Revolutionary Age Vol. I #32 May 24, 1919

r

rhe Revolutionary Age,

A Chronicle and Interpretation of International Events

Vol. I, No. 32

Saturday, May 24, 1919

Price 3 Cents

rHERE is a coiif 1^1 racy m action against the peace
;,nd Hbeny of the world, against the peace .iiul
liappine-<;s of the workerb. This conspiracy is
ipriscd in.inlernntional Capitalism an<l Importal-
aiui i1h' ija^crnincnts they control,
le \vorkei> arc not conscious of the fact, generally,
event? today are shaping; the destiny of the worhi
years to come. Nor are they conscious of the fact
what is being decided by international Imperial-
however remote it may appear, directly aftects
r interests as workers.

licre was a period wheti the average American

sidered international affairs, and particnlarly En-

.&an ali'air.-;. as wholly alien to him. He conld not

lerstand liow they affected the interests of Ame-

■n citizens, of the workers. The "splcudicl isol-

"■ of the I'nited States developed complacency ;

cans glorwd in the fact of enormons sirength

If-sufficiency, Why bother about Enrope''

years ago conditions determined that no nation

any longer be snfficient unto itself. Modern

Shall They Put it Over?

ihev !,,*"' '^'''- -'*^'^" ^^'^ demobilized can't gel in|)^ (if -ofHisK engage in the struggle for Socialism.

itv i^ft johv where they meet tlic ahoiiiin,d)le con- Thi- >t niggle for Socialism mean^ a struggle of the

fits'T— 'l '- 'ip'tali.sni has secured cnorniou.s pro- workers to secure control of their own destiny, to

s. )a^ bcconie richer an<l mightier; but the workers organize the world for the workers. It means a strug-
' ' ■■ • j^^^ gj^ ^^j. workers' control of industry, — for a new so-

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la Lega delie Nazioni suile basi maUerme

del capitalismo

}'rt)})i "L'Aviintr
THK LliXC.UE OF NATIONS HAS ITS
BASIS IN CAPITALISM

-^pitalism, with its enormous concentration of in-
iifstry, with its iron necessity of securing new markets
or surplus products and surplus capital with its slnig-
^^lelor iindeyc]u])ed territory.— ended the isolation of
Rations, [t is characteristic of Imperialism, tlic ]H(i-
ject.s of wldcli are um"vcr,sah to drag within its scnpc
^'1 naitnns ;nid all peoples, willy-nilly. The I'nitcd
k!'^'I[^'/^'''' ^^ ^''^'^^ <lcve!opment of industry, was
,^}'^^V, drawn into the maelstrom of international i>nl-
' 'c^- ot world Imiicrialism. — a [process of which ihe
3si majority of otir peo])lc were unaware. Develop-
lents are largely determined, not by the conscious
j" of peoples, but by the iron necessity of economic
Icvelopment.

P ''''^t- clash of Imperial!
'■'"'■Oiiean war The
^^•^"•Id powei

must meei the old conditions and the old struggle
1 ne working class has secured nothing out of thc\var
excqn death and misery, white our Ca]utalisni has
secured virtual world power.

Thai is ilie new world ! Capitalism, out of the war,

s snatching new life and new power. It is organizing

^eh to maintain the exploitation and oppression o?

me wniKcrs. It is irymg to continue it>^ domination

ot tlic world, to make reaction and oppression supreme.

10 this end, it lomis a camout^aged Eeaijuc of

-vmons which IS simply .in instrument to maintain

IK power of the .strongest imperiaHstic nations. This

'-caguc IS based upon Capitalism, to promote the pro-

Jii^;^ and supremacy of Capitalism. I'nder its shield

co!omal_ peoples are being subjected to new slaverr and'

oppres.sion; under its shield, the world is being tcrrit-

ormlly an< hnancially divided among the great powers.

sw'^"'i V'^""' ^*^^>^' -I'^P^" ^"^l' ^^'^ L-nitc<l
- ^atc^_^ 1 he Imperialism of these nations is a.scend-
■»m. I he slavery of colonial peoples is ncccs.sarv to
tliem, nnd this slavery is made more inten.sc

.hi-- IS a threat to the peace and liberiv of the world
a direct threat to our own workers' naice and lihcnv
t lie European workers didn't bother nuicii i:i the
P-'M about their governments enslaving colonial pco-
[^ics It seemed far away, and not concerning them
di_reci!\ : but. out of the com]ictition to sccm-e control
ot colonial neopies came the war. in which the l^iro-
•icnn \\orkcrs paid an enormou.'? price for their blind
;>oh_cv nn international affairs. Imperialism is directed
^i£;amst the iirolctariat. and unless the proletariat over-
I h rows Imperialism, the workers will ultim.atciv pa^'
ihe prrce in death and agony.

Th.' IV.tce Conference at' I'aris. h. ii. iM],eriah'Mic
i>ohc\. 1. preparing new wars. Thai i^ inevii'd)le.
Lainiah-m cannot exist without wars: and in these
wnr- n -s the nroletariat that pays the \y:\cK\

Iln- the workers apparently are not inieresicd Thcv
do IK t concern themselves witli these imtjilnn^. T!-,ev
do nnt realize that their own destinv as workers w
intimatciv connected with the gxeat cons]>iracv in Pari-;
against the peace and liberty of the world.

But this conspiracy is equallv in action at home.
Lnem{)loymcnt is on the increase: violence is u.scd
against strilvcs and Socialists; the government of the
capitalists is preparing to imnose a reign of terror
upon workers who are conscious of their class and
who engage in the .struggle against Capitalism. Reac-
tion is ascendant, and wdll heroine more brutal in the
measure that the .\merican proletariat does not pro-
lesl and act.

\\e were promised a new world onl n\ the w.ir.
Hnl flial rn'w ivorld is coming only in those lutlidiis
where lite proletariat has acted for the Mverihi-on of
Capitalism and Imperialism, where the workers ha\e
crushed the power of capital and organized (heir own
goxernment. — the Soviet Republics of Russia and
[lungarv. Everywhere else Ihe "new world" is the
old world of oppressive Capitalism, made much wor.sc
l>y new means of of oppression and c\pI(M't,ition.
There is no hope for the workers unless thev con-

cial system in which the workers will control their
own jobs, in which industry will be managed for the
happiness of the w-orkers and not for the profits of the
employers. It means a new government of the organ-
ized worker.s, and of the workers alone.

Workers" control of industry, exercised by means
of their own organizations in the shops and the indus-
trial vote, is the basis of the new social system pro-
])osed by Socialism. Not the state, not politicians and
bureaucrats, but the workers themselves shall man-
age industry for the workers — for peace and liberty
and happiness.

Capitalism is breaking dowm. Capitalist parlia-
mentary government is breaking down. But Capital-
ism tries to maintain its supremacy. Awd this means

iism ]}rovoked the
issue in this war was
,, . which iniperiaii.sni should

'"•'l^ ilK' development of the world eco-

"'■"'"lealK ;u,c]
'latent Iv (if

maucially. This war. ap-
iin concern lo America, drew
",','.' '■*""!"> ink) its sweep, because in a
conM ' ^•"■.;^"'"''I Povver the Cnited States
"'" :'h"rd iieutralitv. The \mericaii

U'ork

'Snm to

''" 'i:»tions

^\t-'re con.seripted. iiujbilized, and
'•"iirope. In this new epoch.

. ,are concerned in the struggle
'"Periahsm.

Ij'l ';-;"K :i new world.

sioii ■ ]^'?'^'"^^-'^— 'T^ore misery and oppres

Th-.i '^'^'V' "*^ flp'iiocracv— more read ion

. • ' l^ t u- new world that has come out ''"il
nie u;n'I

•onsidered as a means of
a new civilization',
over. Instead of peace

8 ritorno dalla guerra

^

Kl- rikX I'KOM Till- WAR
(■'I.'\\;miH" i.v llic Cciilral t)rKiiii \^i \\k ^ii.u.di

front "L'Avanti'
THIS IS HOW WE SETTLE QUKSTIOXS
OF N.\TURAL FRONTIERS

that tlie jM-oletariat must suffer, that the proletariat
must be crushed. — unless it acts for Socialism.

That is the great conspiracy. Il is the purpose of
Cii])italism to maintain its power, come what may :
and to carry out this purpose, it is dividing the world
territorially and tinancially. enslaving colonia] peoples.
;Mlo|iting measures to crush the workers.

Life will not be worth living if this gi-eat conspir-
acy proves successful. Life will be a nighttnare of
misery and oppression, of new wars and threats of
war, if Capitalism maintains itself in power. Tlie
proletariat must act against Capitalism. The prole-
lariat must realize its class position, must organize to
crush Capitalism. The accomplishment of the over-
throw of Capitalism alone can assure the
peace and liberty of the world. The com-
ing of Socialism alone can assure broad
and work and happiness to the workers.

.Ml the world problems arc, after all.
simply problems of industry. The complex
problems at Paris, the sinister purposes of
Iniperialism, can be disixiscd of in a verv
simple way: by the wxirkers using their
industrial ]H>wer to overthrow CapUalism,
organize worker^* control of industrv. to
reali.n" the in<lustrial <!emocrac\- of com-
niunist Socialism.

The workers possess the jwwer. They
nuist use tlie power. Capitalism must twt
fnit It over. The proletariat must rally to
the cause and the struggle of international
comnninist Sociah'snu

I

THE REVOHITfONARY AGE

Saterday, May 24

l>lf

The Revolutionary Age

A Chronicle And Interpretation of International Events

r^)!MS C. Ftv'AiN \

Coiitrihutiiuj /Idifors
Joirx Rkkd
iV. I. H(i[-uvvi<.[f
Ltmwn; I.<iri:

Edifor

Sen K.vta\ama
r. E. Fp.Rr.usoN'

hriii'Tiiijr universal peJtce and (lisannanient. ;trri hring"-
\n^ m'w rhrcnts of war and more armaments^ Th<».
,lis;trm;uiient o-f ( fcrnmny is not a step toward uni-
versal disarnjfunent. bni ;i njcans f/f proter.ting; the
fmperiafisni f)!' the ' Ircai Powe^^». The rdcaln of the
war — hut why wrwU- \vords?

Which International?

i-fr-: firs I

tioTial. \v

ncri'f^'-

The President's Message

when enormoui* probknin

when new yocisi forre« «r'
(Jongres.s, during th^ war
cc»mpetcnt, a mere !acke%
mon^tratcd no initiative, ;
standing of the coni^troctive iitfe/i, of tr^ pcf ■,

y '■>f (/

1

onven

fit the Communist fnterna- vestigatJon— that was the only acrivit. .,. ,^,
ed at Moscow March 2-6 compounded of canioufla)?e and iricwnpeteivce"'''^

ISSll-D EVERY SATURDAY

!^- r^xvL Boston, Socj.ujst Paktv

II. (. St[ iNKK, business Mamujei'

SS^ \\ i^lnii.s^inii St.. Boston, Mass.

SithsffiMion Si. no /'/./- .r/.r mouths (26 issues)

H'jtuilf rrdrrs Jc a copy

~ npoti the ini!i;ni\c of the Communist Party of
Russia f r.oNhf.-viki ) adopted a Manifesto and Pro-
rnini uhich i'^ (he new charier of international rev-
)lnti<.nMi-v Sn-iidiMn. 1'hts M^nilV^lo rinrl froj^ram
V in ;u-i-fir([ r(|ii;il!'* with i!h- f;icl^ of cnntcini.orary
Ic\c1f>inncnt ;t!i'i il"' ■^\^\v\\ of rcvohitionarv Social-

iiciilal ]

an

rainsL

The Militant Strike

TVIEMV. is a revniutionary movement of the -proie-
ini-'nt ilc-relopinq- in Canada. T^hor is awaken-
inc !n i '-'.n^ciousncss of class and the necessity of
nn'lifain ration. The riemobilized soldiers are not ac-
ceptinir dtveptiotT, and express a radical spirit. In
AVinnif)C5f at this moment there is a general strike
which contrnls the city. Tt is not the old passi\'~e
strrke, \n\\ a inih'latil =:triK'e, — the sort of strike ont
of which de\-cloij-; [lu/ iiiass action for the proletarian
conquest- of power. The strikers have issued the fol-
io win gf statement :

"There will he no more newsoapers until we decide
to let them appear. A\> know the effect that a news-
paper has in moldin.ET public opinion, and that in the
past such opinion has been molded against our class.
We realize that had we left (he press open it would
ha\e taken ad\-antage of the hard situation by Iryitig
to show the public that the strikers were weakening
in their [josition by the opening of food depots."

The .American bourgeois press is indignant at this
action, P>ut facts are facts. The clas,s struggle of the
proletariat'is a form of z\y\\ war; and in civil war,
von must break the weaiwns of vonr eneinv. rnfess
proletariat adopts more militant tactics in its
bound to meet disaster.

a|)itali--
The te.l r,f ■'
Partv will '-"' ■!'
mnnist !m!c-';i;'
'''trl \. in -pill* '•■'
gress of the < ire,-'
munisj [nt<
Morfunitv I
refercndnm

[.< pritlcLirial auf! Ihc Socialism
ani/r in accord with its finifla-
) i'nga«re or pref)are conscionslv
• ilic final re\-ohnionary struggle

■'ic rr\-')hir''nar\" '^nirit of a Socialist
iri-'MiiaiKX' or rejection of this Com-
i;-i >:';(! Win tlie American .Socialist
'.■' \\< \ v.. ('. aligning it with the Con-
■cai i;clra\al at Penrc, accept the Coin-
''opar-" 1'hp membershin has the op-
flccidc bv means of the fr>11owing

new Congress i-* c^tfally mcz^mAt of ^vn^^Z' ■ '-^
on vita! prohiems. ' ' *^%»

f^residetit Wilson has isttterl an xfklres-i to ( t
At a moment wlien the world j* iti crkis, thi/^**?
dent proves himself as tncom^jctent a* < - '— ''^''"
I>rohIems that pre<"- down n\^,n the
deeds, — but \Mhen the PresMenf turrts
fleeds. he breaks down wttertv, Tht* i- ,-.: . . '
|.ersf>nal tendency, but inherent in i'-HpiuXt^'"^ *

In his message, tlie Presidei>t .says that ' tW
(ion which stands at the front in t^tty cotsntry uSL
the present great awakening is the question of '^*^
and proceeds:

qtiestjon of la?,^.

