Roger Ascham Toxophilus 1545

- r , . .

ROGER ASCHAM

Toxophilus

1545

EDITED BY

EDWARD ARBER

K.S A. ETC. LATE EXAMINER IN ENGLISH
LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF
LONDON

WESTMINSTER

A. CONSTABLE AND CO.

1895

Cpironicle of the Life, Works, and Times of R. Ascham 3

Introduction,.7

Bibliography,.10

TOXOPHILUS, . . . II

1. Complimentary verfes by Walter Haddon, B.A.

of King’s College, Cambridge, . . . 12

2. Dedication to King Henry VIII. 13

3. To all Gentlemen and Yomen of Englandc, . 16

4. The Table of Contents,.22

5. The first boke of tpie schole of shoting, 25

6. The seconde booke of the schole of

SHOTYNG, .106

Notes, 165

CHRONICLE

of

fome of the principal events.

m the

Life, Works, an^OCWlkiES

of

ROGER ASCHAM,

Fellow of St. John’s College, Cambridge. Author Tutor to Princess, after*
wards Queen Elizabeth. Secretary of Embassy under Edward VI Latin
Secretary to Queens Mary and Elizabeth Friend of Queen Elizabeth, Stc.

♦ Probable or approximate dates.

The chief contemporary authorities for the life of Ascham are his own
works, particularly his Letters, and a Latin oration De vii& et obitu Rogen
AscJuzmiy wntten by Rev. Dr. Edward Graunt or Grant, Headmaster of
Westminster School, and ‘ the most noted Latmiste and Grecian of his time.’
This oration is affixed to the first collection of Aschani’s Letters . the date of
Grant’s dedication to which is i6 Feb. 1576.

The figures in brackets, as ( 40 ), in the present work, refer to Ascham’s
letters as arranged in Dr. Giles’ edition.

1509- flpTil 22. ?licnrp UHt succechs to tU tljrone.

X5JX-I3. 3 Hen. VIII. c. 3. required—under penalty on default of lad per
month—all subjects under 60, not lame, decrepid, or maimed, or
having any other lawful Impediment, the Clergy Judges &c excepted:
to use shooting in the long bow. Parents were to provide every boy
from 7 to 17 years, with a bow and two arrows. after 17, he was to
find himself a bow and four arrows. Every Bower for every Ewe
bow he made was to make ‘ at the lest ij Bowes of Elme Wiche or other
Wode of mean pnee,’ under penalty of Imprisonment for 8 days.
Butts were to be provided in every town. Aliens were not to shoot
with the long bow without licence.

3 Hen. VIII. c. 13. confirms 19. Hen. VII. c 4 ‘against shooting in
Cross-bowes &c,’ which enacted that no one with less tlian 200 marks
a year should use. This act increased the qualification from 200 to
300 marks.— Statutes of the Realm. Hi. 35. 33.

•1515. Roger Ascham was bom m the year i^i^, at Kirby

Wiske, (or Korby Wicke,) a village near North Allerton
in Yorkshire, of a family above the vulgar. His father,
John Ascham, was house-steward in the family of Lord
Scroop, and is said to have borne an unblemished repu¬
tation for honesty and uprightness of life. Margaret,
wife of John Ascham, was dlied to many consideiable
families, but her maiden name is not known. She had
three sons, Thomas, Antony, and Roger, besides some
daughters; and wc learn from a letter (21) written by her
son Roger, m the year 1344, that she and her husband
having lived together forty-seven years, at last died on
the same day and almost at the same hour.

Roger’s first years were spent under his father’s roof,
but he was received at a very youthful age mto the
family of Sir Antony Wingfield, who furnished money
for his education, and placed Roger, together with his
own Nons, under a tutor, whose name was R Bond. The
boy had by nature a taste for books, and showed his good
mste by readmg Enghsh in preference to Latin, with

* My sweete tyme spent at Cambridge.» The Sckolemasier, fol. 6o, Ed. 15^0. Childhood.

4 CHRONICLE.

wonderful eagerness. . . . —Grant. Condensed trans-
iaUon hy Dr. Giles in Life: seep. 10, No 9 .

** This communication of teachuig youthe, maketh me
to remembre the nght worshipfull and my singuler good
mayster. Sir Humfrey Wmgfelde, to whom nexte God,
I ought to refer for his manifolde benefites bestowed on
me, ther poore talent of leamyng, whiche god hath lent
me: and for his sake do I owe my seruice to all other
of the name and noble house of the Wyngfeldes, bothe
in woord and dede Thys worshypfull man hath euer
loued and vsed, to haue many children brought vp in
leamynge in his house amonges whome I my selfe was
one. For whom at terme tymes he woulde biyng downe
fiom London bothe bowe and shaftes And when they
shuld playe he woulde go with them him selfe in to the
fyelde, and se them shoote, and he that shot fayrest,
shulde haue the best bowe and shaftes, and he that shot
ilfauouredlye, shulde be mocked of his felowes, til he shot
\ better.”—^. 140.

1334.

In or about the year if?3o, Mr. Bond . . . resigned the
charge of young Roger who was now about fifteen
years old, and, by the advice and pecuniary aid of his
kind patron Sir Antony, he was enabled to enter St.
John’s College, Cambridge, at that time the most famous
mt 15 . seminary of learning in all England. His tutor was Hugh
Fitzherbert, fellow of St. John’s, whose mtimate friend,
George Pember, took the most lively interest in the
young student. George Day, afterwards Bishop of
Chichester, Sir John Cheke, Sir Thomas Smith, Dr.
Redman, one of the compilers of the Book of Common
Prayer, Nicholas Ridley the Martyr, T. Watson Bishop
of Lincoln, Pilkmgton Bishop of Durham, Walter Har¬
den, John Christopherson, Thomas Wilson, John Seton,
and many others, were the distinguished contemporanes
of Ascham at Cambridge —Gra?tt and Giles, ide^n,
reb. iS. He takes his B.A. “ Being a boy, new Bacheler of arte,

ffit. 18. I chanced amonges my companions to speake against the
Pope: which matter was than m euery mans mouth, by¬
cause Dr. Haines and Dr. Skippe were cum from the
Court, to debate the same matter, by preaching and dis¬
putation in the vniuersitie. This hapned the same tyme,
when I stoode to be felow there my taulke came to Dr
[Master of St John’s Coll.] eare . I was called
before him and the Seniores. and after greuous rebuke,
and some pumshment, open warning was geuen to all the
felowes, none to be so hardie to geue me his voice at that
election. And yet for all those open threates, the good
father himselfe priuilie procured, that I should euen than
be ch9sen felow. But, the election being done, he made
countinance of great discontentation thereat. This good
mans goodnes, and fatherlie discretion, vsed towardes me
mat one day, shall neuer out of my remembrance all the
dayes of my life. And for the same cause, haue I put
It here, in this small record of leammg. For next Gods
prouidence, surely that day, was by that good fathers
memes, Dies natalis, to me, for the whole foundation
of the poore learning I haue, and of all the furderance
thathetherto elsewhere I haue obtayned .”—<<.

Before the king’s majesty established his lecture at
Cambridge, I was appointed by the votes of all the<
^iversity, and was jiaid a handsome salary, to profess
the Creek tongue m public; and I have ever since read

Mar.

Tutor. ‘My sweete tyme spent at Cambridge.’ The Scholemasteryfol. bo. Ed 1550 .

CHRONICLE. 5

a lecture in St. John’s college, of which I am a fellow.”
(22) To Sir W. Paget in 1544.

1^37* July 3* martis^ostfeshim Dttci PetrietFault (June 29)

aet. 21. Grafit] Is installed M A.

1^38. Spring. Visits his parents m Yorkshire, whom he had not seen
aet. 22. for seven years

Autumn, Date of his earliest extant letter.

1540-1542. Is at home in Yorkshire, for nearly two years, with

quartan fever. Probably about this time he attended the
archery meetings at York and Norwich 159.160
aet. 24. ‘In the great snowe,’ journeying ‘in the hye wave
betwixt Topcliffe vpon Swale; and Borrowe bridge,’ he
watches the nature of the wind by the snow-drifts, p. 157.
aet. 25 Upon his repeated application, Edward Lee, Archbp
of York, grants him a pension of 40s. (= ;^4o of present
money) payable at the feast of Annunciation and on
Michaelmas day. see (24). This pension ceased on the
death of the Archbishop in 1544.

33 Hen VIII c 9 ‘An Acte for Mayntanance of
Artyllarie and debarrmge of unlauful Games.' confirms
3 Hen. VIII c. 3- and, inter alia, directs that no Bowyer
shall sell a Ewe bow to any between 8 and 14 years, above
the price of lad, but shall have for such. Ewe bows from
6d to i2d * and likewise shall sell bows at reasonable prices
to youth from 14 to 21 years Ewe bows ‘ of the taxe called
Elite’ were not to be sold above 3s 4d, under penalty of
30S. —Statutes of the Realm, in 837,

1544. ^Spring. 8ct 28. Ascham wiites

After Lady Both his parents die “ How hard is my lot > I first
Day lost my brother, such an one as not only our family, but
all England could hardly match, and now to lose both
my parents as if I was not already overwhelmed with
sorrow (21) To Chelie.

Befoie July. ‘|I have also written and dedicated to the king’s
majesty a book, which is now in the press, On the art
of Shootingy and in which I have shown how well it is
fitted for Englishmen both at home and abroad, and how
certain rules of art may be laid down to ensure its being
learnt thoroughly by all our fellow-countrymen. This
book, I hope, will be published before the king’s depart¬
ure, and will be no doubtful sign of my love to my coun-
tiy, or mean memorial of my humble learning. (22) To
Sir IV. Paget.

July—Sept. 30. The king out of the kingdom, at the head of 30,000 men

at the siege of Boulogne, in France.

1545. eet. 39, Ascham presents Toxophilus to the king, in the gallery

at Greenwich. Heisgranted apension of;^io. pp. 165-166.
He is ill again, and unable to reside at Cambridge

1546. at. 30 ^ Succeeds Cheke as Public Orator of his University,

in which capacity he conducts its correspondence.

1547. San 28. ISlitDtrtt m dimes to tte tljrone.

Ascham’s pension which ceased on the death of
Henry VIII , was confirmed and augmented by Edward
VI , whom he taught to write. [Ascham’s pension is
one of the prominent things in his life ]
f 1548 Feb. at 32. Is Tutor to Princess Elizabeth, at Cheston. Attacked
^1549 Sept, at 33 by her steward, he returns to the university.

/1550. at. 54, While at home in the country, Ascham is appointed, at
the instigation of Cheke, as Secretary to Sir Richard
Moiison, sent out as Ambassador to Emperor Charles V.

On his way to town, has his famous interview with
Lady Jane Grey at Broadgate Scholemaster, fol. 12.

1 1540.

(

1341-

i54‘-a.

Illness and death. Latin Secretary to Queens Mary and Elizabeth. Secretary of Embassy.

6

CHRONICLE.

Sept at The Embassy embarks at Billingsgate, and finally
reaches Augsburg on Oct. 28; where it appears to have
remained more than a year

iS<a. Oct. Ascham writes, probably from Spires, A R^ort and

Discourse viritten by Roger Ascham^ of the affaires and
state of Germany and the Emferour Charles his courts
d%inng certaineyeares while the sayd Roger wots there
Published at London, the next year, without date.

1553. SuiP 6. ifKarp succetts to ttie croton.

July * 1 ' Writes from Brussels.

On the death of the Kmg the Embassy is recalled-

April. Though a Protestant, Ascham escapes persecution;

his pension of £10 is renewed and increased, see 165,

May 7. He is made Latin Secretary to the Queen, with a salary
of 40 marks.

Resigns his Fellowship and Office of Public Orator.

June 1. set. 38. Marries Margaret Howe.

He sometimes reads Greek with the Princess Elizabetli.

1558. Not. 17. ®It?abett begins to refgn.

Ascham’s pension and Secretaryship are continued.

1560. Mar. 11. Is made prebend of Wetwang, in York Cathedral. He
set. 44 had now possession of a considerable income. It would
be satisfactory if he could be cleared from the suspicion
of a too great love for cock-fighting.

1363. Dec. 10. The Court being at Windsor on account of the plague
set 47. in London, Sir W. Cecil gave a dinner in his chamber.
A conversation on Education arose on the news ‘ that
diuerse Scholers of Eaton be runne awaie from the
Schole, for feare of beatmg.’ Sir Richard Sackville, then
silent, afterwards renewed the subject with Ascham, who
finally writes for his grandson, Robert Sackville, The
\ Scholemaster, ffist published by his widow in 15^0.

His constitution had been enfeebled by frequent attacks
^ of ague. Imprudently sitting up late to finish some Latin

verses which he designed to present to the queen as a
new-year’s gift, and certain letters to his friends, he con¬
tracted a dangeious malady, during which he was visited
and consoled by his pious friend Alexander Nowell, dean
of St. Paul’s, and William Gravet, a prebendary of that
church and vicar of St. Sepulchre^s London. Ascham

1368. Dec. 30. died 30 Dec. T568. His last words were “ I desire to
«t. 33. depart and to be with Chnst.”

1569. Jan 4. He was buned at St. Sepulchre’s. Nowell preached
his funeral sermon, and testified that he never saw or
heard of a person of greater integrity of life, or who was
blessed with a more Christian death. Queen Elizabeth,
when informed of his decease, declared that she would
rather have lost ;£’io,ooo, than her tutor Ascham.

Buchanan did honour to his memory in the following epitaph:

Aschamum extinctum f>airioey Graieeque CameencPy
Et Latice verd aimpietate dolent.

Principtbus vixit cams, j-ucundts amicis,

Re inodied, in mores dicere fama neguit.
which has been thus rendered by Archdeacon Wrangham.

O'er Ascham, withering in his narrow nm,

The muses — English, Grecian, Roman—mourn ;

Though poor, to greatness dear, to friendship just:

No scanaaFs self can taint his halloid d dust.

Cooper, A th. Cantag, /. ati6.

TOXOPHILUS.

INTRODUCTION.

]£fpite his promife, fee page 20, Afcham
wrote no Englifh work on a great fubject.
Writing late in life, his Sc/wlemaster, he
thus defends his choice in the fubjedts
of his books:

“ But, of all kinde of pallimes, fitte for a lentleman,
I will, godwilling, in fitter place, more at large, de¬
clare fullie, in my booke of the Cockpitte : which I do
write, to fatiffie fom, I trull, with fom reafon, that be
more curious, in marking other mens doinges, than
carefull in mendyng their owne faultes. And fom alfo
will nedes bufie them felues in merueling, and adding
thereunto vnfrendlie taulke, why I, a man of good
yeares, and of no ill place, I thanke God and my
Prince, do make choife to fpend foch tyme in writyng
of trifles, as the fchole of Ihoting, the Cockpitte, and
this booke of the firll Principles of Grammer, rather,
than to take fome weightie matter in hand, either of
Religion, or Ciuill difcipline.

Wife men I know, will well allow of my choife
herein : and as for fuch, who haue not witte of them
felues, but mull learne of others, to iudge right of
mens doynges, let them read that wife Poet Horace
in his Arte Poetica^ who willeth wifemen to beware, of
hie and loftie Titles. For, great Ihippes, require coil-
lie tackling, and alfo afterward dangerous gouemment:
Small boates, be neither verie chargeable in makyng,
nor verie oft in great ieoperdie : and yet they cary
many tymes, as good and colllie ware, as greater
veffels do. A meane Argument, may eafelie beare,
the light burden of a fmall faute, and haue alwaife
at hand, a ready excufe for ill handling: And, fome
•praife it is, if it fo chaunce, to be better in deede,
than a man dare venture to feeme. A hye title, doth
charge a man, with the heauie burden, of to great a
promife, and therfore fayth Horace verie wittelie, that,

Intj'oduBion,

8

that Poet was a verie foole, that began hys booke, with
a goodlie verfe in deede, but ouer proude a promife.

Fortunam Priami caniabo et nobile belliLm^

And after, as wifelie

Qiianth recfius hic^ qid nil molitur inepth. < 5 ^c.
Meening Horner^ who, within the compaffe of a fmal
Argument, of one harlot, and of one good wife, did
vtter fo moch learning in all kinde of fciences, as, by
the iudgement of Quintilian^ he deferueth fo hie a
praife, that no man yet deferued to fit in the fecond
degreebeneth him. And thus moch out of my way, con¬
cerning my purpofe in fpending penne, and paper, and
tyme, vpon trifles, and namelie to aunfwere fome, that
haue neither witte nor learning, to do any thyng them
felueSj neither will norhonellie, to fay well of other” ^

Certain it is, that in both Toxophilus and The Schole-
majler (the Cockpitte if ever printed, is now loft); not
only are the main arguments interwoven with a moil
eamefl moral purpofe; but they are enlivened by
frequent and charming difcurflons, in the which he
often lays down great principles, or illuftrates them
from the circumflances of his time. So that in thefe
two ways, thefe works, being not rigidly confined to the
technical fubjedls expreffed by their titles, do ‘beare,’
both in thofe fubjedls and in the pafling thoughts,
much of what is the highefl. trutli.

If a Yorklhire man—^who had become a ripe Englifh
Scholer, and was alfo a fluent Englifh writer as well as
converfant with other languages and literatures—^were,
in the prefent day, to fit down to write, for the firfl
time, in the defence and praife of Cricket, a book in
the Yorkfhire dialedl: he would be able to appreciate
fomewhat Afcham’s pofition when he began to write the
prelent work. For he lived in the very dawn of our
modern learning. Not to fpeak of the hefitation and
doubt that always impedes any novelty, the abfence
of any antecedent literature left him without any model
of Hyle.^ Accullomed as he had hitherto been to write
chiefly in Latin, he muft have found Englilh compofi-
tion both irklome and laborious. Yet his love for his

* folios 20. 2T. Kd. tt:70.

Intradu^lion,

9

country, and his delight, even from childhood, in hia
native tongue overcame all difficulties. Althoughe to
haue written this boke either in latin or Greeke ....
had been more eafier and fit fo^ mi trade in iludy, yet
neuertheleffe, I fuppofmge it no point of honeflie, that
mi commodite fhould flop and hinder ani parte either
of the pleafure or profite of manie, haue written this
Englifhe matter in the Englifhe tongue, for Englifhe
men.” ^ In fo doing, he has bequeathed to poflerity a
noble fpecimen of Englifh language, expreffing genuine
Englifh thought, upon a truly Englifh fubjedl.

Of the influence of this deliberate choice of Afcham on
the literature of his time, Dr. N. Drake thus fpeaks:—

“ The Toxophthts of this ufeful and engaging writer, was writ¬
ten in his native tongue, with the view of prefentmg the public
with a fpecimen of a purer and more correc 5 l EngliJJt flyle than that
to which they had hitherto been accuftomed; and with the hope of
calling the attention of the learned, from the exclufive fiudy of
the Greek and Latin, to the cultivation of their vernacular lan¬
guage. The refult which he contemplated was attained, and,
from the period of this publication, the lhackles of I.,atinity were
broken, and compofition in EnghJJi profe became an objedl of
eager and fuccefsful attention. Previous to the exertions of
Afcham, veiy few writers can be mentioned as affording any
model for Englifh flyle. If we except the Tranflation of Froiffart
by Bourchier, Lord Berners, in 1523, and the Hiftory of Richaid
III. by Sir Thomas More, certainly compofitions of great merit,
we fhall find it difficult to produce an author of much value
for his vernacular profe. On the contrary, very foon after the
appearance of the Toxophilus^ we find harmony and beauty in
Englifh flyle emphatically praifed and enjoined.” t

Following Plato both in the form and subtlety of
his work, Afcham writes it after the counfel of Ariflotle.
‘‘ He that wyll wryte well in any tongue, mufle folowe
thys councel of Ariflotle, to fpeake as the common
people do, to thinke as wife men do : and fo fhoulde
euery man vnderflande hym, and the iudgement of
wyfe men alowe hym.”J

Now, we mufl leave the reader to liflen to the
pleafant talk of the two College Fellows, Lover of
"^Learning and Lover of Archery \ as they difcourfe,
befide the wheat fields in the neighbourhood of Cam¬
bridge, throughout the long fummer’s afternoon, upon
‘ the Booke and the Bowe.’

\ Shaks^eare and his Times, i. 439 Ed 181^. J p. 18.

p. 14.

BIBLIOGRAPHY,

TOXOPHILUS,

* Editions not feen.

(a) Issues in t^c author’s Ufe ttiM.

I. As a feparatepublication.

1. j 545. London. Editio princeps. Engraved title page, fee

I vol. 4to. oppofite page. The Colophon is as on p. 165.
(t) Issues sutseauent to tf)e Sutfior’s tieatlj.

I. As a feparate puhlicatLon.

2 . 1571. London. Toxophilus, The Schole, or partitions

I vol. 4to. of fhooting contayned in ij. bookes, written
by Roger Afcham, 15^. And now newlye
perufed. Pleafaunt for all Gentlemen and
Yemen of Englandfor the5T.*paflimeto reade,
and profitable for their vfe to folovve bothe
in wan-e and peace. Annoi'^^l. Imprinted
at London in Fleteftreate neare to Saint
Dunftones Churche by Thomas Marfhe.

3 . 1589. London. Same title as No. 2 , At London. Printed

I vol. 8vo. by Abell Ieffes, by the content of H.

Marjh. Anno 1589. The Colophon is
•I At London, Printed by Abell Ieffes,
dwelling in Phillip Lane, at the Signe of
the Bell. Anno Domini 1589.

6. 1788. Wrexham. Same title as No. 2, of which it is a

I vol. 8vo. modernized reprint. Ed. with a Dedication
and Preface, by Rev. John Walters M. A.
Matter of Ruthin School, and late Fellow
of Jefus College, Oxford.

10 1865. London, i vol. 8vo. Toxophilus: Sac., publifhed

11 T T ] feparately from Dr Giles’ Edition, No. 9 .

London I vol 8vo. : fee tiUe at page i.

II. With other works.

4 . 1761. London. TheEnglifhWorksof Roger Afcham, Pre«

I vol. 4to. cep tor to Queen Elizabeth. [Life by Dr John¬
son.] Ed. by James Bennett, Matter of
the Boarding School at Hoddefdon, Herts.
‘Toxophilus’ occupies pp 51-178.

6 . n. d. London, i vol. 4to. Another impreiiion of No 4 .

7 1815. London. Same title as No. 4 A new edition. [Ed:

I vol. 4to. by J. G. Cochrane, and limited to 250
copies. Dr Giles.

8. * n. d. London. No. 7 ‘was re-iffued fome time afteiwards,

I vol. 8vo. with a new title and the addition of a half-
title, but without a date.’ Dr Giles, Pref. io
his Edition No. 9 .

9 . 1864-5. London. The Whole Works of Roger Afcham, now.r,

3 vols. [vol. I has firft coUecfled and revifed, with a life of the
2 parts] 8vo. author; by Rev. Dr Giles, formerly Fellow

ofC.C.C. Oxford. ‘Toxophilus’occupies
ii. 1-165. [This is by far the befl edition of
Afeham’s works.]

Gualterus Haddonu'i
Cantabrigien.

Mia ere qui cele^'es fmwia uclit arte Jagitfas^

Ars erit ex ijlo fmfima pj'ofccla lihro.

Qiiicqidd habeiit arcus rigidly 7teruiq7ce rotundi.

Su7nere fi hbet^ hoc fumere fonte licet.

Afcha7nus ejl author.^ 77iag7ium qiiCTn fecit Apollo
Arte fiia.^ i7iag7iU7n Pallas arte fua.

Dodia 7na7ius dedit Jvutic.^ dedit Inmc 77ie7is dodla hbclliDTi:

QiicB uidet Ars Vfus nifa, par at a facit.

Opti77ms hcec author quia tr’adidit optmia fcripta^
Conue7iit hec uobis optma mile fsauL

• To the mojle gracionfe^ and our moji drad Sousyaigne lorJ^
Ky 7 ig Henrie the, viii, by the grace of God^ ky7tg
of ETiglande^ FraUTice a7id Irela7ide,^ Defe 7 i
dcr of the faythe^ and of the cJmrche
of Englande and alfo of Irelande
in earth fupreme head^ 7iext vn
der Chrift^ be al health
vidlorie,, and fe¬
licities

HAT tyme as, mofle gracious Prince, your
highnes this lafl year pafl, tooke that your
mooft honorable and vi(^orious iourney
into Fraunce, accompanied with fuch a
porte of the Nobilitie and yeomanrie of
Englande, as neyther hath bene lyke knovven by ex¬
perience, nor yet red of in Hiftorie : accompanied alfo
with the daylie prayers, good hartes, and willes of
all and euery one your graces fubiedles, lefte behinde
you here at home in Englande: the fame tyme, I
beinge at my booke in Cambrige, forie that my litle
habilitie could flretche out no better, to helpe forward
fo noble an enterprice, yet with my good wylle, prayer,
and harte, nothinge behynde hym that was formofle
of all, conceyued a wonderful defire, bi the praier,
wilhing, talking, and communication that was in euery
mans mouth, for your Graces moofl vidlorioufe retourne,
to offer vp fumthinge, at your home cumming to your
Highneffe, which Ihuld both be a token of mi loue
and deutie toward your MaiefLie, and alfo a figne of
my good minde and zeale towarde mi countrie.

This occafion geuen to me at that time, caufed me

* Thi? dedication is entirely omitted in second edition,

*4

^to take in hand againe, this litle purpofe of fhoting,
^gon of me before, yet not ended than, for other
ftu^ies more mete for that trade of liuinge, whiche God
-and mi frendes had fet me vnto. But when your
Graces mofle ioifull and happie vidlorie preuented mi
dailie and fpedie diligencie to performe this matter,
I was compelled to waite an other time to prepare
and offer vp this litle boke vnto your Maieflie. And
whan it hath pleafed youre Higheneffe of your infinit
goodneffe, and alfo your mofl honorable Counfel to
know and pervfe ouer the contentes, and fome parte
of this boke, and fo to alow it, that other men might
rede it, throughe the furderaunce and fetting forthe of
the right worfhipfull and mi Singuler good Mafler fir
Vvilliam Pagette Knight, moofl worthie Secretarie to
your highnes, and mofl open and redie fuccoure to al
poore honefl learned mens futes, I moofl humblie
befeche your Grace to take in good worthe this litle
treatife purpofed, begon, and ended of me onelie for
this intent, that Labour, Honefl paftime and Vertu,
might recouer againe that place and right, that Idleneffe,
Vnthriftie gamning and Vice hath put them fro.

And althoughe to haue written this boke either in
latin or Greke (which thing I wold be verie glad yet to
do, if I might furelie know your Graces pleafure there
in) had bene more eafier and fit for mi trade in ftudy,
yet neuertheleffe, I fuppofmge it no point of honeflie,
that mi commodite fhould flop and hinder ani parte
either of the pleafure or profite of manie, haue writ¬
ten this Englifhe matter m the Pmglifhe tongue, for
Englifhe men; where in this I trull that your Grace
(if it fhall pleafe your Highneffe to rede it) fhal per-
ceaue it to be a thinge Honefle for me to write,
pleafaunt for fome to rede, and profitable for manie to
folovv, contening a paftime, honefl for the minde,
holfome for the body, fit for eueri man, vile for no
man, vfing the day and open place for Honeflie to rule
it, not lurking in corners for miforder to abufe

15

Therefore I trufl it fhal apere, to be bothe a fure token
of my zeele to fet forwarde Ihootinge, and fome figne
my minde, tovvardes honeflie and learninge.

Thus I vvil trouble your Grace no longer, but
with my daylie praier, I will befeche God to
preferue your Grace, in al health and feli-
citie : to the feare and ouerthrowe
of all your ennemies : to the
pleafure, ioyfulneffe and
fuccour of al your fub-
ie6tes: to the vtter
deftru6lion
of papi-

(Irie and herefie : to the con-
tinuall fetting forth of
Goddes worde
and his glo
rye.

Your Graces moO
bounden Scholer,

Koger Afchaia

i6

To ALL GENTLE MEN AND YOMEN OF
ENGLANDE.

las the wyfe man came to Crefus the ryche
kyng, on a tyme, when he was makynge
newe fhyppes, purpofyng to haue fubdued
by water the out yles lying betwixt Grece
and Afia minor: What newes now in Grece,
faith the king to Bias ? None other newes, but thefe,
fayeth Bias : that the yles of Grece haue prepared a
wonderful companye of horfemen, to ouerrun Lydia
withall. There is nothyng vnder heauen, fayth the
kynge, that I woulde fo foone wiffhe, as that they
durfl be fo bolde, to mete vs on the lande with horfe.
And thinke you fayeth Bias, that there is anye thyng
which they wolde fooner wyffhe, then that you fhulde
be fo fonde, to mete them on the water with Ihyppes ?
And fo Crefus heaiyng not the true newes, but per-
ceyuyng the wife mannes mynde and counfell, both
gaue then ouer makyng of his fhyppes, and left alfo
behynde him a wonderful example for all commune
wealthes to folowe: that is euermore to regarde and
fet moil by that thing wherevnto nature hath made
them moofl apt, and ’^e hath made them moofl fitte.

By this matter I meane the fhotyng in the long bowe,
for Englilli men : which thyng with all my hert I do
wyfh, and if I were of authoritie, I wolde counfel all
the gentlemen and yomen of Englande, not to chaunge
it with any other thyng, how good foeuer it feme to
be : but that fly 11, accordyng to the oulde wont of
England, youth fhoulde vfe it for the moofl honeil
paflyme in peace, that men myght handle it as a moofle
fure weapon in warre. Other llronge weapons which e
bothe experience doth proue to be good, and the^

17

wyfdom of the kinges Maieflie and his counfel prouydes
to be had, are not ordeyned to take away fhotyng : but
yat both, not conapared togither, whether Ihuld be
better then the other, but fo ioyned togither that the
one fhoulde be alwayes an ayde and helpe for the other,
myght fo (Irengthen the Realme on all fydes, that no
kynde of enemy in any kynde of weapon, myght paffe
and go beyonde vs.

For this purpofe I, partelye prouoked by the counfell
of fome gentlemen, partly moued by the loue whiche
I haue alwayes borne towarde fhotyng, haue wrytten
this lytle treatife, wherein if I haue not fatiffyed any
man, I trufl he wyll the rather be content with my
doyng, bycaufe I am (I fuppofe) the firfle, whiche hath
fayde any thynge in this matter (and fewe begynnynges
be perfedt, fayth wyfe men) And alfo bycaufe yf I
haue fayed a miffe, I am content that any man amende
it, or yf I haue fayd to lytle, any man that wyl to adde
what hym pleafeth to it.

My minde is, in profitynge and pleafynge euery man,
to hurte or difpleafe no man, intendyng none other
purpofe, but that youthe myght be flyrred to labour,
honefl paftyme, and vertue, and as much as laye in me,
plucked from ydienes, vnthriftie games, and vice:
whyche thing I haue laboured onlye in this booke,
fhewynge howe fit fhootyng is for all kyndes of men,
howe honeft a paftyme for the mynde, howe holfome
an exercife for the bodye, not vile for great men to vfe,
not cofllye for poore men to fufteyne, not lurking in
holes and corners for ill men at theyr pleafure, to mifvfe
it, but abiding in the open fight and face of the worlde,
for good men if it fault by theyr wifdome to corredl it.

And here I woulde defire all gentlemen and yomen,
to vfe this paflime in fuche a mean, that the outragious-
nes of great gamyng, fhuld not hurte the honeflie of
fhotyng, which of his owne nature is alwayes ioyned with
honeflie: yet for mennes faultes oftentymes blamed
^vnworthely, as all good thynges haue ben, and euer-
more fhall be.

B

I8

If any man woulde jDlame me, eyther for takynge
fuch a matter in hande, or els for writing it in the
Englyflie tongue, this anfwere I may make hym, that
whan the befle of the realme thinke it honeft for them
to vfe, I one of the meanefl forte, ought not to fuppofe
it vile for me to write : And though to haue written it
in an other tonge, had bene bothe more profitable for
my fludy, and alfo more honefl for my name, yet I can
thinke my labour wel bellowed, yf with a little hyn-
deraunce of my profyt and name, maye come any
fourtheraunce, to the pleafure or commoditie, of the
gentlemen and yeomen of Englande, for whofe fake I
tooke this matter in hande. And as for ye Latin oi
greke tonge, euery thing is fo excellently done in
them, that none can do better : In the Englyfh tonge
contrary, euery thinge in a maner fo meanly, bothe for
the matter and handelynge, that no man can do worfe.
For therein the leafl learned for the mofLe parte, haue
ben alwayes mooft redye to wryte And they whiche
had leafle hope in latin, haue bene mofle boulde in
englyflie : when furelye euery man that is mofle ready
to taulke, is not mooli able to wryte. He that wyll
wryte well in any tongue, mulle folowe thys councel of
Ariflotle, to fpeake as the common people do, to
thinke as wife men do; and fo Ihoulde euery man
vndeiflande hym, and the iudgement of wyfe men alowe
hymu Many Englifh writers haue not done fo, but
vfmge llraunge wordes as latin, french and Italian, do
make all thinges darke and harde. Ones I communed
with a man whiche reafoned the englyfhe tongue to be
enryched and encreafed therby, fayinge: Who wyll
not prayfe that feafle, where a man lhall drinke at a
diner, bothe wyne, ale and beere ? Truely quod I,
they be all good, euery one taken by hym felfe alone,
but if you putte Maluefye and facke, read wyne and
white, ale and beere, and al in one pot, you lhall make
a drynke, neyther eafie to be knowen, nor yet holfom
for the bodye. Cicero in folowyng Ifocrates, Plato^
and DemoUhenes, increafed the latine tounge after an

19

Other forte. This waye, bycaufe dyuers men yat write,
do not know, they can neyther folowe it, bycaufe of theyr
ignoraiincie, nor yet will prayfe it, for verye arrogauncie,
ii faultes, feldome the one out of the others companye.

