awunnted with the Young Workers' League is a new organization, 

". as a legal branch, under the direct influence of the Communist 

i \irifrica, and known as the Famine Scout Clubs. Not only is it 

line money for the Communists through the appeal of the children 

• It nun into the movement, but it is also excellent training in Com- 

iImh for them and a medium through which the radical propaganda can 


Hi I limine Scout Club movement was the brilliant thought of Rose 

i"krn, one of the delegates to the underground convention of the 

■ I I party of America which was raided at Bridgman, Mich., and 
( iommunist since the American beginning. The name selected 

Nppr-nl to those interested in the excellent Boy Scout and Girl Scout 

tis and at the same time it would offer an excellent beginning for 

)|h| 'lie seeds of Communism in the minds of the young while raising 
\ l"i Communist purposes. Mrs. Stokes traveled all over the country 
MiMiiK these Famine Scout Clubs. The membership is not yet large, 
■ii ;h young people have become interested to form another group 
i I I or radical propaganda. But membership is not one of the prime 
of Communists; the chief feature is to have as many nuclei as 
For this reason clubs are organized with few members through 
Bpprnls are made to the public to aid the famine sufferers in Russia. 
tli« money collected goes to the Russian Red Cross, which, although 
JAlt'il in organization with the International Red Cross, is solely an 

111 the Communist Soviet Government of Russia. 
i I.. American Committee for Russian Famine Relief was organized 
lltni W-. LiggelL al the instigation of John G. Ohsol, a member of the 
Un Red Cross, which is officially a part of the Soviet Government in 




?fZ» ,' ET, TiT* ° f ^ L - C * A - K " Marte ™> Bolshevist » 
aador to the United States. He desired to extend Russian relief- 
order to reach elements in the United States who would not con,,, I 
the avowedly soy.etized Russian Red Cross Society. A contract wa , , 
into between the Russian Red Cross Society with Dr. David D,X 
Ohsol and Dr. Michael Michailovsky., as parties of the fiJtpar 

and James H. McGilI as parties of the second part. This conlracl » . 

fr/Te zr d r?n 8 r tract r the ?»« ° f ,he r-^" R d "J 

for the support of the American Committee for Russian Famine Itnll 

Ihis underwriting contract was not generally known and ,,,, 
he character of the three Russians were unknown "to the majority 
ons lending theu names to the support of the committee. Tl 
public indication appearing m connection with the Russian Red Cm.. , 
that on the letter head of the American Committee, where was pr 

SL? n e fer„?" t: Distributing Thro - h "-*■ ™ c - 1 • 

The activities of the organization were first directed to holdin- 

meetings for the purpose of raising funds for Russian relief work, bu th, 
quickly took on a political character severely criticising the United 
and praising Russia under the Communists. Isaac McBride, fori, 
close associate of Martens and an active friend of Dubrowsky, early in ifef 
addressed a meeting in Chicago which opened with cheers for I , i 
lrotsky and the Soviet Government of Russia as well as for the Comnnnil 
party of America. In Milwaukee a meeting developed into a polillJ 
gathering for recognition of the Soviet Government by this country - 
Minneapolis a resolution was passed calling upon the United States Go , 
ment to establish at once trade relations with the present Russian (. 

«wl ^ cBri ^ S f f' " W ** XG S° in g t0 ™*k the bourgeoisie of this r 

and they will he p us to keep up the struggle against themselves/' 
Kicker one of the parties to the underwriting agreement, said thai I. 
sympathies and those of the committee were entirely with the Soviet * 
McBnde also said that the American Committee was formed after 
realized that certain organizations, openly recognized as having Sovirl I 
ings, could not perform the same work. He said: 

"A number who were previously connected with the Advisory CotllJ 
have been eliminated for fear that their presence might be looked ..... 
with suspicion by the general public. One of those eliminated is I 'ill 
Post, former Assistant Secretary of Labor." 

The activities of the Russian Red Cross in the United Stair 
became apparent in 1921 when Dubrowsky, Michailovsky and Ohsol f...»J 
their committee for carrying on the work. Charles Reck, legal reprc*«t|| 

x Dr. Michael Michailovsky is identified in the New York Stata M Pf Un n i th™*— 
having an office at No. 18 EaBt 41st Street, New Tork City He *Sd mi? frr.™ 'IJ 
Russian University in medicine in 1897, is a member of the AmlrkSi S .-?, ' 1 
Station and the New York Academy or Medicine, and is iStS ^ vS, *■ 
matologist and urologist to the Sydenham Hospital A& ^silmr ,| 


llii Soviet interests in this country, said that the Russian Red Cross 

id the two recognized Soviet relief organizations in New York in 

i 1021. The personnel of the committee of three Russians was 

liirh'tint feature of the scheme to those who knew something of the 

i. ul llii- Communist party's work here. 

Innwttky had been a member of the staff of Martens and had been 

ir.l mi. the latter's payroll at $50 a week. After Marten's departure 

I v was recognized in radical circles as the unofficial representative 

nvlel Government, He was particularly active in connection with 

limit Public Committee, and was the instigator of the plan to transmit 

i... >.ii in Russia sums o£ money from their relatives in the United 

K The significance of this scheme was noticed in view of the exchange 

illiccd upon the ruble by Dubrowsky. When the exchange rate 

- I.-h than 4000 rubles to the American dollar, Dubrowsky was 

I. in 250 rubles to the dollar, and charging $10 for transmission 

ii<<t by cable and $1 by mail. Dubrowsky's activities along this 

m< Hqnelched by the Federal Government. 

()||«iil was first called to the attention of the public by Senator Watson 

■ • u.i, in 1919, when he was employed by the Federal Trade Commis- 

I In was charged with being at that time a pronounced Socialist 

.i ii virulent type. Ohsol was also a member of Marten's staff, 

I in,, nlir-1 a large part of the latter's commercial work. He is a 
ih.iih Bolshevik propagandist. Michailovsky is a representative of 
iiinsariat of Public Healthy an official unit of the Russian Socialist 
iJ Soviet Republic. 

nous efforts have been made to impress upon the American pub- 

i i he Russian Red Cross is not affiliated with* or supervised by, 

M.. inn Soviet Republic. This, however, is proved by an examination 

lln ..iilinances of the Soviet republic and the by-laws of the Russian 

itself* On August 7, 1918, "the Soviet of the Commissaries of 

^puplr 11 issued an ordinance signed by Lenin as manager of the affairs 

1 1,, (iruple, and by the secretary of the Soviets, dealing with the Russian 

1 iu'm Society which says specifically, "The Russian Red Cross Society 

|,i i he high protection of the central institutions of the republic." 

idimmce also orders the reorganization of the society to elect, among 

Iim 4liin;vs the "immediate adoption of all possible measures for the 

of attracting to the number of the members of the society the 

i [Missible number of proletarian institutions, organizations and asso- 

li ivnn the Russian Red Cross workers in the famine districts of Russia, 
Mi. direction of the Soviet government, who gathered small children, 
.,;■ from hunger, into rooms decorated with the old symbols of the 
i. religion, and commanded these starving children to pray to their 
i .i food. When no food appeared in answer to their prayers they 
i inl.l lo pray to the Soviets for food. The children did so and the 

Hrw open as if in answer to their prayers and plentiful food appeared. 

Hi! by-laws of the Russian Red Cross Society, which were adopted 



at a general conference held in Moscow on Nov. 20, 1921 com. 

following statements: J ' coma in I 

government. When Secretary Hoover officially warned the Amrri™,. 
he agamst contributing to these various Russian reTief bodit he 
Red Cross and the Friends of Soviet Russia became very busy cl ni 

Sove R^bl ' V; F vf' * rtanding for Russian Socialist Fed,,,,, 

sovwt Kepublic. These blanks were quickly destroyed in order 

connection of the organisation with the Soviet government mt ,! 
disclosed. The same policy was followed by the FriendTof sTvie 
In v.ew of this rt is interesting to note, in conclusion there!, 
nouncernent of the executive committee of the Third InternatfonT 

We talk in two languages, that which we talk to the bouree n i,| B 1 
Our pSeris'th^ 1 1^ T ^ V^ ™ U P^etufe' 



Millions of American dollars have been poured into Russia, ostensibly 
tin relief of famine sufferers. It is now known that little of this money, 

■ moll as was sent through the channels of the American Relief Ad- 
. m, the official organization directed by Herbert Hoover, Secretary 

iiimnorce in the Cabinet of President Harding, was used primarily to 
p [ft mine sufferers. It went first to the Communist Soviet Government 
i >n where its disposition was determined. There was the Red Army to 
I, nlolhe and equip; and the multitude of officials in Moscow to be 
••! I mi. It is known that occasionally some of the American- contributed 

| Wont to famine relief, but it is also known that much of it never 

I. ..I imy famine sufferer. 

Onfl *»f the most pretentious "drives", which was intended to secure 
|y million dollars for the Russian Communists, was that launched in 
^ by Captain Paxton Hibben, acting for the Russian Red Cross, an 
p< nl part of the Soviet Government in Moscow, This "drive** was 

iilv under the supervision of the Soviet regime. Captain Hibben is a 
,., graduate, received a Master's degree at Harvard, and studied law 

■i pnnr at the same University. He is an ex-diplomat, ex-soldier, is a 
MM i>f various clubs, and has connections which enable him to enter 

BiMtlt'H of many loyal American citizens. His plea was based upon the 
F > < I a 1 1 •. of the children of Russia, and appealed to the well-known gener- 

■ uf Americans toward people in dire distress. 1 

| ipl, Hibben came to New York from Moscow where he had per- 
• il Ihm plans for this great relief drive with the Soviet authorities. The 
till nil people, Capt. Hibben knew, could not close their ears to an 
it-nl i-i save innocent children from starving. The American Relief Ad- 
Enillon, which was, as has been said, the only organization through 
li I- lief could be sent directly to the famine areas without giving the 
I minorities an opportunity to take as much as might be needed to 


• •[ these facts concerning the activities of Capt. Hibben it will not be amiss 

....i (ho following 1 . Capt. Hibben has for some time held a commission as Captain 

\rtny of the "United States, Officers Reserve Corps, attached to the artillery 

iiiini Army Reserve Corps- Many representations as to his suitability for 

iih Mi In commission have been made to the proper officials of the War Depart- 

|. lint apparently it was not possible to secure suitable action. In May, 1923, 

IliUhrii applied for promotion to a majority, and shortly after, the Secretary 

. i. pointed a board of three reserve officers to determine his fitness for re- 

. in promotion. Capt. Hibben appeared personally before this board Oct, 19, 

In IflMtlfy "in regard to certain documents and papers in the possession of the 

luipurtment." The whole matter is still pending at this writing. 



Set« *?***** "?. to «** ** needs of numborl 

ine nussian Ked Cross, which, as was shown in a previous chant,, , 

he at*? t t V Co m T rn r Un M ° SC0W b0th * ^ ownV-tr , 
tne laws ot the Communist regime now in control of Russia 

1Q99 Tv m u , WaS , em P Io >' ed ty the Russian Red Cross in MtllJ 
1922, taking the place of V. V. Chikoff as secretary of that organ 
In a circular widely distributed by the Friends of Soviet nW 
winch he later became officially connected, Hibben is quoted Lu 
the preset government of Russia, saying that they "have fou- , 

S ° "Wta t\ L*£ 0t ^**™«J Chen's reads as foUow : 
_ What J am interested in, and what we are all intere^f! it, T f.L. 

-.those people over there who have fought the £5 ^Ifit \h 
existed for four years in the face of an enemy world T S' w I!m 

Jem lose that fight for lack of food of which 'you and i h« pl^ty ,) 

millions of workers all over this country want to take up the fob of V . 
he tarvtng of Russia, when the supplies of the American Relief A 1 
nitration are exhausted, as workers, to help the workers of the onfy Gov" 

™i:L:tziij> workers ' for workers in the wi * * •»«** 

throu^lT^ in ? Ca ?^ ha ! H * bm . ««picianed that the supplies fund I 
toragh the Friends of Soviet Russia and through the Russian Red Ci 
were going first to the Soviet authorities so that they might not "los ,l, , 
fight for the ack of food," although what was left might find its w v 

Wri R ^ m A e / U . ffererS "- And he Mm *^ *» 'his slatement ], 
Amer can R e hef Administration, under the direction of Secretary HmivJ 
was about to cease its actual work of feeding the real sufferers in the I 
districts of Russia. Naturally, if the Hoover organization ceased fun, I 
mg there would he a better chance for the Soviet organization with , I 
Hibben was connected to raise funds in this country 

On July 1, 1922, Hibben sailed for Berlin on the steamship Horn* J 
to be present as a delegate from the Russian Red Cross in America i 
International Convention of the International Workers' Famine Relief ( ,-,, 
mittee which was to open July 9 and which was convened at the mil 
ot the Supreme Central Executive Committee for Famine Relief, li 
called by the foreign" representative of this committee, Nicholas Krestin I 
tormer plenipotentiary representative of the Soviet Government in Ge. i 
Rut Hibben arrived in Berlin too late for this convention. He did 
ever, have a number of talks with Tchitcherin and made the statement ifU 
he had conveyed information between Tchitcherin and L, C. A K M 
the Bolshevist "ambassador" to the United States whose activities in | 
of the Communist party of America led to his departure. On July I 
Hibben left Berlin for Moscow, where he said he wae to act as a rniin 
sentative of the Society of American Relief for the Children of Russia | 


« It lie was a director, and where he achieved much publicity. 

Illbben'e work was fulsomely praised in the Moscow Izve&tia* the Soviet 

[ft] organ, of August 11, 1922, which printed an interview with him 

■ lin li he said that the American Relief Administration would drop its 

■ hi Russia and then relief would all have to be done through the Rus* 
> IE- .1 Cross, He also spoke of his relations with Dr, David H. Dubrow- 

I llOSe activities here in behalf of the Communists have already been 
I lie mentioned the fact that there were in Moscow at that time four 

■ I ' H of the national committee of the American Committee of Relief 
ini ian Children, Rev. John Haynes Holmes, Frank P. Walsh, Dr. M. 
lollovaky, and John G. Oheoh The records of Holmes, Michailovsky 

I I thtol in activities connected with the Communist regime have been 
I in previous chapters. Frank P. Walsh returned from Moscow by way 
Mmilreal and immediately launched a campaign of bitter criticism 
Bll the United States Government for failure to recognize the present 

(rovernment, and spread propaganda as to the wonderful progress 

I hi that country under the Communist regime. He later became chief 
until lor the Bridgman conspirators at an enormous fee. The hvestia 
l> In nays in part: 

In our interview with Captain Hibben he declared that Americans 
'■v much interested in the welfare of Russian children, and that chil- 
li who became orphans in consequence of the war and famine can count 
llmiiHnnds of friends in the United States who will help them through 
American Committee of Relief for Russian Children, which is now un- 
ilic charge of Mary Lena Wilson. The activities of the American Re- 
i Administration developed to such a degree that many people forget 
tence of other organizations in America and other countries which 
i .n ry on famine relief work in the Volga region." 
'I Inn. quoting Hibben, it says: 

"I lie Russian Red Cross deserves all praise for its remarkable work 
I with the perfectly insignificant sum at its disposal, getting the public 

i gn countries interested in the relief of Russian sufferers. The 

Relief Administration will, sooner or later, stop activities in 

i i nd will leave the country. But the work of the Russian Red Cross, 

e, will continue and try to cure the wounds of the Russian people 

■(I l.v the famine and the blockade. . . * During the period Octo- 

I' 1 K to June, 1922, the Russian Red Cross in America shipped food 

i i clothing and medicine worth $342,895 which were contributed 

I I uited States and Canada. The collection of money and other kinds 
l i . ilmtion is still going on. I have just received a cablegram from Dr. 

HUWxky, who is head of the Russian Red Cross in America and is just 

li from a trip to Mexico; his cablegram says that Mexico shipped 10,000 

« nl corn and 5,000 sacks of rice and a shipment of medicine to the 

ftlfli: Red Cross to be distributed among the starving. This shipment 

I I ■ ■ rond one from Mexico as a result of Dr. Dubrowsky's efforts," 

li a ill be interesting lu note here by way of parenthesis that the Mcx- 
i.ils had no illusions as to the disposition of these shipments. They 




were admittedly for the Red Army of Russia because, as E. PI I 

Calles, premier in the Mexican cabinet, said: "We are working toward U 
same end," viz., the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, and that Russia ti i I 
better opportunity because she did not have the United States hanging 
her head like the Damoclean sword. These are almost, if not quit 
exact words of Calles to Dubrowsky, The references to the "Dam 
sword" is Calles's picture to the Russian emissary. 

Hibben's praise of the Russian Red Cross in America, of which li 
at the time secretary, in "getting the public of foreign countries inten 
has a double significance; for it is a part of the work of all agencies of 
Soviet Government, as officially prescribed, to disseminate Connmi 
propaganda on all possible occasions. Hibben went on, in the hm 
interview, to describe a new plan for subtle propaganda by means of I 
Cross*' shops to be established in the United States to show how indushl 
the Russian people are under the Communist rule and at the same tiim 
raise money for the Soviet relief movement. He is quoted as saying: 
"In the United States the Russian Red Cross intends to mainhin. 

own existence quite independently and not to spend for administr;ii 

single copek out of the amount collected for famine relief in Russia. r> 
sary means for the realization of this intention will he given by 
row of Red Cross shops in important cities of the United States in whtf 
home made articles will be sold for the benefit of the orphans, victim* I 
war and famine in Russia, This enterprise will be not only a new umltjj 
of funds for relief work but will give to Russian home industry u 111 
market, for through these shops America will be given an opportunity 1 
get acquainted with articles made under such circumstances. Right now | 
dealing with the President of the Centroyuz (the Central Executive Commfl 
of the Russian Soviet), Comrade Khinchuck, about methods to realize 1I1I4 
of the Russian Red Cross help to collect means for the relief of Rufl 

It is interesting to note that there are constantly offered for nali* I 
this country by the Friends of Soviet Russia, literature and suppliiw 
raise money for Russian relief* On circulars the public is urged to " 
books, pamphlets, pictures, postals, leaflets, posters," and the order I 1 
on which this appeal is made lists busts of Lenin for S3 and of Trull, 
for $2, which are said to be replicas of the work of Claire Sheridan. limit 
like "Communism and Christianity," by Bishop William Mont; 1 
Brown, are also offered for sale in this appealj as well as writings of bill 
Reed, Albert Rhys Williams and Isaac McBride. Communist maj- • • 
and Red buttons are on the same list. 

Hibben's activities in behalf of Soviet Russia make it inti 
to note that his experience has been vast and varied. His brilllimri 



Captain Paxton Hibben. Officers Rese-r-vp Cnnw TTnr+^,i c*„* . 

„l mind has never been questioned. His scholarship, while at college 
.,„„ lined him for Phi Beta Kappa, but he was not admitted. During 
,li,. war in Europe his anti-British and pro-German sentiments made it 
mo advisable that he be not used for certain purposes m France Ihe 
■ Imrities have documents showing that he was paid propagandist for the 
I trrk Royalists before the United States entered the war. 

He hi frequently referred slightingly to the United States £™en. 

I criticised it severely for its stand in regard to Commun st *»*»-*» 

I „ time when that same Russian Government was directly using every 

„■ at its command to effect the overthrow of the Umted S tate a by armed 

.H.cllion. Hibben had a troublous career while he was in the diploma Uc 

n'vi, e of the United States, which covered practically seven years in Rus- 

Mexico, Colombia, Holland, Luxemburg and Chile. 

libben has stated that he was always "passionately French mb 

athies but that did not prevent him from cha 1 enging a g-ch Torres- 

,„ lent to a duel in Athens on one occasion early in the European War 

La Frenchman made a scene in a hotel room where H.bben was enter- 

l.lning a German correspondent and his wife at luncheon. The duel was 

|„., K ht with no injuries on either side. He was a great admirer of John ! Reed 

tin brilliant Harvard anarchist, later a Communist, and whose spectacuar 

,-v was cut short by his death in Moscow. A year after Reeds death 

I ben was in Moscow, and in October, 1921, he was photographed 

,,,!,,:," a wreath on Reed's grave. Reed's widow, Mrs. Louise Bryant, 

i later associated with Hibben in his pro-Russian work. 

Through his connection with the Russian Red Cross, Hibbens plan 

„, ,-ivcd the endorsement of the Friends of Soviet Russia and the Workers 

y, both Communist "legal" branches. It is interesting here to note 

|,„l the latter organization was in desperate straits because of the raid at 
| R man, Mich., in August, 1922, when William F. Dunne the party . 

Ii ate for the governorship of New York, was arrested with a number 

Ser Worker's" party men for attendance at the illegal convent,^ 
lll.ninl orders issued by C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary oi die 
Workers' party of America, called for immediate and effective aid from all 

n.bers of the party because "we are in the midst of a great campaigr .of 

.,11 defence." He urged all foreign-born to become citizens not for pa tn- 

.easons but in order to draw them into the polmca life of the United 

Lt<» " These official orders were sent out from the national office on 
member 14, and announced that a Labor Defense Council would be or- 
lLr,\ at once and that it was necessary to raise "tens of thousands of 
Limn" Frank P. Walsh was retained and conducted the defense ot the 
!,.„,„„ prisoners. Robert M. Buck editor of Neu, Majonty off cia 
,„»,. of the Chicago Federation of Labor, was chairman of the Labor 

, Council just referred to, and Sam T. Ha—a! one 

William Z. Foster's right-hand men who was active in the steel strike 

! , | I recent convention of the Trade Union Educational League, was secre- 

Insurer of the newly formed organisation. The appeal was addressed 

"llistrict Organizers, Federation Secretaries, Local Secretaries, District 



Executive Committees, Federation Executive Committees and Local Ex J 
tive Committees," and read: 

"Comrades; For your guidance the following statement of our poll) , 
Committee ^^ ^ ^ formu,at6d b ? the Cent ™l Exn-,„, . 

"We are in the midst of a great campaign of self-defense by the worl In 

masses against, the ruthless capitalist offensive and the Central Exec 

Committee instructs all party units to put the following into action. 

I. loday our major campaign is to be directed against Governmonlij 
authorities who are attacking us rather than against the yellow socul, , 
and trade union bureaucrats. The immediate struggles of the workr, u 
becoming more tense and taking on wider scope. We must develop to ill! 
highest point the resistance of the workers to the brutal attacks of Rovaffl 

mental authorities on the fundamental rights of the workers. The 

ion necessitates our following a policy which will draw into the conllM 
3S Tr maSS the wolkers regardless of political differences. 
A We must energetically propagate the idea among the workers thai il, 
onslaugh on the Communists and militants is a part of the attack Iain, || I 
against the working-class. Our activities in the strikes are the basin I 
this attack. 

tt "?'• 0U / 2?? 1 sl ° g ^ nS m this cam P ai g» should be 'Workers, Fifth! !', 
Unrestricted Right to Organize, Strike and Picket. Defend These H 
By means of All the Political and Industrial Power at Your ComirwVi I 
Our members must urge the workers to disobey the Strike Injunction n I 
to carry on the strike in defiance of the injunction. 

"Our rallying cries are: , 

"'Down with Government by Injunctions!* 

' 'Down with the usurped power of the courts!' 

"'Down with the use of armed force against the workers'* 
4 It is our task to organize the workers to demand and to attointtl 

to take the rights of the much vaunted American democracy. The C 

munists and all militant workers are part of the working class, thcrrfoi 
the Communists and all militants must also have the unrestricted 
ot tree speech, press and assemblage. 

"5. We must fight energetically to secure for all the foreign-horn 
workers equal civil and economic rights. We must wage an intensive 
paign for removing restrictions on citizenship and against the anli-nllnn 
Jaws. We must demand that the foreign-born workers have unrealrirl 
right to work. We must work diligently for the development of the *o|| 
danty of the native and foreign-born workers. The party must maki 
following organization steps toward carrying out this program of agiUiij.iH 
and action. 

"(A) Our Federations should wage a vigorous campaign to hav< 
toreign-born workers become citizens. Not for patriotic reasons bill I 
draw^them into the political life of the United States. 

"(B) Our Federations should wage a vigorous campaign to havi 
toreign-born workers join the labor unions. 



t*. We must persistently propagate the idea in the unions and among 
skrrs generally of independent political action by the workers and 
1 need of a working-class political party. 
"Pniternally yours, 

"Executive Secretary." 

That the raid of the Michigan authorities on the illegal, underground 

nlion of the Communist party of America at Bridgman upset the 

1 Hi "I the Workers' party as well as those of the Communists, was evident 

other appeal, also sent out by Ruthenberg on September 14, 1922. 

|| writ difficult to conduct a political campaign when the party's candidates 
H under arrest for conspiracy to overthrow the Government by armed 
(nun; and in this case the head of the principal ticket, that of New York 
IMhIp, was caught at Bridgman. William F, Dunne, candidate for governor 
I Nrw York on the Workers' ticket, could hardly appeal for any votes out- 
llil*' Ink traitorous party while in jail or out on bail facing such a charge. 
Hi" hrrond appeal was addressed "To All Branches, District Organizers 

I federation Secretaries," and read as follows: 

"Comrades: The National Convention of the party, which was to have 

' I" M in Chicago, August 23th, will be held in New York City beginning 

Dnccmber 25th. 

"The immediate reason for the postponement of the convention was, as 

II I now, the arrest of the executive secretary, a number of district organ- 
l»i* find other party workers as part of the campaign of terrorism which 

iipitalists are waging against the workers in connection with the 

hike battles which have shaken the country during recent months. 

The first decision was to postpone the National Convention for two 

*4*, in the hope that those suffering under the persecution of the ruling 

COllld be quickly released and take their places in the ranks of the 


"The party, however, finds itself face to face with this situation: 

"During the next month or two we must mobilize all our forces for 
Blue work. We must raise tens of thousands of dollars for bail so 

Ul nil our comrades can be freed and carry on their party work during 
m period in which their cases are pending. Only six weeks Temain before the 

■HVfMiiher elections. We must nominate candidates and carry on campaigns 
1 i ■ vcr possible. 

"The present industrial struggles will be over by December, the lessons 
M iIi.h struggle will be clear and we will be able to base our new policies 

M lll( - developments which this struggle has brought to the American 

I ■■• movement The period from now on to December will be a period 
pnration. The convention must and will be a greater demonstration 
Ulrnngth to our party. Details about the convention such as agents, 
•MfpHlimiB, finances, etc., will be forwarded later. 




"Let us take up immediate tasks of the party with entlm i. m 
courage. Let us build more strongly than ever during the coming itnmll 
and make the December convention a demonstration of the power <■! I 

"Fraternally yours, 

"C. E. Ruthenberg, 
"Executive Secretary," 

Details of the plans for the Labor Defense Council were also am 

on the same date by Ruthenberg. This announcement stated that the ( 

Executive Committee of the Workers' party initiated this plan and \ [i 

carry out the work, but city central committees and branches were in li nil 
to organize local labor defence councils, to function under the mil 
organization, and to invite other working class organizations to send * I* I 
gates to the local councils. But in order that it might appear to be n |i 
taneous movement of all workers, instead of a carefully engineered ■ In 
by the Communistic Workers* party, the organizers were cautioned I 
these invitations "in the name of the provisional committee as a provi |< 
committee of the Labor Defence Council and NOT [capitals are It 
berg's] in the name of the Workers' party." The instructions sun 
st The local Defence Council should at once begin a campaign of 
tion and money raising. It should hold public meetings, send speufo ■ 
the unions, have resolutions introduced in the unions and in ever) 
possible stir up the workers to the need of a united stand again i || 
capitalist attack." 

A part of the plans of the drive of Captain Hibben for fund* 
supplies was directed at the small farmer and farm workers, who <ti > 
ready being assiduously cultivated by the Communist party of Aiut'ildi 
Captain Hibben 's idea was that the farmers had excellent crops, but n i 
market, in 1922, and that, therefore, they would be ready to conlilliUl 
out of their surplus products to feed the Russians. This appeal was 
by the Communist-controlled Friends of Soviet Russia and with the Imu 
ing of the new drive by the Hibben organization the small farmer* mill 
their hired help were flooded with carefully prepared propaganda dcM^nm) 
to appeal to their hearts for suffering humanity and at the same time i 
to them unsound ideas regarding "capitalist" society. 

The Communist party's agrarian program which is now being pul ln| 
effect throughout the United States and which is admittedly a progfll 
which will require time and patience to carry out to its fulfilment, ■ 
of the most cleverly prepared and thought-out programs thus far prodi 
In its preparation is shown surprising appreciation of the psycholii|i 
conditions and sympathies of the small farmer and farmhand. Tin 
gram contains many pages of carefully prepared statistics, maps and i 
showing "population-distribution," "jobs of those engaged in agriculnii 
"farm wages and farm income," "farms and farm tenure," "comparii 
East and West " "crops— production, distribution, consumption," "lln 
cultural press," "farmers' organizations in the United States," "the 111-41 
farmer," "farm propaganda," etc; maps showing yields, in million himUli 

i in, wheat and oats; primary markets, export markets, cotton area; 

^unizations and agrarian press circulation. 

following out the program of the Communist party of America students 

' I boon "planted" in various agricultural schools in the country, whose 

In to become proficient as farm laborers primarily. They are also 

■ il" rd to inculcate as much of the Communist doctrine in their fellow 

id iiIh as may be done without creating trouble; but that is not their 

duty as students. After having been prepared at the agricultural 

In these students are sent to various parts of the country as county 

to Heek employment as farm hands, which is easily found, owing to 

I - -rlage of farm labor in these days. Then their real work for the 

i logins. They are organizers and propagandists, first, last and all 

j. They form nuclei wherever they are — two or three companions 

Imuift enough at any one place. This movement, according to the plans 

| ilr Communists, will have the ground prepared by the time the great 

1 1 strike comes and the Communists themselves will he able to supply 

Mi . cssnry food for the fighters on the side of the proletariat. 

Notes among the pages of the statistics contain such sentences as these: 

"Tlii* concentration of industry in the Eastern half of the United States 

ktnk rti n comparison from an agrarian point of view important because 

iiih to me the city proletariat will approach revolt more rapidly where 

■ ei ni rated and would, therefore, become more dependent upon the im- 

i iic farms than upon those at great distances." 

'Tine proletarian organizations among farm laborers are possible in 

i mil d way only where large numbers of workers are employed together 

tin v lire during harvest in the wheat and fruit lands of the West. These 

I workers are entirely distinct in type from the great mass of farm 

HllmiriN. The 'harvest stiff' migrates from farm to farm with numbers 

I liln fellows specializing in only one farm operation. He comes from 

illy ;md drifts back to it for the winter. He is more nearly of the 

The farm laborer is an all-round farmer. His point of view is more 

• iliii of his employer; he is paid by the month, eats with the boss, and 

Isolated from other workers. All these combined make wide-spread 
it inns among this strata of the agrarian population impracticable 
|| n-ii impossible under a system of capitalist agriculture." 

lln* program opens with a division of the United States into sections 
I'M h the Communists are working. This portion of the program reads: 
"The American problem is not composite; it consists of several dis- 
|d I problems. This is true because of the differences in historical back- 
ii U and developments which have followed separate courses, deter- 
IMih .I mainly by geographical conditions. 

Tin- United States should be divided into four geographical divisions 

and each section studied separately. First, its reaction to the 

ii capitalist pressure. Second, the particular policy and programs 

lilt will reach the individual farmers peculiar to that section — teach 

• • thfll in resisting capitalist exploitation his interests join those of the 
t 1'ioleiariat. 





"Studied from the point of view of the Proletarian Revolution ih 

following chapters of statistical references will show that four geogrnpl 

sections have a relative importance as agrarian units of the problem. 

"Least in importance is the West. It is the Siberia of America. 'Ill 
great area, thinly populated, thousands of miles from the great indu 
centers of the country, is too remote to figure decisively in an Induslrldl 
Proletarian Revolution. 

"Next in importance comes the New England section. Agricultuwillt 
it is not self-supporting. It imports 75 per cent of its food supplies. |>|j| 
this section is important above the West as a unit in the agrarian problem 
because New England farms adjoin the great industrial section of tit- 

"The South ranks above the West and New England for two rensoni| 
first, it is distinctly an agricultural community, whose markets are within 
easy reach of the great industrial centers; and second, because it in- 
race problems. Some of the state populations in this section are 

negroes. These descendants of the slaves and the poorer whites are 

peting for the crusts under the lash of the Landlord System. 

"This competition has sharpened the race antagonism between tlin 
members of the same exploited class, whether skilled or unskilled labori j 
or farmers. 

"This condition must be considered in the program for SoinL 
farmers. It holds a menace to the proletarian revolution which will |n 
seized by the bourgeoisie, 

"Above all the rest comes the great producing empire stretching 1 1 
the middle Atlantic and including the Middle West, producing more 
per man than any other country in the world. Here industry is concent rtiiml 
Here the city proletariat and agrarian are hut a few hours apart 
section must be won over to the side of the city proletarian. All nil 
are secondary to the vital importance of this section as a factor in ilm 
success of the proletarian revolution." 

It is explained that the statistical material used in preparing il> 
report containing the "agrarian program" has been compiled fron 
latest available sources, Government, state and corporation figures lining 
used. After many pages of interesting statistics the report takes up I III 
question of farm propaganda of different radical organizations, as fol 

"The Non-Partisan League is an organization of farmers in 
North Central States. They have gained control of the State govci i 
of North Dakota and several State offices in other States; also congressi«n|| 
representatives from North Dakota. 

"Their propaganda teaches the farmer to 'Fight the Capital isf 
is spoiled by holding the Non-Partisan League legislative program . 
cure-all. The following is quoted from a summary of a history ol ill 
League which was issued recently by them: 

"'It is a typically Anterican institution dedicated to the principle lM 

the people should rule and that the ballot offers the remedy for econ || 

and political wrongs*' 

"Ah a matter of fact, the actions of the Non-Partisan League are more 
tllirel than their polices indicate. There is a Left and Right struggle 

■ Itllln the League at present. Connections with the Left elements should 

■ made and they should continue inside the organization. Some of their 

i papers have a wide circulation; if controlled they could reach out 

Into more important agricultural sections. 

"The I. W. W« has based its farm propaganda on the mistaken as- 
nmption that agrarian conditions in the wheat States are typical; that the 
rntory 'harvest stiff' is the typical farm laborer. 

"In the most developed regions the same relations prevail upon the 

I h as are found in other industries. . . . The farm hand has become 

migratory laborer, possessing all the characteristics of his industrial 
lit other. 

"As the migratory workers specialize in only one farm operation. 

Mild only a portion of their time on the farms and drift back to the cities 

if! the winter, it seems obvious that they are not typically farm laborers. 

"The Socialist party farm propaganda was concerned principally in 
Mllng votes. Some of their leaflets were unscientific enough to use modern 
methods and machinery as a warning: 

" 'Mr. Farmer: The great machine is invading your field of labor. Ine 

imbine is coming your way. With it comes the big machine, drawing 

iwo ploughs with its seeder and narrower, the steam harvester and 

Higher of the capitalists. With them are leagued the railroads and the 

. II . In a few more years the capitalists will have you hunting a job 

I .lay laborer because you cannot compete with the corporation which 
......Lines capital, the land, the railroads, mills, elevators and farm ma- 

phlnrryvjhat does the work of forty horses and eighty men at the same time. 

"Combined farming should not hp. used as a bugbear; it is a desired 
Neither should the level farms of the Middle West where thirty gang- 

-us can be used he looked upon as typical, A thirty-gang outfit could 

I ..u.llv turn around in the average farm field. On the other hand, the 

W..M thresher of the capitalists' which they mention is universally used 

kllflicver cereals are grown; operated generally by a neighborhood farmer 

i Hide line. Farm propaganda should at least be edited by farmers. 

Particularly interesting in this report is "an outline of policy which 
»,,« adopted and is now being followed out by the agents and the Com- 
ihuniMt nartv under direction from the agrarian section of the party. It 

the necessitv for work among the largest element of 

ii r mm I party 
Pttil-i ns follows: 

"1, Emphasize 
i:ula« mass— the small farmers. 

"2 Use the common interest in the struggle against capitalism which 
, mm-, between the small farmer and the proletariat as a wedge to separate 
■ I :,., a class from the capitalist and petty capitalist elements. 

"3, Use the farm organizations of the small farmers as a held tor 
m-mida. teaching them to strike rather than arbitrate. 

"I, Organize the agrarian proletariat wherever possible to luillrei the 
Lrk of preparation and separation of the agrarian elements. 





"5. Recognize the literal necessity for the city proletariat to give Q 
some of its members to agrarian work. 

te I believe that proletarians in any occupation will react uniform!] 
to a proletarian revolution. That is, they will support the interests of till j| 
class. Therefore, the agrarian proletariat can be expected to suppoii il. 
revolution of the city proletariat. 

"An agrarian policy must recognize, however, that conditions today 
prevent the organization of the true farm proletariat. Nothing shoii S] 
revolution will bring them together as a class. 

"The policy must be directed to a preparation of the ground by prop- 
aganda to clarify the interests of the several strata within the agrarlM 

"When the city proletariat overthrow the bourgeoisie, the agrarian 

population should begin a gradual process of reorganization: first, thr 

farm proletariat must be organized into Soviets; this will be strength.,.. I 
by later addition of the more oppressed semi-proletarians: gradually il,- 
small farmers will begin to drift over until only those are left whose in 
terests are directly opposed to the proletariat. 

"This process will be completed rapidly and without friction only .1 
the agrarian policy during the pre-revolutionary stages is directed mainly In 
woTk among that element which makes up more than sixty per cent of il.. 
total farm population— the small farmer. 

"The proletarian and semi-proletarian elements in the farm popubn 

are comparatively small No practical agrarian policy can direct itseli tfl 
these small unorganized elements as its dominant purpose. These den 
will ot necessity support the proletarian revolution. 

"On the contrary, a practical policy must be dominated by the r>Ul 
pose to guide the largest exploited elements of the agrarian— the anial 
tarmers. Ihese are organized; and their organizations are formed to ,. , 
capitalist pressure. These farmers must be taught the direct issue bel 
tnemselves as a class and the bourgeoisie. 

"While their interests are not entirely those of the proletarian i 

in so far as they are the same they must be united with the proleta. 

from a revolutionary point of view it must be recognized that at 
whole the farm population is generations behind- The overthrow of il,. 
bourgeoisie will bring the agrarians in one jump to the necessity of coil 
sidering the reorganization of the very basis of their existence, that Is H.. 
small farm unit— a farm operated by the farm family and one farm laborot 
I he combination of these farm units is a development which will follow Mm 
revolution; will come, as it should, gradually as a result of the aeparalim. 
ot the agrarian population according to their class interests. Whr. 
big farms exist the confiscation of these lands by the farm proletariat In. 
the state must be the first step. 

"The organization of agriculture should be much more rapid in Am. . Ii | 
than in any other country, because of the wide-spread knowledge ol 
advantages of modern machinery applied to the efficient unit of 

Communism cannot be preached to this small farmer element bcfmi 


1 1,. revolution; and only by demonstration after the revolution. But what- 
. unity of interest exists with the proletarian must be taught; and the 

I economic weapons such as food strikes be advocated in their organ- 

(Htlona as the only effective means to gain anything from the bourgeoisie. 

"this policy will be effective only when well-grounded Communists 

In- spared from the ranks of the city proletariat actually to live and 

1 1 among the farmers." 

The program now in effect called for a budget of $35,000. It included 

M outlined in this report, the organization of a "legal Agrarian Bureau"; 

Living or establishing a farm weekly paper; training of county agents; 

Ul inventory of all radicals in the agrarian population; and regular con- 

ices of agrarian leaders. In elaborating the subject of training of 
utility agents, the report says: 

"Believing that it is easier to make farmers than to make Communists, 
| | II a rounded young Communists who are physically strong and under- 

I I the situation they volunteer to enter, should begin training at once, 

I ling will consist of four months intensive practical work on special 

i i under the direction of the bureau. This will be followed by a winter's 

r in a scientific agricultural college. After this the county agent will 
' placed in an important agricultural section. He then becomes the out- 
i i in three lines of work: distribution of propaganda, source of informa- 
11 agrarian party organizer." 

1 1 was decided to start ten young men at once on this course of training. 
IKrv must be self-supporting until they enter their scientific training in 
I ullrge, and $300 each was allotted for this college work. It ia interesting 
|il know that the "intensive practical work" is now being done on one farm 
||1 i .mnecticut, one in the South and others in the Middle West. 





Al ihe suggestion of Felix Frankfurter of Harvard, the American Civil 
Im Hurt Union decided to ask William Allen White to serve on the national 

ttee of that organization. Frankfurter, William Z. Foster, who was~\ 

•th -il as fraternal delegate to the unlawful Communist convention at Bridg- \ 
■ tn. Mich.; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Crystal Eastman. Roger N. Baldwin, \ 
In., i, Hillquit, Scott Nearing and many other radicals, some of them Com- 
hiihH's are members of the national committee of this organization; andj 

Itlln'n defiance of his friend, Governor Allen, in the 1922 coal strike 
h..iiUrn in Kansas was the recommendation for White's availibility as a 

I lUceman, 

The American Civil Liberties Union is definitely linked with Com-^j 

n through the system of interlocking directorates, so successfully \ 

I by the Communist party of America in penetrating into every possible 

i/nlion with a view to getting control so that when the time comes 

I he great general strike which, they believe and hope, will lead to the 

■ iiinw of the United States Government by violence, they will already 

licse bodies definitely aligned with them. The party has several mem- 

in the American Civil Liberties Union and the constant activities of j 

lltii I •■ i<Iy are proving of great moral and financial benefit to the Communists^, 

Hose Pastor Stokes, who was a delegate to the illegal Bridgman con- 

t i, was one of those reported present at the meeting of the Executive 

HHiiinittce of the American Civil Liberties Union, on August 23, 1922, at 
i lion's headquarters in New York, although she was not a member of 

i mmittee, when the decision was reached, after discussion of White's 

wtitnliility as a member of the National Committee, to elect him to the 
uiHithiittre if, upon inquiry, it was learned that he would accept. Among 
hers at this meeting were Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Robert Morss Lovett, 
. | incident of the Federated Press League, the connection of which with 
» Communist party has been shown in a previous chapter. Lovett wrote! 
| |ln Communist leader. Bruce Rogers, in Los Angeles, to canvass the! 
iiHlnii picture colony, giving the names of several prominent movie people! 
• with us," and who "helped us before and will do it again"; Nor- 
1 Thomas, Walter Nelles, B. W. Huebsch, the well-known publisher, 
i rr N. Baldwin, the "slacker" during the war who served a sentence 

uii and who is one of the active heads of the organization. 
Al this same time meeting of the Executive Committee it was also de-| 



arrange a meeting for Senator Borah on the amnesty question am 



to supply funds for the meeting. This is not the first time that Senil 
Borah's name has appeared in the minutes of the meetings of the Amor I 
Civil Liberties Union, for he has asked this radical organization to I 
pare bills for him to introduce in the Senate of the United States, I 
minutes of a meeting of the Executive Committee, on October 3, 1921, roi 
that Senator Borah asked, through Albert DeSilver (among whose othfl 
activities was that of being treasurer of the I.W.W. Defense Fund) thai M. 
Union draft bills repealing title 12 of the Espionage Act, under which llm 
postal authorities still censored the mail. Included also were to be ninnid 
ments to that section of the obscenity statute which would eliminair |H 
words "tending to murder, arson and assassination" under the "mderrwl 
definition. The minutes of the following meeting, on October 10, shoM lh| 
DeSilver reported that the two bills had been prepared and forward"! | 
the Senator. In the minutes of the April 17, 1922 meeting, we read: "TH 
material for Senator Borah has been submitted to him and it is expooMl 
\ he will make his speech to the Senate in a comparatively few days." 
LM a y 1 '* was reported Senator Borah was still contemplating his speech 
p^ Complaint has frequently been made that the American Civil Lihnlh'i 
I Union is never exercised about predicaments in which poor men, who m 
\ not radicals, find themselves. Their interests and activities are alw 
without exception, in behalf of lawbreakers of the radical criminal clfltf 
A survey of the National Committee of this Union shows at once that |<i<i. 
tically the entire membership is made up of radicals of one stripe oi 
other. They solicit funds from every class, exactly as do the Commu 
to be devoted to the defence or other assistance of criminals, never to I 
a man who steals a loaf of bread for himself or his hungry family or 
commits a crime of this nature. Of course in soliciting funds from 
public it does not always admit that the money is to be thus used; n 
people contribute with the hazy idea of uplifting the downtrodden. 
Union busily sought aid for those of its own members and others Vi 
caught in the Bridgman raid, were actually engaged in a criminal COIIH 
acy against the United States Government. 

That the people who are directing the functions of the AmcHol 
Civil Liberties Union have been looked upon for some time as not mil 
radicals but also in some cases as Bolsheviks is well known. Felix I 
furter, one of the shining lights of the Union, as has been seen, oner ilinfl 
down upon himself a most scathing arraignment when he, as counsel I 
President Wilson's Mediation Commission in the Mooney case, lind I til 
temerity to attempt to interest Theodore Roosevelt in the work he was rli li 
Ex-President Roosevelt's Americanism has never been questioned by ft Iniiij 
or foe; his loyalty to Harvard, where Frankfurter has long been tc;i. 
was famous among the students and alumni, and he bluntly compared h 
furter to Trotsky and found little difference. 

Allusion is here made to Roosevelt's letter to Frankfurter, quolnl jj 
a previous chapter, because of the former President's expression of «>; 
in regard to the I. W. W.» the Mooney and Billings cases, and similar Imll 
viduals and organizations; in the cases mentioned the American Civil I 



Ufiyr vml Charier, M ' Lathtofa Executive Secretary of the -De- 
bar tout nl of Social Service of the Natio nal CoKuHnTTh^ 

EpUCGpat Church: " ~" ■ — — 

*'Oup goy-mirtkmt particularly in the arrest of the aliened 
C&tnmiitu*t9 =i*i Afrch-igan ■ seems -to take the position that it is a 
crime >to_ he a commmrist; I cannot help but be reminded af 
the original- COmmrniKts who were Mie first converts to the 
Christian faith. ■ If "the-Roman Government in the early days r>£ 
Christianity had taken the sane attitude, the entire Apostolic 
College would travejieen arrested. Saint Peter, Saint John and 
the rest of them^ They woulc have been in the same position 
as. Mr. Foster. Mr. Kllthenbcra and the others are ^to-day. For- 

tunrJtely the Imperial Government of Rome at that time was 
not |sa reactionary. As an American citizen and speakine for 
myself, I want to take- my stand on the basic right for any- 
body in the United States to be a communist who wishes to 
be one. 


The Jesus-Thmk 


By Michael Gold 

JESUS KUlIered, and iied for EGmethina; he believed good; 
he »M Jiot a verbose, tricky jaurnnliHt, a suiitasaful per- 
son, a cunning exploiter of labor, or evon a politician, and 
for this wfrtofuat respect him. For liis age Jesus was un- 
tlniiBtedly on Innocent aiid bcaul M poetical voice of oil i hal 
k beat in. tho I ;■ : ; in of the animal Man; .we cm love him 
for that, qa wq 1»>i Sbelley and Whitmrin. We have nil of 
us his tender flnild-hnnEM In our-Veins, that makes ua dream 
of c simple and gentle world; where there is ne strife, where 
All is mild and fraternal, Had where men are m little chil- 
dren, it is a bbuuMfal vnakncts to try to live in that world 
now. It Is a cowardice, too, and must be extirpated from 
dSit'jg soul with :■. terrible knife if one is to become a m-- 
The tpil-it of Jesus, Hia legend in anu's htoori, )«» 
fusion, inflffeclLveiUiSS, and despair in lb 
Exactly a3 Wc must Jcarn to- break 

fathers -to bMcme men, 
Father of Jesus, and ?> 

-m*..^ ^\W V ..^^ 

ii"^ 1 9*" J __^#*^ V humanity. 

type of supci bi i:i,', but he makes the typical 
of refusing to admit that Ihcjre &r« obstacles ia the uatli |j 
such a world. There are rjovemmenta, policemen, eapjj ill | 
politicians, brinies, SQVi«3, gunmen, the state. To Ihu JlWI 
thinker there count for nothing. It 1e neeessaj-y wily I.i in 
noble and to nave other. souls for. □.ability. It is not in<i>.< 

stiry to think out plans for im. ting the opposition, |W 

is no opposition to nobility. It ia nut necessary in iliiuli 
about what might happen if millions iff the peor IBCJlll I 

rose n^ain'it llic r?ch ; end the rich turned machine fti »■ 

them. It i,: not neceeoary to think about what to i!o nllli 
nwn who try to assassinate the leaders of a fiw and In 
tsmal world, (is they who sought In assussinalc I.- in. 
. The Jesus-thinkerg, care 'only for the nobility and |ii>nli 
Of their own souls, they are ethical. JJut does u I. ■ i 

dream af ethiea when he Is cutting sonl-e rotten Both I | 

Hie aide el a sick maul Dees a drowning awimmcr Uilnll •■' 
nobility and pyrjty when ho is emight by an 'underlov'J He 
'Inks only p-f objective things, of the force of the wa»in. II. 
•Iks of nlsWri forw,, The doctor thinks scicntiUcolli- Mh*n 
. performing- an operation. There Is a science In hutiiku 
tV. too; that is What the .1 ■ '..-. A.i: -..-..:. will netri *il 

They mistake their own longings for Lha n 

'I'li'-y are CROtixti, worried i ■ I . - ■ . ■ ti.i. 

refuse to 6e «bjwtive. It j;, inn r-lldml 

^i . — . «j^»,tn acknowledge that the niajorilx nf men 

Rev. Harry F. Ward of th G American Civil Liberties Union exprai 
apinion of the j'aid upon tlie Communist Convention at Eiidbinan in the Jan 
issue of the Social Service Bulletin of the Methodist Federation for Social 
A similar expression from Rev. Charles M. Lathrop, executive secretary of the I0«] 
ment of Social Service of the National Council of the Kpiseopal Church. :..\ 
want to make my stand on the basic right for anybody in the United States i>. 
communist who wishes to be one." 

A pag-e from Mas Eastman - .? Liberator, Sept. 1922, showing title, "Tin. M 
Thinkers" by Michael Gold. Among other things, Gold says: 4 'The lege ml ..r i 
is more beautiful to me than the legend of Jesus. * * * The Russian ilnl In 
will leave the world a better place than Jesus left it." 


Union was particularly active, in an effort to prevent the criminals 
1 1 i>iii paying the penalties imposed by the courts of the country for the 
iihih-h committed. It was also exercised over the predicaments of Com* 
ihimmhIk in various parts of the country who were sentenced under the antj^ 
|yi,dl Cfllist laws of different States; and it is not infrequent to find notation^ 
in i In- minutes of their meetings that appeal to the Supreme Court of the 
[jlillod States will be taken in an effort to save the radicals convicted of 
ipiracy to overthrow by violence the Government of the United States, 

The activities of the Union, however, do not stop with trying to aidr- 
unmunists and other radicals and criminals after they have been con- 
Ifltilnd of crimes, but it conducts political campaigns in various States in 
mi effort to bring about the repeal of laws enacted to protect the Govern 
Hivtil from conspiracies directed from Moscow, and it provides money 
for the Communists with which the anti-American fight may be conducted^ 
Hut minutes of the Executive Committee meeting held May 8 t 1922, show 
I In* following entry: 

"An application from the National Defense Committee for a loan of 
|MH) for ninety days was noted, and was referred to Mr. Baldwin to ne- 
Miiiinlc on his personal responsibility with the general approval of the 
1 iiltee." — ^ 

Il is interesting to note that this National Defense Committee is wholly 1 


I ommunist, controlled from Moscow, one of the many "legal"' organizations 
i in- the work of the secret Communist party of America. Its membership 
■ entirely of Communists, most, if not all, of them in attendance on the 
lllogiil. underground Communist convention at Bridgman. This committee 
nude up of Max Bedacht, J. E. Ferguson, L. E. Katterlield, Edgar 
". . ii 8 and C. E. Rutherberg. And this is the organization for which the 
[merican Civil Liberties Union authorized the negotiation of a loan "with 
I In* full approval" of the Executive Committee. 

The chairman of the American Civil Liberties Union is Harry F + Ward, 
id. preacher whose utterances in the Methodist Textbook on radicalism 

III nl a scandal. He was formerly connected with the Boston School of 
lliniilogy, is a teacher of Christian Ethics at Union Theological Seminary 

I has been a leading factor in the Interchurch World Movement and the 

i I i jited Council of Churches of Christ in America. His sympathy and 
(Humiliation with Socialists, I. W. "W., radical and other anti^American 
lUiivements have been notable. He was a pacifist during the war, and prac* 
n. ■■ 1 1 v all of his associates in the organization have records as pacifists and 
fUfuilists in those troublesome days, some of whom were imprisoned for 

1 1 <:fusal to fight when the United States was at war or for endeavoring' 

i l.iing about the defeat of this country by actively aiding the enemy. - 

Ward's activities are best illustrated by citing a letter which was given 
•nit by the American Civil Liberties Union in April, 1922, and which was 
BlIilirnHed to Congressman Martin B, Madden, chairman of the House Ap- 

.i..|. Millions Committee. In this, he attempted to influence Congressman 

,il.l-n for the purpose of securing a cut in the appropriations intended 

1 1. 1 I Ik- use of that executive branch of the Government which has most 






to do with the suppression of revolutionary radicalism and empha 
the specious claim that at that time radicalism was on the wane. V 
letter contained the following; 

"Radical activities in the United States have greatly decreased sillO 
1919. , . . The underground propaganda ... is obviously llml 
conducted by the Communists in the United States, The fact that propagnnfl 
is underground is due entirely to the repressive measures directed again*! U 
. . . The Soviet government is not responsible for this propaganda I 
is a part of the international, revolutionary, working-class movement allill 
ated with one or another of the international bodies which express ii< 
programs and purposes. 1 * 

As has been stated, the American Civil Liberties Union, a part of m 
• open, legal machinery of the Communist party of America, and of ivhiof 
Ward is an official, is the central organization for the defense of rai 
and Communists. Unquestionably, its files contain large quantities d 
information concerning the radical movement, as to gather such inforn 
Ljs a part of its appointed function. In 1922, every independent investigi 
ing agency in the United States had arrived at an opinion quite the oppoul 
from that expressed in this letter to Congressman Madden. The conclusion 
forced that Ward's opinion was formulated as a result of a desire to crijij 
the defense mechanism of the Government in its fight against revoluti 
either by violence or legislation, and to protect the activities of those wl 
were his associates. 

Ward's statement as to responsibility for Communist propaganda 
this country sounds puerile in view of the recent controversy betwc 
Secretary of State Charles E. Hughes and Steklov (1923), the speech 
Senator Lodge in the Senate (Jan, 1924), or the Senatorial investi^uih 
into Moscow propaganda in the United States (1924). It stamps him 
one whose assumed leadership is defective in that he is either unacquaiiih 
with the conditions which he assumes to know most about or in that lie " 
a conscious objective in misinterpretation of facts. 

rThe American Civil Liberties Union owes its existence to the notorial 
pacifist organizations of war-time fame, which were presumably financed 
German agents in this country working desperately, and for a tii 
successfully, to keep the United States from entering the war. To be Mil 
in its present form it has existed only since January 12, 1920, when it m 
formed as an outgrowth and with the merging of various organizniiui 

; which were developed during the World War, dating from October^ Vh 
and the members of which were pacifists, defeatists, German agents, radiof 
of many hues, Communists, I. W. W. and Socialists. Among the orgmih 
tions included in the merger were such pacifist bodies as the Ami ■ 
League to Limit Armaments, Emergency Peace Federation, First Ameril 

[ Conference for Democracy and Terms of Peace, People's Freedom Unit 
People's Council of America, American Union Against Militarism, LflOj 
for Amnesty for Political Prisoners, Civil Liberties Bureau, National CI 


Lllii iiifs Bureau, American Neutral Conference Committee, and Legal First I 
Alii Ilureau. 

Of these — and there were others of less importance but with equally i 

"i sive names designed to fool patriotic Americans and lend aid to the 

lit) -the Emergency Peace Federation was organized in Chicago in Oc- 

1 i 1914, by Rosika Schwimmer, an Austrian Jewess by birth, of Ford 

Ship fame, who is now in the United States on a lecture tour, and 

' ii I*. Lochner, a Socialist of German descent and sympathies, who is now 

m Hitlm representative of the Federated Press regarded by the Communist 

■ ' ftfl its official publicity organization. Two months later the American 
i i in' In Limit Armaments was organized in New York by the same per- 

for the purpose of combating militarism and the spreading of the . 
istic spirit in the United States, obviously an effort to prevent this \ 

• MViiiiment from entering the war against Germany. 

Associated with these pro-German agents in the organization of these 

Mil \inerican bodies were; Mrs. Patrick Lawrence of England, Jane 

1 I una, Rev. John H. Holmes, David Starr Jordan, Dr. Jacques Loeb, Dr, 

W. Nasmyth, George F. Peabody, Oswald G. Villard, Morris Hillquit 

(llllknwicz), Hamilton Holt, Elsie Parsons, Lillian D, Wald, Rabbi Stephen 

Wit and L. Hollinasworth Wood. 

The gradual evolution of the various anti-war and other subversive j 

Jtinizntions into the American Civil Liberties Union brought quick re- 

mll". Radicals of every stripe found a haven in this body, each where 

I nld help his particular friends who were in trouble because of in- 
>ns of the laws of the country. Soon after the formation of the Union 
i find the names of Amos Pinchot, brother of Governor GifFord Pinchot 

»f I'pimsylvania, as vice-chairman, and Scott Nearing and Max Eastman on 
|f Kxccutive Committee. And in the two years of its existence it has been 
llml by all radicals to fight the existing Government of the United States, 
i i illymg cry of "free speech and free press" brought many well-inten- 

i <l people into its ranks and hundreds of others to place their names 

mm ilir lists of contributors. The difference between free speech and the 

iMnplrncy to overthrow the Government is not drawn by the leaders of the 

uu'nt. Freedom to them means the license of treason and sedition. Za- 

Chaffee, colleague at Harvard of Felix Frankfurter, writes, preaches 

■ I |.iTsumably teaches that there should be no law against anarchy or 

The directors of the American Civil Liberties Union hold that citizen- 

|p |uipers should not be refused an alien because of his radicalism, no 

of what degree. They profess to believe that no persons should 

rtifused admission to the United States, especially radicals^ and that 

I 'i should not be deported for expression of opinion or for membership 

imLal or even revolutionary organizations, even if they aim at the 

I 1 1 i.t ion of the Government and social system of the United States. _^ i 

The methods to be employed in securing civil liberties by this Union, 
i tnntend, is through maintaining an aggressive policy. This can be 





m i 


obtained by unions of organized labor, farmers, radical and liberal 
ments, free speech demonstrations (as they interpret free speech), ptll 

licity through circulars and posters, but more particularly through pel ' 

influence with editors or subordinates on reputable newspapers, whii li 
also their chief means of spreading subversive propaganda, and legnl dfl 
fence work. Thus the Union creates in the minds of Communists, Anarchl I 
and all classes of radicals the idea that it is improper for anyone to interM 
| with their activities aimed at the destruction of American institutions. 