How -ATQ men and w<mien >• '"• '^o the daily uw ^ ,
rhe world to obtain prf>crressv» improvemet^ i- «!
ronrt=tion«: of their Jalior? . . . Hf.w are \ht tn t!
Q^vr^ ihetr rj^h- af<vaTita«es 3; ritirens arvl hI^^vI
iiigrsT'' . . , There i*; now in i-^rr h r^al crmwm,^ >

■ntcrest li'-twecn capital an<l )?'■

I>tit

CW>T*tH»fty Cff

nnin

{."^pni'tncnns).

he

wnrde.i ■

< 'onnnnni.'^l
nicnih'T of
rhis^ Mnirrp-le an-'
■■o'f '■\-es" on iii-v -
ft is sheer ^oiT-
••■'•iTether or not <hr' .
t'-ied lo bolrl a f'f>ii
'•■'■'■ns and the ^eh.
which (he Rol^hrviki

>r!; -'t'II rtarlici^Mt'' nnly in
. ,..• ( ■.i-iffTf-nrc ch1Ic([ in- nr
I nniip.nni-* Pnrtv of Russia

intrnnist Lalior Partv of Gcr-

acceptance of the Com-
'if the fact that it was

he first Congress of the
nig held. F.verv militant
:rt\', who adheres to the
!'r.nar\- Sociah'sm. must

hern rrnde rvident in act'on. If pan be ?nad<? r//**^""
'•••■c ;'n<l n^anif'* t --.nlv in ;•

f'li'^try. . . .

;ilxnir tiv ic";*-]--
:oul voluntary
workman. . . .

' or^Hn.xatKm of ^^

a:v1 mfthod of <^i5,n-^

, d Y« "*>» irr f« Wr^ozfct

■ as hy the common c<,aTM

r.peraoon of cap.tahst. Tmrag^ ^

J he or)?7inizatr->n nf industry is' a ««

'r> PTifl ^nrtividual inrri:.ttve ^ti^ of prS'

;irran:^ement. ... The objeo of rfi

, e^?-'- -il inatrer must 1>« th^ gendw

n of -nr'n.trv. h;..d upon a fa« r«r»5-

:•>? r-rrht at tho<:c who work, in whaftver

•^articmatc in j-ome organic wav h fr^rr

h)ch direrM.- ^(fecr^^ their u-elfare'or the j^,i

th

strike

s It

Starving Russia

T^Mt-': Soviet (lovernment of Russia has rejected the
* p'an of Or \%'niscn. aiMtroved J-.y the itnperial-
istic Peace Conference in Paris, for' "fccdine-" the
Hm^-.p^ neonir The eaoitalist press, corrnnf to the
hone, - ^iKnnatizmy this reiection as proof of the fact
tliat thr- llokheviki are dflihoratelv starving Pnssia
f >n the rontrarv. it i. proof that the Allies are deli-ber-
?+elyj:tarvmp- the Rns.ian ncople. in order to crush
the^ Sovifi Socialist Kepnblic. th;^t
p''^iona! Imperialism.

Dr. Xansen's plan was jwlitical. its purpose was
^' w.'^ti-cn the Rolshevjki politically and strengthen
Me r.n.nrer-revoiutionary Oni=k "novemnieiit "' dircct-
<^1 l)v f xanst general, and t^nanccd bv the Allies The
. ovict Ke„n!,hc rloe. not want "to 'be fed." it does
"nl w.nt char,ty: ,( a.ks sitnplv opportunitv 1-,) trade
j^orld on cf|ual term. lint the Allies refuse
"1^- ''l'H-I<.-:de. ;j hlockad.. whirh is one of the
nu.si iM!;nnons a<M. ni history.

1" ^uldition to waging war against Soviet Russia by
can- of the moM <-ruel blockade of recetU bistr,rv.

M^e Mnr. ,,n> w.-on,r nuhtary war against the SoviciV

■ ;nv ni the Gulf of F'iuland. While

\nirrir;ni I roops were to l>c

'"'Y''^"'^' ^'"icrican troops have

'I i^ war. flelihcrate and un-

''!■ "t die women and <-lnbI--Mi

, , b'^ni ,n one of its vil(>.| ,>,;,,!,.

spu'it w
fnternati

v\-ar and

lion, heti

ft is nii

The

- moment to discuss
M inlcrnarional still exists. Tt
erence at Rerne. ar which the
irlcn-iaims were represented, at
were denounced, at which the

t! ■-;.,

with !h(.
t

l-!riti-h w;i
the pri'^-v

tak'Cll nil' I

bepii s(iil I
-^^TupnloiH

nf f^lssi;,,

fe-talion-.

menace to tnter-

Tt5

du-ectiv cnnnter-revolutionary. This old
al, which collaoscd miserably during the
bitdi acicfl ag.-iin'^i the prolctariati revolu-
iH-Tn .-ind the militant i^roletariat.
ihai has become stinking carrion
■ "'i;d has been dominated bv
: international largclv
-ned a i>etty bourgeois.
■■■■•'< -ciirescnted the interests
aiKl ihc aristocracy of labor. The
national was comprised in .social-
a(in|/ Cainlalisni out of existence.
n of Socialism into Capitai-
. and broke down nnder the

Uh.

mftorr,-'''
of Snri-

liarlianii.-i,;, ,.

("'f (be miftdlc cin^s ;
fjolicy of 1 1 lis intert
reformism, in len-islr
in the gradual pond
i^n ll >r-as natinna

test of ihr .s-;ii-

Tlnt n- Sr
the movement,
ceascfl uTviti (It
ihc start of (he
ibe prolcfariai
re[>rescnted hv
inl(j ihe wrrrsi'
revolutionary Snnaiism.

1 fu' new ( ommuuist [utcniati.
•I'ld ^-''uiplrirh, will! !hc Sociahs,

'1'^ inlernalional contributed much to
■ "'ri,sputal>le. iint is utility kir-elv
";:'^'"i'' -.11'Tgcinv of [nv.erialism at
')tii century, and during the war and
i-cvolmion the moderate Socialism
the Seam.l International developed
iH'mv of 11k- militant proletariat and

■pori^

it IK 1

ll is (

lenialtoual. [(
'•ialism ,yf ih^.
'b-niK upon (he
revcdnti'in;,r\ ,;
ship. Th-
net of hi.
Kc\n(utiui; ;:, :
in f iCi-niany >

bark

^inuuisl Inlen

-■_i .ni(i (]ir
iH--n) iptist

ilbrc.iks definitely
ot (he Second Tn-

^'cvolntionary )^r>-
jd'iniiug'itscif
Mar-xisni, niK>n
';'^^tarian rhciator-
f'^nal is the prod^
H-e of the Bolshevik
]'■>''' acan Revohition
^■t'l't the Communist
^'"udalisni.

■ HTord

■*■ in'

regukii
rioing

buibi' :..,■■"; '

pcoi
grc; ■

not dt-.irnuM" ' v.
iiig to depend inoi-(
u large na\
to he conclndcf] hot
the United States

Partial Disarmameiit

" ''"^■'"^ '^^ "> hr h"niile<i („ i,^,.,„Kt
'^r i'> thr (rnns of peace, Drastic
'P^-'--;l wuni wd! prevent f>rni.anv
\"'^'>* ' rn .;v:, did to Xapoleon-^-
'.'■■ Tiiere are Imtn'^
'<> i?reet this .us ,

, , ibit (he Allic

'" '■■■'• ^oil(r,.r^. ih
ban e\-c
\n olTensive

weni France, (Went
Crcat firitntr

ire

prej^ar-

Y'^ ft kirge army and

' -le tensive alliance is

Britain anri

armyof 900,000 men and^ts"an'^-'^-^"*""^'^^ '

. . TV service seems ,h<T7T^ "'^^- ^•'"'

'" '»'<■ Cuhed States. TtlJ L'.l! '''. ^'^ ''*" ^ over"

ver>a! miliiar

'i'he terms (,f

p<'nce. jnstcid

Vni

Manifesto Edition

uiP'

K'lpatmg ;, ,.,,f„|

"■'tiiining the

'\t' prinifd
^^•'»--'l •■"Pics ,,h;,n .,^^.

'•^ ^^^'^'"Mgton Street. P.o.f,>,

'b*'";nid for onr issue
^'"^''"^'^'^ ••{-<'ft Wing
several thousand addi-
'vadnhle at ^ cems ,>^r

'P>- iire to plriy in ituinstr

What do the President's words mean?' Years xee
he sensed that the peoples vearned for tmiversa! peacf
?ind a new world: he aVticulated that vearnin? m
--rder to develop the ideology of "carry on." and 'then
bef raved the yearning- bv accet>ting a peace that threat-
ens the peace and libc^t\- of the world. The Presi-
dent now senses that labor is avvakeding. that h yearn?
for a larger life: and he expresses this new vearmnf
in words, while ureparinjr to betrav it in deeds. Th«
President is ma:: -dnsr for a larger mm

means of oi>pre>- j ^rjugatin? later.

Creat Britain m riecds is attempting to realize the
^'-ords of the President. Throii<?h "Industrial Conn-
cd.s" and 'Tndustrial F-^arliaments" the British Gov-
ernment is trying to realize the "communitv of tnt«r-
r<t hetw-en labor anrl c-ti>ital."" to -democraW indw-
ir^-. Pi-( the Prcsirient does not even propose ihf
n'ans of ih<^^ Rritish r,overnment. nor anythirig defin-
t" Pritam's .schemes are not captivating fhe wotV-
^r-- th- w^'rkers sense that all these plans are simpijr
-""'""' f'"''" maintaing the a.scendancv of the employers
.-P^H xhf n;.,>;talists. of Inffling the action oi the w^orV-
^'-'-■. Mditnnt labor is in revolt against the pfetris of
thf^ British (iovernment.

1 he- vital issite, the mtjst pressing nro^>lem of f*«
d'lv is precisely this democratization oi indnstry. ^
dnstrial democracy akmc can bring peace and Tibt^
'I'lf! happiness to the wfTld. entf war and reafi/e ttni-
vu-sal [.eace. But in bi.strial democracy, m n^ ver?
";'ture. itnplies tire end of private ownership ^-f thf
means )f production, iu-pfics ?.'-rkrrs ronfrpt H '^'
difsfry. Hut the ••(lemocrati./at <'n of iiKhjstrv' t»«>5j
l'^';cd l,y the President procee<ls n(i<»n the hTt<f^^

I'T-f-. ue ownership, of the snprem.•l<•^ ■•

'■'^ and the capifali.s-ts. Cntil the
I'^'TKit bre^kJ; the fK>wor of thi- c
dcm(^~racy is imreaHzabfe,

VVe do not k!K)w whether the Presi
^-y^e any specific plans f r rr.r./-.-ir ^?s
Hon of hidnstrv '
:' means to rejib'
"f baffHng the acm,-- ,,; •,,
l'';"vs are pro|K>sed. thrv w;'
'hist rial Councils- or ■'^:>,.-.
t'lnplovet^s and v •■
dfi not reidii^e
jncd- -particnlari.
''''»<^r i^ hrntnlK-
the emp?over .-' ■
of the ■ .
must '

M.,s

irdfty. May 24, I SI 9

Split the Party

N

York has beconu- ;. -ro.-.l '.rfimial. r, men;, re "to
aur iiTtr^nfy and ;< rlianpTicje ,o ,[„. 3^^.
tbrougfiouf th<> count 0-.

\ group of bureaucrats, drtrnk with power, clin^ina
,lesp«r<itely to tluit morlerate Socialist policy which is
jtiP vvorsi enemy of ilie militant proletariat, is not
^n,v rietemiinef] to split the party, but are actnallv
arcomplisfiin? t'leir siinsfer purpose. They are ac-
rorHp"''^'!''^? ihi^ purpose hy means of intrigue, by
iisurpafion of autlionty. hy iiMUfi: tbe tactics of gant/-
«!ers.

The siuiaiion m f.ocal \e\\- N'nrk h no Ifjnger i
local issue, but national in '^cope. These are the facfs'-
The revolutionary c(jnu-ades in Xew York, in order
to articulate the revolutionary sentiments of the mem-
bership, in order to align the party with the Holshevik-
Spartacan policy and practice and the new Communist
Intemational. organized as the Left Wing- Section of
rhe Socialist. Party of \ew York City. Thev issued
a Manif'^to tiU(\ l^ro.£,n;im. which has been 'adopted
by local after local of the |iarty, and which is in accord
with the policy and practice of tlje new Communist
International, livery branch in the Socialist Party
of New York City whicli adopteri ihe Manifesto el-
ected delegates to a .'it\- Cnmniitroe nf the Left Wing
The purpose of tJiis Cniiiinitirv wa'; lo unify the rev-
ohitionary forces in ihr ^(r-.itrc^dt^ ;tiiriinst the reaction-
ar>' bureaucracy; it "lv/a jiof >, dues frayincj orqauha-
liiiH : tin's is a deliberate lie circulated hy the moderates.
[.oc'il Queens affiliated as a whole witluhe Left Wing;
Local Bronx, at a general membership meeting, adopt-
ed the Manifesiri rnid Program. The Left Wing
threatened to cmuiucr the party for revolution arv So-
cialism. — its avowed and legitimate purpose.

The moderates, equally of tlie Right Wing and the
the Centre, at first sneered at this mass movement of
the militant membership. Then fear caught them bv
the hair, as they realized the iremendous strength being
acffuired hy the 14^ ri Wing. l'nal)]e to answer the
arguments of the rcvolniinnn ry Socialists, thev re-
.'jorted 10 terrorism.

% a meeting n\ i]-\v Stale Coniniittee of New York,
n motion was afloptcd to e\[)el any local or hrancli of
the party affiliating with the Left' Wing. It was de-
cided to put this to a referendum vote of the member-
ship. But before even the referendum was issued,
much less the decision known, the Infreaucrats of Local
Xew York, about to lose their majority in the Central
Committee, determined to act immediately. Meetings
of the Central Committee were suspended, and the
Executive Committee proceeded to "re-organize" the
local, Tliis is now being done with whole brandies
and thousands of members being "reorganized" out
of the party— expelled.