Englyfh writers by diuerfitie of tyme, haue taken
diuerfe matters in hande. In our fathers tyme nothing
was red, but bookes of fayned cheualrie, wherein a
man by redinge, fhuld be led to none other ende, but
onely to manllaughter and baudrye. Yf any man fup-
pofe they were good ynough to paffe the time with al,
he is deceyued. For furelye vayne woordes doo woorke
no fmal thinge in vayne, ignoraunt, and younge mindes,
fpecially yf they be gyuen any thynge theiwnto of
theyr owne nature. Thefe bokes (as I haue heard
fay) were made the mofle parte in Abbayes, and
Monafleries, a very lickely and fit fruite of fuche an
ydle and blynde kinde of lyuynge.

In our tyme nowe, whan euery manne is gyuen
to knowe muche rather than to liue wel, very many
do write, but after fuche a fafhion, as very many
do Ihoote. Some fliooters take in hande flronger
bowes, than they be able to mayntayne. This thyng
maketh them fummtyme, to outfhoote the marke,
fummtyme to fhote far wyde, and perchaunce hurte
fumme that looke on. Other that neuer learned
to fhote, nor yet knoweth good fhafte nor bowe, wyll
be as bufie as the befl, but fuche one commonly
plucketh doune a fyde, and crafty archers which
be agaynfl him, will be bothe glad of hym, and
alfo euer ready to laye and bet with him : it were
better for fuche one to fit doune than fhote. Other
there be, whiche haue verye good bowe and fhaftes,
and good knowledge in fhootinge, but they haue bene
brought vp in fuche euyl fauoured fhootynge, that
they can neyther fhoote fayre, nor yet nere. Yf any
man wyll applye thefe thynges togyther, fhal not fe
the one farre differ from the other.

And I alfo amonges all other, in writinge this lytle
treatife, haue folowed fumme yonge fhooters, whiche

20

bothe wyll hegyn to fhoote, for a lytle moneye, and
alfo wyll vfe to fhote ones or twife about the marke for
nought, afore they beginne a good. And therfore did I
take this little matter in hande, to affaye my felfe, and
hereafter by the grace of God, if the iudgement of wyfe
men, that looke on, thinke that I can do any good, I
maye perchaunce cafle my fhafte amonge other, for
better game.

Yet in writing this booke, fome man wyll maruayle
perchaunce, why that I beyng an vnperfyte fhoter,
fhoulde take in hande to write of makyng a perfyte
archer: the fame man peraduenturewyll maruayle, howe
a whettefLone whiche is blunte, can make the edge of a
knife fharpe : I woulde ye fame man fliulde confider
alfo, that in goyng about anye matter, there be. iiii.
thinges to be confidered, doyng, faying, thinking and
perfedlneffe : Firfle there is no man that doth fo wel,
but he can faye better, or elles fumme men, whiche be
now ftarke nought, fhuld be to good. Agayne no man
can vtter \^ 7 th his tong, fo wel as he is able to imagin
with his minde, and yet perfedlneffe it felfe is farre
aboue all thinking. T?han feeing that faying is one
ileppe nerer perfedleneffe than doyng, let euery man
leue marueylyng why my woorde ihall rather expreffe,
than my dede lhall perfourme perfedte fhootinge.

I truile no man will be offended with this litle booke
excepte it be fumme fietchers and bowiers, thinking
hereby that manye that loue fhootynge fhall be taughte
to refufe fuche noughtie wares as they woulde vtter.
Honefl fietchers and bowyers do not fo, and they that
be vnhonefl, oughte rather to amende them felues for
doinge ill, than be angrie with me for fayinge wel. A
fletcher hath euen as good a quarell to be angry with
an archer that refufeth an ill fhaft, as a bladefmith
hath to a fletcher yat forfaketh to bye of him a noughtie
knyfe. For as an archer muft be content that a
fletcher know a good fhafte in euery poynte for the per-
fedler makynge of it. So an honefle fletcher will alfo'
be content that a fhooter knowe a good fhafte in euery

31

poynte for the perfiter viing of it: bicaufe the one
knoweth like a fletcher how to make it, the other
knowethlyke an archer howe to vfe it. And feyng the
knowlege is one in them bothe, yet the ende diuerfe,
furely that fletcher is an enemye to archers and artil¬
lery, whiche can not be content that an archer knowe a
fhafte as well for his vfe in fhotynge, as he hym felfe
fhoulde knowe a fhafte, for hys aduauntage in fellynge.
And the rather bycaufe fhaftes be not made fo muche
to be folde, but chefely to be vfed. And feynge that
vfe and occupiyng is the ende why a fhafte is made, the
making as it were a meane for occupying, furely the
knowelege in euery poynte of a good fhafte, is more to
be required in a fhooter than a fletcher.

Yet as I fayde before no honefl fletcher will be angry
with me, feinge I do not teache howe to make a fliafte
whichebelongeth onelyeto a good fletcher, but to knowe
and handle a fhafte, which belongeth to an archer.
And this lytle booke I trufle, fhall pleafe and profite
both partes: For good bowes and fhaftes fhall be better
knowen to the commoditieof al fhoters,andgoodfhotyng
may perchaunce be the more occupied to the profite
of all bowyers and fletchers. And thus I praye God
that all fletchers getting theyr lyuynge truly, and al ar-
Ci.ers vfynge fhootynge honeflly, and all maner of men
that fauour artillery, may lyue continuallye in
healthe and merineffe, obeying theyr
prince as they fhulde, and louing
God as they ought, to whom
for al thinges be al ho¬
nour and glorye for
ifnei. Amen

TOXOPHILVS,

The fchole of fhootinge
conteyned in two
bookes.

To all Gentlemen and yo?7ien of Englandc^
pleafaimte for theyr pajlyme to rede,
and profitable for theyr nfe
to folow, both in war
and peace.

The contentes of the firft booke.

Earned bufineffe ought to be refredied
wyth honede padyme. . . Fol. i.

Shootyng mod honed padyme. , 3.

The inuention of fhootinge. . . 5 .

Shootynge fit for princes and greate men. 5 .

Shootyng, fit for Scholers and dudentes. 8 .

Shootynge fitter for dudentes than any
mufike or Indrumentes. . . 9.

Youthe ought to leame to finge. . 11 .

[^p. 25.]

[38 29.]

[« 3I-]

[ 32 -]

[® 37-]

[® 39-1

[ 41.1

23

No manner of man doth or can vfe to
muche fhootynge. . . . 14. [ p. 44.]

Agaynflevnlawfull gammes and namelye
cardes and dife.16. [J 49.]

Shootyng in war.24. [® 62.]

Obedience the befl propertie of a Soul-

dyar..25. [ 63.]

Reafons and authorites agaynlle Ihoot-
ynge in war with the confutacion of the
fame.26. [ 65.J

God is pleafed with flronge weporxS and
valyaunt feates of war. . . - 28. [ 70.]

The commoditie of Shootyng in war
throughe the HifLories Greke and Latin,
and all nations Chriften and Heathen. 29. 70.]

Vfe of fhootynge at home caufethe
flronge fhootinge in warre. . . 41. [I 88 .]

Vfe of fhootynge at home, except men
be apte by nature, and connynge by teach-
yng, doth litle good at all. . • 43* [ 91.]

Lacke of learnynge to fhoote caufethe Eng-

lande lacke many a good archer. . 46. [ 95.]

In leamyng any thyng, a man mufl couete
to be befl, or els he fhal neuer attayne to
be meane. . • 47. [ 98.]

' TBrafer p. io8.

Proper for jshotingloue [ 109.
euerye fere < Strynge _ no.

*4

A Table conteyning the fecond booke.

t^OO 00 o\ o\

Tj- rt ^

.11 a«i

rt O S O o

S o
^ o

grQ^ bO
§ w O G
_a <u ^

W'-S'S)

S t 5

O « c^J

m 8 tt

bx>

■i* c-Ssb

r2 O
rQ O CJ

pq .S w o
bo ^

TOXOPHILVS,

A,

ftrgt of tfie gctole
of 0lbottng«

33!itIflIofiuj3* SEoxopIjilus.

fjtWflgtiS YoufludietoforeToxophile. ^
®0X, I wil not hurt my felf ouer-
moche I warraunt you.

Take hede you do not, for we
Phyficions saye, that it is nether good for
the eyes in fo cleare a Sunne, nor yet holfome for ye
bodie, fo foone after meate, to looke vpon a mans boke.

®oi. In eatinge and ftudyinge I will neuer folowe
anyePhyfike,for yf I dyd,I am fure I ihoulde haue fmall
pleafure in the one, and lelfe courage in the other.
But what newes draue you hyther I praye you ?

Small newes trulie, but that as I came on
walkynge, I fortuned to come with thre or foure that
went to ihote at the pryckes: And when I fawe not
you amonges them, but at the lail efpyed you lokynge
on your booke here fo fadlye, I thought to come and
holde you with fome communication, left your boke
flioulde runne awaye with you. For me thought by
your waueryng pace and earneft lokying, your boke
led you, not you it

26

tHox* In dede as it cliaunced, my mynde went fafler
then my feete, for I happened here to reade in Phedro
Flatonis^ a place that entretes wonderfulHe of the nature
of foules, which place (whether it were for pj^edro
the paffynge eloquence of Plato, and the “ ®
Greke tongue, or for the hyghe and godlie defcription of
the matter, kept my mynde fo occupied, that it had no
leifure to loke to my feete. For I was reding ho we
fome foules being well fethered, flewe alwayes about
heauen and heauenlie matters, other fome hauinge their
fethers mowted awaye, and droupinge, fanke downe
into earthlie thinges.

I remembre the place verie wel, and it is won-
derfullie fayd of Plato, and now I fe it was no maruell
though your fete fayled you, feing your minde flewe
fo fall.

SCox. I am gladde now that you letted me, for my
head akes with loking on it, and bycaufe you tell me
fo, I am verye forie yat I was not with thofe good feloes
you fpake vpon, for it is a verie faire day for a man to
fhote in.

And me thinke you were a great dele better
occupied and in better companie, for it is a very faire
daye for a man to go to his boke in.

^Tox. A1 dayes and wethers wil feme for that par-
pole, and furelie this occafion was ill loll.

Yea but clere wether maketh clere mindes,
and it is bell as I fuppofe, to fpend ye befl time vpon
the befl thinges : And me thought you ihot verie wel,
and at that marke, at which euery good fcoler flioulde
mofle bufilie fhote at. And I fuppofe it be a great dele
more pleafure alfo, to fe a foule flye in Plato, then a
fliafte flye at the prickes. I graunte you, fhoting is
not the worfl thing in the world, yet if we fhote, and
time fhote, we ar[e] not like to be great winners at the
length. And you know alfo wefcholers haue more ernefl
and weightie matters in hand, nor we be not borne to
paflime and pley, as you know wel ynough who fayth.

2Eox. Yet the fame man in the fame place Philologe,

0f ^I)oat{ns. 27

by your leue, doth admitte hoKome, honefl
and manerlie pallimes to be as neceharie ^

to be mingled with fad matters of the minde, as eating
and lieping is for the health of the body, and yet we
be borne for neither of bothe. And Arif- Anst. de mo-
totle him felfe fayth, yat although it were
a fonde and a chyldilh thing to be to emeU in pahime
and play, yet doth he affirme by the authorise of the
oulde Poet Epicharmus, that a man may vfe play for
ernell matter fake. And in an other place, Arist. Poi.
yat as reft is for labour, and medicines for 3 -
helth, fo is paftime at tymes for fad and weightie
ftudie.

How moche in this matter is to be giuen to
ye audloritie either of Ariftotle or Tullie, I can not
tel, feing fad men may wel ynough fpeke merily for a
merie matter, this I am fure, whiche thing this faire
wheat (god faue it) maketh me remembre, yat thofe
hufbandmen which rife erlieft, and come lateft home,
and are content to haue their diner and other drinck-
inges, broughte into the lielde to them, for feare of
lofing of time, haue fatter barnes in harueft, than
they whiche will either flepe at none time of the daye,
or els make merie with their neighbours at the ale.
And fo a fcholer yat purpofeth to be a good hufband,
and defireth to repe and enioy much fruite, of leam-
inge, mufte tylle and fowe thereafter. Our belle feede
tyme, which be fcholers, as it is verie tymelye, and
whan we be yonge : fo it endureth not ouerlonge, and
therefore it maye not be let llippe one houre, oure
grounde is verye harde, and full of wedes, our horfe
wherwith we be drawen very wylde as Plato fayth.
And infinite other mo lettes whiche wil inphedro
make a thriftie fcholer take hede how he ^ ^

fpendeth his tyme in fporte and pleye.

5C0X. That Ariftotle and Tullie fpake emeftlie, and
as they thought, the ernell matter which they entreate
vpon, doth plainlye proue. And as for your huf-
bandrie, it was more probablie toldc with apt woides

28

propre to ye thing, then throughly proued with
reafons belongynge to our matter. Far contrariwife I
herd my felfe a good hufbande at his boke ones faye,
that to omit ftudie fomtime of the daye, and fome-
time of the yere, made afmoche for the encreafe of
learning, as to let the land lye fometime falloe, maketh
for the better encreafe of come. This we fe, yf the
lande be plowed euerye yere, the come commeth
thinne vp, the eare is fhort, the grayne is fmall, and
when it is brought into the bame and threfhed, gyueth
very euill faul. So thofe which neuer leaue poring on
their bokes, haue oftentimes as thinne inuention, as
other poore men haue, and as fmal wit and weight in
it as in other mens. And thus youre hufbandrie me
thinke, is more like the life of a couetoufe fnudge that
oft very euill preues, then the labour of a good hufband
that knoweth wel what he doth. And furelie the bell
wittes to lerning mull nedes haue moche recreation
and ceafing from their boke, or els they marre them
felues, when bafe and dompyffhe wittes can neuer be
hurte with continuall fludie, as ye fe in luting, that a
treble minikin firing muft alwayes be let down, but at
fuche time as when a man mull nedes playe: when
ye bafe and dull flryng nedeth neuer to be moued
out of his place. The fame reafon I finde true in two
bowes that I haue, wherof the one is quicke of cafl,
tricke, and trimme both for pleafure and profyte: tire
other is a lugge flowe of cafl, folowing the firing,
more fure for to laft, then pleafaunt for to vfe. Now
fir it chaunced this other night, one in my chambre
wolde nedes bende them to proue their flrength, but
I can not tel how, they were both left bente tyll the
nexte daye at after d 5 mer: and when I came to them,
purpofmg to haue gone on fhoting, I found my good
bowe dene cafl on the one fide, and as weake as
water, that furelie (if I were a riche man) I had rather
haue fpent a crowne; and as for my lugge, it was not
one whyt the worfe : but fhotte by and by as wel and
as farre as euer it dyd. And euen fo I am fure that

0f ^Ij00ttns* 29

good wittes, except they be let downe like a treble
firing, and vnbent like a good calling bowe, they wil
neuer lafl and be able to continue in fludie. And I
know where I fpeake this Philologe, for I wolde not
faye thus moche afore yong men, for they wil take
foone occafion to fludie litle ynough. But I faye it
therfore bicaufe I knowe, as litle fludie getteth litle
learninge or none at all, fo the moofl fludie getteth
not ye moofl learning of all. For a mans witte fore
occupied in ernefl fludie, mull be as wel recreated
with fome honefl paflime, as the body fore laboured,
mufl be refrefhed with flepe and quietneffe, or els it
can not endure very longe, as the noble poete fayeth.
What thing wants quiet and men reji endures but a final while.

Quid,

And I promife you fhoting by my iudgement, is ^
ye moofl honefl paflime of al, and fuche one I am
fure, of all other, that hind re th learning litle or nothing at
all, whatfoeuer you and fome other faye, whiche are a
gret dele lorer againfl it alwaies than you nede to be.

JPfji. Hindereth learninge litle or nothinge at all?
that were a meruayle to me truelie, and I am fure feing
you fay fo, you haue fome reafon wherewith you can
defende fhooting withall, and as for wyl (for the loue
that you beare towarde fhotinge) I thinke there fhall
lacke none in you. Therfore feinge we haue fo good
leyfure bothe, and no bodie by to trouble vs : and you
fo willinge and able to defende it, and I fo redy and
glad to heare what may be fayde of it I fuppofe we
canne not paffe the tyme better ouer, neyther you for
ye honeflie of your fhoting, nor I for myne owne
rnindfake, than to fe what can be fayed with it, or
agaynfle it, and fpeciallie in thefe dayes, whan fo many
doeth vfe it, and euerie man in a maner doeth com¬
mon of it.

SCcix. To fpeake of fhootinge Philologe, trulye I
woulde I were fo able, either as I my felfe am willing
or yet as the matter deferueth, but feing with wiffhing
we can not haue one nowe worthie, whiche fo worthie

30

a thinge can wortliilie praife, and although I had
rather haue anie other to do it than my felfe, yet my
felfe rather then no other. I wil not fail to faye in it
what I can wherin if I faye litle, laye that of my litle
habilitie, not of the matter it felfe which deferueth no
lyttle thinge to be fayde of it.

If it deferue no little thinge to be fayde of it
Toxophile, I maruell howe it chaunceth than, tliat no
man hitherto, hath written any thinge of it: wherin
you mull graunte me, that eyther the matter is noughte,
vnworthye, and barren to be written vppon, or els fome
men are to blame, whiche both loue it and vfe it, and
yet could neuer finde in theyr heart, to faye one good
woorde of it, feinge that very triflinge matters hath not
lacked great learned men to fette them out, as gnattes
and nuttes, and many other mo like thinges, wher-
fore eyther you may honefllie laye verie great faut
vpon men bycaufe they neuer yet pra)ded it, or els
I may iuftlie take awaye no litle thinge from Ihooting,
bycaufe it neuer yet deferued it.

STox. Trulye herein Philologe, you take not fo muche
from it, as you giue to it. For great and commodious
thynges are neuer greatlie pra 3 ^ed, not bycaufe they
be not worthie, but bicaufe their excellencie nedeth
no man hys prayfe, hauinge all theyr commendation of
them felfe not borowed of other men his lippes, which
rather prayfe them felfe, iii fpekynge much of a litle
thynge than that matter whiche they entreat vpon.
Great and good thinges be not prayfed. For who
euer prayfed Hercules (fayeth the Greke prouerbe).
And that no man hitherto hath written any booke of
Ihoting the fault is not to be layed in the thyng
whiche was worthie to be written vpon, but of men
which were negligent in doyng it, and this was the
caufe therof as I fuppofe. Menne that vfed fhootyng
mofte and knewe it belt, were not learned: men that
were lerned, vfed litle fhooting, and were ignorant in
the nature of the thynge, and fo fewe menne hath bene
that hitherto were able to wryte vpon it. Yet howe

EJc flf ^!)00ttn5» 31

longe Ihotying hath continued, what common wealthes
hath mofle vfed it, howe honefle a thynge it is for all
men, what kynde of liuing fo euer they folow, what
pleafure and profit commeth of it, both in peace and
warre, all maner of tongues and writers, Hebrue,
Greke and Latine, hath fo plentifullie fpoken of it, as
of fewe other thinges like. So what fliooting is howe
many kindes there is of it, what goodneffe is ioyned
with it, is tolde: onelye howe it is to be learned and
brought to a perfedlneffe amonges men, is not toulde.

Than Toxophile^ if it be fo as you do faye, let
vs go forwarde and examin howe plentifullie this is
done that you fpeke, and firile of the inuention of it,
than what honeflie and profit is in the vfe of it, bothe
for warre and peace, more than in other paflimes, lafle
of all howe it ought to be learned amonges men for
the encreafe of it, which thinge if you do, not onelye
I nowe for youre communication but many other mo,
when they fhall knowe of it, for your labour,and fhotying
it felfe alfo (if it coulde fpeke) for your kyndneffe, wyll
can you very moche thanke.

SEoxaplj. What good thynges men fpeake of flioting
and what good thinges fhooting bringes to men as my
wit and knowlege will feme me, gladly fiiall I fay my
mind. But how the thing is to be learned I will furely
leue to fome other which bothe for greater experience in
it, and alfo for their lerninge, can fet it out better than I.

Well as for that I knowe both what you can do
in Ihooting by experience, and yat you can alfo fpeke
well ynough of fhooting, for youre learning, but go on
with the firfl part. And I do not doubt, but what my
def 3 u:e, what your loue toward it, the honeflie of
fhoting, the profite that may come thereby to many
other, fhall get the feconde parte out of you at the lafl.

Sfoxoplj. Of the firfl finders out of fhoting, diuers ((p
men diuerflye doo wiyte. Claudiane the ciaudianus
poete fayth that nature gaue example of inhism.
fliotyng firfl, by the Porpentine, which doth fhote his
prickes, and will hitte any thinge that fightes with it:

32

whereby men learned afterwarde to immitate the fame
in findyng out both bowe and lhaftes.

Plinie referreth it to Schythes the fonne
of lupiter. Better and more noble wiyters bringe
fhoting from a more noble inuentour: as Plato,
Calimachus, and Galene from Apollo. in sympo.
Yet longe afore thofe dayes do we reade ipoib^*

in the bible of Ihotinge expreflye. And Gen. 21.

alfo if we fhall beleue Nicholas de I^yra,

Lamech killed Cain with a fhafte. So this
great continuaunce of Ihoting doth not a lytle praife
fhotinge: nor that neither doth not a litle fet it oute,
that it is referred to th[e] inuention of Apollo, for the
which poynt fhoting is highlye praifed of ex-

Galene : where he fayth, yat mean craftes hor. ad bo-
be firfl found out by men or beaftes, as ^^^artes.
weauing by a fpider, and fuche other: but high and
commendable fciences by goddes, as Ihotinge and
muficke by Apollo. And thus fhotynge for the necef-
fitie of it vfed in Adams dayes, for the nobleneife of
it referred to Apollo, hath not ben onelie commended
in all tunges and writers, but alfo had in greate price,
both in the beft commune wealthes in warre tyme for
the defence of their countrie, and of all degrees of men
in peace tyme, bo the for the honeflie that is ioyned
with it, and the profyte that foloweth of it.

Well, as concerning the fyndinge oute of it,
litle prayfe is gotten to fhotinge therby, feinge good
wittes maye moofle eafelye of all fynde oute a trife-
lynge matter. But where as you faye that moofle com¬
mune wealthes haue vfed it in warre tyme, and all de¬
grees of men maye verye honefllye vfe it in peace
tyme : I thynke you can neither fhewe by authoritie,
nor yet proue by reafon.

The vfe of it in warre tyme, I wyll declare
hereafter. And firfle howe all kindes and fortes of men
(what degree foeuer they be) hath at all tymes afore,
and nowe maye honefllye vfe it: the example of moofle
noble men verye well doeth prone.

33

0f ^!)00t{ns.

Cyaxares the kynge of the Medees, and ^

greategraundefather to Cyrus, kepte a forte
of Sythians with him onely for this purpofe, to teache
his fonne Aflyages to fhote. Cyrus being a xen, in inst?
childe was brought vp in fhoting, which
thinge Xenophon wolde neuer haue made mention on,
except it had ben fitte for all princes to haue vfed: feing
that Xenophon wrote Cyrus lyfe (as Tullie Ad Quint,
fayth) not to fhewe what Cyrus did, but *•

what all maner of princes both in paflimes and emell
matters ought to do.

Darius the firfl of that name, and king of Perfie
fhewed plainly howe fit it is for a kinge to loue and
vfe fhotynge, whiche commaunded this fentence to be
grauen in his tombe, for a Princelie memorie and
prayfe.

Darius the King lieih buried here
That tn Jhoting and riding had neuer pere.

Suabo. iS‘

Agayne, Domitian the Emperour was fo cunning in
fhoting that he coulde fhotebetwixte a mans
fingers Handing afarre of, and neuer hurt ‘

him. Comodus alfo was fo excellent, and had fo fure
a hande in it, that there was nothing within his retche
and fhote, but he wolde hit it in what ngrodia i
place he wolde: as beafles runninge,
either in the heed, or in the herte, and neuer myffe, as
Herodiane fayeth he fawe him felfe, or els he coulde
neuer haue beleued it.

^1)1. In dede you praife fhoting very wel, in yat
you fhewe that Domitian and Commodus loue
fhotinge, fuche an vngracious couple I am fure as a
man fhall not fynde agayne, if he raked all hell for
them.

®oiapf)[. Wel euen as I wyll not commende their
ilneffe, fo ought not you to difpraife their goodneffe,
and in dede, the iudgement of Herodian vpon Com¬
modus is true of them bothe, and that was this : that

34

befide flrength of bodie and goqd fhotinge, they hadde
no princelie thing in them, whicfi :^ying me thinke
commendes fhoting wonderfullie, callinge princelie
thinge.

Furthermore howe commendable fhotinge is for
princes : Themiflius the noble philofopher Themist.
fheweth in a certayne oration made to
Theodoflus th[e] emperoure, wherin he doeth com-
mende him for. hi. thinges, that he vfed of a childe.
For fhotinge, for rydinge of an horfe well, and for
feates of armes.

Moreouer,not onelye kingesand emperours haue ben
brought vp in fhoting, but alfo the befl commune
wealthes that eiier were, haue made goodlie adfes and
lawes for it, as the Perfians which vnder Cyrus con¬
quered in a maner all the worlde, had a
lawe that their children fhulde leame thre
thinges, onelie from v. yeare oulde vnto. xx. to ryde an
horfe well, to fhote well, to fpeake truthe Leo de stra-
alwayes and neuer lye. The Romaines
(as Leothe[e]mperourinhis boke of fleightes of warre^
telleth) had a lawe that euery man fhoulde vfe fhoting
in peace tyme, while he was. xl. yere olde and that
euerye houfe fhoulde haue a bowe, and. xl. fhaftes ready
for all nedes, the omittinge of whiche lawe (fayth Leo)
amonges the youthe, hath ben the onely occafion why
the Romaynes loft a great dele of their empire. But
more of this I wil fpeake when I come to the profite
of fhoting in warre. If I fhuld rehearfe the flatutes
made of noble princes of Englande in parliamentes
for the fettyng forwarde of fhoting, through this
realme, and fpecially that acte made for fhoting the
thyrde yere of the reygne of our moofl drad
foueraygne lorde king Henry the. viii. I could be
very long. But thefe fewe examples fpecially of fo
^eat men and noble common wealthes, fhall fland
in flede of many.

That fucheprinces and fuche commune welthes
haue moche regarded fhoting, you haue well

W)t ^c!) 0 Tt at ^I) 00 tm 5 * 35

declared. But why fhotinge ought fo of it felfe to be
regarded, you haue fcarcelye yet proued.

®ox. Examples I graunt out of hiftories do fhew a
thing to be fo, not proue a thing why it fhuld be fo.
Yet this I fuppofe, yat neither great mens qualities
being commendable be without great authoritie, for
other men honeftly to folow them : nor yet thofe
great learned men that wrote fuche thinges, lacke
good reafon iuflly at al tymes for any other to approue
them. Princes beinge children oughte to be brought vp
in fhoting : both bycaufe it is an exercife moofl
holfom, and alfo a paflyme mooft honeft: wherin
labour prepareth the body to hardneffe, the minde to
couragioufneffe, fuiferyng neither the one to be marde
with tenderneffe, nor yet the other to be hurte with
ydleneffe: as we reade how Sardanapalus and fuche
other were, bycaufe they were not brought vp with
outwarde honefl payneful paflymes to be men : but
cockerde vp with inwarde noughtie ydle wantonnneffe
to be women. For how fit labour is for al youth,
lupiter or els Minos amonges them of Grece, and
Lycurgus amonges the Lacedemonians, do qc. 2. Tus.
fliewe by their lawes, which neuer or- Qu
deyned any thing for ye bringyng vp of youth that was
not ioyned with labour. And the lab our which is in flioting
of al other is beft, both bycaufe it encreafeth flrength,
and preferueth health moofl, beinge not vehement, but
moderate, not ouerlaying any one part with wery-
fomneffe, but foftly exercifynge euery parte with
equalneffe, as the armes and breailes with drawinge,
the other parties with going, being not fo paynfull for
the labour as pleafaunt for the paflyme, which exercife
by the iudgement of the befl phyficions, is mofl
alowable. By fhoting alfo is the mynde honeflly
exercifed where a man alwaies defireth to cai, 2. de
be befl (which is a worde of honeflie) and tuend.

that by the fame waye, that vertue it felfe doeth,
couetinge to come nighefl a moofl perfite ende or
meanc flanding betwixte. ii- 'Extremes, efcheweing

36

fliorte, or gone, or eitherfyde wide, for the which
caufes Ariftotle him felfe fayth that fhoting Arist i, de
and vertue is very like. Moreouer that
flioting of all other is the mooft honefl paflyme, and
hath leefl occalion to noughtineffe ioyned with it. ii.
thinges very playnelye do proue, which be as a man
wolde faye, the tutours and ouerfeers to Ihotinge :
Daye light and open place where euerye man doeth
come, the maynteyners and kepers of fhoting, from all
vnhonefL doing. If fhotinge faulte at any tyme, it
hydes it not, it lurkes not in comers and hudder-
mother: but openly accufeth and bewrayeth it felfe,
which is the nexte waye to amendement, as wyfe
men do faye. And thefe thinges I fuppofe be fignes,
not of noughtineffe, for any man to difalowe it: but
rather verye playne tokens of honeflie, for euerye man
to prayfe it

'the vfe of fliotinge alfo in greate mennes chyldren
fhall greatlye encreafe the loue and vfe of fhotinge in
all the refidue of youth. For meane mennes myndes
loue to be lyke greate menne, as Plato . .

and Ifocrates do faye. And that euerye ^

bodye fhoulde leame to fhote when they be yonge,
defence of the commune wealth, doth require when
they be olde, which thing can not be done mightelye
when they be men, excepte they learne it perfitelye
when they be boyes. And therfore fhotinge of all
paflymes is moofl fitte to be vfed in childhode:
bycaufe it is an imitation of moofl ernefl thinges to
be done in manhode.

Wherfore, fhoting is fitte for great mens children,
both bycaufe it flrengthneth the body with holfome
labour, and pleafeth the mynde with honefl paftime
and alfo encourageth all other youth emefllye to folowe
the fame. And thefe reafons (as I fuppofe) flirred vp
both great men to bring vp their chyldren in fhotinge,
and alfo noble commune wealthes fo flraytelye to com-
maunde fhoting. Therfore feinge Princes moued by
honefl occafions, hath in al commune wealthes vfed

€:!)t of ^!)O0t(ns* 37

fliotynge, I fuppofe there is none other degree of men,
neither lowe nor hye, learned nor leude, yonge nor
oulde.

Pljtl. You lhal nede wade no further in ^

this matter Toxophile^ but if you can proue ^

me thatfcholers and men gyuen to learning maye honefl-
lie vfe fhoting, I wyll foone graunt you that all otherfortes
of men maye not onelye lefullie, but ought of dude to vfe
it But I thinke you can not proue but that all thefe
examples of fhotinge brought from fo longe a tyme,
vfed of fo noble princes, confirmed by fo wyfe mennes
lawes and iudgementes, are fette afore teinporall men,
onelye to followe them : whereby they may the better
and dronglyer defende the commune wealth withall.
And nothing belongeth to fcholers and learned men,
which haue an other parte of the commune wealth,
quiete and peaceable put to their cure and charge,
whofe ende as it is diuerfe from the other, fo there is
no one waye that leadeth to them both.