The activities of this organization are extensive. It assists any rndiolj 
; movement through publications of high standing in order to in flu i ■ 
, public sympathy toward the radical organizations, furnishing allorniH 
i for radical criminals, conscientious objectors and radical or foreign §p|| 
\ "bores from within" in churches, religious and labor organizations W 
men's Clubs, schools and colleges and the American Federation of LobOl 
in order to spread: radical ideas. The union maintains a staff of spenkl I 
j investigators and lawyers who are working in all sections of the count I 
j Lawyers are furnished on short notice wherever a radical criminal geli Lnl 
trouble. A press clipping service is maintained which keeps the org 
tion in close touch with every radical criminal or group of radical criminal! 
in trouble and immediate financial aid, publicity and counsel is offend 

Aiding in this service are some 800 cooperating lawyers, and more thl 

j thousand correspondents and investigators, representing 450 weekly Inbofi 
J farmer and liberal papers with 420 speakers and writers. 
J=r The American Civil Liberties Union was particularly active in aiding tl|| 
1 Communists caught in the Bridgman, Mich., raid. It was active in beball Qj 
trouble makers in connection with, and prominently identified with tin utJU 
and railroad strikes, the Amalgamated Textile Worker's strike in Pa 
N. J., the National Committee for organizing Iron and Stsftl Wor! 
Duquesne, Pa., the Socialist party at Mt. Vernon, NT., and in fighting M 
State Supreme Court's rulings on free speech during 1920, and the Sni 
Vanzetti defense in 1921. An office is maintained in Washington with tlt< 
Federated Press organization to handle matter requiring direct contact nillt 
the Government. A special drive was engineered and directed by the UnlH 
seeking amnesty for so-called "political" and industrial prisoners, pr. , 
who had been duly convicted of crime against the laws of the count r) 
The organization established branch offices and bodies were formed umlti 
other names* It maintains separate funds such as an "amnesty fund" .... i 
an "L W* W. Publicity Fund." 

1 In addition to the regular services already furnished, an extra pn 
was put forth upon which special efforts were devoted. This pnnn 
included: amnesty for 150 "political prisoners" of whom 103 
members of the I. W. W. ; test meetings as a basis for getting laws 1« I 
the courts on the question of free speech; a special campaign again*! till 
American Legion and the Ku Klux Klan; completing studies on injun 
and advising tactics for labor organizations; a campaign in school 
colleges for "academic freedom"; and further development of the Nal 
Bill Fund to reach all defendants in "civil liberty" cases.' The policii 


i. -uganization are determined by the National Committee and the carry-l 
hi,. <mt of them is left to the Executive Committee which meets weekly.l 
limn Pastor Stokes, a delegate at the illegal Communist convention at\ 
Nihltfiiian, is in close contact and at times sits with this executive committee. 
The Harvard Liberal Club, the I. W, W. T the World War Veterans arid I 
ny local "defense leagues" and "civil liberty" organizations are affiliated j 
. the union. The directors of the union, who are members of the exec- \ 
iHlvr committee, are Roger N. Baldwin and Albert DeSilver. Baldwin has.- 
•Mir, I, in setting forth the purposes and principles of the Union, that "the 
■ lenity of murder, unaccompanied by any act, is within the legitimate 
lni|M- of free speech*" And in telling the position of the members nf the 
uzation, he says: 

"All of them believe in the right of persons to advocate the overthrow 
m( government by force and violence. We want to, also, look like patriots 
lit nvcrylhing we do. We want to get a lot of good flags, talk a good deal 
llimil the Constitution and what our forefathers wanted to make of this 
flUiulry, and to show that we are the fellows that really stand for the spirit 
n4 i mr institutions." 

1 1 Hbould not be forgotten that Baldwin refused to fight for the United 

during the war and was sentenced and served time for "slacking." 

Iln nliove was the advice given by Baldwin to Louis P. Lochner, repre- 

liilive of the communistic Federated Press in Berlin, in reference to the 

■ ili iU to be employed in carrying out the propaganda of the People's 
' Htiutil which was organized to imitate in this country the Workmen's and 

iIhth' Councils of Soviet Russia. And it is evident that these people 
llti crime fn the advocacy of crime alone, even when that crime reaches 
il i >• of treason and sedition. 

I Ik- following paragraphs from the 1920 Lusk Committee report uon- 
ibe American Civil Liberties Union, will prove interesting at this 

"An examination, however, of the propaganda and agitation which has 

n carried on in favor of the forceful overthrow of this Government shows 

B|| ii does not consist of a mere expression of opinion, but invariably 

1 ih-H measures for its effectuation. In other words, the representatives 

■ n >lutionary Socialists, Communists, Anarchists and other groups, state 
«' i l.y doing certain acts this Government may be overthrown and in each 

I hut the agitator urges his hearers or his readers to commit those acts. 

well settled principle of law that any reasonable man is responsible 

In logical and reasonable consequences of his acts and utterances. 

"While the Constitution of the State of New York guarantees the right 

i ii speech it also contains the warning that the citizen may exercise it 

i ■ ii- ponsiblt' for the abuse of that right.' The effect of the activities 

i tin American Civil Liberties Union is to create in the minds of the ill- 
nni-il people the impression that it is un-American to interfere with 
cllvltles of those who seek lu destroy American institutions. They 
. influence legislators and executives to repeal or veto any act calcu- 


lated to protect the State or the Federal Government from the attackl 


_ "It is interesting to note that the anxiety of the American Civil Liboi i [i 

Union is shown only where the abuse of free speech is called in quoi 

because of attacks upon property or Government. The committee doeB ill ' 
find anything in their literature which seeks to prevent a man from bold 

punished because of libel or slander or because of licentious or inn 

speech or writing. These writings or utterances are penalized unuY 
institutions because they are deemed to be abuses of the right of free spoi 1 1. 
and that they will tend to destroy the reputation of an individual or till] 
will lend to corrupt public morals. If the principles set forth in tfi| 
'Statement of Civil Liberty' . . . were carried into effect, libel, standi 
and immoral or lewd writings and speech could not be punished." 

After some further analysis this report says: 


/ The union is closely identified with groups in practically 

city in the country known as "parlor Bolsheviki." Speakers are furnishl I 
for these dilettante radicals whose influence would amount to little l)(l| 
for the fact that they can be counted upon for financial contributor 
any movement that promises them a thrill. It has been said that imiijy 

| idle men and women become identified with this parlor Bolshevik movon 

through emotionalism and because it gives ihem something to think ah 

, Whatever the reason, the Communists and the Civil Liberties Union agitnloU 
make use of these groups for financial aid and as means of spreadh) 

Just at present the Workers' party of America is receiving the attttl 
tion of the American Civil Liberties Union, and through that organ i/iil 
the aid of the parlor Bolsheviki. The Workers* party being the "N 
j expression" in politics of the Communist party of America, and its stand 
■ bearer in New York, William F. Dunne, being charged with criminal 
spiracy for his participation in the illegal Bridgman Communist convcnll 
the party is having a hard row to hoe. Among other attempted artivi 
at this time is an appeal for funds from any source. 

The Workers' party as a branch of the Communist party, has urrmi 
to the "sucker lists" of people who have contributed to the finances n( 
the party in various cities, and besides has "sucker lists" of its own whli ' 
. are shared with the Communists. The most remarkable feature of ih< » 
lists is the number of names of prominent people upon them- For IjihIju 
the list for Philadelphia, which the Workers' party has for use on lli 
ground that the people have contributed to the funds of the Wo. I, 
party (and of course the information is dutifully passed on to the I 
munists) contains approximately two hundred names, almost all of th 



■ II known people. The name of Mrs. Gifford Pinchot, wife of the Governor, 
|| Triiiisylvania, is the seventh name on the list, which also contains the ; 

i of at: least six members of the well-known and wealthy Biddle family.] 

il intended even to insinuate that these people knew that they were! 

Mil Uniting, if they did contribute, to the finances of an organization the; 

III I ni m of which was the overthrow by violence of the United States Govern-; 

Hi they have undoubtedly contributed frequently to causes which they 

told were for the uplift of the downtrodden or the bettering of the 

millions of the working class. Thousands of Americans in other cities 

by contributing to similar funds, placed their names on similar lists. 

VV. W. Weinstone, executive secretary of the Workers' party of Amer- 

> In Mi^w York, was in hiding for some months after the Bridgman Con- 

in was raided, and this had embarrassed the party, especially with 

. the leader, in jail, or out on bond. However, Weinstone, who is 

ft llinivn Communist, still sent out orders for the campaign from his hiding- 

The party had difficulties in obtaining signatures to get the candi- 

Hulim on the ballot, as the membership, dismayed by the publicity attending 

ection of the party with the illegal Communist party, was unwilling 

| I ieh the signatures to the petitions. Thev were, therefore, compelled 

i v men to do this work and, by order of E. Lindgren, who was held by 
lute of New York for extradition to Michigan charged with having 
ipiited in the illegal Bridgman Communist Convention, were asking 

I him fur funds to get the paid solicitors busy. This is where the "sucker 

lliln" prove their worth. The apprehension felt by Weinstone, in his hiding 
him r, was indicated by the following letter which he sent out under date 
|if Nq. lumber 25, 1922: 

"To All Branches of the Workers' Party Local, Greater New York. 

"Ili-fir Comrades: Our party organization, for obvious reasons, has 
hi fur failed to function effectively in the campaign. So far as getting 
ilftii'uiiKH on the petitions is concerned we have fallen down miserably. 

"This means that if we depend upon our party membership to get sufE- 

piiI i natures to place our candidates on the ballot, our party will not 

P on llie ballot. If we do not get on the ballot, it will be a great blow to us. 

"U e must under all circumstances get a place on the ballot for our 
■Hy, [The italics are Weinstone's,] And since we shall not be on the 
I II. i if we depend upon the party membership we are compelled to pay 

, |-l.« ulio will get signatures for us. 

"A few thousand dollars is necessary immediately. We must raise 

I i y at all costs. The City Central Committee passed a motion to 

il. ■■ i fliat every branch must contribne a sum of money for the campaign 

I it. fifty cents per member. If a branch has thirty members it must 

Hii.l In to the Local Office, $15; if it has forty members it must give S20, 



"Comrades — this matter cannot be delayed. 
"Hurry Comrades — by October 6th the Local must raise one thouil 
dollars for the campaign. Send in the money immediately. 
"Let us get on the ballot and begin a real campaign. 


"W. W, Weinstone, 

"Executive SecrflUj | 
"P. S. — Branch Organizers, The leaflets for the Ratification Meetin| 
Sept. 29th are ready. Come down and get them. Get some comradm 
distribute them." 

The Communist International at Moscow had originally plaum-il || 
have the Communist party of America make every effort to secure tin i li 
tion to Congress and to other offices of persona friendly toward ! 
Russia, and for this purpose promised to give the organization in iln< 
country a quarter of a million dollars for a campaign fund. Bui ill 
inaction of candidates in whom they had placed confidence and the « 
activities of others, made the Moscow Reds, plotting on the im 
politics of the United States and with an organ to carry out their | ■ I ■ il 
lose confidence and they decided to withhold this fund at least until "ili« 
goods have been delivered." 

Information reached the Communists of America that Moscow offii 
were particularly indignant at the action of Senator France, of Man 
in introducing legislation to have the United States transfer six HNmnmi 
to Poland and the Moscow people said that this action showed iM 
Russia could not depend upon such friends. When the Communis I hilm- 
national was informed of this state of affairs it abandoned its origin;) I | I 
and instructed the party here to exert all its efforts in using the pin 
for propaganda purposes. The Communist International, however, U 
appropriate $30,000 for the conduct of the election campaign by tin' (.mM' 
munist party through the Workers' party of America. 



I ho plan elaborated by the Communists for the purpose of gaining a 

I ml fiuld among the workingmen of various industries includes the for- 

■ i "ii of a series of "nuclei" or groups each consisting of ten members with 

I M mlnr, who are pledged to the support of the revolutionary program. Only 

• In lender knows the members of his own group or nucleus, and a limited 

i 'i of other leaders. By this method it was hoped that by gradual ex- 

of the numbers of nuclei through propaganda, further insinuations 

i •< ndutionary thought would result until finally a sufficient minority 
ill lie under control to influence the passive thought and actions of the 

■ I- -i- niy. For it must be remembered that the ultimate influences behind 
tin world revolutionary movement are by a developed instinct, specialists 
nirity rule* 

There are but few groups of workingmen in the United States, either 

. illy speaking or in a single industry that do not contain the germs 

I < oiumunism in the form of nuclei. In many places the work of prop- 

ihdn is being carried on more and more openly with little organized 

ii- iiion, either from the workmen or the individual employers, where 

|| previous years attempts of this sort were regarded as illegal and carried 

hi tin underground manner* Dissatisfaction of any sort is a productive 

■ ililUrr for the growth of the seed of Communistic propaganda. Planted 
in i lie form of nuclei* Communists under direct orders of the party leaders 

iite imperial advantage of strikes to carry ignorant passions to open violence 
pliil In win adherents to their cause. 

There are but few strikes of any magnitude in which this dire influence 

|i nut fell. It was especially apparent in the New England Textile strike 

I VK)2, and later in the coal and railroad strikes of the same year. The 

Hfttnry of these attempts to utilize a big strike for the production of dis- 

ttnlt'i in best illustrated by giving a short account of the coal strike. What- 

|PI may be said about the ultimate causes of the 1922 coal strike, and cer- 

■ ■'"!■■ llie actions of the United Mine Workers and its officials were not 
Jim r» criticism, Communist leaders saw therein an opportunity to 

i their program. Agents were sent into the Pennsylvania field, and 

VHt "iion here and there nuclei were organized. Through their leaders the 

> i i were put into touch with those groups which had been in existence for 

er period. Most, if not all of the members were enrolled in the United 
Mine Workers and through their locals naturally exerted a good deal of 
IhIIhiimi' in the policies of the Union as a whole, bearing in mind that a 





well-directed> secretly organized minority can always control to a gi 
or less extent the policies of a presumably democratic organization. 

The gradual amalgamation of union and non-union workers in • | 
line of industry into a single organization, first in cities, then in Stale 

then in the entire country, is the first general step which is now I | 

taken. Then will come, according to the schedule prepared by Mum 
and American communists, the amalgamation of all workers of all In 
dustries,, first in cities, then in States and then in the entire country. WIlMl 
this is accomplished the stage will be set for the great general stril ■ 

it cannot be developed from a local disturbance before that time. The r 

niunists plan this as the first general direct move toward the overturn » i 
the Government by force of arms. 

Many more steps have been taken toward this goal than the gou»r|| 
public realizes. Communists attended, as members of the Maintonttm 
of Way Union of the railroad group, the convention of that bod 
Detroit on the 5th of October, 1922, and showed their victorious limit 
when for the first time they were able to force a resolution through calll 
for the amalgamation of all rail workers. William Z. Foster, oul 
jail under bond for his participation in the "illegal" Communist purl 
convention at Bridgman, Mich., was active at this meeting of the M«l|| 
tenance of Way Union. An Associated Press despatch from Detroit Hill 
date of October 5, tells the story : 

"The Maintenance of Way Union, in convention here, went on i 
today as favoring a union of the chief railroad workers' organization! 
as a step toward more concerted action in matters relating to I j 1 1 ■ • • > 
A resolution instructing officers of the brotherhood to 'prepare for til 
amalgamation of the unions' was adopted after several hours of honlM 
debate in which friends of President E. F. Grable charged that the propu [| 
was put forward by ( a radical group'. 

"One speaker declared that it was evident that ^representatives of Sovbj 
Russia or the Industrial Workers of the World are secretly sitting 9 
the convention hall'. The affairs of the convention, this speaker said 
parently were temporarily in the hands of William Z. Foster, 'who | 
known wherever labor is organized as an ultra -radical', 

"Foster attended one of the sessions on Tuesday without credential 
and has since been barred from the floor." 

This is the fight that all American workers, in unions and oul H 
fighting in their own ranks. Unfortunately, before they or the Amcrintii 
people appreciated the seriousness of the situation or understood tli 
signs the Communist regime in Moscow, through the Communist path ■ 
America, had on the United States Government and its institution! 
Communists had succeeded in planting many members in the diffcrcm lf| 
dustries, in the unions and among the non-union workers, and had surli | 
foothold that they could not be eliminated. The sane, loyal Amn 
members of the Maintenance of Way Union have just discovered Eli 
tent to which their organization is dominated by the Communists. 

Besides the active Communists "planted" in the labor organizallnitl 

i verted to Communism by the missionaries thus included in the raem- 

irilllpi there are a number of active "legal" bodies aiding in this work 
mI |1 liming all labor for the united front "preparatory to the General 
lillif. Among these are the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, 
orkers* Party of America and the Friends of Soviet Russia, which are 
E most important. When it is understood that these organizations are in 
Rill line and the same as the Communist party of America, it is easily 
■ mm i Iwii this is an important means of agitation which is legally utilized 

I. i ilie innocent guises of technical, famine or other kinds of relief for 

Ibi-mlii. In a recent report by the Central Bureau of the Society for 
1 Imlca] Aid to Soviet Russia, sent to the communist authorities in 
Mnifovv, it is shown that the influence of this organization is rapidly ex- 
( imllng throughout the United States and Canada. A branch has also been 
I ililLsned in Panama. 

la this report it is stated that the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet 

I i 1 1 ad collected in 1922, $620,000 in this country for its work in behalf 

I tin* Communist movement here and in Russia. In fact, because of the 

.>,.,. unlive poverty of the rest of the world, the United States is very 

1 ■■■ -Iv financing the ruling group in Russia, whose only American policy 

Mm destruction by force of the Government of the United States, Of 

' f)20,000 collected here on behalf of this seemingly excellent charitable 

merit 110,000 passed immediately into the coffers of the Communist 

I ii i v (if America. The rest was variously expended, a considerable sum 

I ...., in gold to the Communist circle in Moscow, The balance is vari- 

|i I-, used in buying tools for Russia and hi promoting industries in that 

li'y, in financing movements and spreading propaganda in this country. 

1 1. 1 hi in was collected in less than six months, and sustains the hope of 
ummuniats that more than $1,000,000 a year can be counted nn from 
■ i.« mnirce alone in the United States, 

An as an example of the thoroughness with which the work of the 

i mil rusts in industries is done, correspondence in April, 1922, between 

Imtir-t l\ Cannon, national chairman of the Workers' party of America, 

Ktl T. R* Sullivan of St. Louis, one of the delegates to the Bridgman con- 

in of the Communist party, may be cited- This correspondence re- 

■ I to the work of the communists in the southern Illinois coal fields, 

irnc of the Herrin massacre. Under date of April 17 Cannon wrote 

, "Dear Comrade Bob" asking for "a little report on the activities you 

..tying on in the coal fields, stating just what is being done, and 

wlirllit'i- the work is being turned into account for organization purposes 

I Ihr W. P." (Workers' party). Sullivan is also requested to "write 

iliing for the Worker about the Workers' party activities in this strike 

iin district." 

To this letter from the leader of one Communist organization, Sullivan, 
i h Communist leader, replied on April 22, in a letter which throws no 
llUlr. light on the miners' strike and shows something of the strength of 
Hid Communists in the ranks of the coal miners. This letter reads: 





"Dear Comrade: In compliance with your request for a Little i 
on the work being done in the Illinois coal fields, I would say thai lo 
as a result of meetings which I had in Southern Illinois, together 
consultations with other comrades active in the mine workers, the follfl 
program has been formulated and adopted and is now in progress oi 
put into effect by means of the organization of caucuses inside of 
local unions. The program is first, that all members of the Wo 
party shall give their fullest and heartiest support to the aggressive cm 
on of the miners' strike. Second, that we stand for no split or dual u 
and are pledged to give our undivided support to fighting any such dm 
in the mine workers' organization. 7'hird, that we stand solidly fin 
basis for state agreement and will fight uncompromisingly any muvi 
separate state agreements* Fourth, that we support in every way pn 
the demand for a special national convention to reinstate Alex Howatl 
the Kansas miners. 

"We are carrying on a systematic organized campaign, for the pm 
of carrying this program into effect, throughout the Southern Illinoi 
fields, active work is being done along these lines in Zeigler. Chri.-i 
Herrin, Valler, Johnston City, Collinsville, Bellville, W. Frankfort, V. 
O'Fallon, Sesser, Royalton, Buckner, Benton, Staunton, Livingston, Mnr| 
ville and other towns in Southern Illinois Coal Fields. 

"Our plan is to carry on this work of organizing these Lefl 
caucuses and to circulate especially among those in these cam n 
party literature. This to be followed up with personal talks and wild! 
possible with mass meetings. This work, I believe is most fundunu nl 
and in a short time will result in our securing large numbers of \h< L 
intelligent and aggressive members of the United Mine Workers into | 
ranks of the Workers* party. 

"Needless to say, some of the work which we are doing in the v> 
building a machine inside the United Mine Workers cannot be p,lvi>|| 
publicity without bringing down upon our, as yet, incomplete organi/jtllnl 
the attacks of the powerful reactionary machine. I can say, howevln ill 

we have good reason to believe that by next winter we will have a very <i 

position in the U. M. W. of A., District 12. We are off with a sphmli.l 
start on this work and there is going to he no let up until we h 
thoroughly entrenched ourselves." 

This correspondence is but a sample of what is going on lilli 
throughout the United States between men whose work is to lin ll 
foundation for the overthrow of the United States Government- It * 
selected solely because of its part in the recent coal strike and mIi 
from their own records, what the Communists did to bring aboiil I 
massacre at Herrin. 

Among the documents abandoned at Bridgman, Mich., when tin i 
munist convention was raided by the Michigan authorities and the ifolft 
gates fled or were arrested, were copies of two reports to Moscow mi ill 
work done by the organization in industry in the United States. Un- 
reports cover the entire country, show the part taken by the Con 


| ll* agitation ostensibly in behalf of Sacco and Vanzetti, but more 

, ilmitly to serve as a medium for creating unrest and hostility toward 

(hivflrnment, and prove the statements frequently made that the Com- 

iii are working inside the labor unions toward the end of over- 
..- ihe United States Government by force. Erasures in the copies 
reports indicate that an effort was made to prevent by any chance 
I >n hi in learning that Foster's Trade Union Educational League and the 
i I Labor Council were controlled by the Communists. 
1 lie first of those reports reads: 

"The periodic reports received from our comrades show great activity 
it i In Industrial field. Our comrades have taken leading parts in con- 

B vc movements; at all times placing the labor movement as a whole 

i , n(jcts, party policies or theories. We are well represented at the 

I Mine Workers* Convention and the Railroad Telegraphers' Con- 

ii, doing our share of the preliminary spade work which must be 

lirfore broader fighting organizations can be developed. 

"We have organized the [Trade Union] Educational League, which 

1 1 rmidy established a Bureau of Railroad Workers and which is pre- 

|UHhi|> 1o enter other industries, particularly among the steel, packing 

i Imilding trades workers. As a step toward the unification of in- 

Lfiniiloiit unions we have made the [United Labor] Council of New York 

ilnl vicinity a live body and organized the [United Labor] Council of 

, h, which initiated a convention of all independent unions to be held 

Nnw York in the first week in January, when a permanent federation 

II l.c formed. Under our leadership the United Labor Council, in con- 

, i,. with the American Labor Alliance, Workers' League and other 

ions cooperated with defence organizations, agitating the cases of 

mi > •» mul Vanzetti. Our comrades in unions throughout the country have Mn movements for the introduction of the shop delegate system, affilia- 
|Im n mill the Red Trade International, Relief of Soviet Russia, Defense of 

|] (HU nsts and other class conscious workers and have done much to 

kwU iIk; unions face the problem of unemployment as a class issue. In 

n we have made the Voice of labor an industrial organ. Everywhere 

■ I, |iurt the labor press, urging unions to stand with the Federated Press. 


\i live in the United Hat and Cap Makers' campaign to revive the 

In Trades Workers' Alliance for all unions in the industry, numbering 

.mi workers. Opposition by President Schlesinger of the I.L.G,W*U. 

"Active in cloakmakers' strike. 

"Active in Locals 22 and 25 where we faced expulsion by the machine. 
"Propaganda to turn the I. W. W. toward the Red Trade International 
i .i the same time seeking to overcome sterile dualism. 
"Initiating amalgamation of five shoe workers' unions, in conjunction 
||l 1 1 imr comrades in the United Labor Council. 
"Practically control knit goods workers' union. 




"Active among Foodstuff Workers, Public Service Organization - 
Office Workers. 

"Important contacts with ex-soldiers. 

"After a long period of hard work we have gained some sum 
directing union activity through the Unemployment Council. 

"International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, nineteen memhi I 
four locals. Industry not well organized. 'Open Shop' quite exit 
in dressmaking line* 

"Arranged a conference in Needle Trades for reviving Needle T. i 


"Amalgamated Clothing Workers, seventy members in eleven In 
Industry 100 per cent, organized. Many skilled workers unemnln 
One local of 12,000 being won over to shop delegates system. Op|Mi 
bosses 5 scheme to turn over plant management to workers as a meftn 
strengthening speeding up shop benefit system. Faced expulsion Im- 
position to machine. Verblen expelled without fair trial. In some i 
the officials refused to hold meetings from May to August. Undci 
sure from us they finally resigned and our comrades took their place*. 

"Railroad workers, 50 members in four locals, 70 per cent, u 
ployed. Dual unions inactive. One Big Union dead. We have 
menced our Trade Union Educational League Railroad Bureau here u 
only means of dealing with so large an industry. , 

"Similarly in the Building Trades, where we have forty-two memUii 
in thirteen locals in six trades. We lead the rank and file movi n 
against the Landis award, and are using the R. & F. committees to i,i«1 
for united action of crafts and scattered locals. Very strong in fiv 
penters' locals. 

"We have foreign language comrades in ten steel plants and are ( - ■ i 
with a great educational problem, the same as among the railroad wmlt»i| 
already referred to, and among the stockyard workers, where we also liM 
the problem of dualism to contend with. 

"Among the printers we are working with some success for a i-lmll 
affiliation of trades. 

"Among the machinists we successfully resisted a split when llinfl 
was a move to take a faction over to the Amalgamated Metal Worker*. 

"At the Illinois State Federation of Labor Convention (Oct, I | 
1921), we led successful fights for resolutions endorsing Friends of 
Russia, planning support of Mooney, Debs, Larkin, Gitlow and other . U 
war prisoners, planning action for a shorter day and union relief nml! 
for unemployed, recognition for Soviet Government of Russia, plmiiiltU 
united action by all crafts in building trades to oppose Landis award. 


"An far back as July we led movement to unite a score of shoe workers' 

i, including some scab unions. The job promises to be successful. 

planning shop delegate system. 


'International Ladies' Garment Workers, twenty-five members in Ladies' 
tyalnl Makers' Union. Active in strike committees. Twenty-three members 
jj i lutik Makers' Local. 

"Amalgamated Clothing Workers, eight members. 

"Also members in Painters, Butchers and Bakers, Journeyman Tailors, 

<m Tobacco Workers, United Cloth Hat and Cap Workers, German 

HniUmh, Jewish Barbers and I. W. W. locals. 

"Cumpaign among independent unions to send delegates to conven- 
linn called by United Labor Council. 


"Active Unemployment Council. 

' 'Ad i ve in United Mine Workers, International Ladies' Garment 
ikri-K, Painters, Carpenters, Bricklayers, Needle Trades, Food Stuff 
i.ih, Electricians, Pattern Makers, Machinists, Moulders. 


"Active in International Association of Machinists, I. W. W., Journey- 
Mimi Tailors, Amalgamated Metal Workers, Carpenters' Union, Painters. 
"Delegates to Federation of Labor. 

"Active in United Mine Workers, Building Trades, Rank and File 


Itnilding Trades, San Francisco and District. Forced Building Trades 

j| lo support general strike made necessary by open shop drive. 

I Hank and File Committees in building and other trades. Led one 

II il.i greatest fights ever made by organized labor, although open shop 
|H Opposed dualism which sprang up following defeat and as a reaction 
rIhhI bureaucratic betrayals* 


"Funned committee of 100 from Central Labor Council in order to 
nl use of Seattle Union Record, for furthering financial schemes of 

1 ilior leaders. 

"The committee of 100 leads a real anti-capitalist movement among 
IUniii/cd workers, and has working captains in the following trades: 
i I. mists, boilermakers, shipwrights, building laborers, office employees, 



foundry employees, iron moldera, painters, dyers, cleaners, presses, Mi 
smiths, building service employees, auto drivers, lady barbers, 
ishers, auto mechanics, city fire fighters, ship-yard riggers and fnitoil 
news writers, union waiters, bakers and confection workers, barbel*! 
penters, sign painters, laundry workers, Typographical Union, tailori, 
sicians, bakery sales girls' local. 


"Bridge construction workers, needle trades. 


"Difficulty in making entry into steel workers. 


"Minneapolis— Railroads, 6 members; machine shops, 2 mn,,1 
building trades, 3 members. 

"St. Paul— Packing houses, 2; railroad shops, 4; machine shop I, 
garment industries, 2. 

"Duluth— Some in iron ore and logging. 1 ' 

This report in Moscow could not fail to give the Red ringlflij 
there a comprehensive idea of the extent to which the work hai 

moving forward in the United States. It is evident that the preii. 

work of "planting" representatives of the Communist party meinhn lit] 

in the trades and industries has been thorough. It must be borne ii 

that the establishment of these "nuclei" is for a definite purpo 
spread propaganda by word of mouth looking to the organization of i ..'., 
munist groups in every industry and gradually to get control of the wojUi 
in thosfi industries. Once that is accomplished it will be easy, they I. i 

to make active Communists of all the workers, then to seize the indii* 

and when the general strike comes to turn all these workers againsl i 
Government in armed insurrection. 

In the second report found at Bridgman, which does not go an 

into detail as to membership in various industries, it is shown thai I.' 
per cent, of the active Communists are members of unions and are ivimMhI 
as instructed to advance the cause of Communism. The remain Su- 
per cent, are working among non-union workers. Difficulties are encounlMiJ 
because of the fact that some of their members cannot speak English. 'Mill 
report also gives some of their plans for the future. It reads: 

"In judging the accomplishment of the party in the labor i 
field there must be taken into consideration not only the period of tiniitj 
gamation and controversy which seriously interfered with the carry ii 
of this work, but also the fact that at least 60 per cent, of our memb« | 
not members of labor unions. That from the forty per cent, who | 
members of labor unions, about one-third belong to unions outside >.l < 
American Federation of Labor, and that even of those who do beloii 
labor unions, there are a considerable number who cannot be imnl i 


. mix™* 1| "*%1... WUll» rB, i 

laSs ^-^» j^Ss 


Bishop William M. Brown of Gallon. Ohio, member of the House 
of the Protestant Episcopal Church, resigned as Fifth Bishop of Arkansas 
a self-styled "Episcopus In partialis Bolshevikium et Infidelium." The covei 
book. "Communism and Christian ism." Checks given by Bishop Brown to 9 
Ruthenbergr, executive secretary of the Communist Partv of America and to f] 
Lang, alias Joseph Fogany the Hungarian Revolutionist who is now the nails B 
sent from Moscow* 


our message to the workers in their various respective organizations 
the difficulties of language. 
'•The results so far show that it has been especially difficult to get the 
i comrades to participate in this form of activity even in cases 
methods were used to make it specially suitable for them to take 
i nuclei work, 
"Those at present active in nuclei work are primarily English. Jewish, 
i ' .. i man, and here and there Finnish comrades. From the other nation- 
llirre are very few who participate in this work. 
"In addition to the foregoing tremendous difficulties, there must also 
i .1 rn into account the general state of affairs in this euunliy where the 
' -II nf the revolutionists are not within the labor unions, but are outside, 
ill,., not organized and unwilling to join the existing labor unions, or 
nii/rd in dual 'model' unions. 

"We have, therefore, a situation where the bulk of the revolutionary 
nl in this country, Communists, sympathizers, anarchists and Socialists, 
intl part of the organized labor movement. As a result of this fact, 
!l„ mlluence of the few thousand revolutionists who are organized in the 
niinist party of America is very limited- To this may be added the 
l.i.i i lint in many industries labor organizations have hardly taken root, 
.HiJ mi others there exist certain conditions which make it impossible to 
i . rhe workers without making gigantic efforts with a big apparatus 
i mi enormous treasury behind it. Many of our members are in these 
1 1 a s, working as laborers, which generally makes them ineligible to 
lierehip in the American Federation of Labor. 
Hie only feasible method suitable to the situation in the party was 
lublishment of the machinery for industrial work which at the be- 
. would function along the lines of the party. Later aUempta 
,. made to centralize the already established party nuclei along trade 
hi as to coordinate the work in the various labor unions. 
'The coordination of this work has been made extremely difficult 
|||l«i[i|;h the underground [illegal] organization, and many opportu- 
ne jiuve been lost through lack of connections or through the impossibility 
I .. irhing the comrades in proper, time with the proper advice. 

Taking all these difficulties into consideration, the work accomplished 
| (in bespeaks the correctness of the policy pursued by the party and the 
ndous possibilities for the party by concentrating further upon this 
, .i nf the party activities. 

"The progress made in the various districts, as reported by the dis- 
Itlil industrial organizers, the reports not being very complete, are as 

■ ' 

District I, (Boston headquarters). Nuclei in needle trades, 
building trades, shoe workers, textile workers and railroad 


Tin- nuclei lack centralization and have been largely organized by 
■ Individual efforts of comrades in those unions. The industrial depart- 




ment in the district has not been functioning. The total number of the 
organized in these trades does not exceed one hundred." 

The conditions in the other eleven districts into which the Unl 
states is divided by the Communist party were then similarly analyze! m 
the report continues: 

"At best the prospects of our influencing the labor movement til 

mainly m the predominantly Jewish organizations like the Interni Garment Workers, Amalgamated Clothing Workers, Hat, Cm,. J 
Millinery Workers, etc. 

"There is a splendid chance for our propaganda, and a strong rnvttllj 
tjonary element, and there are strong nuclei among the textile worker: »| 
the United Mine Workers. 

"Among the shoe workers there are great possibilities for our wot\ 
Also among the automobile workers. There is also a good possibilil) fill 
strongly entrenching ourselves in the machinist organizations and wc h«1 
some good working groups in that organization. The prospects, howtvfl 
ot obtaining decisive influence in that organization are remote. 

"Our activities in the I. W. W. have led to their liquidation in 
number of Eastern cities. 

"In the building trades we have strong groups in Chicago, New Y..1I 

ban Francisco and also other large centers. The more radical elei 

especially among the painters and paper hangers, as well as the carpaiili , 
are joining us in our work. 

"In the independent unions we have been especially successful ai 
the Amalgamated Food Workers, the Metal Workers, Textile Workers 
Automobile Workers. . 

"Our exact influence, however, in the I. W, W< and the indepencld 
unions, cannot be definitely known for lack of reports." 

The Workers' party of America in September, 1922, sent an api.r ,1 , 

all members announcing the designation of October, 1922, as a "red m i 

in which active recruiting must be done for the party. This party hom|| 
of being the only revolutionary political party existing legally in I hi 
United States, and in this drive for membership let down the bars so |||g| 
it would be less difficult for radicals to qualify for membership ii. 
appeal showed very clearly the real nature and plans of the organi, 
which is permitted to function openly and legally, and to have 
for office on the ballot in New York State. The appeal was sent i«> .11 
radical papers with instructions to print it on Oct. 1. The appeal to ill 
second district, New York, read in part as follows: 

"Proletarians of all countries — unite! 

"Join the ranks of the Workers' Party of America! 

"Manifesto of the District Committee of the Second District Itn 
Federation Workers' Party of America. 

"The District Committee, Second District, Russian Federation, Win I ■ I 
Party of America, which includes the States of New York, New Jerar- 
Connecticut, has designated October as a red month, a month of rccrii 

• fl l embers. The District Committee Appeals to all conscious workers 
I Ilia Russian Colony to become acquainted with the program of the 

I .! nrV Party and join its ranks. The Workers' Party of America is the 
ii I j i evolutionary party existing legally in the United States. It numbers 

.i i niiks the most forward, conscious element of the working class, 

II llii^iiished by self-denial and preparedness for battle. 

"I hiring the month of October every conscious worker or group of 
run, without unnecessary difficulties or formalities, join our ranks. 
i oil to ourselves only those who are ready to sacrifice themselves 
it. thfl interests of the working class. 






'Tor more detailed information apply to I. Yanishevskaya, 208 East 

Ihli St, New York City." 

The name and address given were those of the secretary of the Russian 
' i ration of the Workers' party. He was also an employee of the All* 
1 n Mil Jewish Relief Committee, "Idgeskom." 

In an official bulletin issued by the Central Executive Committee of the 

mist party of America shortly before the Bridgman convention the 

hillowing instructions were given to all members, which shows conclusively 
iliii I lie entire industrial movement is controlled by the secret, illegal, 

ling branch of the party. All members were cautioned to read the 
i nil. hii carefully and to see to it that the instructions were carried out to 

ii-tler at once. After stating that the party has launched on enlarged 
miik. if had this to say under the head of "Industrial Activities": 

"The proper conduct of this line of activities is dependent upon the 

lli'ilMi-His and understanding of our forces, and must be controlled and 

.... I. < I |>y No. 1 [illegal]. The same principle applies here as was laid 

■ before, that all decisions as to policies and fundamental principles, 

. it nil as tactics, are to be decided upon by No. 1 before being carried 

No, 2 [legal] 

"We must organize nuclei of members of No. 2, and work as a unit 
llllMu these nuclei, and become a live factor in all these activities; but at 

..II ea keep our own forces intact. We must endeavor to create left wing 

.i.iini groups within the labor organizations, in which we must also be- 
iih the leading factor. 

"The majority of our members must be on all important committees. 

Ml urganizera must be chosen from our ranks, such as Sub-District In- 

tijil Organizers, organizers for industries, trades and local unions. 

All nuclei connections of No. One must be kept separately through 

III* various units, and be held in readiness to be called at any time by the 






"All reports to the lower units connecting No. One with I In < 
ties must be given verbally, and not appear in writing or in print. 

"In cases where new nuclei of No. Two are organized and u >i i 

of No. One cannot be placed as organizer, a member of No- One mil ' 
assigned to keep all connections of his membership; his connection i 
turn must be recorded with the District Industrial Organizer." 

With the knowledge of methods and plans of the Commit m I || 
easy to see the parts they have played in the strikes in industry thai til ill 
the year 1922. It has already been shown that they played leading i 

in the railroad and coal strikes, and it is known that they were | 

larly active in the textile strikes in New England. Agents were scnl i ■ 
various parts of the country to each of the N^vr England cities win n || 
strikes were declared, reporting regularly to the higher officials n| |H 
Communist party and were directed in their work by the Central Ext*i nil 
Committee of the party. The American Federation of Labor fell lull 
simple trap set for it by the Communists, either knowingly or in 
like innocence, when it pledged $2000 a week to support the strike™. 

Typical of these agents was one Joseph Kowalski, a Pole and 1111 
Kowalski had been deported a short time after the sailing of the Bufurd ' 
participation in Communist enterprises and giving vent to sedition 
ances. In December, 1921, he returned to America under a false pin \ 
and quickly came in contact with leaders of the Communist parly i 
country. Kowalski was active both in the New England Textile ami I 
coal strikes, making frequent trips from New York, where he made In ■ hi | 
quarters, to centers in New England and Pennsylvania. It is a nnii. i 
record that following the beginning of the coal strike until his an 
August, Kowalski had himself organized over 2.000 striking miners in imii || 
of ten members each, and through them violence was promoted and llir in ' 
cies of the unions and their members influenced. Kowalski was only 
many such agents. 

Kowalski's arrest led to his proper identification and a duo i<< I 
activities while abroad. It was established that at least part of tin 
he had been influential and highly placed member of the Che-ka, m | 
Commission for the Suppression of Counter-Revolution of the Russian 
Government^ and as such responsible for the continued detention in |nl| 

seven American citizens. He was convicted of violation of the Dej il 

Act and sentenced to Atlanta Penitentiary for one year and to be 'iH»lH 

As an example of the cleverness with which the Communist WUl 
the textile strikes are illuminating. It was pretended that intense ii< ' 
existed between the Amalgamated Textile Workers and the United Tfl 
Workers. Both were conducting strikes on similar lines, but tin. 
tended that they were not only in no way connected but were m-liml 
hostile to each other. Undoubtedly many of the rank and file <»l ■ 
organizations believed this. But the leaders knew the fact, thai botli 


luti I) controlled by the Red Trade Union International, a Communist 

nl ttiou of Moscow with active agents in this country. 

I hit organization has the same principles as all Communist bodies, aim- 
I) i In* taking over by the workers of all industries and the establishment 
In Dictatorship of the Proletariat after all organized government has 
• nvi'illirown by force of arms. Naturally, only the leaders of the 

|| textile organizations knew of the relationship between the two as 
111 | the overlordship of the Red Trade Union International was kept a 
In I Heeret. 





The Communist party of America was quick to see the excellence of 
i if.c and the screen as mediums through which Communist propaganda 
I be fed to the public without contravention of the laws. As soon as 
n port on this phase of extending radicalism to the general public was 
lined to the high Communist authorities in Moscow a plan was agreed 
i«> enlist the movies and the stage for this purpose, and Moscow 
i • cady to spend whatever money was necessary to further such a move- 
i mi Charles Recht, the highest Soviet representative of Communist Russia 
\ mii-i iuii today, took up with Will H. Hays, as head of the Motion Picture 
II hy in the United States, the matter of producing radical films to cost 
11,0(10,000, the money to be furnished from Moscow. It is impossible to 
•(mi. exactly how much of this $8,000,000, was raised in the United State3 
km J nil to Moscow, but it is safe to say that three-quarters of the amount 
mi Immh the pockets of citizens of this country, and the chief purpose 
which it was solicited was the destruction by force of this Government. 
tl.ln ily attending this proposal resulted in the failure of the scheme to 
It ml the United States with propaganda films; the Recht scheme fell 
lOUgh. _ ! j'Si 

Unfortunately for the loyal American members of the labor unions 
I ilii't country the Communists have linked labor with Communism in 
• film service that is supplied to motion picture houses throughout the 

y. In addition to this general service, a special class of films is 

liiK used at union and non-union workers' meetings, picnics and other 
llii'iiugs. These pictures are especially designed to create dissatisfaction 
lump, the workers by showing exaggerated pictures of life among the rich 
i.l ihc contrast of life among the very poor. In urging the use of these 
Ultlien the Communists point out the fact that messages may be con* 
yml in the public by means of the screen which would not be permitted 
| iv to be spoken from a public platform. 

Many prominent "movie favorites," men and women, as well as stars 

n legitimate stage are involved, knowingly or unknowingly, in this 

ii .sow the seed of Communism through entertainment for the public. 

mini it Duncan, the dancer, who expressed vitriolic indignation when it 

Uggested that she, or her new Russian husband, might be tainted 

1 1 i iiiiimunism, when they were held up for brief investigation at Ellis 

lllid, is quoted far and wide in Communist newspapers and magazines, 

l 1 1 linl in many languages, in her expression of favor for the Russian 




?SZ&S&Ji can be found in ^ Mack *» in *~ * 

■.«"?* ma u rt y rdom which Russia is suffering will be a- fruitful 
postenty as the martyrdom of the Nazarene." ' 

she ha™ S cLTL^ ^"^ ^f the 8tatement ' a9 far « » I 

^hTL^CS tlle suggesti011 ™ made *« ** - *2 

permitted to leave Russia, This includes all, including the Mos, 
Theatre Company, whether of Russian origin or of ^natLna 
STe 1 !L!X ed °l y ^ ±Ke artist l a ^ » writin g y to three 111, 
38 twll^ are 6 : "' ^ ^ *™ to ^ «' ' 

States'^t^q^f n °- t0 T duCt P r °P a &^ while in the t 

St^Sn^n " 7T , Sp f ial P* efe ™ce is shown th, ,1, 

agree to conduct propaganda for the Soviets. 

wf"l^ e ! a ^ ree £ t0 deducl fr01 * their earnings for the benefit „l [III 
Sovxet State twenty-five or thirty-three per cent of their earnings w I I* 
this country. (There are evidently two forms of contract.) ° 

d.—Ihey agree to return to Russia at the expiration of their Nvi 

not hi n 2™ 1° l l \V Y ^ d6mand3 1 and in ° rder that certai " «*&■■" Mil 
not be alarmed at thus signing away their receipts to the Soviets, ll.r 

Government has appointed a "special committee" which supervt , 

and ms ructions to the artist. This committee consist, of reliable „ . 

Jthlr f^T Pa / ty> b f f °/ the pur P° se of ^acting the all 
of the capitalist nations from the Committee, all official papers arc 
by Kia sin. It is believed that the money thus collected goes to the f 
national Propaganda Bureau in Berlin, which regularly sends fund, «! 

*HK C ! 7 ° £ f meric \ to aid jt ™ its nght against the Govern,, 
U* United States It may be stated authoritatively, at any rate, 1 1,,, 
goodly portion of this money, collected from lovers of opera, ||», ,i«„, 

and [dancing m the : United States, is used for propaganda of the Con,, I.I 

movement. The artists are "remitted" the amount of their "taxes" 

United StL C s ° mraCt ' they diSSeminate ^ttwust propaganda in 

l ome of the ar tists coming from Russia are opposed to the Comn 

but tney are not allowed to leave the country at all unless they agree I 
terms set forth above. In order to control them and divert their attonttul 
trom the real purpose of their trip, and to conceal from them the \m ) 
the money they contribute to the Communist coffers, the "Special Comn 
hides behind the name of the Central Famine Relief Committee. The 
vision, of such artists and money is turned over to innocent-appearing 
organizations in various countries, such as, for instance, the Russian 


mi the United States. Incidentally, it should be mentioned here that, 

ling to official statements by Soviet authorities, the danger of famine 

.. It i. -in is past; crops have been excellent, and there is no starvation due 
mine. In fact grain is now being exported to central European 
ml ri This authoritative information should be sufficient answer to 

||ti livHlnrical pleas to the American public to "Save Starving Russia." 

I he connection between the tours of Russian actors and artists and the 

■ < ring in Moscow is shown in the certificate furnished the Russian 

h il Cross representative by the Communist authorities, which reads as 


M R, S. F. S. R. (Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic) Central 

i Kelief Committee. Special committee for the Organization of 

Tours and Art Exhibits, of the People's Commissariat for Educa- 

Dutcd at Moscow, 

192—, No. 

Mm- Special Committee for foreign artistic tours and art exhibits 

i i ■ I iv certifies that the Representative of the Russian Red Cross in America 

infed the right to he an Agent of the Special Committee for arranging 

Wiierica appearances of Russian artists and for the organizing of art 


Hie Representative of the Russian Red Cross in America is authorized 

i duct, in the name of the Special Committee, negotiations with Impre- 

rcgarding the conditions under which artists will appear and will 

• •unhide in its name, contracts with the impresario-promoters with the 
Hid Inn of the Special Committee in each particular case, in accordance 

* mIi inniructions given to the Russian Red Cross. 

The Representative of the Russian Red Cross is obliged to render 
M ItiinMian artists aid in the judicial defense of their interests in the event 
ill ii violation of the contract on the part of the impresario. 

"(Signed) B. KRASSIN, 
"Acting Chairman of the Special Committee." 
Early in the movement the Communist ring in Moscow awoke to the 
I n ) I lint the American people were profligate with money spent on foreign 

il ii-nl and operatic talent. It took but a short time for them to begin 

i-.mtzation of companies to be sent on tour in the United States in 

Mtilrr lo get some more of that easy money for Moscow, It has already 

(hi n noted that a- part of the plans of Captain Paxton Hibbon, as set forth 

h mi interview in the Moscow Izvestia* official organ for the Communists 

In lln Soviet regime in Russia, to raise money for Russia was by arranging 

i. mi i of Russian actors to the United States, together with musicians and 

|f1 | H | m who will under the auspices of the Russian Red Cross [which is con- 

II J by the Red Government of Russia] help to collect means for the 

|p| In I of Russia and at the same time will prove to the American public 

III* lii,"h standard of Russian art reached during a time of revolution." 

The spoken word, however, even singing and dancing, do not carry 

listic propaganda as far or as adroitly as do the films, which ac- 

piiuiil* lor the fact that the Communists are devoting more attention to the 




ays: =»^j=;s;: ns^si 

^Government as is specified in the contracts. And the peon c , 
SAt^W ^>*«~ -* * assured^' th £ 

SX5.5 of , 4 h 11 ? u Ti fo J ^ here is abundant and reIiabI * evi • 

mat instead of a high standard of Russian art reached durine a tlmi 

SKLi! age an V!J tHe "^ *" RuS5ia W fallen S the :; 
Th^fZ ^f rad ^T **<*«* In ^y country in modern times. With <I,h 

SllST 1 ? XdUS1VeI , h \ th * *™ ts ™ d «*«- ^e stag h| 
lewd and tJ^ I * "7 ^J 01 ^ The drama is now almost enllr. I 
lewd and suggestive beyond anything ever seen in any country befor« 

,J nam aS SOm . G c ^trover 3 y has arisen over the document*! iVl 
stated above concerning the relations between the Soviet gov™, 

offick sZn^l hCatre ' ° the i evi ^ WMch <*** -fctantiaTes H, 
192M92I Mr "& "■ ^T^ ta *f f ° ,l0Wh ^- Dur -S the wine, „| 
IJZl 1 ■ .v r " 3 ^ successful, v initiated "Russian" dramalic .„„,. 

agandainth.s country by presenting the Chauve-Souris at the (V 

Thea re m New York. On August 28, 1922, most of the New York n 
papers earned announcements to the effect that Morris Gest and F M 

Sh^A^njT^ 6 v 10 ^/ ^^ theatdcd organization*. 

? CO H l e > f °/ a , lun,ted en S a S e ^nt to begin in January, M . 

These articles comprised about a column and a half respectively n i 
New York Times and [The Herald and were identical in language and 31 
style easily reco f xzed as written by a press-agent. In the course of a I , I 

description of the histrionic abilities of the Moscow Art Theatre ■ 

this press-agent release said, italicized for emphasis: 

"Permission of the Soviet government has been obtained for the 4,nm\ 
lean tour under unusual circumstances. The company has a Ieavr oi 
sencc from Moscow for seven months from next January. But under 

conditions 1 of the leave of absence it must return to its home stage in 

to celebrate the silver jubilee of its founding in the early autumn or l<) 
[As a matter of fact this troop is still in the United States (Jan, 192M I 
Ihe culmination of the negotiations in Mr. Gest's invitation and ll„ 
Moscow Art Theatres acceptance marks the completion of one of the m„ 1 
intricate, prolonged and costly parleys in the annals of the contempt* , 

heatre. Ever since last February, when Mr. Gest made the first ovr, 

to Moscow following the enormous success which Balieff's Chative-S* 

had scored, the cables have been kept busy. Thousands of word, I, , 
passed m both directions, and in June, Nikolai Rumiantseff, business nut 
ager of the theatre, arrived in New York to conduct negotiations in per n\ 

The Moscow Art Theatre evidently started for America prom till] 
Lyril Brown, special correspondent of The New York Times at IWlhi 
cabled his paper under a date of Sept. 2, the following: 

"The Moscow Art Theatre Argonauts will sail on their own ship fioffl 


HiiHsia on Sept. 10 with the intent to tour America and display Rus- 
1 under a pledge to refrain from all Bolshevistic propaganda or any 

■ »>liiical activity, under the management of Morris Gest. The Soviet 
intent has placed a special ship at the Art Theatre's disposal for 

i«n-i|nn1ntion of scenery, properties and personnel from Petrograd to 
I1HI11, Germany, 

' t'ltr Soviet was forced to tender shipping because the railroad service 
h I lint special trains could not be spared to transport the Art Theatre 
|h iii elaborate bag and baggage. 

Wider transportation for the troup from Petrograd to Danzig costs 
KKX),000 Soviet rubles. 

'ft took a lot of red tape before the Soviet government gave permis- 
| for ihe Art Theatre's journey to America. . . . 

Tin- advance guard of the Moscow Art Theatre landed in New York on 
Innl day of 1922, according to The New York Times of the following 
.,!,. The party included Sergei Barthenson, designated as the manager. 
tHniiflc by The American Defense Society, comprising the substance of 
documentary evidence above given, had some days previously been 
rutted to the American press, and it had caused vigorous denials and 
li luiions of disbelief on the part of many interested persons notwith- 
MMHibn^ its authoritative character. Upon landing, a reporter asked Ber- 

" l lt is said that 33% of the profits from the American tour will go to 
I rWict government.' 

' That is not true,' said Mr. Berthenson. 'The proceeds of the first 

■ r jormances will go to the Russian Reli-ef Association, which is like 
unrican organization now working in Russia. It will be devoted to 

1 ..'- and clothing destitute Russian people and especially the children. 
I 1 not pay any state tax to the government nor have we consulted the 
fcylM in any way before coming to the United States." 

I he players themselves landed Jan. 4, 1923. In the large party at the 

iii>1> In greet the new arrivals was Sergei Rachmaninoff, the pianist, and 

lliii in Anisfeld, who has done many of the scenic settings at the Metro- 

in Opera House." When Constantin Stanislavsky, "one of the two 

IriM of the famous cooperative organization" was told that their en- 

IRmm' In this country had been protested by The American Defense Society 

I llm ground that support of the Moscow Art Theatre would contribute 

llllipi directly or indirectly to the support of Communist propaganda in 

|| country, he said through'an interpreter, shaking his head: 

li 3s not so. We have no connection with the Soviet government.*" 

The next reel in this "Russian" theatrical scenario is given by The New 

I »i A If "odd, September 15, 1922. The article follows a "double head" and 

I 11 "double leaded," thereby placing the information it contains in the 

1 Hihuit or "must" class. The'caption reads: "KAHN BACKS RUSSIAN 






The body of the article follows: 

"Otto H. Kami, Chairman of the Board of Directors of tl U 
politan Opera Company and liberal patron of the arts with many md In- 
is the silent figure, sometimes called 'angel,' back of the Russian Ail ill 
movements in America, The World learned from authoritative sou™ 
terday. Mr. Kahn, when questioned as to his cooperation with Mom ' 
of Comstock-Gest admitted he was instrumental in the New York picmMil 
tion of Balieff's Chauve-Souris and that he was sponsoring the comiri| 
of the Moscow Art Theatre Company to America. 

"The financier, one of the best known patrons of the arts, did no I h 
into figures regarding hia support of Mr. Gest, but was enthusiastic In H 
praise of the producer who brought to this country new and striking «n 
izations. , . . " 

The same issue of The World contained a special dispatch from I. .ml I 
in which it is stated that "Feodor Chaliapin, famous Russian baritorn I • 
who sails for New York, Oct 25th, and who is to fulfil a contracl will) llj 
Metropolitan Opera Company, to-day said he is to receive 30% nun. 
Caruso ever got from the Metropolitan for the same number of prifnj 
mances. His contract is for a minimum of fifteen appearances. 

"Chaliapin told The World representative he intended to go irtln i 1 " 
movies while in America and would play the leading part in a nnv< I 
nario in which he is collaborating with Maxim Gorky " The World, in 
ment following, places Cbaliapin's salary at $4,000 for each appriu n 
at the Metropolitan. 

The busy Mr. Gest then returns from Europe again in a gray top] 
and will neither affirm nor deny cabled reports to the effect that he 
bring to America Lady Diana Manners ot Eleonora Duse. He did « 
however, according to The Times of August 16th, 1923 that "he had 
got his parents with seven brothers and sisters living in Berlin, after 
ing four years in getting them safely out of Odessa. They will rem m 
the German capital, he added, until his mother's health has been comp| 
restored. Then he will bring his family to America." 

Meanwhile, it is announced from Moscow through the medium of 
Times, June 29, 1923, that "the ex-Imperial ballet of Petrograd will 
a season in New York next winter, with full cast of two hundred IB 
from the Petrograd schools and a selection of its unparalleled coitl 
and decorations. Ivan Vassilivich Eksfcosovich, Director of the Stair T 
tre, Petrograd, informed The New York Times to-day that authori \ 
had just been received for an American tour, which, unlike the Art TL 
will be unpreceded by performances in Europe." 

After reciting the difficulties which beset the company during the in 
days of the revolution when "bullets flew in streets outside, though I 
and dressing rooms were in arctic cold through lack of fuel," tldj 
daunted, these Russian stage-folk of the Petrograd State Theatre, "e.i 
on its business as usual." Then the story continues; 

"Nnw there has been farmed « mixed company with the State to run 
tiu!\rad Stale Theatre in Russia and abroad" 

I In- Labor Film Service was the name of an organization* as usual 
'labor" as a medium of appeal, formed for the express purpose of 

, rig radical films for exhibition before American audiences. The 

III illrector of this organization was, from the start, J. D. Cannon, of 

III In, Washington, a radical leader who had been active in iron and steel 

Immm* strikes and an official of the Mine, Mill and Smelters' organiza- 

Cunnon carefully canvassed the United States, selling stock in the 

| i in l''ilm Service at $10 a share, chiefly to members of labor unions, 

hit I fie argument that he was going to present films to counteract the 

IhilnliHt films being shown which placed labor in a false and undignified 

ii. He made no secrecy of presenting radical films, although to 

Kb union members he did not admit that he was working for Communism, 

imiounced that the pictures presented by his company would be propa- 

i in behalf of radical and labor unions, motion pictures describing 

In, i lie called the terrible conditions existing among the working classes 

| M... United States. The pictures were designed to stir up antagonism 

Mud lint red between workmen and their employers. 