Mot only are branches being "re-organized" out of
the party, hut the ballots of the left winq branches arc
oemg thrown out—the ballots on an Hmerqencv Xa-
tmwl Conventinv, and 6n candidates for the .Yatwual
^recutive Committee and for Iniernatwnal Deleqates.
-or this action. Lefl IVinq caudidates are to be deprived
of jrerhaps 2000 7 -o^pj— unless the general menibershi])
of the party acts to rebuke and defeat this deliberate,
contemptible means of retaining the moderates in
power

These tactics are abominable. Thev are used calcul-
ating by and insolently to defeat the' will of the mem-
bership. Thousands of party members are being
'^trancbised, in order to defeat the Left Wing can-
didates, in order to assure success for the referendum
to expell all locals and branches who affiliate with the
'-eft Wmg.

1 he moderates claim that the Left Wing represents

"y a small clique in the party: why, then, not allow
^ne membership to make its decision' through the ref-
^ffiidum.^ \\']-jv disfranchise the revolutionary So-
uaiists.^ Whv steal votes away from the Left Wing

andulates.-- These <lcsperate t'actics are un<lerstand'

aoie only on the theory that the moderates feel that

^^.j^l''^^''''"^'"n^'-y Soci.ilists are a majority, that they

meet <{v\v;ii in the referendum votes and revolu-

'onary SorialiMU ronf|ner the party.
the'Vl^^' <*'', i'h- >-orrn[)! tru'tics of' the moderates of
hri ■ • '^^ ''^f^'- '^^''^" "■> '" "inddy the situation by
ngiiig in all s,>v(s of irrcU-v.-uit issues, the contro-
defi^^'" du- Socialist I'aru of Local New York is
I "''*•*' '' i'^ ;t L-outrovt-r-v between moderate, petty

o'lrgeois S(H-irit;s,n. n!iir!i' .ullapscd during the war
|;"^l;-vln,,h is ,t,rer,lv „ ,uu: n , cv ..h,t mnarv. and that
of"p m"''^' ^*"-i;'1>-:ii Nvliuh ac.vpts the exi)erience
,1^ ^'^''^'^''^'-Spartaran ju-aclice, which accepts the
acm 1 """""'''^ Inlfiuational. and winch alone is in
tar;.>. ^^''*''' '''*' rt-voluiiniiarv slruq-gle of the prole-
iail.'r "'^' *='^'^" '"■ ^''^' ^''-■'' "'■ '^''^' '^"•''' '^^'""^Kle
^•merL '''''''*''''' """ "'"'■'' ''"■ '"""''' '''" <lefiniteiy

saho't!" '.""^^''••■'t<^^-' in .\\m,v York Ciiv are deliberatelv

agi *''^"S^ i-cv(>hni<,narv Socialism. Thev arc sabof-

&Uie Russian S.nict Kcpublic and flu- Uolsheviki,

T'WE REVOLCTrONAKT A^

.i'lnf';/"''"^*^ '''^* "*"'>' ^''« interna;
public and who are niacin- •'--
^'^"fry J^u Win^of e:
JJ-^^W Th. r.eft Wing :
'<';sH,an Soviet Republir- .■ ,,
Hii.; is the iss„e which emrr-
'he situation prevailing m Ix^cal ,,.• . ,., .,
Amlnvr? i«"e which afTectn the whole fufnre of •

ernatinnli '"^'r^"^'^" Socialism will pbv i„ the
ernat.onal revolutionary nu.vemeiit, t 'i. an W

^tion onl ' '■?'^'^' '^"^ ^^•"'^^' '-""'-^ "^ ""'^'-'^
rwiion ot the mduaut

Til ere must be
If'cal of the pr.riy should prot
in Xew York Citv. should

membersliip of the whole party.

emphatic [jroie^l. f^ocaf after

\ agniu<t (he e\'pn!«;fons

-„„i ,. • '; protest against the treachery

and chicaiiery which have become the h -

hue of de-

pelled until
f the party

fetise of the moderates

Hranches of the Partv nnwt nr,t be
ibe membership .-speaks, everv member
must have the right to aflPect 'decisions.

Votes must not be stolen from revolutionary can-
uaates m order to assure the supremacv of the moder-
ates who are directing the party straight to disaster.

This struggle is a struggle ^vhich is being waged in
the whole party. The bulk of the membership is rev-
olutionary, hut its will is being baffled and misrepre-
sented by desjDerate bureaucrats. Let the member-
ship assert Itself! I^t the national partv rebuke
sternly and uncompromisingly the ofiicial chicanery,
nisolence and criminal practices of the moderates of
the Right Wing of Local Xew York!

The Russian Revolution has is.sued a challenge to
the proletariat and the Socialism of the world. Life
Itself IS emphasizing this challenge. The most ini-
portant task of the militant Socialist at this moment
IS to re-organize the Socialist movement in accord
with revolutionary experience, to cleanse the movement
of' moderate, petty bourgeois Socialism, of thai "So-
cialism ' which consciouslv and unconsciou^lv is the
enemy of the proletariat and the revolution.

The slogan of the modcr;i(e
moder.-ite Socialism !

I'he slogan of the f.eft Wing is: Conqner ihe parly
for revolutionary Socialism — for the Commnni-i In-
ternational I

Split the party for

Call for a National Conference
of the Left Wing

Call for a Xational Conference of tlw Left IVitif/
rt/ the Amrricaii Sarinlisf Party, issttrd by Local Bos-
ton. (Louix C. I'niuKi Si-crei-ir\>), Load Clevclumf,
(C. L. Rutiicnb,"'g. SccrcUtry] mfd I he Left IFiiifj Ser-
!i<ui nf the .'socialist l\irt\' of Xe:,- York Cilv.

The internatinnal .situation nm\ the crisis in the
.•\mericaii Sociali.'^'t Party; the sabotage the party
hiirenurracy has practiced on tlie oinergency national
convention : tlie N. E. C. aligning our party with the
social-patriots at Berne, with the Congress of the
Great Betrayal; the necessity of reconstructing our
policy in accord with revolutionar}' events, — all this,
and more, makes it necessary that' the revolutionar.v
forces in the Socialist Party get together for counsel
and action.

This call is therefore issued .for the holcling of a
National Conference of the Left Wing of the Ame-
rican Socialist Party, to discuss :

i. — The crisis in die party, and action tliereon; the
conquest of the party for the iiarty, for revohtlionary
Socialism.

2. — Tlie Xew International; ways and means to
prevent the party aligning itself with the "fnternation-
al' of the social-patriots, of the Ebert-Scheidemann
gangsters, and the wavering centre; affiliation with
the Bolshevik-Spartacan International alone.

3, — The formulation of a declaration of principles
and purposes of a national scope of the Left Wing of
the American Socialist Party.

4, — Forming some sort of a national council or hnr-
eau of the Lef Wing, for propaganda, securing of
information and spreading information.

5.— To express and draw together the revolutionary
forces in the party; to consider other me,ins of further
ing the cause of revolutionary Socialism.

This call is issued to loc.ils of the Socialist Party,
branches and Left Wing groups within the party. The
test of admission, provisionally, will be acceptance
of tlie Manifesto of the Left Wing of the Socialist
Party nf Greater New York.

Left Wing locals are invited to >end delegates of-
ficially. Where a local officially refuses to participate,
hrances or minority groups in the party accepting the
principles of the Left Win*? should .send delegates.

Representation— one delegate for everv 50a members.
Xo local or yroup -should send more than four dele-
gates. Locals, branches or .unnips .if less than 500 are
entitled to one drU-Rate.

The conference will be held starting ."Saturday, Jmie
■jt, at some central city to be decided .tfter the distri-
bution of delegates is considero<l.

/.,•/■/ ll'inti l.onih .tm/ fir.tn.>rr< ,.,.-• v.-,,,/ ,,,,„,..,,,.
iV.i/ifU(\ /(> .l/.i r/wi/i('!. .
W'W y.'rk City.

BoWievikiabs

W-

sriH hold to ok-

PiUing: pJan'rudetf ag^n« per, ,
<*g3m«tt ideas rc<mlt« t* '^Vu .-
university text her,

M'ayor Hyfen oK
stead of houses ,--•
Marie .Antoinette .'
as a substitute for i-,rea<i 10
merely goes to show how fy.
was for not being a member of a;
* * «•

The terrors of Bolshevism are ap-
a comparison of the attitwies of Mil
judge, now Mayor of Xew York. -
tormer I. W. W. organizer, no-^- ' •
rograd, towards the housing ,
Holshevik, gives the people 01
bath in the vacant palaces, ij.--,.
puts the people of Xew York on rhe
can get a bath every tinic :? r.in,
Bolshevism.

American lalbor is oemjj onert-d t,,-
dent Wilson— in words. The wot^ld ^^
sons words on peace now become Aee-rU
watch out I

resi-

appailed at Wii-

Tlie .\. F. of L. nationa, l.ur,^-,,.-
general .strike to release Eugene \
class war .prisoners. Whv &hoidd r
jvill never become necessary^ to pnll „ „.„
-" order to release Sammy the 4n,p fSi"

'.ler
Tt
general strike
Tiricnn

Hut isn't it time that the n^ilttant wor'.
\- I', ot L. released SamtieJ from his iob--

* * *

••Leninism in Winnipegr." say the press report. I^
!; LpnFi^!'?"^^;..'! ^^^^^^^^^ and oninipSent. Is

enm.sm or just proletarian consciotimess of class?

are Leninism and proletarian
the .=;anTe thin??

consaousness; of

The
still

^faster is in Paris, but rhe
being heard by Congress.

'Mas^.

Former President Taft urges the ••.';ciiiare deal" as
an antidote to the I. W. \Y. Aren't mo-;^ -.r^-.on .-elU
square .'

*
The sign of Capitali.sim is not
tile double-cross.

* *

The Peace Conference refuses ;o pul,4;sr. t4»e luii
text of the peace treaty. Is it, then, .^tifl jnore terriMe
tiTan the summar>-^

MI this talk condemning the Peace
sabotaging "open diplomacV" i^ nnjusr ^""-e ,:iplou:aTs
nt the Conference are gentlemen: since wlwi do" gentle-
men wash their dirty linen in puhiir -
■* *
The iTew Congress already has
to consider. The overwhelmi--
concern proj>erty rights. They s
but what time has the worker to .
laiion- Bourgeois legi.slation >
■strangles democracy— and the \\<^-

Ole Hanson, the bour^ois

-till inciting to murder
I'.oisheviki. and Sociaii-

entf-giv

or .^yniiivj

\n<! radicals are stiil i-veujg wnv-
charges of <}otng the things tha
actually perpetrating.

The gangster tactsc
.are hetng burlesqued '.iv . h
\ork. But the .\ew ^'ork
furious that they can't Tt^r

rexolutionury comrade^

■ >T» the UKvJer *«'•-
deal by forv,

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

Saturday, May 21

IN COX'SlDERINC^r tlie period of revolutionary
strikes into which the Anit'ricati inolflanat—
and the proletariat of other nations— has
tnierged, it is important to remember that the coming
of the war occurred during a time of great industrial
disturbances. Strikes of great magnitude had shaken
Capitalism to its basis— class antagonisms on the m-
dustrial field were being sharpened whde they were
oftkialU hcing modified in politics; new strikes were
dvVfK>[>nii^ ; everywhere there was potential action
against (. apitalJsm. Then war was declared; and the
strikes ceased, proletarian energy being directed in the
channels of war instead of proletarian action.

But the war, while breaking short this phase of in-
dustrial unrest, introduced a new phase — more con-
scious and definitely revolutionary. The miserable
collapse of bourgeois society; the agony of the war;
the victorious proletarian revolution in Russia and
the developing proletarian revolution in Germany-
all these have loosed the initiative and energy of the
proletariat. The epoch of strikes into which we haw
emerged is, on the one hand, a consequence of the
revolutionary (Stimuli of Russia and of Germany;
and, on the other, of the problems of economic re-
construction which press down upon Capitalism.

In the Unitetl States, there is no program on '■re-
construction." The Capitalist Class, accustomed to
a docile proletariat, is not bothering much with the
problem; and, moreover, its unprecedented prus])er-
ity during the war developed a fatalistic attitude.
President \\'ilson, shortly before his departure for
France in December, "put up' the problem of recon-
struction to Congress; but Congress did absoU^tely
nothing, was bankrupt and impotent. Soldiers arc
being demobilized who cannot get jobs; workers are
being thrown out of jobs; the employers are trying
to lower wages to pre-war standards — and all this i^
producing protest and strikes,

Outstanding among the recent strikes are the strike-;

The Mass Strike in Action

hi Seattle, the strike was forced

ital strike of the first magnitude Tnion af,
ion has declared in favor of a strike to ' ^
release of Tom Mooney; some unions

nd

further and insisted that this .strike should^^ ^i

all political prisoners. But the movement is T ■
sabotaged by the bureaucracy of the Amtrit^an P
eration of Labor; and even by men active in
Mooney Defense. They decide to call a geivcral V

on July 4— a legal holiday, a dav on which it ;
sur<1 to speak of a general strike; and. nvor,
I hey decide that it should he a strike for Mf
<il<me. and not include other 01 laWs nrii^
.Moreover, the general strike is again being laW
liy the imion conservatives; it is now in a sort of
leptic state. '

In this 'emergency, the whole force of the Soi

in St-atlle and Butte .

upon the conservative union ofhcials by an upsurge

ft the spirit of action in the workers; it . developed

iiuo a general strike— the first of its kind in recent
\merican later historv ; it developed revolutionary

seniiments, in the proposals of the strike committee

to assume municipal functions while the general

strike was on. The strike was cnished by the be-
trayal of ihc conservative union oftu-ials and by the

displav of mililarv force by the nnmicipal goveni-

ninii.' The F.ultc' strike was equally importaiil and

dynamic ; ii was directed by an actual Soldiers', Sail-
ors' and Workmen's Council; it showed the 1. W . W.