2EciX0. I graunte Philologe^ that fcholers and lay
men haue diuerfe offices and charges in the commune
wealth, whiche requires diuerfe bringing vp in their
youth, if they fhal do them as they ought to do in
their age. Yet as temporall men of neceffitie are
compelled to take fomewhat of learning to do their
office the better withal: So fcholers maye the boldlyer
borowe fomewhat of laye mennes paflimes, to mayn-
teyne their health in ftudie withall. And furelie of al
other thinges flioting is neceflary for both fortes to
learne. Whiche thing, when it hath ben euermore
vfed in Englande how moche good it hath done, both
oulde men and Chronicles doo tell: and alfo our
enemies can beare vs recorde. For if it be true (as I
haue hearde faye) when the kynge of Englande hath
ben in Fraunce, the preefles at home bicaufe they were
archers, haue ben able to ouerthrowe all Scotlande.
Agayne ther is an other thing which aboue all other
doeth moue me, not onely to loue fhotinge, to prayfe
fhoting, to exhorte all other to fhotinge, but alfo to

38

vfe flioting my felfe : and that is our kyng his mo oft
royall purpofe and wyll, whiche in all his flatutes
generallye doth commaunde men, and with his owne
mouthe mooft gentlie doeth exhorte men, and by his
greate gyftes and rewardes, greatly doth encourage
men, and with his mooft princelie example very oft
doth prouoke all other men to the fame. But here
you wyll come in with temporal man and fcholer: I
tell you plainlye, fcholer or vnfcholer, yea if I were.
XX. fcholers, I wolde thinke it were my dutie, bothe
with exhortinge men to fhote, and alfo with flioting my
felfe to helpe to fet forwarde that thing which the
kinge his wifdome, and his counfell, fo greatlye
laboureth to go forwarde: whiche thing furelye they
do, bycaufe they knowe it to be in warre, the defence
and wal of our countrie, in peace, an exercife mooft
holfome for the body, a paftime mooft honeft for the
mynde, and as I am able to proue my felfe, of al other
mofte fit and agreable with learninge and learned
men.

If you can proue this thing fo playnly, as you
fpeake it emeftly, then wil I, not only thinke as you
do, but become a ftiooter and do as you do. But yet
beware I faye, left you for the great loue you bear
towarde fhotinge, blindlie iudge of ftiootinge. For
loue and al other to enieft affe&ions be not for nought
paynted blinde. Take hede (I faye) leaft you prefer
fhootinge afore other paftimes, as one Balbinus through
blinde affedtion, preferred his louer before all other
wemen, although ftie were deformed with a polypus in
her nofe. And although fhooting maye be mete
fometyme for fome fcholers, and fo forthe: yet the
fitteft alwayes is to be preferred. Therefore if you will
nedes graunt fcholers paftime and recreation of their
mmdes, let them vfe (as many of them doth) Mufyke,
and playing on inftrumentes, thinges mofte femely for
all fcholers, and mofte regarded alwayes of Apollo
and the Mufes.

' Euen as I can not deny, but fome mufike is

fit for lerning fo I truft you can not chofe but graunt,
that fhoting is fit alfo, as Calimachus doth fignifie
in this verfe.

Both mene fonges and goodJkoting deliteth Apolio* Cal. hym. a.

Butas concerning whether of them is ^

mofle fit for learning, and fcholers to vfe, ^

you may faye what you will for your pleafure, this I am
fure that Plato and ArifLotle bothe, in their bokes en-
treatinge of the common welthe, where they fhew
howe youthe fhoulde be brought vp in. iiii. thinges, in
redinge, in writing, in exercife of bodye, and finging,
do make mention of Muficke and all kindes of it,
wherein they both agre, that Muficke vfed amonges
the Lydians is verie ill for yong men, which be ftu-
dentes for vertue and learning, for a certain nice, fofte,
and fmoth fwetneffe of it, whiche woulde rather entice
them to noughtines, than llirre them to honeftie.

An other kinde of Muficke inuented by the Dorians,
they both wonderfully prayfe, alowing it to be verie fyt
for the fludie of vertue and learning, becaufe of a
manlye, rough and fLoute founde in it, whyche Ihulde
encourage yong ftomakes, to attempte manlye matters.
Nowe whether thefe balades and roundes, thefe galh
ardes, pauanes and daunces, fo nicelye fingered, fo
fwetely tuned, be lyker the Mufike of the Lydians or
the Dorians, you that be learned iudge. And what fo
euer ye iudge, this I am fure, yat lutes, harpes, all
maner of pypes, barbitons, fambukes, with other
inflrumentes euery one, whyche fiandeth by fine and
quicke fingeringe, be condemned of Arif- Axistot. poi.
totle, as not to be brought in and vfed 8-6.
amonge them, whiche fludie for learning and vertue.

Pallas when fhe had inuented a pipe, cafl it away,
not fo muche fayeth Ariflotle, becaufe it deformed her
face, but muche rather bycaufe fuche an Inflrumente
belonged nothing to learnynge. Howe fuche Inflru¬
mentes agree with learning, the goodlye agrement
betwixt Apollo god of learninge, and Marfyas the

46 3 *

Satyr, defender of pipinge, doth well declare, where
Marfyas had his Ikine quite pulled ouer his head for
his labour.

Muche mufike marreth mennes maners, fayth Galen,
although fome man wil faye that it doth not fo, but
rather recreateth and maketh quycke a mannes mynde,
yet me thinke by reafon it doth as hony doth to a
mannes llomacke, whiche at the firfl receyueth it
well, but afterwarde it maketh it vnfit, to abyde any
good llronge norifhynge meate, or els anye holfome
lharpe and quicke drinke. And euen fo in a maner
thefe Inftrumentes make a mannes wit fo fofte and
fmoothe fo tender and quaifie, that they be leffe able
to brooke, flrong and tough ftudie. Wittes be not
fharpened, but rather dulled, and made blunte, wyth
fuche fweete fofteneffe, euen as good edges be blonter,
whiche menne whette vpon fofte chalke flones.

And thefe thinges to be true, not onely Plato Ariflotle
and Galen, proue by authoritie of reafon, Herodotus
but alfo Herodotus and other writers, inCho.
fliewe by playne and euident example, as that of
Cyrus, whiche after he had ouercome the Lydians,
and taken their kinge Crefus prifoner, yet after by
the meane of one Pactyas a verye headie manne
amonges the Lydians, they rebelled agaynfle Cyrus
agayne, then Cyrus had by an by, broughte them to
vtter deftrudtion, yf Crefus being in good fauour with
Cyrus had not hertelie defyred him, not to reuenge
Pactyas faulte, in Ihedynge theyr blood. But if he
would folowe his counfell, he myght brynge to paffe,
that they Ihoulde neuer more rebel agaynfl hym. And
yat was this, to make them weare long kyrtils, to ye
foot lyke woomen, and that euerye one of them fhoulde
haue a harpe or a lute, and leame to playe and fmg
whyche thinge if you do fayth Crefus (as he dyd in dede)
you fhall fe them quickelye of men, made women.
And thus lutinge and finginge take awaye a manlye
flomake, whiche Ihulde enter and pearce depe and
harde Hudye.

®be at ^t)00ttn(r* 4 ^

Euenfuchean other floriedoeth Nympho-
dorus an olde greke Hiftoriographer write,
of one SefoUris kinge of Egypte, whiche llorie becaufe
it is fomewhat longe, and very lyke in al poyntes to the
other and alfo you do well ynoughe reinembre it, feynge
you read it fo late in Sophoclis commen- Comment,

taries, I wyll nowe paffe ouer. Therefore “

eyther ArifLotle and Plato knowe not what was good
and euyll for leaminge and vertue, and the example
of wyfe hiflories be vainlie fet afore vs or els the min-
ilrelfie of lutes, pipes, harpes, and all other that flandeth
by fuche nice, fine, minikin fingering (fuche as the
moofle parte of fcholers whom I knowe vfe, if they vfe
any) is farre more fitte for the womannifhneffe of it to
dwell in the courte among ladies, than for any great
thing in it, whiche Ihoulde helpe good and fad fludie,
to abide in the vniuerfitie amonges fcholers. But per¬
haps you knowe fome great goodneffe of fuche muficke
and fuche inftrumentes, whervnto Plato and Ariflotle
his brayne coulde neuer attayne, and therfore I will
faye no more agaynfl it.

Plji. Well Toxophile is it not ynoughe for you to
rayle vpon Mufike, excepte you mocke me to ? but to
fay the truth I neuer thought my felfe thefe kindes of
muficke fit for learninge, but that whyche I fayde was
rather to proue you, than to defend e the matter. But
yet as I woulde haue this forte of muficke decaye
amonge fcholers, euen fo do I wyffhe from the
bottome of my heart, that the laudable cuflome of
Englande to teache chyldren their plainefong and
prikfong, were not fo decayed throughout all the
realme as it is. Whiche thing howe profitable it was
for all fortes of men, thofe knewe not fo wel than whiche
had it moll, as they do nowe whiche lacke it mofle.
And therfore it is true that Teucer fayeth in Sophocles.

Seldome at all good ihinges be knowen how good to be Sophocles
Before a man fuche thinges do miffe out of his kandes. ^ Aiace.

That milke is no fitter nor more naturall for the

4 ^

bringing vp of children than mufike is, both Gallen
proueth by authoritie, and dayly vfe teacheth by
experience. For euen the little babes lacking the vfe
of reafon, are fcarfe fo well Hilled in fuckyng theyr
mothers pap, as in hearynge theyr mother fyng.

Agayne how fit youth is made, by learning to fing, for
grammar and other fciences, bothe we dayly do fee,
and Plutarch learnedly doth proue, and Plato wifelie did
alowe, which receyued no fcholer in to his fchole, that
had not learned his fonge before.

The godlie vfe of prayfmg God, by fmginge in the
churche, nedeth not my prayfe, feing it is fo prayfed
through al the fcripture, theifore nowe I wil fpeke
nothing of it, rather than I fliuld fpeke to litle of it.

Befyde al thefe commodities, truly, ii. degrees of
menne, which haue the higheft offices vnder the king
in all this realme, fhal greatly lacke the vfe of Singinge,
preachers and lawiers, bycaufe they fhal not without
this, be able to rule their brefles, for euery puipofe.
For where is no diflindlion in telling glad thinges and
fearfull thinges, gentilnes and cruellies, foftenes and
vehementnes, and fuche lyke matters, there can be no
great perfwafion.

For the hearers, as Tullie fayeth, be muche affec-
tioned, as he is that fpeaketh. At his wordes be they
drawen, yf he ftande Hill in one facion, their mindes
Hande Hill with hym: If he thundre, they quake : If
he chyde, they feare : If he complayne, they fory with
hym: and finally, where a matter is fpoken, with an
apte voyce, for euerye affedtion, the hearers for the
moHe parte, are moued as the fpeaker woulde. But
when a man is alwaye in one tune, lyke an Humble
bee, or els nowe vp in the top of the churche, nowe
downe that no manne knoweth where to haue hym:
or piping lyke a reede, or roring lyke a bull, as fome
lawyers do, whiche thinke they do beH, when they crye
lowdeH, thefe Hiall neuer greatly mooue, as I haue
knowen many wel learned, haue done, bicaufe theyr
voyce was not Hayed afore, with learnyng to fynge.

0f ^T)00t{ixfi* 43

For all voyces, great and fniall, bafe and fliril, weke or
fofte, may be holpen and brought to a good poynt, by
learnyng to fynge.

Whether this be true or not, they that fland moode
in nede, can tell bed, whereof fome I haue knowen,
whiche, becaufe they learned not to fing, whan they
were boyes, were fayne to take peyne in it, whan they
were men. If any man fhulde heare me Toxophile,
that woulde thinke I did but fondly, to fuppofe that a
voice were fo neceffarie to be loked vpon, I would
afke him if he thought not nature a foole, for making
fuch goodly indrumentes in a man, for wel vttring his
woordes, or els if the. ii. noble orators Demodhenes
and Cicero were not fooles, wherof the one dyd not
onelie leame to fmg of a man: But alfo was not
afhamed to leame howe he fhoulde vtter his foundes
aptly of a dogge, the other fetteth oute no poynte of
rhetorike, fo fullie in all his bookes, as howe a man
fhoulde order his voyce for all kynde of matters.

Therfore feinge men by fpeaking, differ and be
better than beades, by fpeakyng wel, better than other
men, and that finging is an helpe towarde the fame as
dayly experience doth teache, example of wyfe men
doth alowe, authoritie of learned men doth approue
wherwith the foundacion of youth in all good common
wealthes alwayes hath bene tempered; furelye if I
were one of the parliament houfe, I woulde not fayle,
to put vp a bill for the amendment of this thynge, but
becaufe I am lyke to be none this yeare, I wil fpeake
no more of it, at this time.

2 Eox. It were pitie truly Philologe^ that the thinge
fhoulde be neglecded, but I trud it is not as you fay.

The tiling is to true, for of them that come
day lye to ye vniuerfitie, where one hath learned
to finge, vi. hath not. But nowe to oure fhotmge
Toxophile agayne, wherin I fuppofe you can not fay fo
muche for fliotyng to be fitte for learninge, as you haue
fpoken agaynde Muficke for the fame.

Therfore as concerning Mufike, I can be content to

44

graunt you your mynde: But as for Ihooting, furely I
fuppofe that you can not perfwade me, by no meanes,
that a man can be earn eft in it, and earnefl at his
booke to: but rather I thynke that a man with a bowe
on his backe, and fhaftes vnder hys girdell, is more fit
to wayte vpon Robin Hoode, than vpon Apollo or the
Mufes.

SToi* Ouer ernefl fliooting furely I will not ouer
emeHlye defende, for I euer thought (hooting fhoulde
be a way ter vpon leming not a madres ouer learning.
Yet this I maruell not a litle at, that ye thinke a man
with a bowe on hys backe is more like Robin Hoode
feruaunt, than Apollofe, feing that Apollo him felfe in
Alcedis of Euripides, whiche tragidie you red openly
not long ago, in a maner glorieth faying this verfe.

It is my wont alwaies my bowe with me to beare.

Therfore a learned man ought not to much to be
afhamed to beare that fome tyme, whiche Apollo god
of leming him felfe was not afhamed always to beare.
And bycaufe ye woulde haue a man wayt vpon the
Mufes, and not at all medle with fhotyng I maruell
that you do not remembre howe that the ix. mufes
their felfe as fone as they were borne, wer put to norfe
to a lady called Euphemis whiche had a fon named
Erotus with whome the nine Mufes for his excellent
fhootinge, kepte euer more companie withall, and vfed
dayly to (hoote togither in ye mount Pernafus; and at
la(l it chaunced this Erotus to dye, whofe death the
Mufes lamented greatly, and fell all vpon theyr knees
afore lupiter theyr father, and at theyr requed,
Erotus for (hooting with the Mufes in earth was made
a figne, and called Sagittarius in heauen. Therfore
you fe, that if Apollo and the Mufes either were
examples in dede, or onelye fayned of wife men to be
examples of leaminge, honed (lioting maye well
ynough be companion with honed dudie.

Well Toxophile, if you haue no dronger
defence of (hotinge then Poetes, I feare yf your com-

^cf)0le of 45

panions which loue fhotinge, hearde you, they wolde
thinke you made it but a triflyng and fabling matter,
rather then any other man that loueth not fhotinge
coulde be perfuaded by this reafon to loue it.

®oxo. Euen as I am not fo fonde but I knowe that
thefe be fables, fo I am fure you be not fo ignoraunt,
but you knowe what fuche noble wittes as the Poetes
had, ment by fuch matters: which oftentymes vnder
the couering of a fable, do hyde and wrappe in goodlie
preceptes of philofophie, with the true iudgement of
thinges. Whiche to be true fpeciallye in Homer and
Euripides, Plato, Ariflotle, and Galene playnelye do
fhewe: when through all their workes (in a maner)
they determine all controuerfies, by thefe. ii. Poetes
and fuche lyke authorities. Theifore if in this matter
I feme to fable, and nothynge proue, I am content
you iudge fo on me : feinge the fame iudgement fhall
condemne with me Plato, Ariflotle, and Galene, whom
in that errour I am wel content to folowe. If thefe
oulde examples proue nothing for fhoting, what faye
you to this ? that the befl learned and fagefl men in this
Realme, which be nowe alyue, both loue fhoting and
vfe fhoting, as the beft learnedbiffhoppes that be:
amonges whome Fhilologe^ you your felfe knowe. iiii.
or. V. which as in all good learning, vertue and fage-
neffe they gyue other men example what thing they
flioulde do, euen fo by their fhoting, they playnely
fliewe what honefl paflime, other men giuen to learning,
may honeflly vfe. That ernefl fludie mufl be recreated
with honeft paflime fufficientlye I haue proued afore,
both by reafon and authoritie of the befl learned men
that euer wrote. Then feing paflymes be lefull, the
moofl fittefl for learning, is to be fought for. A
paflyme, faith Ariflotle, mufl be lyke a
medicine. Medicines flande by contra- st.po. ^
ries, therfore the nature of fludying confidered, the
fittefl paflyme fhal foone appeare. In fludie eiiery
parte of the body is ydle, which thing caufeth groffe
and colde humours, to gather togyther and vexe

46

fcholers verye moche, the mynde is altogyther bent
and fet on worke. A pafl)nne then mufl be had where
euery parte of the bodye mufl be laboured to feparate
and leffen fuche humours withal: the mind muft be
vnbent, to gather and fetche againe his quickneffe
withall. Thus paflymes for the mynde onelye, be
nothing fit for fludentes, bycaufe the body which is
moofl hurte by fludie, fhulde take away no profyte
thereat. This knewe Erafmus verye well, when he was
here in Cambrige : which when he had ben fore at
his boke (as Garret our bookebynder hath verye ofte
tolde me) for lacke of better exercife, wolde take his
horfe, and ryde about the markette hill, and come
agayne. If a fcholer fhoulde vfe bowles or tennies,
the laboure is to vehement and vnequall, whiche is
condempned of Galene: the example very ill for other
men, when by fo manye actes they be made vnlawfull.

Running, leaping, and coy ting be to vile for fcholers,
and fo not fit by Ariftotle his iudgement: walking
alone into the felde, hath no token of Aristot.
courage in it, a paflyme lyke a fimple man poi- ?• 17.
which is neither fiefh nor fiflhe. Therfore if a man
woulde haue a paflyme holefome and equall for euerye
parte of the bodye, pleafaunt and full of courage
forthemynde, not vile and vnhonefletogyueill example
to laye men, not kepte in gardynes and comers, not
lurkynge on the nyght and in holes, but euermore in
the face of men, either to rebuke it when it doeth ill,
or els to teflifye on it when it doth well: let him feke
chefely of all other for fhotynge.

3 P}jfl0L Suche commune paflymes as men com-
menlye do vfe, I wyll not greatlye allowe to be fit for
fcholers: feinge they maye vfe fuche exer-
cifes verye well (I fuppofe) as Galene him
felfe doth allowe.

Thofe exercifes I remenibre verye well, for
I read them within thefe two dayes, of the whiche„
fome be thefe : to mnne vp and downe an hyll, to
clyme vp a longe powle, or a rope, and there hange a

C!)t tst ^!)00t{ns. 47

while, to holde a man by his armes and wane with his
heeles, moche lyke the paflyme that boyes vfe in the
churche when their mafter is awaye, to fwinge and tot¬
ter in a belrope : to make a fifte, and flretche out bothe
his armes, and fo ftande lyke a roode. To go on a
man his tiptoes, flretching out th[e] one of his armes for-
warde, the other backewarde, which if he blered out
his tunge alfo, myght be thought to daunce Anticke
verye properlye. To tumble ouer and ouer, to toppe
ouer tayle: To fet backe to backe, and fe who can heaue
an other his heles higheft, with other moche like: whiche
exercifes furelye mufle nedes be naturall, bycaufe they
be fo childiflhe, and they may be alfo holefome for
the body: but finely as for pleafure to the minde or
honeflie in the doinge of them, they be as lyke Ihot-
inge as Yorke is foule Sutton. Therfore to loke on al
pallymes and exercifes holfome for the bodye, plea-
faunt for the mynde, comlye for euery man to do,
honefl for all other to loke on, profitable to be fette
by of euerye man, worthie to be rebuked of no man, fit
for al ages perfons and places, onely Ihoting lhal ap-
peare, wherin all thefe commodities maye be founde.

SPfjtL To graunt Toxophile, that lludentes may at
fymes conuenient vfe fhoting as mooli holfome and
honefl pallyme : yet to do as fome do, to fliote hourly
day lie, wekelye, and in a maner the hole yere, neithei
I can prayfe, nor any wyfe man wyl alowe, nor you
your felfe can honelllye defende.

Sfoxopfy. Surely Philologe, I am very glad to fe
you come to that poynte that mooli lieth in your
ftomake, and greueth you and other fo moche. But I
trufle after I haue fayd my mynde in this matter, you
lhal confelfe your felfe that you do rebuke this thing
more than ye nede, rather then you fhal fynde that
any man may fpende by anye poffibilitie, more tyme
in Ihotinge then he ought. For firll and formooft the
hole tyme is deuyded into. ii. partes, the daye and
the night: whereof the night maye be both occupyed
in many honell bufinelfes, and alfofpentin moche vn-

48

thriftineffe, but in no wife it can be applyed to fhot-
ing. And here you fe that halfe oure tyme, graunted
to all other thinges in a maner both good and ill, is at
one Iwappe quite taken awaye from flioting. Now let
vs go fonvard, and fe how moche of halfe this tyme of
ours is fpent in flioting. The hole yere is deuided into,
iiii. partes, Spring tyme, Somer, faule of the leafe,
and winter wherof the whole winter, for the roughneffe
of It, is cleane taken away from fhoting : except it be
one day amonges. xx. or one yeare amonges. xl.
In Somer, for the feruent heate, a man maye faye
likewyfe: except it be fomtyme agaynfl night
Now then fpring tyme and faule of the leafe be
thofe which we abufe in fhoting. But if we con-
fider how mutable and chaungeable the wether is in
thofe feafons, and howe that Ariflotle him felfe
fayth, that moofle parte of rayne fauleth in thefe two
tymes: we fhall well perceyue, that where a man
wolde fhote one daye, he fhall be fayne to leaue of.
iiii. Now when tyme it felfe graiinteth vs but a litle
fpace to fhote in, lette vs fe if flioting be not hindered
amonges all kyndes of men as moche otherwayes.
Firfl, yong children vfe not, yong men for feare of
them whom they be vnder to moche dare not: fage
men for other greater bufmeffes, wyll not: aged men
for lacke of ftrengthe, can not: Ryche men for
couetoufneffe fake, care not: poore men for cofl and
charge, may not: maflers for their houfholde keping,
hede not: feruauntes kept in by their maiflers very
oft, fhall not: craftes men for getting of their lyuing,
verye moche leyfure haiie not: and many there be
that oft beginnes, but for vnaptneffe proues not: and
mooflof alljwhiche when theybefhoters gyueitouerand
lyfle not, fo that generallye men euerye where for one
or other confideration moche fhoting vfe not. Ther-
fore thefe two thinges, flrayteneffe of tyme, and euerye
man his trade of lining, are the caufes that fo fewe men
fliotes : as you maye fe in this greate towne, where as
there be a thoufande good mens bodies, yet fcarfe. x.

at 49

yat vfeth any great flioting. And thofe whome you
fe fhote the moofl, with how many thinges are the[y]
drawen (or rather driuen) from fhoting. For firft, as
it is many a yere or they begyn to be greate ihoters,
euen fo the greate heate of fhotinge is gone within a
yere or two : as you knowe diuerfe Philologe your
felfe, which were fometyme the befl fhoters, and now
they be the befl fludentes.

If a man faule fycke, farewell fhoting, maye fortune
as long as he lyueth. If he haue a wrentche, or haue
taken colde in his arme, he may hang vp his bo we (I
warraunt you) for one feafon. A litle blayne, a fmall
cutte, yea a filie poore worme in his finger, may kepe
him from fhoting wel ynough. Breaking and ill luck
in bowes I wyll paffe ouer, with an hundred mo fere
thinges, whiche chaunceth euerye daye to them that
fhote moofl, wherof the leefl of them may compell a
man to leaue flioting. And thefe thinges be fo trewe
and euident, that it is impoffible either for me craftelye
to fayne them, or els for you iuflly to deny them.
Than feing how many hundred thinges are required
altogyther to giue a man leaue to fhote, and any one
of them denied, a man can not fliote: and feing euery
one of them maye chaunce, and doth chaunce euery
day, I meruayle any wyfe man wyll thynke it poffible,
that any greate tyme can be fpent in fhoting at all.

If this be true that you faye Toxo- ^

phile, and in very dede I can denye no- ^

thinge of it, I meruayle greatly how it chaunceth, that
thofe, whiche vfe fhoting be fo moche marked of men,
and ofttymes blamed for it, and yat in a maner as moche
as thofe which pleye at cardes and dife. And I fhal
tell you what I hearde fpoken of the fame Cardes
matter. A man no fhoter, (not longe agoo)
wolde defende playing at cardes and dife, if it were
honeflly vfed, to be as honefl a paflime as youre fhot¬
inge : For he layed for him, that a man might pleye for
a litle at cardes and dyfe, and alfo a man might fhote
away all that euer he had. He fayd a payre of cardes
P

$6 ®0jrtrjpl)ttii^,

cofl not pafl. ii.d. and that they neded not fo moche
reparation as bowe and lhaftes, they wolde neuer hurte
a man his hande, nor neuer weare his gere. A man
Ihulde neuer flee a man with fhoting wyde at the car-
des. In wete and drye, hote and coulde, they woulde
neuer forfake a man, he fliewed what great varietie
there is in them for euerye mans capacitie; if one game
were harde, he myght eafelye learne an other : if a
man haue a good game, there is greate pleafure in it:
if he haue an ill game, the payne is lliorte, for he
maye foone gyue it ouer, and hope for a better: with
many other mo reafons. But at the lafl he concluded,
that betwixt playinge and flioting, well vfed or ill vfed,
there was no difference : but that there was leffe cofle
and trouble, and a greate deale more pleafure in
playing, then in fhot5mge.

I can not deny, but flioting (as all other good
thinges) may be abufed. And good thinges ungoodlye
vfed, are not good, fayeth an honorable bifhoppe in
an emefler matter then this is: yet we mufle beware
that we laye not mennes faultes vpon the thing which
is not worthie, for fo nothing fhulde be good. And
as for fhoting, it is blamed and marked of men for that
thing (as I fayde before) which fhoulde be rather a
token of honeflie to prayfe it, then any figne of
noughtineffe to difalowe it, and that is bycaufe it is in
euerye man his fight, it feketh no corners, it hydeth it
not: if there be neuer fo litle fault in it, euerye man
feeth it, it accufeth it felfe. For one houre fpente in
flioting is more fene and further talked of, then. xx.
nightes fpent in dyfing, euen as a litle white flone is fene
amonges. iii. hundred blacke. Of thofe that blame
fliotinge and fhoters, I wyll faye no more at this tyme
but this, that befide that they floppe and hinder flioting,
which the kinges grace wolde haue forwarde, they be
not moche vnlyke in this poynt to Wyll Somer the
king his foole, which fmiteth him that flandeth alwayes
before his face, be he neuer fo worfhipfull a man, and
neuer greatly lokes for him whiche lurkes behinde an
other man his backe, that hurte him in dede.

Si

B;it to him that compared gamning with fliotlng
fomewhat wyll I anfwere, and bycaufe he went afore
me in a comparifon : and comparifons fayth learned
men, make playne matters: I wyl furely folowe him
in the fame. Honeft thynges (fayeth Plato) ^

be knowen from vnhonefl thinges, by this n p e ro.
difference, vnhoneflie hath euer prefent pleafure in
it, hauing neyther good pretence going before, nor
yet any profit folowing after; which faying defcry-
beth generallye, bothe the nature of fhootmg and
gamning whiche is good, and which is euy], verie
well.

Gamninge hath ioyned with it, a vayne prefente
pleafure, but there foloweth, Ioffe of name, Ioffe of
goodes, and winning of an hundred gowtie, dropfy
difeafes, as euery man can tell. Shoting is a peynfull
paflime, wherof foloweth health of body quiknes of
Witte, habilitie to defende oure countrye, as our ene¬
mies can beare recorde.

Loth I am to compare thefe thinges tog}^ther, and
yet I do it not bicaufe there is any comparifon at al
betwixte them, but therby a man fhal fe how good the
one is, howe euil the other. For I thinke ther is fcarfe
fo muche contrarioufnes, betwixte hotte and colde,
vertue and vice, as is betwixte thefe. ii. thinges: For
what fo euer is in the one, the clean contrarye is in
the other, as fhall playnlye appere, if we confider,
bothe their beginnynges, theyr encreafynges, theyr
fructes, and theyr endes, whiche I wyl foone rydde
ouer.

d The fyrfle brynger in to the worlde of p .
fhootynge, was Apollo, whiche for his ^
wifdome, and great commodities, brought amonges
men by him, was eflemed worthie, to be counted
as a God in heauen. Difyng furely is a baflarde
borne, becaufe it is faid to haue. li. fathers, and yet
bothe noughte: The one was an vngracious God,
called Theuth^ which for his noughtines Plato

came neuer in other goddes companyes, ^ Phedro.

and therfore Homer doth defpife onfe to name him,

in all his workes. The other father was Herodot. a
a Lydian borne, whiche people for fuche cuo.
gamnes, and other vnthriftines, as boowlyng and
hauntyng of tauemes, haue bene euer had in mofl
vile reputation, in all floryes and writers.

The Foflerer vp of fhoting is Labour, ye companion
of vertue, the ma3mteyner of honeftie, the encreafer of
health and welthineffe, whiche admytteth nothinge in a
maner in to his companye, that flandeth not, with
vertue and honeflie, and therefore fayeth the oulde
poete Epicharmus very pretelye in Xenophon, that
God felleth vertue, and all other good xendedict.
thinges to men for labour. The Nource etfact.Soc.
of dife and cardes, is werifom Ydleneffe, enemy of
vertue, ye drowner of youthe, that tarieth in it, and
as Chaufer doth faye verie well in the Parfons tale,
the greene path waye to hel, hauinge this thing appro-
priat vnto it, that where as other vices haue fome
cloke of honeflie, onely ydlenes can neyther do wel,
nor yet thinke wel. Agayne, fhooting hath two
Tutours to looke vpon it, out of whofe companie,
fhooting neuer ftirreth, the one called Daye light, ye
other Open place, whyche. ii. keepe fhooting from euyl
companye, and fuffers it not to haue to much fwinge,but
euermore keepes it vnder awe, that it darre do nothyng
in the open face of the worlde, but that which is good
and honefl. Lykewyfe, dyfinge and cardynge, haue.
ii. Tutours, the one named Solitarioufenes, whyche
lurketh in holes and comers, the other called Night
an vngratioufe couer of noughtyneffe, whyche two
thynges be very Inkepers and receyuers of all noughty¬
neffe and noughtye thinges, and thereto they be in a
maner, ordeynedby Nature. For on the nighte tyme
and in comers, Spirites and theues, rattes and mife,
toodes and oules, nyghtecrowes and poulcattes, foxes
and foumerdes, with all other vermine, and noyfome
beafles, vfe moofle flyrringe, when in the daye lyght^
and in open places whiche be ordeyned of God for
honefle thynges, they darre not ones come, whiche
thinge Euripides noted verye well, fayenge.

(S^t 0 ( 53

H thinges the nighty good thinges the daye doth haunt and vfe.

Iphi. in Tau.

Companions of flioting, be prouidens, good heed

giuing, true meatinge, honefl comparifon, whyche

thinges agree with vertue very well. Cardinge and
dyfinge, haue a forte of good felowes alfo, g05aige com¬
monly in theyr companye, as blynde Fortune, flumbling
chaunce, fpittle lucke,falfedealyng, crafty conueyaunce,
braynlefie brawlynge, falfe forfwerynge, whiche good
feloes wyll fone take a man by the fleue, and caufe
him take his Inne, fome wyth beggerye, fome wyth
goute and dropfie, fome with thefte and robbery, and
feldome they wyl leaue a man before he comme eyther
to hangyng or els fomme other extreme mifeiy. To
make an ende, howe (hoting by al mennes lawes hath
bene alowed, cardyng and dyfing by al mennes iudge-
mentes condemned, I nede not Ihewe the matter is fo
playne.

Therfore, whan the Lydians fhall inuent betterthinges
than Apollo, when flothe and ydlenes shall encreafe
vertue more than labour, whan the nyghte and lurking
comers, giueth leffe occafion to vnthriftineffe, than
lyght daye and opennes, than ihal ihotynge and fuche
gamninge, be in fumme comparifon lyke. Yet euen as
I do not fhewe all the goodnes, whiche is in Ihotynge,
whan I proue it flandeth by the fame thinges that
vertue it felfe flandeth by, as brought in by God, or
Godlyelyke men, foflered by labour, committed to the
fauegarde of lyght and opennes, accompanied with pro-
uifion and diligens, loued and allowed by euery good
mannes fentence. Euen lykewyfe do I not open halfe
the noughtines whiche is in cardyng and difing, whan
I fhewe howe they are borne of a defperate mother,
norifhed in ydlenes, encrefed by licence of nyght and
corners, accompanied wyth Fortune, chaunce, deceyte,
and craftines : condemned and banifhed, by all lawes
and iudgementes.