' im* of the first pictures presented was The Contrast, by John W. Slaton, 

Well known radical of Pittsburgh. One of the pictures in this masterpiece 

, -veil a child taking food from a garbage can besides a dog belonging 

nine rich person, and was entitled "To be seen in any great city— it 

HI a day to feed this dog." The advertising matter concerning this 

imr proclaimed: 

"The girl in this picture will be seen coming around a street corner, 

.1 1 1 1 1 -, something to eat from a garbage can, acting as though she feared 

,1.1.. I ion. Then a maid will be seen carefully leading this pedigreed dog 

in elegantly furnished dining-room to partake of a tempting chicken 

i . hut already surfeited he declines to eat," 

* Juinon harped on his desire to present "the truth" to the public through 

Hum of these pictures, and The Contrast may be cited as an example 

il... idea of the truth. It was also advertised that the following suggestive 
| itlona would be shown on the screen in connection with this picture; 

There were no labor unions in Egypt during many centuries. Why 
111 tint nation lose her civilization two thousand years ago?" 

"There have been no strikes in China for six thousand years. Jloes 
Id,,! ,,. , -nunt for her long death-like sleep and submerged millions?" 

in view of these facts, what would happen in America if the labor 
mriit would be crushed? 1 ' 

It it is dangerous, therefore wrong, for labor to organize .and strike, 
i in.) equally wrong for capital to organize and raise prices?" 
fit wage workers should not organize solidly, why should lawyers, 
hi i, business men and ministers organize? 

U46 J 




of £$Zf££.. bit of 9creen advertisin * **« *■** ** *«w4 

"The next scene will be thought-compelling. It will show a wml 
dimng-room table with empty dishes. The wife enters from kitchen, U 
n arms, little girl clinging to mother's skirts, and she will say: <M ,, 
1 am hungry The mother will bid them all to sit at the table and wall I 
papa, with whose coming she expects food He enters, but is empty lu.,,,1, ' 
When the mother sees this her head bows, tears start, the babe £ nn 
Ughtly to her breast. The father throws his coat aside, looks at tin 

table and hungry family, reads the splendid extract from the Dedi 

ot Independence, folds his arms and shakes his head." 

The American Federation of Labor made a report on Cannon in I 
in which it was pointed out that he had been a member of the W< Hi 

t tl^M t °n^ iner \r and W1 T he came East he was apposed or R i 

for the Metalliferous Miners of which Charles Moyer was the head |" 
previous to his arrival," the report continued, "the late John MilriJ 

was haying a series of conferences with the mine owners for the mi. 

of getting recognition for the organization. The mine owners had 
Ucally agreed to recognition of the union when Cannon began ui'lImi 
speeches advocating action along the lines of the Western Federalinn 
Miners, with the result that the mine owners backed up on the Mil. I J 
proposition and not only refused recognition, but decided to give am I 
gamzation that might be formed a fight. 

"In the territory of which Mr. Cannon was in charge, comprint il„ 
States of New York and New Jersey, there were more than 40,000 m, 

gaged m this industry. He has been very active in all radical move i 

has talked syndicalism and approved Sovietism, He has taken sidm . 
secessionists against the legitimate trade union organization, and ha 
very close to Moms Hillquit and Sydney Hillman and groups of *ii,,||„ 
stripe, tie is now selling stock for the Labor Film Service Comivn. 
organization in which Hillquit is interested." 

In one of his letters sent to labor unions through! the country < 
stated that his company had secured another picture, The Jungle In.,*, 
upon Upton Sine air s novel, which he said had been made five years Mol 
It was produced," he wrote, "before the evil influence now so evidrnl , 
the moving picture world got such a hold on industry. We are goiiiji 
revvse the picture and bring it up to date," This process, it dev< I , 
was to make the scenes depicted by Sinclair appear to be true picturni 
today. An attempt was made to publish a Labor Film Magazine in 
nection with this company, but the New York police authorities refuel 
grant it a permit. It was plainly evident that a part of the work pro,, 
was to take moving pictures of any situation reflecting against the <■ 
ment in its treatment of workers in the enforcement of law and or, In 
then display them at radical meetings for the purpose of inciting c.Uv I 
ing Another of Cannon s letters, this one addressed to a radical in ()A 
land, Lahi. s contained the following informative paragraph- 

Out enterprise bears the endorsement of such prominent leaders as 

I ii Thomas, Rabbi Judah L t Magnes, Scott Nearing, Louis Waldman, 

M. Snckin, etc. We also have endorsement of the Central Federated 
n, United Hebrew Trades, Italian Chamber of Commerce and other 
1 ' Minimizations." 

Robert C, Deming, director of the Connecticut Board of Education, 

••mh< Into possession of some literature of the Labor Film Service as far 

U< I. nii 1020, and in referring to it made use of the expression that "Lenin 

Itnl Tiulsky are not short of agents in this country." It is also known that 

I Mniltm picture producer, Guy Hedlund> of Hadlyme, Conn., had at that 

-i. Iinrn approached with an offer to go to Germany for the purpose of 

1 1 1 luping film publicity. This offer, it is understood, was refused, 

i H m'mm evident that this propaganda was intended to aid the radicals. 

Tim film, The Contrast, was probably the most successful picture 

Mini by this company. It was shown, sometimes publicly and at other 

|l i ncitrclly, in practically every important city in the country. Its con- 

1 1 1 mi with the Moscow Communists was plainly demonstrated, although 

' I in- public information, at a meeting of the Chicago Federation of the 

i i In of Soviet Russia, a Communist branch organization, at No. 220 

M.i Oi.k Street, on March 2, 1922. At that time a representative of the 

I kImii Film Company was present soliciting business for this film for use 

il.i Friends of Soviet Russia. Moritz J. Loeb, of the Friends of Soviet 

■ . took occasion to state that this body was not only a relief organiza- 

[Imk Iml its members were really friends of Soviet Russia and used their 

llllliir nrc to promote the efforts of that regime to secure recognition. He 

i, hi ~|in tfically that the real function of the Friends of Soviet Russia was 

■ living pressure on the capitalist governments, especially the United 

pllllnn, in order to force them to recognize Soviet Russia officially. 

I iOeb, who was then secretary of the Chicago organization of the Friends 

I Soviet Russia, said that the film could be used for propaganda purposes 

|iiil nlmwn in regular motion picture houses, and that through this propa- 

mnny sympathizers could be reached who would not be willing to 

,£h or even attend a lecture on the subject. The representative of 

I Film Service assured those in attendance upon this meeting that 

. Ill in had been made in a most radical manner, showing things that a 

it.'-r could not give utterance to on a public platform. 

The Cooperative League of America, the American branch of an in- 

initial organization which has in its membership a number of Com- 

i-t and radicals of other hues, officially indorsed the Labor Film 

- and urged all persons interested in the cooperative or trade union 

merits to patronize it. It is interesting to note that labor union officials, 
immimsts and "parlor bolshevists" were also interested in this organiza- 

Tlie Communists are never asleep on matters that can be turned to their 

Inge, When Orphans o[ the Storm, one of D. W. Griffith's great 

was produced, the Communists discovered that it might be utilized 





as excellent propaganda for their cause. Accordingly the word wn 
out for all Communists to "press-agent the film as much as posaihh • 
this was done. This is not meant to reflect, even by inference, tlinl I 
Griffith was interested in aiding the Communists, but the Comimnml i 
lieved that he was aiding them and appreciated it. 

The attitude of the Communists is best explained by indiculhifj |M 
atmosphere" of the plot as shown by one of the captions. Thi 
'Danton, the Lincoln of the French Revolution!" The film was aflei 
suppressed in France. 

The success, much of it under cover, of the Labor Film Service < 

pany, although after a year or more it proved a failure, resulted in nllli 
efforts to enter the radical film field. In California the Mission Pi 
Corporation was organized and a Mrs. Clews, prominently identified ■ 
the Teachers' Council movement in Los Angeles, approached a numbfll 
the wealthy radicals of that city and Pasadena asking support foi I 
company, which had been recently formed, and the first picture of ul 
was Science of God. This company at that time was preparing to m 
work on another radical picture to be called Robinson Crusoe, a Sfl 

Bruce Rogers, the notorious West Coast Communist, who was in SmitL 
ern California collecting funds for the Communist party of Americ 
the Federated Press League, sold a film scenario to Lasky. The real niilllfl 
of this scenario, it is said, was in Alaska, but Rogers disposed of the pii i .< . 
and enjoyed the proceeds. 

In the Communist files are found mention of Charlie Chaplin. U .n 
Rogers, Norma Talmadge, Lila Lee, Allan Hollabar, Charles Ray, IV.. , 
T. Gerson, Rob Wagner, Eric Von Stroheim, Joseph Schenck, Willinm | 
de Mille and others connected with the motion picture industry, 
of them are known to be in hearty sympathy with Communism and In I ■ 
close friends of Communists, to whose cause they have contributed !m ■ ■ 1 
When William 2. Foster, the salaried industrial director of the Cimi 
munist Party of America, was in Los Angeles shortly before tin- 
convention at Bridgman, Mich., which he attended as a delegate, In 
the guest of honor at a reception given by Charlie Chaplin, the film com 
at which w^ere present many radical members of the "movie" colon) 
Hollywood and a number of parlor bolsheviks. Among them were Willi 
iam C. de Mille and Rob Wagner. On this occasion Chaplin is saiil | 
have told Foster that neither he nor any of the stars associated with Mil 
had any use for Will Hays. "We are against any kind of censorship," 
the comedian said, "particularly Presbyterian censorship." 

At this reception the great importance of motion pictures with 
educational and propagandist appeal for the cause of the labor mc-venM 
and the Communist revolution was openly discussed and several fn 1 mih 
w T ere cited of the introduction of radical ideas into motion pictures mirl 1 
the legitimate stage. Mrs. Kate Crane Gartz, a wealthy Pasadena ■•■ 
woman who has many friends among the radicals, told those present nl ill 
reception that she had recently been approached by a scenario wrllfcj 


I "llocheimer," and asked for a large sum of money to put radical 

mfel propaganda into scenarios "to do the greatest possible good 

llli I'liiiHC." Mrs. Gartz was one of those who gave letters of introduction 

I I write Chaplin appealing for funds to aid the strikers, to Comrade 

II mi organizer for the Garment Workers' Union in the East, when he 
II nl by the Communists to agitate among the railroad strikers in 

Hi Ik id California. 

An 1111 instance of radical propaganda finding its way onto the legitl- 

1 1 ,",(■ the Communists call attention to The Fool, which was tried out 

I llir Majestic Theatre in Los Angeles, preparatory to placing it on Broad- 

Uichard Bennett took the principle role: that of a minister of the 

Hi|n'l who undertakes to settle a strike, forces the company to accept the 

llllttin' terms, resulting in the loss of millions to the company, and does 

It Iht of impossible things in defiance of the present social system. 

. >.i/ is said to have traits of Jesus Christ as well as of Dostoevsky's Idiot. 

Ilauptmann's Die Weber 7 the drama depicting the revolt of striking 

IVni'H in Silesia, it is said that no stronger radical labor propaganda has 

II produced for the stage. One of the most effective scenes in The Fool 7 
>■ reported, is one showing a Polish labor agitator in a fiery soapbox 

li against the ten-hour day and for better working conditions and 

I wages. 
hmter, who is one of the Trustees of the Garland Foundation, told 

ir Chaplin and Mrs. Gartz on his visit to Los Angeles, that the Gar- 

I.hmI I ninl could be depended upon to be used in aiding any of the radicals 

■ •I into trouble with the authorities. But Foster was especially pro- 

H(|i' wilh promises to the effect that there would be many uses for the funds 

■ mi nl by the eccentric New England Harvard youth. Foster said the 

\**l,nttrti Press was to get $100,000 and a number of Communist workers 

ft lltr ('oast were promised salaries. 

Hi in Rogers was the money-getter for the Communists, to whom 
1 I... 1 Moras Lovett, Harvard '92, as president of the Federated Press 
i>M|Mir\ wrote urging him to see and collect money from William C. de 
lllllr, Allan Hollabar, and Eric Von Stroheim whose pro-Germanism made 

I prominent figure during the war; Dr. Percival T. Gerson, Will 

1 in. Charles Ray and Charlie Chaplin. Lovett said in this letter, which 

i|ui»lcd in an earlier chapter, that he had written these men, that "they 

|» 1 1 ml us before and will do it again," and assured Rogers that "these men 

1I1 us." It mav be of interest to "movie fans" to know that William 

f, ih< Mille married a daughter of Henry George and has been very active 

.li- tax movements. 

II has been known for a long time that Charlie Chaplin has been inter- 
Mini in radical movements and a heavy contributor to radical funds, much 

I111-I1 found its way into Communist channels. He and Lila Lee, a Fa- 

n Haver star; and Raymond Griffith, playwright, motion picture pro- 

. 1 . ninl actor, were among the guests of Mrs, Gartz and Prince Hopkins 

it tin iimv famous dinner given in honor of Upton Sinclair, when there was 

■ 1I1 ..-ling of radicals of every known hue, on April 5, 1922. Among the 




speakers on this momentous occasion was the redoubtable Chaplin 
lold with great gusto of his pride in having given District AtLuim v W 
wine, of Los Angeles, what he called ; *a good lesson regarding I In 
meaning of syndicalist ideas," Chaplin said that he had visited \\ 
in his office and discussed with him the subject of criminal ayml 
He asked Woolwine to show him one of "those terrible, cul-llnM 
derous I. W. W.'s, whereupon one of the L W. W, prisoners wan I 
from the jail for his edification. Chaplin said that he and the- di I 
torney questioned the prisoner and "were much impressed by the inir II., 
and enthusiasm of the clean cut young radical." 

It was in August, 1922, that Charles Recht, the New York law,- i 
defended Ludwig C. A. K. Martens and succeeded him as head of thl 
Russian Government representation in this country, conducted hcpitlull^ 
as was stated earlier in this chapter, with Will Hays, as head ol |h<< m< ■ 
picture industry in the United States, regarding the order RechL iru-di 
from the Moscow Government to purchase films to cost $8,000,000. I Iti 
films were to be made in the United States and to be entirely I'm i>>-|i 
ganda purposes. They were to be anti-Christian, anti-capitalistlcr, nnilj 
show the great advantage of Communism over the present stair M <ll 
in the rest of the world. 

Recht sailed for Europe early in September, 1922, with an n\i\\ 
ment to meet Norma Talmadge, the film star, and her husband (fj 
Schenckj a motion picture producer, on Sept. 25, at the Hotel Elii'«| 
in Berlin whence they were to go to Moscow to conclude the ucgnll 
for an extensive picture propaganda campaign. Schenek and bin 
is understood, failed to get to Moscow because they could not gol 
factory guarantees for their personal safety. Will Hays may not hnv< I 
the slightest idea of what Recht was deliberately aiming at during llin 
gotiations the two had and when the proposal was publicly expo 
deal fell through. 

The Friends of Soviet Russia undertook some time ago a natii 
motion picture campaign to aid in obtaining American gold for tha 
Government to handle under the guise of relief funds. These ptl 
were taken in Russia and were manifestly propaganda films. Ceri 
various parts of the country so cut the films, however, that they tfll 
last reduced to nothing but lantern slides. Automobiles were furni 
take exhibitors of these slides from one city to another in order In jv»1 
extensive publicity for the propaganda as possible. 

Early in 1922 a number of prominent New York people allow- il 
names to be used as patrons and patronesses of a "Russian Fair mnl • 
tume Bal 1," given by the American Committee for Relief of Id nil 
Children, under the impression that they were really lending aid to ffl 
sufferers. They did not know that their efforts were being given i- 
in the perpetuation, through the force of the Red :Arniy, of the [)rl 
regime in Russia before any thought was given to the starving chllfl 
The names of some of the most prominent writers, artists and soiih 
women misled by plausible appearances, were sandwiched in will) » 

- ill Scott Nearing, Charlie Chaplin and Constance and Norma Talmadge. 

Ill lonncclion with the efforts to disseminate Communist propaganda 

-in of public amusement 'should be mentioned renewed activity on 

i i "I the Communists to capture the youth of the world for Com- 

.i-ni In a circular "about the session of the Bureau of the Communist 

itili liiln national," marked "strictly confidential!" found in the mass 

H his captured by the Michigan State authorities when they raided 

11 1 1 Communist convention at Bridgman, the Executive Committee of 

1 miminist Youth International in Moscow gave specific instructions 

lln Communists of all the countries of the globe must make a special 

Id j'H at the young children who are gathered in such organizations 

||m« Catholic youth unions, the Y, M. C. A. organizations and the Boy 

mii'i This document was in German. 

In prtssmg, it should be mentioned that the Bridgman raid was the 

i Mow sustained by the Communist party of America, and therefore 

oil radicals, in the history of the United States. The Michigan author- 

I j'lil seventeen of these men actually conspiring ;to overthrow the 

Hp Stnleg Government by force, found the records of every delegate to 

Miilbn, the financial statements of the party, "sucker lists" of many 

< written instructions to the Communists from the directing circle in 
H1H iif which Lenin and Trotsky are the active principals, and almost 
Hjpw documents which prove the conspiracy and the guilt of every per- 
il In itltendance. 

I In document pertaining to capturing the youth of the ^world for 

inimm confesses that these organizations of youngsters constitute the 

{Uflli I obstacle to the development of Communist youth organizations," 

|C nluiuld serve to keep loyal citizens of all countries firmly behind 

<\t liiMlinfl. In one part of this circular it says: 

1 1 icie are four big groups of such unions [referring to organiza- 
I which 'count big masses of young workers among their members* and 
i"li iiiiihI be combated 'with great energy 1 ]: 

I The Catholic youth unions (mainly in Latin countries and their 

The Protestant youth unions ( ... in Central Europe and 

I The Young Men's Christian Association (in the Anglo-Saxon coun- 

l The Boy Scouts." 

IV full text of this circular, intended as a guide book, or hand-book 

i lined by those bent on debauching the youth of the world with 

iiminiiiiHm, runs to upwards of ten thousand words. With the strict con- 

iiLJoined by the Communist organization issuing it broken by the 

||hU lent upon the enforcement of the law, this document now constitutes 

ii nge to loyal parents and Americans of maturity to lend aid and 

i in every move that strengthens these organizations of youth whose 




influence among young workers is so great that the world-wide C 

organization fears them and must outline a campaign of battle to r] 
them from ideas of religion and patriotism. 




In the conspiracy to overthrow the Government of the United States 

id insurrection" the Communist party of America, coached specifi- 

l II the Communist International of Moscow, aims first to undermine 

military force of this country, including Army, Navy and 'local police 

(filiations. The handling of the local situations is left f to the Communists 

In various cities, but the question of the Army and Navy is squarely 

i* the national organization. The illegal Bridgman convention was 'to 

rminidered this feature of the Communist work, but as the conspira- 

fflre rudely interrupted by the Michigan authorities they did not get 

||| part of the convention program. However, certain documents found 

lm milhorities after the raid show plainly what the plans were. 

1 1 ihould be mentioned here that the celebrated Boston police strike, 

Ft thfl Communist party of America was organized, was a part of the 

niflt movement in this country. It was engineered by the Left Wing 

ty Socialists, which had seceded from the Socialist party and was 

i'ii; | he coming of organized Communism to the United States. These 

Wing Socialists, who later joined the Communist party, boasted of 

ii. CCSS in precipitating the police strike and they were officially credited 

ill in manifestation of their strength both at Moscow and by the Com- 

i -I party of America, when the question of amalgamation came up. 

■ in [dent has been cited more than once by the Communists as evidence 

i ■ Base with which the police can be handled when the great general 

comes which is to result in the overthrow of the Government. 

I iv I. distinct lines of attack, based upon the success of the Communist 

mlxnlion in Russia when the Russian Government was overthrown, 

Ming used in the Army and Navy of the United States. These lines 

iiijh k were dictated by the Moscow officials to be put in practice in 

united States. The orders, issued from Moscow, are on record. They 

nbtle, as are all the methods of the Communists when subtlety is 

• niv, but the plans and the working out -of the program are known to 

i>" h officials in the Army and Navy departments of the Government. 

In 'i, all ideas of pacifism are to be encouraged. This includes 

■ i. • of civil organizations devoted to pacifism, disarmament, "no more 

dove, and any movement which will tend to reduce the military forces 

P and ability. In all such civil organizations the Communists are 

wed and in many of them they appear as members, sometimes under 

ltlt<Kiiise of reputable citizens, in others openly as revolutionary workers. 



influence among yoking workers is so great that the world-wide Co 

organization fears them and must outline a campaign of battle to nil 
them from ideas of religion and ^patriotism. 





In i lie conspiracy to overthrow' the Government of the United States 

M turd insurrection" the Communist party of America, coached specifi- 

ly liy the Communist International of Moscow, aims first to undermine 

military force of this country, including Army, Navy and ; local police 

ionizations. The handling of the local situations is left -to the Communists 

i' various cities, but the question of the Army and Navy is squarely 

Bf| the national organization. The illegal Bridgman convention was 'to 

considered this feature of the Communist work, but as the eonspira- 

HBre rudely interrupted by the Michigan authorities they did not get 

i lim part of the convention program. How r ever, certain documents found 

ilm authorities after the raid show plainly what the plans were. 

ll should be mentioned here that the celebrated Boston police strike, 

m the Communist party of America was organized, was a part of the 

niiiist movement in this country. It was engineered by the Left Wing 

i In Socialists, which had seceded from the Socialist party and was 
tiling the coming of organized Communism to the United States. These 
ll Wing Socialists, who later joined the Communist party, boasted of 
I iuccess in precipitating the police strike and they were officially credited 
li this manifestation of their strength both at Moscow and by the Com- 
HiUI party of America, when the question of amalgamation came up. 
I Incident has been cited more than once by the Communists as evidence 
ii, case with which the police can be handled when the great general 
iLr comes which is to result in the overthrow of the Government, 

Two distinct lines of attack, based upon the success of the Communist 

Ration in Russia when the Russian Government was overthrown, 

I tng used in the Army and Navy of the United States. These lines 

itltrick were dictated by the Moscow officials to be put in practice in 

• 1 lulled States. The orders, issued from Moscow, are on record. They 

lllbtle, as are all the methods of the Communists when subtlety is 

ii ,, but the plans and the working out -of the program are known to 

i MkIi officials in the Army and Navy departments of the Government. 

First, all ideas of pacifism are to be encouraged. This includes 

f civil organizations devoted to pacifism, disarmament, "no more 

P Jays, and any movement which will tend to reduce the military forces 

•Irr and ability. In all such civil organizations the Communists are 

i ! and in many of them they appear as members, sometimes under 

I. guise of reputable citizens, in others openly as revolutionary workers. 





P^i S ^ by L ^ an ^ P rinted wwl circulated by word <,r m 

e uorrors and cruelty of war, with many citations some rnul 
oAers imaginary, of hardships suffered by soldiers The 1 fe let ■ 

the 51S1K"« ^^£'T* ! " •""J.-f** of the !•„ 

Communists to MfeJTL filfcnW ^ u"™ bd "« ' 

them either ready to Z thdr wt'oL onTh ? ** nati ° n " 

in the face of dLser BoTh nf T P ? " r ° fficers or to ''"" 

ment, and with tLfexpeHenc^ i miJ 1^ M W ? p0M " r "" 
of whomever can be found to '^''T^ '» "'" ' : 
persistently working „ th ? n tie S K nT?S We P"' 1 '"" 1 
War John V Weeks ! q» ?, • . Unlted States - S«i I I 

always been" oEd wi 's £" ^T^V^ ^V '" ' 

and a spirit of sacrifice ""aid- WhBg '° yaIty ' ,0Ve "' 

r ^2d^iix r ^r^y— k 

as well as among; citizens ir I in™ ti, l „ iI1 " ana iVtlv > p« 

framed, well-equipped, well-clothed and well-fed.Red Armv Tf 


1 elusion that the military organization of the Communist Inter- 

• <l lacks the forces which it could lead to a decisive battle with 
'■•mi, without which, of course, it is impossible to obtain a victory 
ll*U and the World-Wide Soviet Republic." The secret instructions 

Ulldi a condition of affairs has long since prompted -the necessity 

jflViitlng attention to the army and navy of the capitalistic States, and 

ImiwiMd and intense work utilizing the experience of ■ the de-composi- 

•l the Russian White Guard Army, to attain such a condition of 

■ i lint m the ranks of the capitalistic armies there would be Red sec- 

Which would de-compose the Army as a whole and turn their bayonets 

Ui tfw capitalistic class. This was considered by both the Second and 

Congress of the Communist International in compiling the thesis on 

■ inda and work, but unfortunately the work in this respect gave abso- 

I HO results. This must not stop the active Communist forces from con- 

the work commenced in this region. But, to the contrary, particu- 

\ HOW, the phantom of impending capitalistic wars is hovering before 

M « nd the armies and navies of the capitalistic States, manned by 

i|nil«nry, obligatory, or voluntary enlistment are almost entirely eonsist- 
h the most anti-militaristic youths inclined to adopt the Communistic 

Thr work and organization in this section must be placed at the 
1 t nil the future work of the Communist International and its mem- 

I «1 its strength and means must be devoted to it. 

Hie principal attention in the first place must be devoted to the 

' of the Navy, where the soil is particularly fertile for active 

,mt propaganda and work, particularly in the English and French 

1 1 is necessary to work under the following general conditions: 
All sailors, by the manner and nature of their lives, are devoid 

H ™ ideology, and they, as a matter of fact, are internationalists. 

I he conditions of service of sailors on submarines, cruisers and 
■ ■I on ships which make distant trips are extremely difficult; they 
Very little rest, their maintenance is very unsatisfactory, and the 
||wi In very dangerous to life. 

I!, The war did not bring to sailors the moral satisfaction and peace 
B lliey were expecting, but to the contrary, it is bringing on the coming 
lltmtM war on the seas. 

"In I he final summary one should not forget that sailors are least 
I Mihject to subordination and are very much inclined to insub- 

" n and disorders. In this respect the example of the Great 

I'M Revolution [Bolshevist] where an honorable part was played by 

I Btadt and Baltic Fleets, and the German Revolution, where the 

Dip ii I participants were sailors, are convincing facts. On the basis 

II thin the Bureau and the Russian branches of the Communist parties 
Irive to create in all the principal ports special nuclei of organizers 

■llAtora who must strive with all their efforts to get into contact with 



the personnel of naval vessels, to organize among them nuclei with 'I 
own people in them, and to distribute energetically special literature, 
nuclei on the ships must maintain a permanent contact in accord! 
with the movements of the ships with the port organizations of llir Q 
munist party and the latter must regularly maintain the contact inn 
themselves and inform one another of the movement of ships, coimin -i 
and conditions of entry. The port nuclei must not limit themselves tti 
establishment of contact and the transmittal of literature, but must ■ 
also to the bringing together of the crews of ships and the proltfJ 
population of the ports and to the generalizing of their ideology, remold 
ing always that the fishermen principally are the source for the suppl] 
of the personnel of the fleet and that their influence can reflect ver) ■ 
on the attitude of the sailors now and particularly during possible mobjl 
tions. Simultaneously the work already commenced in the occupied '' 
tory (on the Rhine, Upper Silesia and Constantinople) among tin- <« 
torial armies of the Entente must continue to grow and to spread mi< 
detachments already in England, France, etc., proper. 

"At the present moment it must bear in mind the youths whl< I* 
entering the Army on the latest drafts, among whom there is a parti uJ | 
favorable soil for Communist agitation and the propaganda of DA 
ideas. In this respect it is necessary to give the French, German and Enfj 
Communist parties full initiative in the sense of determining the tact ll I 
program of agitation obligating them to conform their work to lo< 'I 
ditions. With this it is necessary to point out that their agitato t 
strive to utilize as often as possible the thousand and one little del i' 1 
the daily life of the soldier in order to undermine his obedient 
officers, the bourgeois discipline and his duties in defending tlie hntut, 
peace. Along with this there must be conducted on a broad scale mi 
creased propaganda of pacifist ideas, ideas of disarmament and to |>ii 
that it is only for their own benefit that the capitalists and hoi 
create big armies and are preparing for their own game new confllrl 
peoples when they wish to live in peace. 

"The general slogan: Only if the proletariat be master in ever] 
will the cause for new conflicts disappear." 

This secret document was signed by Zinoviev, chairman of 

Committee of the Third International: Katayama, the Japanese Conn 

who was in charge of the propaganda section in Moscow; and Am 
the secretary. It was dated in Moscow in December, 1921, and the Oil 

copy reached the United States by courier early in 1922, The Con 

party of America, obedient to the "iron discipline" of the Third Jul... 
tional of Moscow, became active along the lines laid out in the secrcl InstJ 
tions. The results were soon apparent to the officers of the Army and fN 
and in course of time the higher officers of Loth military establilitiMt 
recognized the symptoms. Then it was that Secretary Weeks made tin U 
ment quoted above, and Secretary of the Navy Denby issued the foil) - 
orders to the entire service: 

"1, My attention has been called to the fact that there is a init 


itnda by societies having their origin in foreign countries to under- 
thr morale of the Navy and to insinuate into its personnel elements 
loyalty and disorder. 

1 have the most profound confidence in the loyalty and devotion 

issioned and enlisted men of the United States naval forces. I 

no fear that men in any considerable number may at any time, any- 
bo seduced from their allegiance to their country's flag. It is not, 
H-, through any thought or suggestion that the United States Navy 
■ the slightest danger from this propaganda, that I issue this warning. 

M. I fear only that some few of our men may be induced innocently 
Itl t, when on shore, to join societies having for their purpose the ad- 
< riL of ideas contrary to our form of government, or which may re- 
lawlessness. There are, of course, in a personnel as large as that 
llin Navy, some discontented men, and in the hearts of discontented men 
i p ilurtrines find ready acceptance. 

I. J am trying by this warning to save a few individuals who might 

inn affiliate themselves with societies teaching those things which 

Html be tolerated in an organization sworn to uphold the constitution 

llir United States and to obey all lawful orders. Should there be any 

ill mm in the Navy today, it is almost certain that if they do not disen- 

|<0 Ir themselves from affiliation with such organizations, they will ulti- 

' \\ le detected* 

i, I am trying to lessen the number of prisoners in naval prisons. 

I not hope to show leniency, however, to any man who, in combination, 

dlnnr, in violation of his oath, committed acts of disloyalty to his 

nli v. 

ft, Because 1 have been one of you I know that all men have their 

M U of unhappiness — of imagined ill-treatment, homesickness and dis- 

i Such periods come to civilians as well as to men in the naval 

hrli't*. They are a part of life. We must not let them lead us into such 

i insertion or resistance to lawful authority nor particularly into 

»hIi by word or deed against a form of government that has proven in 

n a government of liberty and justice. 

The world is full of false thought today. 1 would save that ser- 
I which our country is so proud, and of which I happen to be at the 

,i i he head, from the hurtful influence of improper theories of govern- 

ftil, nr false dreams of a better State to be created by anarchy and violence. 

■ II "o far to save any one man from the consequences of misdeeds, 

i uch consequences take the form of physical punishment or only 

I deep remorse which must ever follow him through life. So I appeal 

I -liners and men of the service to be ever in alert in guarding them- 

I i liure and afloat from the preaching of sovietism, communism and 

(Signed) "Edwin Denby 

"Secretary of the Navy." 




It was only three months after the secret instructions from mJ 
quoted above arrived in the United States, brought bv Dr. Leo S llrlil 
member of the Communist party and of the Central Bureau of tlm S m «| 
lor Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, and therefore a courier to lir li 
with so important a document, that Secretary Denby found it neo 
issue his warning, and Secretary Weeks to issue his statement 
radicalism in the Army. It is easy to read between the lines thai H.. 
strumous had been put into action promptly by the Communis!* „ni 
the ettect had already been felt in the Navy, Loyal Navy official, I, l | 
particularly watchful since the captain of an American ship in fk 
waters adopted the Soviet idea of permitting the crew to decide v I 

to make for a holiday ashore. That occurred but a few years a fA 

captain was quickly relieved of his responsibilities at that post 

Military authorities are loath to speak of sudden dismissals l'i 

service in recent months of men who were acting as Communis .. 
the ranks of the Army and Navy. It was thought best to dismiss tin in 
out making a noise about it" instead of court-martialing the men ,,,,1 
tencmg them to prison which would be furnishing material for \}u I 
munists ui stirring up other soldiers and sailors to resentment and rrl.n|||2 

By skilfully used propaganda and personal intercourse the Coiim 
succeeded in planting the seeds of Communism in the minds of many i.f 3 
American soldiers who saw service in Russia during the war and nl'l 
armistice on the German frontier and in Germany. Officers wen I 
at the Communistic ideas inoculated in the minds of troops who had mil 
in such organizations on their return to the United States. It is nol Mlftl 
possible that all such seeds have been exterminated, but much has l.n „ i 

A°iV Gr f ^J"? ° Ut the eVil in both branches °f the military eaUihli I,.! 
All of which has made the Communists more determined to push thi l| | 
with greater vigor. 

Whenever police or soldiers are called out on strike duty lit. 
muniats become very active in trying to alienate them from their di 
talkers are sent into the strike district to talk with soldiers and pot., n w|, 
ever possible; ''under cover" men they are sometimes called for ill* 
not let it be known that they are connected with the Communis! ., 
any radical movement. They present their arguments, skilfully ijihI 
solely with the view of making the soldiers forget their duty ov'sym. 

with the law violators to such an extent that they will be remis 

duty, and thus morale is undermined. These carefully selecti : 
never appear among the strikers, never address strike meetings, and | 
appearances they are not particularly interested in the strike excopl 
a humanitarian point of view. 

Another group of Communist workers are also on duly at all 
where soldiers are sent to keep the peace. This second group devuli 
to keeping the strikers agitated by speech and circulars and posEr. J 
uted among the strikers. They address secret or open meeting 
strikers, urging them to stand firm in their hostility toward the 
and m general adding fuel to the fire by class hatred. A third 



■tp of ea Si-ini Sll 'V b ^ d SL°S Centml Executive Committee of the Com,,,, 
.rmiinr ! .rr^l .T 8 ?*! 1 disturbances or conflicts of any kind always brir" 

th?il3miS ni e ir, S rS lted t0 the °? caskm - rn the center, an appeal to the mem 
tne miiiiia on guard over property during ihc coal strike in Pennsylvania. 

Itself entirely to the soldiers, placing in their hands appeals printed 
||l< Communists urging them not to oppose the strikers. One such ap- 
mI iiiuIs: 

Do not shoot your brothers, the railway and mine workers! 

"They are not your enemies! Today they are fighting in order to ob- 

bill it Hurap of bread for their families. They are useful citizens; workers 

have produced millions of dollars' worth of wealth for the war profit 

|H't". Many of them fought on Flanders Field. They are now trying to 

III I iv I Home of that democracy and freedom they were promised, just the 

is thousands of ex-service men are fighting for the bonus that war 

era are opposing because it would compel them to disgorge some of 

[O0l stolen from the workers of this country. 

"Soldiers! Whether you are in the United States Army or the militias 
lir various States, do not shoot at the strikers! You did not enlist to 
Igo in the infamous occupation of strike-breakers and scab herders. 
i»r lo do it! Do not help the profiteers take the last crumb from the 
1 1 -. of the helpless women and children of the working class. 
'•Remember this, the workers are never your enemies! 
Sunn you may be in their ranks and you would not want to be crushed 
1 1 led force! 
'erhaps even now, in some other part of the country, your father or 
in lnother may be in the ranks of the strikers! Would you want them 
In murdered because they ask a mere existence? 

I is not treason to refuse to become an assassin of the workers! 
"Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of America, 

"J. Davis, 

"Executive Secretary." 

In Truth, a communist paper, of August 4, 1922, is found an article 
mi with the approval of the Central Committee of the Communist 
| of America, devoted to the need of constantly stirring up trouble 

n efforts to make everyone dissatisfied with the existing state of 

fa, In this article appears the following sentence: "In soldiers' organ- 

mi; the bonus issue may be injected to alienate them from the Govern- 

While the bonus question was before Congress the Communists 

ped to use the bonus issue for its own ends, whichever way the 

lion was decided. If it were passed by Congress the Communists were 

ped to launch an attack on the granting of a bonus on the grounds 

|| was a move by capitalism to add more taxes to the poor working man; 

bated it was to be used to show that capitalism was refusing the 

I i "his just reward/' 

In another Communist paper is an editorial declaring that the deser- 

lium the United States Army were at the rate of "one every forty 
fcs" This editorial says: "The deserters are to Le congratulated. 

nliI have been better still if they had shown the same intelligence 




before they ever entered the army, but perhaps it is just as we]] tlinl I 
learned their lesson by bitter experience. They know now what \a<M 
they were. They will not be caught in the trap again." 

Among former soldiers, men who served in the Army during thi ! 
pean War and have since been demobilized, the Communists are wml 
hard, with many agents. The American Legion as a whole has loyallj | 
stood the efforts to win them over to the cause of Communism, - 
organization is unalterably aligned against them. But it is In 
secretly the Communists have many representatives in the ranks n| > 
loyal organization and the fight will have to be kept up contimi I 
prevent increases. Knowing that this fight is well-nigh hopel 
Communists have devoted their attention more particularly to the Wot 1,1 
Veterans, an organization which is Communistic in principles and I 
is openly supported by the Communist party. Indeed, among ih. ij 
merits seized at Bridgman were official reports of the World Win Vnlm I 
which showed a close working arrangement between the two bodies, h li 
generally accepted that the World War Veterans is one of the I. 
expressions of the Communist party- 

The Soldier-Worker, of Butte, Montana, official organ of tin- U 
War Veterans of Montana, is as Communistic as the official organs ■ •" ' 

Communist party of America and boasts of its connection with Gin 

movements. It prints with pride a letter of commendation from il>< 
retary of the "International of Former Combatants," in France, li || 
ports all amnesty and pacifist movements, attacks capital in ever] 
and is a part of a national group of similar papers; backing the WorU \» 
Veterans and the Workers' party of America preaching the samp dm till 
As an example of the kind of information conveyed in these paper?*, In'jl 
exclusion of news of opposite character, three short items from .■ 
issue are presented herewith: 

"A report from Iielsingfors stated the French battleship i 
which, was the flagship of the English Baltic Fleet, with a base ;i! Il.-l | 
fors, has returned home, after a minor explosion which produrnl ...... 

damage. Our correspondent, however, learns that there is a repi 
Finnish military circles to the eifect that the Cause for sending the Cm 
home was not an explosion but a mutiny among the crew on board < 
refused to operate against the fleet of the Russian Workers' RennW 
KronstadL As the mutiny threatened to spread to other ships, the hnlil. i 
was sent home." 

"Reports from Tilsit are that the crew of the French squad. 
Lihau raised the Red flag. The crews of the warships demanded nl ll<a 
officers to be returned to France immediately. The French vchhhU urn 
immediately 3ent home and an English squadron steamed in to occup) I 
positions at the port of Lihau." 

"According to a Soviet wireless message, mentioned in Avon it til t 
4-, General d'Anselme admitted in a conversation with represenlnllvi 
the Odessa Soviet that the Bolshevik propaganda had 'demoralized 
cent of his soldiers." 


N.-i content with using every possible effort to demoralize the Army 

Mnvv of the United States, the Communists have been recruiting for a 

t \iiuy of America, Regular recruiting officers are sent out with litera- 

• n liniment blanks and programs for the purpose of enrolling men to 

1 1 "" Red army in this country. This work, naturally, has to be kept 

Ilv Hccret, and because of that fact practically nothing has been 
I or known publicly of this part of the movement. It is impossible 
my how far this illegal movement has gone. But it is known that the 
'-Is have discussed a certain location in an Eastern State as a 

I. site for the gathering and hiding of arms and ammunition to 
idy when the time comes for the armed insurrection. 
while the American troops were occupying portions of Germany after 

istice they were flooded with propaganda from Communist parties 

1 |"' intended to incite them to insurrection and to plant the seed 

(JtiiiiiutiiUBm to be brought back to the Army in the United States, One 
li li Ml of propaganda, which was furnished by a former soldier, who 

I'l It back with him from Europe, signed by the ''Communist party of 

Hmmiy," reads as follows: 

"American soldiers, do you know why you are here? 
'Thousands of miles across the sea are your homes, your friends, 
111 l'ih and your future life- Your family is waiting for your return, 
I mother or your wife, or maybe your sweetheart is anxiously waiting to 
Mir* your wife. 

"Why can't you go back now? 
"Why did you come here, in the first place? 
IToiir motive was an honest one, an honorable one. You came to 
||m|ii> lo risk your life for democracy, to destroy the beast of militarism, 
1 iMiike the world a better place to live in. You fought bravely and you 
Perhaps the German working people could not have made their 
Nihil inn and thrown off the Kaiser if you had not delivered such deadly 
f n\ the Kaiser's military machine. You never had anything against 
i'i man people — only against the military clique. We know that and 
||i|i" i i.iie it. 

' Ynn have accomplished your object. Now you are lying about camp 

"ling. You want to go home, 
pou are not here to help us complete our revolution, but to prevent 

Y Government and all of the Allied governments are supporting 

•nine scoundrels who helped the Kaiser throughout the war — -the Ebert- 

iiuinn Government. The real German revolutionists, the working 

i, me fighting against the Ebert-Scheidemann Government, because the 

ii<i( ' »i -heidemann Government helped the Kaiser and will always fight 

Id hi"! the right. 

' Vri your Government is recognizing them and dealing with them, and 

Bvcrything it can against the real German revolutionists, the Sparta- 

ibnojde, as they are called, who have always fought against the Kaiser 

il liitvc rotted in the Kaiser's prisons and been shot by the Kaiser's firing 

hlMiln during the war. 




"Your officers won't let you talk to the people around you for 
that you may learn the facts about the revolution. 

4 They make you drill five to six hours a day for fear thai || 
have time to think you may figure out for yourself why you are here, 

"You are being kept in Europe to prevent the rule of the 

"You know that the working people always get the bad end 
from the capitalists. Some of the American hoys who have been 
ilized have gone back home to ask for their jobs again. The ! 
welcoming the men as 'heroes' and then giving them back their old |oi 
but paying them starvation wages, around a dollar and a half I 
The longer they keep you here, the better able they will be to cheal yofl 
of a job or cheat you on low pay w r hen you get back. 

"You came to Europe for democracy, but you are being krpl In 
for the big bankers of Wall Street and of Paris and London ami I 
You are being kept here to prevent the German revolution from ovrill 
ing the junkers and bankers who supported the Kaiser, and you in i 
kept here to shoot down French working-men who rebel for real li 
and you may be sent to England to fight there some more years 
breakers against the English working-people who are now trvinp 
the liberty they fought so long and bravely for. Or, you may be 
Ireland to shoot to death the new Irish Republic. 

"You came for democracy, but you are not being kept hen- 

As a part of the drive conducted by the Communist party of A 

against the Army and Navy recruiting for the military establishment!! 
party circulated a letter said to have been written by a prisoner in 
penitentiary to Eugene V. Debs, after his release, the name of ill. twHi 
is not given and it is not known why he is in prison, although th<- < ii 
says that "it is from a man who served a term of years in the Navy 
been rewarded for his patriotism by a long prison sentence.'' Thr i 11 
also states that "it is a fine bourgeois reformation they get at this walld 
inferno. 1 ' After quoting the letter in full the circular adds two p 
intended to check enlistments. They read: 

"This man who served the best years of his life in the Unilnl ' 
Navy and is now in penitentiary warns young men not to be dci 
the fraudulent and alluring advertisements posted on city billb 
to steer clear of the Navy if they do not wish to enter deliberati 
period of slavery under tyrannical rules after having signed awn) I 
rights as citizens, including the right to make a complaint. 

'The warning voice of the imprisoned marine whose eyi m 
opened and who would save other young men from sharing in hi 
table experience is well worthy of serious consideration." 

The letter from the prisoner, which it is boasted was smuggled ilM 
out of the prison, is full of the complaints frequently heard in Arm 
and among enlisted men in the NaA ? y who have been punished fm 
tions of regulations. It recites punishments for offences which an I 
to everyone who knows anything about military discipline and the n 

h| 'i El contains no charge of anything except what is caused by chafing 
discipline and resentment at punishment for violating the rules. One 
i '|ilu however, says: 

I In- struggle of the oppressed will be won in time and then your 

liall be a household word to the new generation." 

The Communists have planted their agents in Government circles, in 

1 r-< 1 1 incuts in Washington, in bureaus in other cities, with the intention 

niizing nuclei of Communism wherever possible and of securing 

itialion as to what the Government is doing. One of the pledges ex- 

h\n\ of Communists, in accordance with regulations adopted by the party 

H * 'invention, is that no Communist shall accept a Government position 

pi under Civil Service." At first it was ruled that no Communist 

' iilil work for the Government in any capacity under any circumstances, 

ili is was modified when the leaders sought to obtain information of 

ninciit activities from loyal employees. The safeguard of Civil Service 

Mins, they believe, will protect Communists in GoA'ernment employ 

■ if any attempt is made to dismiss them they can raise the cry of 

In * npfiech" and have sufficient fanatical support in Congress to save them 

Mini jobs. 

1 1 is safe to say that not a department in Washington is entirely free 

Itnii Communists. These men have been "planted'* deliberately and spread- 

dI propaganda is a part of their duty to the Communist party. In some 

■ ihr departments there have been several known Communists at various 

lltim who were protected by their superiors in their positions. The most 

■ i ins example of high Government officials protecting radicals and en* 
'.ing them by word and deed was when Louis F. Post was Assistant 

■ i try of Labor. Post's radical activities won strong approval from 
unmunist party officially. 

'Hip Communist idea of government and the theory upon which the 
mists demand the destruction of the Government of the United States, 
I" might out in the thesis on the Relations of Number One and Number 
I ilir illegal and legal branches of the Communist party) adopted at 
n invention at Bridgman before it was raided by the Michigan author- 
This thesis, which when adopted becomes a part of the regulations 
lln- party, and which was adopted just before the raid, reads like a 
nilnxik, as follows: 

"I. Government is force organized by one class to keep another in 

il'|riiion. When the subject class becomes conscious of the oppression 

(>>li i which it labors it organizes to overthrow the class in power. This 

li\ of necessity, develops into a struggle of force against force — of 

i I'd force of the oppressed class against the armed force of the class 

I power — the Government. 

"2 This being an accepted phenomenon based on historical fact, it 
lln liisk of the Communists to prepare and organize the working class 
li struggle against the master class, the capitalists, and against their 
M* n mi ill Army force, the Government. 





3. The great mass of the working class can be consciously on | 
for this task. Weighed with the burden of false education, prejudli I 
terrorism of the master class and the Government, they cannot I. i 
into organizations, consciously under the control of the Communis!-.. 
"4 It is the function of the Communists therefore, as a nioul 
scious, militant, revolutionary section of the working class, to q 
themselves into a party and by means of this party prepare the r< ■ i i 
working class for the struggle against the capitalist system and the 1 1 

"5. The nature of the struggle— the overthrow of one class bl 
other— makes it impossible, as history has shown, for a party will) I 

program to carry on its most essential work in the open. The || 

with the Government is so open and so frequent that the revolution., 
gamzation working openly would he disrupted and ground to piece I 
superior force of the State. The Communists, therefore, are comnrllml 
function as an underground party— the Communist party 

^ 1 * J? ^ under S™ un <* Hmits activities, i s very cuml« 

and does not suffice for the overthrow of the capitalist system Tl„ I 
mumst party is obliged to penetrate all existing working class and 
working class organizations to reach the masses, using these orgm.i 
as tools and auxiliaries of the Communist party. One of than m 
the pen political party, consisting of revolutionary workers, „.,: 
whom are real Communists. The program of this party, by its very 
18 re ^ 1Cte ^ m 7 tliat il mmi flda Pt itself to the laws of the country, 

n l Party Can by n ° meanS re P Iace the red Cnnn. 

party Un the contrary, the underground party must be built ever hi l,. 

and farmer. It must guide and control the Labor party, through 
iluence oi its membership, through its official organs and all other m 
propaganda at its disposal. 

tl,-r a T ° >r Tf0mi itS { unction a * the directing and controlling I 

he Communist party must be made up of only the best, the most „ ( |', 
the most trusted, tried and intelligent section of the working c3,sh I, 
exercise a rigid discipline, removing from its ranks all who me 
prehend the principles of Communism but fail to carry on the w,.,|. . I i 
party. Not understanding alone, but activity, willingness to sacriiiiN 
to do every kind of dangerous work must determine membership 
Communist party. r 

"9. The tasks of the Communist party and all the organic in. 
it creates must be clearly defined, in order that all may sery! thei n . I 
without conflict and waste or duplication of effort. The specif.- f,„ 

strntt Pa Af i^ '^^ ^ differeBt StageS ° f the de velo P ment of th, 
struggle At the present preparatory period undoubtedly a lar;>r , 
the work can be done m many parts of the country openly, leavL .... 
underground party functions which, though limited in quantity .ir^.i 

are oi extreme importance, without which no real Communist 

can be conceived of. 

"10, The main task of the Communist party is to organ* 

i i- -I Communist education and propaganda, thus insuring that the full 

nist message is made clear at all times. The Communist party 

■ • iirry on all such work as cannot be done openly; it must build and 

mini I I lie Labor party and other open organizations and direct their 

I ll'H. 

"II. The Communist party must at least once a month issue its 

dealing theoretically and analytically with all the problems of the 

truggle and of the party. It shall give direction to and formulate the 

H for the work of all its open organizations. The attitude of the 
RtHliiminist party to its open organizations and especially the Labor party 
i M In- n favorable and encouraging one. It must, however, always point 

llir deficiencies in the activities of the Labor party. The Communist 
HilY uluill devise ways and means of reaching the membership of the Labor 
I «i v with its illegal organ in order to further their education- The Com- 
hiiul'il party must also issue all such literature as cannot be published 

"12. The Communist party must issue leaflets dealing with, the 
li* of the workers in a realistic manner, so that the masses will 
iv r that the Communist party understands the struggle, but it is 
mIiIc to work openly because of the nature of its organization. 

"I.'i. The Communist party must constantly make recruits to its 
fmiU from the membership of the Labor party, labor unions and other 
■king class organizations. It is one of the main tasks of the Communist 
kfHlv t" develop and strengthen its organization. 

"14. The groups of the Communist party must meet regularly at 
. i mice a month. 

"15. The Communist party is the section of the Communist Inter- 

Uliiiinl in this country and is the only body capable of stating the official 

h.iii of the Communist International. 

hi, The task of the Labor party is to participate directly in the every- 

Iruggles of the workers, endeavoring to develop the struggles for imme- 

||itli iiiwds into revolutionary mass struggles. It must conduct open propa- 

IMil'i and education, participate in the elections, issue papers and leaflets on 

I.. r. is of immediate demands, bringing the masses more and more to 

* innmunist position. As far as possible all editors of the Labor party 

Iti must be members of the Communist party. 

"17. Through the Labor party membership the Communist party per- 
'• all existing working class organizations acting as nuclei within the 
Ifliiiii/.iition. In the labor unions the Labor party must form a left wing 
hMmj-i a* nucleus and taking the leadership in it. 

"I J!. The Communist party shall endeavor to establish the same dis- 

i lint wage scale and regulations for all officials of the Labor party 

i || open organizations as prevail in the Communist party. It must 

^^m he remembered that the real revolutionary party — the American 

litl if the Communist International — is the Communist party of America, 

id thai the Labor party is but an instrument which it uses the better 
in- out the work among the masses. Only through membership in 




the American section of the Communist International—the Conn 

party of America— can the American workers become members ol lit! 
Communist International, 

"19. As organs of the Communist party the Labor party and nihff 
open organizations must be under its direction and control. The disci|>lln 
of the Communist party is supreme for Communist party members. TB 

convention of the Communist party must be held prior to the com 

of the Labor party and determine all policies for the party and nil || 
open organizations. It is the duty of the committees and of the mem I 

ship to carry out these policies in the Labor party and all other org; 

tions. In order that the work of the Communist party and Labor pari] 
may be conducted properly and the Communist party at the same I In 

be safeguarded from the clutches of the Government, the Executive C 

mittee elected at the convention of the Communist party shall diviili I 
two parts, the major part becoming the Number One Department am! J. 
ing itself to the carrying out in the Communist party of the policies I 
down by the convention and the Executive Committee, the minor purl |i 
coming the Number Two Department and devoting itself to carry in 
in the Labor party the policies laid down by the convention ami 1 1 
Executive Committee. 

"20. This policy of division of work shall be followed in all 
ordinate committees of the Communist party. 

"21. The functions of organizers of the Communist party and I ■ 
party being different, and the safety of the organization making il m 
ative, the organizers of the Communist party shall, as a rule, not 
the organizers of the Labor party. 

"22. The Communists must seek to control all committees in the I A 
party. By better understanding of principles and more active participfll 
in the Labor work, they must win over the membership of the Labor Bj 
to the real Communist position. 

"23. Members of the Communist party must work as a nucloui 
the Labor party. Although all the policies are laid down in the Chimin 
party, the activities of the Communists in the Labor party evolvin| 
of these policies must be left to the understanding, better organization 
generalship of the members of the Communist party. 

"24. Communist party members act as a caucus in the Lab 01 
nuclei in the labor unions. Decisions on all important matters mujj 
made in caucus meetings. 

"25, As the situation becomes more revolutionary, the Laboi 
gaining the support of the masses, will become more revolution?! ; 
character and activity. In such a situation, the Labor party shall Fori 
amalgamate with the Communist parly and assume its name. 

"26. The underground Communist party, remaining as an orgnnl) 
within the open party, must continue to be the directing and con I 
body. It remains intact and must continually be strengthened. There ITltlj 
e. periodical purging of its ranks and the discipline made more rigid, 

[168 J 

i in 
>i .i 
III co 


Oil from the open party and other open organizations must be introduced 
p 1 1 ii' underground organizations. 

"27. Even though the Communist party shall have come above ground 

I Del as the section of the Communist International, the underground 

uii.ation remains as the directing organ of the open Communist party- 

iportant policies must first be taken up by the underground organiza- 

ind its decisions put through in the open party. The underground 

imtinually be reinforced, since even when fighting in the open, the 

II iliea of the open party will depend on the vigor, understanding, 

■ -v and generalship of the underground organization. The open party 

•i'ln» u mass party cannot have the discipline and understanding of an 

llnlcrpvound organization and will respond to calls to action only in 

| ijmrtion as the underground membership is disciplined and exerts in- 

jtiwtic. This status will continue up to and through the revolution and to 

.Uiblishmexit of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat." 

The thesis on tactics adopted by the Third International sets forth, 

other things, that: 

"The new international labor organization is established for the pur- 

■ i>f organizing united action of the world proletariat, aspiring toward 

line goal: the overthrow of capitalism, the establishment of the Die- 

lliMnliip of the Proletariat, and of an international Soviet republic, for 

• ntnplete elimination of classes and the realization of Socialism, the 

ilep toward the communist commonwealth." 

Commenting on this, the Communist party of America has officially 
b(l i hat: 

"This definition of the aims of the Communist International laid 
ii in the statutes, distinctly defines all the questions of tactics to be 

Dlvnl. . , * The world revolution, i. e., the decay of capitalism and 
iincentration of the revolutionary energy of the proletariat, its organi- 

iIIhm into aggressive, victorious power, will require a prolonged period 
revolutionary struggle. . . . The Communists declared, while the 
- urn was raging, that the period of imperialism was making for an 
I, of social revolution, i. e., of a long series of civil wars in a number 
lipilalistic countries, and of wars between the capitalist states on one 
niul proletarian states and exploited colonial peoples on the other side," 

Hearing these statements in mind, with particular emphasis on the 

Him of the Communist International, through the Communist party of 
lirlrn, it is interesting to read a statement in Truth, which speaks officially 
||io party, in its issue of August 4, 192-2, where it says: 

"Mere talk, regardless of its eloquence or volume, will not expose 
Lpitalists to the working class. The Communists must put forward 
j|te proposals. Tangible, immediate demands in line with the workers' 
Lj must be made on the Government. Our activity in Congress is sub- 
|ry to and dependent upon the mass struggle on the outside. The 

hoieie will do their best to kill all our propositions. They will refuse 



even to consider the workers' problems. This will materially aid B 
exposing the capitalist. This will help us to give a political characlfl. Ifl 
whole struggle . . . When we make" these* definite den,,,,,! 

Government, when we put forward our immediate legislative do 

we do so not with the idea of solving the ins olv ablest he contmdi 

capnalism-hut in order to rally the masses around practical concrotl 
of combat which will further draw them into the struggle againsl thl 
and expose its class character." B 

Early iri September, 1922, a delegation of the Communist port) 
America sailed for Europe and established itself, where it disc, ,.i 
the Kussian Communist leader plans for an intensive campaign Ml 
Congressmen of the United States for the immediate recognition ol 
boviet Government of Russia by this country. One of the Amerii a, I 
mumst leaders stated that certain Senators are already in line fol i 
drive and are all the time working toward securing such recognition 
said that these Senators are in constant communication with <'■ 
leaders here and directly with the Commissariat for Foreign Affatl 
Moscow. He declared that the Moscow Government has determined to U 
several millions of dollars on propaganda for recognition by the E/fl 
Mates if it could be assured of success as a result of this expend, bun 

the general plan to be adopted, thus, was discussed in Moscow N 
American citizens sitting in the conference. These Americans hava iln 

announced to the Communists that they must devote their attention I 

people during elections both National and State." 

This delegation sailed in September, 1922. In the latter part of \... 
of that year Communist representatives went to Washington and hi Id 
fences with members of the Congress of the United States 





I'lin now historic Bridgman raid, — the spectacular capture by the 
DfJtios of the State of Michigan of a group of Communists, with a 

Ol Incriminating documents, who had met in the woods in annual secret, 
id Convention to further the plans of the Communist party of America, 
•i llie direction of Lenin, Trotsky, et al. ? to overthrow by violence the 

iniiHiii of the United States and destroy the American concept of home 

> lunch, — had a galvanic effect upon the ring of arch -conspirators in 
UW. It was immediately suspected that someone, on one side or the other 
Iim factional fight within the party, had been guilty of divulging 
• i Hid revealing the fact of the illegal meeting to the authorities as a 

> to defeat the rival faction. This factional fight had been almost en- 
ilv w'ltlcd before the Bridgman convention met and one of the reports at 

lOtlvention dealt with this feature of the situation in the United States. 
■ delay in the carrying out of the destructive program of the party in 
i Miiinhy had been caused by this division in the organization. 