(o be a real industrial force; ynd again it was the

conservative craft unions that broke the strike. In

these two strikes there was manifest that j)rimitive _ ^ ^ ^

initial mass action w^hich, when developing into the isi Party should be concentrated on propag^nS
final revolutionary form, becomes the dynamic a gre;it mass demonstration on July 4, and for a 1
method of the proletariat for the conquest of power, eral political strike on July 5, to demand the rek
There is still a mass strike in the textile mills of of class war prisoners. Large sections of Ameri
Lawrence, Mass. Strikes are breaking out all over labor are prepared for such a strike, but they are
the country, are multiplying. This is the peculiar 'u^^ baffled by the bureaucracy, by reactionary ui
characteristic of the period into which we have oflicials. It is the task of the Socialist to tnsiis
emerged ; it is the attitude of the Socialist toward this struggle, to concentrate on this fundamemS
these strikes that will hasten or retard the coming of sue. Our comrades are languishing in prisons- a
Socialism. Out of these strikes the Socialist must * - -■ ' -" ' ■ ■

develop larger action, must marshal and direct the
]~iroletariat for the conquest of power; and our parlia-
mentary action must be a means of serving the indus-
trial proletariat in action, of developing mass action.
Out of these strikes, moreover, the Socialist must
try to develop the political strike. The political strike
is a strike in which the proletariat uses its industrial
might to acconiplisii political ptirposes, to bring pres-
sure to bear upon the bourgeois state. It is out of
the ])nlitical strike that develops the final mass ac-
liun : ami the political strike is a suiireme forn'i of
political action.

There is. ;it iliis moment, an opportimit\ for a polit-

nesty cannot reach them, and we tlon't want anine
for them. IVe "u'aiit them to be released bv the ind
trial might of the proletariat, b\ class conscious act
If the political strike materializes, it will blazoi
new trail in .American labor history: it will se.
precedent for the future; it will mean real class
tion by the proletariat, an appreciation of the polii
character of its struggle.

The political strike is new to American labor,
it is indispensable. It must come. It is the fi
of the left ivving Socialist to develop an inten
oagandi in fgvor of this method of -itruggle, to
loi. ous of the strikes of the proletariat the actioi
the concept of the political* mass strike.

Socialist Parties in England

'X'HERE are a number of Socialist parties in Eng-
1 land.

At the front of the Left there is the British Social-
ist Party. It is Marxian in theory and its sympathies
are with the Russian Revolution and Bolshevism.
The party's leaders (Newbold, Fajirchild. Sylvia
Pankhurst) follow with great interest the march of
the proletarian revolution in Russia. They are par-
ticularly interested in our organization of worker's
control of industry and the structure of our Soviet
Government of Workmen's Deputies. Its leaders
proudly call themselves Bolsheviki. The British So-
cialist Party has expressed ,its solidarity with the
Russian Revolution in one way, tv publishing a Mani-
festo protesting bitterly against the sending of Lng-
lish troops to crush the Revolution.

Alongside of the British Socialist Party there ex-
ists in Scotland another partv revolutiotiarv in its
nature— the Socialist Labor 'Party. Theoretically,
this party strives to combine Marxism wit/h the teach-
ings of the American Socialist, Daniel De Leon.
teachings as yet slightly known in our own coniUry'
Newtold, m the memorandvtm he gave me for Lenin
(as the coming leader of the revolutionarv labor
movement of the world) characterizes the Socialist
Labor Party in these words : • *'These are the most
enthvisiastic Bolsheviki. In my opinion, thev are the
real Bolsheviki of England. The S.LP is ;erv con-
sistent and carries on a -wide propa.qand;i ■ ii In. i
C ? ^"^"*'*>' °^ literature. The nu-inl..M^ ^l the
f iTi u .l''"°l'^et'*^ '^^ "^"'^'^ a^ possil)le the ideas
1 ? . r''-?'' P"^^^i^'^<-*^1 the secret documents, defend
the Holsheviki from attacks, and call themselves the
party o the British Bolsheviki. They are our Lenhv
ites. It must be taken into consideration, in evalu-
ating this description, that the writer— NewbokL-i^
not a member <.f tlu- S.L.P.

Away fmui n. .lands the most influential English
Socmhst Pan>, the so-called Independem l.ahor
I arty. Those o its leaders whom I net (Snowdcn
Bruce Glasier. I\iacDonald. Brailsford and others) are
ot at a 1 revolutionary. Thcv do not believe that
here will be a revoUuicn in England after the war
th. contrary, they .iH-liev, that after the war there
wtll b,. a leaction m England. They expeet a still
more leael.onary wave in France/ Mow.ver , ,
ideas ,.1 Uns party have alwavs K-en opiH-rtuniM;.
Nevertheless, even these leaders slu,^. sM,u,abv i>.
the Ru.ssian Kcvolution. and are ..ivaiK niili<-u I m
n. They have also protested against M-nUm. I u-li^K
troops to fight the Russian RevoUitiun.

Bui the rank and file of the Independem Labor
I arty IS much more sympathelic tuwaiil ilu' Kusm;,,,

By N. Mescheriakov

from the Moscoiv "Pravda"

Revolution. In his memorandum. Newbold, who as
an agitator has traversed England from one end to
the otlier, is thoroughly acquainted with the English
labor movement, characterizes the I. L. P.: "Their
rank and tile, insofar as they understand our move-
ment, approve of it; they are proud of the name P.ok
shevik and without hesitation will follow vour exani-
j)le at tlie proper movement."

Unfortunately, all these Socialist parties are numer-
ically very weak. The British Socialist Party has
10.000 members, and the Independent Labor Party
-l>?.^- ,''''»^ niajority of the English workers are no't
alhhated with the Socialist parties, but are in the

Socialism and the "Majority''

By N. Lenin

JX attacking the petty bourgeois "Socialists" 'of the
year ,S4S, Marx particularly and violentlv con-
<!tnim their uncontrolled phrasemongery about "the
I'enplc and the majority of the peopb in g^eneral

In (.rcler.tliat the majority should really rule in a
^-'niniry. u ,s necessary to have definite, actual con-
>in;nns. namely; it is necessary that .such a furm of

i^'Hcrmncnial alliirs in ... 1 . ^ '^ ^iHirsc v,t

ihi. majority ' ''-^"dance uuh the vviil of

If the puwer (,f government is in the h^n t ■

-'--;;uercsts coincide with the eo;;nbe
I le adninustrnt^^., „.• .i. «v,ti> ui i^e

vlas

'"^"-nty. the admnnstriu;;,^ o/'lh'"" '''"''""'' "^ ^'^^

|;-''-nreahtv.iUenticarwi;i;.!:^.«^-r;;U-

trade unions which form the so-called Labor ?:
semi-socialistic in its program and extremely mc
ate in its tactics. In that partv the notorious so.
patriot. Arthur Henderson, wields great power.
the beginning of the war the Labor Party condu
a "civil peace" with the teurgeois jiarties.

But the mass of the luiglish workers are ;'
and gradually being revolutionized. Their s>Tn,
for the Russian Revolution grows steadily. Fo
ing our example, the English workers tried lo .
Workmen's Councils. But the English work-en
not >et clearlv understand that Councils— as or,
of the revolutionary struggle and proletarian dicta
shij) — can work successfullv only i^i the atmaspK
of a proletarian revolution.' Accordingly, nothing
lar has been accomplished by these Councils in F
land.

The old leaders— adherents of coalition with
bourgeoisie — and the old unions are gradually be
ning to lose their influence over the laboring nw
More and more often the workers violate the "*
peace" by calling strikes in spite of the advice ol
old leaders and the prohibitive onlers of the ol<
ions. The Workmen's Councils are in co"»
these strikes.

The revolutionary spirit among the Engli^^'
ers is gradually increasing, though the proce;
he slow. The food crisis\and the tlislocati^'i J
dustry must assume more acute forms in oriWr
provoke a revolutionary outburst in England.
Even among the petty bourgeois radicals 1
land there is noticeable a .sympathetic attitude toi*«
the Russian Revolution. ' The most enthu^w-
among them is King, the famous fuember ot P^
iiicnt. The radical papers, the Manchester i'**^^
ami the London Daiiv AV;cf ijive the best intom«
concerning Rn.ssia. These two jxipers '»'^^>, '^'^f',
pnnesi against intervention in Russia and ""*^
mvc with the Russian Revolution.

I'hc ICnglish Libor movement is at ,''^^ jj.'^
y^'-\ih. \cny and yotmger leaders ari« connng "l^
t't the tltpihs of the> working nvii-ss«-s. takinK

■ s .1..

En

places of the ohl leailers. the onportuiusts aiul.^^^
patriots Avlio are hxsing tlieir intluence, N'"^^^'

m h

memoraiulum

number of riots h*ve

have

t. o

iIh- 1,
inu-n

du' oihei
the

> i.hK, j:-r^f>'::r;;3--^T

curred ui the coal regions; to the surtace
a considerable number of fine vonng ^'^'";'""';,;
Hi^'.N are not yet able to oust the old leaders i'
ceinrt's 01 trades unionism in Britain " u

' he niev Itable iiisrnjuion lor which the «'»r
-iH'ns.blc and the industrial crisis vslnch ««» ^^
^'"» \^' H^is disruption will accelerate ihc P''^^^^
|U-uuug a new revolutionarv labor niovC«»e.

<4jlt*p**>

M*0 ?4, l<i\o

'*'^^ KlRVo\ I

I we're * A^^er, h\'^^5^« <vv ^-iv^^^, \ ^^^^,

Si- tx. the Kv^t^- ^Hi>^ Ai iHo Iskmi s Itou^ iHtiU

o!»«*t ^^^''''''' ''''^' "^^'^^ ^ ^^ ''^ **^''' "'""^'^'^ "^ *^'«?

^ lie V^'^'^'''^ *'*^ Ai^K^WA is ,htc tts the "gt^v^ser'*
,>^) ?bt^ ^\i\i^^" '^■^^ J'HW J'fo^^ig-,ior^^' who wt^ ^.
U,\^^ h^re ^^ i>t^>*t«v>e the w-c^Hh of the <Y.\itrtrv
l^\ \\h^ bwih Ai^^erioa. tite .\t«evicA of to-^lav.

tti s^tsms of tho UxXk\ md sw-oat of the "f(\t^ien-
^>- 0>^ tV b«\1viiug>=. the sn^ne. wood anti itiarhle
*ti « fAWta^tic visioti \vhtcj\ m^v^ks Oie u^h- face^ of
iU <x>*""n'* Knn-gwisie in thetv siiinptuous i>alacey.

Ilt^- 'fv-^mgiTer^" who bxiiU xwir ta>"]roAds, yo^„.
s»b\vAV5 A>H? \xmf auU-^itofeiles ; and operate vom-
rt^nes/nviUs ^tw factx)ries; the "fofci^ers" Who'dn^
^^it of the \x^^\■th of the earth llie dianiouvls vot\ wear
the ttKwey ymi spend.— these are the "foreigiiers" yo\t
vfc \ jcionsh- i>ers<\nited today. To those "foreigners"
^xH) ex^-^ a great i\eln, you owe not onlv the clothing
,,ttd yhoes yon \vear. hut the bi^jad vow eat. We pro-
auoe wnr wealth, \-onr luxury and all ihe necessities
of life, vitia <ii(^ by the thotisands daily from a^U and

lliey Must Work,

lUn VK\ V,CK

inil Not

^y Frank R. Lope?

Rebel

L>er>oj-frtft.>n

■vrd.. hsi,^.„A:l\^:-^\" ,^*^ '1i<^ tWr by fixo ,^f m g\i
^IfasTjfet^ o\n of the room. Wav-

Anotl^r

i \*e knew him as
siUvessfuUv to

NtKe of bnitaht^

hMUger

Who .-n-e the nndesirable nUzen? of the coninvun-
ftv,' the worker, the iiroducer. the lover of art,
?ctetVoe and hlx^rature, or the parasites who live on
the prodi\ei of others' ttiil ? The bourg^eois, whose
crii^^s are innumerable and indispensable in acquir-
ing go\i\ and sunreniacy, tiie legislator, the priest
an<l Hie jndgx?. the one who diotate.s. the other who
lies, and the niber who o<5ndenuis — these are the real
undesirable citizens.

* ♦ *.
Gatheret! from every industrial center of the couit-
ti\ oMUo^ ihc rebel worker, the dreamer of a new
ansi )^t,uofu! ><ociety, the lover of freedom and the
cinanoipaiion of Ins class. Separated from bis family,
his friends and comrades by the hirelings of Capital -
i'iin. thc}- are bro\tj?bt togiJt'her as a herd of cattle to
ilic sea port, to be shipped back to their former coun-
try, branded as a "damaged merchandise, unfit for
tlie market."

r/f: * t-

The social movement of the Unitcil States is ncarlv
a century behind other coumries (not so civilized,
of cxMtrsel where almost every worker knows his
friend and his adversary. In luirope, when militant
pmielarians^ fall into the bands of their enemies, a
"special place is provided for (hem. and very often an
amneM) i.-^ (Obtained and tbey return to the struggle.
'0 liK^rty and their families; but here there is no
i!i?tinc(ion made between a i>aliticat pristmer and a
cotiitnnn criminal. In Boston, for instance. T was taken
fnitn the j.iit to the cnurl several times. bandcufTed
in two professional safe-blowers. The public didn't
Know ilie difl'erence between us three "criminals." hut
'111' (wn half-covered (heir faces with caps as if to
' ■'■ 'I" ir crimes and their identity; but t was dif-
'' ■=' InoJdng onward, bead erect, with my bat
thrnnn backwards. 1 bad no crime to conceal.

At the Detention ne|jarfinen(. in FJlis Island, (be
I'Hsoners are (rcaled all alike. I except the aristocratic
<icnimn>^i jf you aix^ there for an Ideal, for Frec-
'i'Mn, or for Killing half a dozen human beings, makes
"" (lilleiTtRc: for robbery, forgerv, white slavery..
sUiuaways and all kinds of critninals of this capitalist
"wiely were there rluring the pasl months, many of
"Jem sick, ycry sick, metUallv and phvsicailv. Some
ffli'es of pulmonary tuberculosis and' gvi>!»lis were
'ii!«Cr)yercd among the prisoners, and more ibati one
':a<e of deKeneracy was discoycred but not isolated,
wtors? Yes. nf course, we have doctors come to
lite ryotii ,,iH-e or twice a day: but it seems ibal tliev
3'"*; afraid in cnutrad some sickness and rUii out very
nii'^'kly vvilliMut a!«king any tmdy nbont his condilioh.