For if I woulde enter, to defcrybe the monflmoufe-
of it, I fhoulde rather Tf2«nder in it, it is fo brp^?.

54

than haue any readye paffage to the ende of the matter:
whofe horriblenes is fo large, that it paffed the elo¬
quence of oure Englyfhe Homer, to compaffe it; yet
becaufe I euer thought hys faymges to haue as muche
authoritie, as eyther Sophocles or Euripides in Greke,
therfore gladly do I remembre thefe verfes of hys.

Hnfardry is very mother oflefinges^

A7td of deceyie^ and cur fedfweringeSy
Blafphemte of Chnfi^ manjlaughter^ and wafie alfo,

Of catel of tyme^ oj other thy7tges 7?to.

^ Mother of lefinges) trulye it maye well be called fo,
if a man confydre howe manye wayes, and how many
thiuges, he lofeth thereby, for firfle he lofeth his
goodes, he lofeth his tyme, he lofeth quycknes of wyt,
and all good lull to other thinges, he lofeth honeft
companye, he lofeth his good name and eflimation,
and at lafle, yf he leaue it not, lofeth God, and
heauen and all: and in flede of thefe thinges winneth
at length, eyther hangyng or hell.

^ And of deceyte) I trowe if I fhoulde not lye, there
is not halfe fo muche crafte vfed in no one thinge in
the worlde, as in this curfed thynge. What falfe dife
vfe they ? as dife flopped with quickfiluer and heares,
dife of a vauntage, flattes, gourdes to chop and
chaunge whan they lyfle, to lette the trew dife fall
vnder the table, and fo take vp the falfe, and if they
be true dife, what Ihyfte wil they make to fet ye one of
them with ilyding, with cogging, with foyfling, with
coytinge as they call it. Howe wyll they vfe thefe
fhiftes, whan they get a playne man that can no fkyll
of them ? Howe will they go about, yf they perceyue
an honefl man haue money, which lift not playe, to
prouoke him to playe ? They wyl feke his company,
ihey wil let hym paye nought, yea and as I hearde a
man ones faye that he dyd, they wil fend for hym to
fome houfe, and fpend perchaunce, a crown on him,
and at laft wyll one begin to faye : what my mafters,
what fliall we do ? Ihall euerye man playe his xii. d.
whyles an apple rofte in the fyre, and than we wyll

0f ^T)00tmg. 55

drinke and departe : Naye wyl an other faye,asfalfe
as he, you can not leAue whan you begyn, and ther-
fore I wyll not playe : but yet yf you wyll gage, that
euery man as he hath lofl his. xii. d. lliall fit downe, I
am content, for furely I woulde winne no mannes
money here, but euen as much as wolde paye for mye
fupper. Than fpeketh the thyrde, to the honefl man
that thought not to playe, what wylle you playe your,
xii. pence if he excufe h)nn, tufb man wyll the other
faye, fLicke not in honefl company for. xii. d. I wyll
beare your halfe, and here is my money.

No we al this is to make him to beginne, for they
knowe if he be ones in, and be a loofer, yat he wyl
not fticke at his. xii. d. but hopeth euer to gette it
agayne, whiles perhaps, he loofe all. Than euery one
of them fetteth his fhiftes abroche, fome with falfe
dife, fome with fettynge of dyfe, fome with hauinge
outelandifhe fyluer coynes guylded, to put away at a
tyme for good gold. Than if ther come a thing in
controuerfie, mufte you be iudged by the table, and
than farewell the honefl man hys parte, for he is borne
downe on euerye fyde.

Nowe fir, befyde all thefe Ihinges they haue certayne
termes, as a man woulde faye, appropriate to theyr
playing: wherby they ^wyl of awe a mannes money,
but paye none, whiche they cal barres, that furely he
that knoweth them not, maye foone be debarred of
all that euer he hath, afore he lerne them. Yf a
playne man lofe, as he fhall do euer, or els it is a
wonder, than the game is fo deuilyfh, that he can
neuer leaue: For vayn hope (which hope fayth Euri¬
pides, deftroyeth many a man and Citie) ^

dryueth hym on fo farre, that he can neuer ^
retoume backe, vntyl he be fo lyght, that he nede feare
no theues by the waye. Nowe if a fimple man happen
onfe in his lyfe, to win of fuche players, than will they
eyther entreate him to kepe them company whyles he
hath lofl all agayne, or els they will vfe the mofte
djaiell)dhe fafhion of all. For one of the players that

ftandeth nexte him, fhall haue a payre of falfe dife,
and call them out vpon the bourde, the honell man
lhall take them and call them, as he did the other, the
thirde lliall efpye them to be falfe dife, and lhall crye
oute, harde, with all the othes vnder God, that he hath
falfelye wonne theyr moneye, and than there is
nothynge but houlde thy throte from my dagger, than
euery man layeth hande on the fimple man, and
taketh all theyr moneye from him, and his owne also,
thinking himfelfe wel, that he fcapeth with his lyfe.

Curfed fmerying^ hlafphemie of Chfijle^ Thefe halfe
verfes Chaucer in an other place, more at large doth
well fet out, and verye liuely expreffe, fayinge.

Ey by goddes precious hert and his nayles
A7id by the blood of Chnjky that is in Jdales,

Seuen is my chaunce, and thine is fmke and treye^

Ey goddes armes, if thou faljly playe^

This daggerftall thorough thine herte go
This fruie comnieih of the beched boones twoo
Forfweringe^ Ire^ falfnes and Homicide, &^c,

Thoughe thefe verfes be very ernelUie wrytten, yet
they do not halfe fo grifely fette out the horyblenes of
blafphemy, which fuche gamners vfe, as it is in dede,
and as I haue hearde my felfe. For no man can wryte
a thing fo eameftlye, as w'han it is fpoken wyth iefture,
as learned men you knowe do faye. Howe will you
thinke that fuche furioufenes wyth woode countenaun-
ces, and brenning eyes, with flaringe and bragging,
with heart redie to leape out of the belly for fwelling,
can be exprelfed ye tenth part, to the vttermoll.
Two men I herd my felfe, whofe fayinges be far more
grifely, than Chaucers verfes. One, whan he had loll
his moneye, fware me God, from top to toe with, one
breath, that he had loll al his money for lacke of
fweringe: The other, lof)mg his money, and heaping
othes upon othes, one in a nothers necke, mooft
horrible and not fpekeable, was rebuked of an honell
man whiche Hode, by for fo doynge, he by and by
flarynge him in the face, and clappyng his fiHe with all

at ii500tm3* 57

his moneye he had, vpon the boorde, fware me by the
flefflae of God, that yf fweryng woulde helpe him but
one ace, he woulde not leue one pece of god vnfworne,
neyther wythin nor without. The remembraunce of
this blafphemy Philologe, doth make me quake at the
heart, and therefore I wyll fpeake no more of it.

And fo to conclude wyth fuche gamnying, I thynke
there is no vngracioufenes in all thys worlde, that
carieth fo far from god, as thys faulte doth. And yf
there were anye fo defperate a perfone, that woulde
begynne his hell here in earth, I trowe he fhoulde not
fynde hell more lyke hell it felfe, then the lyfe of thofe
men is which dayly haunt and vfe fuche vngracious games.

You handle this gere in dede: And I fuppofe
if ye had ben a prentice at fuche games, you coulde
not haue fayd more of them then you haue done, and
by lyke you haue had fomwhat to do with them.

5t0X. In dede, you may honefllye gather that I hate
them greatly, in that I fpeake agaynil them : not that
I haue vfed them greatlye, in that I fpeake of them.
For thynges be knowen dyuerfe wayes, as Socrates (you
knowe) doeth proue in-Alcibiades. And if euery man
fhulde be that, that he fpeaketh or wryteth vpon, then
fhulde Homer haue bene the bell capitayne, mooli
cowarde, hardye, hafly, wyfe and woode, fage and
fimple: And Terence an oulde man and a yong, an
honell man and a bawde: with fuche lyke. Surelye
euerye man ought to praye to God dayly, to kepe them
from fuche unthriftyneffe, and fpeciallye all the youth
of Englande : for what youth doth begynne, a man
wyll folowe commonlye, euen to his dyinge daye:
whiche thinge Adraftus in Euripides pretelye doth ex^
preffe, fayinge.

TVJiaf thing a man in tender age hath nioft in vre
That fame to death alwayes to kepe hefial be fere Euripvdea

Therfore in age who greatly longes good fnite to mowe suppli.
In youth he muft him felfe aplye good feede to fowe.

ppx the foundation of youth well fette (as Pl^tp doth

58

faye) the whole b''dye of the commune wealth fhal
floryfhe therafter. If the yonge tree growe croked, when
it is oulde, a man fhal rather breake it than ftreyght it.
And I thinke there is no one thinge yat crokes youth
more then fuche vnlefull games. Nor let no man
fay, if they be honeflly vfed they do no harme. For
how can that paflyme whiche neither exercifeth the
bodye with any honefl labour, nor yet the minde with
any honefl thinking, haue any honeflie ioyned with it.
Nor let no man affure h3nn felfe that he can vfe it
honeftlye: for if he ftande therein, he may fortune
haue a faule, the thing is more flipperye then he
knoweth of A man maye (I graunt) fyt on a brante
hyll fyde, but if he gyue neuer fo lytle forwarde, he
can not floppe though he woulde neuer fo fayne, but
he mufl nedes runne heedling, he knoweth not how
farre. What honefl pretences, vayne pleafure layeth
dayly (as it were entifements or baytes, to pull men
forwarde withall) Homer doeth well fhewe, by the
Sirenes, and Circes. And amonges all in that fhyp
there was but one Vlyffes, and yet he hadde done to
as the other dyd, yf a goddeffe had not taught hym :
And fo lykew3de I thinke, they be eafye to numbre,
whiche paffe by playing honefllye, excepte the grace
of God faue and kepe them. Therfore they that
wyll not go to farre in playing, let them folowe this
counfell of the Poete.

Stoppe the hegynninges.

Well, or you go any further, I pray you
tell me^this one thing: Doo ye fpeake agaynfle meane
mennes playinge onlye, or aga5nifle greate mennes
playinge to, or put you anye difference betwixte them?

®0xopfjt\ If I fhulde excufe my felfe herein, and
faye that I fpake of the one, and not of the other, I
feare leafle I fhoulde as fondlye excufe my felfe, as a
certayne preacher dyd, whome I hearde vpon a tyme
fpeake agaynfle manye abufes, (as he fayde) and at
lail he fpake apynfl candelles, and then he fearynge^

^d)Olc flf ^I)00t{n3. 59

leaft fome men woulde haue bene angrye and
odended with him, naye fayeth he, you muil take me
as I meane : I fpeake not agaynft greate candelles, but
agaynft lytle can dels, for they be not all one (quoth he) I
promyfeyou; And fo euerye man laughed him to fcorne.

In dede as for greate men, and greate mennes mat¬
ters, I lyfl not greatlye to meddle. Yet this I woulde
wyffhe that all great men in Englande had led ouer dili-
gentlye the Pardoners tale in Chaucer, and there they
fhoulde perceyue and fe, howe moche fuche games
Hand with theyr worlhyppe, howe great foeuer they be.
What great men do, be it good or yll, meane men com-
munelye loue to followe, as many learned men in many
places do faye, and daylye experience doth playnelye
fhewe, in coftlye apparrell and other lyke matters.

Therefore, feing that Lordes be lanternes to leade
the lyfe of meane men, by their example, eyther to
goodneffe or badneffe, to whether foeuer they lifte : and
feinge alfo they haue libertie to lyfte what they will, I
pray God they haue will to lift that which is good, and
as for their playing, I wyll make an ende with this faying
of Chaucer.

Lordes viightfinde tJmn other majter of pleye
Honest y7iough to dmce the daye awaye.

But to be fhorte, the beft medicine for all fortes of
men both high and lowe, yonge and oulde, to put
awaye fuche vnlawfull games is by the contrarye, lyke-
wyfe as all phyficions do alowe in phyfike. So let
youthe in fteade of fuche vnlefull games, whiche ftande
by ydleneffe, by folitarineffe, and corners, by night
and darkeneffe, by fortune and chaunce, by crafte and
fubtiltie, vfe fuche paftimes as ftand by labour : vpon
the daye light, in open fyght of men, hauynge fuche an
ende as is come to by conning, rather then by crafte :
and fo fhulde vertue encreafe, and vice decaye. For
contrarye paftimes, muft nedes worke contrary mindes
in men, as all other contrary thinges doo.

And thu5 we fe Philologe, that fhoting is not onely

6o ^apapiiln^^

•Ihe moofl holefome exercife for the bodye, the
honefl paflime for the mynde, and that for all fortes
of men : But alfo it is a moofl redy medicine, to
purge the hole realme of fuche peflilent gamning, wher-
^vith many tymes: it is fore troubled and ill at eafe.

pfjf. The more honeflie you haue proued by Ihot-
ing Toxophile^ and the more you haue perfwaded me
to loue it, fo moche trulye the forer haue you made
me with this lall fentence of yours, wherby you plainly
proue that a man maye not greatly vfe it. For if
(hoting be a medicine (as you faye that it is) it maye
not be vfed very oft, lefl a man ihuld hurt him felfe
■ ith all, as medicines moche occupyed doo. For Aris¬
totle him felfe fayeth, that medicines be no meate to
lyue withall: and thus fhoting by the fame reafon,
maye not be moche occupyed.

^0X. You playe your oulde wontes Philologe, in
dalying with other mens wittes, not fo moche to
proue youre owne matter, as to proue what other men
^an fay. But where you thinke that I take awaye
noche vfe of Ihoting, in lykening it to a medicine: by-
caufe men vfe not medicines euery daye, for fo fhoulde
their bodyes be hurt: I rather proue daylye vfe of
fhoting therby. For although Ariflotle fayeth that
fome medicines be no meate to lyue withall, whiche is
true: Yet Hippocrates fayth that our Hippo,de
daylye meates be medicines, to withflande
cuyll withall, whiche is as true. For he maketh two
kyndes of medicines, one our meate that we vfe dailye,
.vhiche purgeth foftlye and flowlye, and in this fim-
ditude maye fhoting be called a medicine, wherewith
dayly a man maye purge and take away al vnlefull
defyres to other vnlefull paflymes, as I proued before.
The other is a quicke purging medicine, and feldomer
to be occupyed, excepte the matter be greater, and I
coulde defcribe the nature of a quicke medicine,
which fhoulde within a whyle purge and plucke oute
all the vnthriftie games in the Realme, through which
the commune wealth often tymes is fycke. For pot

at j^tjoottujd:. 6 i

oneiv good quicke wittes to learnyng be thereby
brought out of frame, and quite marred: But alfo
maniy wittes, either to attempt matters of high courage
in warre tyme, or els to atcheue matters of weyght
and wifdome in peace tyme, be made therby very
quafie and faynt. For loke through oute all hiHories
written in Greke, Latyne, or other language, and you
(hal neuer finde that realme profper in the whiche
fuche ydle paflymes are vfed. As concerning the
medicyne, although fome wolde be mifcontent, if they
hearde me meddle anye thynge with it: Yet betwixte
you and me here alone, I maye the boldlyer faye my
fantafie, and the rather bycaufe I wyll onelye wylh for
it, whiche flandeth with honellie, not determyne of it
which belongeth to authorise. The medicine is this,
that wolde to God and the kynge, all thefe vnthriftie
ydle pallymes, whiche be very bugges, that the Pfalme
meaneth on, walking on the nyght and in
comers, were made felonye, and fome of ^ . 90.

that punyfhment ordeyned for them, which is ap-
poynted for the forgers and falfifyers of the kynges
coyne. Which punifhment is not by me Demost. con-
now inuented, but longe agoo, by the tia Leptmem.
moofle noble oratour Demoflhenes: which meru^
ayleth greatly that deathe is appoynted for falfi¬
fyers and forgers of the coyne, and not as greate
punyfhmente ordeyned for them, whiche by theyr
meanes forges and falfifyes the commune wealthe.
And I fuppofe that there is no one thyng that
chaungeth fooner the golden and fyluer wyttes of men
into copperye and braffye wayes then difing and fuche
vnlefull paflymes.

And this quicke medicine I beleue wolde fo throwlye
pourge them, that the daylye medicines, as fhoting and
other paflymes ioyned with honefl labour fhoulde
eafelyer withflande them.

The excellent commodityes of fhotynge in
peace tyme, Toxophile, you haue very wel and fuffi-
ciently declared. Wherby -you haue fo perfuaded me,

62

that God v/yllyng hereafter I wyll both loue it the bettef,
and alfo vfe it the often For as nioche as I can gatner
of all this communication of ours, the tunge, the nofe,
the handes and the feete be no fytter membres, or
inflrumentes for the body of a man, then is fhotinge
for the hole bodye of the realme. God hath made
the partes of men which be befl and mood necceffarye,
to ferue, not for one purpofe onelye, but for manye;
as the tunge for fpeaking and tailing, the nofe for
fmelling, and alfo for auoyding of all excrementes,
which faule oute of the heed, the handes for receyu)mge
of good thinges, and for puttyng of all harmefull
thinges, from the bodye. So fhotinge is an exercyfe of
healthe, a paftyme of honefl pleafure, and fuche one
alfo that Aoppeth or auoydeth all noyfome games
gathered and encreafed by ill rule, as noughtye humours
be, whiche hurte and corrupte fore that parte of the
realme, wherin they do remayne.

But now if you can fhewe but halfe fo moche pro-
fyte in warre of fhotynge, as you haue proued pleafure
in peace, then wyll I furelye iudge that there be fewe
thinges that liaue fo manifolde commodities, and vfcs
io)med vnto them as it hath.

^foi. The vpperhande in warre, nexte the
goodneffe of God (of whome al vidlorie
commeth, as fcripture fayth) flandeth ^' 3 *'

chefely in thre thinges : in the wyfedome of the Prince,
in the lleyghtes and pollicies of the capitaynes, and in
the fLrength and cherefuil forwardnefle of the fouldyers.
A Prince in his herte mud be full of mercy and peace,
a vertue mood pleafaunt to Chrid, mood agreable to
mans nature, mood profytable for ryche and poore.

For than the riche man enioyeth with great pleafure
that which he hath : the poore may obtayne with his
labour, that which he lacketh. And although there
is nothing worfe then war, wherof it taketh his
name, through the which great men be in daunger,
meane men. without fuccoure, ryche men in feare,
bycaufe they haue fomwhat: poore men in care,

tit ^t^aXt nr 63

bycaufe they haue nothing: And fo euery man in
thougnt and mifene : Yet it is a ciuill medicine, where¬
with a prince maye from the bodye of his commune
wealth, put of that daunger whiche maye faule: or
elles recouer agayne, whatfoeuer it hath loft. And
therfore as Ifocrates doth faye, a prince
muft be a warriour in two thinges, in con- -
ninge and knowledge of all fieyghtes and feates of
warre, and in hauing al neceffarye habihmentes be-
longyng to the fame. Whiche matter to entreate at
large, were ouerlonge at this tyme to declare, and ouer-
moche for my learning to perfourme.

After the wifdome of the prince, are valiaunt capi-
taynes mooft neceffary in warre, whofe office and
dut}re is to knowe all fleightes and pollicies for all
kyndes of warre, which they maye learne. ii. wayes,
either in daylye folowing and haunting the warres or
els bicaufe wifdome bought with flrypes, is many
tymes ouercofllye : they maye beftowe fometyme in
Vegetius, which entreateth fuche matters in Latin
metelye well, or rather in Polyenus, and Leo the
Emperour, which fetteth out al pollicies and duties
of capitaynes in the Greke tunge very excellentlye.
But chefelye I wolde wifffie (and if I were of autho-
ritie) I wolde counfel al the yong gentlemen of this
realme, neuer to lay out of theyr handes. ii. authors
Xenophon in Greke, and Caefar in Latyn, where in
they ffiulde folowe noble Scipio Africanus,
as Tullie doeth faye: In whiche. ii. authours
befydes eloquence a thinge mofte neceffary of all other,
for a captg,yne, they fhulde learne the hole courfe
of warre, whiche thofe. ii. noble menne dyd not more
wyfelye wryte for other men to learne, than they dyd
manfully exercife in the fyelde, for other men to followe.

The flrengthe of war lyeth in the fouldier, whofe
chyefe prayfe and vertue, is obedience towarde his
captayne, fayth Plato. And Xenophon obedience*,
being a genlyle authour, mofle chriftianlye Pkt. leg 12.
doeth. faye, euen by thefe woordes, that Xen.Age£

^4

that fouldyer which firfle ferueth god, and than obeyeth
hys captayne, may boldelie with all courage, hope to
ouerthrowe his enemy. Agayne, without obedience,
neither valiant man, flout horfe, nor goodly
harnes doth any good at al. which obedi-
ence of ye fouldier toward his captane, brought the
whole empyre of ye worlde, into the Romanes handes.
and whan it was brought, kepte it lenger, than euer it
was kept in any common welth before or after.

And this to be true, Scipio Africanus, the mofle
noble captayne that euer was amonge the piutarchus
Romaynes, fhewed very playnly, what tyme “

as he went into Afryke, to deflroye Cartage. For he
reflinge hys hoofle by the waye in Sicilie, a daye or twoo,
and at a tyme Handing with a great man of Sicilie, and
looking on his fouldiers how they exercifed themfelues
in kepyng of araye, and other feates, the gentleman
of Sicilie afked Scipio, wherin lay hys chyefe hope to
ouercome Cartage: He anfwered, in yonder feloes of
myne whom you fe play: And why fayth the other,
bycaufe fayeth Scipio, that if I commaunded them to
runne in to the toppe of this high caflel, and call
them felues doune backeward vpon thefe rockes, I am
fure they woulde do it.

SalluH alfo doth write, yat there were mo Romanes
put to death of theyr captaynes for
fetting on theyr enerayes before they had
licence, than were for running away out of the fyelde,
before they had foughten. Thefe two examples do
proue, that amonges the Romaynes, the obedience of
the fouldyer was wonderfull great, and the feueritie of
the Captaynes, to fe the fame kepte wonderfull flrayte.
For they wel perceyued that an hofle full of obe-
dyence, falleth as feldome into the handes of theyr
enemies as that bodye fawleth into Jeoperdye, the
whiche is ruled by reafon. Reafon and Rulers beynge
lyke in ofifyce, (for the one ruleth the body of man, the
other ruleth the bodye of the common wealthe) ought
to be lyke of condicions, and oughte to be obeyed in

!Sc!)0le of iEf^oottng* 65

all maner of matters. Obedience is nouryffhed by
feare and loue, Feare is kept in by true iuftice and
equitie, Loue is gotten by wifdome, ioyned with
liberalitie: For where a fouldyer feeth ryghteoufe-
neffe fo rule, that a man can neyther do wronge nor
yet take wronge, and that his capitayne for his wyfe-
dome, can mayntayne hym, and for his liberalitie will
maintayne him, he muft nedes both loue him and feare
him, of the whiche procedeth true and vnfayned obe¬
dience. After this inwarde vertue, the nexte good poynt
in a fouldier, is to haue and to handle his weapon
wel, whereof the one mull be at the appoyntment of
the captayne, the other lyeth in the courage and exer-
cife of the fouldier: yet of al weapons the bell is, as
Euripides doth fay, wherwith with leell
daunger of our felf we maye hurt our ene-
mye mooli. And that is (as I suppofe) artillarie.
Artillarie now a dayes is taken for. ii. thinges : Gunnes
and Bowes, which how moch they do in war, both
dayly experience doeth teache, and alfo Peter Nannius
a learned man of Louayn, in a certayne dialoge^ doth
very well fet out, wherein this is moH notable, that
when he hath Ihewed excedyng commodities of both,
and fome difcommodities of gunnes, as infinite cod
and charge, comberfome carriage: and yf they be
greate, the vncertayne leuelyng, the peryll of them
that Hand by them, the efyer auoydyng by them that
llande far of: and yf they be lytle, the leffe both feare
and ieoperdy is in them, befyde all contrary wether
and wynde, whiche hyndereth them not a lytle: yet of
all Ihotyng he cannot reherfe one difcommoditie.

That I meruayle greatly at, feing Nannius is fo
well learned, and fo exercifed in the authours of both the
tunges: for I my felfe do remembre that Ihotying in
war is but finally prayfed, and that of diuers captaynes
in d>uiers authors. For firll in Euripides (whom you
fo highly praife) and very well, for Tullie thynketh
euerye verfe in him to be an authoritie, what I praye
you, doth Lycus that ouercame Thebes, fay as con-

66

cemyng fhoting ?whofe words as farre as I remera-
bre, be thefe, or no!\^uche vnlyke.

\

What prayfe hath he at at^whiche neuer ditrjl abide.

The di7it of a fpeares poytit th7'iif3^agaiuji his fide
Nor 7ieuer houldhe hickeler bareyet^i^i his lefte hande
Face to face his enemies hroiii Jlifiehe tt^rcuythfiande,

Bui alwaye tnifleth to a bowe a^id to a feihef^d Jlicke
Har7ies euer moft fit for hwi which to flie is
Bowe a7idfhafte is A TTnoure inetejl for a coz
Which dare 7iot oTies abide the bj'onie of battel fiiarpe a7id hai'de.

But he a mail ofma7ihode iiioji is by inine affeyit
Which with harie and corage boulde, fullie hath him bent,

His eiiemies looke hi eiiery fioure Jloutelie to a bide.

Face to face, aiid fote to fote, tide what may be tide.

Agayne Teucer the befl Archer amonges all the
Grecians, in Sophocles is called of Mene-
laus, a boweman, and a Ihooter as in
villaynie and reproche, to be a thing of no ^
price in warre. Moreouer Pandarus the befl Ihooter in
the worlde, whome Apollo hym felfe taught to fhoote,
bothe he and his fhotynge is quyte con¬
temned in Homer, in fo much that Homer
(which vnder a made fable doth alwayes hyde hys
iudgement of thinges) doeth make Pandarus him felfe
crye out of fhooting, and call his bowe awaye, and
take him to a fpeare, makynge a vowe that if euer he
came home, he woulde breake his fhaftes, and burne
his bowe, lamentyng greatly, that he was fo fonde to
leaue at home his horfe and charyot wyth other
veapons, for the trufl yat he had in his bowe. Homer
‘;gi:iitieng thereby, that men flioulde leue fhoting out
of warre, and take them to other wepons more fitte
and able for the fame, and I trowe Pandarus woordeci
be muche what after thys forte.

Ill chaunce ill lucke me hyther broughie
III fortime me that days befell.

Whan firjl rny bowefro the pynne 17‘oughte
For Hediors fake, the Grekes to quelU

quicFef^:^

'}a7'de

Eurip. in
T&^^krent.

67

of ^^ooti'itij*

yf that Godfo for meJhap
That home agayiie I maye ones com-e.

Let me neiier imoye that hap^

Nor euer tivyfe looke on the fonne^

If boive and Jhaftes I do not bicrne
Whyche nowe fo euel doth fence my turne.

But to let paffe al Poetes, what can be forer faid
agaynft any thing, than the iudgement of
Cyrus IS agaynft fliotynge, whiche doth Cyri.

caufe his Perfians beyng the bell fliooters
to laye awaye theyr bowes and take them to fweardes
and buckelers, fpeares and dartes, and other lyke
hande weapons. The which thing Xenophon fo wyfe
a philofopher, fo experte a captayne in warre hym
felfe, woulde neuer haue written, and fpecially in that
booke wherein he purpofed to fhewe, as Tullie fayeth in
dede, not the true hiftorie, but the example
of a perfite wife prince an d common welthe,
excepte that iudgement of chaungyng
Artillerie, in to other wepons, he had alwayes thought
beft to be folowed, in all warre. Whofe
counfell the Parthians dyd folowe, whan a^l

they chafed Antonie ouerthe mountaines of
Media, whiche being the befl fhoters of the worlde, lefte
theyr bowes, and toke them to fpeares and morifpikes.

And thefe fewe examples I trowe, of the beft (hooters,
do well proue that the befl fhotinge is not the beft
thinge as you call it in warre.

2fox. As concernynge your firll example, taken
oute of Euripides, I maruayle you wyl bring it for ye
difprayfe of fhotyng, feyng Euripides doth make
thofe verfes, not bicaufe he thinketh them true,
but bicaufe he thinketh them fit for the perfon
that fpake them. For in dede his true iudge¬
ment of flioting, he doth expreffe by and by after
in the oration of the noble captaine Amphytrio
agaynfte Lycus, wherein a man maye doubte, whether
he hath more eloquentlye confuted Lycus fayenge, or
more worthelye fette oute the prayfe of fhootynge.

68

And as I am aduifed, his woordes be muche hereafter
as I fliall faye.

A^ainjl ike wiitie gifte of JJiotinge tn a howe Eurip. in.

Fo 7 ide and lend woo7‘des thou leitdlie doeji out throwe, Here, fur
Whtche, tf thou wilte heare of 7ne a 'ivoo7'de 07‘ twayne
Qitickhe thou mayfl harne howe fo7idlie thou doefl bla77ie^

Firjie he that ivith his harneis hhn felfe doth wal aboiLt^

Thatfcarte is lefte one hole throiLgh uhich he 7)iay pepe out^

Stick ho7id77ie7i to their hartteis to fight are nothinge mete
But fonefi of al other are iroden vuder fete,

Yf he he flronge, his feloDves faynt^ tn whome he putteth his iruji^
So loded with Jus Jiartieis fnufi ttedes he tti the dufi^

Nor yet fi'otn death he caimot fiai^te^ if oties his weapon hreke^
Howe fioute^ howe fit ong^ howe great, howe longe,
fo euer be fuche a freJee,

But who fo euer catt handle a bowe fiurdie fiiffe andfironge
Whetwith lyke haylemanieJhaftes hefhootesttUo the thicJzefithrotige:
This profits he takes, that fiandi7ig a far Jiis e7ie77iie he i7iaye fpill
Whan he and hts full fafe Jhall ftande out of all daitnger and til.
And this m War is wifedome mofie, which workes our enemies woo.
Whan weJhal be far from allfeare and ieoperdie of our foo.

Secondarily euen as I do not greatlye regarde what
Menelaiis doth fay in Sophocles to Teucer, bycaufe
he fpake it bothe in anger, and alfo to hym that he
hated, euen fo doo I remembre very well in Homer,
that when Hedtor and the Troians woulde haue fet
fyre on the greke fhippes, Teucer with his bowe made
them recule backe agayne, when Menelaus lUad. g.
tooke hym to his feete, and ranne awaye.

Thirdlye as concerning Pandarus, Homer doth not
difprayfe the noble gyfte of fhotynge, but therby euery
man is taught, that whatfoeuer, and how good foeuer a
weapon a man doth vfe in war, yf he be hym
felfe a couetoufe wretche, a foole wythoute
counfell, a peacebreaker as Pandarus was, at lafl he
fhall throughe the punifhment of God fall into his
enemyes handes, as Pandarus dydde, whome Diomedes
throughe the helpe of Minerua miferablye flue.

And bycaufe you make mencion of Homer, and

CJe ^clj0le of iSTiootmff* 69

Troye matters, what can be more prayfe for anye
thynge, I praye you, than that is for fliootyng, that
Troye coulde neuer be deftroyed without the helpe
of Hercules fliaftes, whiche thinge doeth fignihe,
that although al the worlde were gathered in an
army togyther, yet without fhotinge they can neuer
come to theyr purpofe, as Vlyffes in Sophocles very
plainlye doth faye vnto Pyrrhus, as concernyng Her¬
cules fliaftes to be caried vnto Troye.

Nor you without them^ nor without you they do oughts Soph. phil.

Fourthlye where as Cyrus dyd chaunge xen.Cyri.
parte of his bowemen, wherof he had plen- 6.

tie, into other menne of warre, wherof he lacked, I
will not greatlye difpute whether Cyrus did well in
that poynt in thofe dayes or no, bycaufe it is not
playne in Xenophon howe ftrong fhooters the Perfians
were, what bowes they had, what fhaftes and heades
they occupyed, what kynde of warre theyr enemies vfed.

But trulye as for the Parthians, it is playne, in
Plutarche, that in chaungyng theyr bowes piu. in. m.
in to fpeares, they brought theyr felfe Anton,
into vtter dellrudlion. For when they had chafed
the Romaynes many a myle, through reafon of theyr
bowes, at the lafl the Romaynes afhamed of their
fleing, and remembrynge theyr owlde nobleneffe and
courage, ymagined thys waye, that they woulde kneele
downe on theyr knees, and fo couer all theyr body
wyth theyr fhyldes and targattes, that the Parthians
fliaftes might llyde ouer them, and do them no harme,
which thing when the Parthians perceyued, thinking
that ye Romaynes wer forweryed with laboure,
watche, and hungre: they layed downe their bowes, and
toke fperes in their handes, and fo ranne vpon them:
but the Romaynes perceyuinge them without their
bowes, rofe vp manfully, and flewe them euery mother
fon, faue a fewe that faued them felues with runnyng
awaye. And herein our archers of Englande far paffe
the Parthians, which for fuche a purpofe, when they

fhall come to hande flrokes, hath euer redy, eyther at
his backe hangyng, or els in his next felowes hande a
leaden maule, or fuche lyke weapon, to beate downe
his enemyes withall.