I in mediately upon receipt of information regarding the raid and the 
■llllicnt breaking up of the convention before its work had been ac- 
Ipll ihcd, Moscow started a courier post haste to the United States bearing 
I 1 1 mi peremptory orders from the Executive Committee of the Com- 
Mi i International to both factions in the American party to unite at 
The minority faction was ordered to submit without further delay 
M will of the majority; and the majority was ordered to admit the 
■rlty without prejudice. Both factions were reminded of the "iron 

k|il " clause in the regulations of conduct and membership in the 

i! ninl organization. Expulsion from the party and from the entire 
uni^l movement was the penalty of any individual who refused to 
ilt i command to unite. 

Tin- courier by whom these orders were dispatched reached the United 
I I nic in September, 1922, and on October 1 representatives of the 

iy mid minority factions were called into secret conference in New 

!• In hear the orders from headquarters. There was nothing left to do, 
■XlMllnion from the Communist party and the world-wide organization 
iih place for such radicals to make their bed. They could not join the 
In In, socialists or any other radical organization, because of the bitter 
I I li/il had been made on all these bodies by the Communists. Certainly 
• nlil not become conservatives of any stripe. They were branded with 

ism, and if this brand were erased it would leave a scar by which 

Id always be recognized as "traitors" to Communism. And the 



records of millions slain without trial, by arbitrary dicta, in Russia Id I i 
whole tale of the "traitor" to Communism. 

This party division having been healed the organization immedijitfll 
turned its united attention to the needs of those arrested at the Brid 
raid. Through the energetic efforts of the American Civil Liberties I 
whose radical activities have been noted in another chapter, some nl tl| 
prisoners had been released on bond, but others still languished in li|| 
Michigan jail, awaiting trial. Money was most urgently needed to 
these men out of jail, arid to prepare for the defense of the Commnnl 
when they came to trial. It was then reported that Frank P, WhJhIi iii t 
returned from Moscow, was to be the chief attorney for the defense. 1 1 
engagement of these men cost money, real money, and it is safe to 
that they would not be satisfied with contingent fees. It was common i 
in Communist circles in New York that Walsh insisted upon a I" 
S50,0Q0 for his services; one fourth to be paid at once, one fourth dr-li 
the trial opened and the remaining $25,000 before the first case will 
the jury. 

Numerous conferences were held by the leaders of the Commnnl*) 
to how these funds were to be raised. Moscow could be counted it|l| 
for certain amounts, but Moscow has been a bit wary of aendinfi I 

to the United States much of the money it goes to such pains I ' 

here unless it is shown that it is absolutely necessary to make sticli expi 

lure. William Z, Foster, one of the delegates at Bridgman; It | 

Baldwin, draft dodger, of the American Civil Liberties Union; Eiij 

Debs, now out of jail after being pardoned for his anti -American noil 
during the war; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, the active woman radical, oti 
r orkers' Defense Union; and others were concerned in these confarOfl 

For several weeks these conferences went on, committees wen 
in all parts of the country, and plans were matured for estahli 
the connections possible to present a "united front" of "labor" in «Vfi n 
these men accused of conspiracy. One interesting phase was the 
American Federation of Labor was "hooked" in the plan. On On 
William Z t Foster was in New York, working on the plan of th« I 
Defense Council It was suggested to him by a fellow Communtnl " 
would be possible to get the endorsement of from six to ten orgnul ill 
which were members of the American Federation of Labor; thesis ■ 
ments could be sent to other member organizations; and when 
number had been obtained all the endorsements could be printed 

form and sent broadcast until the entire Federation could be said Id I 
joined in the Labor Defence Council. This plan was adopted and 
like a charm. 

The work of national organization was begun early i 1 1 
while a number of the Bridgman prisoners were still in jail unabli i 
the bonds necessary for their release. By this time it had been n 
inasmuch as the Communist party of America, which is an illegal mill II 
ground organization, could not direct the fight to aid llir Mild 
prisoners, the Workers' Party of America, as a legal organization * 


ytTlOx.tL coMuttree 

KOBMA\ R BAKU, C!.- r . In 

Dirttiet Olictr Intifrtu 
TENNIS E. feATT. Dmcil 

lEtfiim Acjjoji £«Sflr ffiBi, O. ff. 

Dii. Ftd. Utar 

Chairman Prttirrtiiit Ycttri' 

Lrtfar of Mtckfyam 

j. B. erow.v, Oiieio 

Kmtitinel Slt'y Falmrt-Lt/ivr F*rtl 

Editor Net* Majority, r 0, CKi- 

caftt Fnt. of Labor 
|OHN C O-AY. CbiU|« 

LENETfA M. a»P£K, a;,.^ 
K. J3. CRAilEH, Mtiunpolii 

£d.'w/ e,l Mdi. lata, Ihriii 
EUC£.\E V. DEBS. Tom Hjdi* 
ELIZABETH t:tli.l..LV rLY.v.V.S,,. l : ul i 
jun.S' IIAV.SES HOLMES, *«v Y«k 
IHANCIS 11511EH KANE, PiilUdrlpfci. 
Iik. JOHN A. LaRP, Cfci-CM-J 

Jt'F.n ffuiicimj CmAuIw I'hj'i 
HORITZ J, LftEt. <M«i<. 
t*A-«LL: t. LILLXE. Cfciti*s 
fATH£fl IOUJS A. RYAN, Wubiaita. 
VirttHf JifMMiwJ (.aAiUt Ttlfa. 

J OH ft I. lAI'LUJt. Ucltffll 

CEORGE P. WEST, i. InMtoo 


H. usru.n. 

J> 1 1 r atari Drill and FuIniJirii 

t'nion, /„ I, C. W. V. 
EL.l/.iiHJ in CURLLT iLV.N,. 

Kuioail b/wt Canxuiift 

Saiu i-uj ■.; Furritri (-.,■. 

Benjamin wahhel, 

r*BcA*si L'fLU&t 

J. I I vi- i ■.. -- .'.>-.., j"fj. JH 


ZadiM f ii!ir...,-n f«i« i«j| « 

flsfalluei JfttrinaJLaaaJ itxilrj 

- ■ .-i:"i Uuien Ltetl I 
U. WEEtE*. 

Ltt*l «. I. i. e. r. V. 
U. Q8ERW£1£R. 

Jj > trj r L.'lffi i, i.-u-l i-f .4r.d[j. 

/i. i' ~> -r— . a/ J T-nff« 

.(FtAuttl (J' iU menial fiui aW 

0'i4H Verktrr L'nwh 

f«r> UrlAtr (,:,., j, rorjt.n Cliuua 
N. D*: FHANK. 

t'b'Jnd ,f.Ja,, Aircrall irxd ftlicU 

Vtrltn nj A, I,-,, ff 


WILLIAM P. QQI4HE, Mra i i n l,:, 
WIU.1.AU FOSTER. Chkifs 

EltEMt V. DEBS, riu-CWiu. 

Hfrr rfl^mm 
Monrrz i. loeb, $ewtv? 


!"'! t>ilt*4mi~i Crm. 


FRANK P. WALSH, CLW c«, M rf for th. D*f.nd* Bl . 

For lb. d.Naa 

J'l'ndlhil yra 

3»«:r*| Sirvisi 

'i.i\."i?'*i" " 1 ~ rKlltllM 


New York City 

■Vdtcona/ Secretary 

Wiluam 2. Fqste» 

Teiei/Jmne Stuviesant 6616 

Dear Friend: Apr11 8 i ,Ul 

«»■ *>, * ^e press has brought you info Pm ati&n „t tho B »».yi 
or the trial o£ the first of the so-called Hi C hi fia ^ SoSSi 
at St. Joseph. Every day it is bromine clearer that 

SleiihS™ 1 ? S 3 t « PlaX ^ th6 riBht of *"" speech «a fFM 
assemblage in America, as well as such du* processes of 

m »JSt .>, ; ?? l3h * a J torne y f " the defense, has staled 
clearly that the provisions of the Criminal Syndicalist 
Acta, under which Foster and his associates hav^ been 

o?°m5m« tria ,H. Vi °, laU th6 constitution er the state 
Pv^i ^ *?**** Constitution of the United States. 
Evidence for this contention is fast becomin E abundant 

* group of men and women met together psacefully t M 
consider the business of their party organisation, oon- 
templates no a^ts of violence and cherishing no intent 

-ith r St B m«t 0r - f UM u°U ° f vi0l6n «. «s itself trenteg 
with utmost violence by the officers of the law. If ever 
there was a trial involving persecution and tyranny. It 
is this one. It cozes as the last echo of the disgrace- 
ful mania of governmental terrorism, which was one of the 
plagues of the war. 

The defense of these men and women, now on trial 
is an expensive one. Large sums of money must be raised 
to guarantee them justice. This money can come only 
fro.ii those who believe in the vindication of basic 
democratic rights in this country. We appeal to you to 
help us in this cause. Read the inclosed pamphlet giving 

the Story of the chsb nnfl then s«ad your contribution' 
in the inclosed envelope. 

Sincerely yours. 

3£<u. ui^u^ /l^^^^qXvw^. 

iwk^tfL ^ 


BSiAU 13646 


• A*' 


1 iwimunists, should assume the leadership. This was particularly fitting 

I'liinsr William F. Dunne, the party candidate for the governorship of 

Vork, was one of those arrested at Bridgman as a delegate to the Com- 

i.i convention. This, of course, established the immediate connection 

1 Iwt'en the Communist party and the Labor Defence Council, for the 
liters' Party is not allowed to Jake any steps on any matter without 
• the approval of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist 
i Accordingly, on Sept. 24th, C. E. Ruthenberg, a Communist and a 
111 legale to the Bridgman convention, who was secretary of the Workers' 
sent out an official order to "To All Party Branches, District Organ- 
oid Federation Secretaries," which read in part as follows: 

"The Central Executive Committee of the party has decided that the 
i mi, must take the initiative in bringing into existence an organization 
till 1 1 will unite the workers in the defence struggle. 

"For this purpose the Labor Defence Council will be organized. 

"The Labor Defence Council will be a delegated body which will in- 

< representatives of the Trade Unions, the Trade Union Educational 

' e (William Z. Foster's Communist organization within the trade union 

■ ivrment of the United States and so recognized by the Soviet Government 

1 Russia) the Workers* party, the Socialist party, the Farmer-Labor party, 

1 ■ talist-Labor party, the I. W. W., the Proletarian party, the United 

l iIIims, liberal organizations and workers' social, relief and cooperative 


I lie purpose of the Labor Defence Council will be* 
"To conduct the defence of the victims of the Michigan raids and those 
lllii'Mrd in connection with the Michigan case in other parts of the country 
Hd l<» defend other similar cases arising out of the present attack upon 
|Iim working class movement- 

"To broaden this defence so as to develop in connection with a mass 
■mr-iiH'iit of the workers to re-establish the right to strike, the right to 
Mrlu'U the right of assemblage and freedom of press and speech. To 
■eke part of the defence campaign an attack upon criminal syndicalism 
\$wn imd similar laws directed against the working class movement and to 
ill iik- their repeal. 

"To raise the funds necessary for the legal defence as well as for the 
- iinl and propaganda against infringements on the rights of the worker*. 

"The immediate steps to be taken is for each city central committee 
Hl» M such exists and for each branch where there is no city central com- 

i In; 

Bft CHHJ. hu. um 


Account! aadittd bj Stuart Chase, C.P.A. 

**. c i, rc » ]ar letter sent out by the Labor Defense f-mmfil, nreaniied t.. ml 
ir t k a " 6n ? e ° f the communists arrested at Bridgman, Mich. Facsimile *l 
6«&« n v « in Sfyre Freda Kirchwey, Roger Baldwin, Capt. PaitoFfflW ■ 
5™ii T T°i rSei ReV ' * orman Thomas, Rev. Percy Stickney Grant and i: 
S™ Holmes appear at the bottom. The name of Father John A rlvi ., ... 
ington appears conspicuously in the organization along with that of Willi -,,, 

. — Elect a committee to initiate the work of organizing a Labor De- 

t. — This committee should send an invitation to other local working 
ionizations to send delegates to the Labor Defence Council- This 
Ion should not be sent in the name of the Workers' party but by the 
Onal committee as a provisional committee of the Labor Defence 



Council. If possible, some well-known trade unionist should be hicludJ 
in this committee. 

% — The Local Defence Council should al once begin a campaign 
agitation and money raising. It should hold public meetings, have reBCilJ 
tiona introduced in the unions and in every way possible stir the work) I 
,„teUfl£ e fl£&l of a united stand against the capitalist attack." 
iaa w he head ^ uarters of the Labor Defence Council was established i 
166 West Washington street, Chicago, and the "Provisional National Coffl 

mittee was made up of the following members; Roger N. Baldwin, A | 

ican Civil Liberties Union; Dennis M. Ba« ? Proletarian party, Detroit; Roj 
ert M. Buck, editor New Majority, Farmer-Labor party; Eugene V. U 1= 
Socialist party of America; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Workers' Detain 

Union of New York; Moritz I Loeb, formerly of the Civil Liberties (Jn 

of Chicago, now with the Workers' party of America. The "Cooper* 

Committee of Defendants" of the Council included Earl R. Browder, 
ant secretary of Foster's Trade Union Educational League; William I 
Dunne, labor editor of The Worker, official English organ of the Workm 
party, and candidate for governorship of New York; William Z. IVi, 
himself, as secretary-treasurer of the Trade Union Educational League 
Charles E. Ruthenberg, national executive secretary of the Workers' pnrt] 
who sent out the orders quoted above, Foster was national secretary ol ill 
Council and Loeb, assistant secretary. The purposes of the organ i ■>.!.., 
were set forth by it in a secret report in a single paragraph as follows: 

"To unite all radical, liberal and conservative organizations lo I 
the Labor Defence Council. The purpose of this council is to defend \\% 
Reds arrested in Michigan, to raise bail money, to hold defence moctliiflj 
and to carry on agitation in their behalf." 

One of the first things done by the organization was the appoinhm- I 

a publicity department to flood the daily newspapers of the count r 
propaganda for the movement. "Press releases" were issued and | 

broadcast. Much of the material thus furnished was printed in rc| .1 

newspapers ignorant of the fact that they were printing appeals for 11 
ment aimed at the overthrow of the country. One such release, 
first sent out, was entitled, "Defence Is the Need of the H< 
marked for "immediate release," and read as follows: 

"Immediately upon the publication of the dastardly Daugherty ii 
lion and the arrest of the so-called agitators at Bridgmam Mich,, the 1 ■■ 
gressiye section of the labor movement united in a strong protest 11 
these intolerable attacks upon our fundamental constitutional rights. 1 il 
bodies all over the country condemned the proceedings in no urn 
terms. Special mass meetings were called for Sunday, Oct. 1. The < !lili 
Federation of Labor denounced 'the unlawful invasion of a meet in; 
'the indiscriminate arrest, without warrants or due process of law, ul 111 

and women/ The Minneapolis Trades and Labor Council den< 

attack 'of certain labor-hating, labor-baiting detectives* as 'the evej pfl 
methods and tactics of tyranny, and of financial tyrants and exploit. 1 
control of Government-' 


,, one ol tli 
our!" ft m 


"New York will take its first decisive action against these attacks upon 
rights of labor at the huge protest meeting, arranged hj the Labor De- 
[9)1 CO Council, for Friday evening, Oct. 6, at the Central Opera House, 67th 
i.rri and Third Avenue, The speakers will include two of the arrested 
111 11, William Z. Foster, the noted secretary of the Trade Union Educational 
1 Igue, and C. Ruthenberg, secretary of the Worker's party of America; 
1 vr Baldwin, secretary of the Civil Liberties Union, and J. Louis Eng- 
iltthl, editor of The Worker" 

The hand of William Z. Foster can be seen in this publicity. It was 

Ie to appear that this was a spontaneous movement of the labor unions 

ml (he citations from the Chicago and Minneapolis federations were pur- 
1 Mflly designed as a trap, for both of these organizations are extremely 
tdical and have indorsed much of the work of Soviet Russia, especially 
in lliis country. The fact, however, that the Workers' party was back of 
whole movement showed its connection with the Communist party of 

1 in 

Trusted Communists were in charge of the organizing work of the 
bor Defence Council in the chief cities of the country. For example, 
Philadelphia the work was in the hands of Morris Kushinsky, whose par- 
name is Hoffman and who was district organizer of the third district of 
Communist party* Immediately upon receipt of the instructions from 
■ rln nberg, Kushinsky, alias Hoffman, called a meeting, on Sept. 19. of 
I !ity Central Committee of the Workers' party to begin the work of organ- 
M-'. the Labor Defence Council of Philadelphia, One of the first things 
tie was to urge the foreign-born Communist members of the party to be- 
iih- citizens of the United States to save themselves from prosecution under 
i\;i which affect only alien agitators. The famous Philadelphia "sucker 
l" was brought out and checked off with a view to seeing how much cash 
nlil be raised from this source- This is the list of the Workers' party and 
Mains names of Philadelphians who, they say, may be called upon for aid. 
I lir list are the names of Mrs. Gifford Pinchot, wife of the governor of 
mnsylvania; David Wallerstein, prominent lawyer and member of the 
mI liberties Bureau; Francis Fisher Kane, former United States district 

ey; T, Henry Walnut, former assistant United States district attorney; 

1. Helen Murphy, a well-known woman physician: Mrs. Walter Cope, a 
in r,( Francis Fisher Kane; Miss Margaret Cope, niece of Mr. Kane: 
1 George Burnham, of the family which owns part of the Baldwin Loco- 
nlive Works; six members of the wealthy Biddle family, which is con- 
-i.l with the Drexel interests; and Asa S. Wing, who was in charge of 
1 local work of relief for the Near East. There are several hundred names 
1 this list. 

Foster and Ruthenberg, both defendants in the Bridgman cases, were 

irtfrularly active in organizing the local Labor Defence Councils as 

IIH lies of the national body, and travelled over a great part of the East 

a J nig at meetings in various cities. Practically all of these meetings were 



used to spread Communist propaganda as well as to raise money for I 
defence of Foster, Ruthenberg and the others. 

The question of financing the defence on as large a scale as was planned, 
presented a considerable problem. With lawyers* fees of unusual size to Im 
paid, bail money to be furnished, anticipated fines and support of the fiiin 
ilies of the prisoners, as well as the providing of a kind of sinking I'm. i 
for the future contests with the authorities, the Communists were in rliffn ill 
^t\es to raise the money required. Large sums in the aggregate were raised 
;; in the meetings held as often and in as many places as possible. The Ainm 
f ican Civil Liberties Union also contributed largely both with funds ami 
legal advice — the services of 800 lawyers were offered by ibis orgamzalli 
— hut in addition to this a call went forth to Moscow for additional finain 
(_ aid. Moscow may be counted upon to provide money when necessary. Mill 
in the end the American people provide the funds- This is the result itf 
the carefully kept "sucker lists," collections taken at the meetings, and tin 
funds which Moscow gets directly from the American public, inclmlini 
sums collected by Russian actors, dancers and artists in this country, wliMl 
were referred to in a previous chapter. 

There are many means by which the Communists have planned to J 
cure cash from citizens of the United States, this money to be used rilln 

in full or in part for the overthrow of this Government by violence. V'm 

industrial organizations are disguises for raising such funds. The connfll 
tion of the Friends of Soviet Russia with the Moscow Government in I mi 
well known to need repeating. This organization issued a circular wild 
indicated that Sydney Hillman's organization, the Russian-American lml 
trial Corporation, was in very close touch with the Friends of Soviet Itu - 11 
and an interesting part of the scheme was to use the old plea ol < 
"starving'* children. The circular reads: 

"Friends of Soviet Russia starts big campaign for Russian*Amc*ilr|| 
Industrial Corporation and children's homes in Soviet Russia. 

"The Friends of Soviet Russia, Local New York, has just opninl 
joint campaign for the Russian- American Industrial Corporation ,m I ill 
Children's Homes in Soviet Russia. 

"The corporation, formed recently in the Amalgamated, ban I 
purpose the promotion of industrial activity in Russia by raising Buflfl 
capital to start large factories. A million dollars is needed for lli 
capital, and thousands have already purchased stock, which sells at 111! I 
share. Every worker who wishes to see Soviet Russia prosper nm i I 
his financial assistance to this project. Further details with regard 
corporation and the campaign to be conducted will be published IjiI i 

"The second big item on the program of the Friends of Soviet Id 
is the drive to raise enough money to support ten thousand starving ■ I <i 
in Soviet Russia, As a result of the terrible famine millions of littll 
dren have lost their parents and are now helpless. To save them I'm 
vation, and death from the freezing blasts of winter, an interiuilion il ' 
is being conducted to rescue these millions of children. The quotJi 


i" the Friends of Soviet Russia to support is ten thousand. The method of 
ing money is as follows: 

"Organizations interested in saving these children can do so by adopt- 
"iie or more of them. Five dollars down and two dollars a month for 
twelve months will support one child for a whole year- This means $290 
(01 I en children per year. Those interested in adopting children should at 
Mi e communicate with the local office, 208 East Twelfth Street. To carry 
|0th of these drives over the top the Friends of Soviet Russia will call a conference of labor organizations interested in Russian Relief arid 


The "Amalgamated" referred to in this communication is the Amal- 
|« mated Clothing Workers' Union of America, which is closely associated 
nli I he Communists in the Russian regime. That fact, and the fact that 
Oil Friends of Soviet Russia is a Moscow-controlled organization show 
|ilninly enough the destination of funds raised in this way. In addition to 
uiie facts, however, is the fact stated by Litvinov, among other Russian 
iifliriuls, that there is no longer any danger of famine in Russia. 

In a document found at Bridgman at the time of the raid of the illegal 

vention of Communists was one on Work Among Women, in which it is 

■I forth that "the famine appeal is the most practical means for penetrating 

■ Milieu's clubs, leagues, etc." And already work has been directed by the 
i mm musts to win support of their cause among women's organizations of 
nil rlasses. An elaborate program for this work was adopted at the Bridg- 

i convention, going into such detail as the canvassing of cities, block 

l\ block, and block organizations for the Communists. The thesis adopted 
i" m In as follows: 

"The interest of the working class demands the recruiting of women 

I he ranks of the proletariat fighting for Communism. 

"Wherever the question of the conquest of power arises, the Communist 

i s must consider not only the great source of weakness to the prole- 

i hi. mi struggle of an uninformed mass of housewives, farmers 7 wives and 

en workers in the industrial field, but also the fact that on the other 

I I, proletarian women once awakened are among the moat tenacious fight- 

idf elements in the class struggle. 

"The experiences of the Russian Soviet Republic proved in practice the 
i(n|i..riance of the participation of women workers and peasants in defence 

■ ■I i In'. Republic as well as in other activities of Soviet construction. 
Tlil» alone must serve as a lesson in all countries; while here in America 

have recently had several thrilling examples; notably in the part work- 
||i| .hiss women played in the Chicago packing strike and the miners' 
i ■ '■If: in Kansas, in Pennsylvania and West Virginia, 

"Communism, which alone affords women economic and social equal- 

f, mill the necessary conditions for motherhood without conflicting with 

*uiintri's social obligations or hindering her creative work for the benefit 

ict.y, should be the aim of all women fighting for emancipation. But 

Biiiinimni&m is also the final aim of the entire proletariat. Consequently, 

truggle of the proletariat w 7 oman must be carried on in the interests 





of both the men and the women of the proletariat under a united leadcrsnll 
'one and indivisible* to the entire proletarian movement. 

"With Karl Marx we affirm that there is no specific women's question 
and no specific women's movement. But in present day society there m. 
hundreds of thousands of working-class women in separate women's 01 
ganizations and millions of workers* and farmers' wives with a lower slain 
than a wage slave's, isolated from the general stream of organized endenvC 
who must be reached and drawn into the struggle for Communism by spl 
cific methods of approach. 

"It is therefore imperative that women's committees be created to dl 
vise and carry into practice the specific methods that will win the worn--. 
of the working class to the Communist ideal and that will unite them foi 
and link them up with the general proletarian struggle. 

"Women's work that immediately presents itself may roughly he I 
sified in four categories. 

"(1) Work among the women organized in trade unions or organltl 
tions affiliated with trade unions, 

"(2) Work among unorganized women, 

"(3) Work in women's organizations other than trade uni<m»| 
mothers' clubs, housewives* leagues, cooperatives, nationalist groups, wtathi i 
social or cultural, etc. 

"'(4) Emergency work, such as work among strikers' wives, etc, 

"In this field the most important work presents itself. The Woi 

Trade Union League proposes to reorganize the former 'Women's Auxili; 

of the wives of trade unionists into industrial housewives* leagues. 

"The Women's Trade Union League is at present fogging along. Wi- 
the introduction of new blood it could be made a powerful weapon. ' 
of our first activities should be directed to this work wherever po» M, 
Were we to carry on a successful campaign, eventually capturing the 
ership, we would be in a peculiarly strategic position for furthering woi 
work of all kinds, including emergency work. 

"Some of our best women are fortunately already very active in ilm 

"In order intelligently to lay the ground-work in trade union 
other categories of women's organizations the questionnaire prepai«.| I 
the Women's National Committee should be filled out with ran 

"The famine in Russia places not alone a solemn duty upm i 
also offers us an unparalleled opportunity to reach the great un«n 
masses of proletarian women; to crystallize their sentiment and win llirtff 
for the proletarian struggle- 

"To realize permanent gains from the use of this opportunity tin i ' 
system is proposed for adoption for all women's committees. The 
is offered as a method upon which to proceed: 

"(1) Organize a women's block committee of no less than Ihi 


"(2) Select a block for activity, operating in one block at a time upon 
lllfl follow-up plan. 

"(3) Secure a small hall or store soliciting its free use for relief 

"(4) Print simple, attractive tickets admitting two to hear stories 
md see pictures of Russia, promising also other entertainment. 

"(5) Make house-to-house canvass several consecutive days before 
Minting, discovering the women sympathizers and leaving one or two 
111 keta in exchange for a promise to use them. 

"(6) In the course of the canvass discover block talent in children 
OV grown folks. Arrange to utilize it, no matter how crude or untrained, 
m the h 1 ock meet i ngs, thus providing the p romised enterta inment and 
FTtating a basis for local interest in future block meetings of a similar 
Rftture under the same auspices. 

"(7) One-fifth of those receiving invitations to attend may be relied 
"U to be present in a meeting. Tickets should be issued with the usual 
H"nilt in mind, 

"(8) Slides and lanterns can be supplied by local relief centers or 
ittnined through application to the B (legal branch of the Communist 
Ifirty) national office. Instructions for their use are simple. Any member 
■ I the block committee wishing to use the outfit could learn to operate it 
'nil night 1 , while the simple explanations of the pictures can be made by 
In yon e, as there is a certain easy system that a child could learn, that comes 
1 1 the slides. 

"(9) At the meeting, which should be given a neighborly, friendly 
Hjnosphere, enlist the women as members of the block committee to help 
I In famine-striken mothers and children of Soviet Russia. All who join 
llimild be recorded in the Women's Division of the B. 

"(10) The Working Class Women's Block Committees should be 
[tied as the official name of these groups throughout the country* 

"(11) Arrange for the next committee meeting in the home of one of 
llir women where work, entertainment, collection of clothing, money, food 
ale of literature, block meetings and talks may be planned in harmony 
rallli local needs, etc. 

'*(I2) In these activities pride in local talent must be utilized to 
I mi the hopeful elements more closely together that the clarifying process 
Iftinv go on in a friendly, social atmosphere. 

"It is necessary to point out future possibilities. It should be clear 
ft tM our comrades that the block committees can become a vital force 
In I In* general proletarian struggle. 



"Third, work in women's organizations other than trade unions. 

"Again, among the organized women generally, the famine appeal i' 
the most practical means for penetrating women's clubs, leagues, etc. HlWi 
women's organizations are very numerous* 

"It is suggested that when our data concerning women's organmilinu . 
are returned with the questionnaires we choose those whose prolei.-m ■ 
character is best fitted to our aim, gradually widening our activities ti^ lYI 
huild up our forces. 

"Fourth, the Women's National Committee should at all times have IN 
eyes fixed on the industrial horizon. When great industrial conflicts pl'CSflnl 
themselves it should have its plans perfected for prompt emergency wot] 
among those working women more clearly involved in the conflicts. Willi 
the organization of the Women's Committees completed, work in tin In 
dustrial districts will be greatly facilitated. 

"These four types of work will he all that our present forces will 
be equal to: the work in the Women's Trade Union League, organization 

of the unorganized, penetration of other women's organizations thn L) 

famine relief appeals, etc., and emergency work. This is an inn > 

* ! Sub- committees for each category could he named to facilitati till 
work in the first three types of activity, while emergency work could I" 
assigned to a sub-committee appointed when an emergency arises 01 |j 

In an interesting article, published May 1, 1922, The Woman Putrid 

says that "the so-called 'Pan-American Conference of Women' at Ball! iA 

called by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the International \\ 
Suffrage Alliance arid honorary president of the National League of Wniiu 
Voters, was in reality "The Women's Third International." The urtl tl 
is too long for quotation here, but seven short paragraphs give all 
Americans food for thought. It is not charged here that the women in! | 
ested in this meeting, the first of its kind held in the United Stall 
working for Communism directly, but it behoves all loyal American wmm h 
and men as well to "watch their step" in these times surcharged v || 
danger. These paragraphs read: 

"The two former internationals were held in Zurich, in 1919, n 
Vienna, in 1921, under the names, 'International Congress of Women 
'Women's International League for Peace and Freedom.' 

;fi Trequent changes of name/ as advised by Nicolai Lenin. 
sorted to by the International feminist-pacifist bloc as often as nece 
the entire movement originates with the International Woman's Sullni 

"The work is divided up, like an army's artillery, cavalry and inl iitll 
into three mobile divisions: 

"The political, under Mrs. Call and her 'International Woman Siilli 
Alliance' and 'League of Women Voters.' 


"The pacifist, under Miss Jane Addams and her 'Women's International 
League for Peace and Freedom. 51 

"The industrial, under Mrs. Raymond Robins and her 'International 
League of Working Women' and 'Women's Trade Union League,' 

"The three Branches are employed precisely as a wise general would 
I ngage artillery, cavalry or infantry; using all three together wherever 
necessary and each one alone for special objectives." 

Voluntary organizations which are carrying on agitative propaganda or 
tvhich have objectives to a greater or less extent in harmony with the pro- 
■ram of the Communist party of America are so numerous that it would be 
Impossible to list them. They may be found in every state in the union, 
■nil several of the larger ones with headquarters in metropolitan centers 
ire active in every state. In some instances, the work of such organizations 
|| of so much value to the revolutionary forces that recognition is freely 
'u.l officially accorded by the Communists, In other instances, the ob- 
inlives are praiseworthy, the personnel is above suspicion, and it is only 
mi pausing to analyse that the adherence to collectivism as opposed to in- 
dividualism, or the tendency toward dependency on the state which is so 
i horacteristic of socialism, becomes apparent. Between the two extremes 
ill grades of variations are to be found. As an example of the more radical 
lype, the Women's Trade Union League may be mentioned. The League 
teas originally started by Mrs, Raymond Robins, who was until quite recently 
mi. I Cor many years, its president. Miss Agnes Nestor and Miss Rose 
Ichneiderman figure prominently in its activities, the latter of whom is 
|0w president. Its object is to organize trades unions composed of women, 
(Hid to federate those in existence. Its work is so much in harmony with 
I luil of the Communist party of America that at the Bridgman Convention 
fee latter adopted a thesis which obviously looks upon it as occupying an 
p port ant strategical position in the united front of its lawful and open 
huchinery. So far as is known the leaders of the Women's Trade Union 
I i ,i;-ue have never repudiated this overture on the part of the Communist 
Ht-Ly hut on the contrary from time to time in its annual conventions, the 
I . i ne has adopted resolutions indicative of its sympathy with the Moscow 
Ipviel government and in accord with the program of the Communist party, 
ii 'demands" among other things that public utilities now run by the state 
i turned over to workers' control. In view of these and many other facts, 

the "Woman's International League for Peace and Freedom is closely aligned 
the Third International in interest and objective is clearly shown in an adver- 
flt which recently appeared in "The World Tomorrow", and cited by The 
in Patriot, in which it is stated that Miss Jane Addams of Hull House, Chi- 
ta listed as a stockholder in the Russian- American Industrial Corporation 
•y Hilhnan) alone with Nicolai Lenin, Eugene V. Debs, Charles P. Steinmetz, 
ongressman LaGuardia. The Woman's Patriot also quotes the Federated Press 
In as stating that Anna Louise Strong, for many years Moscow correspondent 
Federated Press, and for the official American Communist organ, The Worker, 
r to fill numerous lecture engagements during the winter and can be reached 
ill House No. BOO 5, JHalsted St., Chicago, HI, Press dispatches from Moscow 
l.\ indicate that some of the funds of the Russian American Industrial Cor- 
on in Russia had been misappropriated. 





the Women's Trade Union League may be considered as a part of the united 
front of the open and legal machinery of the Communist party of Am 
regardless of whether the League or its leaders would desire such a deaig 
nation. On the other hand, it would be unjust to regard all individual 
members of the League as communists. Obviously, they are not. Many ol 
them have a purely nominal connection with the League, or though working 
for its organic interests, are ignorant of the uses to which the League in 
being put. 

The same is found to apply on appraising the nature of the aclivilir* 
of some other organizations. From the stand-point of hypersensitive human 
ita nanism, many of them have objectives which are excellent and desirabll 
provided we do not take into consideration the cost either in mori<'\ 01 
destructiveness to the state. It should be noted, however, that in aim Oil 
every instance, some individual or group among the leading spirits of ttfl) 
particular society, can be found having direct or indirect connections wltB 

the Communist party of America, while the numerical majority are q 

above suspicion. For instance in such a class undoubtedly belongs the Ami I 
Scan Association for Labor Legislation. It beseeches legislators for the adop 
tion of social insurance by the state. To it we owe the present workmen's con) 
pensation laws which are on the statute books of the various states. Com 
pulsory health insurance is a part of its legislative program but up to tltn 
present, largely owing to the bitter opposition of physicians and Elic ml 
ministrative difficulties encountered in England, the Association has fntlod 
to achieve this end here. En passant, it should be said that these meai til 
were born of revolutionary socialism in the decade following I860. I 'In 
effect of its adoption means a lightening of responsibility on the piui oE 
labor in the maintenance of a healthy well-balanced society, and quick adfljl 
tation of the working classes to the idea of dependency on the state. Samui ' 
Gompers at one time a member of the A. A. L, L. resigned, repudiating ill 
its words and works. Social Insurance legislation is class legislation in, ' 
socialistic. The Soviet government of Russia has attempted with a mofl 
or less show of success to establish a complete system of social insuruni 

The most conspicuous generality which could be deduced from ;i 
of the names of those connected with the management of the American j\| 
sociation for Labor Legislation is the fact that aside from Andrew Kuril 
seth, radical president of the Seamen's Union, probably not one includU 
in his personal experience a history of having worked continuously foi Hf| 
length of time at manual labor, certainly not Thomas Chadburm its prml 
dent, nor Adolph Lewisohn, its treasurer (1923). 

There are doubtless many ^people who have contributed to the su|)|l0| 
of the American Association for Labor Legislation who are far abovi ll 
charge of consciously desiring the success of a subversive movemenl 
we subtract these from the membership and leaders of the orgaiu: 
there remains a large number who are prominently connected willi t)|| 
radical movement and in some instances indirectly with the Comni 

party of America, it is still an inexpJicable mystery, how the Lusk < 

mittee failed to give this organization due consideration, Amorr n : ■ i 


ipicuous officials are or have been in the past such well-known radicals as 
Mm. Raymond Robins, organizer and president of the Women's Trade 
l nion League, which has just been considered and which is an important 
pari of the lawful open machinery of the Communist party of America, and 
i. i associates Miss Agnes Nestor and Miss Mary Anderson; the Rev. John 
Waynes Holmes, the radical pacifist, and his friend and co-worker, Rabbi 
Itflphen S. Wise; Owen Lovejoy, of whom more anon; Miss Lillian Wald, of 
the Henry Street Settlement known as a member of the interlocking director- 
ial of radical organizations; Miss Jane Addams, famous for her interest in 
Iho Women's International League for Peace and Freedom; and a host of 
•»1 liria of like thought. 

In general, there is a mutual sympathy for the objects which this class 
'I organizations desire to attain, an interlocking personnel in the director- 
, and programs which dovetail into each other that suggest common in- 
spiration and mutual financial resources. They present the appearance of a 
united front, and might be deemed the shock-troops of an insinuating army 
b| borers, whose province it is to wedge ignorant inertia aside and make 
ini.m for advancing communism. To call such organizations "socialistic" 
ic opposed to communistic is in reality a distinction without a difference. 
I hese systems differ in degree and not in principle. 

Among the papers uncovered by the raid on the convention of the Com- 
munist party of America at Bridgman, was one entitled, "Next Task in the 
1 i nmumist party of America", consisting of orders from Moscow, signed 
I'V the Executive Committee of the Communist International, Bukharin, Ra- 
II., and Kusinen. It is given in full in Appendix F. The careful reader 
hill he amazed at the progress which this program has already made, not 
i i In? result of the open support of the Communist party of America, but 
fa I lie result of ceaseless propaganda by this type of voluntary organiza- 
tion. The scar resulting from the repercussions of the Russian Bolshevik 
i« volution on American social and political life is already a permanent one, 
A« one glances over the names of those who make up the personnel of these 
Ion-communistic radical groups, there will always be found the name of 
ho inolated individual, or group of individuals whose connections and friends 

be classed as dubious, or as having associations with those who are 

known Communists. 

As for the "pale gray" organizations, the kind which bear all the ear- 
Barks of respectability, in number they are multitudinous. Also the clever 
bay in which recognized organizations, may be used hy the radicals for their 
I • 1 1 1 j toses is in many instances instructive. To attempt an enumeration 
Mould be outside the scope of this book and to designate any definite or- 
" it ion as a part of the united front of the lawful propaganda machin- 

of the Communist party of America by examination of its personnel 
fltnl objectives would in many cases only raise a debatable question. But 
l|l ii I many are made use of with or without their official wish in the matter 
|i nppurent. Of such is "The National Information Bureau" which will be 

ili-red for a space in that it has been of assistance to some of the dis- 

il organizations, 




According to its literature, the National Information Bureau wna I 
tablished in 1918, and at present has offices at No, 1 Madison Avenue, Na| 
York, the office building of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Complin 
"Special reports are issued to members on request, on any organization will] 
in the field of the Bureau's formal approval. The Bureau also report i tfl 
members, as far as possible, on any enterprise in such related fields as I hi 

Civic Reform 


Health Work 

Religious Work 

Nesrro Schools 

Soldier Magazines 
Child Welfare Magazines 
Semi-fraternal organizations, lubd 

unions, etc., seeking support frOI 

non members* 
Miscellaneous sem-commercial entfll 

prises with a genuine or spin 

humanitarian appeal. 

"Reports are now available to Bureau members on approximately l,nin 
agencies, New Investigations will be made promptly on receipt oi |l 
quiries." (Bulletin No. 8, 1921.) 

"By arrangement with the Charity Organization Society of New Yoll 
the Bureau is enabled to secure, for its members only, reports on loofl 
New York agencies." This fact places the National Information DurnAl 
in direct connection with what is generally known among social workrtl 
the country over as the "New York Charity Trust." 

"TJte Bureau also issues exclusively for its members a special a 
ary bulletin." (Italicized for emphasis.) 

"Organizations are approved on the basis of (a) complete hijomwtlm 
supplied by the organizations themselves and supplemented by necr. 
investigation; (b) compliance with the standards adopted by the Board I 
Directors of the Bureau." (Italicized for emphasis,) 

The Board of Directors has established a set of standards expn 
in ten items, most of which, if not all, are entirely laudable. Two an 1 In I 
reproduced to show that in these respects the standards are so flexible llll 
approval or disapproval, in any particular instance, will rest not so 
on the standard as on the interpretation of the standard by Bureau a I 
of Directors* 

"2. A legitimate purpose with no avoidable duplication of the worl Ol 
another efficiently managed organization. 

"3. Reasonable efficiency in conduct of "work, management of institution 

etc., and reasonable adequacy of equipment for such work, both material I 


The Bureau also states itself to be "an impartial investigating agr 

does not express a judgment concerning the purposes of organizations wl 

the value of these purposes is open to legitimate difference of opinion," pitl 
pably a standard which has wide latitude of interpretation. 

The Bureau apparently seeks to gain its financial support from orgnni/d 
tiona, firms and individuals willing to pay for the service, who desire invi 

gallons made of "national, social, civic or philanthropic organizations solicit- 
ing voluntary contributions," There are naturally many people both among 
the wealthier and the well-to-do classes who desire to be satisfied that any funds 
which they contribute will be properly disbursed, and the National Informa- 
i inn Bureau is apparently the organization, from its point of view, which is 
able and equipped to give them satisfaction. Presumably, then, the Bureau 
in constantly receiving applications from such people, and in time would have 
I ted large numbers of those who are pHlanthropically inclined. "Oyci 1700 
investigations have been made; forty per cent show undesirable conditions" 

In detailing the scope o£ the work of the National Information Bureau, 

ihnlion has been called to certain dangerous potentialities, and it remains 

i. examine the personnel of its organization as shown by its reports. 

Mi. Paul Cravath was apparently one of the earlier officials. He is widely 

I flown in New York as an attorney, and it is a matter of common knowl- 

|(|go that he had acted in a professional capacity for the banking firm of Kuhn, 

I Deb & Co., or for some of its partners as individuals. He appeared for 

Mi. Olto Kahn for instance, before the Federal Trade Commission at hear- 

n i appointed to investigate the facts as to the possibility of the existence 

I -i moving picture trust. Literature describing the work of the Bureau in 

BO year 1921, presents a list of names of the officers and directors, 

keny of which are quite above the suspicion of being consciously involved 

in nny subversive organization. There are two divisions of the Board of 

I Juniors, the first "representing the contributing public," and the second 

resenting organized social work." Of the names in the former division, 


il of Robert W. DeForest is perhaps the most conspicuous- He is a well 

mown attorney in New York City, an official in the Metropolitan Life In- 

ilNiuce Company, and a trustee of the Sage Foundation, etc., etc., etc. 

Among radicals he is widely and favorably known because of the fact that 

I. la or was president of the corporation which publishes The Survey, a 

iizine which the Lusk Committee Report very conservatively classifies 

UN "« Liberal paper, having the endorsement of Revolutionary Groups". 
n nditorial policy exhibits a tendresse for Soviet Russia which approaches 
in .hi intellectual way near to that which is exhibited by wordy braPS 

kles of Tk-e Communist, The Lusk Committee also brought out the 

i . i that The Survey was "subsidized by the Russell Sage Foundation and 
jinn heen receiving at the rate of $13,000 a year for the past nine years." 

The Lusk Committee Report also records the tact that Freedom, a paper 
published by the Ferrer group of anarchists at Stelton, N. J., and advocating 
I he "principles of anarchist communism," bad this to say editorially: It may 
well he asked. 'Why another paper?' when the broadly libertarian and revo- 
lutionary movement is so ably represented by Socialist publications like the 
Itvvolutionary Age, Liberator, Rebel Worker, Workers World, and many 
Others, and the advanced liberal movement by The Dial Nation, The World 
Tomorrow and to a lesser degree, the New Republic, and Survey. These 
publications are doing excellent work in their several ways, and with much 
"f that work we find ourselves in hearty agreement." 





The explanation which has been advanced in defense of Mr De Fori I 
to the effect that as a busy business and professional man, he hardly hll 
time to give detailed attention to many activities to which he lends his 
is a specious one. He alone is responsible for the use of his name 

Among those given as members of the directorate of the Natiom.l In 
tormation Bureau representing organized social work" is the famili;, 

oi Owen R Lovejoy, general secretary of the National Child Labor C 

mittee °f New York, It should be noted that Lovejoy is secretary o 

ttureau (1921), presumably indicating his lively interest in the work, 
radicals of every hue from the Atlantic to the Pacific, Lovejoy's nami 
always hailed with satisfaction. He. was formerly active in the Amcrlrflii 

Association for Labor Legislation. He is listed in the Lusk Conn n 

Keport as a member of the executive committee of the Civil Libertifi 111 
reau, of which Roger N. Baldwin was director, this Bureau afterward* mi i 
mg into the American Civil Liberties Union, a pan of the open oi |« M .1 
^achmery of the Communist party of America. The roster of thai Exe. nil 
Committee reads more or less like the membership of a New York in, ,1 
among them being: Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, Dr. James P. Warbassr- 
Pvorman M Thomas, Agnes Brown Leach, Zona Gale, Max Eastm;,,, Krnlll 
Greene Balch, Oswald Garrison Villard owner of The Nation, Prof 
Nearmg James R. Maurer, Alice Lewisohn, Paul U. Kellog, editor ol 

burvey, Rev. John H. Holmes, Frank Bohn and Jane Addams. Mr I n 

also wrote the so-called "Dear Gene" letter to Debs at the time when till 
latter was sentenced to Atlanta Penitentiary and hi which Lovejov mm I, , ,j 
his feelings at this event by comparing them with the falling shade's ..I 

As general secretary of the National Child Labor Committee, I.- I. 
been welcomed in at least one High School of the City of New York, u 
after making a speech, he solicited pennies from the students for tli. 
port of the Committee. 

In Bulletin No. 8 issued by the National Information Bureau n l< 

the societies approved (1921) is given, and among them are the n, 

wo, Ihe American Association of Social Workers and the National > l„i i 
Labor Committee, of which Lovejoy himself is an official 

In this approved list there are of course many societies and „ 
bona which are far above criticism both as to their functions and r I /, ■ 
^sonnel of the officials. There are however some which are quite In il„ 
contrary. For instance, approval has been extended to the Amerir,. 
Liberties Union, an important constituent organization in the open li 
machinery of the Communist party of America, for all practical m, 
a continuation of the Old Civil Liberties Bureau of which Lovejoy I, 
was a member of the Executive Committee, and an organfcalio.i 
^caused so much anxiety to the Government during the war Apnmv il |i 
also been extended in a list of 1923 to the Women's Trade Union I 
ol which, as stated, Mrs. Raymond Robins was the organizer and i ... 
and which was discussed with more than friendly spirit in the d... 
seized during the raid on the convention of the Communist party a! Hi 
4a has heen shown this organization is a part and not an unimpoi l.ini 


ill- united front of the open legal machinery of the Communist party of Amer- 
h *i, The American Association for Labor Legislation has also been approved 
In the 1923 list, an organization which has also been considered and of which 
Mi. Felix Warburg of the banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., is or was a 
» >' -president, along with Miss Lillian Wald, Ernst Freund and Rabbi 
llophen Wise. In the approved list are also societies of all stripes among 
iIkiii the American Union Against Militarism; (1921) the American Jewish 
' I'lnuiittee, (1923) organized to "protect and prevent the infraction of civil 
|0d religious rights of Jews throughout the world"; the Federal Council 
nl the Churches of Christ in America, (1923) of which whole books have 
I mii written; the Foreign Policy Association, (1923) which stands for "a 
liberal and constructive American foreign policy''; the League to Enforce 
I Vane, "organized to promote an effective League of Nations with the United 
llfttos as a member", the National Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People, (1923) an agitative pro-Soviet organization for propa- 
Undizing negroes; the National Consumers League, of which Mrs. Florence 
I. My (formerly Wishnewetzky ) is the General Secretary, and John R. 
'•Iiillady, also on the directorate of the National Information Bureau, is the 
I'fcmitive director; the Voluntary Parenthood League, which specializes in 
llir propaganda of birth control, and which from an examination of its per- 

A and objectives may be regarded as in the periphery of the radical 

Yemeni; the American Relief for Russian Women and Children of which 

Oil pro-socialist and pacifist, Jane Addams is the chairman; the Committee 
[01 I he Rescue and Education of Russian Children; the American Jewish 
I "oil Distribution Committee of which Mr, Felix Warburg is the chairman; 
I many others. 

If letterheads are to be believed, the National Information Bureau has 
HI ended within the recent past its seal of approval to the Friends of Soviet 
lin m, the open, legal branch of the Communist party of America. It has 
I >' set the seal of its approval on the many constituant organizations of 
tin iViends of Soviet Russia and also upon the American Committee for 
il'i Relief of Russian Children of which Capt. Paxton Hihben is the exeeu* 
|| > secretary, of whom much has already been said. 

Information of the type which the National Information Bureau col- 
il and correlates is lifeblood to those who are actively engaged in the 
■ nl. of propaganda, good or bad. "Sucker-lists" such as were uncovered 
"i i lie raid upon the convention of the Communist party of America at 
Htiil"inan must be constantly replenished and if a mechanism does not 
Mitil capable of supplying them, it must be organized. 




The Communists' earliest program in the United States included the 

of the negro masses in its campaign to bring about the overthrow of 
iln ( rnvernment; of this country by violence. This program recognized 
\\u\l [he negroes had many grievances, that race hatred was strong among 

il , and that they were easily inflamed to violence. Accordingly it 

\win decided to use them in the great conspiracy. The Left Wing Socialists 
fitnl the I- W. Wl, from which came the nucleus of the Communist party 
nl America, had drawn no color line and had urged the negroes repeatedly 
'■> meet violence with violence, to "fight back," and to demand their 
('."lils"' of the Government and of individual whites with threats of upris- 
imless these "rights" were granted. Thus it was that the negro 
|ii";-ram became one of the prime vicious plans of the Communists. 

During the first year of organized activity by the Communists in the 
I ultcd States a great deal of attention was paid to the negro question. 
\ ii umber of educated negroes, most of them from Harvard, were found 
lUfliciently discontented and sufficiently unbalanced to make good Com- 
munists. They were enlisted in the work and from that time on have been 
1 1| hing violence on every occasion. The race riots of 191.9 came at 
tin height of this radicalism among the negroes who were secretly sup- 
ported and urged to greater violence by white Communists and the 
helical negro leaders. The Communists made capital of these riots and 
D)i ' ^incident racial feeling which was aroused. Soon after this, however. 
Ilii' Communist leaders turned to other features of the conspiracy against 
||| Government, and the interest of the mass of negroes waned. But more 
tacriitly the Communist leaders, acting under instructions from Moscow, 
I ni' again turned their attention to this question, and their activities 
I ivr resulted in renewed Communist expression by the negroes, through 
llicir radical press and in committee work among them. 

The negroes came back from Europe, and from service in camps in 
lliln country, with renewed desire for betterment. They had also^ by their 
mpnience in the Army, learned the use of organized force. The radicals 
lh lliin country were quick to seize upon this feeling among the negroes to 
■ in Ii violence and urge them on to take by force what they wanted. By 
rry means this class consciousness was cultivated by the radicals, and 
I id i by the Communists. The dissatisfied negroes were aided in starting 



newspapers devoted to urging the negroes to join the radicals. Whr-n llin 

Communist party appeared the preliminary missionary work amoiic I tin 
negroes had been done in the name of "Bolshevism," which became a OOfl 
mon term among the negro agitators. Inflammatory cartoons and aketchl - 
appeared in the negro radical press and gradually but surely this pr«J 
became Communistic, openly and avowedly. Many of the radical rioffrt 
papers are now officially recognized by the secret, illegal Communist part] 

One of the most inflammatory cartoons that has appeared in the 
press depicted a negro in the uniform of the United States Army stnndlllJ 
armed with sword and rifle on the soil of France, his feet upon a rop« till] 
leads to the .background of the, picture where the United Stales of Amoi |« I 

is portrayed by a tree, against which is a Statue of Liberty and by wl 

is a figure of the devil, entitled "Obstruction." At the negro soldier's M 
»a large decapitated head of a white-man— "Obstruction"— with label I d 

Jim Crow Him 5 —"Burn Him"— "Lynch Him"— C: Kill" "Mob"— "Sim \ 

The general caption of this cartoon is, "Must He Carry On?" 

Inflammatory reading matter is also furnished to the black read B I 
A single paragraph from The Messenger, one of the radical paper* I'm 
negroes reads: "As for social equality, there are about 5,000,000 mulnllii 
in the United States. This is the product of semisocial equality. Tl I. ■ 
that social equality galore exists after dark, and we warn you that, we exit 
to have social equality in the day as well as after dark" 

Communist agents carefully sought out the various negro ore 

bona in this country, consulted with the leaders, and studied the mot I VI 
behind each organization and leader as well as the methods used to all l|j 
the desired end. For several months these organizations were watchi 
finally, acting upon the reports of these agents, the Communist parh I 

ma My gave approval to the African Blood Brotherhood, This is the 

radical of the negro organizations, and while the door is not barred to otlli El 
who may later prove that they are radical enough to unite with the Co 
munists, this is the only one thus far formally approved. A docuni 
found at^Bridgman, after the raid of the illegal Communist Convnntd 
included "a brief statement of the Program and Aims of the African Din 
Brotherhood." This began with an enumeration of the aims, eighl In 
which included "a liberated race; absolute race, ,. 
nomic, social; the fostering of race pride; organized and uncomprm 
opposition to Ku Kluxism; rapprochement and fellowship within tlir .In 
masses and with the class-conscious revolutionary white workers; indn li 
development* higher wages for negro labor, lower rents; a united 
front," In discussing these aims this statement, which was in the I 
an official report, or thesis, to the Communist party, says: 

"A liberated race— in the United States, Africa and elsewhere, el- 
ated not merely from political rule, but also from the crushing wii;l.i 
capitalism, which keeps the many in degrading poverty that the few m 
wallow in stolen wealth. 

"Absolute Race Equality. In this question are inextricably hound » 


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M of political equality, social equality and economic equality. Let 

be denied and the whole principle of racial equality is denied. 

"The fostering of race pride by the dissemination of the true facts 

ruling the negro's contributions to modern civilization and the pre- 

mant part played in the ancient world by this great race of ours. 

"Organized and uncompromising opposition to the Ku Klux Klan and 

>ther movements or tendencies inimical to the interests of the negro 

108. To effectively oppose the bigotry and prejudice of the Ku Klux 

i we must(a) organize the negro masses; (b) create a strong negro 

■deration out of the existing organizations that -we may present a United 

lit; and (c) for the purpose of fighting the Klan ally ourselves with 

' groups opposed by its vicious activities, viz.; the workers, including 

i I r wish and Catholic workers- As, for the purpose of throwing off our 

iiprrssion, the enemies of the capitalist system are our natural allies by 

in- of being in the same camp and opposed to the same enemy, so the 

ies of the Klan are our friends in that they fight the foe we fight. The 

■ masses must get out of their minds the stupid idea that it is necessary 

' || two groups to love each other before they can enter into an alliance 

• I In fit their common enemy. Not love or hatred, but identity of interests 

il' moment, dictates the tactics of practical people. 

" Kapprodhement and fellowship within the darker races and within 

Lass-conscious and revolutionary white workers. For the purpose of 

iug an effective struggle and of weakening our enemies, we must (a) 

i ililish fellowship and coordination of action within the darker masses 

■(I lb) between these masses and the truly class-conscious white workers 

eek the abolition of the capitalist system that oppresses and exploits 

M ■ Mack and white workers, and must, therefore, necessarily work toward 

1 time end as we, whether they consciously will to help us or not. By 

I iug the abolition of the capitalist states, which are instruments of the 

list-imperialists for the exploitation of the workers in the colonies and 

hi home and the maintenance of the supremacy of the capitalist class, the 

1 conscious white workers must perforce contribute to our complete 

iii lion, even as in 1863 the white workers in the Northern States of the 

I Mile I States contributed to our partial liberation because of their fight 
H linst the slave power competition of the South, and in fairness to large 

■h of revolutionary workers who acknowledge the leadership of the 
HhmI International, it is well to state that the Third International has em- 
Ihmically ordered its members to help the darker races and all other op- 
■ il peoples in their struggles for complete liberation. 

"Industrial development along genuine cooperative lines whereby the 
his will be equally distributed among the masses participating, and 

II i hogged by a few big stockholders and dishonest and inefficient officials 

ing exorbitant salaries. The African Blood Brotherhood is sternly op- 
r 'I to the grafting of individuals and corporation enterprises upon mass 

vi -nii'iits for the reasons that (a) such procedure is manifestly dishonest 

• I misleading. Enterprises supported by mass movements should be of 
Hi li u nature as to equally benefit every one in the movement, not merely 




a handful of officials; (b) The Africau Blood Brotherhood does not 

sider any commercial enterprise good enough to base the second liberation 
movement upon the mere chances of its success or failure. No movi 
so based can long survive the collapse of its commercial enterprises, \\ 
believe in fostering and encouraging cooperative enterprises that will bi til 
fit the many rather than the few, hut without basing the movement JpQ 

"Higher wages for negro labor* lower rents. To gain for negro Labi 
the full reward of its toil and to prevent capitalist exploitation eilhei OJ 
the job or at the source of supplies we must encourage industrial unionl 
among our people end at the same time right to break down the buiii'i 
which capitalist-stimulated prejudice has created against us in th< 
unions. These barriers are already meeting the attack of the radical tuv 
progressive element among white union men and must eventually givi 
before the united onslaught of black and white, workers marching to 
with the stirring slogan: 

"'Workers of the world, unite! You have nothing to lose bin 
chains! You have a world to gain!' 

"A united negro front with which to oppose the united front ol fl 
white capitalists organized under the guise of chambers of commerco, I* 
Klux Klan, American Legion, American Defense Society, etc. Thi 
be done only by bringing all negro organizations into a federation w|| 
a program to which any decent negro organization could subscribe. 'I It- > 
identity could not he lost Their autonomy practically unimpaired." 

This interesting document was read to the 'convention on Augwtl H 

and discussed- A special committee had been previously appointed I 

sider the negro question 'and its work find after dplihfiratinn drew ii|i 
single page a program for work by the Communist party, with official 
proval, giving an interesting light on the methods employed by I lie ill 
organization in stirring up strife and cementing radicals. This pn 
reads as follows: 

"Victory of the workers can be achieved only by geniune and < 
solidarity. Such solidarity is impossible of attainment as long 
antagonism befuddles the minds of the workers, dividing them into 
camps, thus rendering them an easy prey to the machinations and 
of their capitalist oppressors. 

"Race prejudice is an evil and menaces the workers' cause 1 . Il 
therefore, be combated resolutely and persistently in all of its banH'nl lm 
The leaders of the working class must wage a relentless war a ■■ ;iin ' 
segregation, disfranchisement, peonage and lynching* 

"The negro masses should be led to see the similarity betwn 
race struggle and the struggle of the entire working class. The whit, 
ers, on the other hand, should be shown that the class struggle of tin 
regardless of race is one great battle against a common enemy, and il 
win, they must support the oppressed races in their struggle a; 

i cution and aid them in their fight to secure political, industrial and 

ul equality, without regard to race, color or creed. 