■^••Mie id the pHsonet-.^, especially stowaways, are
wilhDtii clothes e.xcept for a few rags to cover ibcir
«'ii. ami the wiujIoWH tnusi he kept ck)se«l oii accoltnt
y' IhJit. wliich imjierils (he benlth and life of man v.
' ''Jiui a rnnni, where almost every one. sick en- in
^ »ori hr;dth, ^pit^ „u llie vcumM Hoor, llie lack of
'■"f !MhI jt|r!,| i^ ie-rrtble, eHhet- for human or ainmal.
j '""^ majfjiiiy of fhe gilarth are brutes, beasts in
I "]'"' f"mi. evei-y one considers liimseU in Ibe Is-
-iti) !,B tinviiiH niovf anihoritv (linn nnv lieliv Kln^. . . .
tiv 1 '''"""' ""' obHerver will noiin- their biillal-
'y flil'l Jli.-ii ^tt,|iidity. Stub are lite met) whose

.. "'rit "^(Hagc hiniltiris were •^binvti in tile ia^e nt
nm Up Huhhia. ., voitr»t' Italian munadr. wlio <t"e?'
'"*♦ "I'Pal^ (be Inylbh fiMumn.'.-. Vtn "- "-S"-^'

the -l\u;k ,.f r.alesnm."> tried nn-
^^•^*- the head nnS!L'^" ^'^^r'.'*"'^^ '*^^ ^^as Waten
^anein^;",,^ 'UTf;'^i,^^^;-^-'^1>^;. was ..e,n to the in-
^^'tll tnhers ^vas trauvforred to l^osion
The food

don't
5|)ring.

like
in th(

nii\

"««iu^rinfcc <|nitl,:h

d). when liis name wa«t

it-s bad quaUtv. ' ^^'"^ '^ ^"'' "■^""'^■'^^"' '^^^-^ <^'

stonnchs"^^nr, ''" 'T^' f"^^ ^'^^'^^'^^ ^^ our empiv
on >e,d^ '^"^ ''''''^'- ^'^"•^^vs Ire down

01 t e .f«o<i, and the pain of an cmptv .nvnmch

''bunks' ^"^^\^''■'"'? 'T'''''^ ^'" ^^''^^ '-^o""^' ^vith

;pace to gel ni. and after vou lie donn. be careful
raise your head or you will kiss the top bed
.„ i ^ ,, beddmg consists of three rags, small

!1 . ^''' ^'^'"^ l'^^^^'^ ^~=^" ^'^"^1 blanlvvts. but tbev
are not), one to cover the bottom of the bed. spring
or canvas; the second to be rolled np and used as a
P' nw. and jhe third to cover vcm. Steam heat dies
out durmg the mght and the rjuarters \crv often feel
a meat refrigerator. After beiive In.'ked all dav
Detention Ouarters. tilled with ctnm|)t atmo-
sphere and steam, yon begin to feel itu- etTeci xerv
soon, mv matter how i)hysicallv stron^r von mav W
U you try to vipen a window to breathe the pure air
of the mght, you surely will get i.ito trouble with
some one. The ^ame thiiig happens in the Detention
Quarters. Hugs and other insect? verv .>ften Vail"
on yon during the nipht. One cnnra.le '-^nrgested col-
lecting some of tliese creatures, not for the purpose
of sending them to the 7.00. but to <end ihem to Mr,
Baker, or Mr. McKee. the iMupiors of the Island,
the Rulers of the "Hotel."

* * ♦

Six weeks are almost long enough to stndv the ctni-
dilions of such a place as a military ho.^pital U "lean
de la Hire" happens to be there he cAu add a second
volume to his work, Th(' He}l of the Sohiin: .M the
beginning of December, 1 was taken (o the hospital in
company with another prisoner, bemanibv Masso. (a
stowaway! and |mt to bed in wani ii. among "our
heroes" just returned from lutrnpc. 1 fih hap(iv at
first, being among men able to speak about the war —
but, what atrocious things! . . . \hnoi;t everv one
shows me a .stniveiiir. to obtain which you must kill
their owner. A young man from tbicago showed me
a nickle watcti (worth Ic^s (ban two dollars) and he
said with a proud air. tluit the ftunier owner was a
prisoner; he asked him to ^\\v up his watch, and upon
refusal, killed the damn t iernum with a blow on the
head. Another man. from New Vork. showetl me a
ring with two tiermatt helmet<; en-rraved mr it. (0 ob-
tain wbicli he ran a bavonel throiijjh a wounded
prisoner's stoniach, an olhcer. . . . Atvotber from
Kentucky, showed me some tlcrman coins, one mark
in silver, one biass beer check, and a few copper coins.
/Vfler n man falls, be sa\s, run itnoUgb bis (mckets
in search of souvenirs.

(K a blind sergeant witli tince \eais' service, I
asked: "Well. Voutig man. what nre von going to do
now, without yoltf si^hl*' "Well." be answered. "I
e.specl to gel a pension." "Ve<. bui the pension, if
you get any. is lie vet- vvditli as nntch '^ unil- eyes. Do
yoti see aiiv thing?'* "No. btil di>n't you wol'ty.
frienii, I .see enotigh to tell ever\' man what militatw
life is. thut wliat war is," .Nimthei- niaii. from Chi-
cago, said: "If riu-U- Sam railed me aeaiii for the
toniv. I would first titmp front the hiirlu^ii britlsfe in
t'hic.'un:. '"'ad down." Another from Mryinla, said:
"After 1 get im- di^chariie. 1 will never Ictj the people
that I was a soldier. I shad he a-^tiamed. I ha\e read
some 1ifa)l:s about mlliiarv life, bin I n"ver helieVeil
Ibetlt ilttfit Ht'W. Voii will see. ;ifli.M a fs-u mtnuli'?.
a skm oh geiilletnett's ptaj-;;i .m dnm. reading,
'^nldicrs are no! allowed lun'*" Nnother. fnun
I niii'dann, ^-xhl: "nefore t it'in ihe atiny a^alh I
Hill "^ce the foieltjn aitnies landed in \eW Voik,*'
,^11 ,,f ilir pjiii'ul'j have similrn hi--torie«. Inli maiiv
nf (hem, n'- H"-^ • splnin H. t\\v afraid of eotti-l-nmriinh

ami keqj their tvrowhs shvii. 1.>ir>

names. My heart thriiled \\-n>

M(>pi>ed while these brave \^y ■ .,

hatred of such life. b\it Wy ; .\

my sufferings \VT.rc more a'c nt, > v

and igiior^nce Were exhibit-en

SoYViie of tire patient': were ib.^^ 'm ^ <m of lied
and jonip an>und, wlide otheVs \\«re Very %W<, as in
flie ease of F. Masso, N\ho \\-<t^ debvov:*! for twenty
live days before his death. The v,nn,tem he re-
ceived was terrible. He was a m.^.-.tio "(vm Somh
America, and the nnrses in eltarff of the %'ft'rd ab-
solnt^iv refused ro help him in an^ -. v h\\\ 1 must
say that the officers w-ere not aware of that.

.'\ Lieuienattt one day asked the nurse "Row
does Mas.so t^ke nourishment," 'A"ery \yeU. sir, verv
well." was the answer: and 1 counted four ronW-
ntive days that he has been without anv honrish-
ment at all, because it took too much \in\e tti feed him.
and (he women nurses (some of them) were very
"busy" sitting on patients' beds talking for hours,
whde others who needed care and help, but not V-ery
nice looking, died without any help.

The conditions of mibtat7 hospitals are nearly all
abke. but here. too. I found three wdmcn nurses, in
all, with a human beaia. helping the patients. The
men nurses, or 'AVard Sergeants" w-re better fit for
a staWe than for a ho?i>ital. ITie l>)rtors one dav
ordered a watch to keep Masso \\\ good shane. one
soldier during the day and two at nighr. half nigfil
each. The patient, in his delirious state, trying to get
out of bed. cried that those people were siarving him.
After the Doctors went out the supiwsed attendant.
mstead of watchin? Masso. tied hitn to the bed with
a sheet, to keep him in nlace : while be played cards
with others during the day, and the niglit wateh dbes
the same thing and goes' to sleep.

The Doctor ordered a window openei! near bis bed
10 give bin* fre.-^h air after the pneunnmia was over,
but as soon as the Dortor walked out of the Ward,
one =aid: "Hev. shut that window, let that s-ellow
beast die there." .Knd they did. . . And he died.

.'\fter two weeks in bed battling with "Flu," t Was
ordered to get up. 1 recused at first, because mv con-
dition was not gi?od enonph to get out of bed. but
thinking that probably tbev knew mv condition better
than myself. 1 accepted: with the aid of two men I
was seated on a chair for a while, until I tilled for
their help to nut me back to bed.

The «5amp day I began to feel an acute pain in mv
chest and back. an<l head. At that moment. I had
lost all hoi)e of winning the battle, at the same time
the 1>octor told the nurses tbr>t I was gone. "Flu
and pneumonia, he is Fotre." One day at dinner time
'^'p nurse camr in and a'^ked: "HoW manv of vou have
bad no dinner?" She beo7\n to count. "Hlte. two,
dn-ee," ftir'^ed to the other row of beds and begun,
"t^ne. two." . . ".Ml riehl, three whites and two
hninigra!its," she <;aid The inntiigrants were as white
as the others.

In mv fifth week. I was transferretl to \\'ard T2
on a wheel chair, withmit enough cover m pnitect me
from the cold, across the knw and narrow oath, and
sick arain for a few days. At this War^l there were
no bed patients except one invalid youui? Cireek. about
cp\ptUeen veats of apr, \\\ bed for tiearU two vears.
The W'ard Serpeants he'-e were more cruel and abus-
ive than the others. When the ti^-eek asked for any
thiuG^. the first answer tw. received -vas. 'T wi<ib \i>n
die. ("teorp-e . . . you will "javp n lot of Work for us."
This t'treek in the morning of lantiary tr. was beaten
^*;ith clenched fists hv one nf (be attendants, and
Toaquin Flores, another t^atieiU. was also bealett dur-
ing the last week of Tnnuarv. for '•^'Etisiiu'- tn wash
the floors, ajid oiie of his eves verv badly dtscoloi-ed.

At the phenmonia W'a'-d one \\n\- at eieht o\dnek
ill the morning, the VA'ard Sen-cit c'led to the tcle-

rdione the ofticer in cbnrr" and '^aid; "fan'-iin

we have a new naliiMrt — Ibonrho-oneumonia. it seem*
to me that lie is dviin-f. ^^"i'l \'"\ '*t-\s^ conv dnwn
antl see Imn?" At n nVtock that ni'jbt. be called un
as^aiti atui said; "Caniain , <l'd vou fiMret

i<dtai I told volt ibis mo'-nin" ahnio ^h- pen- patient?
tie is dying;. Will voU nleasc com.^ .lin\n"'

The answer conhl *'of i^e b^art '*"' '»■ ■ "^rrgea'U

entered the \\"-o-d exclf.-dlv •,- 1 . -.,' ■\^ (,,, ,!,,',,,„
diink of t apt-tin i . .n. ' ' ' ■.■ ,.>.•,,

"ilintn n Mew )' 'li' "' ■' ' 'i : I ■ !

\ end b'm araiti rtnd h- ;m •■. ■in^^i > m,m.,,i. > ;,p,|
closed the comieciion." . .

^'v nerseen'ot-s linv' b'>"i> -i-'ii^,. f,,) i Imi,,-. vvlnle
cir'dio.'- niv letter'^ in o- d ■ 'm |l-
ivbii h to bnitd m^ theii e > -• n m-, i'

of iheQC il'Me<? if 111" <' '•'' fn fli

mptnber that the \'\m ^ • ' ' r ■•^' ,,,,
<ded Tile •jpeelte "i" i'''- *'i''(l -o"
victims of ei^otisin of t'v '■•h. in n-o
is at-uiising fenr atrd ml ion

■rai

on

n( lie <'Hn-

I *l,^ „,i,,{|-iterl
leil in in-he'h \ .

THE REVOLUTIONAHY AGE

s**«^y»ifcy

II !s to ,111^ Eng-iish. iior a German, writer that we
owe trie first explicit enunciation in mcKleni form
of the doctrine that militarism is the noblest ex-
pression of human energ>-, and that war is the iiighest
means of social process, r/i.- Pkilosophv of War bv
James Raiii was published in 1877. \vhile as vet,
Treitschke was as unknown in (Germany as he was in
FTntfiand before the outbreak of the present war. and
more than thirty years in advance of Bernhardi's Ger-
many ami t!u^ \c.vt^ iVar. The author argues that
war and the rilness for war are an integral portion of
ihe conilitions of creative advance: an essentia] part
nf the stnig-gie for existence by which development
I^roceeds. Me advocates "lending ourselves (the Bri-
tish nation) diligently to the prosecution of Nature's
plan ( warfare) for th<i advancement of the inhabitants
of the earth to higher forms of being." -W'e occupy."
he tells us. "one of- the topmost places in the world:
we must war or we must be crowded out bv those
mferior to ourselves." Treitschke and Bernhardi ex-
press themselves similarly with respect to Germanv.
^Q hini also military glory is the highest glorv — "The
hfe of a soldier commends itself in the abstract to the
imagination a.s more than any other worthy of honor."
.\'evert]]ele?s, he will have no' compulsory service, "As
for Conscription. ■• he says, "if England cannot com-
mand ^■oIunta^y soldiers enough to defend her homes
;md mamtam her Empire, the sooner we give up the
role of a powerful nation the better. A nation that
cannot find voluntary soldiers oi her own stock de-
serves to be conquered by any other who can."