Well 7]7Ji^jz>////<?,feing that thofe examples whiche
I had thought to haue ben cleane agaynfl Ihoting, you
haue thus turned to the hygh pra3de of fhotinge: and
all this prayfe that you haue now fayd on it, is rather
come in by me than fought for of you : let me heare
I praye you nowe, thofe examples whiche you haue
marked of fhotyng your felfe: whereby you are, and
thinke to perfuade other, yat fhoting is fo good in warre.

Examples furely I haue marked very many :
from the begynning of tyme had in memorie of wryt-
yng, throughout all commune wealthes, and Empires
of the w^orlde: wherof the moofle part I wyll paffe
ouer, left I fhoulde be tedioufe: yet fome I wyll
touche, bycaufe they be notable, bothe for me to tell
and you to heare.

And bycaufe the florye of the lewes is for the tyme
moofl auncient, for the truthe moofte credible, it flialbe
moofl fitte to begynne with them. And although I
knowe that God is the onely gyuer of vidlorie, and not
the weapons, for all ftrength and vidlorie (fayth ludas
Machabeus) cometh from heauen: Yet
furely ilrong weapons be the inflrumentes » • 3*

wherwith god doth ouercome yat parte, 5^

which he wil haue ouerthrown. For God ^

is well pleafed wyth wyfe and wittie feates of warre :
As in metinge of enemies, for trufe takyng, to haue
priuilye in a bufhment harnefl men layd
for feare of treafon, as ludas Machabeus
dyd wyth Nicanor Demetrius capitayne: And to haue
engines of warre to beate downe cities with all: and
to haue fcout watche amonges our enemyes to knowe
their counfayles, as the noble captaine
lonathas brother to ludas Machabeus did
in the countrie of Amathie againfl the mighty hofle of
Demetrius. And befyde al this, god is pleafed to haue

it[)£ 0f ^!)00tin5.

goodly tombes for them which do noble feates in wane,
and to haue their ymages made, and alfo their cote
Armours to be fet aboue theyr tombes, to
their perpetual laude and memorie : as the
valiaunt capitayne Symon, dyd caufe to be made for
his brethren ludas Machabeus and lonathas, when
they were lla3me of the Gentiles. And thus of what
authoritie feates of warre, and flrong weapons be,
Ihortly and playnelye we maye learne: But amonges
the lewes as I began to tell, I am fure there was
nothing fo occupyed, or dydde fo moche good as bowes
dyd: infomoche that when the lewes had any great
vpperhande ouer the Gentiles, the f3u:fle thinge alwayes
that the captayne dyd, was to exhort the people to
gyue all the thankes to God for the vidlorye, and not to
theyr bowes, wherwith they had flayne their
enemyes: as it is playne that the noble
lofue dyd after fo many kynges tloruil downe by hym.

God, when he promyfeth helpe to the Jewes, he vfeth
no kynde of fpeakyng fo moche as this, that he wyll
bende his bowe, and die his ihaftes in the
Gentiles blood: whereby it is manifeft, that
eyther God wyll make the leaves fhoote ilronge ihotes
to ouerthrowe their enemies : or at leefle that fhotinge
is a wonderful mightie thing in warre, whervnto ye
hygh power of God is lykened. Dauid in the Pialmes
calleth bowes the veffels of death, a bytter Psai 7.63.
thinge, and in an other place a myghty
power, and other wayes mo, which I wyll let palTe,
bycaufe euerye man readeth them daylye: But yet
one place of fcripture I mull nedes remembre,
which is more notable for ye prayfe of fhoting, tlien
any yat euer I red in any other florie, and that is,
when Saul was flayne of ye Philillians
being mightie bowmen, and lonathas his
fonne with him, that was fo good a fhoter, as ye
fcripture fayth, that he neuer fliot fhafte in vayne,
and yat the kyngdome after Saules deathe came vnto
Dauid: the firfl ftatute and lawe that euer Dauid

72

made after he was king, was this, that al
ye children of Ifrael fhulde learne to fhote, *'

according to a lawe made many a daye before yat tyme
for the fetting out of fhoting as it is written (fayeth
Scripture) libro hiJioru 7 ?i^ whiche booke we haue not
nowe: And thus we fe plainelye what greate vfe of
fhoting, and what prouifion euen from the begynnynge
of the worlde for fhotyng, was amonge the lewes.

The Ethiopians which inhabite the furtheft part
South in the worlde, were wonderfull bowmen : in
fomoche that when Cambyfes king of Herodotus in
Perfie being in Egipt, fent certayne am- Thaha.
baffadours into Ethiope to the kynge there, with many
great gyftes: the king of Ethiop perceyuinge them
to be efpyes, toke them vp fharpely, and blamed
Cambyfes greatly for fuch vniufl enterprifes: but
after that he had princely entertayned them, he fent
for a bowe, and bente it and drewe it, and then vnbent
it agayne, and fayde vnto the ambaffadours, you fhall
commende me to Cambyfes, and gyue him this bowe
fro me, and byd him when any Perfian can fhote in
this bowe, let him fet vpon the Ethiopians: In the
meane whyle let hym gyue thankes vnto God, whiche
doth not put in the Ethiopians mynde to conquere
any other mans lande. This bowe, when it came
amonge the Perfians, neuer one man in fuche an in¬
finite hofl (as Herodotus doth faye) could flyrre the
flryng, faue onely Smerdis the brother of Cambyfes,
whiche flyrred it two fingers, and no further: for the
which adl Camb^es had fuche enuy at him, that he
afterward flewe him: as doth appeare in the ftorye.

Sefoflris the moofl mightie king that euer was in
Egipt, ouercame a great parte of the worlde, and that
by archers: he fubdued the Arabians, the lues, the
Affyrians : he went farther into Scythia then any man
els : he ^ ouercame Thracia, euen to the borders of
Germanie. And in token how he ouercame al men
he fet vp in many places great ymages to his owne
lykeneffe, hauynge in the one hande a bowe, in the

73

other a lharpe heeded fliafte: that men
m3^ght knowe, what weapon is hoofle Euterpe,
vfed, in conqueryng fo manye people. Sic. 2.

Cyrus, counted as a god amonges the Gentyles, for
his nobleneffe and felicitie in warre : yet at
the lafl when he fet vpon the Maffagetanes • in c 10
(which people neuer went without their bowe nor their
quiuer, nether in warre nor peace) he and all ]iis were
flayne, and that by fhotyng, as appeareth in the Horye.

Polycrates the prince of Samos (a very little yle)
was lorde ouer all the Greke fees, and with-
ftode the power of the Perfians, onely by ^ ^
the helpe of a thoufande archers.

The people of Scythia, of all other men loued, and
vfed moofl fhotyng, the hole rycheffe and houfehoulde
fluffe of a man in Scythia, was a yocke of oxen, a
plough, his nagge and his dogge, his bowe and his
quiuer : which quiuer was couered with the fkynne of
a man, whiche he toke or flewe fyrfle in battayle.
The Scythians to be inuincibie by reafon of their
fhotyng, the greate voyages of fo manye noble con-
querours fpent in that countrie in vayne, doeth well
proue : But fpecially that of Darius the myghtie kyng
of Perfie, which when he had taryed there a-^reat
fpace, and done no good, but had forweryed his
hofte with trauayle and hunger: At lafl the men
of Scythia fent an ambaffadour with. iiii. Herod, in.

gyftes : a byrde, a frogge, a moufe, and. Meipomen.
V. fhaftes. Darius meruaylyng at the flraungeneffe
of the gyftes, afl^ed the meffenger what they fignifyed :
the meffenger anfwered, that he had no further com-
maundement, but onely to delyuer his gyftes, and
retourne agayne with all fpede : but I am fure (fayeth
he) you Perfians for your great wyfdome, can foone
boult out what they meane. When the meffenger was
gone, euery man began 10 fay his verdite. Darius
Judgment was this, that ye Scythians gaue ouer into
the Perfians handes, their lyues, their hole power,
both by lande and fee, fignifyinge by the moufe the

74

earthe, by the frogge the water, in which they both
line, by ye birde their lyues wliich lyue in the ayer, by
the lhaft their hole power and Empire, that was mayn-
teyned alwayes by Ihotinge. Gobryas a noble and
wyfe capta)nie amonges the Perfians, was of a cleane
contrary minde, faying, nay not fo, but the Sythians
meane thus by their gyftes, that except we get vs
wynges, and flye into the ayer lyke birdes, or run into
ye holes of the earthe lyke myfe, or els lye lurkyng in
fennes and mariffes lyke frogges, we fhall neuer returne
home agayne, before we be vtterly vndone with their
fhaftes : which fentence fanke fo fore into their hertes,
yat Darius with all fpede poffible, brake vp his campe,
and gat hym felfe homewarde. Yet ho we moche the
Perfians them felues fet by Ihotinge, wherby they
encreafed their empire fo moche, doth appeare by.
iii. manifefl reafons: firlle that they brought
vppe theyr youth in the fchole of fhoting, xenoph. in*
vnto. XX. yere of age, as dyuerfe noble
Greke authours do faye. “•

Agayne, bycaufe the noble kyng Darius thought hym
felfe to be prayfed by nothyng fo moch, as to be counted
a good fhoter, as doth appeare by his fepulchre,
wherin he caufed to be written this fentence.

Daritis the King lieth hitr'iedhere Strab. 15 .

Thai in Jhoting a7id riding had neuer pere.

Thirdlye the coyne of the Perfians, both golde and
filuer had the Armes of Perfie vpon it, as is piutarch in
cuftomably vfed in other realmes, and that Agefiia
was bow and arowes: by the which feate they declared,
how moch they fet by them.

The Grecians alfo, but fpedally the noble Athe-
nienfes, had all their flrength lyinge in
Artillarie; and for yat purpofe the citie of
Athens had a thoufand. men which were onely archers,
in dayly wages, to watche and kepe the citie from al
ieoperdie and fodein daunger : which archers alfo fhuld
cary to prifon and warde any mifdoer at ye commaunde-

(tl)t 0( *^5

ment of the hygh officers, as playnlye doth appeare in
Plato. And furely the bowmen of Athens piatompro-
did wonderful feates in many battels, but ^^gora
fpecially when Demollhenes the valiaunt captayne flue
and toke prifoners all the Lacedemonians befyde ye
citie of Pylos, where Neftor fomtyme was lord: the
lhaftes went fo thicke that day (fayth
Thucydides) that no man could fe theyr ^

enemies. A Lacedemonian taken prifoner, was aflced
of one at Athens, whether they were floute fellowes that
were flayne or no, of the Lacedemonians : he anfwered
nothing els but this: make moche of thofe fhaftes of
youres, for they knowe neyther floute nor vnfloute:
meanynge thereby, that no man (though he were neuer
fo flout) came in their walke, that efcaped without
death.

Herodotus defcrybing the mighty hooll Herod, in
of Xerxes efpecially doth marke out, what Poiym.
bowes and fliaftes they vfed, fignifying yat therin lay
their chefe flrength. And at the fame tyme Attoffa,
mother of Xerxes, W3rfe to Darius, and doughter of
Cyrus, doeth enquire (as Aefchylrfs flieweth ^ ^ -

. ^ J- \ r . rr Esch. m Perf.

in a Tragedie) of a certayne meffenger
that came from Xerxes holle, what flronge and fear-
full bowes the Grecians vfed: wherby it is playne, that
Artillarie was the thing, wherin both Europe and Afia
at thofe dayes trufled mooli vppon.

The befl parte of Alexanders holle were archers as
playnelye doth appeare in Arianus, and other yat
wrote his life : and thofe fo flronge archers, that they
onely, fundrye tymes ouercame their enemies, afore
any other neded to fyght: as was fene in
the battayl which Nearchus one of Alex-
anders capitaynes had befyde the ryuer of Thomeron.
And therfore as concerning all thefe k5mgdomes and
commune wealthes, I maye conclude with this fen-
tence of Plinie, whofe wordes be, as I fup- pim, hb i6.
pofe thus : If any man woulde remembre ^p- * 3 ^*
the Ethiopians, Egyptians, Arabians, the men of Inde,

76

of Scythia, fo many people in ye eafl of the Sarmatianes,
and all the kyngdomes of the Parthians, he fliall well
perceyue halfe the parte of the worlde, to lyue in
fubiedion, ouercome by the myght and power of
fhotinge.

In the commune wealth of Rome, which exceded
all other in vertue, nobleneffe, and dominion litle
mention is made of fhoting, not bycaufe it was litle
vfed amonges them, but rather bycaufe it ’was bothe fo
neceffarye and commune, that it was thought a thing
not neceffarye or requyred of anye man to be fpoken
vpon, as if a man fhoulde defcribe a greate feafle,
he woulde not ones name bread, although it be
moofle common and neceffary for all: but furely yf
a feafle beynge neuer fo great, lacked bread, or had
fewily and noiighty bread, all the other daynties
fliulde be vnfauery, and litle regarded, and than
woulde men talke of the commodity of bread, whan
they lacke it, that would not ones name it afore, whan
they had it: And euen fo dyd the Romaynes as con-
cernynge fhootyng, Seldome is fhootinge named, and
yea it dyd the mofle good in warre, as didde appere,
verye playnlye in that battell, whiche Scipio Aphricanus
had with the Numantines in Spayne, whome he coulde
neuer ouercome, before he fette bowemen amonges his
horfe men, by whofe myght they were clean vanquifhed.

Agayne, Tiberius fyghtynge \vith Armenius and Ing-
uiomerus princis of Germanie, had one ^

wing of archers on horfeback, an other of ^

archers on foot, by whofe might the German es were
flayne downe ryghte, and fo fcattered and beate oute
of the feelde, that the chafe lafled. x. myles, the Ger-
manes dame vp in to trees for feare, but the Romanes
dyd fetche them downe with theyr ihaftes as they had
ben birdes, in whyche battell the Romaynes loll fewe
or none, as doth appeare in the hiflorie

But as I began to faye, the Romaynes dyd not fo
muche prayfe the goodneffe of fhootinge, whan they
had it, as they dyd lament the lacke of it, whan they

iJc!)0le 0f 77

wanted it, as Leo the. v. the noble Emperour doth
playnlyteflifie in fundrieplaces in thofe bokeswhichehe
wrote in Greke, of the fleyghtes and pollicies of warre.^
pjjll. Surelie of that booke I haue not heard before,
and howe came you to the fyghte of it.

®ox. The booke is rare trulie, but this lafle yeare
when mafler Cheke tranflated the fayd booke out of
greke in to Latin, to ye kinges maieflie, he of his
gentleneffe, wolde haue me very ofte in hys chamber,
and for the familiaritie that I had wyth hym, more
than manye other, woulde fuffer me to reade of it,
whan I woulde, the whiche thinge to do, furelye I was
very defirous and glad, becaufe of the excellent
handelynge of all thynges, that euer he taketh in
hande. And verily Philologe^ as ofte as I remembre the
departynge of that roan from the vniuerfitie, (whiche
thinge I do not feldome) fo ofte do I well perceyue
our mofte helpe and futheraunce to learnynge, to haue
gon awaye with him. For by ye great commoditie
yat we toke in hearyng hym reade priuatly in his
chambre, all Homer, Sophocles, and Euripides,
Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Ifocrates and
Plato, we feele the great difcommoditie in not hearynge
of hym, Ariflotle and Demoflhenes, whiche. ii. authours
with all diligence laft of all he thought to haue redde
vnto us. And when I confider howe manye men he
fuccoured with his helpe, and hys ayde to abyde here
for leaminge, and howe all men were prouokcd and
flyrred vp, by his councell and daylye example, Irowe
they fhulde come to learning, furely I perceyue that
fentence of Plato to be true, which fayeth that there is
nothyng better in any common wealthe, than that there
fhoulde be alwayes one or other, excellent paffyng
mar, whofe lyfe and vertue, flioulde plucke forvvarde
the will, diligence, laboure and hope of all other, that
folowyng his footefleppes, they myght comme to the
fame ende, wherevnto labour, leming and vertue, had
conueied him before. The great hinderance of learning,
in lackinge thys man greatly I fhulde lament, if this dif-

78 t!roj:0pt)tlii^. ^

commoditie of oures, were notioyned with the commo-
ditie and health, of ye hole realme, for which purpofe,
our noble king full of wyfedome hath called vp this
excellent man full of learnynge, to teache noble prince
Edwarde, an office ful of hope, comforte and folace to al
true hertes of England: For whome al England dayly
doth praye, yat he paffing his Tutour in ^

learnyng and knowledge folowynge his
father in wifedome and felicitie, accordyng to yat ex¬
ample which is fet afore his eyes, may fo fet out and
mayntayne goddes worde to the abolifliment of al papif-
try, the confufion of al herefie, that thereby he feared of
his ennemies, loued of al his fubiedles, maye bring to
his own glory, immortal fame and memorie, to this
realme, welthe, honour, and felicitie, to true and vn-
fayned religion perpetuall peace, Concorde, and vnitie.

But to retoume to fhootynge agayne, what Leo
fayeth of fhootynge amonges the komaynes, hys
woordes, be fo muche for the prayfe of Ihootynge,
and the bookealfo fo rare to be gotten, that I learned
the places by harte, whyche be as I fuppofe, euen
thus. Fyrfle in his fixte booke, as concerning what
barneys is befl: Lette all the youth of Rome be
compelled to vfe fhootyng, eyther more or leffe, and
alwayes to bear theyr bowe and theyr quiuer aboute
with them, untyll they be. xl. yeares oulde.

For fithens ffiootynge was necgledled and decayed
among the Romaynes, many a battayle and fyelde
hath been lofle. Agayne in the ir. booke
and. 50. chapiter, (I call that by bookes and
chapiters, whyche the greke booke deuideth by chapi¬
ters and paragraphes) Let your fouldyers haue theyr
weapons wel appoynted and trimmed, but aboue all
other thynges regarde mofte fhootinge, and therfore
lette men when there is no warre, vfe fhootynge at
home: For the leauynge of, onely of fhotynge, hath
broughte in ruyne and decaye, the hole Empire
of Rome. Afterwarde he commaundeth agayne, hys
capitayne by thefe wordes; Anne your hohe as I

19

^c!)0Tc af ^] 600 tht 3 *

haue appoynted you, but fpecially with
bowe and arrowes plentie. For Ihootynge
is a thinge of muche myghte and power in warre,
and chyefely agaynfl the Sarracenes and Turkes, whiche
people hath all their hope of vidlorie in theyr bowe
and fhaftes : Befydes all this, in an other place, he
wryteth thus to his Captayne : Artillerie is eafie to be
prepared, and in time of great nede, a thinge mofle
profitable, therfore we fiiraytlye commaunde you to
make proclamation to al men vnder our dominion,
which be eyther in war or peace, to all
cities, borowes and townes, and fynally to
all maner of men, that euerye feare perfone haue bowe
and fhaftes of his owne, and euerye houfe befyde this,
to haue a flan ding bearyng bowe, and. xl. fhaftes
for all nedes, and that they exercife them felues in
holtes, hilles, and dales, playnes and wodes, for all
maner of chaunces in warre.

Howe muche fliooting was vfed among the olde
Romanes and what meanes noble captaynes and Em-
perours made, to haue it encreafe amonge them, and
what hurte came by the decaye of it, thefe wordes, of
Leo the emperour, which in a maner I haue reherfed
woorde for woorde, playnly doth declare. And yet
fhotynge, although they fet neuer fo muche by it, was
neuer fo good than, as it is nowe in Englande, whiche
thing to be true, is very probable, in that Leo doth
faye, that he woulde haue his fouldiers take of theyr
arrowe heads, and one fhote at an other, for theyr
exercife, whiche playe yf Englyfhe archers vfed, I
thinke they fhoulde fynde final play and Leo. 7.18.
leffe pleafure in it at all.

The great vpperhande maynteyned alwayes in warre
by artillery, doeth appeare verye playnlye by this reafon
alfo, that whan the fpanyardes, franchmen, and ger-
manes, grekes,macedonians,and egyptians, eche contry
vfing one fmguler weapon, for whyche they were greatelye
feared in warre, as the SpanyardeZ^;>z^^<^r, the Tranche-
man Gefa, the German Framea^ the Grecian Macheta^

8o

9[*

the Macedonian Sariffa, yet coulde they not efcape,
but be fubiedles to the Empire of Rome, whan the
Pertians hau3mg all theyr hope in artillerie, gaue no
place to them, but ouercame the Romanes, ofter than
the Romaynes them, and kepte battel with them,
many an hundred yeare, and flue the ryche Craffus
and hys fon wyth many a Route Romayne m Crass,
more, with their bowes. They draue M^AnS'

Marcus Antonius ouer the hylles of Media luiiano.*

in Armenia, to his great fhame and reproch. They flue
lulianus Apoflata, and Antonius Caracalla, they helde
in perpetual pryfon, ye moil noble emperour Valerian
in defpite of all the Romaynes and many other princes,
whiche wrote for his delyueraunce, as Bel folis called
kynge of kynges, Valerius kynge of Cadufia, Artha-
befdes kyng of Armenia, and many other princes
more, whom ye Parthians by reafon of theyr artillerie,
regarded neuer one whitte, and thus with the Romaynes,
I maye conclude, that the borders of theyr empyre were
not at the funne ryfinge and funne fettynge, as Tullye
fayeth: but fo farre they went, as artillarie woulde
gyue them leaue. For I thinke all the grounde that
they had, eyther northewarde, farther than the borders
of Scythia, or Eaflewarde, farther than the borders of
Parthia, a man myght haue boughte with a fmall deale
of money, of whiche thynge furely (hotyngwas the caufe.

From the fame contrie of Scythia the Gothians
Hunnes, and Wandalians came -wyth the
fame wepons of artillarie, as Paulus Dia- ^
conus doth faye, and fo berafte Rome of her empyre
wyth fyre, fpoyle, and waile, fo yat in fuche a learned
citie was lefte fcarce one man behynde, that had
learnynge or leyfoure to leue in witinge to them
whiche flioulde come after how^e fo noble an Empyre,
in fo fhorte a whyle, by a rable of banyfhed bonde-
men, wythoute all order and pollicie, faue onelye
theyr naturalle and daylye exercife in artillarye, was
broughte to fuche thraldome and mine.

After them the Turkes hauing an other name, but yet

Ki)B at

the fame people, borne in Scythia, brought ^ ^

vp onely in artillarie, by the fame weapon '

haue fubdued and beraft from the Chriflen men all
<Afia and Aphnke (to fpeake vpon,) and the moofk
noble countries of Europe, to the greate diminifhing of
ChrifLe his religion, to the great reproche of cowardyfe
of al chrifLianitie, a manifefl token of gods high wrath
and difpleafure ouer the fynne of the worlde, but
fpeciallye“ amonges Chriflen men, which be on flepe
made drunke with the frutes of the flefh, as infidelitie,
difobedience to Goddes worde, and herefie, grudge,
illwyll, flryfe, open battayle, and priuie enuye,
coueytoufneffe, oppreffion, vnmercifulneffe, with in¬
numerable fortes of vnfpeakeable daylye bawdrye:
which thinges furely, yf God holde not his holy hand
ouer vs, and plucke vs from them, wyl bryng vs to a
more Turkifhneffe and more beafllye blynde barbarouf-
neffe: as callyng ill thinges good, and good thynges ill,
contemnyng of knowledge and learnynge, fettynge at
nought, and hauyng for a fable, God and his high
prouidence, wyll bring vs (I fay) to a more viigiacious
Turkifhneffe (if more Turkifhneffe can be then this)
than if the Turkes had fworne, to bring al Turkye
agaynfl vs. For thefe frutes furelye mufl neades
fprynge of fuch feede, and fuch effect nedes folowe
of fuche a caufe: if reafon, truthe, and God, be not
altered, but as they are wont to be. For furely no
Turkyfhe power can ouerthrowe vs, if Turkyffhe lyfe
do not call vs dovme before.

If god were wyth vs, it buted not the turke to be
agaynfl vs, but our vnfaythful finfull lyuyng, which is
the Turkes moder, and hath brought hym vp hitherto,
mufle nedes turne god from vs, becaufe fyn and he
hath no felowfhyp togither. If we banifhed ill liuyng
out of chriflendome, I am fure the Turke fhulde not
onelye, not ouercome vs, but fcarce haue an hole to
runne in to, in his own countrye.

But Chriflendome nowe I may tell you Philologe is
muche lyke a man that hath an ytche on him, andlyeth
F

83

dronke alfo in his bed, and though a thefe come to the
dore, and heaueth at it, to come in, and Ileye hym, yet
he lyeth in his bed, hauinge more pleafure to lye in a
flumber and fcratche him lelfe wher it ytcheth euen to
the harde bone, than he hath redynes to ryfe up luflelye,
and dryue him awaye that woulde robbe hym and Ileye
hym. But I trufle Chrifte wyl fo lyghten and lyfte vp
Chriflen mennes eyes, that they fhall not flepe to death,
nor that the turke Chriftes open enemy, fhall euer bofle
that he hath quyte ouerthrowen vs. But as I began to
tell you, fhootynge is the chefe thinge, wherewith God
fuffereth the turke to punyfh our noughtie liuinge wyth
all: The youthe there is brought vp in casp.dere-
fhotyng, his priuie garde for his own perfon, Turc.

is bowmen, the might of theyr fhootynge is wel knowen
oftheSpanyardes,whiche at thetowne called Ne we caflell
in Illirica, were quyte flayne vp, of the turkes arrowes:
whan the Spanyardes had no vfe of theyr gunnes, by
reafon of the rayne. And nowe laft of all, the em-
perour his maieflie him felfe, at the Citie of Argier in
Aphricke had his hoofle fore handeled wyth the Turkes
arrowes, when his gonnes were quite difpatched and
flode him in no feruice, bycaufe of the raine that fell,
where as in fuche a chaunce of raine, yf he had had
bowmen, furelye there fhoote myghte peraduenture
haue bene a litle hindred, but quite difpatched and
marde, it coulde neuer haue bene.

But as for the Turkes I am werie to talke of them
partlye becaufe I hate them, and partlye bycaufe I am
now afifedhioned euen as it were a man that had bene
longe wanderyng in flraunge contries and would fayne
be at home to fe howe well his owne frendes profper
and leade theyr lyfe, and furelye me thincke I am verie
merye at my harte to remember how I fhal finde at
home in Englande amonges Englyfh men, partlye by
hyflories, of them that haue gone afore vs, agayne by
experience of them whych we knowe, and lyue with
vs as greate noble feates of warre doone by Artillarye,
as euer was done at any tyme in any other common

5r!j0k 0f ^500tin5. 83

welthe. And here I mufl nedes remember a certaine
Frenchman called Textor, that writeth a Textor
boke whiche he nameth Officina/ wherm he ^

weueth vp many brokenended matters and fettes out
much rifraffe, pelfery, trumpery, baggage and beggerie
ware clamparde vp of one that would feme to be fitter
for a fbop in dede than to write any boke. And
amonges all other yll packed vp matters, he thrufles
vp in a hepe togyther all the good flioters that euer
hathe bene in the worlde as he faythe hymfelfe, and
yet I trow Philologe that of all the examples whiche I
now by chaunce haue reherfed out of the bell Authors
both in greke and latin, Textor hath but. ii. of them,
which, ii. furely yf they were to reken agayne, I wold
not ones name them, partly bycaufe they were noughtie
perfons, and fhoting fomoche the worfe, bycaufe they
loued it, as Domitian and Commodus the emperours •
partelye bycaufe Textor hath them in his boke, on
whom I loked on by chaunce in the bookebynders
fhope, thynkynge of no fuche matter. And one thing
I wyl fay to you Philologe, that if I were difpofed to do
it, and you hadde leyfure to heare it, I coulde foone do as
Textor doth, and reken vp fuche a rable of fhoters that
be named here and there in poetes, as wolde holde vs
talkyng whyles tomorowe : but my purpofe was not to
make mention of thofe which were feyned of Poetes
for theyr pleafure, but of fuche as were proued in hif-
tories for a truthe : but why I bringe in Textor was
this: At lalle when he hath rekened all Ihoters that
he can, he fayeth thus, Petrus Crimtus®
wryteth, that the Scottes whiche dwell be- ‘ ^

yonde Englande be verye excellent fhoters, and the
bell bowmen in warre. This fentence whether Cri-
nitus wrote it more leudly of ignoraunce, or Textor
confirmeth it more piuylhlye of enuye, may be called
in queftion and doubte: but this furelye do I knowe
very well that Textor hath both red in Gaguinus the
Frenche hyftorie,® and alfo hath hearde his father or
graundfather taulke (except perchaunce he was borne

S4 ®0vap6tIxiiS.

and bred in a CloyRer) after that fort of the Riotynge
of Englifflie men, that Textor neded not to haue gone
fo piuifhlye beyonde Englande for Rioting, but myght
very foone, euen in the RrR towne of Kent, haue founde
fuche plentie of Riotinge, as is not in al the realme of
Scotland agayne. The Scottes furely be good men of
warre in theyr owne feate as can be : but as for Riot-
inge, they neyther can vfe it for any profyte, nor yet
wil chalenge it for any prayfe, although niaRer Textor
of his gentleneffe wold gyue it them. Textor neaded
not to haue fylled vppe his booke with fuche lyes, if
he hadde read the Rorye of Scotlande, whiche Joannes
Maior doeth wryte: wherein he myghte
haue learned, that when lames Stewart fyrR ^

kyng of that name, at the Parliament holden at Saynt
lohnnes towne or Perthie, commaunded vnder payne
of a greate forfyte, that euerye Scotte flioulde leame to
Riote : yet neyther the loue of theyr countrie, the feare
of their enemies, the auoydying of puniRiment, nor the
receyuinge of anye profyte that myght come by it, coulde
make them to be good Archers : whiche be vnapte and
vnfytte tlierunto by Gods prouidence and nature.

Therfore the Scottes them felues proue Textor
a Iyer, bothe with authoritie and alfo daily experi¬
ence, and by a certayne Prouerbe that they haue
amonges them in theyr communication, wherby they
gyue the whole prayfe of Riotynge honeRlye to En-
glyfRie men, faying thus : that euery Eiiglyflhe Archer
beareth vnder hys gyrdle. xxiiii. Scottes.

But to lette Textor and the Scottes go: yet one
thynge woulde I wyfRie for the Scottes, and that is
this, that feinge one God, one faythe, one compaffe of
the fee, one lande and countrie, one tungue in
fpeakynge, one maner and trade in lyuynge, lyke
courage and Romake in war, lyke quickneffe of witte
to learning, hath made Englande and Scotlande bothe
one, they wolde fuffre them no longer to be two : but
cleane gyue ouer the Pope, which feketh none other
thinge (as many a noble and wyfe ScottiRi man doth

CI)c 0f ^f)00t{n5. 85

knowe) but to fede vp diffention and parties betwixt
them and vs, procuiyng that thynge to be two, which
God, nature, and reafon, wold haue one.

Howe profytable fuche an attonement
were for Scotlande, both lohannes Maior,^ br 6 hist
and Ector Boetius^whichewrote the Scottes
Chronicles do tell, and alfo all the gentlemen of Scotlande
with the poore communaltie, do wel knowe : So that
there is nothing that floppeth this matter, faue onelye a
fewe freers, and fuche lyke, whiche with the dregges
of our Englyfh Papiflrie lurkyng now amonges them,
lludy nothing els but to brewe battell and llryfe
betwixte both the people : Wherby onely they hope
to maynetayne theyr Papillicall kyngdome, to the
deflrudtion of the noble blood of Scotlande. that
then they maye with authoritie do that, whiche neither
noble man nor poore man in Scotlande yet doeth
knowe. And as for Scottilhe men and EngliHie men
be not enemyes by nature, but by cufLome : not by our
good wyll, but by theyr owne follye: whiche fhoulde
take more honour in being coupled to Englande, then
we Ihulde take profite in being ioyned to Scotlande.

Wales being headye, and rebelling many yeares
agaynfl vs, laye wylde, vntylled, vnhabited, without
lawe, iuflice, ciuilitie and ordre: and then was
amonges them more Healing than true dealing, more
furetie for them that ftudyed to be noughte, then
quyetneffe for them that laboured to be good : when
nowe thanked be God, and noble Englande, there is
no countrie better inhabited, more ciuile, more
diligent in honeft craftes, to get bothe true and
pientifull lyuynge withall. And this felicitie (my
mynde gyueth me) within thefe few dayes fhal chaunce
alfo to Scotlande, by the godly wyfedome of oure
moofle noble Prince kynge Henrye the. viii. by
whome God hath wrought more wonderfull thynges
then euer by any prince before: as banifhing the
bylhop of Rome and herifie, bringyng to light god his
worde and veritie, eflablifliing fuche iuflice and

86

equitie, through euery parte of this his realmej aa
neuer was fene afore.