"At the present time, an organization is gaining a foothold in this 

(miry whose avowed purpose is to keep the negro down, and whose un- 

jfrOwed object is to combat the revolutionary, radical and progressive 

. I mts of the working class. The Ku Klux Klan is a decided menace to 

lie working class, and especially the negro. This organization is receiving 
lli< ltd recognition in that candidates openly espousing its program are 
i mining for public office. It becomes imperative, therefore, that steps be 
■kern to expose and fight this organization. , 

''In order that the negro may be reached with education and propaganda 
kiiI that he may be organized for activity, the following methods are rec- 


"1. — Nuclei shall be established in all existing negro organizations, 
hh as fraternal, religious and labor organizations, cooperatives, tenant 
i Miners' leagues, etc. 

"2. — Colored organizers and speakers shall be sent among negroes in 
iruVr to inform them and win their confidence, 

*"3.— Newspapers and publications shall be established or, when this 

• nol feasible, news service shall be established by friendly cooperation with 

l.-iiid newspapers of liberal tenets- 

"4. — Friendship of liberal-minded negro ministers shall be sought, as 

||n in men are at the present time the leaders of the negro masses and many 

nl them 3Te earnest but lack scientific knowledge. 

"5. — Conferences on the economic conditions among negToes shall be 
I- 1 I from time to time with these ministers, educators and other liberal 
.1 ments, and through their influence the party shall aim to secure a more 
N titable hearing before the negro masses. 

"6. — By means of its membership the party shall penetrate the existing 
brums, literary societies, lyceums, schools, colleges, teachers' institutes. 
Mr., of the colored people, and establish forums of its own for the enlight- 
btiincut of the negro population. 

**7. — Where other forms of activity are impossible or impracticable, 

i certain Southern districts, cooperatives may be formed- 

"8, — The party shall penetrate existing anti-Ku Klux Klan organiza- 

■|mih and shall form organizations wherever none exist. As this is one of 

Mil most violent forms of suppression of the negro at the present time, 

formation of such anti-Ku Klux Klan organizations shall be fostered 

■Ith all energy." 

As a result of this attitude on the part of the Communist party of 
Mtirrica and the natural desire of the radical negroes who seek limelight 
■d association with whites, there has been a marked increase in activity 
Ulimng the negro masses. The agitators are now touring the country, nuclei 
Kf being established in whatever organizations of negroes are found, re- 
Klous, political or social, and the red gospel of Communism h being 
■inched. A similar movement had been carried out just before the race 





riots that startled the country a few years ago. An Associated Negro Pn 

waa swung into line to carry inflammatory racial articles to the vh 

radical negro newspapers. Some of the papers are not actually orgmii i 
the Communists but are trying desperately, by assuming a radical ntttlud 
to become the recognized organs in order to receive some financial suppufl 
from the Communist funds- Recently an editorial was printed in our ui ' 
paper, which could have no other purpose than to stir up strife exact]] 
the Communists wish. This editorial was entitled, "An Eye for an ! 
and read in part: 

"The truth about conditions in the South is coming out bit by li 
Lynching must go. The news agencies dare not tell the truth. Bin 

every lynching, as expert investigators of lynchings and race riots I | 

is a cause traceable to the corrupt moral and political system of the S I 

There is hate and poison and venom in every one of us — and il in |n 
hate and poison and venom! . . . What Southern negroes should ilu 
to repay the crackers in their own bloody coin. An eye for an eye ant] a Iimi|| 
for a tooth! Fight and agitate and lynch back* if need be!" 

Another radical negro paper prints an article on "The Passing ol ili« 
World Robbers," referring to the Christian Caucasian races which ml 
"a topsy-turvy philosophy of life, out of harmony with nature/' miiii<i|Z 
the Christian religion. After two thousand years of this, the article : 

. . . The long road reaches a turn, and indications are tlmi ih» 
hideous nightmare of twenty centuries is drawing to a close- From tt|| 
ends of the world the whisper runs that the day of European vandn 1 1 
nearing its end and the children of the Far East, together with siu-ln | 
Europe's sons as are susceptible to reform, will again administer ll»' iilliilifl 
of mankind and the civilization that was founded upon fraud and dm i 
will be one with Nineveh and Tyre. Beyond the Carpathians, ltiin«| 
mother of the New Day, sits nursing the Infant Era. ... 
brigands, humanity greets your passing with a sigh of relief. GimJ i 
good luck, G 



Another paper prints a paragraph, reading, "Hail the Revnl 

Long live the people! Down -with the capitalist domination anil i<*p|n|| 
tion of Africa and Asia! The dawn's in the East!" 

As a result of the Bridgman raid there came to light an inh n I 
document from Moscow, signed by the "Executive Committee of llu < « 
rmmist International," Bukharin, Radek and Kusinen, entitled "< • 
ing the Next Tasks of the Communist party of America." It was <.n 
marked "not for publication." In this document the Communists .. 
structed to stir up racial strife, not only among the negroes, but lm{V 
nations. It urges the Reds to foment distrust between the Amerkim Fid 
and the British, the Japanese, the French, and between any two 
four, in the hope that this will lead to war and thus to destruotli 

capitalist nations which will open still wider the way for Coi 

They order that the class struggle be continued with increasing in I* 



lor, among other things, to relieve the pressure upon Soviet Russia. 

'I-', insist that new and more impossible demands be made upon the 

eminent of the United States, not in the hope of their being granted, 

HI that may furnish additional grounds for propaganda and attacks upon 

I- ^nvernment and thus intensify the class struggle. Suggestions are made 

i ubjects upon which the demands may be based and the fight waged. 

This document^ smuggled by an authorized Soviet courier into this 

i iMiniiy for the guidance of the Communists here as commanded from Mos- 

BW, is cleverly constructed, full of suggestive hints, orders the establish- 

1 1 of what has become the Workers' party, contains reprimands for 

Hilihikes made by the Communists in the past, and plans for the future, 
li mm taken to Bridgman by J. Lovestone and reads as follows: 

"In the earlier stages, the Communist movement usually lacks the 
kfOfld, directing viewpoint from which can be found the guide-posts for 
■ villous steps. Inexperienced Communists, for example, attack imperial- 
i in only in general, in its universal aspect, without exact information 

I minute attention to the unique manifestations of imperialism within 

llm fliven country. They do not in any way direct their attacks for the 
liirpoee of playing up against each other the antagonistic interests of vari- 
Wl imperialistic groups. Also, the representatives of false tendencies in 
llm 1 nbor movement they attack in general terms, with indiscriminate 

! le cries having perhaps the desired application to some, but having 

in regard to others perhaps the exact opposite of the desired result. In a 
■Ord, they strike around with their eyes closed, against all opponents of 

i nunism in the same manner as against all opponents of their own 

ow Communist groups. They fight as a little sect fights against the 

5 outer world. 

"Such primitive methods of battle, even when combined with the 

1 1. Rtest zeal and heroism, are not dangerous to the enemies of Communism. 

"The Communists begin to be effective in the political struggle only 

■lien they adopt concrete strategic aims for their movement based upon 

\$ thorough examination of the facts. With a determination, purposeful drive 

i these aims, with the subjection of every phase of our movement to 

, jliU principle, our movement begins to be effective. 

In order to assist the American comrades in working out and for- 

laling their line of action, the Executive Committee of the Communist 

IjlHnrmitional proposes for their examination the following main points: 

"1, — As the greatest force opposing the proletarian world revolution 

I i is at the present moment to be the counter-revolutionary world alliance 

I \merican, English, French and Japanese capitalism, it is of vital inter- 

II .i the proletarian revolutionary movement to work against the estab- 

i. i nt and consolidation of this alliance, to attack its advocates most 

inllili^sly, to cut its tap root, if possible, to disturb its growing unceasingly, 

din I adroitly to make use of the conflicting interests within it. The narrow 

Kftlluuulism of the American Japanophobes and Anglophobes is not liberal 

humanitarian nor friendly to labor, and is not in the slightest degree 




more acceptable to us than was the attempted bourgeois nationalism of tfl 
League of Nations. And yet, to the extent of its own cupidity, it real]] 
hinders and disturbs the process of uniting the counter-revolutionary forci - 
in the capitalist world. To the extent that this narrow nationalism (Japan 
ophobia and Anglophobia) attacks and tends to smash the outside world 
robbers (and also, let us hope, to smash itself) — to this extent it is doing ibS 
historic work of self-destruction of the capitalist world system; and in ihjl 
work it must not be hindered by us. Therefore, though we will not, in t9 
role of social-patriots, help the chauvinists in their predatory venture . 
we will make use of chauvinistic blindness on behalf of the proletariat 

"2.-— Soviet Russia, as the mainspring of the international revolution 
ary movement of the proletariat, must be supported in every way. It muni 
be supported with economic help through the self-sacrifice of the workfll 
of all countries. And, most of all, it must be helped through the cl 

struggle of the workers in all capitalist countries against their own I- 

geoisies. The fiercer the class struggle of the American proletariat rn|y<> 
the less will be the pressure of the international counter-revolution upofl 
Soviet Russia^ In this respect the Communists must learn how to make n 
of the conflicting interests of the various factions of the bourgeoisie, hell 
to turn the greed of the bourgeoisie for profits, and how to exploil tffl 
various- tendencies growing out of greedy speculation, to the adv.: 
of the Russian Revolution, and thus to the advantage of the proletarian 
world revolution, 

"3*- — The prerequisite of victory for the working class 13 thai il* 
working class unite itself for the class struggle. To bring about 
unification, isolated action participated in solely by Communists will 
suffice. It is necessary to bring about common mass action of wol 
who are not yet Communists. For this purpose the Communists m 
penetrate the working masses to the utmost, must work together with tli 
must live and fight with them and lead them forward in both major 
minor battles. The uniting of the workers in general class-struggle orgi 
zations, and the joining of the various ones of those organizations into 1 I 
relationships — this and not merely to attain Communist purity and p 
fection of program — is the task now facing the Communist party | 
America. The consciousness of the working masses is naturally vets ■ ■ 
clear at this time, half-bourgeois, and undeveloped from the standpoint 
of the revolutionary vanguard. But, generally speaking, it will <l 
more clearly only during the process of the struggle itself againni till 
bourgeoisie and through experience in the general class struggle orgi 

"As a matter of course, not all organizations to which workers IhiI 

can be used as instruments of the proletarian class struggle, just ji 
every action of the worker can further the struggle. But the quenh 
the possibilities of given organizations must be examined and jud- 1 
its own merits in each case. It is unthinkable, for instance, that a en 
trade union organization such as the American Federation of Labor niulil 

Im r omposed entirely of enemies of the working class, as are such eapital- 
Ut organizations as the Ku KIux Klan or the various professional strike- 
I -i flaking bodies. Here a distinction must always be made between the 
plflOtionary, traitorous leadership and the unconsciously petty-bourgeois- 
Blinded mass which we have to win. And just so, one must not consider 
El) mass movement of the unemployed, no matter how primitive, faltering 
.mi I unclear, as being hopelessly and permanently under bourgeois influence. 
Uir general elections, in which hundreds of thousands of workers take part, 
hnnot be rejected as being merely a peaceful movement with which the 
t miimunists will have nothing to do. Further, certain mass organizations, 
tfaich not only are not communistic, but are not proletarian in composition, 
tuiiMt be utilized by Communist strategy for the benefit of the proletarian 
i>Iiikm struggle- As, for instance, the existing mass movements of small far^ 
inn* (who are, in a sense, semi-proletarian), and even movements of 
Eddie-class farmers under some circumstances. Another instance is the 
figro mass movement for racial betterment, which movement often at- 
Empts deliberately to avoid proletarian class character but must include 
boat masses of toilers. Communist strategy must utilize these movements 
n* auxiliary forces, or, at least, must win them to benevolent neutrality in 

I In- class war. 

"4. — In the present period of the dissolution of the capitalist system, 
Hi.- most important tasks of the Communists of all capitalist countries is 
iln- revolutionizing of the proletarian class struggle. The fighting pro- 
hiiuiat is to be led from one stage to another in the revolutionizing 
fcocesa by means of suitable slogans. They must help the proletariat to free 
Iliielf from the illusions and false traditions that limit its vision and fetter 

II k activities and to counteract the fossilizing influence of the trade union 
Inu-nucracy. One must organize the proletariat for the historic training 

Dhool, in which it will learn to become the conqueror of capitalism. 

"Only the Communist party can do this. The organization and train- 
hg of the Communist party as leader of the revolutionary movement is, 
Eerefore, the fundamental task of the Communists* 

"The Communists must now take the lead in the struggle against the 
reduction of wages. This struggle, in its various forms, is especially 
Bapted for uniting the largest masses of workers in one organization for 
tlm common struggle. The conservative labor leaders will find them- 
Elves placed in a most difficult position through this struggle, where they 
.ill soon he forced plainly to unmask their cowardly wobbling and their 
iMiirherous role, and where they will bring upon themselves the wrath of 
\W. struggling workers* In America almost nothing has been done so far 
in lids direction, but it must be done thoroughly before one can ever think 
nf the victory of the working class in the revolutionary struggle. 

"The organization of the unemployed is an equally important and diffi- 
• nil task. In this movement, just as much as in all other minor battles, the 
Cninmunists must select their slogans according to the circumstances, and 

nsify them as much as possible, from the immediate needs of the 

. In v to the general worker's control of capital-industry. Right now they 





must make a special demand for state support of the unemployed out of I lie 
military budget. 

"The Communist party must remember that it is not its purposr In 
reform the capitalist state. The purpose of the Communist is, on the rod 
trary, to cure the working masses of their reformistic illusions, thi 
bitter experience. Demands upon the state for immediate concessions to tl 
workers must be made, not after the fashion of the Social-Democnilli 
parties, which try to make those demands within the limits whirl' 
state can grant them while retaining its strength intact. Communist 

for immediate concessions to the workers are formulated, not to be 'rem 

able' from the point of view of capitalism, but to be reasonable from 
the point of view of the struggling workers, regardless of the stall 
power to grant them without weakening itself. Thus, for insl 
a demand for payment out of the Government treasury, of full union; 
standard wages for millions of unemployed workers is highly reasoimli|( 
from the point of view of the unemployed workers but damaging I mm 
the point of view of the capitalistic state and the capitalistic wage compi ' 
tion wjiich the state defends. 

"We suggest a few examples of the type of demands that may be ninth 
It must be clearly understood that those are merely examples for illii 
tion, and are not binding, nor are they to be concretely regarded even | 
advised by the Comintern. 

"1.— That all combinations or agreements having the purpose oi ■ 
ducing the rate of wages or the purpose of common action against I /i 1 
organizations, shall be made in law a criminal conspiracy. 

"2. — That no injunction shall be issued against workers for 
toward raising the rate of wages or reducing the hours of labor- 

"3. — A constitutional amendment forbidding such laws as the I 
Industrial Court Law. 

"4. — A constitutional provision guaranteeing the unlimited righl 
peaceful picketing. 

"5. — For disarming of all private detective cops in strike regii 
elsewhere. All organizations for the purpose of forming armed ' 
to engage in activities against strikers to be declared criminal conHhli 

"6. — That no process of law, criminal or otherwise shall i nil 

forcibly to detain any regularly elected labor union official f I 

union duties during the process of a labor dispute- 

"7. — Constitutional amendment forbidding the use of military 

forces in any matter connected with a labor dispute. 

"8. — Legal provision for the maintenance of order in strike ftfl 

by the appointment of members of the labor unions involved, such i ' 

to be nominated by the labor organizations, and armed from :i> 
supplies for the purpose of maintaining order during the period -I 

"9. — Constitutional provision abolishing the United States Labni 
and prohibiting the Executive to interfere in labor disputes. 

"10, — Favoring a close alliance of the United Mine Worl 

America with the railroad brotherhoods and all other unions, for common 
mlion to raise the standard of living of all workers in both industries. 

"11- — General amnesty for all persons imprisoned as a result of strikes 
in other incidents of the labor struggle. General amnesty for all persons 

victed of crime in any way relating to the labor movement, or into whose 

iiiuiinal trial any evidence was offered against the defendant regarding the 
I'tiir-r's views of the class struggle or political views. General amnesty for 
ill prisoners convicted of political offences. 

"12. — For the Plumb plan, amended to give labor a majority of 

"13. — Immediate bonus of $500 to every soldier or sailor enlisted in 
Ilia United States forces during the World War; $1000 to those having 
hern granted wound stripes. A payment of $5000 (in addition to all 
I lyments otherwise provided for) to the dependent of every soldier or 
Kflor who died in the service during the war period. Funds for this 
fiirpose to be taken from military and naval budgets, respectively. 

"14. — For the unrestricted rights of soldiers and sailors to organize 
In unions. Immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers 
■ lailors. No private soldier or sailor to be judged by a court-martial 
BOept composed entirely of private soldiers or sailors elected for the pur- 
MM within the military unit concerned. 

"15. — Absolute prohibition of foreclosures upon farm property for 


"16. — For national credit, to the full value of his farm, to every 

I, er holding less than £20,000 WO rth of farm property, the money to be 

mlvjiuced out of the national treasury at interest to cover the cost of 
llin loan transaction. 

"17. For national credit, to the full extent of their holdings, to 

I |1l farm cooperatives, on the same basis. 

"18. — National monopoly, and operation at cost, of all grain elevators 
. Icept those in the hands of bona fide farmers* cooperatives, or which in 
I future may be established by such organizations. 

"19. — The liquidation of the Ku Klux Klan, invoking the criminal 
spiracy laws in prosecuting all persons connected with the organization. 

"20.— Condemnation of the Washington Conference as a preparation for 
\ new World War. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning of the 

Wast and other regions for exploitation. 

"21. Warning of World War to grow out of secret and other arrange- 

mkmiL made in Washington Conference, condemnation of this in advance 
I* imperialistic War. m , . 

"22. For the immediate recognition and unrestricted trade with Soviet 

llimin. For the re- establishment of postal agreement with Russia. 

"These and other similar demands must be considered only as start- 

|np points for broader, sharper, more universal slogans. In their agitation 

■ lint Communists must point out that the problems will not be solved through 

I llinnc measures, but that we support these demands of the masses so that 

iU very course of events itself may unmask the capitalist state and the 





opponents of the working class, and prove to the masses the necessily nl 
the final struggle for power against the capitalist state itself. In lliU 
unmasking process, the Communist must make use of every dev 
discredit the opposition. At times they must develop a direct attack, brflfij 
every mistake, every crime, every refusal of the demands of the toil In 
masses and constantly demonstrate the solidarity and identity of the capitfl 
ist class with the capitalist state, 

"The Communists must participate as revolutionists in all gem I ll 

election campaigns, municipal, state and congressional, as well as \ 

dential. Not in the same manner as the social-traitors and cenl 
not in order to avoid violent revolution and substitute parliamentaH 
activity for revolution, but, on the other hand, in order to use even (hi* 
election campaigns to revolutionize the workers and lead them fo[ 
to sharpen their class consciousness and to bring them together and 
them under Communist leadership. Class conscious, courageous and 
Communists, as elected representatives of the worker, can always I ml 

the possibility in the various institutions of the bourgeois state, ii 

way or another, to give effective object lessons to revolutionize the worldlU 
class. Besides the Communist party can conceal its underground appiiTfl 
tus and develop it very effectively within the outer framework of the legtj 
campaign organization and the election activities. 

"In all these minor struggles, as well as in the final revolution!!] 
battle of the proletariat, the party organization must be the leader i 
struggling workers. 

"Its weapons are manifold and vary, according to the situation, f..,m 
entirely legal propaganda, from election campaigns, from modest movemi nfl 
for increase of wages and from peaceful demonstrations to the revoluti 
strike and to the various forms of revoluticmaiy ulaas struggle. 

"In agitation and propaganda Communists cannot be satisfied 
mere dogmatic presentation of Communist principles of the propagund 
of the armed struggle under all circumstances. They must not permit tin m 
selves to appear to the masses as fanatic bomb enthusiasts who know nnthltt| 
about the realities of life. They must understand how to lead the wn 
masses from the struggle for the satisfaction of their first concrete 
on to such a battle that the struggling masses themselves will begin to 1. i 
in success and victory. 

'The legal party press is under all circumstances a most im| 

weapon to the Communist party. Just as the political movement ol ill 
workers of America has remained very backward in regard to matt* 
organization, so the revolutionary labor press is also as yet very 
Its development is at the present moment the most urgent task of the 
As long as the party does not possess at least one or two legal dnilii 
the English language it is still crawling around on all fours. Tin- 
must do everything in its power in order to secure decided mflnein 
direct or indirect control over as many existing papers of varioim t/ilutf 
organizations as possible. Especially it must try to win control ovt 


I. boi union press. In addition, the party must publish an illegal official 
■ an. 

"All good possibilities of both the legal and illegal activities must 
|m utilized by tie party energetically. He who wants to liquidate the 
illegal activities is no Communist at all, and neither is that type of con- 
inlrotor who does not want to know anything about legal activities. 

"Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist party 
In the United States to be a legal party. Of course the party can develop 
m|hh labor organizations- It can even build a legal revolutionary workers' 
hrganization. It can even also launch a legal revolutionary Labor party, 
ll must launch also such legal party, with the purpose that the Communists 
ten openly enter its ranks without permitting the police to know which 
U I lie members are Communists and which are not. But the underground 
Irganization whose membership consists entirely of Communists must not 
It liquidated. On the contrary, it must be built ever firmer and stronger. 
1 1 must guide and control the legal revolutionary party through its mem- 
i ■ i , Every Communist, that is, every member of the underground party, 
Bust submit to an iron discipline and must act in accordance with the 
■lurcrtions of the leading organs of the underground party in all legal as 
will as illegal activities. 

"As a matter of course, all real Communists in the United States 
i- ill subscribe to this. The Executive of the Communist International knows 
lluit the Minority of the Party Executive does not deny the advisability 
i.f taking advantage of legal opportunities, although this Minority opposes 
Efl rapid and energetic procedure of the Majority in founding the legal 
Evolutionary party. The distinction is, in the judgment of the Executive 
Kommittee of the Comintern, without good ground. The fact that the 
Party Executive is proceeding rapidly and energetically with the formation 
. I | lie legal party organization is not a fault. It would have been a fault to 
|til with the launching of the legal party until the underground organiza- 
tion had developed 'sufficient strength.' The development of the under- 

md organization can best be furthered through these very activities 

I its members in the ranks of the legal party. Historic progress is not 
mirii a simple matter as to leave us the liberty first to complete the develop- 
i, mil of the underground party apparatus, and only then to begin the 
fciilding of the legal party organization. In this manner the very best 
Uiiportunities for the launching of the legal party would be lost. 

"The centrists would have a free field for their efforts at founding 
L independent opportunist party. This opportunity must not be left to 
Kern The Communist party must take the initiative in the formation of 
ll,,- new legal party and must take the control firmly into its own hands. 
1 1 must be careful to assure itself the actual control over all the leading 
inifons of the legal party. For this reason the legal organization must take 
tlm permanent form of a party organization. Some other loose organization 
fnnti would be very much more difficult to control and to guide. Further- 
more, the development of a solidly orgmiimH legal party, in which members 
..I the Communist party have at least the majority on all important com- 



mittees, will make possible the control of still other anti-capitalistic ■ 
izations through this legal party. 

"For the foregoing reasons we draw your attention to the follow III! 
for your guidance: 

"I. The Communist party of America is as yet far from havln| 
iafactory connections with the masses. The means of contact muni In 
structed with the greatest possible speed. 

2. Connection with the masses essentially implies a public op< I il 
Secret operations, even with the widest possible ramifications, cunnul I 
satisfactory mass operations, The means of public contact with the in 
must be principally: 

"a.— A legal press, including at least one daily English lego I 

paper, acting with the necessary disguise as a central party organ. 

"k — Organized grouping of sympathizers within the trade unfolll 
"c- — An overground political party. 

"3. Certain indispensable accompaniments to the highest dnvi'lii| ' 
capitalist form of society leaves weaknesses in the capitalist struclutd iIih 
have to be taken advantage of by a Communist party of action 111 
Government of the United States will not now permit a 'Communis I'miI] 
to exist but it is compelled to permit 'parties* to exist in an ahnn 
restricted variety, for the purpose of its own preservation. The ni|ill !l ■ 
class builds its regime upon the rock foundation— the mass illusion 
social questions are solved in the sphere in which these parlicH iijm 
The state attempts, wjierever it can, to exclude a truly proletai iim ■ 

tionary party from the public field. It attempts first, to exter 

revolutionary party into subservience to capitalist law which maki ' 

tion impossible, or third, at least to confine the revolution u v i 
operations to the narrow sphere that can be reached secretly- 

"A Communist party must defeat all these attempts. It mu*1 
exterminated. It must unequivocally refuse to obey capitalist InW, 

must urge the working class to the violent destruction of the n I 

machinery. It is equally the duty of a Communist party to defonl In * 
means that may be necessary, the capitalist government's attempl lit t 
fine the revolutionary party to the underground channels in which ti 
more concealed from the masses than it is from the governmr ml 

"4. The program of the legal party will have to bo ..,,. 
restricted. Special measures and slogans which, while not Hlolh 
illegal Communist purpose, will objectively have the revolutionary -" 

upon the masses, must be adopted. The Legal party must at all i 

as far toward the Communist program as possible while continulu 

"5* The entire membership of the underground party, tlw n -I < 
munist party, must join the open party and become its most imlivr i l 
Communist party members must, at all times, hold the position* nl I. ..I. 
ship in the Legal party. In addition to the entire Communist pint i i 
ship, the Legal party should admit to its ranks the more advanced lvml 



who accept the principle of the class struggle, and the abolition of capital- 
t-ni through the establishment of the workers* power. Working class organ- 
lilt Ions that subscribe to these principles can he admitted to or affiliated 
iv II li I he Legal party, as a body, within the judgment of the central 
i m inlive committee of the Communist party. 

"6. The Executive of the Communist International has resolved to 
|Upport the position of the majority of the Central Executive Committee 
•<l i ho Communist Party of America in favor of the immediate construction 
nl (i legal political party on a national scale, which will act as an instru- 

i of the illegal Communist party for participation in legal activities, 

m| h u« electoral campaigns, etc. The executive of the Comintern takes this 
I- i nl ion after having been informed that the Minority of the Executive 
< Miniiiittee of the Communist party of America accepts 'in principle' the 
■Otic of the legal work of various sorts at the present time, but rejects the 
■I tic of the immediate construction of a legal political party on a national 

Iq with the Communist party membership as its nucleus. The ruling of 

Bl Communist International must he accepted as obligating every mem- 
H . of the Communist party of America, minority or majority, to work 
■t I (gently in the immediate construction of a legal political party. As a 
i ii h\ party members who fail to participate whole-heartedly in the legal 
nuil, or who sabotage that work must leave the party. 

"7. But in carrying out these instructions, the party must guard itself 

Bt the tendency to repudiate or neglect the illegal work — the tendency 

■ become legal in fact as well as in oufcward appearance. This tendency 
will lie found especially among 'intellectual 5 party members who have 
huh- experience in the brutal physical phases of the class struggle to 
»Jl Ifli the rank and file workers are always exposed, but from which the 
Ihtfllectuals engaged in legal political work are sometimes shielded. Upon 
[filling themselves in the easier life of legal activities, many will forget that 
ii" matter what manoeuvres may be made upon the public stage, the final 
i | i Htruggle must be, until its end, a brutal fight of the physical force. 
A i ertam element of the party membership will inevitably forget this funda- 
>\ principle (which no humble worker in the class struggle is allowed 
I*, forget) and will come forward with naive proposals for liquidating 
■I illegal machinery of the party. Such tendency is very dangerous to a 
(inilclarian revolutionary party. The actual liquidation of the underground 
|i.uiy would mean the liquidation of the revolutionary movement. Party 
■lumbers' who persist in such a view must be ruthlessly expelled from 
1 1" illegal party. 

"8. The underground organization of the Communist party must not 
...I into disuse, but, on the contrary, must constantly extend its illegal 
•u n hinery further and further, in proportion to the growth of the illegal 
1 1 1 1 1 1 v . While coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make 
Hi. mistake of being trapped in the open by exposing its national or dis- 
in.i Communist party headquarters, records or illegal machinery, its un- 
[iMfi round printing arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive 
Committee, The central executive committee headquarters (of the party 




proper) must continue to be guarded in secrecy (and even the probli m 
redoubling its security from discovery should be constantly studied}. M<. 

underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely for « 

gencies, but for constant and permanent use. Down to the lowest tmll 

the group of ten — every branch and stem of the party structure i 

continue to keep its secret addresses and meeting places and to use thl 
constant underground functioning- Every member, no matter what hii 
is in the legal party, must also perform his duties in the undcrgri 

"9. The party underground press must continue. The mean* ol' puli 
lishing unknown to and in spiEe of the capitalist authorities must bn nlwAfl 
kept in hand and in use. Under bourgeois rule, no matter how "M-. < .1 
it may be, a Communist party must never relinquish its facilities for nmli I 
ground press and, under the circumstances now prevailing in the I lull. .1 
States, the active functioning of tjie underground press cannot be abalfiil I III) 
it would be foolish to print any considerable amount of literature titldi | 
ground that could be printed legally. The legal political party will In il ' 
to take upon itself the printing of a large portion of the literature tllfll | 
not definitely illegal. It may also he made sponsor for a great, | 

Communist newspapers. Legal newspapers must form a very largo \u\l\ 
of the work of a mass party- The illegal press must carry the propiiKmit|( 

that the legal press cannot carry, thus making sure that the full C 

message is made clear at all times. 

"10. The intellectual workers in these legal institutions of thn 
must be subject to the same discipline, wage scale and regulation 
ground party workers. It must always be remembered that the real ■ ' 
tionary party — the American section of the Third International — is tlm < •■, 
muiiist party of America and that the Legal party is but an inwli imn*t}| 
which it uses to better carry on its work among the masses. Only tin 

membership in the American Section — the Communist party of Ai 

can American workers become members of the Communist Intern 

"Dear Comrades: It would be entirely useless to quarrel ovei tin 
tion whether extensive or intensive methods are preferable in your <.mi 
munist work- You must learn how to make a practical combination nl |i 
of these methods under all circumstances. Unite for your common ww 
for the liquidation of either the legal or illegal revolutionary activit] 
for the liquidation of the really damaging liquidation tendenri. 
labor movement. 

"It is, as a matter of course, very necessary that you make all |»n 

tion in your underground party convention for the public convenl I 

which the legal Revolutionary Party is to be launched- But before i 
as after the party convention the minority members of the parly v\v< ul 
must submit to the decision of the majority loyally and without rpn H 
Without this party discipline, Communist party activities are impo 
The Party Central Committee must } of course, understand how In Iml 
party membership sensibly and practically for the observance of (In 


II i Ipline and, generally, for the centralization of party activities. It must 
Understand and it must constantly learn still better how to lead the entire 
H ■■.,. Nation. On the other hand, it is the duty of every member to support 
\\v uuthority of the party executive. It is foolish and harmful, for instance 
H fftctignal opposition accuses the party executive of oppressing the foreign 
i tnguage organizations. You must make an end of such accusations, com- 

"We hope that in your coming party convention, all of you will give 
Widonce, in your resolutions and actions, of firm, organic unity, and that 

, party will prove its ability to measure up to the great responsibilities 

1 1 in I Htand before it. 

"With Communist greetings, 

"Executive Committee of the Communist International- 

"(Signed) N. BUKHARXN, 





After a number of delays andpostponements the first of the cases arising 

,. f the Bridgman raid, that of William Z* Foster, was called at Si. Joseph, 

Mlrtiigan, March 12, 1923. Nearly the first week was devoted to securing 
* jury. The trial ended on April 6th. After being out a little over 31 
Imiirs, the foreman advised the court it would be impossible to arrive at a 
i .ion and the jury was discharged. It had stood six to six from the first 

Elliot. „ _ . . . 

The second case, that of Charles E. Ruthenberg, was called for trial 
Ai.iil 16th. Less time was required to secure a jury and less time, in the 
hint of the case. The jury after being out for a few hours returned a ver- 
,ll,t of guilty. The defendant filed notice of an appeal and pending decision 
i,| I he Supreme Court, was admitted to bail. The main contention upon 

hlch appeal was based was that the criminal syndicalist law of Michigan, 
| er which Ruthenberg was found guilty, is unconstitutional. Up to this 

mm (February 1st, 1924) the Supreme Court has not handed down its 

ilrMiinion* __ . . j . 

The question has often been asked "Wby was conviction secured in 

tlm rase of Ruthenberg and not in the case of Foster?" 

The State probably had the weakest case against Foster than it did 
Wiinst any of the defendants. In the first place, Foster was not arrested 
mm the ground but was arrested later in his Chicago offices, He insisted 
Hi.-,, and on the witness stand, that he was not a member of the Communist 

and Ruthenberg, who was on the stand as a witness in Foster s detense, 

re Foster was not a member of that organization. It was shown by 

mI ,,ce that while Foster was at the Bridgman convention held by the 

.i to have been an illegal gathering under the law, and took part m the 

inncredings by making an address, he left the convention before the adop- 

of the resolution which the State largely depended upon to show the 

plinructer and purpose of the meeting. # m 

To understand the contentions of the prosecution, the following trom 
tl,r open statement of Hon. 0. L. Smith, assistant attorney general for 
Michigan who headed the State's counsel is apropos. Mr. bmith said: 

"That the members of the jury may have clearly m mind at the outset 
|| this case, the fact issues involved in the prosecution, I desire to make a 

I rnent, as short as possible, of the facts upon which the prosecution 

wilt ask the conviction of the defendant, William Z. Foster. I wish to call 
|||tmition to the statute under which this prosecution is brought. Criminal 




syndicalism is defined as the doctrine which advocates crime, sabotfl 
violence or other unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accompli 
ing industrial or political reforms. Advocacy of this doctrine is the ci 
prohibited by the statute. Under the statute it is our contention that 
prohibited doctrine may be advocated: 

"First, by word of mouth or writing; 

"Second, by printing, publishing, editing, knowingly circulating, bo« 
papers, documents or written matter in any form containing and advouiii 
the prohibited doctrine; 

"Fourth; by organizing, helping to organize, become a member of, or 
voluntarily assembling with, any society, group or assemblage of perAOIII 
formed to teach and advocate the prohibited doctrine, 

"It is under the fourth mentioned of advocacy of this prohibited ||i 
legal doctrine, that the defendant William Z. Foster, is charged with vinlfll* 
ing the Michigan law." 

The defense took the position and brought evidence to sustain Mini 
position, that Foster, was not a member of the Communist party of 
ica which taught the proscribed doctrine; that he was not a delegate to lhi| 
convention; that he was there as an invited guest and to make an addn 
and that the reason for his accepting the invitation and making the mhln 
was to secure the support of the gathering for his magazine Labor 11 
Further, that Foster's whole work was in the interest of the working people 
that he bad been recognized as an able leader of the wage-earners, nml i» 
sustain this, considerable stress was laid on the fact that he head* 
organization of the steel workers for the American Federation of 1.ulxj| 
and was put in charge of the activities of that organization wjien the 
was called. 

Again, the State up to the taking of testimony, was deceived as im- 
probable nature of the defense. For some weeks previous to the callii 
the case, the defense had taken a large number of depositions thron 
the country, all of which were to sustain the allegation that the mi 
finding of the illegal and incriminating documents was a "frame-up" n 
part of the government and private detective agencies. Much publicil 
given to all these depositions. However, when the case was called, tm 
depositions were offered in evidence, and the defence based its who!. 
on the grounds that Foster was not a member of the Communist p.-nh lii i| 
even if he was, the Communist party was not an illegal organization i 
was merely a group of people who believed in carrying government ci 
ship to its ultimate conclusion, that is, the "socialization" of all in, in 
The defense took special care to leave the impression that in the 'V. 
ization'" process, the lands of the small farmers were not to be inv 
This was done because a majority on the jury were farmers. The di 
laid great stress on the fact that the prosecution was only "persecution nl 
well known labor leader." The contention, no doubt, had great w 
with a number of the jurors. 

Then again there was a woman on the jury. This is not to qn« 

the honesty or integrity of this woman juror hut she was evidently more or 
loifl emotional. Her sympathies were successfully aroused. She was made 
to believe that Foster was a high-minded person, working at great personal 
lacrifice, to aid the "struggling masses- 5 ' From her training, her environ- 
ment, her surroundings, her innate honesty of purpose, she was unable to 
ffrnsp from the mass of testimony that Foster was heading a great conspiracy 
i- linst civilization and Christianity, Because of her high-mindedness, she 
wholly incapable of grasping the fact that here could be such a con- 
n pi racy. 

The prosecution was not as well versed in communism, its purposes, 
mi-lhods plans and ideas, as was the defense. This enabled the defense, 
often skillfully, to steer shy of dangerous grounds and avoid the injection 
ol dangerous utterances. The rather verbose and weighty language em- 
ployed by the average communist writer went over the heads of a large 
number of the jurors. One must not overlook the fact that the jury was 
no m posed of twelve honest, sincere, loyal persons whose contact. with the 
World had not been sufficiently extensive to enable them to grasp the serious- 
iM is of the plans proposed by Communism. Being honest themselves, being 
loyal and patriotic, they could not be made to understand the utter dis- 
honesty and disloyalty of those who were guiding the destinies of the Com- 
munist party and all of its allied movements. 

In view of these facts, that there was a "hung jury" in the Foster case, 
ii not surprising. It had not progressed two days in the taking of testi- 
mony, until it was the unanimous belief at the press table that a "hung 
lury" would result. 

With but a week intervening the case of Charles E. Ruthenherg was 
called. Here the evidence was stronger for the prosecution. Ruthenherg 
was arrested on the grounds. He admitted he was not only a member but 
tin official of the Communist party of America, and while he disclaimed 
liny purpose to change the government by "force, violence and acts of 
terrorism" he clearly indicated by his rather frank method of testifying, 
Mutt he believed a "revolution" would be necessary to establish communism. 

The jury composed largely of farmers was a most intelligent body of 
linen. They were alert; were not swayed by emotions and were ready to 
render their decision on the facts as they gained them from the evidence, and 
in accord with the law as laid down by the judge. 

In the Ruthenherg case the State was acquainted with the character of 
Mic defense* It had found the weak points of the defense in the Foster 
Irial, and through more complete examination of the documents secured 
in the raid, was able to present this incriminating evidence in a manner 
which was more intelligible to the jury. As stated, the Tesult was a con- 
[ viction of Ruthenherg after a few hours. 

In both cases the State was ably represented by Hon. O. L. Smith, 
Assistant Attorney General; Charles W. Gore, Country Prosecuting Attorney; 
Charles Bookwalter, Assistant County Prosecuting Attorney, and Max Burger, 
n government expert on the doctrines of Communism, and whose knowl- 
ndge of this subject was a material aid to the State. Credit should also 




be given to the government agents who took part in the raid and won 
called as witnesses for the State, Special credit should go to Frank Morrow, 
known as "K 97," whose cleverness enabled him to become an accredits 
delegate to this Convention and who was able to convey information to the 
government that the meeting was to occur. The raid and prosecution* 




An effort has been made to show, from documents of the Communist 
party of America and the "legal" branches of this organization, in what 
manner the Communist International of Moscow is endeavoring to bring 
ithout the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force of 
irms, and to what extent this conspiracy has progressed. There can be 
no misreading the aims and objects of this conspiracy, for the documents 
themselves frequently refer to the necessity for using "armed force," to 
"iirmed insurrection," and to "violence" as the only means of attaining the 
, ml at which the Communists aim- The endeavor has also been made to 
||)0W that many non-Communist organizations and individuals have aided 
nnd are aiding the movement through agitation, through contribution of 
funds, toward supporting trouble-makers and interfering with effort© to 
mippress radicalism. 

The Communist party of America has been declared officially to be an 
tl legal organization. Because of this it haa been necessary for this party to 
hold its annual conventions in secret, hiding in the woods, as was the case 
HI llridgman, with lookouts posted to give warning of the approach of of- 
ficers of the law. It has been necessary to use codes for communicating with 
one another in order to escape detection, and for each member of the illegal 
organization to have and use a fictitious name in order that identities may 
not be known. In view of the facts as they are known and provable with 
11 n impeachable evidence, the question has naturally arisen, why doesn't the 
(Jovernment wipe out this nest of vipers? The answer is simple, the Govern* 
Blent has no power to do so. 

The Communists and radicals of every hue, seek refuge under the very 
Inws they deride; they appeal to the laws they are trying to overthrow for 
protection from punishment for violations of those laws. ^Certain senators 
mid members of Congress, certain judges on the bench, even on the Federal 
I tench, and countless citizens of no official position, obsessed with the theory 
of "free speech " are unable, or unwilling, to recogniae the difference be- 
tween free speech and a conspiracy to overthrow the Government by armed 
rovolutiojoJ! Bills introduced in Congress are killed by an opposition which 
widdeiily develops when any proposal is made to give the officers of the 
luw adequate authority to protect the Government from conspiracies to effect 
tU downfall. The Communists boast that they have members of Congress 
working for them and that they can prevent the passage of laws designed to 
curb radical activities. Senators are threatened with being reported to 





Moscow unless they act thus and so. And known Communists go lo 
Washington with perfect immunity and consult with senators and congreM 
men in their offices at the Capitol. 

Members of the Government at Washington and representatives of l!m 
people in both branches of Congress have known of the inadequacii QJ 
the laws ever since Red Radicalism first raised its head in this count n 
Loyal officials and earnest congressmen have made recommendation* .m.l 
introduced bills looking to the strengthening of laws of the country in ordtt 
that this international blight might be prevented from finding root in thfl toll 
of the United States. And these recommendations have been ignored and 
these bills have been killed. 

It will be a surprise to most loyal Americans to know that anyone, prQ 
vided he be an American citizen, may manufacture a bomb in the city a 
Washington, (or in any other Federal territory), take that bomb and walk 
down Pennsylvania avenue announcing to all who will hear, that he intondj 
to blow up the Capitol as a part of a project looking toward the overthrow 
of the United States Government, and have committed no crime beyond 
disturbance of the peace, a municipal police regulation. What is more, m 
may actually blow up the Capitol and destroy it, all the while proclaiming 
bis purpose as a means of violently overthrowing the Government — and .ill 
he can be arrested or prosecuted for is destruction of Government properl 
This is legally the same offense that may be committed by any boy throw 111 I 
a stone through the window of a Government building. For there r im 
Federal law which will touch an American citizen wjio joins the Communllj 
party and endeavors to carry out the purposes of that organization iltn 
overthrow of this Government by force and violence. 

If an alien does the same thing he may be deported under the exiflllnj 
laws- Or rather, the law provides for his deportation, but by a cuHoUfl 
twist of the law even the alien is saved from punishment. For the unmi 
law that provides for his deportation also specifies that before bcinjj, .f. 
ported he must be provided with a passport approved by the reprcsen! ii 
in the United States of the country to which he is to be depoTted. And 
no country wants radicals who aim at the destruction of all so-called 
itaiist" countries, the securing of a passport for the accused alien is riilln nil 
and often impossible. For example, England and France have refused tl) 
permit their nationals, those who are Communists, to he dumped upon tin ti 
shores by the United States; and even Russia, after a hectic experience 
the shipload of Reds deported on the Buford, refuses to accept any mr>i 
that brand. So, it is seen, the law which provides for the deportah- 
aliens also forbids, in effect, their deportation. 

The law under which the Government functions in the handling ol 
situation today is Section 6 of the Criminal Code, which reads: 

"If two or more persons in any State or Territory, or in any pi mi 
subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, conspire to overthrow, p||( 
down, or to destroy by force the Government of the United States, 
levy war against them, or to oppose by force the authority thereof, 01 I 
force to prevent, hinder or delay the execution of any law of the Ihillwj 

Slates contrary to the authority thereof, they shall each be fined not more 
than five thousand dollars, or imprisoned not more than six years, or both " 

This law would seem, at a casual reading, to be sufficient to enable 
I he Government to crush the conspiracy of the Communists, for example, 
which aims at the destruction "by force" of "the Government of the United 
States." But many times courts have interpreted this section of the Criminal 
Code to mean that an overt act against the Government must be committed 
before any offence has been perpetrated. Therefore, the conspirators in the 
woods at Bridgman, Mich., who were met in secret convention to plot the 
overthrow of the Government would be considered, under these interpre- 
i ,il ions of the law, to have been entirely within their rights. Fortunately, 
Imwever, a number of States, and Michigan is one of them, have stringent 
inti-syndicalist laws to protect the Government of the United States which 
urcms unable to get a law through Congress to protect itself. 

Some of the men arrested in connection with the Bridgman secret, il- 
legal convention, notably Ruthenberg and Foster, have repeatedly referred 
in the typewriters and mimeograph machines as the weapons the Michigan 
Authorities captured at Bridgman and sluTringly asked if it were thought 
they were planning to overthrow the Government with those "weapons.' 
And yet one of the results of the late war in Europe was the tremendous 
increase in the use of propaganda as a weapon. It was used by the Com- 
munists to destroy the efficiency of the army of Russia under the Czar, and 
la being used today by the Communists to influence even the highest officials 
Of this Government so that the danger of Communism will not be understood 
Or appreciated. Propaganda is now recognized by military authorities as 
I distinct and very potent military tactic. Our own military authorities 
imtien it a definite place in the category of warfare, beside gas, liquid fire 
ind other methods which bad to be combated in the World War The Italian 
campaign, the retreat of the demoralized Italian armies, was the definite re- 
rult first of a weakening of morale affected by carefully planned and clever- 
ly placed propaganda. ■ 

One of the features of the operation of the laws under which the Gov- 
nnment is striving to counteract or crush the Communist movement is the 
confusion of authority. The immigration question comes under the Depart- 
ment of Labor; undersirable aliens may be kept out by the immigration 
imthorities legally, amj a few are so kept out- The passport problem is m 
I he hands of the State Department, which may refuse to grant a passport 
lo whomever it pleases; and it sometimes does refuse passports. The Ireas- 
ury Department has to do with smuggling, and the Post Office Department has 
to do with the mails and their misuse by radicals. The Department of Jus- 
tice is the legal branch of the Government, to be called upon for advice 
mid information. But there is no law that compels one department to ask 
for the records of the Reds, native and foreign, before they are admitted, 
or granted passports, or tried for the misuse of the mails or for smuggling. 
In fact it has happened frequently that Americans and aliens have been 
permitted to go freely about their plotting against the Government, armed 
with passports, admitted freely by the immigration authorities, when in the 




various files of the different departments was enough evidence, if collected 
and used, to convict the man or woman affected of nearly every crime shofl 
of murder— and sometimes actually of murder. Communists have m» 
trouble getting passports to use going back and forth to Moscow. Tin - 
passports are frequently forged and used by other messengers of the Con 
muniats. The Department of Justice must have a vast amount of information 
regarding the activities of individuals connected with the Communist parti 
of America and its information is available to other departments of lh« 
Government if asked for; but there have been cases, it is reported, wh«S 
even after information has been furnished upon such request it has not hrr n 

Many times efforts have been made to strengthen the law so thai ilir* 
Government could handle the Red menace effectively without waiting I'm 
bombs to be exploded or persons slain. Almost invariably such efforts \\iw-. 
come to nought because of opposition in Congress and because of the acl 
of the propagandists of the Communist party and of those whose work d) 
rectly plays into the hands of the Communists. Lawyers loving limellghl 
have a habit of appearing and defending "free speech" which with thoffl 
means nothing but unrestrained license. Hundreds of people rally to figh 
any bill that has a patriotic motive back of it, such as a measure designer] 
to prevent the overthrow or the attempt to overthrow this Governmenl b] 
violence. Such was the fate of the Sterling hill, which passed the Senate bul 
was defeated in the House. The writer holds no brief for this pardculfll 
bill, but many loyal lawyers have studied it carefully trying to find a i 
why any real red blooded American would oppose it. But it was opposed 
strenuously that it was defeated in the House of Representatives, Il wn«' 
entitled, "A hill to prohibit and punish certain seditious acts against I In 
Government of the United States and to prohibit the use of themailn I 
the purpose of prompting such acts," and read as follows: 

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Unilnl 
States of America in Congress assembled, That it shall be unlawful for nut 
reason to advocate or advise the overthrow, or to write, or knowing!) || 
print, publish, utter, sell, or distribute any document, hook, circular, \m\n 
journal, or other written or printed communication, in or by which tim ■ 
advised the overthrow, by force or violence, or by physical injury to pfti'Btifl 
or property, of the Government of the United States or all goveramt nil 
advise or advocate a change in the form of Government or the Constilulhtfl 
of the United States or resistance to the authority thereof by force 01 
lence or by physical injury to person or property; and it shall be milnwfill 
for any person by force or violence to prevent, hinder or delay the < 
tion of any law of the United States or the free performance of any «l ll 
officers, agents, or employees, or of his or their public duty, or to nil- w\\\ 
by force or violence to overthrow the Government of the United Slain 

"Sec. 2. That the display or exhibition at any meeting, gather In 
parade, public or private, of any flag, banner, or emblem intended I' 
person or persons displaying or exhibiting the same to symbolize or iml 



I purpose to overthrow by force or violence or by physical injury to person 
or property, the Government of the United States or all government, is here- 
by declared to be unlawful. 

"Sec 3» That every document, book, circular, paper, journal, or other 
written or printed communication in or by which there is advocated or 
mlvised the overthrow by force or violence or by physical injury to person or 
property of the Government of the United States or all government, or in 
or by which there is advocated, or advised the use of force or violence or 
physical injury to or the seizure or destruction of persons or property as 
(i means toward the accomplishment of economic, industrial, or political 
changes, is hereby declared to be non-mailable and the same shall not be 
conveyed in the mails or delivered from any post office or by any letter 
carrier; provided, That nothing in this Act shall be so construed as to 
nuthorize any person other than an employee of the Dead Letter Office duly 
authorized thereto or other person upon a search warrant authorized by law 
to open any letter not addressed to himself: Provided further, That any 
author, publisher, or party affected or aggrieved by the action of the Post* 
master General in excluding materials from the mails under this section 
shall, upon filing a bond to cover the actual cost of such proceeding, be 
entitled to a hearing de novo before a judge of the Federal district or cir- 
cuit in which the party affected or aggrieved resides. The court shall have 
power during the pendency of proceedings in court to suspend the order of 
I he Postmaster General; Provided further, That no such court proceeding 
shall bar or interfere with any criminal prosecution under the terms of this 

"Sec. 4- That it shall be unlawful to import or cause to be imported the United States or any place subject to its jurisdiction any matter 
declared by section 3 of this Act to be non-mailable or to transport or cause 
to be transported any such matter from one State to another or into any 
place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States. 

"Sec. 5, That whoever shall use or attempt to use the mails or the 
Postal Service of the United States for the transmission of any matter de- 
clared by section 3 of this Act to be non-mailable or who shall violate any 
ether of the provisions of this Act shall be fined not more than $5000 or 
imprisoned not more than five years, or both, and if an alien, shall be, upon 
the expiration of his sentence, deported from the United States and forever 
barred from reentering the United States or any Territory under its juris- 

"Sec. 6. That every foreign-born person who has become a natural- 
ized citizen of the United States who shall commit any of the acts forbidden 
by this Act shall, upon conviction thereof, forfeit his citizenship in the 
United States; and any foreign -born person who has declared his intention 
to become a citizen shall, upon his conviction of any offence under this Act, 
forfeit his right to become such citizen, and all proceedings had in the 
matter of naturalization of any such person shall be cancelled and become 
null and void, and he shall thereafter be ineligible for naturalization in the 




United States, and shall be subject to deportation as in the case of othl I 
aliens, as provided by law* 1 ' 

There was little opposition to this proposed act when it was brouj-hi 
out of the Senate Judiciary Committee and presented to the Senate, Bill 
when it came up in the House, the opposition was active both on the flooi 
and on the part of lobbyists against it. Perhaps the most active opp<; 
at this stage was Jackson H. Ralston, a Washington attorney who repfl 
sented the American Federation of Labor and who had also acted as counMl 
for Louis F. Post, former Assistant Secretary of Labor, at a hearing befofl 
a Congressional Committee on charges against Post arising out of bjj 
actions and policies in connection with deportation preceedings. Anil v i 
the passage of this act or one of similar import is necessary, and is knowfl 
to be necessary, if the Government is to be able adequately to handle such 
individuals engaged in Communistic activities directed toward the overthrow 
of this Government by force and violence. 

A certain group of lawyers, not always the same personnel but in 
variably with many of the same individuals, seems always to be seeking 
ways to embarrass the Government and interfere with its functioning wlirn 
it attacks radicalism in any of its forms. These lawyers do not seem to carl 
as to the merits of their case, as was shown when they brought charges oj 
illegal practice against the Department of Justice, charges which wefl 
quickly shown to be utterly without foundation, a fact that the vcrioni 
tyro would have known upon cursory examination of the "evidence 1 ' tin \ 
presented* The makeup of this particular group of lawyers, whose activil ll j 
seem to have been directed to hindering instead of helping the Governmonl 
in its fight, a right inherent in every Government, to protect itself, is in 


This self-appointed committee of lawyers, which signed the chm, 
against the Department of Justice, included Felix Frankfurter, Ernst Fn Uixl 
and Frank P. Walsh, who were identified with the American Civil Liberlli 

Union, an organization, as has been shown, which includes known C 

munists on its committees working directly and constantly for the ovi 
throw of the Government of the United States by force and violent* 
Frankfurter, from his chair at Harvard, became so active in his work »<i 
behalf of the radicals that Theodore Roosevelt wrote that he had tukdll 

L"an attitude which seems to me to he fundamentally that of Trotsky .. . i 
the other Bolsheviki leaders in Russia." 

The American Civil Liberties Union was also active in this movcim ttl 
with which its members were identified. Of this organization^ as bus h 
seen, it has been said that the effect of its activities "is to create in I hi 

minds of the ill-informed people the impression that it is un-Atin i 

to interfere with the activities of those who seek to destroy Amenn « 

stitutions. They seek to influence legislators and executives to repeal (ll 
I veto any law calculated to protect the State or the Federal Governmi III 
V—^from the attacks of agitators." 

Frank P- Walsh is the lawyer who, on his return from Moscow, Will 
reported in Communist circles to have been retained for a fee of #r>0,nuo 

to defend the Bridgman conspirators. Zecharia Chaffee Jr a j«U*g» 

i.f Frankfurter's at Harvard, the man who advocated in print and in public 

tJSffi ttfe should be no law against sedition and ««*£« 

rIk, one of the lawyer signers of these charges. An°te was M* 

i i, her Kane of Philadelphia, whose name is on the Workers party amxec 

"and who was formerly United States district attorney in his district. 

ASenate w^mittte report declared that Kane's statement before the com; 

miltSv™ the impression that his tendencies are strongly Socialistic 

nburne Hale of New York, who resigned as captain m the Army in the 

axrintemgence Section when official information was sought regard- 

n, ; Ludwii C. A. K. Martens, the "Bolshevik Ambassador," was one of the 

" lf!n< Dean Tyrrell Williams, of the Washington University Law School, of 
S, LouTs Jackson H. Ralston, mentioned above; R. G. Brown, of Memphis; 
Alfred ll Ko Baltimore; Roscoe Pound, another Harvard professor 
„ David Wallerstein, of Philadelphia, were the other members of hi 
..articular group- Some of them are almost invariably found on the side 
!,l the criminal whose activities the Government is trying to curb. 





"If the workers o£ this country would fight American capitalism on all 
! i .Hits they must make common cause with the Latin- American masses. In 
i n ico, Cuba, Chile the exploited masses are fighting out a class struggle 
Which is part and parcel of our own. There is a, fundamental interrelation 
U i ween the proletarian movements of the Western Hemisphere, The sooner 
ili. working class of the United States, as well as of Latin- America, becomes 

scious of this interrelation, die more quickly will it be able to utilize 

llio power arising from it. 

American Imperialism 

"The United States is no longer a national State: It is an empire, in 
which the chief foreign field for exploitation is Latin-America. The capital 
with which Latin-America is exploited is American capital. The Standard 
Oil Company, the Harvester Trust, the Copper Trust, the United Fruit Com- 
utitiy and other combines hold enormous fiefs in Mexico, Central America, 
lite West Indies and South America. Back of these is the Money Trust. 

"Of the 35,000,000,000 that American capitalists have invested abroad, 
III, 188,000,000 is in Latin America- This has givwn the American capital- 
UIh the power to inspire or frustrate Central American revolutions, seize 
iKHilrol of customs, issue currency and completely dominate the policies of 
Rational governments in many Latin-American states. 

"When direct pressure fails, the capitalists have always at their dis- 
posal the services of the State Department and the military forces of the 
1 luiled States. United States marines maintain Taw and order' in Haiti 
tn.<l Santo Domingo for the National City Bank, In Nicaragua, American 
Utiopa patrol the streets and the American flag flies over the National Palace. 
Ccneral Crowder, as the representative of the United States Government, is 
furring upon the National Government of Cuba a loan of 850,000,000 in 
defiance of both houses of the national legislature. There is not a country 
mi Central America of the West Indies over which does not hang con- 
llnntly the threat of American invasion. 

Wall Street Extending Its Sway 

"With a large part of Latin-America already in its grasp, American 
. uniial is steadily fastening its grip upon wider and wider areas. 

"Before the war the interests of American capitalists in South America 



were negligible. In 1916 they involved $285,000,000; today the investor 
in municipal and government bonds alone exceeds $600,000,000, \V»II 
Street has already become master of the destinies of Venezuela, ColomUl 
and Peru. Native Latin- American capital has never been a factor in Oil] 
of the Latin- American countries, It is true that before the war Europi 
capital, principally British, predominated in Argentina and Uruguay 
was a serious competitor in other South American countries. But tin I 
all been changed. The United States now leads the field and is inn,, | 
its investments, while European investments fall off. 

Danger to American Workers 

"Latin- America supplies an outlet for surplus capital and ennblJ 
American capitalists to derive added strength to resist the demand 
workers in this country. The oil, copper and fibres of Mexico, the coppm 
of Chile, the beef and grain of Argentina and the many other raw m.i i 
of Latin-America constitute a fund on which American capitalists coil If 
draw in an emergency, as in case of strikes. 