The late Professor J. A. Cramb, who was one of
(he first English publicists to dra\v attention to the
wntmgs of Treitschke and Bernhardi and to the men-
ace of Germany's world-conquest ambitions, was him-
self among the first and the boldest champions of the
self-same mihtarist ideals for England. In his lecture.
Rcflectums on the Origin and Destinv of imperial
HriUr.n, delivered in i.>m, he hailed "with jov tum-
nlluous joy" t],e advent of the new era of military
<-on.|Ucst m h.nglnnd. and appealed for conscription
n his Ln-numy aiui Fjujhud, ])uWished shortly before
he war. .0 i.-ir from condemning Treitschke and Rern-
anh tr.r their nuhtarist megalomania, he commends
Ihem and passionately appeals to Britain to adopt sim-
ilar national .deals. Xothing in Treitschke or Bern-
hardt can e.xceed the enthusiasm with which he
speaks of war.

whirl, T 'T' "''1'^^''' ""l"''^' "^"'^ ^^' ^ possession
u I 1, h. values above religion, above industry, and
.'io\,. .onal conuon: m war man values the nower

wbah the .sp,nt or man possesses to pursue the ideal "

ion anil ^um theory ot national greatness that he
bv . nt.cipm.on. wholly reprobates "the anti-Gern an
.races that have poured front platform and pre "
Knglanrl stnce the present war began. He declares •

Anglo-Saxon Military Ideals

"Amongst the Powers and States of the continent
ami of the world that [the strife from a high to an
even higher reality | seems Gennany's art at the pre-
sent hour. A^d here let me say with Ttff3.ri\ to Ger-
many that of all England's enemies she is bv far the
greatest ; and by "greatness" [ mean not merely magni-
tude, not her millions of soldiers, her millions of
inhabitants. I mean her grandeur of soul, ^e is the
greatest and mo-st heroic enemy — if she ts oar enemy
— that England in the thon.sand years of her historv-
ha.s ever confronted."

"The Germany of Bismarck and the Kaiser," he
goes on to say. "is a greater power, greater in con-
ception, in thought, in all that makes for human dig-
nity*' than was the Spain of Charles V. and Phillip 11.
and the Holland of De Witt "and a more august powe-
than France under Louis XIV."

Professor Karl Pearson speaks from a "scientific
standpoint" in a similar strain:

"It is to the real interests of a vigorous race to be
kept up to a high pitch of external efficiency fay contest
chiefly by way of war with inferior races, and with
equal races ,by a struggle for trade routes and the
sources of raw supply. This is the national history-
view of mankuKl. and I don't think vou can in its main
features subvert it."

Another eniinent professor, W. Ridge way (Profes-
wr of Archaeology and Classics. Camoridge) is no
less t russian m his point of view He says*

"A modern world filled with democratic States
would be a sta,gnant pool in some shady spot in which
no higher forms could Hve. but overflowing with all
the baser sorts of life. In-a word, in perfect peace

arr^ipt:^^^^^^^^'^^--^^--^'^^^^^

nf v^^^' ^i ?-'^'''" appraises war similariv as a sort
or biological divme providence:

"That is why war for war's sake appeals to so many
It i> a ^nnnasnini of the naked soul in which virti^e
renews her hardihood after the corroding comfort of
still? ^r'1 "' P^'^'- • - • ^^^'^ '^^^ ^'^-vs been and
deLtn fof H;r'' '"T i '"^^^-^"^ throughotit the
ex^^nd^nt ■.,;■• ^'"^ ^"'" ^^^'■- '^'"'""-^ of battles

extend ng over millions of years, ^ye might even now

^tlif 2.^'^ "^"''^'^- p^-^^"">' -^-^ -X

^.m K '" *''^ >^"^eteenth Century and After of

cy or .nefficency cf it. arma,.en,s i. the detertSfng

factor in a nation ^> success, or of a nati^'

at that culminating mometit of lone or^"*'* ^**W

mercial and diplomatic rivalry- tfw trinS!?^'

He emulates the Bishops in ihe^****** "^ ^
which he contempUtes the results of coH.^ -
cide as an evidence of the Divine nji^^^f*****
society; Hwrpose j^

"The Lord of Hosts has made rigiiteousn^
of victory-. In the crash of conHic' I^T?'
the battlefields, piled with the <lv "
the woimded,

mg,

the
the

vast ethical purpcisc nrf^i
the great majority of instaiKes which d^ • • - «
eral result, the issue of war has made fof?*««i
advantage of mankind. It must be so - i^ t *****
ctherwise, because ethical quality hzst,^^^^^
to produce military efBciencv. ' ^^^J^a^,

_ "War remains the means by which as
tions or races, the universal I'aw ihat'th^
supersede the lower continues to work.
Bntam and from the United .^tates when
itar>^ spirit IS passing away, this ble^t ot^,-;,!^
now proceeding. But it is not heard amn^T*
most energetic and eiScient peoples now^SwT **
It is not heard in Germany, and itT™?? ***
Japan. The wolf who has lost his teeth A^^^ •
to fight, but the wolve whose jaws are sfffl^*^
not share his pious desire." ^^^^Oue*

Colonel F. X. Maude, a leading militarr ^^
a^so gives a ptetistic turn to his m^ria isSl^'
He assures us that : ^^ ^^^.

"War is the divinely appointed means by whid, -f.
enyironmem may be adjusted until ethi^lTS.^
and 'best' .become svnony^ous " '"^ ^^

"-^ -'^i.^iuimiug our sir

Mages of Revolutionary Socialism

nterna- as a war forced ,mnn rU^ „..:.__ .. "^ . . ^*«-"<'-lAl

Mr. .Austin Harrison, the editor of the Enaihk P
rte^, who :s said to haye written "the bSt i^^

t-nghsh mmds ot our time." states that onIvT«
can civilization be saved. His imaginanW hSt^
erotic as lie dilates on the theme, as th^sT

"I do not niyself understand our theoretical cm
for no-war which would mean a con..npated civfe
tion ; ... an great creative movements have fionr^
m. or. sprung trom, warlike conditions. Even ^••.
power or tnechurches waned the moment they c^
to be btate Fighting Institutions. The idea thkas-
result of this war Europe is going to develop into a
abode ot Arcadv, where men no longer fight, or kar
to hght, or want to fight, while lawyers and poUtidar
rule over us with unctuous infallibility-, and there
no onger need for a stout heart and a ^'dripoing swon
—this is one of the drollest views ever kfiijled fortl
Democratic table. ... The spirit of fighting is direa'
associated with the sex instinct. Atrophy of the a
inevitably brings about atrophy of the other. ... 1
talk ot the abolition of war is to conceive of life wa
out stnte. which is its inherent reason and beaatr."

T '^''"'' """^'"^"-^S^S? - - '^^^n-l;^^^^^"^: „ eo„,„e, po,.., pow. .. .. S«.

I

i'-^ obligation to the left wing of the ZimmVr'
wad Congress, which was held in^September lor-'
o 1,nng together the International. This Conference"
linwever. wa.s dominated by the "centre" Sodalk^'

bes t„ tl '"''''I-' •'* '*^°P*^^- accordingly, a
iiesitatnig ai,d compronlismg policy not in ^r^r^^A

^\Ic/«.^lalvl. the Central Committee nf th*. Q^
!.l..ita>,r,„ „f ,\ur world ,0 S r^ Lf L ,='^°"™"<^ «-

;:l p;:;r;:f--^^^

P^^et^iat as this .^ o-^i.:^^:?Zi^
pose of subjugating foreign Without yielding tl

waged for the very puriiose

peoples and coimtries. "' — jngaimg tore.gn Without yielding, the struggle for everv Jo^

Hquaily fraudulent is the legend conremin^ .u ^'''""^""^er Capitalism, for every measure tto»

,.1 "^! imperial- means for organization and propaganda,-the Soa

"defense of democra,.

ital and politicalTeacJion'''"' ^''^'^"^^"y ^^ ^ig Cap- ists will havelo use all the"niea7u7es in our mhiin.

Ihe overthrow of ImoeriaU^n. ;. f,., , . program to intensify the nr^sent r;«r cri<^. ^ ^

the overthrow of
which means the

"Tthe°L."'''"' "^^^«"-' conditions arerS

.\t the beginninsr of th*- wi,- ^u^ . .i^^-

representativl of ?he proletariat r.F "''i'"'''^' ""^ '^^
only possible tactic a-ain-? Tm r '^^^ '^ "'^ ^^is

by nationalism. ^^arriedlL^Pl?^'''^- '^^^■^^^^''^^'n^ed
surrendered the U'orkTrs )" rj' .^^PP^""""^"^- '^.v
."'M '^ ^r^P^J-^ahs^n at the mom

>w of Imperialism is do^rIHI^ ^r.u k P''°§^'"^m to intensify the present nsir i

"■ the conditions in whi^h it oriSrn^te/ "' "''"'>' °^^^^ '""^^^ ^' P^^^tical crisis ^

he Socialist organizat on of cfS ; '"'^ ? ^^^^^''^" "P<^" its fundamentals,

'ch objective conditions are rin?' '"""F'" '' "^^^^^^ '^''^^ Socialism as i

program to intensify the present nsir cnsis. - ^
as e.vf^rx' r»fho^ .-«.,;-.'i __ __i-.-..i ._•_•. _f Qax^Q&

^L "V\l«o ^

«a- - fought ivith Socialism as its issxic
workers will become impregnable to 2 policy of
Jtigatmg one people to another as the result of ^
rimiing the domination of one nation bv another;^
^^- --*--- hestr«^*«<^

t
of Si.

''"^ Of war and abandoned k.7T" ^' '''^ '"'^'"-
nalisut. thereby nb, nf" , ^'"''^^'"^ntals of So-

f^rotetarian i:,ln-eT '''' ''" "'"'^^ ^^^^'oje for

cem^dt^?::^^!:;;;. -;^-^^;i2-=^Hsm^ .. ...

majority of the fo mer S\?c alht Ln ,°'^"^ ^^''"^^^
the -centre" of the i>artv r^H 1' ^''^''' ^^'* ^""o t>v
t'v. in France by 'hrmaioH v '?""^ ^^'^ ^'^"t-
^'« by a part of\l e leS /^t'"/"^'"^^^' ^"'' ^"^^-
trndrMmioni..ts. Plech". ov l|^>'"^"^=*"' ^he Fabians.
X'ashe Dielo). coit^tit ;: \/^;:^:-;-'^. ^^e group
workmg class than the bouLl; ^f"^^' '^ ^^^

'absm. because they m'.S7h?;,/'''^'*'^^"' ^"^Per-
-- ^" ^ii^rorting\Sociah4 rir''^"^^'^"^-«^l<-
afiamst social- f,,,f,.,r,^r ■ '*"^^*"P>'omisi)i(j

P^oetar.at and th, re-hir ff'^^^^^^ ^f the

ft .^ the problem of M e W ,-^"'''""^'''>"<t/-

er«. to aw.iken ,nd direct The Tnl "'f 'l "^^ '^^ ^^^''l^-

er.>? h^

^truf}(fl,^

nect-ssifx

trie cry tor new annexations will not oe sirci^*"-r.
f^y the temptations of national solidaritv which b«i«-
the workers to the battlefields.

1 he basis of this stniggle is in the struggU ,
the 7i'orld 'i-ar. to end the general murder as se^*
possible. This struggle requires tnyting *?«*^ *!
' redifs. gning up any participation in cap^^JV^
ermnents. exposure of the capitalist and anti'joctf*
character of the w.ir in parliament aix! in the JJ
antl illegal pres.^. the unwmpromising str^
against social-patriotism, and th^ use of «^^f«
0} the masses resulting from the Tt^r t i»tf ^- *^
m the uar, rte.) to orgamzc street d^mon^r^
agrainst the government. It is neces.^arv to a«JO^,
mternationai solidarUy i» the trenckrs, to soP*
economic strikes and endeavor to broaden

orgam

international solidarUy in the trrnchfs, i" -7^
economic strikes and endeavor to broaden JfT
whenever conditions are favorable, into /^
strikes. Civil u-ar, not ci,U peacr^th:^t i* '^5
Contrary to all illusions concerning the po^

he decrees of diplomacy and govcnimcnt*, t^

the

««f*«

itionary So<.ralists must impress upon »- ^
'hat the social revolution alone can bring JX'*'^
P«ace as well as the liberation of hufflaaity.

turdnj'. Ma>'24. ma

™!_5EV0LUTI0N ARY

A Dis

AGE

ON{KAni'.>: It .1 strim,i;er, iinar(niainUn| \xiih
,t,e controversy ui the Socialist Partv. were lu«ro
this evfuiiiff he might thmk. from the words of
apiHMient.s that there really wasn't very niuoli to
controversy. I'or nil that tins stranger niijriit he
-e there isn't any such tlnnij in existence as the
JijVsto ami Prograny of the Left Wing of tlie Anie-
,1 SoL'ialist Party, hi this Manifesto and l^rogri^ni
jiHvri"!''''^*'''' ''''' purposes and denuinds of the 1 eft
;.ic; and yet our opponents have not considered it
(lis di>t""^^''^'"' ''"'^'^ '^^^* ''"'*'^' *^* '^"11" to pieces th->t
„ite .statement of the prinoinles of the Left Win-
t iHvause thev cannot do it . '^^

t" the)M>lify of the moderate Socialist may he indici-
,1 one plirase. it is that its character is j)ettv honr-
. The petty bourgeois hesitates, compromises,
ot plant himself mvon facts and accept the imcom-
aisins: i5H*".S^P'^'- 1''^*^ P*^tty bourgeois, moreover,
onities struggles and social forces. Crushed imder
ia-in maiYh of industrial concentration, the petite
yrmu\ the middle class, does not attribute its
the force of economics but to individual malcv-
i^^e— to ^rorgan, or Rockefeller, or some other in-
idual The controversy on principles and tactics
.\v agitating the Socialist Party is a product, not of
e whims of' individuals, but of iron necessity,
the upsurge of revohitionary sentiments now tran's-
rniin?' the International, and which is a product of
Jt.^elf. Hut our moderate opponents cannot or will
discuss this social basis of the controversy. They
sonifv the strus^gle. :m(\ attribute it to the malev-
ce of individuals, They adopt the nolicy of pettv
•geois inconsistencv : and instead of discussion of
lanienlals. they offer vituperation of individuals.
•v speak of an inner circle within an inner circle,
nalevolent .neople who want control or disruption
the partv. Comrade Lee speaks, of inside rings,
I about men and women who are self-seekers. The
ft Wine is a mass movement, and you cannot build
mass movement upon the basis of' petty individual
iotives. Our opponents call us romanticists, and
n use much harsher terms. Lenin was character-
much more harshh'. Liebknecht, in the news-
■rs of the majority Socialists.^was called a neurotic,
should be in an insane asvlum. Will the moder-
never consider fundamentals'
: is becoming quite the customary thing for our
.crates to iiraise thf" Bolsheviki. Tt wasn't more
I) one year and a half ago that certain individuals
ne nartv. now praising the Bolsheviki, were call-
T eiiin and Trotzkv "anarchists."
\fav ill the .-ttidieiice: Wlio are lhe\'? l-iaina-
cander Trachtenberp-. for one. Get him to face
md Til t>ro\'e the charge.)