To fuche a Prince of fuche a wyfdome, God hath
referued this moofLe noble attonement: wherby neither
we fhalbe any more troubled, nor the Scottes with
their beft countries any more deftroyed, nor ye fee,
whiche God ordeyneth profytable for both, fhall from
eyther be any more flopped : to the great quietneffe,
wealth, and felicitie of all the people dwellynge in this
He, to the high renoume and prayfe of our moofl
noble kyng, to the feare of all maner of nacions that
owe ill wyll to either countrie, to the hygh pleafure of
God, which as he is one, and hateth al diuifion, fo is
he befl of all pleafed, to fe thinges which be wyde and
amyffe, brought to peace and attonement. But
Textor (I befhrowe him) hath almoofte broughte vs
from our communication of fhoting. N ow fir by my
iudgement, the Aitillarie of England fan*e excedeth
all other realuies: but yet one thing I doubt and
longe haue furely in that point doubted, when, or by
whom, fhotyng was firfl brought in to Englande, and
for the fame purpofe as I was ones in companye wyth
fyr Thomas Eliot knight, which furelie for his lerning
in all kynde of knowlege bringeth much worfhyp to all
the nobilitie of Englande, I was fo bould to afke hym,
yf he at any tyme, had marked any thing, as con-
cernynge the bryngyngein of fhootynge in to Englande:
he aunfwered me gentlye agayne, that he had a worcke
in hand which he nameth, De rebus 7 ne 7 ?iombiUbus
Anglice^ which I truft we fhal fe in print fhortlye,^ and
for the accompl)dhmente of that boke, he had read
and perufed ouer many olde monumentes of Englande,
and in feking for that purpofe, he marked this of
fhootynge in an excedyng olde cronicle, the which had
no name, that what tyme as the Saxons came firfl into
this realme in kyng Vortigers dayes, when they had
bene here a whyle and at lafl began to faull out
with the Brittons, they troubled and subdewed the
Brittons wyth nothynge fo much^ as wtth theyr

CJc 0f ^!)00ttn3* 87

bowe and fhaftes, whiche wepon beynge Hraunge and
not fene here before, was wonderfull terrible vnto
them, and this beginninge I can thynke verie well to
be true. But now as concerning many examples for
the prayfe of Englifli archers in warre, furely I wil not
be long in a matter yat no man doubteth in, and thofe
few yat I wil name, lhal either be proued by ye
hiflories of our enemies, or els done by men that
nowe liue.

Kynge Edward the thirde at the battel of Creffie
ageinll Philip ye Frenche king as Gaguinus the french
Hilloriographer plainlye doeth tell, llewe that daye
all the nobilite of Fraunce onlye wyth hys archers.

Such lyke battel alfo fought ye noble black prince
Edwarde befide Poeters, where lohn ye french king
with hys fonne and in a maner al ye peres of Fraunce
were taken befide. xxx. thoufand. which that daye were
flayne, and verie few Englyfhe men, by reafon of
theyr bowes.

Kynge Henrie the fifte a prince pereles and moEe
vydlorioufe conqueroure of all that euer dyed yet in
this parte of the world, at the battel of Agin court with,
vii. thoufand. fyghtynge men, and yet many of them
fycke, beynge fuche Archers as the Cronycle fayeth
that moofle parte of them drewe a yarde, flewe all
the Cheualrie of Fiaunce to the nomber of .XL. thou¬
sand. and moo, and loft not paHe. xxvi. Englyflhe men.

The bloudye Ciuil warre of England betwixt the
houfe of Yorke and Lancafter, where lhaftes llewe of
both fydes to the deftruction of mannye a yoman of
Englande, whom foreine battell coulde neuer haue
fubdewed bothe I wyll paffe ouer for the pyttyefulneffe
of it, and yet may we hyghelye prayfe GOD in the
remembraunce of it, feynge he of hys prouydence hath
fo knytte together thofe. ii. noble houfes, with lo
noble and pleafunte a flowre.

The excellent prince Thomas Hawarde nowe Duke
of Northfolk, for whofe good profperite with al his noble
familie al Englilh hertes dayly doth pray with bowmen

88

of England flew kyng lamie with many a noble Scot
euen brant agenfl Flodon hil, in which battel ye fLoute
archers of Chelhire and Lanchaffhire for one day be-
flowed to ye death for their prince and country fake,
hath gotten immoitall name and prayfe for euer.

The feare onely of Englylh Archers hathe done
more wonderfull thinges than euer I redde in anye
hiftorye greke or latin, and moofl wonderfull of all now
of late befide Garble betwixt Eflce and Leuen at Sandy
fikes, where the hoole nobilite of Scotlande for fere of
the Archers of Englonde (next the flroke of God) as
both Englyfli men and Scotyfhe men that were prefent
hath toulde me were drowened and taken prifoners.

Nor that noble adle alfo, whyche althoughe it be
almob lofl by tyme, commeth not behynd in worthi-
neffe, whiche my fynguler good frende and Mafter Sir
William Walgraue and Sir George Somerfet dyd with
with a few Archers to ye number as it is fayd of. xvi.
at the Tume pike befyde Hammes where they turned
with fo fewe Archers, fo many Frenchemen to flight,
and turned fo many oute of theyr lackes, whych turne
turned all fraunce to fliame and reproche and thofe. ii.
noble knightes to perpetuall prayfe and fame.

And thus you fe Philologe, in al countries Afia,
Aphrike and Europe, in Inde, Aethiop, Aegypt and
lurie, Parthia, Periia, Greece, and Italie, Schythia,
Turky, and Englande, from the begynninge of the
world euen to thys daye, that Ihotynge hath had the
cheife flroke in warre.

Thefe examples furelye apte for the r

pra}^^ of Ihotynge, nor feyned by poetes, ^

but proued by trewe hiftories, diflinct by tyme and
order, hath delyted me excedyng muche, but yet me
thynke that all thys prayfe belongeth to flronge fhoot-
ynge and drawynge of myghtye bowes not to prickyng
and nere fliotinge, for which caufe you and many other
bothe loue and vfe fhootyng.

Euer more Philologe you wyl haue some
ouertwhart reafon to drawe forthe more communica-

d t)je 0f ^f)00ttiT5i* 89

tion withall, but neuertbeleffe you fliall perceaue ii
you wyl, that vfe of prickyng, and defyre of nere
fliootynge at home, are the onelye caufes of ftronge
fhootyng in warre, and why? for you fe, that the
ftronged. men, do not drawe alwayes the flrongeft
flioote, whiche thyng prouethe that drawinge ftronge,
liethe not fo muche in the flrength of man, as in the
vfe of diotyng, And experience teacheth the fame in
other thynges, for you fhal fe a weake fmithe, whiche
wyl wyth a lipe and turnyng of his arme, take vp a
barre of yi*on, yat another man thrife as ftronge, can
not ftirre. And a ftronge man not vfed to fhote, hath
his armes brefte and fhoulders, and other partes where¬
with he ftiuld drawe ftronglye, one hindering and ftop-
pinge an other, euen as a dofen ftronge horfes not
vfed to the carte, lettes and troubles one another.
And fo the more ftronge man not vfed to ftiote, fhootes
mo oft vnhanfumlye, but yet if a ftrong man with vfe
of fhooting coulde applye all the partes of hys bodye
togyther to theyr mooft ftrengthe, than fhould he both
drawe ftronger than other, and alfo ftioote better than
other. But no we a ftronge man not vfed to fhoote, at
a girde, can heue vp and plucke in funder many a
good bowe, as wild horfes at a brunte doth race and
pluck in peces many a ftronge carte. And thus
ftronge men, without vfe, can do nothynge in fhoting
to any purpofe, neither in warre nor peace, but if they
happen to ftioote, yet they haue done within a ftioote
or two when a weake man that is vfed to ftioote, ftial
ferue for all tymes and purpofes, and fhall ftioote. x.
fhaftes, agaynft the others, iiii. and drawe them vp to
the poynte, euerye tyme, and ftioote them to the moofte
aduauntage, drawyng and withdrawing his fhafte when
he lift, markynge at one man, yet let driuyng at an
other man : whyche thynges in a fet battayle, although
a man, ftial not alwayes vfe, yet in bickerynges, and at
ouerthwarte meatinges, when fewe archers be togyther,
they do moofte good of all

Agayne he that is not vfed to ftioote, ftiall euermore

90

with vntowardiieffe of houldynge his bowe, and
nockynge his fliafte, not lookyng to his flryng be-
tyme, put his bowe alwayes in ieoperdy of breakynge,
and than he were better to be at home, moreouer he
(hal fhoote very fewe fhaftes, and thofe full vnhand-
fumlye, fome not halfe drawen, fome to hygh and fome
to lowe, nor he can not driue a fhoote at a tyme, nor
floppe a fhoote at a neede, but oute mufle it, and
verye ofte to euel profe.

And that is befl I trow in war, to let it go, and
not to floppe it.

®0i. No not fo, but fomtyme to houlde a fhafte at
the heade, whyche if they be but few archers, doth
more good with the feare of it, than it Ihoulde do if it
were fiiot, with the flroke of it.

pf)t. That is a wonder to me, yat the feare of a difplea-
fure, fhoulde do more harme than the difpleafure it felfe.

®ax. Yes, ye knowe that a man whiche fereth to be
banyfhed, out of hys cuntrye, can neyther be mery,
eate, drynke nor fleape for feare, yet when he is ban-
ifhed in dede, he ilepeth and eateth, as well as any
other. And many menne doubtyng and fearyng
whether they ihoulde dye or no, euen for verye feare
of deathe, preuenteth them ielfe with a more bytter
deathe then the other death fhoulde haue bene in
deade. And thus feare is euer worfe than the thynge
feared, as is partelye proued, by the communication
of Cyrus and Tigranes, the kynges funne
of Armenie, in Xenophon.

I graunte Toxophile, that vfe of ihotyng
maketh a man drawe flrong, to ihoote at moil aduaun-
tage, to kepe his gere, whiche is no fmall thinge in war,
but yet me thinke, that the cuilomable ihoting at
home, fpeciallye at buttes and prickes, make nothynge
at all for flronge ihooting which doth moile good in
war. Therfore I fuppofe yf men fhulde vfe to goo
into the fyeldes, and learne to ihote myghty flronge
fhootes, and neuer care for any marke at al, they
(hulde dp muche better.

^cjnle of ^f)00ttn3. 91

5 Eox. The trouthe is, that fafliion muche vfed,
woulde do muche good, but this is to be feared, leafl
that waye coulde not prouoke men to vfe muche
fhotyng, bycaufe ther flrulde be lytle pleafure in it.
And that in fhoting is belle, yat prouoketh a man to
vfe fhotmge molle : For muche vfe maketh men
fhoote, bothe llrong and well, whiche two thinges in
fhootinge, euery man doeth defyre. And the chyefe
mayntayner of vfe, in any thyng, is comparyfon, and
honelle contention. For whan a manne llryueth to be
better than an other, he wyll gladly vfe that thing,
though it be neuer fo paynful wherein he woulde
excell, whiche thynge Arillotle verye pretelye doth
note, fayenge.

Where is comparifon, there is vidlorie: Aristo rheto.
where is vidtorie, there is pleafure : And xheod.
where is pleafure, no man careth what labour or
payne he taketh, bycaufe of the prayfe, and pleafure,
thathe fhall haue, in doynge better than other men.

Agaync, you knowe, Hefiodiis wryteth Hesio in ope
to hys brother Perfes, yat al craftes men, die.
by contending one honefLly with an other, do en-
creafe theyr cunnyng with theyr fubflance. And
therfore in London, and other great Cities, men of
one crafte, mofte commonly, dwelle togyther, bycaufe
in honeft ftryuyng togyther, who lhall do beft, euery
one maye waxe bothe cunninger and rycher, fo lyke-
wyfe in fhootynge, to make matches to affemble
archers togyther, to contende who lhall Ihoote bell,
and winne the game, encreafeth ye vfe of Ihotynge
wonderfully amonges men.

^ 5 ^ 1 . Of Vfe you fpeake very much Toxophile but
I am fure in al other matters, Vfe can do nothing,
vT-thoute two other thinges be ioyned wyth it, one is a
natural Aptneffe to a thinge, the other is a true waye
or knowledge, howe to do the thing, to which, ii. yf
Vfe be ioyned, as thirde felowe, of them thre, pro-
cedeth perfedlncffe and excellencie: If a manne
lacke the hrfL two, Aptneffe and Cunnyng, Vfe can

92

do lytle good, at all. For he yatwoulde be an oratour
and is nothmge naturallye fitte for it, that is to faye
lacketh a good wytte and memorie, lacketh a good
voyce, countenaunce and body, and other fuche like,
ye[t] yf he had all thefe thinges, and knewe not what,
howe, where, when nor to whome he fhulde fpeake,
furelye the vfe of fpekynge, woulde brynge out
none other frute but playne follye and bablyng,
fo yat Vfe is the lade and the lead necceffarye, of all
thre, yet no thing can be done excellently without
them al thre. And therfore Toxophile I my felfe
bicaufe I neuer knewe, whether I was apte for fhooting
or no, nor neuer knewe waye, howe I Ihulde learne to
flioote I haue not vfed to fhoote : and fo I thinke hue
hundred more in Englande do befyde me. And
furelye yf I knewe that I were apte, and yat you woulde
teach me howe to fhoote, I woulde become an archer,
and the^ rather, bycaufe of the good communication,
the whiche I haue had with you this daye, of
Ihotyng.

®ox. Aptnede, Knowlege, and Vfe, euen as you
faye, make all thinges perfedle. Aptneffe is the fyrd
and chyefed thinge, without whiche the other two do
no good at all. Knowledge doeth encreafe al maner
of Aptneffe, bothe leffe and more. Vfe fayth Cicero,
is farre aboue all teachinge. And thus they all three
mude be had, to do any thinge very well, and yf anye
one be awaye, what fo euer is done, is done verye
meanly. Aptneffe is ye gyfte of nature, Knowlege,
is gotten by ye helpe of other: Vfe lyeth in our owne
diligence and labour. So that Aptneffe and vfe be
ours and within vs, through nature and labour: Know¬
ledge not ours, but commynge by other: and ther¬
fore mood dilligently, of all men to be fought for.
Howe thefe three thinges dande with the artillery of
Englande, a woorde or twoo I will faye.

All Englifhe men generally, be apte for fhotyng,
and howe?_ Lyke as that grounde is plentifull and
fnitefull, whiche withoute anjr tyllynge, bryngeth out

^3

come, as for example, yf a man flioiilde go to the
rayll or market with come, and happen to fpyl fome in
the waye, yet it wolde take roote and groove, bycaufe
ye foyle is fo good : fo England may be thought very
frutefull and apt to brynge oute fliooters, where
children euen from the cradell, loue it: and yong
men without any teachyng fo diligcntlye vfe it.
Agayne, lykewyfe as a good grounde, well tylled, and
well hufbanded, bringeth out great plentie of byg
eared come, and good to the faule : fo if the youthe
of Englande being apte of it felfe to fliote, were taught
and learned how to Ihote, the Archers of England
Ihuld not be only a great deale ranker, and mo then
they be: but alfo a good deale bygger and flronger
Archers then they be. This commoditie Ihoulde
folowe alfo yf the youth of Englande were taught to
fliote, that euen as plowing of a good grounde for
wheate, doth not onely make it mete for the feede,
but alfo riueth and plucketh vp by the rootes, all
thiflles, brambles and weedes, whiche growe of theyr
owne accorde, to the deflrudlion of bothe corne and
grounde: Euen fo fliulde the teaching of youth to
fliote, not only make them fliote well, but alfo
plucke awaye by the rootes all other defyre to
noughtye paflymes, as difynge, cardyng, and booul-
ing, which without any teaching are vfed euery
where, to the great harme of all youth of this realme.
And lykewife as burnyng of thiflles and diligent
weding them oute of the corne, doth not halfe
fo moche ryd them, as when ye ground is falloed and
tilled for good grayne, as I haue hearde many a good
hufbandman fay; euen fo, neither hote punifliment,
nor yet diligent fearching oute of fuche vnthriftineffe
by the officers, fhal fo throwly wede thefe vngracious
games out of-the realme, as occupying and bringyng
vp youth in fhotynge, and other honefl paflyme.
Thirdly, as a grounde which is apt for corne and alfo
wel tilled for corne: yet if a man let it lye flil and do
not occupye it. hi. or. iiii. yeare: but then wyll fow it,

94

if it be wheate (fayth Columella) it wil turne into tye:
fo if a man be neuer fo apte to fliote, nor neuer fo wel
taught in his youth to fhote, yet if he giue it ouer,
and not vfe to fhote, truly when he fhalbe eyther
compelled in war tyme for his country fake, or els
prouoked at home for his pleafure fake, to faule to his
bowe: he fhal become of a fayre archer, a ftark
fquyrter and dribber. Therefore in Ihotynge, as in
all other thinges, there can neyther be many in num^
ber, nor excellent in dede : excepte thefe. hi. thynges,
Aptneffe, Knowledge, and Vfe goo togyther.

PljiL Very well fayde Toxophile^ and I promyfe you,
I agree to this iudgement of yours altogyther and
therefore I can not a lytle maruayle, why Englyffhe
men brynge no more helpe to fhotynge, then nature
it felfe gyueth them. For you fe that eutx\ children
be put to theyr owne Ihiftes in fhotyng, hauing
nothynge taughte them: but that they maye chofe,
and chaunce to fhoote ill, rather then well, vn-
aptlye foner then fitlye, vntowardlye, more eafely then
welfauouredlye, whiche thynge caufeth manye neuer
begynne to hioote: and moo to leaue it of when they
haue begone, and mooft of all to fhote both worfe and
weaker, then they might fhote, if they were taught.

But peraduenture fome men wyll faye, that wyth
vfe of fhootynge a man fhall learne to fhoote, true it
is he fhall learne, but what fhal he learne? marye to
fhoote noughtly. For all Vfe, in all thynges, yf it be
not flayed with Cunnyng, wyll verie eafely brynge a
man to do yat thynge, what fo euer he goeth aboute
with muche illfauorednes and deformitie.

Which thinge how much harme it doth in learn¬
ing both Craffus excellencie dothe prone in ^

Tullie, and I my felfe haue experiens in my ®
lytle fhootyng. And therfore Toxophile, you mufl
nedes graunt me that ether Engliflie men do il, in not
ioynyng Knowlege of flrooting to Vfe, or els there is
no knowlege or cunninge, which can be gathered of
fliooting.

of ^Tjofltuifl. gs

JTox, Learnyng to fhoote is lytle reganled in Eng¬
land, for this confideration, bycaufe men be fo apte
by nature they haiie a greate redy forwaidneffe and
wil to vfe it, al though no man teache them, al thoughe
no man byd them, and fo of theyr owne corage they
runne hedlynge on it, and flioote they ill, fhote they
well, greate hede they take not. And in verie dede
Aptneffe with Vfe may do fumwhat without Know-
lege, but not the tenthe parte, if fo be they were
ioyned with knowlege.

Whyche thre thynges be feperate as you fe, not of
theyr owne kynde, but through the negligence of men
whyche coupleth them not togyther. And where
ye doubte whether there can be gadered any
knowlege or arte in fhootyng or no, furely I thynke
that a man being wel exercifed in it and fumwhat
honefLly learned with all, myght foone with diligent
obferuynge and markynge the hole nature of flioot-
ynge, find out as it were an Arte of it, as Arles in
other matters haue bene founde oute afore, feynge
that fhootyng ilandeth by thofe thinges, which maye
both be thorowlye perceued, and perfidy knowen,
and fuche that neuer fades, but be euer certayne,
belongynge to one moofl perfedt ende, as fhootyng
flreight, and keping of a length bring a man to hit
the marke, ye chefe end in fhootyng: which two
thynges a man may attaine vnto, by diligent vfynge,
and well handlynge thofe inflrumentes, which belong
vnto them. Therfore I can not fee, but there lielh
hyd in the nature of Shootynge, an Arte, whiche by
notynge, and obferuynge of him, that is exercifed in
it, yf he be any thyng learned at al, maye be taught,
to the greate forderaunce of Artillarie through out al
this Realme. And trewlye I meruell gretelye, that
Englyffhe men woulde neuer yet, feke for the Arte
of fhootynge, feinge they be fo apte vnto it, fo prayfed
of there frendes, fo feared of there enne-
myes for it. Vegetius woulde haue may- Vegetius.
flers appointed, whyche fhoulde teache youthe to

zj6

Leo. 6.

flioote faire. Leo the Emperour of Rome,
fheweth the fame cuflome, to haue bene
ahvayes amongefl ye olde Romaynes : whych cuflome
of teachyng youth to flioote (faythe he) after it was
omitted, and litle hede taken of, brought the hole
Empire of Rome, to grete Ruine. Sc/iola Ferfica^
that is the Scole of the Perfians, ap-
poynted to brynge vp youthe, whiles trabo.n.
they were. xx. yeres olde in fhooting, is as
notably known e in Hiflories as the Impire of ye
Perfians: whych fchole, as doth apere in Cornelius
Tacitus, as fone as they gaue ouer and fell ^

to other idle paflimes, brought bothe them
and ye Parthians vnder ye fubiedlion of the Romaines.
Plato would haue common maiflers and
flipendes, for to teache youthe to fhoote,
and for the fame purpofe he would haue abrode
feylde nere euery Citie, made common for men to vfe
fhotyng in, whyche fayeng the more reafonably it is
fpoken of Plato, the more vnreafonable is theyr dede
whiche woulde ditche vp thofe feeldes priuatly for
ther owne profyt, whyche lyeth open generallye for
the common vfe : men by fuche goodes be made
rycher not honefter fayeth Tullie. Yf men can be
perfwaded to haue fliootynge taughte, this ^

auclhoritie whyche foloweth will perfwade ^
them, or els none, and that is as I haue ones fayde
before, of Kynge Dauyd, whofe fyrfle adle and ordi-
naunce was after he was kynge that all ludea fhould
learne to flioote. Yf fliotyng could fpeake, fhe would
accufe England of vnkyndneffe and flouthfulneffe, of
vnkyndneffe toward her bycaufe fhe beyng left to a
lytle blynd vfe, lackes her beft maintener which is
cunnynge : of flouthfulneffe towarde theyr owne felfe,
bycaufe they are content wyth that whych aptnefle and
vie doth graunt them in fhootynge, and wyl feke for
no knowlege as other noble common welthes haue
done: and the iufllier fliootynge myght make thys
romplaynt, feyngc that of fence and weapons there is

Cljc ^cf)oTc 0f lifjaatfnjj. 97

made an 'Arte, a thyng in no wyfe to be compared to
Ihootynge.

For of fence all moolle in euerye towne, there
is not. onely Mafters to teache it, wyth his Pro-
uofles Vfhers Scholers and other names of arte and
Schole,”but there' hath not fayld alfo, whyche hathe
diligently and well fauouredly written it and is fet out
in Printe that euery man maye rede it.

What difcommoditie doeth comme by the lacke of
knowlege, in fhootynge, it were ouer longe to rehearce.
For manye that haue bene apte, and loued fhootynge,
bycaufe they knewe not whyche way to houlde to
comme to fhootynge, haue cleane toumed them felues
from fhootynge.

And I maye telle you Philologe, the lacke of teach-
3mge to fhoote in Englande, caufeth very manye
men, to playe with the kynges A6les, as a man dyd
ones eyther with the Mayre of London or Yorke
I can not tel whether, whiche dyd commaund by
proclamation, euerye man in the Citie, to hange a
Ian tern e wyth a candell, afore his dore : whiche
thynge the man dyd, but he dyd not lyght it: And fo
many bye bowes bicaufe of the a6le, but yet they
fliote not: not of euyll wyll, but bycaufe they knowe
not howe to fhoote. But to conclude of this matter,
in flioting as in all other thynges, Apteneffe
is the fyrfle, and chyefe thynge, whiche if it ^

Te awaye, neyther Cunnynge or Vfe, doeth anye good
at all, as the Scgttes and Fraunce men, wyth know¬
ledge and Yfe of fhootynge, fhall become good
Archers, whan a cunnynge fhypwright fhall make a
flronge fhyppe, of a Salowe tree : or whan a hufband-
n an fhall becom ryche, wyth fowyng wheat on New¬
market heath. Cunnynge mufle be had, ^ ^

bothe to fet out, and amende Nature, and unnynge.
1 Ifo to ouerfee, and corredle vfe: which vfe yf it be
not led, and gouerned wyth cunnyng, fhall fooner go
amiffe, than flrayght.

. Vfe maketh perfitneffe, in doinge that thynge,
G

98

whervnto nature maketh a man apte, and knowlege
maketh a man cunninge before. So yat it is not fo
doubtful, which of them three hath moofl ftroke in
flioting as it is playne and euident, that all thre mull
be had, in excellent Ihootynge.

For this conimunicacion Toxophile I am very
glad, and yat for myn owne fake bicaufe I trull now,
to become a Ihoter, And in dede I thought a fore,
Englilh men moR apte for Ihoting, and I fawe them
dayelye vfe Ihotyng, but yet I neuer founde none, that
woulde talke of anye knowlege whereby a man might
come to fhotynge. Therfore I truH that you, by the
vfe you haue had in Ihoting, haue fo thorowly marked
and noted the nature of it, that you can teache me as
it were by a trade or waye how to come to it.

^ox. I graunte, I haue vfed Ihootinge meetly well,
that I myght haue marked it wel ynoughe, yf I had
bene diligent But my much Ihootynge, hath caufed
me lludie litle, fo that thereby I lacke leamynge,
whych Ihulde fet out the Arte or waye in any thynge.
And you knowe that I was neuer fo well fene, in the
Polleriorums of Arillotle as to inuent and fearche out
general Demonflrations for the fetting forth of any newe
Science. Yet by my trothe yf you wyll, I wyll goe with
you into the fealdes at any tyme and tel you as much as
I can, or els you maye llande fome tyme at the prickes
and looke on them which Ihoote bell and fo learne.

Howe lytle you haue looked of Arillotle, and
how muche leamynge, you haue loll by Ihotynge I can
not tell, but this I woulde faye and yf I ^loued you
neuer fo ill, that you haue bene occupyed in fumwhat
els befyde Ihotynge. But to our purpofe, as I wyll
not requyre a trade in Ihotinge to be taught me after
Ihe futteltye of ArifLotle, euen fo do I not agre w th
you in this poynt, that you wold haue me leame to
Ihoote with lokyng on them which Ihoote beft, for to
I knowe I fhould neuer come to Ihote meanelye. For
in Ihotyng as in all other thynges which be gotte i by.
teachynge, there mull be Ihewed a waye and a path

^d)ate 0f 99

which fhal leade a man to ye befl and cheifFefl point
whiche is in fhootynge, whiche you do marke youre
felfe well ynough, and vttered it alfo in your com¬
munication, when you fayde there laye hyd in ye
nature of Ihootyng a certayne waye whych wel per-
ceyued and thorowlye knowen, woulde bring a man
wythout any wanderyng to ye belle ende in fliotyng
whych you called hitting of the pricke. Therfore I
would refer all my fliootinge to that ende which is
befl, and fo fhuld I come the foner to fome meane.
That whiche is befl hath no faulte, nor can not be
amended. So fhew to me befl fhootynge, not the befle
fhoter, which yf he be neuer fo good, yet hath he
many a faulte eafelye of any man to be efpyed. And
therfore meruell not yf I requyre to folowe that ex¬
ample whych is without faulte, rather than that which
hath fo manye faultes. And thys waye euery wyfe
man doth folow in teachynge any maner of thynge.
As Ariflotle when he teacheth a man to be good he
fettes not before hym Socrates lyfe whyche w^as ye befl
man, but chiefe goodneffe it felfe accordynge to whych
he would haue a man diredle his lyfe.

STox. This waye which you requyre of me Philologe^
is to hard forme, and to hye for afhooter to taulke on,
and taken as I fuppofe out of the middes of Philofo-
phie, to ferche out the perfite ende of any thyng, ye
which perfite ende to fynde out, fayth Tullie, is the
hardefl thynge in the worlde, the onely
occafyon and caufe, why fo many fedles of ^
Philofophers hathe bene alwayfe in leamynge. And
althoughe as Cicero faith a man maye ymagine and
dreame in his mynde of a perfite ende in any thynge,
yet there is no experience nor vfe of it, nor was neuer
fe.ne yet amonges men, as alwayes to heale the fycke,
euer more to leade a fhyppe without daunger, at al
times to hit the prick : fhall no Phyficion, no fhyp*
mafler, no fhoter euer do. And Ariflotle faith that in
all deades there are two pointes to be oi 8 o.
marked, poffibilitie and excellencie, but •

100

rhefely a wife man muil folowe and laye hand on poffi-
bilitie for feare he leafe bothe. Therfore feyng that
which is moofl perfedl and befl in fhootyng as alwayes
to hit ye pricke, was neuer fene nor hard tel on yet
amonges men, but onelye ymagined and thought vpon
in a man his mynde, me thinck this is the wifefl coun-
fel and beft for vs to folow rather that which a man
maye come to, than yat whyche is vnpollible to be
attained to, lefle iuftely that fay eng of ye wyfe mayde
Ifmene in Sophocles maye be verifyed on vs.

A fooU he is that takes ht hande he ca7t not ende. Soph. Ant.

Well yf the perfite ende of other matters, had
bene as perfitlye knowne, as the perfite ende of
fliotynge is, there had neuer bene fo manye fedles of
Philofophers as there be, for in fhoting both man and
boye is in one opinion, that alwayes to hit the pryck is
moofle perfedte end that can be imagyned, fo that we
lhall not nede gretly contend in this matter. But
now fir, whereas you thynke yat a man in learning to
fhoote or any thyng els, fhuld rather wyfelye folow
poffibilitie, than vainly feke for perfite excellencie,
furelye I wyl proue yat euery wyfe man, yat wifely
wold leame any thyng, flial chiefly go aboute yat
wherevnto he knoweth wel he flial neuer come. And
you youre felfe I fuppofe fhal confeffe ye fame to be
ye befl way in teachyng, yf you wyl anfwere me to
thofe thinges whych I wyl aflce of you.

And yat I wyl gladlye, both bycaufe I thynke
it is vnpoffible for you to proue it, and alfo bycaufe I
defire to here what you can faye in it.

^{jL The fludie of a good Phyficion Toxophile, I trow
be to know al difeafes and al medicines fit for them.

It is fo in dede.

Bicaufe I fuppofe he would gladly at al tymes
heale al difeafes of al men.

STox. Ye truely.

Pfji; ^ good purpofe furely, but was ther euer
phyficion yet among fo many whyche had laboured

£»clj 0 tc at ]^!) 00 ttiT 3 . 101

in thys fludy, that at al times collide heale aU
difeafes ?

No trewly; nor I thyncke neuer flialbe.

Than Phyficions by lyke, fludie for yat,
whiche none of them commeth vnto. But in learn¬
ing of fence I pray you what is yat which men inooh
labor for ?

®0X* That they may hit a nother I trow and neuer
take blow theyr felfe.

PJL You fay trothe, and I am fure euery one of
them would faine do fo when fo euer he playethe. But
was there euer any of them fo conning yet, which at
one tyme or other hath not be[n] touched ?

®0X» The beft of them all is glad fomtyme to
efcape with a blowe.

PfjtL Than in fence alfo, men are taught to ^ j
aboute that thing, whiche the befl of them all know-
ethe he fliall neuer attayne vnto. Moreouer you that
*be fhoters, I pray you, what meane you, whan ye
take fo greate heade, to kepe youre flandynge, to
fhoote compaffe, to looke on your marke fo diligently,
to call vp graffe diuerfe tymes and other thingejv
more, you know better than I. What would you do
than I pray you ?

2E0X. Hit ye marke yf we could.

And doth euery man go about to hit the
marke at euery fhoote ?

STux. By my trothe I trow fo, and as for my felfe
I am fure I do.

PfjiL But al men do not hit it at al tymes.

^0X. No trewlye for that were a wonder.

pfjfL Can any man hit it at all tymes ?

®0X. No man verilie.

^})tL Than by likely to hit the pricke alwayes, is
vnpoffible. For that is called vnpoffible whvch is in
no man his power to do.

%ax. Vnpoffible in dede.

But to fhoote wyde and far of the marke is a
thynge poffyble.

102

No man wyll denie that.

p{}il But yet to hit the marke alwayfe were an
excellent thyng.

®ox. Excellent furelie.

Than I am fure thofe be wifer men, which
couete to fhoote wyde than thofe whiche couete to hit
the prycke.