"At present gangs of Latin-American workers are brought int.. 
country on a system of contract labor, or engancho, to work in si 
tries. With the spread of American imperialism, this system is bouti 

"Moreover, to hold in subjection the ever increasing masses of I till 
American workers that are falling under American exploitation n 
military machine will be built up, which will be used against the Aim 
working class, 

Strike-Breaking in Latin-America 

"A short time ago there was a general strike in Cuba. Am 
battleships sailed into Havana harbor and under the threat of am I 
vention, the strike was broken. In Venezuela, the brutal did 
Juan Vicente Gomez, backed and supported by the approving Unite*! 
Government, crushes every liberating impulse of the toiling mo 
similar condition prevails in Guatemala, where the amiable Orel I nwi 
At the point of the bayonet, American marines compel Haitian ami i ■ 
can laborers to toil in chain gangs out on the hot roads. Tin* 
the exploitation of the ragged Mexican worker by American indull 
magnates is more akin to the system pursued here and in addition ir 
with the whole hearted co-operation, sometimes more or less di u i . . 
the Obregon Government. 

The Latin-American Workers cannot Fight Alone 

"The introduction of an exotic capitalism into Latin-Arnern 
tries has opposed to a backward and unripe proletariat the highly <!■ i 
bourgeoisie uT the most powerful capitalistic nation of the wot hi 
all the military resources of the United States at its command. '! 'I.. 



Ir h n equal. Isolated, the Latin- American workers cannot hope to defend 
lltrir interests successfully against their mighty adversary. They need us 
well as we need them. A proletarian revolution anywhere in Latin- 
Aitirrica is well-nigh impossible until theTe is a revolution in the United 
llnles. Wall Street, with its billions of dollars, imperilled, would crush 
II immediately. American imperialism, economic and political, is the in- 
•himient of exploitation throughout the western world. In Latin- Am erica, 
A« in the United States and Canada, the Class Struggle is a struggle against 
Willi Street. 

A United Front Against Wall Street 

"What the workers of this country know from contact with capitalism 
1 1 1 1 1 h t be supplemented by the actual experiences of the workers who have 
endured these hardships to which colonial people are subjected. The 
iimlftariat of all the Americas must be welded into a fighting unit to 
|0mbat American capital wherever its influence extends. 

"The objective forces of the struggle have already called forth several 
hither inadequate attempts at common action, and both in Mexico and 
Aiftcntina there have been repeated moves toward AlI^American unity. 
However, the only real organization claiming to speak for this country 
Hid Latin America is the Pan-American Federation of Labor. Being in 
(Piility a barefaced effort on the part of Samuel Gompers and his machine 
In rxploit the impulse toward solidarity, the Pan-Amercian Federation of 
I j.iibor has never won the confidence of the Latin-American masses, who, in 

I ml, regard it suspiciously, as another instrument of the Monroe Doctrine. 
Ii lias been used by the Gompers machine to thwart the Latin-American 
Ivorkers in their efforts to combat the American imperialism. 

"The Pan-American Federation of Labor has failed, hitherto, because 

II Jid not truly voice the aspirations of the La tin -American proletariat. 
There can be no successful joint movement except on the basis of the 
■lis Struggle and a militant fight against American imperialism. An 

Nation must be built tip that will fight American imperialism at 
wiry step, as well as carry on the struggle against capitalism, through 
itiit strike action, international agreements, etc., under the leadership of 
Iia Red Labor Union International. This means that the militant minorities 
the few labor organizations that now belong to the Pan-American Federa- 

ii if Labor must try to win over their separate national bodies to such 

| program as will assure the participation of the great mass of Latin- 
Lnerican workers now on the outside. In this work the Communist parties 
••I i lie various countries must take the leading part. 

The Communist Parties 

"But this is only one phase of the Communist task* The struggle is 
[. ..I ideal as wfill as pr.nnomic. The Communist parties will have to educate 
El workers to an understanding of their common interests, give them 



political directives, prevent them from wasting their energies in fullll 
pseudo-revolutions engineered by political adventurers, and marshal tharj 

for the overthrow of capitalism and American imperialism. The Comm l| 

parties of all Americas should he in constant touch with one another. 1 1" 
must formulate an ail-American program and function as a unit in 1(1 
support. The Communist International is and must remain the head uml 
center of the revolutionary proletarian movement in all countries, bul till 
needs of the unified struggle in the Americas require supplementary COH 
tact with the Communist parties directly involved. This does not implj 
autonomy, but is merely an administrative measure made necessary by tluj 
unity of capitalism in the west. 

Why American Workers Must Lead 

"The United States is the radiating center of western capitalism U 
well as imperialism, a circumstance which gives the American work In | 
class the advantage of a central perspective. Furthermore, the fori « | 
capitalism not being so highly developed in Latin-America, the I nt 111 

American proletariat, while often finely militant in temper, is inexpert | 

and immature as a class- The frequent revolutions in Central and South 
America have often little to do with the Class Struggle, although thi - ■ 
is raised at times by political opportunists whose purpose is to gain |i*i 
sonal support by playing upon the feelings of the masses. Socialist p 
appear that are socialist only in name. Although there do exist spl 
revolutionary parties in Latin- America, the proletarian movement 
many respects perverted and distorted, beyond anything we know in th| 
United States. With some notable exceptions, the Communist parti< 
numerically insignificant and all have been out of contact with the 
of the world movement. 

"To achieve all-American Communist unity, it falls naturally upon »!»■ 
Communists of this country to take the lead. 

All-American Communist Conference 

"The first step is for the Communist Parties of all the Amm. 
get together in conference. The Communist party of America shoiihl 
out a call for a conference to be held in Moscow following ih 
Congress of the Communist International. 

"The conference must not be interpreted to mean merely a 
of these comrades who happen to be delegates to the Fourth Coiij-ir^. I 
a serious effort should be made to secure a full representation of all ' 
munist parties in the Western Hemisphere, even if it is necessary foi 
Comintern to pay traveling expenses- 

"The following is proposed as a tentative agenda: 

**(1) Role of the all-American proletarian in the World Rrvnliitla 

"(2) United action against American imperialism. 


"(3) The Pan-American Federation of Labor and the Red Labor 
Union International. 

"(4) The tempo of the revolutionary movement in the Americas. 

"(5) Special tasks of the proletariat in each country, 

"(6) The united labor front in the Americas. 

"(7) Co-ordination of the Communist activities. 

u (8) An all-American technical committee, for translation and dis- 
tribution of literature, etc." 






"All experience in the modern class struggle proves that the working 

can emerge victorious only after developing an organ of leadership 

■ the form of a highly disciplined Communist party, thoroughly conscious 

I i evolutionary principles and tactics. The first task of Communists is, 

lire fore, to develop such a party. 


"While the Communist party is the organ of leadership and hears the 
Lflviest brunt of the fight, the revolution is an action of broad masses 
I I lie exploited sections of the population extending far beyond the limit 
I the numerical strength to which a highly conscious disciplined party 
n be developed. The final struggle for power by the working class is 
nl the result of a revolutionization of the minds of the masses through 
■rely theoretical propaganda, agitation and education. It develops out 
if the irreconcilable conflict of the interests of the classes. This con- 
lit is first shown in the minor struggles of the workers for their existence, 
'lie minor struggles clarify the fundamental conflict of class interests, thus 
Hinging class consciousness and leading toward the major struggle for 
iwer. Education and propaganda, though necessary to build the revolu- 
Innary party, would, if taken alone, build a sterile sect, utterly impotent 
deal with mass action. The major task of the revolutionary party in 
,(ard to the broad masses of workers is, therefore, not abstract propaganda 
id abstract theoretical education, but participation in all the struggles of 
ie workers as the most active force. 


'The leadership of the masses of the exploited can be attained only by 
[Ircctly engaging in all their struggles, together with the masses of the 
inkers. In a country where political conditions permit the possibility of 
political organization of the working class, the revolutionary party 
i mi not secure leadership without securing a powerful, and finally dominant 
■Oiition among such mass political organizations of the workers. This 
iniAfntially implies a PUBLIC contact with the masses. In America, it has 




become the most urgent immediate task of the Communists to sen;. 
public, open, so-called 'legal' existence as an organization. 


"A truly revolutionary (i, e. Communist) party can never be 'I 
in the sense of having its purpose harmonize with the purpose of tin i 
made by the capitalist state, or its acts conform with the intent of cujill il 

law. Hence, to call a Communist party 'legal' means that its existc 

tolerated by the capitalist state because of circumstances which eiubru 
the capitalist state's efforts to suppress it. The revolutionary pnrh 
avoid suppression into a completely secret existence only by one 01 Imili 
two means: 

"a. By taking advantage of the pretenses of 'democratic forms* wltMl 

the capitalist state is obliged to maintain. By this means the Con 

can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program whiln i 
lishing themselves with mass support. 

"b. (Later stage) By commanding such mass support amon r "til 
masses of workers that enable them to proclaim publicly their finnl t>|i| 
in the revolutionary struggle and manoeuvre openly to attain tin nl 
regardless of the desire of the capitalist state to suppress it. It ih m 
at the present time (and circumstances make it the most urgent mimnlUti 
need) to resort to the first of the before- mentioned methods of open i 
with the working masses; which means to maintain an open politiml , 
with a modified name and restricted program. The second of 1.1mm I 
conditions must be reached by the Communist party of America. Wi 
to have an open Communist party as soon as this can possibly he all I 

"As to whether a legal Communist party is possible the test i;t ivli 
the Communist party program including the advocacy of the prim Ipl 
mass action and violent overthrow of the capitalist state together willi ilftll 
tion to the Communist International can be publicly advocated without hvtlij 


"A legal political party with such restrictions can not ropltu* 
Communist party. It must also serve as an instrument in ihn ■ • 
control of the Communist party, for getting public contadt with ihn til Ml 
It must mobilize the elements of the workers most sympathetic to till I I 
munist cause, with a program going as far toward the Communist pingi 
as possible while maintaining a legal existence. It must, with fl ftl 
of action in daily participation in the workers' struggle, apply i 
tactics and principles and thus win the trust of the masses and \nr\\ ■>■ il 
for the leadership of the Communist party. It must organize lli- 
thetic workers into a framework that will later become the fraim 
an open Communist party, taking care systematically to educato llm > 


111 the 'legal' party in principles, tactics and discipline, so as to fit them to 
EftQOme members of the Communist party. Thus the building of a legal 
ilitical party with a modified name and program will prepare the field 
liu an open Communist party strong enough to stand in the open and cap- 
w]l of leading in the revolutionary struggle, 


"The overthrow of the capitalist system can only come through the 
tWont overthrow of the capitalist state. To accept this view is to accept 

I j ip certainty that the capitalist state will find itself in violent conflict with 
llm masses led by the Communist party. While Ithe capitalist state retains 
llm governmental machinery, and as the struggle grows sharper in approach- 
liifj; the final struggle, the capitalist state will inevitably strike again and 

dn at the revolutionary party in the effort to destroy it. After the Conv 

imiuist party shall have established itself in the open, it must be prepared 

fur, and must expect to be driven out of a 'legal' existence from time to time. 

| Ihn Communist party must at all times be so organized ijhat such attacks 

idii not destroy it. It must perform its functions of leadership in the class 

II niggle no matter what tactics the ruling class adopts— open as far as pos- 
illile, secretly as far as it must* 


"The underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely a 
Imiporary device, to be liquidated as soon as the Communist party with 
j lu full program can be announced in the open. The underground machinery 
I In for permanent use. It is not a machinery to be used only as emergency 
| nrensions. It is for constant use. It must continue to operate not only while 
[ llm legal party operates under a restricted program, but also at all times, 
lirfore and after the Communist party, with a full Communist program and 
•hull not exist in the open. There is never a time, previous to the final over- 
ilium of the capitalist state, when a truly revolutionary party does not have 
\ h> perform a considerable amount of work free from police knowledge and 
.difference. The Communist party will never cease to maintain its under- 
llMuind machinery until after the establishment of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat in the form of the Workers' Soviet Republic. 


"Throughout the Communist movement of the world, the system of 

Presidiums' prevails, by which matters of necessarily secret nature are 

I kopl in the hands of the most reliable and most trusted members of the 

unity. This is a necessary feature of a revolutionary organization. As the 

I on i munist party of America grows to dimensions containing many thou- 

rmds of members, it will be necessary to maintain this principle. At times 

hrn the Communist party as such maintains itself in the open* the member- 




eliip which constitutes the present Communist party within the Numbri I . 
[the legal branch — Ed.] will, with some variations, constitute the oleic, 
best known, and most disciplined membership, to be entrusted witll ill 
more confidential matters and the illegal work of the party generally. I li 
does not mean that the whole party membership will not he required I" I 
work that conflicts with the capitalist law, but that the work of tin mi ■ 
secret nature must be kept in the most trusted hands. 

"During the time when the Communist party operates, not undoi M 
own name and program in the open, but through a 'legal' political | • 
with restricted program and different name, the same principle is uppllfj 
by having full control of such legal party in the hands of the Coimmitilll 
party. This is accomplished by having a majority of all important 
mittees composed of Communist party members, and by means of nwiUl 
and compulsory caucuses of all the Communist party members within 
legal unit, hound by the unit rule, a principle which will prevail in 
effective form when the Communist party is itself in the open. \u tlfl 

membership develops loyalty to the party and respect for its discip] 

will he possible to lessen the purely mechanical control and avoid ili«- 
friction that is inevitable for the present. There is an unsatisfactory U 
in the present condition. Committee members, persons in responsibl- 
lions, and all especially active members of such legal party should I- 
tieally without exception, members of the Communist party. Thr ; 
must make systematic efforts to bring this about. Definite efforts mm ' ' 
made to bring every member of such legal party who shows himaoll i ■■ ' 
equipped with Communist understanding and capable of leadership 
the Communist party. Every such active member must he tested ■ | 
readiness to accept the Communist party program and discipline, mi 
decisions of the Communist International, and upon passing the hi 
be brought into membership of the Communist party. 


"The party must endeavoT to reach at the earliest reasonable tin 
condition where all members of responsible committees of Number Tw <> | ill 
legal branch — Ed.] such as the Central Executive Committee, Oi'lu.i t 
ecutive Committee, sub-District Executive Committee, etc., shall hr im 

of Number One (the illegal branch— Ed.). The personnel of com h 

Number Two should consist of its majority of the personnel of llir 
sponding committees of Number One. The remainder of the prrmmi 
the Number Two committees should generally be Number One uu 
wherever possible. The organizers and officials of Number One*, and I 
Two committees shall generally'not be the same. 




"We must hold before ourselves as a goal to be attained at the earliest 
iHiHHible time the functioning openly of Communist party caucuses m the 
,.„!,■ unions, known as such inside the respective trade union meetings. 

-Keeping this in mind as a goal, and that the framework and human 
IMilcrial being organized into an open party, at present existing legally, 
U intended ultimately to be welded into an open Communist party it is a 
Lical course to form now wherever practicable nuclei of Number Two 
In the trade unions, one of the purposes to be the training of trade union 
members of Number Two in the principle of discipline. 

"However, it is not always practicable to operate by the method of 
Number One and Number Two nuclei in the unions meeting regularly as 
two distinct systems. And in a large proportion of cases, the circumstances 
I actual life compel that; 

"(a) Caucuses of Number Two can no more be announced openly in a 
union than could be caucuses of Number One, and that: 

"(b) In some cases the existence in a union of a substantial number 

hi unionists willing to go a long way with us but holding anarchist or syn- 

lUmliBt views, makes it necessary to hold the greater number of caucuses 

WITH such elements under a name other than the name of a political party, 

In, the purpose of defeating the 'right wingers' and for the additional pur- 

■ >„ho of training such anarchist and syndicalist elements in the principle 

Lf disciplined action as a first step toward making Communists of them; and 

"(c) In other cases where the general conditions in a union make it 

| „ WC ssary for the Number Two members to operate t0 ^^™"?™; 

|»r sympathizers as a disciplined caucus under a name of ANOTHER legal 

I ihHlrument of the Communist party. 

'These conditions make necessary an adjustment of the caucus system, 
Itvliich will generally assume the following course of development. While 

machinery of Number One nuclei is being established their caucus 

I Ltmgs take 7 precedence over all others. After the Number One nuclei 
fove been firmly established and the members have learned to function umt- 
nllv they will begin to give more and more attention to Number Two cau- 
, uaes and Number One caucus meetings will take precedence only when new 
I Lues or crises arise and are to be called as frequently as these conditions 
imike necessary. Between such meetings the Number One nuclei function 
, ihroueh the Number Two by means of a steering committee. 

"The standard open caucus of the left section of the union must be 
I lmia under names and slogans of immediate significance which will win 
,l„ greatest possible mobilization of the left section of the union against 
I rmictionaries, on issues of the daily struggle." 




"As you look at our party (both Number One and Number Two) you 

iii/ ob 8 e7ve that something is wrong. It doe, not Wior .as ,t ough 

l„ It does not function a, a party must in order to fulfill its aim ot lead 

« or if ^strong enough, participating in every political and econom c 

L; e of the working cL, of this" country. In short, our party a, it is 

day is a mechanical instrument which will function as a dead mach me 

I time but it i. unable to carry on any activity which needs life, 

bought and interest and arouses the enthusiasms of the comrade, so they 

„ill come asking for a chance to work whether easy or hard. 

"If you go through the history of our party and especially if you 
,,„dv is function ng in the recent past you will find that every step which 
been taken la mechanical procedure. Any instruction coming from 
wtrelTrbeing carried J needed to be spiritualized wi* the fire 
„l real sincerity was only executed m a technical manner, io see mat 
early take tne instance of the election campaign in New York or the >n- 
c ion concerning the opposition. In both case, there is needed life 
" rinThe wo kf and what do we sea? In both cases the comrades da- 
I uedTh leaflets' (if they did) without participating in any of the cam- 
r This clearly shows that the membership of which our party » corn- 
ed is actually stranger to the vital functioning of the party orgamzat.on. 
"After a long period of organization work, after clearing up our mam 
h.rtical differences (the latter being accomplished by the few comrades who 
Sand the American situation and who really strive to figh ^ ^Amen a 
which the general membership does not) we arrived at the point where 
T erv ounJ of our energy should be concentrated to start our act.vities, 
Mm is to filt in the open American capitalism and participate in every 
, strugg fof The workers. If we dare to face the facts we find that we 
unablfto do so and although we go forward in our decisrons and al- 
Igh a" very small group of comrades do all in f*?*^™"^ 
I„ general does not move and does not understand and CARE, about the de 
fciC What the membership in general does is to obey an ^aginahve 
„ ilitarv discipline (which satisfies their romanticism) and carry out every 
EfiZ Sutmentally taking part in it That is the «°n in general 
„,„] if we were to give a few more facts the matter would be clear tor tur- 
llier study. 




"Many comrades say the chief reason for this situation is becausn lU 

vast majority of the party are foreign speaking comrades. If we \\ U 

accept that we would sanction this situation as unchangeable unle 
would get enough English comrades in the party. The cause of thin id til 
tion is not that we are composed of foreign speaking comrades bul "It- 
AMERICA. They didn't join the party, or better they did not create ill 
party as a working class defense and fighting organization, but they cfi 
it under the strange influence of European happenings. The party moil 
bership gets its spirit and its hope, not from America where they ouglil 111 
fight, but exclusively from Europe and it is this foreign spirit and hopi 
keeps them in the party. Once losing that, the party would not bo nhlfl i 
keep them together. The party itself is a strange thing to them. The 
it like they would join any other club. They don't have the conception ihdl 
the party belongs to them and that the party's interest is their interc i I 
on the contrary they have no interest in the party so far as the fij 
America is concerned. They pay their dues to be entitled to call them 
Communists. Their conception is an abstract one, which satisfies it 

being purely a Communist. Later, that means that men with such a II 

Hon are individualists and so we dare to state that our party is compow it In 
a great majority of members with such an individualistic conception. II 
members don't understand the political structure of the American stair ( 
so they don't understand the political situation in America. As a muW . ■■( 
fact they are not interested in the things they do not understand. 

"This, then, is our party membership. Must we say that tin 
which is created (as Trotsky says) 'by the proletariat for its defeiwi 
struggle for emancipation' can not and will not fulfill this aim, unlrw I hi 
conditions in the party (the conceptions of the party members) arc chnnj 
Today we have romantically inclined members in the majority who do ■ 
thing mechanically to justify themselves as Communists, because tin 
not been shown how to function as a live part of the American m<>' 
Because of this conception the members don't see any chance foi 
American capitalism and they Avait for the coming of the revolution fn 

"Our party is not able to lead and to influence the masses. Tin 
rather hard words but true, nevertheless. The influence we haw ami | 
will gain, will be the influence of our program in general and we, ih* , 
will not be able to make any use of it. 

"Every one of us feels this situation but it seems we wait foi 
known force to bring about a change. We know that our party memli 
is not capable of leading the masses and is not capable of carry hi 
party's program with spiritual participation in it. Those of us wl 
waiting for the coming of the English elements into the party arc ov< 
ing the fact that if the party as it is composed today is not capal»!< 
then it will always be (unless it is changed) a dead part of our hu.l 
will hinder us in our work. The fact is that our party will always h< 
posed of a majority of foreign speaking comrades. Why? Benin* 


bflftic industries of our country are operated by foreign speaking workers 
mid as these workers are the most oppressed elements of the American work- 
ing class they are nearest to us. On the other hand, the English speaking 
papulation of the country compose the middle class and among the workers 
I hey are in the easier industries. So we can not base our future on the 
miming of the English element but we have to use eveTy effort that our party 
UK it is composed today shall be able to function. 

"At the time of the outbreak of the various revolutions in Europe the 
pnrty developed rapidly and after the passing away of the revolutionary 
Wave the party lost in its influence and lost in its membership. This is 
. [curly shown in the case of the Hungarian movement. At the time of the 
involution in Hungary the Hungarian Federation in America had 4000 mem- 
lirrs and the paper 15,000 subscribers. Today the federation has 600 mem- 
hns and the paper has but 7,000 subscribers, although the readers were not 

« tiided* , 

"As our party membership has no political aim in this country, tney 
luke without any interest the political moves or program of the party, and 
without any sound fighting or aim any looseness of membership is justified. 
"The Communist party is not organized for itself and for $ie satisfac- 
tion of idealists but we are a rough fighting organization, aiming to bring 
nhout a mass movement in this country led by us. Can we do that with our 
forces? Yes, if we first develop change in the mental attitude in the minds 
of the general membership toward the problems as they exist here in Amer- 
ica. Today, we are merely a propaganda organization without functioning 
even as a propaganda organization should. We have only extended our 
propaganda to those who have come to us, but have not reached out to the 
ureal masses awaiting the message. The slogan TO THE MASSES' was 
nirried out by us only by taking a step nearer to the masses and we are now 
■landing gazing at them. 

"The activities of our membership are the unconscious reriex ot JLuro- 

i>ean influences. 

"The main cause of this situation in our party is that our members 

I have not the slightest knowledge of the political state and industrial ma- 

eliinery. Yet no one has told them that to be a real Communist means to 

light there where you are; that they must get acquainted with the conditions 

prevailing there. 


"The most important step in the solution of the problem is a correct 
and thorough understanding of the problem itself by the membership. With- 
I out a clear knowledge of the difficulty by the rank and file it will be lmpos- 
tihle to accomplish the solution. The comrades must make up their minds 
to tackle the great obstacles and master them. They must see clearly the 
hut that the revolutionary movement and its development in this country 
• Irnends on them and that means that their policy should not be to wait 
until we have enough English comrades and let them do the work. Rather 


the very fact that they are here compels the members as Communist* 
sume full responsibly for the movement here in America that „„■„,!„■,•„ 
in the Communist party in the other places of the world demands. 

Ihe second step should be to dissolve the federation organization „ml 
have ^ nothing else than propaganda committees. 

"The kind of federation organizations we have today was the result ill 
a compromise between two groups at the Unity Convention, one of whirl, 
had no federation whatever and the other with federations having autonomy, 
11 .was hoped by this compromise that the control of the federation ,m„.,bj| 
(that is, party members) would be taken out of the hands of feuVmliun 

leaders, and the federation organization would serve simply a3 I. 

propaganda organs of the party. But this has not been the result. 

n . T* u fac ' s c ° n «rning the control of the member*? \ V | M , 

really controls the membership, the party or the Federation Bureaus? 

ihe members of the various federations are entirely inactive „»,t,.| 
when they get instmcUons from the Bureau concerning some work in llin , 
own language organization or concerning work in some other organ,/,,,. 
ot their own language. 

l 1 - tt l n " Being , 1 > - Sani l ed f ° r , 3SVeral y f a " fa Ian g™ge federations, they kn 
little or nothing about the party leaders. While their ignoram-,- ,,l 
party leaders causes a terrible indifference toward the selection of m 
officers, the members engage in bitter factional fights inside the fed, 
tions over the selection of federation officers. 

"Most of the federations have large property interests which 

*sz\£r^r*^ nd * of the federatio » iead - - '• 

"Reflect on these important facts and consider them carefully and ' 
<<t? ^ e n a ^ e that hmd the m«nbers of the federation to the n„ih 
lhe following are the ties that bind the membership to the port) 
"1. The federations belong to the party. 
"2. Their interest in the international movement. 

1 ♦ ^ ?V 0t Wf3h t0 T ke a detailed ar S"™nt regarding il, 

hut we feel that everyone who reads this, realizes that the fedLlion* uv 

much stronger control over the membership than the party- As art 

is composed of several federations and inasmuch as they have greater com rill 

over the members than the party, the party therefore has no dire. 

control of the membership but can only exercise its control mli-nll- 
through the federation bureaus. That is what we call a highly cenlrall i 
party. ° J 

"For the successful prosecution of the work of a revolutionary , 
it is necessary that the moral control of the membership (which =,1, 
is the only real control) must be in the hands of the central exeeulm ImmJ 

of the organization, which in the light of the facts is not true of our on 

zation at the present time. 

"The function of the language federation bureaus should J>, I 

act as a means of communication between the central executive body ,,i H, 


.V and the membership in the language they understand and to carry on 
Uganda to the masses in the tongue they know. There is no other good 

.m^on for their existence. , , 

"In proposing the dissolution of the federation organization we advocate 
,1., dissolution of every phase of their organisation (which gives tliem 
dLt connection and leading power). This means also the transfer of all 
institutions and property belonging to the federations over to the party 

"We offer in the place of federation organizations, propaganda com- 
mittees and editorial boards and an advisory committee. The function of 
the last named is to prepare plans for the work to be done m their language 
... organizations like Sick and Benefit, etc. We propose no national propa- 
,mida committees but only district propaganda committees which shall carry 
,in the work according to party instructions, as a suh^ornmittee m he 
district, adapted to the conditions in the various districts. The trans ation 
Of party instructions can be done by translating secretaries m the national 
urbanisation and sent down through party channels. t 

"The United States is so large that there are whole sections with prob- 
lems peculiar to themselves that seriously interfere with the efficient oper- 
niion of the organization and which it is next to impossible to solve from 
the national organization. The establishment of district propaganda com- 
n.iUees would solve this perplexing question. There are many other reasons 
ll.nt favor the establishment of these committees and insure a much more 
nfiicient organization than could ever be the case under language federation 


"In closing we can emphatically state that the future of the party is 
hopeless unless this situation is changed. The question of tactics can be 
tlrcided upon by a few comrades who are at the convention, but they will 
not have the backing of the members. This is so vital that we can not expect 
nny real results from our work in this country until it is solved. A Lom- 
■ minist party, not even in possession of its own members, can not hope to 
nxert the slightest influence over the masses. 

"In the course of discussion there might arise some other problems 
for solution, but every one of us must agree that this one is the main 
problem confronting the Second Convention of the Communist party and the 
Communist party itself. . - 

"Finally the solving of this problem will not be accomplished simply 
by dissolving the federation organizations. The members must realize and 
feel this problem in all its seriousness, and with the dissolution ot the 
federation organizations must break the mental ties with other parts ot the 
world and become rooted and grounded in the movement in America. 








'The Executive Committee of the Communist International has in- 
formed us that Comrade Cook, member of the Presidium of the Comintern 
i.nd the Presidium of the Red Trade Union International has been ordered 
to return home immediately with full instructions from the Communist 
International regarding the various problems confronting the American 
party. All districts are strongly urged to hold themselves in complete 
readiness for immediate arrangements of meetings to listen to the report 
from the Comintern. . 

"The special representative of the Comintern, Comrade Brooks, is now 
working actively with the Central Executive Committee and is proving of 

great aid to us. „ , * 

"Reports from every district are very favorable regarding the return ot 
opposition members to the party. We must not lose sight of the fact that it 
h the duty of every party member to du his utmost to help liquidate the 
opposition and get them back into the party. 

"The Executive Committee of the Communist International has in- 
itructed us to postpone holding the convention until the arrival of Comrade 
Cook with its instructions. The Central Executive Committee acted on this 
natter and by a vote of five to five decided not to delay holding the 
convention. All efforts are being exerted to have Comrade Cook arrive 
here on time so that at least the delegates may have an opportunity to 
listen to the report and instructions from the Executive Committee oi the 
Communist International. 

"On the recommendation of Comrade Brooks, the Central Executive 
I Committee elected the following new special committees: (1) A com- 
mittee to prepare a report on the prevailing political and economic condi- 
tions in the United States. (2) A committee to prepare a new thesis on 
die relations between One and Two. (3) A committee to revise the agenda 

for the convention. , 

"After listening to the Central Executive Committee discussion on trie 
ijostponemRTit of the convention. Comrade Brooks, Special Representative 
of the Comintern to the Communist Party of America, proposed the lollow- 



ing resolution to the Central Executive Committee; The theisis adopted 
by the Third World Congress on the subject of organization explicitly 
prohibited the formation of closed factions within Communist parties. I 
have ascertained here in America that two existing tendencies in the Cora» 
munist party have already crystallized into definite factional structure* 
which are waging against each other war to the knife on questions big or 
small. I am convinced that the actually existing differences of opinion do 
not by any means justify such factional formations and merely represent 
the continuation of the worst traditions within the ranks of the American 
Comrades, traditions which are repeatedly condemned by the Communis 
International. 1 am convinced that this situation can lead to complete 
paralysis of the party's activity and to new splits, fatal to American CoHQ 

'* 'Basing myself on the above mentioned thesis of the Third Congrflll 
and acting in the spirit of all the decisions of the Communist International 
bearing on the American question, I call on the comrades of both faction! 
immediately to take proper steps for the factional regime and to creatfl 
real guarantees for party unity which is so extremely endangered, Km 
this work I am entirely at your disposal, 

(Signed) " 'Brooks, Special Representative of the Executive Committoo 

of the Communist International.* 

"A motion to approve this declaration was carried unanimously. Fill 
thermore, a committee of seven, three members of which are representative* 
of the Comintern in various capacities, was chosen to present plans foi thi 
unification of the party to the convention and recommend methods as to tU 
selection of Central Executive Committee material. This committee is ROW 
busily engaged in its work. 

"Comrades, this declaration must be accepted in letter and spirit by 
every member of the party. Apropos of this situation in the party ili<- 
District Executive Committee of District 4 [the Cleveland District Ed,] 
has several weeks ago unanimously passed the following resolutions in th| 
'National Caucus, 5 commonly called the 'Goose Caucus*. 

"The District Executive Committee of District 4 has been informed ■•» 
the existence of various caucuses and particularly of the so-called NhI 

Caucus and the nature of propaganda they are conducting. This propnj* In 

is not based on any ground of principles but purely on personalities, nil (I 
confines itself to attacks on the party's Central Executive Committee and tliti 
not even intended to bring any good to the movement as a whole. 

"From all their communications and theses, only one conrl i 
can be drawn which is at the same time their only argument, viz. 
Central Executive Committee does not think the way it acts, we arc 
ones who force its hand in the proper direction. Such arguments enn 
come from positively misguided and insincere people who have no coiinIiIi I H 
tion for the welfare of the movement but see only their own ego and i iJ 
late how to aspire to power. 

"'That such rubberneck, backstairs stuff is injurious to the movfWItlll 



.here is no doubt in the minds of the Committee It lowers the morale of 
the membership and weakens the discipline in the V**y. 

" 'Furthermore, taking into consideration the call of the Central Axecu 
■ i„ CommSTto 1 suggesf and criticise the theses ^J^£?^ 
Central Executive Committee and as these caucuses re used ^£^ ™£ 
Land in this work and so reject the invitation of the Central Executive Uora 
uee to help build the movement through the regular party channels; 
-The District Executive Committee of District 4 goes on record [con- 
demning these caucuses as harmful to the movement and wishes to r «^d 
£ T"ame noTto waste their time looking for support in this district where 

y ° U ZWK Ihose caucuses not to squander their money in meffi* 
their stuff to the members in this district where V^U bear in £ ^vj 
Xr to use the regular party channels and so really help build the organ- 

^ti^^!^ ^e discipline of the party ; 
without discipline we cannot build an organization of the revolutionary 

WOrk -i National Office will make every effort possible to keep the mem- 
ber^p MirWoriiieii as to the situation in the party and the Corom tern. 
AU Xrta are requested to send district news promptly and regularly to 
the National Oftee of the party. 

"L. C. Wheat [Lovestone's party name— Ed.J, Executive 

Secretary, Communist party of America, Section of the 

Communist International/* 




"1 A United Front of Labor, a solid phalanx of the working class 
drawn up in battle line against the forces of the capitalist class and the 
capitalist state is the prerequisite of a victory of the proletariat. Ine cre- 
X of this phalanx is fetask of the hour Groups of workers organrsed 
in various organizations as well as groups of hitherto unorganized workers 
must be united in support of a common aim and m common action. Many 
organizations of labor though ostensibly formed to fight the battles of labor 
nrf tied up by their treacherous leaders to the interests of the capitalists 
thus breaking the united front of labor and strengthening the front of cap- 
ital The problem is to break these groups of workers away from the army 
of capital and line them up with the army of labor thus establishing a united 
front of labor against capital. _ 

"2 The working class as a whole is not conscious of having class 
interests in irreconcilable conflict with the interests of the capitalists. Ihey 
are conscious, however, of immediate problems that demand solution as a 
condition for their existence, questions of wages working conditions etc 
These questions must form the- basis for a United Front o£ the- workers for 
united action, It is through these struggles and only through them that the 
workers can learn the political character of their struggle. « " \ n the ^ 
struggles that the betrayers of the workers in the position of leadership must 
be exposed in their true character as enemies of the proletariat and the tools 
of the capitalists. It is in these struggles and only m them that the Com- 
munists can establish their leadership in the class struggle and develop .this 
Blrugde into a revolutionary battle for the overthrow of capitalism and the 
establishment of the proletarian dictatorship as an instrument of Communist 

"3 In pursuing the policy of uniting larger and larger masses ot the 
workers on the basis of a common struggle the existing organizations of 
the workers must be made more and more effective instruments of these 
htrueales The experience the workers will gain in these struggles will help 
us to Gradually eliminate all dualism in the field of economic organizations 
of the workers. Trade lines must be gradually eliminated and step by step 
the organizations of the workers must be welded together into industrial 
unions closely united in one great body. 

"4 While the creation of the United Front can be accomplished on the 
field of economic organization through amalgamation of existing bodies, 
it must be accomplished on the field of political organizations of the workers 




by elimination of the influence of such parties and groups whose program 
and action mislead the working class. The economic struggles of the worker* 
are carried on by organizations including in their ranks most of the partld 
pants of the struggle. Working-class political parties can not organize wilh- 
in their ranks a majority of the working class. These organizations sow 
rather to give leadership to the workers' political struggles. Those parti* 
misleading the workers must be eliminated from such leadership On dm 
basis of immediate issues the workers must be led into political struggle mi 
Which the Communists prove the superiority of their tactics, their sforoni 

their aims and their leadership as compared with the tactics, slogans, 

and leadership of other political groups or parties claiming the suppm-i ol 
the workers. Thus the Workers' party will gradually win away the masse, ol 
politically active workers from the political organizations that betray tl... 
workers. It will discredit and destroy them and win complete IeaderahH 
in the political struggles of the workers. 

"S. In creating a united front for the working class for their econ 

struggles, the existing labor unions must remain the instrument of il.. - 
struggles while the members of the Workers' party must be the instrument 
to unity these economic organizations, 

"The plans for the general campaigns are formulated after con&ldai 

ation oi recommendations by party members in the unions. The Cc ,1 

Executive Committee of the party formulates the slogans and sends its 001 
responding instructions through the industrial department to the memboi 
ship. At the same time all means of publicity are used by the party f,„ 
propagation of the action contemplated. The unity of action must be ■ ■■ ...I. 
Hsned on a basis that can be realized immediately and the action must tli( tl 
be developed and led on step by step to the climax. In the process of il.n 
struggle the weakness of the existing craft union form of organization ml! 
become apparent. The experience of such struggles, developing these WOfll 
nesses must be utilized to drive home the criticism of the present form ol t>| 
ganization and advantage must be taken of the situation to advance com 1 1 u 
tive proposals seeking to eliminate these weaknesses. Thus the amalganinlln 
Ol craft into industrial unions becomes an issue dictated by the nece 

ot the struggles and ceases to be an abstract theoretical bone of contc 

Ihe main criticism of treacherous or inefficient leaders and the fight ( 

them must be based on their shortcomings in the actual struggles, l li- 
the abstract and invariably ineffective criticism on the basis of differs 
in the theoretical conception of the class struggle or the state will 
way to concrete issues on the basis of which an alignment of the wm 
can be effected. 

"6. In cases where dual industrial organizations are involved 

struggle the party must not only take the initiative to offer its services foj till 
creation of a unity of purpose, unity of tactics and a united front in -, 
but also the creation of organizational unity. While in such cases llu 
addresses itself to the leaders, the executives of the organization El 
propagates the membership of such bodies to the same so that tin- 1. ...1. . 
ship that stands in the way of unity will be discredited and evenliiallj 


I liminated. But in all such cases, elimination is not the sole object of 
ll.o application of the tactics of the United Front of Labor, but only one of 

ils purposes. . . i 

"7 Not only those workers who have immediate interests in a struggle 
ibould "compose the United Front. All issues of importance must be made 
class issues and the working masses rallied to the support of the workers 
Immediately concerned. Only by thus broadening the struggle will the 
working masses become class conscious. _ 

"8 Separate delegated bodies, councils, etc., for the organization and 
direction of the united working class action on the economic field must be 
organized only if there is no danger of serious conflict with existing bodies 
,4 the same character. In all cases where such directive bodies are created 
thev should be formed, if at all possible, on the initiative and by action of 
the unions involved. Our party organization will supply the initiative where 
Ihe forming of such bodies becomes necessary. No basis for even a shade 
i»f suspicion or dualistic intention must be given. ■ _ 

"9 The creation of a United Front of Labor on the political field in 
the United States is the problem of the development of independent political 
action of the working class. The working class of Europe has for a long 
"rnie participated independently in political activities Not so m the United 
States Here the problem is not to unite existing political groups and or- 
ganizations for common action, but to awake political class consciousness 
among the workers. The class struggle has reached such a degree of inten- 
3 itv here that every battle of the workers reveals the political character of 
the struggles that is teaching the proletarian masses the necessity for class 
conscious political action. The numerous efforts of all km ds of labor or- 
ganizations to form a labor party in the United States is evidence of this 
Fact These struggles indicate a step forward in the progress oi the class 
straggle toward revolutionary working class action To oppose this tern 
dency toward the formation of a labor party would be folly. 

"10 The capitalists realize the potentialities of even a tame and not 
in the least revolutionary independent labor party for the development of 
the class consciousness of the workers. Their tools in the labor movement 
have, therefore, consistently opposed its formation. But when its formation 
can no loneer be prevented these capitalist tools will assume the leadership 
of the movement for a labor party and will exert every effort to reduce such 
a party to a mere machine for their election, and to prevent it from becoming 
a real weapon for the workers in the class struggle. To make the labor 
party an instrument of the class struggle and the revolution the participa- 
tion of the Communists is an imperative necessity. It is not in the interest 
of the proletarian revolution nor can the Workers party assume responsi- 
bility for the largest political power of the workers remaining dormant. Ihe 
party must not oppose the coming to life of this power because it has not 
let the standing and influence among masses to set it at work in the name 
of and for the purpose of Communism. _ 

"11 To promote the development of the political action of the working 
class into revolutionary action the Communists must become a factor in the 




Labor party that may be formed. We can achieve this end only if we antioi 
pate the formation of such a party and now adopt a policy through whk'li 
we will become established as a force in the political struggle of the wo r 1 
and thus an important factor in the labor party. The participation in I 
United Front m local political struggles will give us a strong posi; 
in relation to the labor party, 

"12. Attempts to misuse the name of Labor party in the format i< 

some sort of a workers non-partisan league' must be guarded against. Stu I. 
a party would merely exploit the growing desire for independent work. 
class political action to get endorsements for some misleaders of labor oil 
capitalist party tickets, on the principle of Gompers: 'Reward our frf I 
and punish our enemies.' It is the work of the Communists to also guard 
against the formation of such a labor party as is forecast in the work 
the Conference for Progressive Political Action. This conference include 
not only representatives of labor, but progressives and liberals of ev. 
shade. A party such as forecast by this conference would not mobilize 1 1,. 
political power of the workers for the immediate struggles against the capil 
ahsts but would dissipate that power in election campaigns fought on || 
basis of petty ameliorative reforms and of schemes for minor change n 
the form of the capitalist government. Such a party would be merel) 
larger but weaker edition of the Socialist party, w,hieh has for two deed - 
misdirected the political energies of the workers supporting it thron-h 
program of reforms and limitations of the political struggle of the workm 
to mere participation in election campaigns. The Communists must fiiihl 
to make the labor party a real instrument of the class struggle, nVhlm tit. 
immediate battles of the workers on the political field and enga r in.'. ... - 
political action, from election campaigns to mass strikes with political oil 
j.echves and their logical developments in revolutionary struggles. 

"13. The Workers' party must not artificially force the development 0J 
a labor party. It must through educational work win support of the mn 
oi the workers for the movement of the labor party. 

"14. The work of education can best be carried on through estal 
ment of the United Front on the basis of political issues growing out ol tin 

intense economic struggles of the workers. The party must use its 

and strength m the trade unions to form delegated conferences of hilxii 
organizations. Such conferences decide on a general political cam 
including all forms of political action. Through these tactics the i 
munists help to awaken the political consciousness of the proletarian m i 
broaden the conception of these masses as to the meaning of political mil 
and establish themselves as a force in the political activities of the w»i ' 
Ine party must be the most ardent champion of all such action an, I ,, 
identify itself with all its phases. Our members should initiate such ri.-ll 
through the unions. The position which we will thus gain for our , 
will attract the revolutionary forces of the workers of the United 
and they will rally around our banner. These tactics will make us a 
ivbicn will have to be considered in the event of the formation o) 


party and we will be able to influence its character and its activities and 
win leadership in it. 

"15. The United Front tactics can not he interpreted to mean organ- 
ization unity with any other organization. The Workers' party must exist 
tin a distinct organization with a disciplined, educated membership acting 
Upon a revolutionary platform to give leadership to the struggles of the 
workers. In all its activities the party retains its full independence, its right 
of criticism and its freedom of action. The Workers' party must be the left 
ind the most active section of the labor movement on both the economic and 
political field. By its unceasing activities, by its correct interpretation of 
problems and situations and by its qualities of a fighting advance guard of 
the workers, it must gradually eliminate all other parties and groups claim- 
ing the support of the workers as a factor in leadership. It will win leader- 
ship in all the phases of the struggle of the working class and lead the solid 
phalanx of the proletariat into the last decisive battle against the capitalist 
l lass, the capitalist state and the capitalist system. 


"1. The United Political Front embraces political action from election 
campaigns, mass demonstrations to mass strikes with political objectives and 
their logical development in revolutionary struggles. The basis for a United 
Political Front which will embrace the working masses has not yet been 
created in the United States. To enter into a political federation with exist- 
ing political organizations, none of which have the support of the masses 
of the workers, would be to negate the possibility of creating a real United 
Front of the workers politically. The Workers 1 party will, therefore, as a 
rule nominate its own candidates in the coming elections and carry on its 
campaign independently. 

"2. However, wherever the Central Labor body of a city votes for 
independent political action by the organized workers, thus indicating that 
the movement has the support of the organized workers, or the fact that 
the movement for independent political action has the support of the masses 
is othenvise indicated, the Workers party will support this action by join- 
ing, as an autonomous body, into a federation to carry on the struggle. It 
will take the initiative in those cases where it considers conditions ripe for 
such action. The conditions for such participation are the following: 

"(a) All working class organizations ready to participate in the United 
Front campaign must be accepted as part of the federation. 

"(b) The platform must raise as the issues of the campaign immediate 
questions of the class struggle such as unemployment relief, the open shop, 
ihe use of the injunction against the workers, opposition to industrial 

courts, etc. 

"(c) The United Front federation should adopt as the name under 
which the candidates are placed on the ballot and the campaign conducted, 
« name other than that of an existing political party, if Ihe name 'Worker*' 
party* and its candidates are not endorsed. 



"Permission to place candidates on the ballot under the name of mi 
existing working class political organization may be granted by the CenLrnl 
Executive Committee when technical conditions make that necessary; in suoj 
instances, however, the campaign must be conducted under the name of tlin 
United Front Federation. 

"3* In such political division where it develops that a candidate o| 
another party claiming to be a working class party will be defeated through 
voles cast for the Workers' party candidate and a capitalist party candidal 
elected, the Workers' party will follow a policy appropriate to the situation 
The unsound principles and tactics of reform parties can be demonstnii. «! 
in action. Also, the Workers* party can best gain the confidence of iln« 
masses of the workers who support candidates of these parties in district! 
where there is prospect of their success, by not causing defeat and the el«i 
tion of capitalist candidates, but advocating their election and provini 
through their election the futility of their party program in action, Tkl 
Workers' party in such instances may withdraw its candidates prior to llir 
election, at the same time issuing a manifesto making its criticism of thl 
candidates in whose favor it withdraws and stating the ground for its action." 




"In the earlier stages the Communist movement usually lacks the broad, 
directing viewpoint from which can be found the guideposts for its various 
Kteps. Inexperienced communists, for example, attack imperialism only in 
general, in its universal aspect, without exact information and minute atten- 
tion to the unique manifestations of imperialism within the given country. 
They do not in any way direct their attacks for the purpose of playing up 
against each other the antagonistic interests of various imperialistic groups. 
"Also, the representatives of false tendencies in the labor movement 
they attack in general terms, with indiscriminate battle cries having perhaps 
the desired application to some, but having in regard to others perhaps the 
exact opposite of the desired result* In a word, they strike around with their 
eyes closed against all opponents of their own narrow communist groups* 
They fight as a little sect fights, against the entire outer world. 

"Such primitive methods of battle, even when combined with the greatest 
zeal and heroism, are not dangerous to the enemies of communism. 

"The Communists begin to be effective in the political struggle only 
when they adopt concrete, strategic aims for their movement, based upon 
a thorough examination of the facts. With a determined, purposeful drive 
to these aims, with the subjection of every phase of our movement to this 
principle, our movement begins to be effective. 

"In order to assist the American comrades in working out and formu- 
lating their line of action, the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national proposes for their examination the following points: 

**1. As the greatest force opposing the proletarian world revolution 
appears at the moment to be the counter-revolutionary world alliance of 
American, English, French and Japanese capitalism, it is of vital interest 
to the proletarian revolutionary movement to work against the establish- 
ment and consolidation of this alliance, to attack its advocates most ruth- 
lessly, to cut its tap-root, if possible, to disturb its growth unceasingly, and 
adroitly to make use of the conflicting interests within it. 

"The narrow nationalism of the American Japanophobes and Anglo- 
phobes is not liberal or humanitarian nor friendly to labor, and is not in 
the slightest degree more acceptable to us than was the attempted bourgeois 
internationalism of the League of Nations, and yet, to the extent of its own 
cupidity, it really hinders and disturbs the process of uniting the counter- 
revolutionary forces in the capitalist world. To the extent that this narrow 
nationalism (Japanophobia and Anglophobia) attacks and tends to smash 



the outside world robbers (and let us hope, smash itself) — to this extent ll 
is doing the historic work of self-destruction of the capitalist world sysl 
and in this work it must not be hindered by us. Therefore, though we will 
not, in the role of social-patriots, help the chauvinists in their predatory 
ventures, we will make use of chauvinistic blindness on behalf of the pro 
letarian revolution. 

"2. Soviet Russia, as the mainspring of the international revolutions m 
movement of the proletariat, must be supported in every way. It mu^i 
supported with economic help through the self-sacrifice of the worker 
all countries. And, most of all, it must be helped through the class strugj -I. 
of the workers in all capitalist countries against their own bourgeoi' 
The fiercer the class struggle of the American proletariat rages, the less w - 1 ' 
be the pressure of the international counter-revolution upon Soviet Ruhi I 
In this respect the communists must learn how to make use of the conmYi li 
interests of the various factions of the bourgeoisie, how to turn the greed I 
the bourgeoisie for profits and how to exploit the various tendencies grown, 
out of greedy speculation, to the advantage of the Russian revolution 
and thus to the advantage of the proletarian world revolution. 

"3. The prerequisite of victory for the working class is that the worl 
ing class unite itsetf for the class struggle. To bring about this unification. 
isolated action, participated in solely by communists, will not suffice, li 
is necessary to bring about common 'mass action' of workers who are unl 
yet communists. For this purpose the communists must penetrate the work 
ing masses to the utmost, must work together with them, must live and fighl 
with them and lead them forward in Loth major and minor battles. 

"The uniting of the workers in general class struggle organizations tilld . 
the joining of the various ones of these organizations into close relatibnslilpa 
—this and not merely to attain communist purity and perfection of program 
— is the task now facing the Communist party of America. The consciou 

ness of the working masses is naturally very unclear at this time, half h 

geois ; and undeveloped from the standpoint of the revolutionary vangunnl 
-But, generally speaking, it will develop more clearly only during tin- , 
cess of the struggle itself, through the common struggle against tin- bow 
geoisie and through experience in the general class struggle organization 

"As a matter of course not all organizations to which workers bt-l 
can be used as instruments of the proletarian class struggle, just as 
every action of the workers can further the struggle. But the quenliun , i 
the possibilities of given organizations must be examined and judged on 
own merits in each case. It is unthinkable, for instance, that a coloiil] 
trade union organization such as the American Federation of Labor could 
be composed entirely of enemies of the working class, as are such capilnlUl 
organizations as the Ku Klux Klan or the various strikebreaking I 
Here a distinction must always be made between the reactionary traiton.n 
leadership and the unconsciously petty bourgeois minded mass which 
have to win. 

"And just so one must not consider any mass movement of the uni III 
ployed, no matter how primitive, faltering and unclear, as being hopoh i 



merely a peaceful movement with which the communists will have nothing 
and permanently under bourgeois influence. The general elections, in which 
hundreds of thousands of workers take part, can not be rejected as being 
merely a peaceful movement with which the Communists will have nothing 
lo do. Further, certain mass organizations which not only are not com- 
munistic but are not proletarian in composition, must be utilized by com- 
munist strategy for the benefit of the proletarian class struggle. 

"As, for instance, the existing mass movements of small farmers (who 
are, in a sense, semiproletarian)^ and even movements of middle class 
farmers under some circumstances. Another instance is the negro mass 
movement for racial betterment, which movement often attempts deliberately 
Jo avoid proletarian class character but must include great masses of toilers. 
Communist strategy must utilize these movements as auxiliary forces or, 
At least, must win them to benevolent neutrality in the class war. 

"4. In the present period of the dissolution of the capitalist system, 
the most important tasks of the communists of all capitalist countries is 
the revolutionizing of the proletarian class struggle. The fighting prole- 
tariat is to be led from one stage to another in the revolutionizing process 
by means of suitable slogans. They must help the proletariat to free itself 
from the illusions -and false traditions that limit its vision and fetter its 
activities and to counteract the fossilizing influence of the trade union bu- 
reaucracy. One must organize the proletariat for the historic training school 
in which it will learn to become the conqueror of capitalism. 

"Only the Communist party can do this. The organization and training 
of the Communist party as leader of the revolutionary movement is therefore 
the fundamental task of the communists. 

"The communists must now take the lead in the struggle against the 
reduction of wages. This struggle in its various forms is especially adapted 
for uniting the largest masses of workers in one organization for the 
common struggle. The conservative labor leaders will find themselves placed 
in a most difficult position through this struggle, where they will soon be 
forced to plainly unmask their cowardly wobbling and their treacherous 
role, and where they will bring upon themselves the wrath of the struggling 
workers. In America almost nothing has been done so far in this direction, 
but it must be done thoroughly before one can even think of the victory of 
the working class in the revolutionary struggle. 

"The organization of the unemployed is an equally important and 
difficult task. In this movement, just as much as in all other minor battles., 
the communists must select their slogans according to the circumstances and 
intensify them as much as possible from the immediate needs of the day 
to the general workers' control of capitalist industry. Right now they must 
make a special demand for state support of the unemployed out of the 
military budget. 

"The Communist party must remember that it is not its purpose to 
reform the capitalist state! The purpose of the communists is, on the 
contrary, to cure the working masses of their reformistic illusions through 
bitter experience. Demands upon the state for immediate concessions to the 
workers must be made not after the fashion of the Social-Democratic parties 



which try to make those demands within the limits in which the stale mu 
grant them while retaining its strength intact. 

"Communist demands for immediate concessions to the workers me 
formulated not to be 'reasonable' from the point of view of capitalism, 
but to be reasonable from the point of view of the struggling work, i 
regardless of the state's power to grant them without weakening itaolf, 
iT'ii rastance > a demand for payment out of the government treat) 
of full, union, standard wages for millions of unemployed workers is highl) 
reasonable from the point of view of the unemployed workers, but das 
ing from the point of view of the capitalist state and the capitalist m 
competition which the state defends. 

"We suggest a few examples of the type of demands that may bo n. ,1 

It must be clearly understood that those are merely examples for illustN 

and are not binding, nor are they to be concretely regarded even as advllftd 
by the Committee. 

L That all combinations or agreements having the purposr oi 
ducing the rate of wages for the purpose of common action against la bo I 
organization shall be made, in law, a criminal conspiracy. 

"2. That no injunction shall he issued against workers for activitli 
toward raising the rate of wages or reducing the hours of labor. 

. , " 3 ." , A constitutional amendment forbidding such laws as the Kan Ml 
industrial court law. 

"4. A constitutional provision guaranteeing the unlimited ricl.r «.| 
peaceful picketing. 

"5. For the disarming of all private detective cops in strike r«l | 

or elsewhere. All organizations for the purpose of forming armed bodllfl 
to engage in activities against strikers to be declared criminal conspl 
r -rf' i n ° P rocess of law * criminal or otherwise, shall be ollov 
torably to detain any regularly elected labor union official from his unl 
duties during the process of a labor dispute. 

"7. Constitutional amendment forbidding the use of military oi no 
iorce m any matter connected with the labor dispute. 

"8. Legal provision for the maintenance of order in strike r. nj 

by the appomtment of members of the labor unions involved, such moml 

to be nominated by the labor organizations and armed from the pub Mi 
supplies for the purpose of maintaining order during the period ..I thl 

"9. Constitutional provision abolishing the United States Labor Boird 
and prohibiting the executive to interfere in labor disputes. 

"10. Favoring a close alliance of the United Mine Workers of Amai 
ica with the railroad brotherhoods and all other unions, for common action 
to raise the standard of living of all workers in both industries. 

"11- General amnesty for all persons imprisoned as a result ol 
strikes or other incidents of the labor struggle. General amnesty for nil 

persons convicted of crime in any way relating to the labor movei | 

or into whose criminal trial any evidence was offered against the defendnnl 



regarding the latter's view of the class struggle or political view*. General 
tmnesty for all prisoners convicted of political offenses. 

"12. Kor the Plumb plan, amended to give labor a majority ot oircc- 

1B '"13. Immediate bonus of $500 to every tidier or sailor enlisted 
in the United States forces during the world war; $1,000 to those having 

engranted wound stripes. A payment of $5000 (m addition to all 
JaJS otherwise provided for) to the dependents of every soldier or 
Luor who died in the service during the war period. Funds for this pur- 
pose to be taken from the military and naval budgets, respectively. 

"14 For the unrestricted rights of soldiers and sailors to organize 
unions. Immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers or sailors 
No private soldier or sailor to be judge* by court-martial except composed 
entirely by private soldiers or sailors elected for the purpose within the 
military unit concerned. 

"15. Absolute prohibition of foreclosures upon farm property tor 


"16 For national credit, to the full value of his farm, to every 
farmer holding less than $20,000 worth of farm property, the money to 
bo advanced out of the National Treasury at interest to cover the cost of 
Ihe loan transaction. ■ 

"17. For national credit, to the full extent of their holdings, to all 
firm co-operatives, on the same basis. 

"18 National monopoly, and operation at cost, of all gram elevators 
except those in the hands of bona-fide farmers' cooperatives, or which in 
future may be established by such organizations. 

"19 The liquidation of the Ku Klux Klan, invoking the criminal 
conspiracy laws in prosecuting all persons connected with the organization. 

"20 Condemnation of the Washington conference as a preparation 
for a new world war. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning ot 
the Far East and other regions for exploitation. 

"21 Warning of world war to grow out of secret and other arrange- 
ments made in Washington conference. Condemnation of this in advance 

us imperialistic warfare. . - « . 

"22. For the immediate recognition and unrestricted trade with Soviet 
Russia For the reestablish™ ent of postal agreement with Russia. 

"These and other similar demands must be considered only as starting 
points for broader, sharper, more universal slogans In their agitation the 
communists must point out that the problems will not be solved through 
these measures, but that we support these demands of the masses so that 
the very course of events itself may unmask the capitalist state and the 
opponents of the working class, and prove to the masses the necessity of 
the final struggle for power against the capitalist state itself. In this un- 
masking process the communists must make use of every device to discredit 
the opposition. At times they must develop a direct attack, brand every 
wtnkp everv crime, everv refusal of the demands of the toiling masses and 

mistake, every crime, every 



institutions of the bourgeois stat f 2 „„ P^^ty in the variou. 

object lesson, ,„ revoIutioSsHhe ™Z "7 " T^f' t0 gi ™ effec " 1 " 

party can conceal its undergronnd \ ZaZs ndd T^' ^ C °^ MUI 

within the outer framework ■ T tl.t P ? i ■ 0p ll ver y effectiv.iy 

election activitiel. ° f *" kgaI Cam P al S n "Station and I In 

of JjrttSSrfSr We " »***»* evolutionary 
workers. P y or S anlzatl ™ "*"* be the leader of the struggling 

ent Irly l^rop^Zf f^ aD lT h """^ » *" *™*-. '' 

ments, fo/increasf T wages and f X ^TTi ^ m ° deSt I1 '"" 
^g-F **. and A SAStfZJZX^** 

nothing about tK^i» rf^ M ^ J^, ^ enth ™-t 8 wlu\, 

working masses from tte Jn-X" t ,7 ™* ™wfer*md how to lead Hi, 

needs on to such X tha it l v Satlsfaction ° f *eir first B1 „ 

believe in succl a „d victory " StrU§gImg ™ SSeS themselves will begin „. 