mrade Lee says that "Lenin is a realist," but
we are trvinp to burlesque the revolution in
>pe. The Imnlication is that if Lenin w^ere in
artv he wniild not affiliate with the Left Wing—
of a Socialist wdio has nhvavs been in the Left
' of tb" TntPtnational ! Yet there is a document
h nnswer-^ T ee, an official flocument issued less
three months aero bv tlie Communist Partv of
ia. the Bolsheviki. Tt is the call for a Commun-
nnErrf":s at v^'hjch to organize a new Tnternational.
is call are de=ienated the parties and £frout>s that
""ommnnist Partv invite's to this (Congress, and
fflcial Sociali<;t Partv of the I'nited States is nnt
rled: '>ut instead the I-eft Wine frr^un of the
■are invited Comrade Lee savs that the whole
tion i< ]y^<oi\ iinnn whether the .American Re\oIu-
H-ill lircak within the next few weeks or months,
beinp ;, petty bourgeois Socialist. T cannot
lesv: but we can prepare, we i-i^^^ mobili?:e the
:ari;rt for tb«* re\()lutionar\ struciglc aeainst Cao-
n. which, nbile not the revolution, is a necessary
aratinn. The nrobleni. however, is much larger.
Bolshevik Call to an Tnternational Communist
Kress says:

\s H Kav^k f,,r ihr new inif motional \ve mn-i'l-r
'rfssarv ilir rcconnition <>i tlie followine princit.lrv
liich wr sIihII cnnsifler <.nr t>!atfnrm. niul wliich ji:tvr
"rn n.irkfd ..iit on the luisi.'i ,rl tlic iirr»j;r;iin of ll>f
nariMcus ..nm-i in Oenuanv and tlie Coiivmunist i»;irty
BnUheviki) in Russia.

« The rire^iciH is ihc i>erii.d ul the (iissolution autl
le coll;..„se ,,f the whole capitalist
''KM Will inciiii the coniplrtc eollapse
>"ure_ if C;«>it:disn.. with
'■'"• '^ in>t flcsi roved.
-* Thr pr',l,]pni of tlie prolptarlat cono'-is in ini-
5'hatcly sciziiiK the i>owcr of the state. This seizure
the power of stair mean.*; the des.triiction of the state
•parat^s of the IxnirReoisie and the organizatton nt
"tw proletarian apparatus of power

irkl s.vstcin,

if F.uropean

tls unsolvahlc L-oiilradie-

J This new proletarian state must cmlHuly <hf
-■ta!..rship of the proletariat, and in certain plaeei
'' the snral! neasants and farm hands, this dictator-
'I* constituttntt the invtn»:nent for the systcmatie
^'fhrr.w of the exploitinR classes and the means ot
*"■ f'<-propnation.

^"^ the franduJrnt U.urgeois denwcracj— this n.vpo-.
'"<^al forni of T.de of the nnance olinardi.v-vvith
' purely form.d -nu ilitv >.n' t!>r j.rnlrtarian denm-

cussion of Party Problems

By Louis C. Fraina S'- Snciaiism

•'" .hixiver to

ijf/n-no„ Lre in „ Drhale Syw^

^ f" A' City, ..f/,,-,7 I

at .'irliiiglon Hal!, X

eracy
doni f,

self-j^ro

iilld Ihi

r lite V

■■(•rninci

I>ossihiht.\ ,,f
rfiitiR masses
"f llu-sr 11, a
■'.'".'"'•: "oi rapitiilist
"imsn-.Mint, whii-h h.
llH-niselves. witl, Uie tv:,\
in tlie p.vennneni nf i|h
the .Snciiili

ne iiiuviT
orfvani/atii>ns i

if the Work-
its concrete

liie reali/ali.in of free-
not parliiimcntarisiii, hnl
MS tlnoiiKh Iheir cleeted
I'lHH.ud-raey, Init ort-ans
ve luTii created l.y the
tiri]);itinn ,,f" il,,.s,.
niUrirs anri in tlie

'MT v^ "'^M>rnie,ari;;;,-;,;;r'T;r'"" ^'""''' '" ""

<-rs Couneik an.l siniil
form.

"'^- Ml, pre io 1 ' '-■^l""''l"'^'i<'" '>f Capitalism and

ne?nnot-nriv-,, '"'''"'■ "'^''7 Socialism, the Lip-
I'Marini It 7 '^'^P'^^y and its transfer to a pro-

th' •ork,f cl. " o "'? ?^'^'*''"^' adnvinistration of
■tural nrii r \ **''" ahoht.nn of capitalist aRricnl-

-^s'rrfin^S:iji-;:;-f-^--^''^^--^si-

thJ'!"" u\Z- ^"*^;;i';?*'f'"^'- ^'ccordinglv. with which
ihe Left Wtuff aRibates, is an Internaliona! which
must reco-mze the fact that Socialism anri the prole-
tariat have dehmtely cmcr-ed into a revolutionarv
cnocli. that Socialism must adapt its tiroirram and
tactics accordingly, that we must prenare to organize
the proVtariat for the conquest of the power of the
state and the dictatorship of the nrolctariat. To con-
sider this prol)lem unon the basis of whether we can
guarantee the comins- of a revolutionar.- crisis and
the Revolution in a definite time is sheer riodpin? of
the issue, a refusal to consider all actual problems
<»t the Revolution, which is not a single act but a
process of revolutionarv development.

^ Consider a little Socialist historv. After the tirsl
I'alkan war broke out. an enioreencv Liternational
Congress was held at Basle. Switzerland. This Con-
"■vess in its M:mifesfo, stig^matized the cominsj g-en-
eral bluropeati War as an imnerialistic war. not iusli-
fiable on any ground of national interests: the war.
it declared, would tjreciottate an economic and |)oI-
itical crisis which Socialism .should use to develop the
revolutionarv strtiggtc a^aiiT^t the war and Canital-
ism. But when the genera! Luronean \\'ar liroke out
in U1I4. the majority of the Socialists of luimoe
;diandoncd the nolicy of the Hasel Manifesto. The
verv men who had adoined the "Manifesto renudiated
it. When Lenin taunted the Scheidemanns. the Plek-
hanovs. the nup'ides anrl the T<autskvs with abandon-
in? tb^ Basel Manifesto, thev replied that since the
immediate revolution exjiected by the Manifesto
iinon the declaration of war had not materialized.
it wa-^ not in accord with the situation^ But the Basel
.Manifesto did not a.s.sert that revolution would come
inmiediatelv Ujwn the declaration of war, \\'hat the
Manifesto (lid sav was that n nolitic-d and economic
crisis would come, an objective revolutionary situa-
tion, and that it would be the ta.sk of Socialism to de-
velop this objective revolutionary crisis into conscious
rnvolutinnarv action for the conquest of power
\\"hen the revolution came in Ru.ssia. the F.berts anrl
ili^ ^cheidemanns said: "It i^ out of the (mestmu
that we in Ccrm-mv should follow the Russian e--
•imple Thev are revolutionarv enlbnsiasts. .\nd
^^!lOll the nrolelarian revnhitinii develoiK-d m < -er-
nriiiv the I'.berts an<l Sclicidcmamis nnposcd the rev-
olution, hi this wav. bv th- u.e of niurdcmMs torce.
proving (liev were right in mamtammg (bat prole-
lariaii 'revolution was premature.

This (lucstion of the innmiiencc (.f the revolution
i. uotthe question at all. Tt is the functus, of revolu-
liotiarv Sodalists to pre,.u-e ^- the i-evnh, u.n.

Molsheviki dirl "ot spring tm m Russia m loi^. I He

bavf batl it in our nwn nartv m
Mid the problem which cnn fronts
...ialisl Tartv is; Shall our |

line up with tk,

and the K:nil'^k\ s— tli
diall we loie up with tl
■iki. the Spartacans. ai

■h dcvehmed

l)cr

i>;ni in l'ainit>e; you

invmature form

H,c Vmerican ^-^^;!^.,,^. ,^„„^,,,,^_ „,, ,,„„„,„. the

,urope

ialiMU

jlcuflersoi
tional— or
the I'^olsh

L'rnUl

The Soci.
iiHA'emenl ;i 'ter
xva^ moderate S<h'ki
;,dapted itself, wh'cl
.inni/c the wfirld
^(u-iah-in. rcorc-riui

Yelhvw Ititerna-
" International of
I tlie Left Wing

die collap.^e
11. 1
h;ind<

iri'-toc

oarl f»f
pendiuL' >'!>""
tipnary struggle u

l;ilK.r.

n:itini';i

octal

,f the I'i'
uav a ^
led the d
national
It- die ^nudl houi
indnicd witli the
1 )ilicr;d refonii
rcfi'rnit-ni ;uid
urtler to re.di/e

n-iijanize'l
rnaliftnal

oci'lisui which
;.'sirc to revnlu-
, paeli.-inientarv
geoisie and the
iialinnal spirit.
ninvetnent, d<--

HU jlie rr\
Snci.iliMn

ohi-

ll^ '.Socialism was in reality iiollvmg but Slate (,^lp-
il;disMi. 'riiis parliamentarv, [letty bourgeois Social-
ism diuninated the Secmid Iiilernati(n]a1 ; ;'nd it liroke
down ini.scrably under the lest of the war .and i<ro!e-
larjan revolution.

But social conditions changed, and the character of
the social struggle. About the end of die i<)th
century. Imperialism rleveloped as the <loii!in.itU form
of Capitalism. Tlie concent rat ion nf indiistrv. the
rivalry of the nations for new markets k, vvliich to
export their surplus capital, presented new ecfnioinic
problems. The economic base of Capitalism nar-
rowed; parasitism developed, atuj. t apita'ism to con-
linue had to exploit colonial peoples. CapitaltMii had
enier!,^ed into an epoch reqtiiring new mid nuire ag-
gre.ssivc_ ]iroletariati tactics. i'ac'^ • i rlilTcrctues in
the Socialist movenicnt (level >,)■ 1 n.vj 1 simnliane-
ously with Imperialism. Th«-' i . icei iratioo of in-
dustry, the cnllaiisc of parliame.its, de\ehij ed the crni-
cept of industrial unionism in our coo;.)v and the
concept of mass action in luiropt ' i ,'.. renresent-
atives of moderate Socialism i .,.-,efi to hro.adcn
their tactics, refused to adapt tlienise'ves to the new
conditions. They continued with their m-itv bourge-
ois parliamentary policy, with their policv of govern-
ment owenership. government control of i.iduslrv. so-
cial reforiuism.-^their policy of State"' Cai'italism'antl
realizing Socialism on the basis of the bourgeois stale.
The consequence was a miserable collapse under the
test of war and proletarian revolution.

The moderate Socialist maintaitis that the Inlerna-
lional did not collapse; that the Tnternational did try
to prevent war. but did not have the power. But the
noint is not that the Tnternational did not prevent the
war, but that its majority parties accepted and jitsti-
fied the war. Is it not a collai)se of the international
to divide on national lines, to aid the imi-ieriaHslic
governments, to act against the coming of the prole-
tarian revolution; and then, wheti it conies, to miitc
with the bourgeoisie to crush the T^cvolutinn? That
is the policy of moderate Socialism, and it is against
that i)oIicy that the Left Wing organizes.

Rut. comrafles niav ask. what has all this "oi to do
with the .American Socialist Party'- The \mcrican
Socialist Party was against the war. it favors the BoL
-he\iki. it is revolutionary. But if it is all that, why
not accept the I.^eft Wing Manifesto anrl rror^ram?
The truth is tliat the Anieric;ui Socialist Partv is a
i\art\ of nettv bour?eois Socialism, moderate to the
core, shackled with chains of iron to parliamentarism.
ffs or(i)osition to the war, among the representatives
of the party, w-as either sabota.ged or truT^ formed
into a i>olicy of petty bourgeois 'laciPsir It is verv
eas\ to say. "We favor the Bolshe\iki ;"' but the iin-
fvnrtant thing is to draw the imnlication of I'olshe-
\ ism for the reconstruction of our own partv.

Comrade Lee is against throwing out the immedi-
nte dernands. The Left \Ving lias its immediate de-
mands in the struggle, but thev are dcnumds in accord
with the development of the revolutionarv class strug-
gle of the proletariat,— not the imuicdiate demands
comiirised in cheaper milk and democratizing the
Ixnirgeois state. Social reformism is the vi'al i<sue —
the moderates claim: we shall reform Capitalism out
of existence! That is the policv of the Congre^slon.al
Proiram of the nartv, that is the i^olicv of our ofllcia!
rti>resentati\-es, that is the polic\- of Comr.-'de Lee.

[Man in the .■Itidieiice : Lee intrfMineed those bills
''ecattse his constituents wanted them, f-raitt'i: Thnt
is ln)w you educate \our conslituenl'-. l( is linu- lo
(eai-h them somethim: about Socialism.)

Social reformism is futile. aM<l rouuler-rc' obuion-
arv. It is the negation of .^^ocialism. thai polic\' out
"f ivhich dexelnns nationalism, sncial-nal riot ism. .inrl
the betrayal of .Socialism. It is a nolicy th'il avoids
rdl actu-d i>roblems of the Revolution.