®0X. Why fo I pray you.

Becaufe to fhote wyde is a thynge poffyble,
and therfore as you faye youre felfe, of euery wyfe
man to be folowed. And as for hittinge ye prick,
bycaufe it is vnpoffible, it were a vaine thynge to go
aboute it; but in good fadneffe Toxophile thus you fe
that a man might go throghe all craftes and fciences,
and proue that anye man in his fcience coueteth that
which he fhal neuer gette.

2Cox. By my trouth (as you faye) I can not denye,
but they do fo : but why and wheifore they Ihulde do
fo, I can not leame.

Pfjilo. I wyll tell you, euerye crafte and fcience
llandeth in two thynges : in Knowing of his crafte, and
Working of his crafte : For perfyte knowlege bringeth
a man to perfyte workyng. This knowe Paynters,
karuers, Taylours, fhomakers, and all other craftes
men, to be true. Nowe, in euery crafte, there is a
perfite excellencie, which may be better knowen in a
mannes mynde, then folowed in a mannes dede: This
perfyteneffe, bycaufe it is generally layed as a brode
wyde example afore al men, no one particuler man
is able to compaffe it; and as it is generall to al men,
fo it is perpetuall for al time whiche proueth it a
thynge for man vnpoffible : although not for the ca-
pacitie of our thinkyng whiche is heauenly, yet furelye
for the habilitie of our work)mg whyche is worldlye.

God gyueth not full perfyteneffe to one man (fayth
Tullie) left if one man had all in any one
fcience, ther Ihoulde be nothyng lefte for
an other. Yet God fufifereth vs to haue the perfyt
knowledge of it, that fuch a knowledge dilligentiy

Ci)0 cif ioj

folovved^ n.ight bring forth accordyng as a man doth
labour, perfyte woorkyng. And who is he, that in
leamynge to wryte, woulde forfake an excellent ex¬
ample, and folowe a worfe ?

Therfore feing perfyteneffe it felfe is an example for
vs, let euerye man fludye howe he maye come nye it,
which is a poynt of wyfdome, not reafon with God
why he may not attaine vnto it, which is va 3 me
curofitie.

STox. Surely this is gaily faid Philologe, but yet this
one thinge I am afraide of, left this perfitnelle which
you fpeke on will difcourage men to take any thynge
in hande, bycaufe afore they begin, they know, they
fhal neuer come to an ende. And thus difpayie ftiall
difpatche, euen at the fyrfte entrynge in, many a good
man his purpofe and intente. And I thinke both you
your felfe, and al other men to, woulde counte it mere
folie for a man to tell hym whome he teacheth, that
he lhal neuer optaine that, whyche he would faineft
leame. And therfore this fame hyghe and perlite
waye of teachyng let vs leue it to hygher matters, and
as for fhootynge it fhalbe content with a meaner
waye well ynoughe.

Where a'^ you faye yat this hye perfitneffe will
difcorage men, bycaufe they knowe, they ftiall neuer
attayne vnto it, I am fure cleane contrarie there is
nothynge in the world fhall incourage men more than
it And whye? For where a man feith, that though
a nother man be neuer fo excellente, yet it is poffible
for hym felfe to be better, what payne or labour wyl
that man refufe to take ? yf the game be onfe wonne,
no man wyl fet forth hys foote to ronne. And thus
perfitneffj beynge fo hyghe a thynge that men maye
looke at it, not come to it, and beynge fo plentifull
and iiidiiferent to euerye bodye that the plentifulneffe
of it may prouoke all men to labor, bycaufe it hath
ynoughe for all men, the indifferencye of it fhall en¬
courage euerye one to take more paine than hys fel-
lowe, bycaufe euerye man is rewarded accordyng to his

f04

nye commyng, and yet whych is mofle tneruel of al,
ye more men take of it, the more they leue behynd for
other, as Socrates dyd in wyfdome, and Cicero in eio-
quens, whereby other hath not lacked, but hathe fared
a greate deele ye better. And thus perfitneffe it felfe
bycaufe it is neuer obteyned, euen therfore .only doth
it caufe fo many men to be fo well fene and perfite in
many matters, as they be. But where as you thynke
yat it were fondnefle to teache a man to Ihoote, in
lokyng at the mod perfitneffe in it, but rather woulde
' haue a manne go fome other way to worke, I trud no
wyfe man wyl difcomend that way, except he thincke
himfelfe wyfer than Tullye, whiche doeth playnlye faye,
that yf he teached any maner of crafte
as he dyd Rhetorike he would labor to ® . 3-

bringe a man to the knowlege of the mood perfit¬
neffe of it, whyche knowlege fhould euer more leade
and gyde a manne to do that thynge well whiche he
went aboute. Whych waye in al maner of leamyng
to be bed, Plato dothe alfo declare in Euthydemus,
of whome Tullie learned it as he dyd many other
thynges mo. And thus you fe^ Toxophile by what
reafons and by whofe authoritie I do require of you
this waye in teachynge me to fhoote, which waye I
praye you withoute any more delaye fliew me as far
forth as you haue noted and marked

® 0 i. You cal me to a thyng Philologe which I am
lothe to do. And yet yf I do it not beinge but a
finale matter as you thynke, you wyll lacke frendefliypp
in me, yf I take it in hande and not bring it to paffe
as you woulde haue it, you myghte thynckc great want
of wyfdome in me.

But aduyfe you, feing ye wyll nedes haue it fo, the
blame Ihalbe yours, as well as myne: yours for
puttynge vpon me fo indauntlye, myne in receyuynge
fo fondly a greater burthen then I am able to beare.

Therfore I, more wyllynge to fulfyll your m 3 mde, than
nopyng to accomplylh that which you loke for, fhall
fpeake of it, not as a mader of fhotynge, but as one not

;^cTjak nf j^Tjcotiitg. 105

altogyther ignoraunt in lliotynge. And one thy^ge I
am glad of, the funne drawinge downe fa';.fafl
into the well, fhall compell me to drawe a pahe
10 the ende of our matter, fo that his darkneffe fhaH
fomethyng cloke myne ignoraunce. And bycaufe
you knowe the orderynge of a matter better
then I: Afke me generallye of it, and I
:h;ill particularly anfwere to it. p{)f.

Very gladly Toxophile: for fo
by ordre, thofe thynges
whiche I woulde
knowe, you flial
tell the bet¬
ter: and
thofe
th3mges

whiche you fhall tell, I
fhall remembre
tlie better.

^dj0te 0f jSljatjjnji,

jo6

TOXOPHI^
LVS. B.

tf[ THE SECONDE BOOKE OF
the fchole of fhotyng.

!^tl0L What is the cheyfe poynte in fliootynge,
j that euerye manne laboureth to come to ?

I ®0X* To hyt the marke.

I Howe manye thynges are required

to make a man euer more hyt the marke ?

®0X. Twoo.

Whiche twoo ?

Kox. Shotinge flreyght and kepynge of a lengthe.

Howe Ihoulde a manne Ihoote flrayght, and
howe fhulde a man kepe a length ?

2 C 0 X, In knowynge and hauynge thinges, belongynge
to Ihootyng: and whan they be knowen and had, in
well handlynge of them: whereof fome belong to
fhotyng flrayght, fome to keping of a length, fome
commonly to them botlie, as fhall be tolde feuerally
of them, in place conuenient.

Plji. Thynges belongyng to fhotyng, whyche be
they?

®0X. All thinges be outwarde, and fome be inflni-

^l)t ^rljolc of ;^!jo0rai5. 107

mentes for euery fere archer to brynge with hiin,
proper for his owne vfe: other thynges be general! to
euery man, as the place and tyme ferueth.

Which be inftnimentes ?

Bracer, fhotynggloue, flryng, bowe and ihafte.

Whiche be general to all men ?

The wether and the marke, yet the marke is
euer vnder the rule of the wether.

Wherin ftandeth well handlynge of thynges ?

All togyther wythin a man him felfe, fome
handlynge is proper to inllrumentes, fome to the
wether, fomme to the marke, fome is within a man
hym felfe.

What handlyng is proper to the Inflrumentes ?

Sox. Standynge, nockyng, drawyng, holdyng, low-
fing, wherby commeth fayre Ihotynge, whiche neyther
belong to wynde nor wether, nor yet to the marke, for
in a rayne and at no marke, a man may fhote a fayre
Ihoote.

PJt* fayde, what handlynge belongeth to the
wether ?

Sox. Knowyng of his wynde, with hym, agaynfl
h]^, fyde wynd, ful fyde wind, fyde wynde quartei
with him, fyde wynde quarter agaynfle hym, and fo
forthe.

Well than go to, what handlynge belongeth to
the marke ?

Sox. To marke his flandyng, to Ihote compaffe, to
draw euermore lyke, to lowfe euermore lyke, to con-
fyder the nature of the pricke, in hylles and dales, in
llrayte planes and winding places, and alfo to efpy his
marke.

pljf. Very well done. And what is onely within a
man hym felfe ?

Sox. Good heede gyu)mge, and auoydynge all
affedlions: whiche thynges oftentymes do marre and
make all. And thefe thynges fpoken of me generally
and brefely, yf they be wel knowen, had, and handled,

ro8 33.

fliali brynge a man to fuchc fliootyngc, as fevvt or none
euer yet came vnto, but furely yf he miffe in any one
of them, he can neuei hyt the marke, and in the more
he doth miffe, the farther he fhoteth from his marke.
But as in all other matters the fyrft fleppe or flayre to
be good, is to know a mannes faulte, and than to
amende it, and he that wyl not knowe his faulte, fhall
neuer amende it.

You fpeake now Toxophile, euen as I wold
haue you to fpeake : But lette vs returne agayne vnto
our matter, and thofe th)niges whyche you haue packed
vp, in fo diorte a roume, we wyll lowfe them forthe,
and take euery pyece as it were in our hande and looke
more narowlye vpon it.

®0X. I am content, but we wyll rydde them as fail
as we can, bycaufe the funne goeth fo fafle downe, and
yet fomewhat mufle needes be fayde of euerye one of
them.

pljf. Well fayde, and I trowe we beganne wyth
thofe thynges whiche be inflrumentes, whereof the
fyrfle, as I fuppofe, was the Brafer.

2 Cax. Litle is to be fayd of the brafer. A bracer
ferueth for tvvo caufes, one to faue his arme from the
ftrype of the flrynge, and his doublet from weaiynge,
and the other is, that the ilrynge glydynge fharpelye
and quicklye of the bracer, may make the fliarper
llioote. For if the flrynge fhoulde lyght vpon the bare
lleue, the flrengthe of the fhoote Ihoulde ftoppe and dye
there. But it is befl by my iudgemente, to gyue the
bowe fomuche bent, that the llrynge neede neuer touche
a mannes arme, and fo ihoulde a man nede no bracer
as I knowe manye good Archers, whiche occupye none.
In a bracer a man raulle take hede of. iii. thinges, yat it
haue no nayles in it, that it haue no bucles, that it be
fail on with laces wythout agglettes. For the nayles
wyll {here in funder, a mannes firing, before he be ware,
and fo put his bowe in ieoperdy: Buckles and agglettes
at vnwares, ihall race hysbowe, a thinge bothe euyll to
the fyghte, and perilous for freatynge. And thus a

109

^cljaU 0f !^T;00tais*

Bracer, is onely had for this purpofe, that the fliynge
maye haue redye paffage.

In my Bracer I am cunnyng ynough, but what
faye you of the fhootyng gloue.

A fliootynge Gloue is chieflye, for to faue a
mannes fyngers from hurtynge, that he maye be able
to beare the fharpe flryng to the vttermofl of his
fLrengthe. And whan a man fhooteth, the might of
his fhoote lyethe on the formoofle fynger, and on the
Ringman, for the myddle fynger whiche is the longefl,
lyke a lubber ilarteth backe, and beareth no weyghte
of the flrynge in a maner at all, therfore the two other
fyngers, mufte haue thicker lether, and that mufte haue
thickefl of all, where on a man lowfeth mofle, and for
fure lowfyng, the formofte finger is mofle apte, bycaufe
it holdeth befl, and for yat purpofe nature hath as a
man woulde faye, yocked it with the thoumbe. Ledder,
if it be nexte a mans fkynne, wyl fweat, waxe hard and
chafe, therefore fcarlet for the foftnes of it and thick-
neffe wyth all, is good to fewe wythin a mannes gloue.
If that wylle not ferue, but yet youre finger hurteth,
you mufte take a fearynge cloth made of fine virgin
waxe, and Deres fewet, and put nexte your.fynger, and
Co on wyth youre gloue. If yet you fele your fynger
pinched, leaue fhootyng both becaufe than you fhall
fhoote nought, and agayn by litle and lytle, hurtynge
your finger, ye fliall make it longe and longe to or you
fhoote agayne. A newe gloue pluckes many flaootes
bycaufe the flringe goeth not freelye of, and therefore
the fingers mufte be cut fhorte, and trimmed with fome
ointment, that the firing maye glyd wel awaye. Some
wyth holdynge in the nocke of theyr fhafte too harde,
rub the Ikyn of there fingers. For this there be. ii.
remedyes, one to haue a goofe quyll fplettyd and
fewed againfle the nockynge, betwixt the lining and
the ledder, whyche fliall helpe the flioote muche to,
the other waye is to haue fome roule of ledder fewed
betwixt his fingers at the fetting on of the fingers,
which fhall kepe his fingers fo in funder, that they

rro 38*

flial not hold the nock fo fall as ^'hey did. The
fhootyng gloue hath a purfe vvhych fliall ferue to put
fine linen cloth and wax in, twoo neceffary thynges for
a Ihooter, fome men vfe gloues or other fuche lyke thyng
on their bow hand for chafyng, becaufe they houlde fo
harde. But that commeth commonlye, when a bowe
is not rounde, but fomewhat fquare, fine waxe fhall do
veiye well in fuch a cafe to laye where a man holdeth
his bow: and thus muche as concernynge your gloue.
And thefe thynges althoughe they be trifles, yet bycaufe
you be but a yonge fhoter, I woulde not leue them out.

And fo you fhal do me moofl pleafure : The
firing I trow be the next.

STox* The nexte in dede. A thing though it be
lytle, yet not a litle to be regarded. But .

here in you mufie be contente to put youre
trufie in honefi firingers. And furely ftringers ought
more diligently to be looked vpon by the officers than
ether bower or fletcher, bycaufe they may deceyue a
a Ample man the more eafelyer. And ill firinge
brekethe many a good bowe, nor no other thynge halfe
fo many. In warre if a firing breke the man is lofie
and is no man, for his weapon is gone, and althoughe
he haue two firinges put one at once, yet he fhall haue
fmall leafure and leffe roume to bend his bow, therfore
god fend vs good firingers both for war* and peace.
Now what a firinge ought to be made on, whether of
good hempe as they do now a dayes, or of flaxe or of
filke, I leaue that to the iugemente of firingers, of
whome we mufie bye them on. Eufiathius
apon this verfe of homere.

Twang qnoth the how, and twang quoth the Jiring,

out quicklie the Jhaft fine.

doeth tel, that in oulde tyme they made theyr bowe
firynges of bullox thermes, whiche they twyned to-
gither as they do ropes, and therfore they made a
great twange. Bowe firynges alfo hath bene made of
tire heare of an horfe tayle called for the matter of

Eustathius.

nud. 4.

jJcf)0le 0f ^!)00tm5* 111

them Hippias as dothe appeare in manye good
authors of the Greke tongue. Great
llringes, and lytle ftrynges be for diuerfe auonnus.
purpofes: the great firing is more furer for the bowe,
more flable to pricke wythal, but flower for the call,
the lytle ftringe is cleane contrarye, not fo fure, ther-
fore to be taken hede of leffe, with longe tarienge on,
it breake your bowe, more fit to fhoote farre, than apte
to pricke nere, therfore when you knowe the nature of
bothe bigge and, lytle you mufl fit your bow, ac¬
cording to the occafion of your fhootinge. In
flringinge of your bow (though this place belong rather
to the handlyng than to the thyng it felfe, yet by-
caufe the thynge, and the handlynge of the thynge, be
fo ioyned together, I mufl nede fome tyme couple
the one wyth the other,) you mufl mark the fit length
of your bowe. For yf the flringe be to fhort, the
bending wyW gyue, and at the lafl flyp and fo put the
bowe in ieopardye. Yf it be longe, the bendynge
mufl nedes be in the fmal of the firing, which beynge
fore twined mufl nedes knap in funder to ye diflruc-
tion of manye good bowes. Moreouer you mufllooke
that youre bowe be well nocked for fere the fharpneffe
of the home fhere a funder the flrynge. And that
chaunceth ofte when in bending, the firing hath but
one wap to flrengthe it wyth all: You mufl marke
alfo to fet youre flringe flreygte on, or elles the one
ende fhall wriethe contrary to the other, and fo breke
your bowe. When the flringe begynnethe neuer fo
lytle to were, trufl it not, but a waye with it for it is
am yll faued halpeny yat cofles a man a crowne. Thus
you fe howe many ieopardyes hangethe ouer the felye
poore bowe, by reafon onlye of the flrynge. As when
the flringe is fhorte, when it is longe, when eyther of
the nockes be nought, when it hath but one wap, and
when it taryethe ouer longe on.

pljt. I fe wel it is no meruell, though fo many
bowes be broken.

STox. Bowes be broken twife as many wayes befyde

112

38.

thefe. But a gayne in flringynge youre bowe, you
mufl loke for muche bende or lytle bende for they be
cleane contrarye.

The lytle bende hath but one commoditie, whyche'
is in fhootyng fafter and farther fhoote, and ye caufe
therof is, bycaufe the flrynge hath fo far a paffage, or it
parte wyth the fhafte. The greate bende hath many
commodities: for it maketh eafyer fhootynge the bowe ’
beyng halfe drawen afore. It needeth no bracer, for ’
the llrynge floppeth before it come at the arme. It'
vv^yl not fo fone hit a mannes lleue or other geare, by-
the fame reafon : It hurteth not the lhaft fedder, as.
the lowe bende doeth. It fuffereth a man better to.
efpye his marke. Therfore lette youre bowe haue
good byg bend, a fhaftemente and. ii. fyngers at the
leall, for thefe which I haue fpoken of. . ,

The brafer, gloue, and llrynge, be done,
nowe you mufte come to the bowe, the
chefe inhriiment of all. .

2C0X. Dyuers countryes and tymts haue vfed alwayes *
dyuers bowes, and of dyuers fafliions.

Home bowes are vfed in fome places nowe, and
were vfed alfo in Homems dayes, for Pan-
darus bowe, the bell Ihooter among al the '

Troianes, was made of two Goete homes ioyned to- *
gyther, the lengthe wherof fayth Homer, was. xvi hand-)

bredes, not far differing from the lengthe of our bowes.

Scripture maketh mention of braffe
bowes. Iron bowes, and ftyle bowes, haue
bene of longe tyrae, and alfo nowe are vfed among'
the Turkes, but yet they muff nedes be vnprofitable.
For yf braffe, yron or ftyle, haue theyr owne ftrength *
and pith in them, they be farre aboue mannes ftrength:
yf they be made meete for mannes ftrengthe, theyr
pithe is nothyng worth to fhoote any fhoote wyth all. .

The Ethiopians had bowes of palme tre, whiche;
feemed to be very ffronge, but we haue
none experience of them. The lengthe of ^ ;

-tkejn was. iiii. cubites. The men of Inde had theyr

%l)Z ^d)Qlt 0f S'fj0Otut(J.

bowes made of a rede, whiche was of a great flrengthe
And no maruayle though bowe and fhaftes were made
thereof, for the redes be fo great in Inde, as Herodotus
fayth, that of euery ioynte of a rede, a man
may make a fyfhers bote. Thefe bowes, ^
fayeth Arrianus in Alexanders lyfCjgaue fo greataftroke,
that no barneys or buckler though it were
neuer fo llrong, could wythfland it. The
length of fuche a bowe, was euen wyth the length of hym,
that vfed it. The Lycians vfed bowes made ^

of a tree, called in I.atyn Cornus^ (as con- ^ °
cernyng the name of it in Englifh, I can foner proue
that other men call it falfe, than I can tell the right
name of it my felfe) this wood is as harde as home,
and very fit for fiiaftes, as fliall be toulde after.

Quid flieweth that Syringa the Nymphe, jy^etamor i
and one of the maydens of Diana, had a ® “o • •
bowe of this wood whereby the poete meaneth, that it
was verye excellent to make bowes of.

As for brafell, Elme, Wych, and Afihe, experience
doth proue them to be but meane for bowes, and fo to
conclude Ewe of all other thynges, is that, wherof
perfite fhootyng woulde haue a bowe made.

Thys woode as it is nowc generall and common
amonges Englyfhe men, fo hath it continewed from
longe tyme and had in moofl price for bowes,
amonges the Romaynes, as doth apere in this halfc
verfe of Vyrgill.

Taxi torquentur in arcus, Virgilius.

Ewe fit for a bowe to be made on.

No we as 1 faye, a bowe of Ewe mufl be hadde for
perfedle flrootinge at the prickes \ whiche marke, by-
caufe it is certayne, and mofte certaine rules may be
gyuen of it, fhall feme for our communication, at this
time. A good bowe is knowen, much what as good
counfayle is knowen, by the ende and proofe of it,
and yet bothe a bowe and good counfell, maye be
made bothe better and worfe, by well or vU handlynge

H

ti4

of them: as oftentymes chaunceth. And as a man
both mufle and wyll take counfell, of a wyfe and
honefle man, though he fe not the ende of it, fo mufl a
fhooter of neceffitie, trufle an honefL and good bowyer
for a bowe, afore he knowe the proofe of it. And as a
wyfe man wyll take plentye of counfel afore hand what
foeuer need, fo a ihooter fhulde haue alwayes. hi. or.
iiii. bowes, in ftore, what fo euer chaunce.

^{ji. But if I truhe bowyers alwayes, fometyme I
am lyke to be deceyued.

®til. Therefore fhall I tell you fome tokens in a
bowe, that you fhal be the feeldomer deceyued. If
you come into a fhoppe, and fynde a bowe that is
fcnall, long, heauy and hrong, lyinge ll[r]eyght, not
windyng, not marred with knot, gaule, wyndelhake,
wem, freate or pynche, bye that bowe of my warrant.
The belle colour of a bowe yat I fynde, is whan the
backe and the bellye in woorkynge, be muche wliat
after one maner, for fuch oftentymes in wearyng, do
proue lyke virgin wax or golde, hauynge a fine longe
grayne, euen from the one ende of the bowe, to the
other; the Ihort graine although fuche proue well
fomt)nne, are for ye moh parte, very brittle. Of the
makynge of the bowe, I wyll not greatly meddle, lelle
I Ihoulde feeme to enter into an other mannes occu¬
pation, whyche I can no fkyll of. Yet I woulde defyre
all bowyers to feafon theyr llaues well, to woorke
them and fynke them well, to giue them heetes con-
uenient, and tyllerynges plentye. For thereby they
Ihoulde bothe get them felues a good name, (And a
good name encreafeth a mannes profyte muclie) and
alfo do greate commodite to the hole Realme. If any
men do offend in this poynte, I am afrayde they be thofe
iourny men whiche labour more fpedily to make manye
bowes for theyr owne monye fake, than they woorke
dilligently to make good bowes, for the common welth
fake, not layinge before tho^yi eyes, thys wyfe prouerbe.

Somynoughf ifwelynougJu

^d;0Tc 0f ^crj00tuT(5:* 115

Whervvyth euere honed handye craftes man Ihukl
meafure, as it were wyth a rule, his worke withal. He
that is a iourney man, and rydeth vpon an other
mannes horfe, yf he ryde an honed pace, no manne
wyll dyfalowe hym : But yf he make Pode hade, bothe
he that oweth the horfe, and he peraduenture alfo that
afterwarde dial bye the horfe, may chaunce to curfe hym.

Suche hadineffe I am afrayde, maye alfo be found
amonges fome of them, whych through out ye Realme
in diuerfe places worke ye kinges Artillarie for war,
thinkynge yf they get a bowe or a dieafe of arrowes to
fome fadiion, they be good ynough for bearynge gere.
And thus that weapon whiche is the chiefe defence of
the Realme, verye ofte doth lytle feruyce to hym that
fhoulde vfe it, bycaufe it is fo negligentlye wrought of
him that diuld make it, when trewlye I fuppofe that
nether ye bowe can be to good and chefe woode, nor
yet to well feafoned or truly made, wyth hetynges and
tillerynges, nether that fhafte to good wood or to
thorowely wrought, with the bed pinion fedders that
can be gotten, wherwith a man dial ferue his prince,
defende his countrie, and faue hym felfe frome his
enemye. And I trud no man wyll be angrye wyth
me for fpekynge thus, but thofe which finde them felfe
touched therin: which ought rather to be angiye wyth
them felfe for doynge fo, than to be mifcontent wyth
me for faynge fo. And in no cafe they ought to be
difpleafed wyth me, feinge this is fpoken alfo after that
forte, not for the notynge of anye perfon feuerallye,
but for the amendynge of euerye one generallye. But
turne we agayne to knowe a good fliootynge bowe for
cure purpofe.

Euerye bowe is made eyther of a boughe, of a plante
or of the boole of the tree. The boughe commonlye
is veiye knotty, and full of pinnes, weak, of fmall pithe,
and fone wyll folowe the dringe, and feldome werith to
any fayre coloure, yet for chyldren and yonge beginners
it maye ferue well ynoughe. The plante proueth many
times wel, yf it be of a good and dene groweth, and for

ti6 33 *

the pith of it is quicke ynoughe of cafl, it wyll plye and
bow far afore it breake, as al other yonge thinges do.
The boole of ye tree is clenefl without knot or pin,
hauinge a fafle and harde woode by reafonne of hys
full groweth, ftronge and myghtye of cafl, and beft for
a bow, yf the flaues be euen clouen, and be afterwarde
wroughte not ouer[t]wharte the woode, but as the graine
Ttnd flreyght growyng of the woode leadethe a man, or
elles by all reafon it muft fone breake, and that in
many lliiuers. This mufl be confidered in the roughe
woode, and when the bow flaues be ouerwrought and
facioned. For in dreffing and pikynge it vp for a bow,
it is to late to loke for it. But yet in thefe poyntes as
I fayd before you mufle trufle an lioneft bowyer, to put a
good bow in youre hand, fomewhat lookinge your felfe
to thofe tokens whyche I fhewed you. And you mufle
not flicke for a grote or. xii. d. more than a nother man
would giue yf it be a good bowe. For a good bow twife
paide for is better than an ill bowe once broken.

Thus a fhooter mufle begyn not at the makynge
of hys bowe lyke a bower, but at the byinge of hys
bow lyke an Arch ere. And when his bow is bought and
brought home, afore he trufle muche vpon it, let hym
trye and trym it after thys forte.

Take your bow in to the feeld, fhote in hym, finke hym
wyth deade heauye fhaftes, looke where he commethe
moofljprouyde for that place betymes,lefle it pinch'eand
fo freate ; when you hauethus fhot in him,andperceyued
good fliootynge woode in hym, you mufl haue hym
agayne to a good cunnynge, and truflie woorkeman,
whyche fhall cut hym fhorter, and pike hym and dreffe
hym fytter, make hym comme rounde compace euery
where, and whippyng at the endes, but with difcretion,
lefl he whyp in funder or els freete, foner than he is ware
of, he mufl alfo lay hym flreght, if he be cafle or other-
wife nede require, and if he be flatte made, gather hym
rounde, and fo fhall he bothe fhoote the fafler, for farre
Ihootynge, and alfo the furer for nere pryck5mge.

Pljh What yf I come into a fhoppe, and fpye oute

^cfjnle 0f ir)

a bow, which ihal both than pleafe me very wel whan
I by him, and be alfo very fit and meete for me whan
I flioote in hym: fo that he be both weake ynoughe
for eafye Ihootynge, and alfo quycke and fpedye
ynoughe for farre caftynge, than I woulde thynke I
fhall nede no more bufmeffe wyth him, but be con-
tente wyth hym, and vfe hym well ynoughe, and fo by
that meanes, auoyde bothe greate trouble, and alfo
fome cofi whiche you cunnynge archers very often
put your felues vnto, beynge verye Englyfhe men, neuer
ceafynge piddelynge about your bowe and fliaftes
whan they be well, but eyther with fiiortyng and pik-
ynge your bowes, or els with newe fetlieryng, peec-
ynge and headinge your fhaftes, can neuer haue done
vntyll they be flarke nought.

Wel Philologe^ furelye if I haue any iudge-
raent at all in fiiootyng, it is no very great good token in
a bowe, whereof nothyng whan it is newe and freffiie,
nede be cutte away, euen as Cicero fayeth of a yonge
mannes wit and fiyle, which you knowe better than
I. For euerye newe thynge mufle alwayes haue more
than it neadeth, or elles it wyll not waxe better and
better, but euer decaye, and be worfe and worfe.
Newe ale if it runne not ouer the barrell whan it is
newe tunned, wil fone leafe his pith, and his head
afore he be longe drawen on.

And lyke wyfe as that colte whyche at the fyrfle
takynge vp, nedeth lytle breakyng and handlyng, but
is fitte and gentle ynoughe for the faddle, feeldome
or neuer proueth well, euen fo that bowe whyche
at the fyrfie byinge, wythout any more proofe and trim-
mynge, is fit and eafie to fiioote in, fhall neyther be
profitable to lafie longe nor yet pleafaunt to fhoote
well. And therfore as, a younge horfe full of corage,
wyth handlynge and breakinge, is brought vnto a fure
pace and goynge, fo fliall a newe bowe freffhe and
quicke of cafle, by fmkyng and cuttyng, be brought to
a fiedfaft fiiootyng. And an eafie and gentle bow
vylian it is newe, is not muche vnlyke a fofte fpiriter]

ii8 33.

boye when he is younge. But yet as of an vnrulie
boye with right handlyng, proueth oftenefL of al a
well ordered man ; fo of an vnfit and flaffyfli bow
with good trimming, mufte nedes folowe alwayes a
Hedfafl fhotynge bowe.

And fuche a perfite bowe, whiche neuer wyll de-
ceyue a man, excepte a man deceyue it, muft be had
for that perfe6le ende, whycheyou looke for in fhootinge.

Well Toxophile, I fee wel you be cunninger
in this gere than I: but put cafe that I haue thre
or fower fuche good bowes, pyked and dreffed, as
you nowe fpeke of, yet I do remembre yat manye
learned men do faye, that it is eafier to gette a good
thynge, than to faue and keepe a good thyng, wherfore
if you can teache me as concernyng that poynte, you
haue fatiffyed me plentifullye as concernynge a bowe.

Trulye it was the nexte thyng that I woulde
haue come vnto, for fo the matter laye.

Whan you haue broughte youre bowe to fuche a
poynte, as I fpake of, than you mull haue an herden or
wullen cloth waxed, wherwith euery day you mufl rubbe
and chafe your bowe, tyll it fhyne and glytter withall.
Whyche thynge fhall caufe it bothe to be cleane, well
fauoured, goodlye of coloure, and lhall alfo bryng as it
were a crufle, ouer it, that is to fay, fhall make it
euery where on the outfyde, fo flyppery and harde,
that neyther any weete or wether can enter to hurte
it, nor yet any freat or pynche, be able to byte vpon
it: but that you dial do it great wrong before you
breake it This mull be done oftentimes but fpe-
cially when you come from fliootynge.

Beware alfo whan you Ihoote, of youre lhaft hedes,
dagger, knyues, or agglettes, left they race your bowe,
a thing as I fayde before, bothe vnfemely to looke on,
and alfo daungerous for freates. Take hede alfo of
midie and dankyfhe dayes, whiche fhal hurte a bowe,
more than any rayne. For then you mude eyther
alway rub it, or els leaue fhootynge.

Your bowecafe (this I dyd not promife to fpeake of,

^d;oTe 0f ^500t{njj. 119

bycaufe it is without the nature of fhoot-
ynge, or els I ihoulde truble me wyth ^o^case.
other thinges infinite more : yetfeing it is a fauegarde
for the bowe, fomethynge I wyll faye of it) youre bowe-
cafe I faye, yf you ryde forth, mufle neyther be to
wyde for youre bowes, for fo lhall one clap vpon an
other, and hurt them, nor yet fo llrayte that fcarfe they
can be thruil in, for that woulde laye them on fyde
and wynde them. A bowecafe of ledder, is not the
befl, for that is ofttymes moyfle which hurteth the
bowes very much. Therfore I haue fene good fiiooters
which would haue for euerye bowe, a fere cafe made
of wollen clothe, and than you maye putte, iii. or. iiii,
of them fo cafed, into a ledder cafe if you wyll. This
wollen cafe lhall bothe kepe them in funder, and alfo
wylle kepe a bowe in his full llrengthe, that it neuer
gyue for any wether. At home thefe wood cafes be
verye good for bowes to Hand in. But take hede yat
youre bowe flande not to nere a Hone wall, for that
wyll make hym moyfte and weke, nor yet to nere any
fier for that wyll make him Ihorte and brittle. And
thus muche as concemyng the fauyng and keping of
our bowe ; nowe you fhall heare what thynges ye mull
auoyde, for feare of breakyng your bowe.