W eaDon h t e o I ^ 1 r Party P - 6SS "' Under aiI ci ™umstances, a most in 

weapon to the Communist party lu<n •«, t!,„ „„?■,.• i importunl 

workers in America has remaned very b ckwarT n^ T, 9 "™' "' ""' 
organization, so the revolutionary kbor pfeL ls alsoT, ,° """'"^ 7' 
Its development is at the present 1™™ ,1 yet ver '' Wr '' 

A, long as the party doesnot L™ eTs at T Ulgent * 8sk ° f tho ! I 

the English language fis sti Si arou^oVallT ^n"'" 

must do everything in its nowr in ^ a ™ un a on all fours. Il„- ,,,„i, 

direct or indirect ".Sol "o^ Z£*. L^J 'S^STr ^ 
Stations as possible. Especially it in* trt ?^ P ? 0M hl1 " 

i«*i -tivitL i S iia^a,, a s h :t s z srw 



flpirator who does not want to know anything about legal activities. 

"Under existing circumstance a it is impossible for the Communist party 
m the United States to be a legal party. Of course the party can develop 
open labor organizations. It can even build a legal revolutionary workers' 
organization. It can even also launch a legal revolutionary labor party. 
ll must launch also such a legal party with the purpose that the communists 
can openly enter its ranks without permitting the police to know which of 
llie members are communists and which are not. But the underground 
organization, whose membership consists entirely of communists, must not 
lie liquidated. On the contrary, it must be built even firmer and stronger. 
It must guide and control the legal revolutionary party through its mem- 
bers. Every Communist, that is, every member of the underground party, 
must submit to an iron discipline, and must act in accordance with the 
directions of the leading organs of the underground party in all legal as 
well as illegal activities. 

"As a matter of course, all real communists in the United States will 
Hubscribe to this. The executive of the Communist International knows 
that the minority of the party executives does not deny the advisability of 
taking advantage of legal opportunities, although this minority opposes the 
rapid and energetic procedure of the majority in founding the legal revolu- 
tionary party. This distinction is, in the judgment of the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communists, without good ground. 

"The fact that the party executive is proceeding rapidly and energeti- 
cally witji the formation of the Legal party organization is not a fault. It 
would have been a fault to wait the launching of the legal party until the 
underground organization had .developed sufficient strength. The develop- 
ment of the underground organizations can best be furthered through these 
very activities of its members in the ranks of the legal party. Historic prog- 
ress is not such a simple matter as to leave us the liberty first to complete 
the development of the underground party apparatus and only then to begin 
the building of the legal party organization. In this manner the very best 
opportunities for the launching of the legal party would be lost. 

"The centrists would have a free field for their efforts at founding an 
independent opportunist party. This opportunity must not be left to them. 
The Communist party must take the initiative in the formation of the new 
legal party and must take the control firmly into its own hands. It must 
be careful to hold itself the actual control over all the leading organs of the 
legal party. For this reason, the legal organization must take the permanent 
form of a party organization. Some other loose organization form would 
he very much more difficult to control and to guide. Furthermore, the devel- 
opment of a solidly organized legal party, in which members of the Com- 
munist party have at least the majority on all important committees, will make 
possible the control of still other anti-capitalistic organizations through this 
legal party. 

"For the foregoing reason we draw your attention to the following for 
your guidance; 

"1. The Communist party of America is as yet far from having satis- 





factory connections with the masses. The means of contact must be coni 
structed with the greatest possible speed. 

Ki 2, Connection with the masses essentially implies a public operation. | 
Secret operations, even with the widest possible ramifications, can not ba 
satisfactory mass operations. The means of public contact with the masses 
must be principally: 

"(a) A legal press, including at least one daily English legal news- 
paper, acting with the necessary disguise as a central party organ. 

"(h) Organized grouping of sympathizers within the trade unions. 

"(c) An overground political party. 

"3. Certain indispensable accompaniments to the highest developed 
capitalist form of society leaves weakness in the capitalist structure that has 
to be taken advantage of by a Communist party of action. The Government 
of the United States will not permit a Communist party to exist, but is com- 
pelled to permit parties to exist in an otherwise almost unrestricted variety 
for the purpose of its own preservation. The capitalist class builds its regime 
upon the rock foundation— the mass illusion that social questions are soiv< <l 
in the sphere in which these parties operate. The state attempts, wherever 
it can, to exclude a truly proletarian revolutionary party from this publid 
field. It attempts first to exterminate the revolutionary party, if possible, or 
second, to terrorize and corrupt the revolutionary party into subservience to 
capitalist law which makes revolution impossible, or third, at least to confirm 
the revolutionary party's operations to the narrow sphere that can be reached 

"A Communist party must defeat all these attempts. It must not he 
exterminated. It must unequivocally refuse to obey capitalist law and muftt' 
urge the working class to the violent destruction of the entire legal machinery. 
It is equally the duty of a Communist party to defeat by any means that nuv 
be necessary the capitalist government's attempt to confine the revolutions v 
party to the underground channels in which it is even more concealed from 
the masses than it is from the government. 

"4. The program of the legal party will have to be somewhat restrirfr I 
Special measures and slogans which, while not stating the illegal communis 
purpose, will objectively have the revolutionary effect upon the masses mil I 
he adopted. The legal party must at all times go as far toward the communis 
program as possible while continuing a legal existence. 

"5. The entire membership of the underground party, the real Coinmn 

nist party, must join the open party and become its most active element. ( ! 

munist party members must at all times hold the positions of leader«lii|. 
the legal party. In addition to the entire communist party membership, tllf 
legal party should admit to its ranks the more advanced workers who an i i.l 
the principle of the class struggle and the abolition of capitalism tin. 
the establishment of the workers' power. Working class organization* 
subscribe to these principles can be admitted to or affiliated with the '■ 
party as a body within the judgment of the central executive commiUi 
the Communist party, 

"6. The executive of the Communist International has resolved to lUp 


port the position of the majority of the Central Executive Committee of the 
Communist party of America in favor of the immediate construction of a 
legal political party on a national scale, which will act as an instrument of 
the illegal Communist party for participation in legal activities such as elec- 
toral campaigns, etc. The executive of the Comintern takes this position afteT 
having been informed that the minority of the Executive Committee of the 
Communist party of America accepts in principle the tactics of the legal work 
of various sorts at the present time, but rejects the tactics of the immediate 
construction of a legal political party on a national scale with the Communist 
party as its nucleus. The ruling of the Communist International must be ac- 
cepted as obligating every membeT of the Communist party of America, min- 
ority or majority, to work diligently in the immediate construction of a legal 
political party. As a rule, party members who fail to participate whole- 
heartedly in the legal work or who sabotage that work must leave the party. 
"7. But in carrying out these instructions, the party must guard itself 
against the tendency to repudiate or neglect the illegal work— the tendency 
will be found especially among intellectual party members who have little 
experience in the brutal physical phases of the class struggle to which the 
rank and file workers are always exposed, but from which the intellectuals 
engaged in legal political work are sometimes shielded. Upon finding them- 
selves in the easier life of political activities many will forget that no matter 
what maneuvers may be made upon the public stage the final class struggle 
must be until its end a brutal fight of physical force. A certain element of 
the party membership will inevitably forget this fundamental principle 
(which no humble worker in the class struggle is allowed to forget) and 
will come forward with naive proposals for liquidating the illegal machinery 
of the party. Such a tendency is very dangerous to a proletarian revolution- 
ary party. The actual liquidation of the underground party would mean the 
liquidation of the revolutionary movement. Party members who persist in 
such a view must be ruthlessly expelled from the illegal party. 

"8. The underground organization of the Communist party must not sink 
into disuse, but, on the contrary, must constantly extend its illegal machinery 
further and further, in proportion to the growth of the illegal party. While 
coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make the mistake of 
being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district communist 
party headquarters, records of illegal machinery, its underground printing 
arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive Committee. The Cen- 
tral Executive Committee headquarters (of the party proper) must continue 
to be guarded in secrecy (and even the problem of redoubling its security 
from discovery should be constantly studied). 

*The underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely for 
emergencies, hut for constant and permanent use. Down to the- lowest unit — 
the group of ten — every branch and stem of the party structure must continue 
to keep its secret addresses and meeting places and to use them in constant 
underground functioning. Every member, no matter what his work in the 
legal party, must also perform his duties in the underground organization. 
"9. The party underground press must continue. The means of pub- 



lishing unknown to and in spite of the capitalist authorities must always ha 
kept in hand and in use. Under bourgeois rule, no matter how liberal it may 
be, a Communist party must never relinquish its facilities for underground 
press and, under the circumstances now prevailing in the United States, the 
active functioning of the underground press can not be abated. But it would 
be foolish to print any considerable amount of literature underground ihiil 
could be printed legally. The legal political party will he able to take upon 
itself the printing of a large portion of the literature that is not definitely 
illegal. It may also be made sponsor for a great many legal communinJ 
newspapers. Legal newspapers must form a very large part of the work <>l 
the mass party. The illegal press must rarry thn prnpng.tnda that the leg'il 
press can not carry, thus making sure that the full communist message i« 
made clear at all times. 

"10. The intellectual workers in these legal institutions of the party ami 
be subject to the same discipline, wage scale and regulations as underground 
party workers. It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary 
party — the American Section of the Third International — is the Communis 
party of America and that the legal party is hut an instrument which it Uflol 
to better carry on its work among the masses. Only through membership in 
the American section — the Communist party of America — can Amencmi 
workers become members of the Communist International, 

"Dear comrades, we hope that, in your coming party convention, all ul 
you will give evidence, in your resolutions and actions, of firm, organic unity 
and that your party will prove its ability to measure up to the great respon 
sibilities that stand before it. 

"With communistic greetings. 

"Executive committee of the Communist International. 







(Under this caption tlie London Morning Post published in December, 
1922 aTd January, 1923. a series of articles showing from authent^ docu- 
ments tit £2 of the Communists in Great Britain. By special per- 
ZTionofthe editor of the Post the substance of the armies is herewith 
TeprZedto illustrate the similarity of the Communist work in foreign 
lands wtth tliat in America and as evidence of the mternaUonal **£*?£ 
the gigantic conspiracy to bring the entire world down to the level of he 
Torkefs when the "dictatorship of the proletariat" shall have been estab- 

'' Just as (he Moscow Communists hoped to make of the coal miners' 
strike in the Vnited States the first step toward armed insurrection against 
heGoVrnment in the summer of 1922, so the same group planned to use 
\hl BritishToal strike at the same time. Following b first an editorial from 
,Z London Morning Post of December 23, 1922, the date of the beginning 
of the series. Then, in sequence, are the articles.) 

We are able to begin today the publication of a series of articles ; de- 
scribing in detail the organization and the methods of what, we say .deliber- 
ate v I one of the most dangerous revolutionary conspiracies with which 
thi ^country has ever been confronted. The informal wc shall publish 
s drawn from the secret documents of the Communist party. That party 
is now the dominating force of the Labor party, which is numerously rep- 
resented in Parliament. Those members of.the Labor Party who are not 
either overtly or secretly, Communists no longer exert any influence, nor 
do they possess a coherent policy. Unable to check the revolutionary in 
the past, the men who are fond of describing their views as moderate and 
who deprecate methods of violence, are now dragged impotently in the wake 
of the Communists. In the opinion of the Communists, the old-style Labor 
leader is no longer worth consideration, and accordingly the order has 
E one forth from Moscow that he is to be superseded by the genuine revolu- 
tionary. It must not be imagined that Communism is accurately represented 
in the House of Commons by the few noisy persons who have already earned 
the contempt alike of the House and of the public. Men much more formi- 
dable are directing the Communist party in this country, which, as we shal 
urove take their orders straight from Moscow. We shall show, also, that 
fhe Communists are formed into a vast secret society with its centers in 
every town and district, and its agents in every walk of society, i here is 
here disclosed no ordinary manufactured political agitation, such as the 




elder Socialist movement, for which the Communists express the lively 
contempt. r 

In the documents from which we shall draw indisputable evidence, il 
is clearly shown that the great mining strike was initiated and directed by 
he Communists as the first step towards revolution; and the failure of thai 
treasonable conspiracy was the subject of severe rebuke on the part of tho 
lTr^ US r an BoL * cv *' Karl Radek. It was, indeed, by reason of th 
defeat of the Communist plot on that occasion that the new Communist or. 
ganizahon, of which we shall give a full account, was instituted. It was die 

a Si r^° SC ° W V ?. d r iS baSCd th T r0U ^ * 9 « s ^« -how, on wha ,- 
in r .Vr ^ ■ e ^T^f T " te ™ ati °"^ The Communist par., 

in Great Britain m recognized by Moscow, and as a condition of that reco* 
mtion every member of the Communist party must accept and carry 
execution the instructions of the Theses. Members are bound to perform 
work both legal and illegal when they are ordered to do so. Those w! 
fad m obedience <W be excluded from the party." The Theses of ^ 
Second Congress of the Communist Internationale contain definite and m l 
nute instructions for the dissemination of Bolshevist doctrines, not onl) 
among the proletariat," but in every grade of the community. Every oh, 
vert to Communism becomes a potential or active agent of revolution worl 
ing under strict and detailed instructions. Groups" or "nuclei" are con',, 
tuted m all distnets, which are under the direction of regional commiL 
which m heir turn are guided by the central body, which is always 

ealT, Zk° nd ° n -' ^ S l heme ° f or S anizati - *» been elaborated, as 

readers will perceive with consummate ability. Its main purpose i, to 

^MuTT^ 11 ^ m - e T y branch ° f solution, fronfthe teaching 
of children to the preparation for armed insurrection. The Theses dem , 
practical results. The leaders of revolution in Moscow are no £r con 
with mere dissemination of doctrine or the issuing of maniSs 
centra authority in this country is the Executive Committee of ^ Co 
mumst party; which as we have observed, is the most active force i„ ,1,. 
Labor party; and the Executive Committee in this country is rl 
to the Executive of the Communist Internationale at Moscow, and is 
by the decisions given by Moscow. 

w uJ UCk t tHe ° Ut ! in n ° f the Ver ^ dan £ er °us revolutionary or K amz«| 

whose workings we shal expose. It should be remembered that wf a ■ 
dealing not with the wild project of a few half-crazed vislnarieT b 

Snn^rl b ° d V CUnnin |>. and "scrupulous men, who have'n 
planned the revolution in this country but who, with the help of th I 
party proper, or at least with their connivance, have actualfy carHed n 
execution the first measures of the revolutionary campaign W 
serious is the menace that we hope none of our reaoVrrSm A 
information with the comfortable Lugln that fc B S h £L£Z 
much sense to engage in revolution. Doubtless that ™„,M~ T • 
ally accurate, but the Bolsheviks, who XS^^t^ 1 \ 
agamst that contingency also by formulating the prinffldS ff iS en i 
and opportunity, a resolute minority can always "stampede th' maj", 


That is perilously true. The danger, some of whose secrets— but by no 
means all— we unmask, is a present and an active danger. It demands not 
only the strict attention of the Government but the lively consideration of 
every honest citizen. The Communist is the sworn and deadly enemy of 
society. Destitute alike of morals and of natural scruple, he is no more to 
be tolerated than a wild beast ; and for the same reasons. 

At a special Conference of the Communist party of Great Britain, held 
in London last March, a Commission was appointed "to review the organi- 
zation of the party in the light of the Theses (of the Communist Interna- 
tional). - . and to make detailed recommendations to the Executive 
Committee and to the Annual Conference for the application of the Theses." 
The members of the Commission were Messrs. R* Palmer Dutt (editor of 
the Labour Monthly), M. Inkpin, and M. Pollitt (editor of All Power, an 
organ of the Red International of Labor Unions). The following were the 
terms of reference: 

(1) To draft such revision of the Constitution as may seem necessary 
to bring it into accord with the Theses, 

(2) To examine and report on the existing divisions, areas and other 


(3) To draw up a full scheme for the co-ordination and direction ot 
groups and nuclei in the Trade Unions and other working-class organiza- 
tions, and to make recommendations as to the first steps to be taken in the 
practical operation of the scheme. 

(4) To consider the organization of the party centre and make recom- 

(5) To bring under review the party press and other form of propa- 
ganda in order to make possible a more effective fulfillment of the Theses 
in these respects. 

The Report of the Commission has been represented to the party, 
and was adopted by the annual Conference, held at the Battersea Town 
Hall on October 7. It is a remarkable document, and is worthy of very 
careful study by employers, Trade Unionists, Co-operators, Government 
departments and by all who are fighting Bolshevism. Unfortunately, the 
report is only for members of the Communist party. It is, therefore, 
necessary for the writer to describe this document in detail, so that those 
who may be directly or indirectly affected by the underground burrowings of 
our Bolshevist moles will be familiar with their methods and plans. The re- 
port fills nearly seventy-nine pages, and it must be admitted that the plan of 
reorganization and the new methods of waging the Bolshevik war on society 
are diabolically clever. 

The new organization and methods of the Communist party are, as 
the report indicates, founded on the Theses of the Communist International. 
These were issued in August, 1920, and in December, 1921. Extracts from 
the Theses have been published in the Morning Post. Every organization 
recognized by Moscow must accept and carry out the instructions of the 
Theses; and ''members of the party who repudiate the conditions and theses 




adopted by the Communist International must be excluded from the party." 
Members must be prepared to undertake both legal and illegal work whrf 
required to do so by the party leaders or by the Communist 
The form of organization which has hitherto been generally adopt™! 
by the Socialist parties does not lend itself to the kind of revolutionary 
activity desired by the Communist International. After the miners' strike 
last year the British Communists were severely criticized by Karl Raddl 
because they had failed to obtain from the strike revolutionary results. The 
failure was explained as being due mainly to defective organization on thl 
part of the Communist movement in this country. The new organization 
scheme to be described in these articles is the sequel to the criticisms of 
the Moscow Chiefs of the Communist party. 

Before describing the scheme of organization recommended by the Com- 
mission— and now in process of development— it is necessary to look at llt<- 
Theses of the Communist International, on which the new organization ,.f 
the Communist party of Great Britain is to be based. The theses of tho 
Second Congress of the Communist International, Moscow, August, 1920 
contain the instructions that are of immediate interest. Clause 8 calll 
upon the Communists to replace "the old leaders by Communists in all 
kinds of proletarian organizations, not only political, but industrial, 00< 
operative, educational, &c." Clause 9 states that: "Therefore, the prepart 
lion of the dictatorship of the proletariat must be begun immediatelv and 
in all places by means of the following method, among others": 

In every organization, union or association— beginning with proletarian 
ones first— and afterwards in all those of the non-proletarian workers and 
exploited masses (political, professional, military, co-operative, education;!! 
sporting, &c.) must be formed groups or nuclei of Communists—- mo .iU 
open ones, but also secret ones, which become necessary in each case whon 
the arrest or exile of their members or the dispersal of the organization El 
threatened. These nuclei, in close contact with one another and with Hit- 
Central party, exchanging experiences, carrying on the work of propa- 
campaign organization, adapting themselves to all the branches of sod 
life, to all the various forms and subdivisions of the working masses 
systematically train themselves, the party, the class, and the masses by | 
various work, 

. - The masses must be approached with patience and caution 
with an understanding of the peculiarities, the special psvchologv of .1 
layer or profession. 

This extract from the Theses is a sample of the instructions of Moscow 
and the study of the report of the Communist Commission shows that ihf 
orders have been obeyed in every detail. There is scarcely anv organi 
or branch of social life to escape the open and secret attentions of 01 
Bolsheviks when their new plan of attack on Society is completr and ll 
working order. The scheme of organization to be described in this an.! ll.. 
subsequent articles is most intrinat*, elaborate and costly: it pcim, ,r. 
every phase of social life. 



In the new organization of the Communist forces every ™^f*£ 
party "has his own special work and responsibility. There are no idle 
pLsive members; ea'ch one will have his allotted task ^^f^ 
strict orders and be subjected to the most rigid discipline. The method 
of shar ng out the work and responsibility is by making every member a 
merXr !i a working group; that is to say either of a *P«^ ™*^ 
in charge of some special activity under the direction of the »«*«*« 
Centre or of a nucleus which is carrying out party policy in some working- 
raToCnization^ To unify the work of these groups there is a system of 
rSr^ 6 ^ ^oup reporting regularly Lo the directing sutWty n. 
charge of the work." It is further provided that: 

Every activity has its leading committee or directing authority, ap- 
oointed by and subject to the Executive Committee, which supervises the 
aXal work and gives day-to-day instructions (not general instructions) on 
what to do and what is the correct party hue to follow. 

The three governing principles of the scheme are: 

(1) Centralized Direction.-The establishment of strong directing 

centr ^r s: S-fls: * «■*« v^fk 

for special Ta^s and the drawing of every member into the work by th» 

mean (3) Organized Influence in the Working Class as the Aim -The con- 
centralis of all activities of our groups, with a view to building up ■ a 
nrtwoA^of influence throughout the working class and its organizations. 
The Central Authority is the E^r.ntive Committee of the Communist 
oartv Tnt WtTve is, L we shall see later, responsible to the Executive 
of he CommunS International at Moscow, and must report to Moscow 
^ r^la^-als the results of its work in Great Britain. This ^ill be 
undeltood by consulting the new "Statutes and Rules of the party 
Rut 1 says: ^The Communist Party of Great Britain is a section of the 
Communist International, and is bound by its decisions. 


The Communist Party Executive in London is now forming District 
Party CommTttees. These Districts are not the old geographical divisions 
of the counTrv into which the party organization has hitherto been divided. 
The new Districts are to begin with those industrial areas in wh,ch th 
membership of the party is mainly concentrated. . . . ■ W» ^P*" 
SatTthat "the District is the pivot of Communist organization, and i 
quoxlX following from the Moscow Theses on Organization (para. 44) : 
q %hT thing to be aimed at is that every locality forming an economic 
political, or transportation centre should spread out and form a net of 




organizations within a wide area of the surroundings of the given locality 
and the economic political districts adjoining it." 


The District Organization Bureau contains, like the Organizing Burrnn 
at Headquarters, seven departments. The following departments, with liirii 
numbers as given in the Report, are of public interest: 

(1) REGISTER OF MEMBERS, with their qualifications and tb 
work to which they are allocated. This register will enable the CommittM 
to keep under review the disposition of members* activities, and to draft 
members for new work as needed. There will be a general register fl] 
individual members, with party record, record in working-class movemenl 
and personal record. In addition, there will be separate registers of In- 
different organizations for each activity; Trade Union nuclei, factory nuclei, 
Trades Councils, and local Labor party fractions, propaganda committeeij 
distribution groups, Sic. Finally, there will be the special registers o( 
members with certain qualifications and functions (speakers, instructor!, 
linguists, &c). 

(4) DISTRIBUTION. Maintenance and control of the distribution 
apparatus of the party, through the groups in the localities and the inr 
tories, both for the sale of literature and for the rapid distribution of 
leaflets, Executive cables, &c. 

(5) TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATION. Organization of woyi 
and means of sending, receiving, and, if necessary, of accommodating literi 
ture> messages, individuals, &c, and of maintaining lines of communication' 
with the Centre and also between localities and between workshops. 

(6) INFORMATION Organization of all necessary information con 
cerning the District through the local information groups and colled inn 
and transmission of information to the Centre. 

This information from the District Committees is tabulated and clullf 
fied by the corresponding departments of the Organization Bureau at. llir 
Centre. The District Political Bureau also consists of seven deparlrinnli 
which correspond to the departments of the Political Bureau at the Contrl 
These include the following: 

(1) INDUSTRIAL COMMITTEE. For the direction of the nuclei In 
the unions and the workshops and the fractions on Trades Councils mini 
Local Labor Parties, in accordance with the lines laid down by the Central 
Industrial Committee. 

work (Parliamentary and municipal) and direction of municipal repreiM 

of work inside Co-operative Societies and Guilds, Labor clubs, and miacfll 
laneous local Labor organizations, and undermining and propaganda worll 
in local Social Democratic organizations. 


(4) EDUCATION COMMITTEE. For arranging the training classes 
of candidates for party membership, special training of party's workers, or- 
ganizers, &c, and instructions of workers outside the party. 

aganda and undermining work in Government and bourgeois institutions and 
special intelligence* 


The purpose of this elaborate machinery of organization is indicated ii, 
the above extracts. The main purpose is to obtain control of the mdustnal 
orgarTizItions of he workers. Before this scheme of organization had been 
dS the Executive of the Communis, party of Great Britair .reported to 
Moscow that "the Party has 200 propagandists of Communism, and the party 
has nudeialmost in every trade union, and efforts are being pushed forward 
fobnn these into touc/with each other according to the -«- ^mem- 
terms of the Theses of the Communist International . . . All the mem 
LiTof the party are bound to take an active part in the unemployed aglta- 
on it L very a y eute, and whatever has been done to turn the situation to ac- 
count ma Communist sense is due to the work of the party. (The Communist 

^SoSU in a locality are combined in small group. 
These groups correspond to the German Zehnergruppen, or lens and 
'■are composed of members living within easy walking distance of one 
another." Where the party is strong "these group areas may cover a street 
or a block; in other words, a ward." There is a Group Leader, who will be 
responsible for his group and must see that the members are carrying out 
hTLtructions received from the Local Party Committee Th« Committ » 
directs and co-ordinates the activities of all the groups (also nuclei and 
W ons) in the locality, and reports to the District Party Committee. No 
slackness is allowed; every member is under strict supervise n H, a mu 
be a working member, "since he could not be a member of the parly a all 
unless he were a member of a working group. This is the vital secret of the 
Theses . ■ Every member has some special qualification, which can 

be used in some sphere" of the party's work. It will be the business ,, 
Party Committee so to organize the groups that they are composed or 
members best suited to the work in hand." For thisreason persons )0tmn B 
the party must serve a period of probation before being admitted to mem- 


Before coming to the actual nature of the work which the Committee's 
groups and nuclei of the Communist party will have to do, it is necessary 
briefly to summarize the plans for the entire reorganization of the Com- 
munist press. The report of the Commission states that the main party 
organ muat be "a mass organ, i.e., an organ of workmg-class life and einig- 




gle. Its object is not only to agitate, but to organize and train/ 7 The Com* 
munist "should be the newspaper of the working class, and not a small 
magazine of miscellaneous articles with a Communist mas." It must "re- 
port working-class life and struggle in such a way as to give every item an 
agitating and organizing value/* 

We now come to the vital part of the Communist organization. All 
the elaborate and expensive machinery of organization is for a definite 
purpose. This purpose has been shown in the extracts from the Moscow 
Theses and by the report of the British Communists to the Moscow Head- 
quarters of the Communist International. What follows is concerned wild 
this Bolshevist machine at work. Chapter 4 of the Report of the Communis! 
Commission is headed "Party Activities," and section 1 of this chaplci 
describes the work "in the Trade Unions." It states that (p. 36) : 

"The work of the party in the Trade Union movement and in the work 
shops (factories, mines, docks, railways, shipyards, or other places of 
work) is the principal activity before the party in the present period. 1 1 
is here that we must build up the leadership of the party in the actual day- 
to-day struggle of the workers in order to have the solid basis to proceed 
to further struggles. That leadership will not be achieved by the issui 
of manifestos, but only bv systematic and organized work over the whole 

"Tile Held is extremely complicated, and only the highest degree ol 
organization will secure results. . . . We must never let the "industrial 
aide," i. e., our activity in economic movement, become separate from "parti 
work," since the whole direct object of our activity in the economic move 
ment is not the separate economic struggle, but the common political 
struggle, i.e., the revolutionary struggle for power under the dictatorship 
of the party. Therefore all our work in these organizations must be prl 
marily directed towards strengthening the party's hold; if we form any indfl 
pendent movement it must be only as a vehicle for the party's, action, i ' 
all our work must be under the daily direction of the party." 

The Commission explains that the work of the party in the Triulp 
Unions, "despite its volume," has failed through lack of common direction 
They had no "hold on the membership," and no channel through which 
the necessary reports and information could be obtained. To over CO mi 
these difficulties there must be organized and directed day-to-day work In 
the Unions, and "its aim must be to bring increasing numbers of H" 
under the direct leadership of the party. For this reason 'nucleus wor] 
not simply the creation of centres of agitation, but one of the m< 
organized forms of the party's work/' 

The aim is to transform the Unions "into mass organizations of till 
revolutionary struggle under the leadership of the party. This plan 
not a mechanical process of 'capturing' the Unions. . . The prooj • 

is one of actually organizing the workers around the party, and bv 

organization from top to bottom of the Union, pstahlishing n real and !>■•' 
merely a formal, hold upon it," This is to be accomplished by firs! oi 

[zing "our members in their 'nuclei' or groups of party members in each 
Trade Union branch," These nuclei must be "firmly welded together oyer 
Ihe whole country," and must act under "central direction. This direction 
will come from the Headquarters of the party and the District Committees 
will "only act as transmitting centres for nationally decided policies in 
each Union to the nuclei affected in their district." 


At the Central Industrial Department of the party in London there 
will sit a main Industrial Committee, assisted by "Special Advisory Com- 
mittees from each of the provincial Unions or groups uf Unions. J he ad- 
visory Committee of a given Trade Union will consist of our best members 
in that Union ... it will receive the reports of our nuclei to the Union 
either directly or through local or district committees, as also reports of 
any officials, executive members, &c., we may have in the Union inis 
main Industrial Committee at the Centre will divide into sections for (1) 
Trade Unions: (2) Trade Councils; (3) Workshops; (4) Press. Similar 
Committees will meet at the District Centres "to receive instructions from 
the main Industrial Committees, work them out for the District and pass 
them on to the Union nuclei concerned in their District,' A nucleus must 
be formed in any Trade Union branch where there are one or more members 
of the party. 

A Trade Union nucleus is a party organization working m a *™e 
Union branch, and consists of party members and candidates in that branch. 
A nucleus only exists when it has been organized by or reported itselt to 
its Leading Committee, and is meeting, working, and reporting regularly 
The nucleus will receive full instructions as to its work at the time when it 
i« formed by the representative of the Leading Committee accredited tor the 
purpose, and thereafter will receive particular instructions over any issue 
or campaign as occasion arises. 


It will be seen, and Trade Unionists should note, that these nuclei in 
Trade Union branches are an organized system of espionage directed trom 
the Headquarters of the Communist party. The average Trade Union mem- 
ber is to be surrounded by the organized spies of Moscow, and his Union 
is to be secretly "wangled" into the acceptance of policies devised by the 
chiefs of the Communist party and introduced into the Unions by the 
underground agents of the party. 

The nuclei in several branches of a Union in a locality are to form 
"a Local Committee for that Union" in order to co-ordinate the work of the 
nuclei in its local branches. In the same way the nuclei m all the local 
Trade Union branches, workshops, and the fractions in the Trades Councils, 
&c are to be enmbined in a Local General Committee. This Committee 
takes up any subject or agitation on which all the nuclei should concen- 





Irate. Communists on District Committees or the Executive of a U 

will "be organized in definite party organizations (Fractions), whidi will 
meet and report regularly, and receive their instructions from the Leadim 

Committee." Members of the Communist party who are officials in a Un 

will be separately organized for party purposes, and will have to furnlih 
their own reports regularly on the work, together with any information 
obtained, and will receive their distinct instructions. 

A Local Industrial Organizer will he appointed "to transmit instrtli 
tions to the various nuclei" and to supervise their activities. The work -.1 
a nucleus in a Trade Union branch covers a wide field. In addition to thi 
routine day-to-day work it will: 

Organize the Left Wing opposition in all branches around all current 
questions . . . it will be prepared for each branch meeting with resolii 
lions, movers of resolutions, discussions, &c. . . . it will endeavoui 
to weaken the position of reactionary officials and leaders by pressing iV ,,, 
which force them to take up an unpopular stand; ... it will worl 
for the election of accredited Communist candidates as officials and delegaU 
to conferences, &c + ; during strikes its members will be active in the Urn 
iront and pressing for extension of the dispute, and greater solidarih 
and it will be watchful to keep the Leading Committee informed of all tfi 
velopments, and to follow carefully the lead given in order to achiev. 
uniformity m the party's action. 


More important than the nuclei in the Trade Union branches arc lb I 
nuclei m the workshops. The Report declares that: 

"The factory or workshop is the real unit of the working class, and 
should be the mam field of our activity. Here, far more than in the loc il 
ities, is the basis of the Party's organization of the workers, and conlnri 
with the working class as a whole, whether organized or unorganized I li 
trade Unions only bring us in contact with a portion of the working clfll 
. . - and only a minority of those who turn up at branch meetings, ftfl 
J he workshop brings us into contact with all the workers on the spot. . 

Ihe trade Unions can only initiate the struggle. Once the revolutio 

struggle begins the workshop becomes the centre. . . Upon our oru in 
ization in the workshops will depend the success of the workers m il»- 
hrst phase of the revolutionary struggle and their readiness for organization 
under the dictatorship of the proletariat" 
u Whenever members of the party are employed in a factory or worl 

they must be organized as a responsible party body or nucleus." II.. 
iorms and activities of a workshop nucleus are "manifold and varied," mil] 

the duties include the distribution of "the party paper and litem 

dinner-hour discussions, formation of social and sports organization 
taking up of grievances, &c. These are, of course, the general propacnnd I 
duties. Iheir special task is "to agitate for the formation of factory <-,.... 


mittees," especially during a crisis, as these committees tend to "develop 
into the conscious struggle of the working class for power." 


If a Factory Committee is formed, or if one already exists, "the nucleus 
must concentrate its efforts on securing and maintaining control of it* Our 
members must put before the Factory Committee the objective of the control 
of industry, and seek to develop the struggle for the control of industry 
into the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat." 

The real purpose o£ these factory committees is revealed in a warning 
to the nucleus. They are reminded that "workers' control" is not "our 
objective." It is one of many demands "to develop the struggle and so carry 
forward our propaganda." 


The following instruction is given by the Commission for cases where 
the Communists wish to attack a works in which they have no members: 

"Special attention will be needed if the party wishes to gain a foothold 
in a large and important factory or works where we have as yet no members. 
In such cases, when a decision has been taken to make the attempt in regard 
to some particular factory, a special campaign will have to be developed 
for the purpose, and militant groups will be needed to start the assault. As 
a first step there should appear in the party organ some report or news 
bearing on the factory question. At the same time meetings should be ar- 
ranged outside the factory which would concentrate on matters of particular 
interest to the workers in that factory." 

Leaflets, manifestos, &c., will be distributed, and the party organ 
pushed. "The number of readers of the paper obtained will indicate the 
measure of our success. Once we have obtained our contacts individual 
recruiting proceeds." 

Space will not permit of more details concerning these workshop nu- 
clei. But it must be understood that none of the groups, nuclei and local 
committees which have so far been described, is allowed to act on its own 
initiative. Everything is done by order and under careful direction. Each 
group or nucleus has its appointed leader, who acts under orders from 
its Local Committee. This Committee is responsible to the District Com- 
mittee and the District Committtee is acting on the instructions of the Ex- 
ecutive Committee at the Centre; and this Executive is carrying out the orders 
of the Executive of the Communist International at Moscow. 

The Co-operative movement, with its large funds, has in recent years 
attracted the Socialists, and now the Communists intend to penetrate this 
movement. The Report we are considering explains the importance of the 
Co-operatives to the Bolsheviks. It points out that "very active propaganda 
is being carried on by the Labor Party and I. L. P. members to organize 
their influence in the co-operatives." Communists must bring the Co-oper- 




ativea into '-the current struggle," and "finally to work to secure control 
ling positions in them for our members," For this purpose every Communist 
who is eligible must "join his local co-operative society." 


Considerable attention will be given by the new organization to "work 
in local government-" This is "an immediate task before the party." The 
guiding principle is stated in the following terms: 

The purpose of the party's work on Local Government bodies is clear! 
stated in the Theses. The Communist party does not enter on Local Govern 
ment bodies to help in their work, but to expose and destroy them as pai 
of the bourgeois machinery and administration. For this purpose the won 
on them must always be subordinate to the objects and tactics of the mas* 
struggle outside. On the other hand, the work on them must never be 
merely negative, but must always have positive propaganda value. "We 
should not merely oppose demands, but should formulate demands thi 
struggle for which will clearly expose the class character of local govern 
ment and lead to open conflict with the Central Authority." 

The policy and tactics on local government bodies depend on whethe 
the majority is (a) Communist, (b) Labor, (c) Bourgeois, In alb cases th> 
aim of the Communists is the destruction; of the machinery of local govern 
ment. During strikes "the local government machinery" must be used 
to serve the purpose of the strike." "In the actual revolutionary struggle 
any hold on local government should be used to stop its operation and re- 
place it by revolutionary workers' councils," A section on this subject is 
devoted to the dangers of reformism, "The active participation in the ad- 
ministrative detail of a Local Governing body has a tendency to cool the 
revolutionary ardour of the Communists, and many revolutionaries are afraid 
of taking part at all for fear of coming reformists." 


Chapter 6 of the Bolshevist Report is devoted to the work of the Com- 
munist among women. It begins by declaring that "The role of women in 
the class struggle cannot be ignored by Communists in any country. . . . 
The seizures of power by the proletariat and the subsequent achievement of 
Communism can only be accomplished with the active participation of 
the wide masses of the proletarian and semi-proletarian women," It [j 
admitted that the task of winning the support of women for Bolshevism 
is very great. There are many strong prejudices to overcome. The starting 
point must be in the working-class organizations with women members. 
These include Trade Unions, the Co-operative Societies, and Guilds. One 
of the prejudices to combat is the prevailing prejudice against the par 
ticipation of women in the thick of the fight, "We shall have to fight re 
lentlessly against a great deal of prejudice of this kind in our own ranks 
Many comrades discourage their wives, sisters, and women friends from at 

Lending party meetings or from taking any part whatever in our work. 
This attitude must be overcome." 

The women will be separately organized, and the Women's Propa- 
ganda Committee will organize "propaganda and agitation among proleta- 
rian women, such organization to remain completely under party control 
A headquarters there will be the "Central Women's Propaganda Committee 
wth a General Organizer- The Report goes on to tabulate the duties of 
ht Central Committee, one of which will be the 'maintenance and con- 
linuous contact with the International Secretariat of Communist Women 

The work of the Central Committee and also of the District and Local 
Committees will be divided into sections in the manner described in con- 
nection with the Party Executive and the District Party Committees. The 
Report states that: 

"Thorough division of the work among members of the Committee is 
most essential. One member should have charge of the work among house- 
wives another of that in the co-operative movement, and so on. 


The local work will be distributed "among various small working 
groups with different functions or fields of activity (such as Co-operative 
Guild Groups, Literature Distributors' Groups House to House Propa- 
ganda Groups, &c.}." Communist women in Trade Unions will join the 
party nucleus (where such exists) and will act "on the instructions from 
^Nucleus Management Committee or leader." They will get into persona 
contact with the lemon members of the Trade Union branch and w 11 
endeavor to get them "to attend classes or mstruction groups. Communist 
women are t join the Local Labor Parties "if individual membership of 
the Labor party is allowed." These women members must report to the Com- 
mittee under whose direction they are acting. The procedure is the same as 
that already given in other cases. 

Other activities of women Communists are the holding of street corner 
meetings in "proletarian shopping centres" to discuss the cost of living- 
bread meetings-or the care and education of children," &c. Special atten- 
tion must be given to literature for women. "A series of vivid arrest ng 
short stories, with a strong agitational bias, won d also be useful Enter- 
tainments likely to attract women will be provided, but propaganda should 
be judiciously mixed with entertainments." 


Many proposals and technical details of the Communist reorganization 
scheme, for lack of space, have been omitted, such as the relations with Com- 
munist Schools for the young and the special features of the Commmnst 
Saturdays and Sundays when members will be called upon to do some 




special work for the Party. But the general features of the organizatioi 
have been given, and it is scarcely necessary to remind the reader that tffl 
administrative expenses of the organisation will be heavy. Where tho, 
money will come from is not explained in the Report — the subscriptions o9 
members are quite inadequate to meet the cost of such an elaborate scheme. 
But as the plan of organization is based on the instructions of the Moscow 
International, it is not unreasonable to suggest that Moscow may be finance 
ing it. 

**The final and culminating campaign " says the Report, "to which 
the whole of the Party organization leads up is the open fight for power," 
(p. 74). Will this cleverly dRviPsrl plan of the revolutionaries succeed? 
Not if the intended victims are made aware of the intentions and methods 
of the conspirators. Now we know the plans and policy of the Communis! 
party and its precious International of Bandits at Moscow, it will not he 
difficult to frustrate their revolutionary designs upon society. 




Adaptation of C P- A. to American ^ 

conditions • - ■ ■ 

Addaras, Jap* 
A, A. L. !*..••; 


American Relief for Russia* Women 

and Children JH ' £>i 

Civil Liberties Bureau- . •■•.■'■■■■'""" 

Stockholder, Rus»-Amer. Indus. Corpo- 

Adjwtment' 'Committee,' " Bridgman Con- 
vention ,...,...-■"'■•'--•••■■-•'■ 

Adrianopk, propaganda center at 

Advance, a publication... *■■ 

Afghanistan, propaganda in ' * 

Africa ■ ■ ■ • ■ • * * ■ 

African Blood Brotherhood 
Approved of, by C. P. A 





SSSTaS ai-of; 35, 100,191 

Agrarian program _ 

Cost of.... "° 

Legal Agrarian Bureau --- J}J 

OfC. P. A 103 » 110 

Agricultural Schools 

Students planted in. ll, i% 

All-American National Council; , . - J>| 

All-Amtrican Technical Commtttee 


Friends of Soviet 


Allen, Gov. (Kansas) 1JJ 

Allison, Elmer T 
Advisory Comm 

^/j Fcwi^r, a'publication. 

All-Russian Cent. E^ Com- '* 

AlURussian Jewish Relief Corn. ... 

Amalgamated Clothing Workcra Union ; 
Affiliated with Friends of Soviet Russia 
Children's Hom« "> Soviet Russia 
Conference for Progressive Political Ac- 





Predominantly Jewish organization. .4&, 186 

Quoting report to Moscow 1*2 

Raising' money for |£ 

Report on, in Baltimore . . . «J 

Amalgamated Metal Workers. > ■ - 13* 

Amalgamated Textile Workers 

Pretended hostility to Clothing Work- 
er;. , ' ■ ■ 13 a 

Represent by W. Z- Foster. . JJ 

Strike of, aided by A. C L, U I 22 

America _ -„ 

Communism itu . v - . • ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ • ■ - *' 

In counter -revolutionary alliance. v l»&. »*' 

American Association for Labor Eegisla- ^^ 

Approved " i>y" Nat Inf. Bureau 187 

Personnel of organization ; . ■ r * *»* 

American Association of Social Workers ISC 

American Capitalism " ■ 23a 

American Civil Liberties Union 

16, 45, 48, 47, US, 180 

Aids arrested Communists 182, 172 

Approved by Nat- Inf. Bureau....... 18s 

Contributions to Labor Defense Couu 



Early history of ^0, 31 

Funds of ■ }** 

Labor Defense Council *<* 

Linked with Communism---.. 117 

Members file charges against Dept. of 

Justice , - *« 

Opinions of. .....<• < ■ ■ l* 3 

American Committee for the Relief of 

Russian Children 105 

Approved by Nat. Inf. Bureau 187 

Four National Committee Members in 

Moscow ■ 105 

Russian Fair and Costume Ball 152 

Represented by Capt. Paxton Hibbcn. . 104 
American Committee for Russian Famine 

Activities and propaganda 100 

Organized by W. W. Liggett 39 

American Defense Society : 1* 

Opposition of Negro Communists to. , . 192 
Protests landing of Moscow Art Theatre 146 
American- Federated Russian Famine Re- 
lief Committee ■ ■ ■ ° 8 

American Federation of Labor 196, 248 

Aids Communists <■ » 172 

Communists have difficulty in gaining 

membership ■ 135 

Communists working in..,-.- 24, 52, 134 

Graf, for Pro. Polit. Act 44 

Federated Press claimed as organ for. 84 

Foster heads steel workers £0& 

Report on J. P, Cannon 14S 

Represented by J. H., Ralston. -* 316 

Trapped by Communists 138 

American-Hungarian Workers' Federation 98 

American Jewish Committee. . . . - l&T 

American -Jewish Joint Distribution Com- 
mittee 1S7 

American Labor Alliance. 88, 131 

American League to Limit Armaments 

53, 130, 121 

American Legion — . * - 122 

Against Communism lo2 

Disapproved by World War Veterans. 68 
Opposition of Negro Communists to... 192 
American-Lithuanian Workers' Literary So- 
ciety $8 

American Medical Assentation 100 

American Neutral Conference Committee 121 

American Relief Administration.. 103104 

American Relief for Russian Women and 

Children .-.••*."■ 1S7 

American Union against Militarism 

53, 12(1, 1S7 
American Workers 

Danger to 220 

Must lead Pan-American Revolution. . 222 
Amnesty for political prisoners. .... .199, SSfl 

Amtcr, Mrs. Sadie 65, 99 

Anderson, Miss Mary 1 B.H 

Anglophobes 196, IW, 247 

Anisfeld, Boris. .,.,,.., 145 

Argentine 71, 220, 221 

Armed insurrection ■ 211 


Communists and the 16s 

Nuclei in 158 

Amgold ..-.-- 1&8 

Ashurst, Senator (Arizona) *» 

Ashwortb, Francis 22 

Asia ■ 19* 

Associated Negro Press . ■ - - 19* 

Atlanta Penitentiary -,.138, ISA 

Ault, E. B. ...... 30 

Avanti, a publication , lo» 


Baer, John M . . 

Batch, Emily Green ." "*" -™ 

Baldwin Locomotive Works... ' '"*' 7?* 

Baldwin, Roger N.. 

A. C, L. a "" 

Presidium of, 

Proposed postponement 'of li 



Application for "loan Veferred'to ' ' " 117 ' 


Purpose of... 

Seizure of papers at 

Voting at 





mnotsts . 
Labor_ Defense Council',','/.' 
Organizer, Intercollegiate 

League * 

Refuses to fight in war.'."."" 
^Speaks „ New York .'j;— gj 

Ball, Alexander* 1U 

Ballam, John J '" *■• 

Baltic Fleet . . * " 

Bate, Dennis. O o ' Wo 

Battersea (England). ..Y.'. ' VB ' l73 ' 

Beardsley, S. E * 

Bechtold, Eugene. !] !! '. 

Bedacht, Max " ' V. , 

Brfflriura, propaganda in.'.'.".'.""" S3 > "£ 

ESE2?' ■j 5 . r ?p a e a » d a center. . . . ; I* 

Bennett, Richard , . , J* 

Ee?^? HaTb0r < Mich1 "^")'.- '--"-"■ 
Berlin, H.. ' 

Berman Nerma. ... " * " 

Bernardsville (N. J.) 

Berthenson, Sergei ■--•.-....... 

Biddle family of Philadelphia"/. '.'.'"'" tm 

Bisbee deportation . . ■;•■■■ 

BdtJeman, Alexander. ."".". \ n 

gjzzell, Dr. William B.. 15f f£ 

Bloc, congressional.. ' 25 

Block and Co.... 39 

Bloor, Ella Reeves..'.". si's,™ It 

Bocb and Bolshevik '. * ""■ 81. 82, M 

Eohn, Frank * * 2 

g°J^* P"^^ or^batoi-ii:;;; ™ 

' ' ' ■ .- 7 













Brtdgman cases, 

Present status of... 
Bnggg. Dean (Harvard):;"' 
BrigW William E-. 

British capital. . 

Brock, Eugene j\' m 21)0 

Broms, Allen S lf| 

Bronstrup, Walter ' " ltH 

Broofchart, Senator "(fowa) 5! 

Brooks, Ward. l ' ■ 41» 

Addressed Bri^o'conVto'tion 'in G< 

Member, Adjustment Committee 
Manifesto to C. P. A.. a, " cc ' 


45, R-* 

I»8Sw °f^-otive" Engineers. 

Brotherhood of Raitwav K.™^ * ' 

Brotherhood of Say gSfa" 

Brotherhood of RailwaJ w£*iczi W^. 

Cent. Ex. Com., C p" A 

Convention Committee " 

B^ r c? r f" 5£ Co, «"=a- •'■■':-'■'■'::::::: 

Brown, R. G. ' 'M 

Brownsteln, H ••:■+"■• 

Buck, E c be rt M USTr ^ ■- 

BufFalo, Communl.r;;' 'Vi'J i S P- m - ""Mf! 






] 78 







tioAs in" !™'" FeP * rt on >»bor co'ndi 

Bolshevism among negroes 

Bonus, soldiers 

As a propaganda slogan. 

Capitalization by radicals....*"" 


Borah Senator William" E 

And A. C. L. U 

Tb^Ji? c h f „ Amn «tJ Question ! ! ! ^ ! . " " " JJI 

Eofetn^Z.^ ° f t,! l CommitteV™ l17 
foreign Relations of the U S 

Borgf 3 e o n n a , te si d „; y ^; 7 - ■- 9/io, h i; 

Bf>ring from within. . , .".".'.'. *£ 

Boston Evening Transcript 31 

... 161 

.189, H51 
. . - 309 
. .. 7. S 

Buford, H... 

Bukharin ....,.* 

Alternate, Pol'tbuYcaiiV. " " 

instructmns signed by, ... * aVfl"^*' 

Bu ^' d 7 oi Comintern. V: . . .' ' 
^uger, Max. . , 

Burnham, Mrs. George ' 

BS/F' H ° a - Edm « nd ''" 

Bums, William" j;; 

Bush, Alfred... 

I ;i 

. i:in 

-5. hi I 


IS, [01 


.», II 




Communist report on 


Police strike 

School of Theology! . ' 

Boy Scouts 

BrestLitovsk Treaty 

Bridffman (Mich.) Convention "of 

Closing scenes .!*.".!*!!*' 







Cablegrams from Moscow t„ b j 

Convention moscow to Bndgmat 

C *SJ3«L YoA)/ a' publication' 

a?^&a* B ■ 


5, 7, S.13 

Onoted'T "' "^ " a Hi]] Wt 

Chiles. E. Pl utarc Ji o ; 

Canada, radical papers in " ' 

Cannon, J. P, fftg™ ,n 

Advisory Com., Friends of Sovi „ Rua . 

Agent, majority' "faction"' C " P "a 

Approves Sovietiam .77. . A 

tent. ac. Com. and Politbureau.' C p.' 


4. 1 






A 16 

Cent. Ex. Com., Cincinnati Com. Party 88 

Correspondence with T. R. Sullivan., 1B!> 

Labor Film Service . , 147 

Mine, Mill and Smelters' Organization. 147 

Metalliferous Miners 148 

Western Federation of Miners... 148 

Capital, American, invested in South 

America 280 

Capitalism, decay of ^ . , 169 

Capitalists, investments in Latin-America 87 

Carlisle, Thomaa r Prussianized History.. 6 
Carlson, Oliver (E. Connelly, Edwards) 

National secretary, Workers' Party. ... €5 
Organizer, Young Workers' League.. 65, 99 

Carney, Jack 30, 98 

Carpathians 194 

Carrier, Jean Baptist .'.,,. 5 

Caruso 146 

Catchwords, revolutionary, see Slogans. 
Catholic workers 

To be organized against K. K. K..... 191 

Catholic youth .,..., 153 

Cafct, Mrs. Carrie Chapman 180 

Caucasus, propaganda in .,,....-. , 7A 

Central America 219 

Central Control Committee, see Commu- 
nist Party of Russia. 
Cent. Ex. Com., C. P, A, 

Must guide illegal branch 2fi 

Publishes an illegal organ 36 

Central Federated Union (Chicago) , 

Endorses Labor Film Service. 14$ 

Central Famine Relief Committee 142 T 143 

Central Women's Propaganda Committee. 269 
Centrists in Workers' Party.. ,,f!7, S01, #53 

Century Theatre (New York) 144 

Chadhurn, Thomas 182 

Chaffee, Zwharia &G, 181. BIT 

Chambers of Commerce. 193 

. Chaliapin, Feodor. ... r ,..,......,., , .... 146 

Chaplin, Charlie 

Entertains William Z. Foster.... 150 

In Communist files. 150 

Introduced to Comrade Plotkin 151 

SpeaVs at a dinner. 152 

Statement to ., 90 

Russian Fair and Ball 152 

Written to, by R. M. Lovett S3 

Chappell, Winifred It9 

Charity Organization Society (New York) 184 

Chauve'Snuris , 144 

Che-Ka, Commission for Suppression of 

Count er-Revolution , 79, 138 

Chicago, Communist report on labor con* 

dttions in 138 

Chicago Federation of Labor 98, 174 

Chicago Tribune, a publication 46 

Chicherin 74, 104 

Chikoff, v. V...... 104 

Children, starving in Russia , . , . 7 

Children's Homes in Soviet Russia 

Raising money for. 176, 177 

Children s stones of Soviet Russia 78 


Copper of 330 

Radical papers in 71, 219 


No strikes in ,.,.,.♦.. 147 

Propaganda in 74 

Christian religion 194 

Civil Liberties Bureau ,..120, 186 

Civil Liberties Union (Chicago) 174 

Civil Service Regulations 16H 

Class hatred................ ,, KW 

Class struggle. 221 

Clay, John C 1T3 

Cleveland, Communist report on tabor con- 
ditions in. , . . 183 

Clews, Mrs 150 

Code to be used by Communists... 38 

Cohen, Bela 44 

Collectivism 181 

Collins, James H , 57 

Colombia , S20 

Comintern of Third Internationale. .IB, 36, 337 
Commissariat of Public Health, Soviet 
Russia, represented in New York 

City ........ 101 

Commission for the suppression of Coun- 
ter-Re volution, see Che-ka 

Communism and Christianism 10<5 


Among the Negroes 189 

As a political system 41 

In America 6, SO 

Thrives on dissatisfaction 23 

Communist, The, a publication. 185 

Official organ, C, P. A 7S 

Published by a minority 36 

Communist, definition of 40 

Communist activity in America 

Coordination of 27 

Size of. 40 

Communist activity in Latin-America. ... 37 

Sword enemy to society 259 

Communist Internationale, see Third In- 
Communist movement, early days of,, 195, 347 
Communist Party of Amenta 

Adaptation to American conditions..... 231 

Agrarian program of , , , . 110 

Appeal from Moscow to, for coal miners 88 
Bulletin by Cent. E*- Com. on indus- 
trial activities 137 

Collecting money for , 31 

Candidates of, for political offices 40, 41 

Concealment of Underground appara- 
tus 200, 252 

Connection with the masses, ...... .202, 26S 

Control of labor Union press. . .200, 252, 253 
Convention of[ see Bridgman Conveu- 

Delegation sails for Europe.. 170 

Election of E*. Com IS 

Finances of ..,..,..,. . 1S9 

Follows orders from Moscow 158 

Fate of, depending on masses 29 

Future suppression. . , 337 

Headquarters of, to be secret .204, 25& 

Increased activity among negroes. 193 

Information concerning 214 

Lawful propaganda machinery of 183 

Legality of.25 ( 34, 85, 201, 302, 311, 228, 25S 

Masses, relation to 6 

Majority and minority in 201, ■? ••■"■ 

Necessity of. 225 

Next task of ,...-.,. . 196, 347 

Not to reform capitalist state 199, 249 

Not bound by laws.. 25 

Objective 41 

Orders to reunite. 171 

Relations of illegal (No. 1) to legal 

(No. 2) branches. 7 

Representations to, from Moscow...... S37 

Reports to Moscow 131 

Secret conference of 171 

Subversivenes3 of- .,..-..,... 41 

Split in. . 35 

Sole revolutionary party in America... 12 
Third (Communist) Internationale 

18, 86, 254, 550, £03 
Trade Union Educational league...... 88 

Task to secure legal existence of...... 34 





--.IS!, 39 
. .13. 227 

Workers' Party 

Underground work of.*.*."" 
Communist Party of Germany ' ' 

Manifesto by t n, 

Commnn«t Party of Great Brittfe.'.&S S» 

Bureaus and departments "•**». *f 

Business secrets of 

Contrast, _ 

The, a film. 14.7 



Cooper, Ifdietta M 

Comrade ,". 2£7 

I V.i 

Control of 


-f Industry " " " ' ftR o 

Funcuons of Women's Croups " .' .* .* ." [ [ \ ] 269 

SSS^j™^ Fraction * ■■■• ^ 

Propaganda among" "women" '.'.','. Sr 

Report to Moscow; ... i?S 

Commuhist Party £ Russia * 63 

AJhRussian Congress of lj) 33 . « fl 

Antr-religious character of,. ' t 

Central Control Committee. o i? 

Composed of irroletariana. . * l 

Description ofT . . . ° 

^legates to All-Russian CongVe^" g 

fobs c ! s . of :,. and Soviet SSt^it 

Monopoly of' 'legality .' *^ * 

S™iS°s™lf a ? y "*■**«■■* "^'uVt;; S 

Jtussian Soviet Government. 

J-Jurd Internationale 

Communist Parties, Pan-American .' ." .* * " " * 
Communist propaganda in rura i districts' 
C«»g»Urt schools for the youngs?;. 

Communist songs * 

Communist trials (St. " Josephs) " ?? 

Communist Youth Internationale ill 

Communists and Disorder 1 £ a 






Cooperative League of America 

Cooperative movement, in England, 'vqi 

Cooperatives, farm, state credit for.. 199, jffl 
Cooperating committee of 

n„Sf/ eU ^ dts '^ b - or defense Council... 171 

Coordination, Thesis on aio son 

Cope, Miss Margaret 219 ' fl 

Cope, Mrs. Walter Uj 

Copenhagen 1 '• 

Copper Trust ,",' """ J* 

Cosmopolitan Clubs '" 

oSsjItj where Drganized « 4 

Cotter, Arthur .' . .' " JJ 

Coyle, Albert F "".".' 45 "52 i, 

Cramer, S. D Ra'itu 

Cravath, Paul &>, 27H 

Credit state, to fanners. .". "" .".'.'" '.;«, iff 

Cruder General ......108, 25J 

Cuba, radical papers in.... 71 Hfl sso 

Curacao, a battleship,.. * X ' f£? 