When the Russian Re\ohitton bruk
^L'-ernon Lee? He n-as iotroducio-'
!rr;-stircs in the Xr\v \nrk 1-.om-(I (-f MdcrM'oii,

When the Cerman Revohition broke, where was
Vlgenuni Lee? \\k' was inirodncin'; s|,i-i:il reioiiii
measures in the Roard of .\ldernien, .'od voting for
a. \'ictory 'Arch on which is in.scriltetl .\huin;risk a- a
rrt-i'-v of the .American tn)cii>s,

When the .American Revolution conu's. where will
M'.'enion Lee be?" He will stitl be inlrodnciii- sMci.il
reform measures in the Hoard of .Mdermen.

The old policy of our partv must end, or it udl
become a partv for the betrayal of Socialism We
uuist revolutionize the party. Wc must s(|u;trcb .and
uncomoromisinglv align the nartv with tin- new ( om-
niunist international, of the final strugsrlc am! viciory.
The ii;nt\ must adojit new and mure .iggre-s,ve liel-
ics. -industrial unionism, mas.s action, oroletartan
dictatorship. The task of die Left Wi-- i- m ^-'cansr
the i>artv of moderate, peltv bouii-c-'is .^...Mlis-ai, to

where
,-i;.l re

.-■hiin the [larty with I
I'.urope. to prepare our party
tion that is coming.

nroletar
for

the v\'

»rtd

du-

d

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

Mobilizing Soldiers Against Socialism

^^^^^^Ll'-^U^t,

ON May 8, 9 and ro Ptierc was held iti St. Louis a
coni^ress of "soldiers," to lay plans for organiz'
intr an American Lejrion of veterans of the war.
Things did not run smoothly. It was inevitable that
there shoultl appear at this congress, and in the "sold-
iers' movement," the same class antagonisms that char-
acteri;;e and rend modern society.

The idea of convoking this congress was' formulated
try men "at the top," The basis of representation is
largely a mystery, but it is clear that it was not de-
mocratic, l)ut determined by tlic officers. It was not,
clearly, rcpmscntative of the man in the ranks. Mil-
itary auiliority, and not the soldiers' democracy, was
in control.

Why the congress? The "sad experiences" of Rus-
sia, Germany and .A,nstria-Hungary are demonstrating
to the American eroverninc forces that their power is
based unon the blind obedience and subservience of the
soldiers' in carrying out orders. Should tfie soldiers
begin to think seriously about the expediency and
[nirpose of these orders, and out of their thinking
draiv practical conclusions, the whole of modern so-
cietv. based unon violence and robbery, would totter
to its foundations.

There are verv stringent measures in the arsenals
of "democratic" America to make the soldiers obedient.
The A,'nierica!i court-martial system was so terrible
that even members of the General staff "cried cut" in
protest. They were frightened, lest the
too-harsh character of court-martial justice
might make the soldiers erupt and acceler-
ate the catastrophe which our "democratic"
countrv- is feverishly approaching. But if
fear holds to obedience the soldiers in the
active army, this proves not so effective with
soldiers dischfrrred from the service. These
men hnve undergone "Egyptian tortures" in
France : death lay in wait for them, while
the trench life was abominable. They bad
to answer with their own skins the mistakes
and bhmders of their commanders. They
know tliat owing to uncoordinated action of
the commanders, thousands of soldiers died
in vain, even from the point of view of
purely military strategy'. These soldiers
hack from the war will doff the uniform
and don the overalls in no meek spirit — thev
will not as" in the past submissively accept
a monotonous and joyless life.

In order to arouse a "patriotic" disposi-
tion among the workers, they were promised
great things from the war — democracy, a
"new world." almost a social revolution.
But now that the victorious soldiers must
rettirn to work, they learn from bitter ex-
perience that these great promises were
mere bluff. The prices' of the means of life
continue to rise, despite the end of the war.
Instead of a auiet life at home, yesterday's
fighters for "democracv" are faced bv un-
qmnlovment. di.'^Dossession from their homes,
pnd other blessings of the old order. The
Inndlorrls are impartial— they skin equally
all tenants, even though they are soldier
heroes. True. Methodist churches are offer-
ing shelter to these soldiers— but it wasn't
to become b-^gars that these workers jjut
nn the soldier's uniform and went to fight in

A

By V. G.

S'tifdv in Class Conscioiisness

that, once given a job, the soldier- workers would im-
mediately develop into faithful guardians of the in-
terests of "beneficent" capital. " The spirit of reac-
tionary militarism was dominant. Hysteria was
rampant against the '"radicals." Representatives of a
Council of Soldiers and Sailors was reviled and ex-
cluded. The whole .s]jirit of the congress was to mob-
ilize the soldiers against Socialism, in favor of that
"law and orrler" which means supremacy for Capital-
ism and oppression for the workers.

To accomplish these sinister purposes, an energetic
campaign of propaganda is being carried on and cer-
tain "pracfical measures" taken. Former soldiers are
given preference in ajjplying for city or state jobs.
Employers are being Ixjmbar^fed with propaganda
literature advi.sing them to adopt the same preferen-
tial pobcy. At the same time, the main object of the'
American Legion is being emphasized — defense of
the present system of the exploitation of laibof, based
upon the ])rivate ownership of the mean5 of produc-
tion. The members of the Legion must carry on at
alj times a relentless struggle not only against the Bol-
slieviki, but against any manifestation of the class
struggle of the American workers.

But the facts and the indications are that this pro-

France !

The soldiers are discontented. They are
eycited. Measures are necessarv, any meas-
ures, ni order to pacify them— and soldiers
are melted to break uii Socialist and radical
meetinf^s and destroy buildings. There
rm.st be found an outlet for the discontent
m the heart of the soldiers— and pogroms
pre incited against the radical elemants.
They trv to make strike breakers out of the
returned soldiers. Thus the rowdv expres-
sions of -roups of American soldiers are
due to lb,? deliberate incitation of their
mastiers arid their own lack of understanding

The Ibrcc million soldiers recruited on
on the basis nf universal military service
were comiuiscd of alxnit ^5% of men from
mdustriai life. And now the ruling class ex-
erts alt its efT.-rt^ tn create m the minds of
these forhKT wr.rkcrs ( who are again to be-
rnnie " orkcrs ) jirciudice against compan-
inns (if vesicnlav i:i tlic factory and the
^bnp. \ll nu-ans arc rfsorted to in this task.
The "soldiers' congress" at St. Louis was
one such means. The purpose of this con-
g'-ess, acrordinr^ to its initiators, was to unite
all men fnrnierlv in the service, the privates
as well as the gcncraK. into an ".A.merican
Legion," li was made clear at the congress

Th e Most Important Book of the Year — Just Out!

The Proletarian Revolution
in Russia

By N. Lenin and Leon Trotzky

Edited, with an IntroducHonf Notes

and Supplementary Chapters

By Louis C. Fraina

This uniduc book traces the course nf the great Russian Rev-
olution from March 191 7 to October 1918, in the words of the two
masters of the Revolution.

It consists of a mass of articles and ]>amphlets written during
the Revohttiou, covering every important .phase of the Revolution,
arranged to make a consecutive story,

Co.vTKNTs: P.irt One— The First Stajrc of the Revolution. -bv
X. Lenin fMarcli 12 tn May iS>. Part Two— TJie General Pro-
prram of the Holsliex-iki. by X. Lenin (tactics, prosfram and gen-
eral pohcvV Part Thrcf— The .Striigscle for State Pou-er. hv N
.enmjjnd Lpon Trotzky (May 18 to the "uprising' of July 16-17).
Crisis. I1V Leon Trotzky (written

jcct of the initiators of the American I •
succeed for long Among the rank a.^ *"« *4
former soldiers there is much dissatisfa^- ^ ^'^ ^
clique composed of the upper strata of ? *^ %■
hierarchy. First of all, the soldier rJ^ , "^«ar^
sati.sfied with the name of the I^eei^ '?^. *''« ari
that the name "American Ugion^' does n f *^ s^k
aims which, in their opinion; sho-old ani^^'^ *e
gamzation of the soldiers. They ar * i ** or

so much in "Americanism" as in theirT^f^*^ ^>
and the mitiators of the I^on are ur^ ' ^^^''
concerned with this phase of the prrAilT''^.^ not
eous patriotic indignation they rejected l^' '" ^^-
for six -months pay for the soldiers-lwhich ^^"■"f^H^
well for the military aristocrats! '"^ ^^' "^'ery

The soldier privates, moreover urt> a-
^v^ the fact that the Legion is d;>minate/t'^'^
officers: colonels majors and captain "tu^'' ^■
agauist makmg Lieutenant Roosevelt nr^-"^ ^^ ^e
Legion. The soldiers privates maintain 'hfri ^l *^
ion could express their interests onlv when 5* W"
and file dominates. And the officers m ^ I ^^
soldiers— not the sons of rich fathers 5 m r P^^"
o..vn class, of the workers who from ;>er^^i\^
e>fperience understand factory oppression ^h ^*^
ployment and starvation wages. '•"'^-

These initial diflFerences and antapou^^n,.
drcations of the awakening to consloufn":; ^J^f
Amencan workers who are again 'ba^L''
workers after their experience in tt?^"?
form. They seem to feel in ti^Si^!Sl T
nothing good can come from the Rnol^''
ORyans and Wickershams, the e^^f'
colonels and majors. Itis'bes ^'^

Part Four— The Revolution in

at the end of Auj^ust. analyziuEr the Bolshevik defeat in Tulv the
Moscow Coi^fercnce and the problems of the future). Part Five—
The Proletarian Revolution Conquers, hv Louis C. Fraina (Sept-
ember to January— the coup d'etat of November 7, the Con-
\^5cmi)ly: inchidcs articles of Lenin and Trotzky and docu-
j It ';"^ . '^^ Revolutionary Struggle for Peace, bv Leon
Tu c- -^^ r, ■ l^f."'" f December to Brest-Utovsk\ Part Seven—
Ihe Soviet Republic and its Problems, hv N. Lenin (Mav. iqi8)

?^oSy^3^S^S).^^'''"" ""'^'^° °'^*"^^^' '5^^'= ^-^--

477 Pages — Afore than 200,000 Words.

r\iper Cover. $1-00; Library Edition. Cloth, $1.50.

stituent
ments).
Trotzkv

The Social Revolution in Germany

By Louis C. Fraina

A fun.lamenltil sfn<Iy of the great ..trtiggle in Germauv. which
s at the ..anie time a study m revolutionarv Socialism. Indispens-
II nnderstandmg of {he character of the European Rev-
rijchuhng two nrcclcs hy Kari Liebknecht and Franz
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Revolutionary Socialism

By Louis C. Fraina
What is Rolshcvi.sni. this "left wi

'ing Socialism which is shakiiit'

Jind the War. Imperialism, Socialii;
c"^cy. the collapse of iW don
of war. Sociali.st Uc;id
>':ate Capitalism, Cnir.iii
Morship.

/,..//?/' ^■'"">".'""' '/"' -f'^N'icsc Sodalisf, declare, thi
I'ook the truest »,tcr/,rctation of the ne,, devclop7uJti,

Capitalism ? This book provides

tonarv Socialism. It considers Socialism

i^m m Action, the Death of Dcmo-

m Socialism upon the declaration

.inst.neul Class and Nation. Problems of

Hu .lud .Mass Action, and Proletarian Diet-

puest
(iiternaiioiial Sociafistii

-i.^S I'

75^' -I *-'"py-

V^Iress all orders
THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

a^.^ Washington St.. Boston, Mass.

they will meet these

as landlords and business men who wilf^

shot Id part. These former soldiers W
mg their former officers as men of ^^
as bosses and employers, will ^^'
cilessly oppressed. In their everx- dav ^J
' "comrades of Legion"
•J ciitu uuDiiiess — '
them alive. And all this will sooner or ht^"
open completely the eyes of these workm
who were formerly in the soldier's unifo™
will reveal to them that "the master is not a
brother to the peasant."
_ This process of awakening is now in ac-
tion. The soldier privates are alreadv or-
ganizmg into an organization of their oftii-
Xational Organization of the Pri\-ate Sol-
diers and Sailors of America. Of this or-
ganization its president says : *in time, well
have every private that served in the ^var en-
listed in our legion. In no shape or form is
it affiliated with an ofiRcers' organization, nor
can an officer join." This is simply the start
of a larger antagonism, which the SockHst
must intensify. . , .

The soldiers who are again to become
workers must think and act as workers.
Oppressed and humiliated, the}- will join to-
gether with the oppressed and humiliated
who never wore the soldier's uniform in a
conscious struggle against those who Kve
from the labor and blood of the workers—
whether in unifonns or in overalls-

It will not be enough for the private sol-
diers to organize independent of their offic-
ers. They must go bexond that— to a more
conscious class policy. ' Refusal to oi^nize
together with the officers is in it?elf a re-
cognition of class divisions. The officers
represent actually or in ideolog}. the ruling
class of Capitalism.

The class struggle is the great fad, o}"
ineans of which alone the workers and son
dier-workers were fighting for '"deniocra^
ceases, in war or in |>eace: while the scfi^
diers-workers were fighting for '•democracy
in Europe, tlie capitalists used the ^P^";
ity to put over reaction and oPP'"*^*-* ?1."
The war has awakened many. ^ The - "
diers will come honre with new i<ic^? ^^.
more intense cnerg\-. They will not I)e iau-
figfl ,.-;fi, *],„ „i^" 'n,»%,V (Mii^rfn. -it ^"^

I
I

Their cnoi^.

cnerg\-.

with the oid .- - - .^.. . ,-^

moment, is being direcieil against ^^''^^^-j.
Vnn the soldier-workers will realise f«e tw
itv of this, that thev are acting against jf^

own chss in acting against ^<^'*''^""uttriat
they will unite with the SiKJalist mm .
for the conquest of Capiialism— fo''

w\)rf^

peace and happiness. . .%,g<.

This struggle is at the basts o^ i« -^
For the workers (and the fonirer ^^Zp^
to avoid this struggle, is- to ^^^'^^T''/^;-J^p-
selves bodv and soiil to the '^PP^'^f-"^^ «^
italists. the capitalists wage this ^trjt*|j
against labor, consciously .ind impt'i*-'"^ • "
is necessary that labor shouUk