Am*SS k Wortmea ' 9 Coundl""of ' 

Czecho-Slovakta, revolutionary" 'condit 

.^ , . „, „ lulJUUdJ jr con-ai turns 




^ToT^ActTn 3 "^ ^*C nf.--pVo; " 

Communists in Moscow. !." ! " 

Communists, raising money for «I 

Commumsts stress class struggle ti 

Compulsory health insurance."." 

Comstock, F. Ray ....... 

Conference for Progressive ' Polit'tcaE 'Ac'. 
Accomplishment a of 

Communists must guard a^iast! ! ! I ' ! " »u 

^nstituent organizations-? . . ' *jj 

Does work allocated by Moscow Jo 

Designation a misnomer. ... ?| 

indorses Plumb plan %i 

l£SS?9 kJi' W- aild Communist;"" J? 

Lauds Sovtet Russia. " - ' ' ** 

Method of organization. ; !! '. 4 J 

Aot a /'front" for C. P. A.. ft 

Organization of , , * 2 

Political program of."".'. \ 9 H 

P S:j°^:^ ™° *'"^ ' " 

Questionnaire of . . ■ • • -. jO 

Size of * M 

Stealing party names ." ! ,W J J 

Workers' party delegates, to!!'" "" 12 

Congress, U. S. 43 

Consulted by Communists. . 
*■ ree speech and . 


Dana, Prof. Harry W. L ' " 7 

GS? Intercol]e Pa^ liberal 

^eagu'e ^^ ^ ' V °"°«' ' *wW ** 
d'Anselme, GcnVrai .'".','!! ,3 

Danton . ' " IvB 

Davis, J. " r 6 f 61, 82, 160 

Debs, Buginc'v.W.WWW isa'Vuj JJJ 

lD £r ! *° a£S, ' £t -^ted'Vm 64 * W 

M^e?^"^^- :: '--"'::::: In 

S mfa? dCr ' Kuss - A ^ ' ^dus! ■ Co'rpo*- 

De Frank/ N ' 1S5 - ^ 

de Mille, William *C .'.'.' a-i'iV^i \ll 

Democracy, a Study in Applied." .' .' J 

SS.^ 81 by ^"ch Re^lu" ^ 

Democratic forms/."//.; "/ ' { 

Denby, ^dwin, Sec'y. of Navy iVr t- 

Department of Justice. * 16 ?f 1 * 


Members o'f, work' 'for' Communism." "' " si? 
Soldiers' bonus and. 

- Justice ' iU f? j 

Department of State ._ * 7 '* 

... ' 138 
■ ■ ■ 219) 

11s, iaa 

Congress of Social Workers' VSan'b'ieso/ 
Connecticut, Communist Agrarian Xd 

Connelly; '&', ' s '« Oiiv'er' Carlsom' ' 

eSSSg" presa ' «"«i*«"«fe ^ 

In England 

To overthrow government! ! ! " 


Constitution of tj" S *A * 




.- 257 
-- 231 

75, 158 


Deportation Act. . . 
Deportation of Allen*...*'" 

De Silver, Albert. . . 
Detroit, Mich. •■■♦. 

Communist report on labor in. 

Federation of J^abor ■•■-■■ 

t"n* ^? emein ' ^^^-"a'pubiick: 
gfaL The, 'a'pubiication.'.*.' " ' ,Zf 

Dill, Senator (Washington) . 
Dlre dSratS terIOCti ^ SCe -teriVcking 
D,,armament ; encouraged in Army and 

1 r.i. 


Discipline, party, decline of 38 

Dt3tnct Industrial Organizer. ,.,.......- 138 

Dorman, D. C 47 

Dostoevskv - 151 

Downie, Thomas R 80 

Drake, Francis. ,,„,.,,,,......... 84 

Drexel 175 

Dubrowsky, Dr. David 

Capt. Paxton Hibbeu and _ 105 

Interviews Calles, Mex. premier 106 

Jewish Public Committee 101 

On Marten's pay roll. _ 1W 

Organizes Russian relief 100 

Duluth report on labor in. ............. . 134 

Duncan, Isadora 141 

Dunne, William F. 

Address to Workers' Party Convention 80 

Arrested at Bridgman, Mich ....21, 82 

C, P. A., connections 15,40 

Candidate,' Governor of New York, 40, 89, 109 

Changed with criminal conspiracy 124 

Friends of Soviet Russia 9* 

In prison 1^6' 

Labor Defense Council 173, 174 

Duquesne (Pennsylvania) - - 122 

Duse, Eleonora , 14* 

Dutt, R. Palmer ...... 2a9 

Dzerzhinsky 5, 75 


Early, D. E «i.W 

Eastside (N. Y.) political methods in Mos- 
cow *1 

Eastman, Crystal 117 

Eastman, Max 

Amer. Civ. Lib. Union 121 

Civil Liber. Bureau , --.-■ 180 

Editor, The Liberator 79 

Friends Soviet Russia 83 

With Claude McKay. - 100 

Ebert-Scheidemann Government (Ger- 
many) ... v . ■ J*J 

Edelstein, Morris ■ • • 17» 

Edgerly, Lady, see Countess Kotiybska.. 

Egypt ■ 35 

Ekskosovich, Vassilivich 146 

Flections, program for, C. P. A 345 

Ellis Island 141 

Ellsworth, Mrs _ 83 

Emergency Peace Federation 120, 131 

Engancho 330 

Engdahl, J. LDUis 

At Convention of Workers' Party.... 8S 

Ex. Com., C. P. A 15 

Speaks in New York 175 

Ensel 62 


Address to workers of . . , - - - , S6 

At odds with France 2S 

Communists in. .... *'*' 

District of - W* 

In counter-revolutionary allinnce. . .1&5, 347 

Refuses to accept deportees 212 

Entente 1* 

Episcopal Church 110 

Krickson, Charles 21 

Espionage, labor, in England.......---- 365 

Executive Committees £88 

Expenditures, excessive, damaging to the 

State 1&8, 350 


Famine in Russia 

No danger of ..,..143, 177 

Famine Scout Clubs 93 

Famine Relief 33 

See also Agrarian. 

Farmers, State Credit to 19&, 351 

Appeal to wives of 177, 178, 89 

Farms, foreclosures on. , - — 10^i 251 

Farm-Labor Party 

C, P. A.. 46 

Labor Defense Council ....173-174 

Farmers National Council 4»f 46 

Federal Council, Churches of 

Christ in America - - - • 119, 187 

Federal Reserve Banking System. , 40 

Federal Trade Commission 101, 185 

Federated Press- 

F- C Howe, a contributor to * 4" 

Offices in Berlin and Moscow 80 

Organ of the Communists ->.. 70 

Promised $lno,009 151 

Raising money for.. .$2-84 

Supported by Communists I 31 

Supported by Conf. Pro. Poiit. Action 47 

Used by Third Internationale 80 

Federated Press Bulletin 181 

Federated Press League 

Objects ,.,.<.- [JJ 

Bruce Rogers raises money for. lav 

Federation of Federal Employees 6S 

Feinberg - °" 

Ferrer group of anarchists. -.....- - 185 

Ferguson, J. E- *' 1JJ 

Festetieh, Count ** 

Fickert 61 

Finland OK 

Legality of Communist Party 111 ^& 

Revolutionary conditions in *£ 

Finnish Socialist Federation. . . »» 

Finnish Workingmen's Association - »o 

First American Conference for Democ- 
racy and Terms of Peace - - 1*0 

First Legal Aid Bureau ■■■■ 1J1 

Flaherty, Thomas » 

Flora, John C I 73 

Flyiro, Elizabeth Gurley 

Amer. Civ. Lib. Bureau .... 117 

In conference to assist Communists. . . 172 

Labor Defense Council- 173,174 

Fool, The, a film.... 1JJ 

Ford (Henry) Peace Ship J*J 

Foreign Policy Association IS* 

Foreign Relations Committee 

U. S. Senate.. 7 


Among Communists *u 

Dependent on radical literature 70 

Foster, William Zebulon .....6, 7, 12, 15 

Aids struggling masses . . 203 

Amer. Civil Lib. Union 04, 117 

Arrested at Chicago 13 

Attends Syndicalist Conference.. 03 

Attends Anarchist Conference 04 

Attends Red Trade Union Inter- 

nationale • - - - 91 ' 5* 

At Bridgman Convection • «j 

Called a disruptionist B4 

Charged with violation of Michigan 

laws - J™ 

Charlie Cbanlin's guest of honor 1*0 

Convention of Maintenance of Way 

Employees I* 3 

Defense at St. Josephs, Mich 208 

Description of , ,92, O. 

Federated Press, Ek«c. Board. ♦■■ »• 

Friends of Sov. Russia " 3 

Helps arrested Communists ■ ■ 1JJ 

Hostility to Gomi«ra '* 


I N D E X 



■■Joins I. W. W 

Labor Defense Council." "".' 

Leaves Bridgman Convention.!""" 

Not a member of C. p. A" """am o?? 

Paid agent of Moscow. ., ™*' S JJ 

Portrait of ;!* 

Relations with Moscow'.' £« 

Secures support for Labor Her^'dV.W 208 
Secretary, Syndicalist league of 

North America . . fl . 

Speaks in New York City " "" i%% 

Succeeded by Jay G. Brown ...""."' \% 

Trial of, at St, Josephs, Mich m? 

jw"* GarW Fund * "■«*. Si 

At odds with England... » 

D£SS u S ft .??!^ to trade " ,5 ™ :: ™ 

T I !j^ nte J-EevohiHonary ' A]ii a n'ceV.195, 24? 
Legality of Communist party En. OS 

gefaees to accept deportees ' 313 

Revolutionary Socialistic Committee"' 31 

France, Senator (Maryland) 

Frankfurter, Felix JM 

A Modern Revolutionary. . « 

American Civil Liberties Union!!"!! 117 

Colleague of Zecharia Chaffee... igi 

Counsel m Mooney case... an 

Cnticism of, at Harvard ..!!": gg 

fetter to, hy Roosevelt no 

Represents President Wilson.... «1 

Franklin, Joseph A..,.. Ji 

Frazier, Senator (N. D.).! '" T^ 

Freedom, a publication ." Jht 

Free love ™j» 

Jiw« Bftj rAe, a publication" ?J 

Free press and free speech ISs'lSl ? l 

Frethett, a publication ---"Of «±, 811 

ftJrt ° f Jewirfl Federation of Workers 

French Revolution"/. K 7 J 

p1LT d RUSSJan Kev ^^'"com-' ' 

Awn* to*:::;::;::;:; iw'mJ 

Friends of Soviet Russia " " ' 81fl 

Branch of C. P. A..!!! .1 

Chicago Federation of . , " ' " ," 

Disposition of funds. * ZJ 

Snda 1 "^^ 11 ° f CommUnJs t h, pVopa-" 

Endorsed by Mlnofs SteteFrieration' of ™ 

-i^aoor „„ 

Famine Scout Clubs tt 

fmniri support in Deer River' " sa 

Formed by C. P. A II 

. Goinsf into the movies.... ' "" 1R l 

Money collected by. . ' " ' or 

Sells literature ,Xi 

Furoseth, Andrew !!"!"!" IgJ 

Federated Press expect support from. 
roster, trustee of 


Foster' promises "funds' 'of'.".' ' *' 'JJ 

Garts, Mrs. Kate Crane.. .63, 80, S3, 150, 151 

Geler, Anna 

General Strike, see strike 

George Henry , . , 


American troops ir 



Cage, Toyman J . . 

Gale, Zona 

Garland Foundation 


And world revolution ' ' " j u 

BoJshevization of -.-.,.!!!!!! ] lfi 

Communist party in. ! ! " " 

Lenity of Communist party in!,!."' 25 

"*h "Z. S3 ']" 

^Ti&Ss 01 ™ 1 T - '■'■'■'■■"■ •■"■■'•>. I 

Financed by Otto Kahn ]40 

Initiates "Russian" dramatic propa- 

T *=»«*» ut 

Leaves parents and seven brothers and 

sisters in Berlin 14fi 

Leaves Odessa \VJ, 

Ge*r& E F ian Art Theatre:::::;: - R "2 

Gitlow, Benjamin ' 8B 

At Bridgman, Mich, ... fl1 

Cent Ex. Com., C. P. A :!!!"" JJ 

Chairman Presidium ... i£ 

Illinois Fed. of Laboi* ! ,S 

Glavlit ' 1H * 

Godless, The .""."'" ' WV IV- - 

Gold, Michael ... Frontispieej 

Golosor, Leo .... " "J 

Golubson Berlin propaganda "official !" ! 75 

Gomez, Juan Vincente ..... aan 

Gompers, Samuel ^J 

Hatred of W. Z Foster for .V.'.W H 

Hostility of, to Trade Union Edu- 

Cational League . qfi 

Policy of *» 

Resigns from A. A. L, L 1M 

Swung labor to war £,, 

Goodman, Lena " --<■■-■ *» 

Goose Caucus * iiS 

r*T' °£ rle ? w !!!!:::;:;" 

Gorky, Maxim 

Government of "U, S. A. 

Communists and the, 

Destruction demanded 

Overthrow by violence . . glS 213 

Representative Republican 

Grable, E. F. ., " -_J 

Grain elevators ' " Von ^ 

Grants, radical „. 1»8, 8H 

Grant, Rev. Percy Stickney !!!" " i«9 

Green, William "? 

Greenway, Jack ... 

Griffiths, D. W. . V« iSi 

Griffiths, George H. . . /. ™ % a " 

Griffith, Raymond -■♦-.- « 

Grow. Curky 1 JJ 

— - - aso 






Haiti, , 

Hale, Swinburne 

Hammersmark, Samuel "t! ! ! ! 

Hapgood, Norman 

Accepts Sinclair's "Mobland' 

Am. Civil Lib. Union 

Editor, Hearst's Magazine , 






Harrison, Caleb 

Arrested at Bridgman 21 

Chairman Presidium 22 

Friends Soviet Russia 98 

Notified of arrival of detectives 38 

Worker's Farty Convention 88 

Hartment, Dr. Jacob W 98 

Harvard University 

As a center of radicalism -58 

Associated clubs of CO 

Cosmopolitan Club of 04 

Negroes from 1S9 

Harvard Liberal Club 

Affiliated Amer. Civ. Lib- Union ..... 123 

Harvest stiff ....Ill, 113 

Harvester Trust 21fl 

Hat, Cap and Millinery Workers 4f>, 13G 

Hauffbrauer, Leo ....,.,,.... 173 

Hauptman - - - 151 

Havana 230 

Hayes, Max S - - 173 

Hayes, Will ill 

Not popular with Charlie Chaplin.... 150 

Negotiations with Charles Recht ...... 152 

Haywood, William D., (Big Bill).. 8«, 46, CO 

Health Insurance 182 

Hearst, William R 61 

Hearst's Magazine, a publication S3 

Hedhind, Guy 1^ 

Heller, Abraham Aaron 

Receives $48,000 from Berlin 74 

Helsingfors 75, "2 

Henry Curtis Dow Company ........... 36 

Henry Street Settlement 183 

Herald, New York 144 

Herbert, French revolutionary 6, 61 

Herrin Massacres 129, ISO 

Hibben, Captain Paston, 100, 107.187 

Acts for Russian Red Cross ,..,.,.. 103 
Board of U. S. Army appointed to 

determine fitness 103 

Endorsed by friends of Sov. Russia.. 107 

Goes to Moscow 103, 104 

Organizes relief drive 103 

Praised by Izvtstio 105* 

Personal history 103 

Places a wreath on John Reed's grave, , 107 

Plans an appeal to farmers 110 

Sails for Berlin 10* 

Soc. of American Relief for the 

Children of Russia . . 104 

Visits of artists to U. S., planned by.. 143 
I HI I man, Sidney, 

Amer. Com. Relief Russ. Child... 104 

Close to J. P, Cannon 14S 

Labor Defense Council 173 

Pres., Amal. Cloth. Workers 45 

Russian 'Amer. Indus, Corp. ......... 181 

Russian Red Cross ......... . 104 

Statement concerning- Soviet Russia . , 104 
Hilknut, Morris 

(Misca HilkowicE) ..4fi, 61, 117, 131, 148 

Hocbxieimer 151 

Hoffman, see Morris Kushinsky. 

Hollabar, Allen .88,150 

Holland 75 

Hollywood movie colony 

canvassed foT funds , 88 

Holmes, Rev, John Haynes 

Labor Defense Council 173 

Anti-American organizations 1B1 

A. A. L- L- - 183 

Intercollegiate Liberal League 59 

In Moscow 105 

Relief for Russian Children 105 

Civil Liberties Bureau 186 

Holt, Hamilton .... 131 

Home Colony of Anarchists 94 

Home, destruction of .- 20 

Hooker, George B. B0 

Hoover, Sec'y of Commerce 102 

Hoover, John E ■ 17 

Hopkins, Prince 63, 83, 151 

Houghton, Dr. Harris A 17 

House of Commons . . 357 

Housewives ,.,... - - • 177 

Howatt, Alexander .84, 130 

Howe, Fred'k C 

Amer. Civ Lib. Union , ..* 46 

Howell, Senator (Nebraska) 49 

Huebsch, B. W 117 

Hughes, Hon. Chas. E., Sec'y of State.. 120 

Hull House, Chicago Ifll 

Hungarian Federation in America 238 

Hungarian Communist Farty 44 

Hungarian Socialist Federation &8 


Revolutionary conditions in 23 

Revolution in 233 


Idgeakom, see All-Russian Jewish Relief 

Idiot, The, a play l&l 

Illegal (No. 1) Branch, C. P. A. 

Must continue, violations of law under 

cover of, etc ^ ...... • 24 

Not to be exposed. 14 

Permanency of 35 

Relations to legal (No, 3) branch 25 

To control Communist forces 137 

Illinois coal fields ' 29 

Illinois State Federation of Labor 132 

Imperialism, American 210, 221 

Capitalism in Latin-America 27 

India .35, 74 

Industrial Activities 

Communists in .....38, 127, 22W 

Industrial Communism and the I- W. W. 181 

Industrial Court (Kansas) 189, 250 

Industrial Unionism 32 

Industrial Workers of the World 

A criminal organisation 61 

American Civil Liberties Union 123 

Characterization by Communists 113 

Defense Committee 45 

Excluded from Conf. Pro. Polit. Action 43 

Formation of ** 

Liquidation of by Communists ....... 130 

Labor Defense Council 173 

Not concerned in justice 01 

Representation at Union Convention . . 128 

Red Trades Union Internationale 131 

Represented in Workers' Party 88 

William Z. Foster resigns fl5 

-Insinuations, into political organizations 

by C. P. A 41 

Insurance, social, by the State - - - 182 

Insurance, compulsory health 182 

Inter-church World Movement ...... -.96, 119 

Intei -collegiate Liberal League 

Branches addressed by Upton Sinclair 64 

Organization of 58, 59 

Personnel of 59 

Inter-collegiate Socialist League ..,,,..46, 58 

Interlocking directorates ........... 10 

International Association of Machinists. .44, 45 




International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths 

and Helpers .,.,..., , . . 44 

International Brotherhood of Boiler- 

makcts 44 

Interna tic-iial brotherhood of Stationary 

Firemen and Oilers 44 

Internationale of Former Combatants. .', ', 163 
Internationa] Congress of Women . 180 

International Indies Garment Workers 

Union i7r 131f i3g 

As a Jewish organization 45, 130 

Conditions in Baltimore . , r 133 

International League of Working Women 181 
International Propaganda Bureau of the 

Third Internationale ,. g£ 70 

International Secretariat of Communist 

Women (Moscow) ggo. 

Internationale Third, see Third TnternaYionate. 
International Trades Union, see Trades 
Union Internationale. 

International Oxygen Co, , 74 

Internationa? Red Crr^c /w. 

International Red Cross 


nonai Workers' Famine Relief 

Committee mi jq,j 

International Women's Suffrage" A Ilia rice 180 
Internationalism and World devolution.. 1ft 
inwood Country Club 74 

1*?**$ •; ':".'., 35 

Irish-Ameraeart Labor Alliance gg 

Italian Chamber of Commerce 14*> 

Italian Workers Federation ' gg 

Italy _ .7.7. .S3 So 

Ivanovltch, Ivan, see Ivan Narodny," 
Izvestia t a publication 

Member, Polit. Bureau [I 

Wife of, sister of Trotsky . '. .'." ' lit 

KaminskVj Max , .85 II 

Kane, Francis Fisher . . 173 175 SHI 

Karolyi t ^j 

Kahub, Mrs. Martha ........ ,81, II 

Katayama 1 o ' 1 ■■* 

Katterfield, I,. E' Ill 

Keating, Edward .' ' '45 41I 

Kelley, Robert F . 8 "fi" 11* II 

Kellogg, Faul U. ,,.'., 'jH 

Kelly, Mrs. Florence (Wishnewetzkey) . . W 

Kendrick, Senator (Wyoming) f 11 

Khinchuck, President of Centroyuz ..... Inn 

Kirchwey, Freda . iv« 

KlJefoth, A. W. 7. '.b , (1 

Knudson ..,.»., , . . , : 

Kolorav . , ta 

Konikow, Mrs. Antoinette F. ,.!'.!!". 7* Art 

Kopp, Wigdor (Kopelevich) . . . , 

Korea , . , , , , ;■: 

Korzybska, Countess (Lady Edgeriy) 7 ! ! «8 


■ ■■ 

105, 143 


Kowalsky, Joseph [Ji 

Krassin, B ., ...74 141 

Krestimky, Nicholas .".7.77 . ' I "i 

Kronstadtj Fleet 1 < 

Krumbein, Charles 77."',," 81 

Kuhn. Loeh & Co '. .7.7.185. 1J*T 

Ku Klllx Klan 

Infiltration of, by Communists tOI 

Liquidation of. demanded . ..19S, Vol 

Menace to working class |f)3 

Opposition to negroes iVs, 1(H| 

Strike breaking boriv ,. . 107' j)<n 

Run. Bela, see Bela Cohen 

Kursky . 7 „ 

Kushinsky, Morris (Hoffman) .. ' -[7(, 

Kttsinen ......IS, u, igg ( 194, 34^ y.„, .. 

Japan . . 23 r 7i, 104, 195, S47 

J apanophobia ....,..,,,.. ^47 

Jesus Christ Vi'fl i»i 

Jeaus-Thinkers ' {^J 

Jewish Public Committee ..... " " ini 

Jewish Barbers , ] " ^ gg 

Jewish Socialist Federation . . .7.7.7. .7.44 88 
Jewish Workers, to be organized against ' 

K. K, K 191 

Jewiab Workers' Federation 7. 88 bor Bank* " 

Jews, Active in Nuclei Work i*| \l*l y^S, 'tt * a' * " * ft 

Johnson, Senator (Minnesota) % j ±r fef™- r -i ' 1M * m 

Johnson, Templeton 5* J ' a ^? t ;.. De ^ n3e „C*mncil _•■■_-■•■ 171. 

Lalior, Department of » n 

Labor, a publication .,,.,..,,, Aft If 

Labor Age, a publication ..!.'.' 4fl! 4 

Johnston, William H. 

Called a Socialist jg 

Conf. Prog. Polit. Action ..7.7 45 

Inter, Machinists Union 43 

Lauded by Socialist papers 7.41 45 

Peoples LeRis. Service 43 

Jordan, David Starr .-...,! 131 

Journal of the American Bankers 

Association .-, ^g 

Jugo-Slavia ' ai - 

Jungle, The, a film, ., .*,.""' *o 

Jury in trial of William Z. Foster ..." * 309 

Justice, jpept. of ...'.'.'. gig 

Kahn, Otto H. 

Backs Russian Art Theatre .... 115, 146 

Backs Chauve-Souris. 14§ 

Backs Morris Gest . , 145 

Employs Paul Cravath lgg 

Kaiser, The # jg 3 

Kalinin, Mem. Polit. Bureau ...7" 10 

Kamenev, Rosenfeld 

In charge of propaganda 75 

— jncil 

Cooperating Com. Defendants 

Headquarters of | , 

Purpose of ['.'"." \'r!\ 

Provisional Nat. Coin. , 77 

Labor Film MagaMm ... 

Labor Film Service .. ' " ViV 1 

Lahot Film Service Co ' } 

Labor.Herald, The, a publication 

Edited by William Z. Foster ill 

Foster secures support for ...... 

Trade Union Educa. League 77 M «1 

Labor Monthly, a publicatfon ....... 'bjsii 

labor News, a publication ... |fl 

Labor Party CEngtand) .867 M7 

labor Publication Society , , IG 47 

Labor Eeview, a publication . mi 

Labor Temple, (Los Angeles) .... 11 

Labor Union Press, control of 300 ft|| 

Ladies Waist Makers Union . . 

La Follette, Senator (Wisconsin) „..7.» fll 

La (luardia, Congressman (N. V 1 i«r 

Larsve, a publication ," ' 70 

Landia award, (Chicago) !777 1M 

Langj Joseph, see Joseph Pogany 

Lapp. Dr. John A Ir . 

^w n 77777 1M 

I ( asky r Jesse 150 

I,athrcin, Kev. Charles M 119 

Laciti-Ameriea .... 221-KSJ2 

Communist activity in 27, SB 

Investments and strike breaking in .... 220 

Masses of B19 

Latin-America workers cannot fight alone 280 

Laughlin, J. B 47 

Lawrence, Mrs. Patrick 121 

Laws, shortcomings of our <-,..* ■-■ ' ■ 

Lasard, Julius ■ • ■ • 173 

Leach, Agnes Brown 186 

League for Amnesty for Political 

Prisoners 120 

League for Indus. Democracy. ■ 45, 4ff, 53, 53 

League of Nations lf>6, 247 

League to Enforce Peace 187 

I,ee, Lila 150, 151 

Legal! Branch, (No. 3) C. P. A 220 

See also illegal branch (No. 1). 

Bulletin concerning relations , 37 

Financing of 85 

Relations of branches .,.,...,34, lS5 t 225 

Lembkin, Cyril 21 

Lenin, Nicolai 5, 10, 11 

Directs C. P. A. policies 30 

Letter to Steinnietz 60 

Writings of 63 

Orders by 101 

Lenin boys 44 

Lemer, Max 32 

Levin, Emanuel 83 

Lewisohn, Adolph 182 

Lewisohn, Alice 185 

Liberator, a publication .....79, llf>, 1SS\ 190 

Liberty, Equality, Fraternity fi 

Liebkuecht day "56 

Liggett, Walter W 09, 100 

Lillic, Francis C. 17ft 

Lillie, Mrs. Francis C. 80 

TJndgrcn, E. ...-., 125 

Linville, Henry R 173 

Liquidators, not to be tolerated 38 

Literary Digest, a publication S9 

Literature, Communist, 20 

Lithuanian Relief Committee OS 


Conducts propaganda section in Reval 75 
Member, All-Russ. Cent. F,x. Com. . . 74 
"No danger of famine in Russia" 177 

Russian Red Cross official 102 

Lochner, Louis F ...79, 80, 121, 123 

Lochray, J. A 80 

Lodge, Hon. Henry C. (Mass.) 

7, 3, 9,-13, 120 

Loeb, Dr, Jacques 131 

Loeb, Moritz J. , 149, 173, 174 

London, center of propaganda in 75 

Lotfe, Ludwig 15, 03 

Los Angeles (Cal.) radical teaching in 

school of 57 

Love joy, Owen 

A. A. L. L. 13S 

Child Labor Committee 186 

Director, Nat, Inf. Bureau 136 

Wrote "Shades of Night" Letter to 

Debs 186 

Lovestone, J. (L, C. Wheat) 7 

At Bridgman, Mich .21, 22 

Author of Thesis on Relations . . . . t . 33 
African Blood Brotherhood .......... 36 

Brought $82,000 from Germany 23, 74 

Confidential bulletin by .............. 14 

Cent. Ex. Cora., C. P. A 15 

Exec, secty., C, P. A IS 

News letter release 36, 239 

Lovett, Robert Moras, 

Amer. Civil. Lib. Union 117 

Fed. Press League . , 80 

Letter to Bruce Rogers 83 

Lozovsky . . . T ,,,,..,....,............ . 02 

Lunacharsky , , 74 

Lusk Committee (N. V. Legislature) 

Report 46, 123, 124, 182, 1S5, 186 


McBride, Isaac 100, 101? 

McCreedy, Maud 80 

McGili, James H 100 

McKay, Claude 

McManus ,.,..., 

McMillan, E 

McKeltar, Senator (Tenn.) 
McNamaras, The 





Madden, Martin B. 

Maintenance of Way Union ............ 

Majestic Theatre, Los Angeles 

Ma^nes, Rabbi Judah L. 

Endorses Labor Film Service 

Mandel, Benjamin 

Mandell, Max Solomon 

Mrtnion, E. J 

Manly, Basil M , 

Manners, Lady Diana 

Marat, French revolutionary 6 

Marks, Louis 

Marriage, church, by Communists in 
Russia . , — ...................... 

Martens, Ludwig C. A. K. 

74, 95, 100, 152, 

Marx, Karl C2, 

Marxian theory 

Marsh, Benjamin C. 43 

Marvin, Fred R. ,. .17,48, 

Masses, The 225, 

Masses, The, a publication 

Matirer, James H. 47, 

Meat Cutters Union of New York City.. 
Mediation Commission in Mooney case.. 

Me!fciitine t Mrs 

Mendelsohn, Dr, William . . , 

Messenger, The, a publication 

Metaittferotla workers 

Methodist Fed, far Social Service 

Metropolitan Life Insurance Co- ..,.1B4, 

Metropolitan Opera House (N. V.) 

Mexico 71, 105, BIB, 220, 

Michailovsky, Dr. Michael 100, 101, 

Michigan, Anti-Sytidicalist laws or ..308, 
Midwest Labor News, a publication .... 

Mihelic, J 

Military Intelligence Section, U. S. 

Army -. 

Miners, infiltration of Communism 



Report on labor conditions in ....... , 

Trades Unions of, raise money, ...... 

Trades and Labor Council 

Minor, Robert 

Adv. Com, Friends Sov. Russia 

At Bridgman, Mich 

Convention committee 
































Chairman, Adjustment Com. .... 24 

Ex. Com,, C, P. A 13 

letter by Albert F. Coyle to 62 

Portrait of ....... gg 

War record , , , 99 

Minorities, secretly organized . . . . . ,'&,' 10, 16 

Mission Pictures Corporation 150 

Mitcbel, John ..„..„.„„. 145 

Mobland, a novel \ * [ " " $3 

Mob rule , ,.....»*,.**] 6 

Moghilevsky .""!_'_',' ',', [ 5 

Moles, Our Bolshevist , . , , ] m ,\ 357 

Molotor ....„.,,, _ ^ j Q 

Monopoly of legality .....! 9 

Monroe Doctrine . ,',.,.' 321 

Montreal Trades and Labor* Council .... 98 

Mooney case Igg 

Moran, Miss , ..//. 91 

Morrow, Frank, "K97" ..!!"! 210 


C P. A., reports to 181 et acq, 

kettles factional fight 3fi 

Understands situation in U. S- A 30 

World revolution in . . 7 
Moscow Art Theatre 

Managed by Morris Gest 145 

Permission for American trip 143 

Relations with Soviet Government'!,'!, 1 144 

Mosetey, C, A. . , S n 

Mount Vernon, N. Y W.V.] 12S 

Movies, Communists active in . .! 141 

Moving picture trust 1SS 

Meyer, Charles .60, 148 

Mueller, see Ivan Narodny. 

Mulattocs in U. S, . . . ign 

Murphy, Dr. Helen " * ' 176 


Change of, to hide purpose 

Secret Communist party 

Napoleon, Red or Bolshevik, see'poiranV 

Joseph 7. . . . 

Narodny, Ivan; alias, Mueller," Ivan" ivaa- 
oviteh, Jaan Siboul, Jaan Narodny.. 

Nasmyth, Dr. George W 

Nation, The, a publication ,,'.'*, ",78," 185 
National Assoc, for Advancement of 

Colored People .... 
National Child tabor Conun'ittcV * ' " " ' 
National City Bank (N. Y ) 

National Civil Liberties Bureau ! ! 

National Committee for Organizing Iron 

and Steel Workers 

National Consumers League ....„."." 

National Croatian Society .... " 

National Defense Committee !!!!!!!!!![ 
National Federation of Federal 

Employees SB 

National Industrial Conference Board V. 
National Information Bureau ...183, 184 
National Labor Alliance for Trade Re- ' 

lations with Russia 45 

National League of Women Voters 

National Student Forum 

National Women's Committee, C. P. A.!! 
Nationalization of women and children . 
Navy, U. S. 

Communists and the * , . , 

Nuclei in , . , . , ' ' ' "jg'g 

Near East, situation in . . ." 

g ea V"«- s =ptt "7, 131, 149,' IBB, 

Needle Trades Workers' Alliance 

Negro and Comrnunism, 









, S3 








Instructions concerning, from Moscow 1M 

Opposes K. K. K joj 

Organization of darker races 1 in 

Organization of , Id] 

Race struggle . , ...,..!! j uj 

Race equality and pride 130 IfJl 

Nelles, Walter , pjl 

Nestor, Miss Agnes 4.6, isi, ma 

Neurath 4 w 4 v l ' j y 

Ncwberryism , f,g 

New Economic Policy (Nep) ,'.'.'.,',',.'.. 10 

New England Workers Association .' «k 

New Majority, The, a pub. .. .80, 95, 107, 174 

New Republic, The, a publication 7b,' inn 

New York Academy of Medicine ' irm 

New York City, elections in 131 vill 

New York Call, a publication n 

New York Commercial, a publication 17. lit 

New Yprk Charity Trust IHI 

Nicaragua » . ., 

Niles, Alfred 5. ... u{ 

Nineveh *,"!"!"""! 3] 

No More War Day ..,",.!!'!! 

Non-Partisan League ,,, ' "jo j? 

And <\ R a ,.::::«, ij| 

In Dakota , . . . !r . 

Non-Partisan Relief Committee '.' .'.'.'.' i, j 

Nordling, 2eth " * Jn 

Norris, Senator (Nebraska) ,.!!!!' 


Communist report to Moscow 183 •■■ ,, 

In conservative labor unions .....,., w 

In Government bureaus iflfl 

In ^English organizations .,,,, B4I 

In industry 

In Army and Navy .igg , ,. 

In Negro organizations ' Lfifl 

In England 

Nv. ltd, a publication ..... , , y,^. 

Nytio, a publication ni 

Ghernr e-i er, M 

Obregon (Mexico) 

OJisol, John G, ..*."■.""""."* 

Contract for organized Russian relief 

Russian Red Cross , ..; 

Society of Aroer. Relief for Child! "ol 


Oklahoma Farm Labor Union . ....['.," 

Older, Fremont 

One Big Union , .. \\\ 94 

Order of R. R. Telegraphers 

Ovellana (Guatemala) 

Organization, methods of ...... 

Organization of disorder ... 

Orphans of the Storm, a film 

Owens, Edgar * "<jg 

1 , I 






: .-h 


Pacifist organizations 53, i 81 

Pacifism, encouraged in army and navy.. ' 1H 
Pacifists, fight to get peace .... jfl 

Palda, judge L. J. 41 

Pan-American Communist Conference . . 33a 

Pan-American Fed. of Labor 223 2811 

Pan-American Communist Parties ' 221 

Pan-American Conferenr_e of Women , JfiB 

Paris (France) 

Parliament, English ..!!.!!.'!'" 357 

Parsons, Elsie , ..... 131 


Party names, stealing of 44 

Party government - — - |* 

Pasadena, (Calif.) radical meeting at . . 63 

Passaic (N. JO ■ 13a 

Peabody, George F, 121 

Peace and Work, a publication 75 

Penn. State Fed. of Labor 47 

Peoples Commissariat for Education .... 143 

Peoples Councils ...►-. 123 

Peoples Council of America i 2 « 

Peoples Freedom Union 120 

Peoples Legislative Service 43, 4&, 47 

Peoples Reconstruction League 44, 45, 43 

Pepper, John, see John Pogany. 

Persia 7 * 

Peru £20 

Petrograd State Theatre 147 

Picketing, peaceful 398,250 

Pinchot, Amos ■ 61, 121 

PincboL Hon. Gifford - - 131 

Pinchot, Mrs. GifTord 125,175 

Pittsburgh (Penn.) 134 

Plotkin, Comrade 161 

Plumb Plan League 46 

Labor a major factor in .199, 351 

Scheme for nationalization of R. R... 43 
Pogany, Joseph, alias Schwartz, John 
Pepper, Joseph Lang, Red or Bolshe- 
vik Napoleon. 

Ex. Com., C. P. A 15 

Gets check from Bishop Brown ....*4, 135 
Jewish Socialist Federation (The 

Bronx) 44 

Portrait of 44 

Pacifist activities in Hungary 44 

Point Loma (CaL). 83 


Legality of Communist party 36 

Revolutionary conditions in 23 

Political Bureau, Cent. Ex. Com., 

Com. Party of Russia (Polit. bureau) 1#, 11 
Political parties in TJ. S. 

Loose organization of - — . . 39 

Vttarnings from 41 

Political program of Communists 37 

PoIFticsv Communist activity in 25, 39 

PoIIitt, M 259 

Porto Rico 71 

Post, London 357, 859 

Post, Louis F 100,185,216 

Post Office Department . . 313 

Pound, Eoscoe 317 

Prague . 75 

Presbyterian censorship of tlie movies . . 150 
Presidium of Congress of Third Inter- 
nationale 33 

Presidiums, system of, .13, 337 


Communists active En the 25 

English Communists and ........... 363 

Methods of control 14 

Prevy, Mrs. Margaret ...65,88,90 

Progressive, definition of . - 4A 

Proletarian dictatorship 7, 13. 26, S27 

Class struggle . 197-243 

In England 257, 260 

Not objective of revolution 15 

Object of class struggle 26 

Proletarian party 173-174 

Proletarian revolution 221 

The farmers in 131 

Proletariat of U. S 76 

Of Pan-America 223 

Propaganda in U. S. 76 

Pravda, a publication, 9, 10 

Race prejudice 1®% 

Race riots 189, 108 

Rachmaninoff, Sergei. 14& 

Radek, Karl 

All-Sussian Cent. Ex. Comm. 74 

Directs C. P. A. 3J 

Internat. propaganda bureau 22 

Member, Presidium of Comintern .... 13 

Orders signed by 13, 133, 1S4, 256 

Rebukes striking miners 26B, 260 

Radical publications and literature 71 

Radicals, definition of . 41 


Among negroes ,,..,.. 1«* 

In schools and colteges ™ 

Rakovsky ■■' ™ 

Railroad Brotherhoods ** 

Proposed Alliance with United Mine 

Workers ■ "J 

Railroad telegraphers .,,,........ 1|1 

Railroad "Workers, Communism among . - 33 

Railway Carmen's Union . . . S3 

Railway Review, a publication, 45 

Ralston, Jackson H ...- 316, 217 

Ralston, Senator (Indiana) ■ 40 

Rand School of Social Science.. 45, 46, 47, 74 

Ray, Charles 83, 150 

Rebel Worker, a publication, 185 

Recht, Charles ........;... 100 

Appointment with Norma Tajmadge . - 153 

Attempts propaganda in movies 141 

Negotiations with Will Hays 152 

Recognition of Soviet Russia, 

8, 68, 132, 170, 190, 831 

Red Army 103, 104, 152, 156 

Red Army of America I* 3 

Red Flag, a song, 80 

Red month • 1S6 

Red Napoleon ■ ** 

Red Trades Union Internationale, 

34, 30, 36, 181, 139, 331, 323, 237 

Reed, John, . , - ■ J2S 

Reichel, Dr. Leo S 93, 160 

Reflections by Edmund Burke -M 

Reinstein, Boris ......21,24 

Reiseroff, Lillian ■ fi * 

Relief Drives ■ 103 

Relief organization 

Disguising Communist activities ... - - 30 

Reports to Moscow 131 et seq 

Reuters ■ ■ ■ 13 

Reval (Esthoma) ■ ■ * E 


By legislative enactment - 80 

French, see French revolution, in the 

Americas 223 

In U. S. A W 

Proletarian, and the farmer Ill 

Russian, see Russian Revolution. 
Universal, the goal of the Bolsheviks . . 76 

Revolutionary" Aae t a publication,. 185 

Revolutionary Socialist Committee 

(France) ,,..--.. 31 

Reynolds, W. 31 

Rhine Rivet 1 (Germany) 15* 

Ricker, A. W 100 

Riga ?5 

Ritter, Dr 8S 

Robertson, D. B, i7 

Robespierre French revolutionary. . . .0, 63, 62 

Robins, Mrs. Raymond 46, 181, 183, 186 

Robinson Crusoe , . 150 

Rogers, Bruce 

Letter received by 117 

Money getter for 1 Communists ........ 161 




Raises money for Federated Ptass 

League , . . 81 

Sells scenario to Jesse Lasky ........ 150 

Rogers, Will , _ 83, 150 

Romanoffs 51 

Rome (Italy) 75 

Roosevelt, Theodore 6, 216 

Followers of, in Conf. for Prog. Polit. 

Action . , , ........ 42 

Letter to Felix Frankfurter 60 

Rosta ig, 74 

Rote FahiK, a publication 75 

Roumania ,. . , 75 

Roxbury, (Mass,), Meeting of Young 

Workers' League 65 

Rubalsky 75 

Ruch, George F. 17 

RtumaiiUaelT, Nikolai 144 


And Germany, , , , jfi 

Revolutionary conditions in, ,,....,,. 23 
Soviet Government of, see Soviet 

Starving children of 7 

Sympathy for people of, by World War 

Veterans 35 

Russian- American Industrial Corporation 17S 

Russian Army 21$ 

Russian Communist Party, see Communist 

Party of Russia. 

Russian Fair and Costume Ball ..,..,.„ 152 

Russian and French revolutions compared 5 
Russian Red Cross 

American activities IDS' 

An official Soviet organisation ..... 69 

By-laws of K> 3 Paxton Hibhen lOS 

Contract with Dr. Dubrowsky 100 

Moneys from Art Theatre, to 143 

Relations with Soviet Government ... 101 

Supported by Famine Scout Clubs ... 99 

Russian Relief Association 145 

Russian Revolution, influence in 

America t t 5 jgg 

Russian Soviet Embassy ."...".'_' 74 

Russian Soviet Republic £) 177 

Russian Telegraph Agency ' 12 

Russia n-LTkrainian Workers' Educational 

Society 93 

Ruthenberg, C. E 213 

At Bridgman Convention . . 21 

Labor Def. Coun .173, 174 

Nat Def. Com 119 

Party history 15, 107, 109, 110 

Speaks in N. Y. City 176 

Trial of, at St. Josephs, Mich. ..207, 20!) 

Ryan, Father John A. 173 

Ryckman, Judge J. H 63 

Rykov . „ . 10 


Sacco and Vanzetti 80, 122, 131 

Sackin, I. M 149 

Sage Foundation subsidizes The Survey.. 185 

Sailors' Unions , 199, 251 

St. Joseph's (Michigan) ............... 20 

St. Louis (Missouri) 133 

St. Paul (Minn.) 52, 134 

Samuels, H. F. 4? 

San Diego (California) 82 

Sbti Domingo , , 319 

Saturday Evening Post 57 

Sayre, John Nevin ......... 17£ 

Schettck, Joseph .IB 

Schlessinger, Benjamin ..,..., 47, III 

Schlossberg, Joseph . Nil 

Schneidertnan, Rose 111 

School of Thought 4rt 


Communist, for young $(!$ 

Schools and Colleges 

General conditions , 1 

Nuclei of Communists in , fit 

Support of Scholars in .....,..,,,,.. M 

Schwimmer, Rosika. , Ill 

Science of God, a film ., ,. |H 

Seamen's Union Ml 

Search, Mabel fl 

Seattle Central Labor Council ....98, 111 


Enjoined on Communists 11, 

Of headquarters, C. P. A 

Secretary of War , , , , ! 

Senate of the United States , 7, H 

September massacres H 

Severance Club, Los Angeles 81, HI 

Shatskin , it 

Sheet metal workers , it 

Shelley Club (Los Angeles) 

Slogans , 5, 16, 199, %t,\ 

Stelton, (New Jersey) | n,i 

Sheridan, Claire ! M 

Shillady, John R. ......... 1 1 ; 

Shipstead, Senator (Minnesota) ff 

Siboul, Jean, see Ivan Narodny. 

Sick and Benefit organizations 9R| 

Sinclair, Upton 62, 63, 82, 148, iftl 

Slaton, John W. . . Mf 

Smith College flit 

Smith, O. L., Dist. Atty 207, Km 

Smith, Mrs. G. M. . 57, || 

Sobelsohn, Tobiach, see Karl Radek. 

Social-Democratic parties , 19S, 1MU 

Social Service Bulletin, a publication .... Ill 

First step towards Communism it 

Socialist party ......... ,29, 42, 47, 173, 17* 

Socialist-Labor party 171 

Socialist Review, a publication *(l 

Socialistic projects, government support 

Of 7 

Socialists, left wing and Boston police 

Strike 1 ■ 

Socialists Consumers League N 

Society for Medical Aid to Soviet Ruubj | 
Society for Technical Aid to Soviet 

Russia 9H, 1 "' 


Soldier-Worker, a publication Lflj 

Soldiers' Unions 199, 8M 

Solidarity, a publication 80, M 

Songs, Communist .,,,,,..■ ..,..,. n 

South America 219, SHI 

Souvarine ..,.-,,.... , , . l| 

Soviet Government of Russia 

Abandonment of Nep 1 » 

Lauded by Conf. Pro. Polit, Action... , 1 1 

Relieving presure on ........195, 19ft, 14ft 

Relations to Third Internationale in 

Refuses to accept deportees Hit 

Soviet Government 

Establishment of in the U. S 4ft 

Soviet Russia, a publication M 


Spartacists 1 li 

Special CuiimiiUce uf Soviet. Government 

To control immigrant actors 14* 

Spectorsky, Edith 74 

Spencer, Miss Fannie Bixby . . . --- 63 

Spreckels, Rudolph ... 61 

Sproul, Mrs. Marion E. ........ 55 

Stage, Communist activities concerning 

the 1*1 

Stalin 10 

Standard Oil Co 219 

Standard Steel Ca- Co 94 

Stanislavsky, Constantine .............. 145 

State Department, see Department of State. 

State Universities, radicalism in 62 

Steel Strike Organizing Committee 94 

Steinmetz, Charles P. 

Letter to Lenin ............... — . . 80 

Stockholder, Russ.-Amer. Indus. Corp. 181 

Steklov 120 

Sterling' bill (Congressional) 214 

Stockholm (Sweden) 75 

Stokes, Rose Pastor 

At Bridgman, Mich 21 

Araei. Civ. Lib. Union IBS 

Friends Sov. Russia 08 

Stomuniak 75 

Stone, Dr 83 

Stone, Warren S. 45 

Strikes 133 

And Communists 327 

Boston Police 155 

Chicago packing 177 

Coal and railroad (1922) 20 

General strikes ........... .77, 129 

Mining, in England 25"8 

Strike breaking in Latin-America ...... 220 

Strong, Anna Louise 

Moscow Corres., Federated Press .... 181 

Students, Russian 

Financed at Univ. of Calif, bv Moscow 65 

Sucker lists -.20, 82, 124, 175, 176, 187, 217 

Sullivan, T. R. .,.,,,, ,22, 129 

Suoma Raatagen Club 57 

Supreme Court, U. S. 

Appeals to, by Amer, Civil Lib. Union 119 
Supreme Soviet of Peoples' Economy in 

the U. S 74 

Supreme Literature »nd Publishing Ad- 
ministration of the Russian Soviet 

Government 32 

Survey, Tke, a publication. 185 

Swabeck, Arue . . 80 

Swanson, Senator (Virginia) 40 

Swaet, Governor (Colorado) 49 

Switzerland 75 

Sydenham Hospital (New York) 100 


By William Z. Foster 96 

Emphasizing trade unionism 30 

Opposed to patriotism 96 

Szamuelly 44 

Tacoma Central Labor Council 98 

Tactics, thesis on of 3rd Internat. . . . . . 169 

Taft, Ex-Pre& William - 46 

"Take, eat; this is my body.'" . . ..Frontispiece 

Tallentire, Norman H 22 

Talmadge, Constance 153 

Talmadge, Norma 

Appointment with Charles Recht 152 

Going to Moscow 163 

Name in Communist files 150 

Russian Fair and Ball 153 

Talue, Jaan> see Ivan Narodny. 

Taylor, John T 173 

Teachers Council of Los Angeles ...... 160 

Teohtinen, Mat tie 8fl 

Terraccini . . ^ 12 

Texas Agricultural and Mechanical 

College 56 

Theatre, Communist activities in 141 

Theosophical Society - 63 

Third (Communist) Internationale 237 

Activates politics in U. S. A. 126 

Appropriates $30,000 for propaganda in 

TJ. S. 126 

Control of Paa-Amer, Com. Parties. . . 238 

Controls British Labor Party 268 

Dominates C. P. A 39 

Election of Ex. Com. 12 

.Fourth Congeeee of and Mast ^artman 

at . 190. 222 

Leadership of Negro movement 191 

Organized by Lenin 

Organizes conspiracy in England 
Proclamation of Ex. Com. of ..... 
Relations to Soviet government . . . 



Relations to C. P. A. 
Seet'y of War Weeks and 
Second world congress of 
Thomas, Rev. Norman 

Amer. Civil Lib. Union 117 

Civil Lib. Bureau . 18fi 

Labor Defense Council 173 

Labor Film Service 149 

Times, New York 144. 145 

Tinglev, ^Catherine 83 

Tippeti, Tom 4* 

Tisza, Count Stephen ... 183 

Toledo (Ohio) , 30 

Tom sky 

Toronto (Canada) Trades and Labor 

Council 08 

Toulouse (France) 75 


Driven from power 42 

Non-Partisan League 43 

Trade Union Educa(i«nal_ Wuc. . .12, 10, 46 

As a Communist organization 33 

Avoiding illegal acts 28 

Bureau of R. K. workers 131, 132 

Establishment of branches 30 

Endorsed by Bed Trades Union Inter- 
national 31 

General description of 91 

Labor Defense Council 173, 174 

Organized by William Z. Foster 95 

Relations with illegal branch 14 

Represented at Bridgman Convention. ,21, 22 

Recognized in trade union work ...... 28 

Trade Unionism by William Z. Foster.. 97 
Trade Unions 

As vote-getting machines 29 

Capture of by Communists 6 

Communist policy concerning . 30 

Communists active in 24, 25 

Unification of 24 

Trials, Communist, see Communist Trials. 

Trotzky h Leon (Bronstein) 5, 10, 60, 62, 332 

Agents in U. S. - - 14ft 

Truth, a publication .161, 169 

Tuel 12 

Tulsa, masacre at 101 

Turkey 74 

Tvomtes, a publication 30 

Twilight Club 74 

Tyre 194 




I N D !•: \ 


Underground branch, C ; P. A. ■•■•■■ fl JJ- *" 

t/nwn Record, (Seattle) a publication 80, 133 

Union Theological Seminary - "* 

United Brotherhood of Maintenance of 
Way Employees and Railway Shop 

Laborers . ■-■ 4 * 

United Fruit Co -* 1V 

United Mine Workers 

44, 127 f ISO, 131, 136, 193 

United political front *J 

United Farmers Bloc ...... 

United Front .„ 

Against Wall St S |J 

Fundamentals of '. 

Of Labor ., ■ - ■ If* 

Tactics of the - "' 

Workers' Party on the . * - ^ 

United Hat and Cap Makers Union .... 131 

United Hebrew Trades • ■ ■ «» 

United Labor Council of America 131 

United Labor Council of hew \ork 131 

United Press - « 

United States Army, see Army. 
United States . 

Center of western capitalism -«- 

Divided into propaganda sections 13« 

Demands upon • **™ 

In western propaganda section _ 'J 

Moral annexation to Soviet Russia *J» 

United Toilers ■ ■ • ■ - ■ ■ ■ 173 

Unions, Labor 

Control of, in England " ■ a J* 

Federation of Independent 

University of California 

University of Chicago 

University of Illinois 

University of Michigan . . °* 

University of Pennsylvania - ** 

University of Wisconsin -' »j W 

Uruguay - - ' ' ■ ■**" 

U] Blare, a publication 76 


63, 61 

Van Toll, Mrs ;■■ 

Van Winkle, Hotel, Los Angeles 

Vassar College 

Venezuela - ■ 


Vienna ■ -Jf > 

Villard, Oswald Garrison 1*1, 


Voice of Labor, a publication ..80, 

Voluntary Parenthood League 

Von Stroheim, E«c, 83, 

Vorse, Mary Heaton 98^ 



Walnut, T. Henry 175 

Wagenknccht, A. S7 

Wagner, Rob ■• J58 

Wald, Lillian D m, 183. 187 

Waldman, Louis 149 

Wall Street 26, 28, 43, 164, 221 

Wallerstcin, David 175,217 

Walsh, Frank P 105, 107, 172, 173, 216 

Walton, Governor (Oklahoma) 49 


Horrors of - 166 

No-More- War days 155 

War Labor Board « 

Warbasse, Dr. James P, 186 

Warburg, Felis ! ' ' 

Ward, Rev. Harry F. 

Amer. Civil Lib. Union 

Letter by ■■ ■ 

Washington conference • i-vv 

Washington, George, and the influence of 
the French Revolution in America . , 

Washington University Law School ' 

Watson, Senator (Indiana) 

Die Weber, a play ' " ' 

Webster, Mrs. Nesta 

Weeks, Hon. John W 

Weiner, M ■■ " 

Weinstone, W. W 8H . »« 

Wellesley College ■■ H 

Wells, Hulet M - 

Wentworth, E. C "J 

West, George P. .... 

Western Federation of Miners 

West Indies 

Western Hemisphere • ' 1 

Wheat, L- C, see J. Lovestone. 

Wheeler, Senator (Montana) _ 

White, William Allen 

White Guard Army ■- »JJ 

Whitman, Lee Fort ... 

Whitney, R. M. . Copyrxght p»a$ 

Whyo Gang . - • 

Wilenkin, Dr. J ■ 

Williams, Albert Rhya - "'" 

Williams, Frederick Wells 

Williams, Dean Tyrrell 

WiUhire, Mrs. Gaylord - "B, Jl 

Wilshire, Gaylord 

Wilson, Mary Lena ■ 

Wilson. Woodrow .•■- «« 1 

Wing, Asa F nri 

Wise, Rabbi Stephen S. 

A. A. L. L *-- 121 » l88 ' ' 

Civil Liberties Union .......... l* n 

Wishnewetzky, see Mrs. Florence Kelly. 
Woman Patriot, a publication ..,.-.1 ", jl 

Women, work among 177, i 

Women's block committee ..,..,... 

Woman's Clubs 


Women's International League for Peace 

and Freedom ISO, 131, 

Women's National Committee. ITU, 

Women's Propaganda Committee. ...... • 

Women's Third Internationale - 

Women's Trade Union League . ... 4J 

Organized by Mrs. Raymond Robbing. . 

Objective - • ■ 

Work among working women. 

Work of penetration 

Approved by National Information. Bureau 1 

Wood, L. Ho Uings worth 

Woolwine, Bist. Attorney 

Worker, The, a publication »»■ 

Workers' Control . . . . 

Workers' Defense Union 

Workers' Educational Association ... 

Workers' Education Bureau 'ill 

Workers* League l " 

Workers Party of America 

Announces a red month 

A distinct organization I 

Affiliated with Friends of So*. Russ... 

Branch of C. P. A.. 

Branch of Third Internationale. 

Centrists in ♦ 

Controlled by C. P. A 

Initial convention .................. 88 

Labor Defense Council 173 

Moscow orders establishment of. 195 

On the united front 341 

Object of organization 27 

Purpose of (Uj Wore) 89 

Relations to C. P. A 13, 13 

Russian Federation of 137 

Sucker lists of " 124 

Winning political workers ........... 242 

Women's branches 89 

Work of wont-ens' branches 90 

Workers Soviet Republic in U. S. A... 35, SS7 

Workers' World, a publication.... 185 

Working Class Women's Block Commit- 
tees ..... 179 

Workmen's Compensation Laws......... 1S2 

World, New York . 145 

4Vorld Congress of Juvenile Labor 66 

World Revolution 

Sympathy with Germany IS 

World Revolution, by Mrs. Nesta Webster 5 1 

World Tomorrow, a publication.. 181, 135 

World War, The 120, 213 

World War, preparing for 1&9, 251 

A communist organization 168 

World War Veterans, 

Approved by Young Workers League.. 63 

Affiliated with Amer. Civ. Lib. Union. 123 

Affiliated with Friends of Sov. Russia.. 98 

Commended by J. Lovestone 35 

Writers' Club, Hollywood ... . SB 

World Wide Soviet Republic. 157 

Wulfskeel. Kar! ,; , 20 

X, see Trade Union Educational League. 

Yale University, 

Cosmopolitan Club of . 114 

Use of radical literature \i\ il-s 

Yanishevskaya. I , 1 S7 

Yaraell, Miss Esther (1:1 

Young, Art 7^ 

Young Communist Internationale 87, 08 

Young Communist League to fight the 

Church ..... .OT, 68 

Young Comrade, a publication , 94 

Y. M. C. A. 153 

Young People's Communist League 85, 99 

Young People's Forum, Los Angeles 88 

Young People's Socialist League 93 

Young Women's League 63 

Young Workers* League, 

Branch of C P. A., and aims 05, 66, 99 

Organized by Robert Minor 98 

Young Worker, The, a publication 66 

Youngstown (Ohio) 95 

Youth, a publication ,66, 68 

Yugoslavia 75 

Zagreb , 75 

Zehenergruppen (nuclei of ten) 263 

Zetkitt, Clara ,,, 12 

ZinoWev (Apfelbaum), 

All-Russ. Cent. Ex, Com 74 

Appeals to English Workers.... ST 

Chief, Central Office, Propaganda Sec- 
tion 79- 

Ex. Com,, Third Internationale .11, 13 

Instructions to C. P. A 37 

"Monopoly of legality" speech 9 

PoUtbureau i» 

Secret orders for propaganda in. Army 

and Wavy 158 


A propaganda center 75 

Women's meeting at ISO 

Dangerous elements in. 
Direct political action of-