A lliooter chaunfeth to breake his bowe commonly,
iiii. wayes, by the llrynge, by the fhafte, by draw-
yng to far, and by freates; By the llryng as I fayde
afore, whan the llrynge is eyther to Ihorte, to long,
not furely put on, wyth one wap, or put croked on, or
Ihorne in fundre wyth an euell nocke, or fulfered to
tarye ouer longe on. Whan the llryng fayles the bowe
mulle nedes breake, and fpecially in the myddes;
becaufe bothe the endes haue nothyng to Hop them;
but whippes fo far backe, that the belly miiH nedes
yiolentlye rife vp, the whyche you lhall well perceyue
in bendyng of a bowe backward. Therfore a bowe
that foloweth the llrynge is leaH hurt with breakyng of
llrynges. By the fhafte a bowe is broken ether when
il is to Ihort, and fo you fet it in your bow or when

.120

33.

the nocke breakes for lytlenefle, or when the fliynge
flyppes wythoute the nocke for wydeneffe, than you
poule it to your eare and lettes it go,' which mufl
nedes breake the fhafte at the leafle, and putte flringe
and bowe and al in ieopardy, bycaufe tlie flrength of the
bowe hath nothynge in it to flop the violence of it.

Thys kynde of breakynge is moofle periloufe for the
flanders by, for in fuch a cafe you fhall fe fometyme
the ende of a bow flye a hoole fcore from a man, and
that moofl commonly, as I haue marked oft the vpper
ende of the bowe. The bowe is drawne to far. iL
vvayes. Eyther when you take a longer fhafte then
your owne, or els when you fhyfte your hand to low or
to hye for fhootynge far. Thys waye pouleth the backe
in funder, and then the bowe fleethe in manye peces.

So when you fe a bowe broken, hauynge the bellye
rifen vp both wayes or tone, the flringe brake it.
When it is broken in twoo peces in a maner euen of and
fpecyallye in the vpper ende, the fhafte nocke brake it.

When the backe is pouled a funder in manye peeces
to farre drawynge, brake it.

Thefe tokens eyther alwayes be trewe or els verye
feldome myffe.

The fourthe thyng that breketh a bow is fretes,
whych make a bowe redye and apte to Freates.
breake by any of the. iii. wayes afore
fayde. Freetes be in a fhaft as well as in a bowe,
and they be muche lyke a Canker, crepynge and en-
creafynge in thofe, places in a bowe, whyche be
weaker then other. And for thys purpofe mufl your
bowe be well trymmed and piked of a conning man
that it may come rounde in trew compaffe euery
where. For freetes you mufl beware, yf youre bow
haue a knot in the backe, lefl the places whyche be
nexte it, be not alowed flrong ynoughe to here with
the knotte, or elles the flronge knotte fhall freate the
weake places nexte it. Freates be fyrfl litle pinchefe,
the whych when you perceaue, pike the places about
the pinches, to make them fomewhat weker, and as

^rljoTc 0f 121

well commynge as where it pinched, and fo the pinches
fliall dye, and neuer encreafe farther in to great freates.

Freates begynne many tymes in a pin, for there the
good woode is corrupted, that it mufle nedes be weke,
and bycaufe it is weake, therfore it freates.

Good bowyers therfore do rayfe euery pyn and
alowe it moore woode for feare of freatynge.

Agayne bowes moofl commonlye freate vnder the
hande, not fo muche as fome men fuppofe for the
moiflneffe of the hande, as for the heete of the hand :
the nature of heate fayeth Ariilotle is to lowfe, and not
to knyt fail, and the more lowfer the more weaker, the
weaker, the redier to freate.

A bowe is not well made, whych hath not wood
plentye in the hande. For yf the endes of the bowe
be flaffylhe, or a mans hande any thynge hoote the
bellye mull nedes fone frete. Remedie for fretes to
any purpofe I neuer hard tell of any, but onelye to
make the freated place as llronge or Uronger then any
other. To fill vp the freate with lytle Iheuers of a quill
and glewe (as fome fay wyW do wel) by reafon muH be
flarke nought.

For, put cafe the freete dyd ceafe then, yet the caufe
which made it freate a fore (and that is weakeneffe of
the place) bicaufe it is not taken away mull nedes
make it freate aga)me. As for cuttyng out of freates
wythe all maner of pecynge of bowes I wyll cleane ex¬
clude from perfite Ihootynge. For peced bowes be
muche lyke owlde houfen, whyche be more chargeable
to repayre, than commodioufe to dwell in. Agayne
to fwadle a bowe much about wyth bandes, verye
feldome dothe anye good, excepte it be to kepe downe
a fpel in the backe, otherwyfe bandes eyther nede not
when the bow is any thinge worthe, or els boote not
when it is marde and pall beft. And although I
knowe meane and poore Ihooters, wyll vfe peced and
banded bowes fometyme bycaufe they are not able to
get better when they woulde, yet I am fure yf they
confyder it well, they lhall f3mde it, bothe leffe charge

12a 33.

and more pleafure to ware at any tyme a couple of
fhyllynges of a new bowe than to beflowe. x. d. of
peacynge an olde bowe. For better is colle vpon
fomewhat worth, than fpence vpon noticing worth.
And thys I fpeke alfo bycaufe you woulde haue me
referre all to perfitneffe in fliootynge.

Moreouer there is an other thynge, whyche wyl fone
caufe a bowe be broken by one of the. hi. wayes
whych be firfl fpoken of, and that is fhotyng in winter,
when there is any frofle. Frofle is wherefoeuer is any
vvaterifh humour, as is in al woodes, ey ther more or leffe,
and you knowe that al thynges frofen and Ifie, wyl
rather breke than bende. Yet if a man mufl nedes
fhoote at any fuche tyme, lette hym take hys bowe,
and brynge it to the fyer, and there by litle and litle,
rubbe and chafe it with a waxed clothe, whiche fhall
bring it to that poynt, yat he maye Ihote fafelye ynough
in it. This rubb3mg with waxe, as I fayde before, is
a great fuccour, agaynft all wete and moyhneffe.

In the fyeldes alfo, in goyng betwyxt the pricks
eyther wyth your hande, or elles wyth a clothe you
muile keepe your bowe in fuche a temper. And thus
muche as concernynge youre bowe, ho we fyrlle to
knowe what wood is befl for a bowe, than to chofe
a bowe, after to trim a bowe, agayne to keepe it in
goodneffe, lafle of al, howe to faue it from al harm
and euylneffe.

And although many men can faye more of a bow
yet I trull thefe thynges be true, and almofle fufficient
for the knowlege of a perfedle bowe.

^fj{. Surelye I beleue fo, and yet I coulde haue
hearde you talke longer on it: althogh I can not fe,
what maye be fayd more of it Therfore excepte you
wyll paufe a whyle, you may go forwarde to a lhafte.

®ox. What fhaftes were made of, in oulde tyme
authours do not fo manifefllye Ihewe, as
of bowes. Herodotus doth tel, that in the
flood of Nilus, ther was a beall, called a water horfe,
qf \yhofe Ikinne after it was dried^ the Egyptians made

(SCIjc ^cjole of i^Joottits* 123

fhaftes, and dartes on. The tree called Sen. Hipp.
Cor 7 ius was fo common to make fhaftes of, that in good
authours of ye latyn tongue, Cornus is taken for a fhafte,
as in Seneca, and that place of Virgill, Virg. enei. 9.

Volat Itala Cornus,

Yet of all thynges that euer I warked of olde authours,
either greke or latin, for fhaftes to be made of, there
is nothing fo common as reedes. Herodotus in def-
cribynge the mightie hoofl of Xerxes doth
tell that thre great contries vfed fhaftes " oym.
made of a rede, the Aethiopians, the Lycians (whofe
fhaftes lacked fethers, where at I maruayle mofle of
all) and the men of Inde. The fhaftes in
Inde were verye longe, a yarde and an Amanus. 8.

halfe, as Arrianus doth faye, or at the ^

leafl a yarde. as Q. Curtius doth faye, and
therfore they gaue ye greater flrype, but yet bycaufe
they were fo long, they were the more vnhanfome, and
leffe profitable to the men of Inde, as Curtius doeth tell

In Crete and Italie, they vfed to haue their fhaftes
of rede alfo. The beft reede for fhaftes grewe in
Inde, and in Rhenus a flood of Italy. pun. 16.36.

But bycaufe fuche fhaftes be neyther
eafie for Engliflie men to get, and yf they were gotten
fcarfe profitable for them to vfe, I wyll lette them
paffe, and fpeake of thofe fhaftes whyche Englyfh
men at this daye mofle commonly do approue and
allowe.

A fhaft hath three principall partes, the flele, the
fethers, and the head: whereof euerye one mufle be
feuerallye fpoken of.

Ct Steles be made of dyuerfe woodes. as.

Brafell.

Turkie wood.

Fuflicke.

Sugerchefle.

Hardbeame.

Byrche,

194

Afflie.

Ooke.

Semis tree.

Hulder.

Blackthome.

Beebe.

Elder.

Afpe.

Salow.

Thefe wooddes as they be moil commonly vfed, fo
they be moobe fit to be vfed : yet fome one fytter
then an other for diners mennes fhotinge, as fhalbe
toulde afterwarde. And in this pointe as in a bowe
you mufle trube an honeb fletcher. Neuertheleffe al
thoughe I can not teache you to make a bowe or a
biafte, whiche belongeth to a bowyer and a fletcher to
comme to theyr l)aiyng, yet wyll I fhewe you fome
tokens to knowe a bowe and a fhafte, whiche per-
tayneth to an Archer to come to good biootynge.

A bele mube be well feafoned for Cabinge, and it
mub be made as the grsiyne lieth and as it groweth or
els it wyl neuer flye dene, as clothe cut ouertwhart and
agaynbe the wulle, can neuer hoofe a manne cleane.
A icnottye bele maye be fufifered in a bygge fhafte,
but for a lytle fhafte it is nothynge fit, bothe bycaufe it
wyll neuer flye far, and befydes that it is euer in
danger of breakynge, it flieth not far bycaufe the
brengthe of the fhoote is hindred and bopped at the
knotte, euen as a bone cab in to a plaine euen bil
water, wyll make the water moue a greate fpace, yet
yf there be any whirlynge plat in the water, the
mouynge ceafethe when it commethe at the whyrlynge
plat, whyche is not muche vnlyke a knotte in a fhafte
yf it be confidered wel. So euery thyng as it is plaine
and breight of hys owne nature fo is it fitteb for far
mouynge. Therfore a bele whyche is harde to bande
in a bowe, without knotte, and breighte (I meane not
artificiallye breyghte as the fletcher dothe make it^ bi^t

^l)t ^cT)0k of sTjoatiiiij. 125

naturally flreight as it groweth in the woo^'is bed to
make a fliaft of, eyther to go cleane,fly fland furely
in any wedder. Now howe bigjieii^fmall, how heuye,
how lyght, how longe, h^ivHfhort, a fhafte fhoulde be par-
ticularl3''e for euerye-itian (feynge we mufl taulke of the
generall naturS'of diootyng) can not be toulde no more
than you Rhethoricians can appoynt any one kynde of
wordes, of fentences, of fygures fyt for euery matter,
but euen as the man and the matter requyreth fo the
fyttefl to be vfed. Therfore as concernynge thofe
contraryes in a fhafte, euery man mufle auoyde them
and draw to the meane of them, whyche meane is
bed in al thynges. Yet yf a man happen to offende
in any of the extremes it is better to offend in want
and fcantnede, than in to muche and outragioufe
exceedynge. As it is better to haue a fhafte a lytle to
fhorte than ouer longe, fomewhat to lyght, than ouer
lumpyfdie, a lytle to fmall, than a greate deale to big,
whiche thyng is not onely trewlye fayde in drootynge,
but in all other thynges that euer man goeth aboute,
as in eatynge, taulkynge, and all other thynges lyke,
whych matter was onfe excellentlye difputed vpon, in
the Scooles, you knowe when.

And to ofend, in thefe contraryes commeth much
yf men take not hede, throughe the kynd of wood,
wherof the fliaft is made : Ffor fome wood belonges
to ye excedyng part, fome to ye fcant part, fome to
ye mean^, as Brafell, Turkiewood, Fudicke, Sugar
chede, and fuch lyke, make deade, heuy lumpifh,
hobblyng fhaftes. Againe Holder,black thome, Serues
tree, Beche, Elder, Afpe, and Salowe, eyther for theyr
wekenes or lyghteneffe, make holow, darting, dudding,
gaddynge fhaftes. But Birche, Hardbeme, fome
Ooke, and fome Afflie, beynge bothe dronge ynoughe
to dande in a bowe, and alfo lyght ynoughe to
fiye far, are bed for a meane, whiche is to be
foughte oute in euery thinge. And althoughe I knowe
that fome men flioote fo dronge, that the deade
woodes be lyghte ynoughe for them, and other fome

126

13 *

fo weeke, that the lowfe woodes be lykewyfe for them
bigge ynoughe yet generally for the mooli parte of
men, the meane is the beft. And fo to conclude
that, is alwayes belle for a man, whiche is meteft for
him. Thus no wood of his owne nature, is eyther to
lyght or to heuy, but as the Ihooter is him felfe whyche
dothe vfe it. For that fhafte whiche one yeare for a
man is to lyghte and fcuddinge, for the fame felfe
man the next yeare may chaunce be to heuy and
hobbl)mge. Therfore can not I expreffe, excepte
generally, what is bell wood for a fhaft, but let euery
man when he knoweth his owne ftrength and the
nature of euery wood, prouyde and fyt himfelfe there¬
after. Yet as concerning Iheaffe Arroufe for war (as
I fuppofe) it were better to make them of good Affhe,
and not of Afpe, as they be now a dayes. For of all
other woodes that euer I proued Aflhe being big is
fwifteft and agayne heuy to giue a greate ftripe with
all, whyche Afpe fliall not doo. What heuynes doth
in a Hripe euery man by experience can tell, therfore
Aflhe being both fwyfter and heuier is more fit for
fheafe Arroes then Afpe, and thus miiche for the bell
wood for lhaftes.

Agayne lykewyfe as no one wood can be greatlye
meet for all kynde of lhaftes, no more can one facion
of the flele be fit for euery fhooter. For thofe that
be lytle brelled and big toward the hede called by
theyr lykeneffe taperfafhion, reflie growne, and of fome
merrye fellowes bobtayles, be fit for them whiche
fhote vnder hande bycaufe they llioote wyth a fofte
lowfe, and llrelTes not a lhaft muche in the brelle
where the weyghte of the bowe lyethe as you maye
perceyue by the werynge of euery fhafte.

Agayne the bygge brelled fliafte is fytte for hym,
which Ihoteth right afore him, or els the breft being
weke Ihoulde neuer wythllande that Urong piththy
kynde of Ihootynge, thus the vnderhande mull haue a
fmall brefte, to go cleane awaye oute of the bowe, the
forehande mufle haue a bigge brelle to here the

Clje 0f m

great myghte of the bowe. The lhafte mufl be made
rounde nothynge flat wyth out gal'or wemme, for thys
purpofe. For bycaufe roundneffe (whether you take
example in heauen or in earthe) is fitteft fhappe and
forme both for fafl mouing and alfo for fone percynge
of any thynge. And therfore Ariftotle faythe that
nature hath made the raine to be round, bycaufe it
fhoulde the eafelyer enter throughe the ayre.

The nocke of the fhafte is dyuerfly made, for fome be
greate and full, fome hanfome and lytle, fome wyde,
fome narow, fome depe, fome flialowe, fome round,
fome longe, fome wyth one nocke, fome wyth a
double nocke, wherof euery one hathe hys propertye.

The greate and full nocke, maye be well felte, and
many wayes they faue a fhafte from brekynge. The
hanfome and lytle nocke wyll go dene awaye frome
the hand, the wyde nocke is noughte, both for
breakyng of the fhafte and alfo for foden flyppynge
oute of the fliynge when the narrowe nocke doth
auoyde bothe thofe harmes. The depe and longe
nocke is good in warre for fure kepyng in of the
flrynge. The flialow, and rownde nocke is befl for
our purpofe in prickyng for cleane delyueraunce of a
flioote. And double nockyng is vfed for double
fuerty of the fliaft. And thus far as concernynge a
hoole flele.

Peecynge of a fhafte with brafell and holie, or
other heauy woodes, is to make the ende compaffe
heauy with the fethers in fliyng, for the fledfafter
fhotyng. For if the ende were plumpe heauy wyth
lead and the wood nexte it lyghte, the head ende
woulde euer be downwardes, and neuer flye flrayght

Two poyntes in peecing be ynough, left the moyflnes
of the earthe enter to moche into the peecinge, and fo
leufe the glue. Therefore many po)nites be more
pleafaunt to the eye, than profitable for the vfe.

Summe vfe to peece theyr fliaftes in the nocke wyth
brafel, or holye, to counterwey, with the head, and I
haue fene fumme for the fame purpofe, bore an hole a

12 $

lytle bineth the nocke, and put leade in it. But yet
none of thefe wayes be anye thing needful at al, for ye
nature of a fether in flying, if a man marke it wel, is
able to bear vp a wonderful weyght: and I thinke
fuche peecing came vp firfl, thus: whan a good
Archer hath broken a good fhafte, in the fethers, and
for the fantafie he hath had to it, he is lothe to leefe
it, and therfore doeth he peece it. And than by and
by other eyther bycaufe it is gaye, or elles becaufe
they wyll haue a fhafte lyke a good archer, cutteth
theyre hole fhaftes, and peeceth them agayne: A
thynge by my iudgement, more cofllye than nedefull.

And thus haue you heard what wood, what faffhion,
whatnockynge, what peecyngeaflele mufle haue: N owe
foloweth the fetherynge.

I woulde neuer haue thought you could haue
fayd halfe fo muche of a flele, and I thynke as con-
cernyng the litle fether and the playne head, there is
but lytle to faye.

SCox. Lytle, yes trulye: for there is no one thing,
in al flioting, fo moche to be loked on as the fether.
For fyrfle a quefLion mayebe afked, whether any other
thing befyde a fether, be fit for a fhaft or no ? if a
fether onelye be fit, whether a goofe fether onely,
or no ? yf a goofe fether be bell, then whether
there be any difference, as concernynge the fether
of an oulde goofe, and a yonge goofe : a gander,
or a goofe: a fennye goofe, or an vplandifh goofe.
Againe which is beft fether in any goofe, the ryght
wing or the left wing, the pinion fether, or any other
fether; a whyte, blacke, or greye fether ? Thirdly, in
fettyng on of your fether, whether it be pared or
drawen with a thicke rybbe, or a thinne rybbe (the
rybbe is ye hard quill whiche deuydeth the fether) a
long fether better or a fhorte, fet on nere the nocke,
or farre from the nocke, fet on {freight, or fom what
bowyng? and whether one or two fethers runneon the
bowe. Fourthly in couling or fheryng, whether high
or lowe, whether fomewhat fwyne backed (I mufle vfe

^rl)aff flf ^!30ntaT3. 129

fhoters wordes) or fadle backed, whether rounde, or
fquare fhorne ? And whether a fliaft at any tyme ought
to be plucked, and how to be plucked.

pljf. Surely Toxophile, I thynke manye fletchers
(although daylye they haue thefe thinges in vre) if
they were alked fodeynly, what they coulde faye of a
fether, they could not faye fo moch. But I praye you
let me heare you more at large, expreffe thofe thynges
in a fether, the whiche you packed vp in fo narrowe a
rowme. And fyrft whether any other thyng may be
vfed for a fether or not.

That was ye fyrfte poynte in dede, and
bycaufe there foloweth many after, I wyll hye apace
ouer them, as one that had manye a myle to ride.
Shaftes to haue had alwayes fethers Plinius pi 16 36.
in Latin, and lulius Pollux in Greke, do i. PoI i 10.

playnlye fhewe, yet onely the Lycians I Her Poiym.

reade in Herodotus to haue vfed fhaftes without
fedders. Onelye a fedder is fit for a fhafte for. ii.
caufes, fyrfte bycaufe it is leathe weake to giue
place to the bowe, than bycaufe it is of that
nature, that it wyll ftarte vp after ye bow. So, Plate,
wood or home can not feme, bycaufe the[y] wil
not gyue place. Againe, Cloth, Paper, or Parchment
can not ferue, bycaufe they wyll not ryfe after the
bowe, therfore a fedder is onely mete, bycaufe it onelye
wyl do bothe. Nowe to looke on the fedders of all maner
of birdes, you fhal fe fome fo lowe weke and fhorte,
fome fo courfe, ftoore and harde, and the rib fo brickie,
thin and narrow, that it can nether be drawen, pared,
nor yet well fet on, that except it be a fwan for a dead
fliafte (as I knowe fome good Archers haue vfed) or a
ducke for a flyghte whiche lafLes but one Ihoote, there
is no fether but onelye of a goofe that hath all com¬
modities in it. And trewelye at a fhort but, which
fome man doth vfe, ye Pecock fether doth feldome
kepe vp ye fhaft eyther ryght or leuel, it is fo roughe
and heuy, fo that many men which haue taken them
vp for gayeneffe, hathe layde them downe agayne for
I

!30 C0):np^tlu^. 33*

profyte, thus for our purpofe, the Goofe is befl fethei,
for the bell flioter.

No that is not fo, for the bell fhoter that euer
was vfed other fethers.

2C0X. Ye are fo cunninge in flrootynge I praye you
who was that.

Hercules whyche had hys ihaftes Hesiod, w
fethered with Egles fethers as Hefiodus Her.

dothe faye.

®ax. Well as for Hercules, feynge nether water nor
lande, heauen nor hell, coulde fcarfe contente hym to
abyde in, it was no meruell thoughe a fely poore goufe
fether could not plefe him to Ihoote wythal, and agayne
as for Egles they flye fo hye and builde fo far of, yat
they be very hard to come by. Yet welfare the gentle
goufe which bringeth to a man euen to hys ^
doore fo manye excedynge commodities.

For the goufe is mans comforte in war and in peace
llep)mge and wakynge. What prayfe fo euer is gyuen
to Ihootynge the goufe may chalenge the befte parte in
it. How well dothe fhe make a man fare at his table ?
Howe eafelye dothe fhe make a man lye in hys bed ?
How fit euen as her fethers be onelye for fhootynge, fo
be her quylles fytte onelye for wryt^g.

^l)ila* In deade Toxophyle that is the belle prayfe
you gaue to a goufe yet, and furelye I would haue
fayde you had bene to blame yf you had ouerlkypte it.

®0X. The Romaynes I trowe Philologe not fo
muche bycaufe a goufe wyth cryinge faued theyr
Capitolium and head toure wyth their golden lupiter
as Propertius doth fay very pretely in thys verfe.

Anferis et iutuin uoce ftiiJTe louem, „ .

Ideji. Propertius

Theues on a night had Jiolne lupiter, had a goufe not a hekede.

Dyd make a golden goufe and fet hir in the top of ye
Capitolium, and appo)mted alfo the Cen- Liuius i.
fores to alow out of ye common hutche Dec.
yearly llipendes for ye findinge of certayne Geefe, ye
Romaynes did not I faye giue al thys honor to a goufe

of B'^oottng* 131

for yat good dede onely, but for other infinit mo which
comme dayly to a man byn Geefe, and furely yf I
fhould declame in ye pra)de of any maner of befle
lyuyng, I would chofe a goufe, But the goufe hath
made vs flee to farre from oure matter. Nowe fir
ye haue hearde howe a fether mufl be had, and that a
goofe fether onely. It foloweth of a yong gofe and
an oulde, and the refldue belonging to a fether:
which thing I wyll fhortlye courfe ouer: wherof,
when you knowe the properties, you maye fitte your
fliaftes accordyng to your fhotyng, which rule you
muft obferue in all other thynges too, bycaufe no one
falhion or quantitie can be fitte for euery man, no
more than a fhooe or a cote can be. The oulde goofe
fether is flyffe and ftronge, good for a wynde, and
fyttefl for a deed fliaft: the yonge goofe fether is
weake and fyne, befl for a fwyfte fhaft, and it mufl be
couled at the firfl fhering, fomewhat hye, for with
Ihoting, it wyll fattle and faule very moche. The
fame thing (although not fo moche) is to be con-
fydered in a goofe and a gander. A fenny goofe,
euen as her flefh is blacker, floorer, vnholfomer, fo is
her fether for the fame caufe courier floorer and
rougher, and therfore I haue heard very good fletchers
faye, that the feconde fether in fome place is better
then the pinion in other fome. Betwixt the winges is
lytle difference, but that you mufl haue diuerfe fhaftes
of one flight, fethered with diuerfe winges, for
diuerfe windes: for if the wynde and the fether go
both one way the fhaft wyll be caryed to moche.
The pinion fethers as it hath the firfle place in the
winge, fo it hath the fyrfl place in good fetheringe.
You maye knowe it afore it be pared, by a bought
whiche is in it, and agayne when it is colde, by the
thinneffe aboue, and the thickneffe at the grounde, and
alfo by the flifnes and fineffe which wyll cary a fhaft
better, fafler and further, euen as a fine fayle cloth
doth a fhyppe.

The coulour of the fether is lefle to be regarded,

135 33 .

yet fommewhat to be looked on: for a good whyte,
you haue fometyme an yll greye. Yet furelye it
llandeth with good reafon to haue the cocke fether
black or greye, as it were to gyue a man warning
to nocke ryght. The cocke fether is called that
which Handeth aboue in ryght nocking, which if you
do not obferue the other fethers mull nedes run on the
bowe, and fo marre your Ihote. And thus farre of the
goodneffe and choyfe of your fether: now foloweth the
fetting on. Wherin you mull looke that your fethers be
not drawen for hallineffe, but pared euen and ftreyghte
with diligence. The fletcher draweth a fether when
he hath but one fwappe at it with his knyfe, and then
playneth it a lytle, with rubbynge it ouer his knyfe.
He pareth it when he taketh leyfure and hede to make
euery parte of the ryb apt to ftand {freight, and euen
on vpon the flele. This thing if a man take not heede
on, he maye chaunce haue caufe to faye fo of his
fletcher, as in dreffinge of meate is communelye fpoken
of Cookes: and that is, that God fendeth vs good
fethers, but the deuyll noughtie Fletchers. Yf any
fletchers heard me faye thus, they wolde not be
angrye with me, excepte they were yll fletchers: and
yet by reafon, thofe fletchers too, ought rather to
amend them felues for doing yll, then be angry with
me for fa3dng truth. The ribbe in a flyffe fether may
be thinner, for fo it wyll flande cleaner on : but in a
weake fether you mufl leaue a thicker ribbe, or els yf
the ryb which is the foundacion and grounde, wherin
nature hath fet euerye clefte of the fether, be taken to
nere the fether, it mufte nedes folowe, that the fether
fhall faule, and droupe downe, euen as any herbe
doeth whyche hath his roote to nere taken on with a
fpade. The lengthe and fhortneffe of the fether,
ferueth for diuers fhaftes, as a long fether for a long
heauy, or byg fliafte, the fhorte fether for the contrary.
Agayne the fliorte may flande farther, the longe nerer
the nocke. Youre fether mufle flande almoofle
ftreyght on, but yet after that forte, yat it maye turne

Ilf iS!)a0tms. 133

rounde in flyinge. And here I confider the wonder-
full nature of fhootynge, whiche flandeth all togytherby
that fafhion, which is mofle apte for quicke mouynge,
and that is by roundeneffe. For firfle the bo we mufl be
gathered rounde, in drawyng it mufl come rounde com-
paffe, the ilrynge mufle be rounde, the flele rounde, the
befL nocke rounde, the feather fhome fomwhat rounde,
the fliafte in flyenge, mufLe tume rounde, and if it flye
far, it flyeth a rounde compace. For eyther aboue
or benethe a rounde compace, hyndereth the flyinge.
Moreouer bothe the fletcher in makynge your fliafte,
and you in nockynge your fliafte, mufte take heede
that two fethers equallye runne on the bowe. For
yf one fether runne alone on the bowe, it fhal
quickely be worne, and fliall not be able to matclie
with the other fethers, and agayne at the lowfe, yf the
fliafte be lyght, it wyl flarte, if it be heuye, it wil hoble.
And thus as concernyng fettyng on of your fether.
Nowe of coulynge.

To fhere a fliafte hyghe or lowe, mufle be as the
fliafte is, heauy or lyght, great or lytle, long or fliort.
The fwyne backed fafliion, maketh the fhaft deader,
for it gather etli more ayer than the fad die backed, and
therfore the faddle backe is furer for daunger of
Avether, and fitter for fmothe fliing. Agayn to fhere
a fhaft rounde, as they were wount fomtime to do, or
after the triangle fafhion, whyche is muche vfed nowe
a dayes, bothe be good. For roundneffe is apte for
fliynge of his owne nature, and al maner of triangle
fafliion, (the fharpe poynte goyng before) is alfo
naturally apte for quycke entrynge, and therfore fayth
Cicero, that cranes taught by nature, ob-
ferue in flange a triangle fafhion alwayes, ® ‘

bycaufe it is fo apte to perce and go thorowe the
ayer wythall. Lafle of all pluckynge of fethers is
noughte, for there is no fuerty in it, therfore let euery
archer haue fuch fhaftes, that he maye bothe knowe
them and trufl them at euery chaunge of wether. Yet
if they mufl nedes be plucked, plucke them as litle as

134

can be, for fo fhal they be the leffe vnconftante. And
thus I haue knit vp in as Ihorte a roume as I coulde,
the befl fethers fetheringe and coulinge of a fhafte.

I thynke furelye you haue fo taken vp the
matter wyth you, yat you haue lefte nothynge be-
hinde you. Nowe you haue brought a fhafte to the
head, whiche if it were on, we had done as con-
cern3mg all inftrumentes belongyng to fhootynge.

Neceffitie, the inuentour of all goodneffe (as
all authours in a maner, doo faye) amonges all other
thinges inuented a fhaft heed, firfte to faue the ende
from breakyng, then it made it fharpe to flycke better,
after it made it of ilrong matter, to lafl better: Laft
of all experience and wyfedome of men, hathe brought
it to fuche a perfitneffe, that there is no one thing fo
profitable, belongyng to artillarie, either to ftryke a
mannes enemye forer in warre, or to fhoote nerer the
marke at home, then is a fitte heed for both purpofes.
For if a fhaft lacke a heed, it is worth nothynge for
neither vfe. Therfore feinge heedes be fo neceffary,
they muft of neceffitie, be wel looked vpon. Heedes
for warre, of longe tyme haue ben made, not onely
of diuers matters, but alfo of diuers fafhions. The
Troians had heedes of yron, as this verfe fpoken
of Pandarus, fheweth ;

Vp to the pappe his Jlring did he pidl, his Jhiaft to the harde

Ihados 4

The Grecians had heedes of braffe, as Vlyffes fliaftes
were heeded, when he flewe Antinous, and the other
wowers of Penelope.

Quite through a dore, flewe a Jhafte with a brafle head.

Odysse. ai.

It is playne in Homer, where Menelaus was
wounded of Pandarus fhafte, yat the heedes were not
glewed on, but tyed on with a firing, as ihados
the commentaries in Greke playnelye tell. ^ ^

And therfore fhoters at that tyme to carry their ihaftes
withoute heedes, vntill they occupyed them, and than

cif g^)00tin3. 135

fet on an heade as it apereth in Homer the. xxi.
booke Odyffci^ where Penelope brought Vlixes bowe
downe amonges the gentlemen, whiche came on wow¬
ing to her, that he whiche was able to bende it and
drawe it, might inioye her, and after her
folowed a mayde fayth Homer, carienge yi>se. 3 i.
a bagge full of heades, bothe of iron and braffe.

The men of Scythia, vfed heades of braffe. The
men of Inde vfed heades of yron. The Ethiopians
vfed heades of a harde fharpe flone, as
bothe Herodotus and Pollux do tel. Hero

The Germanes as Cornelius Tacitus doeth

Polym

faye, had theyx ihaftes headed with bone, and many
countryes bothe of olde tyme and nowe, vfe heades
of home, but of all other yron and flyle mufle nedes
be the fittefl for heades.

lulius Pollux calleth otherwyfe than we doe, where
the fethers be the head, and that whyche j
we call the head, he calleth the poynte.

Falhion of heades is diuers and that of olde tyme :
two maner of arrowe heades fayeth Pollux, was vfed
in olde tyme. The one he calleth ojklvoq defcrybynge
it thus, hauyng two poyntes or barbes, lookyng backe-
warde to the flele and the fethers, which furely we call
in Englilhe a brode arrowe head or a fwalowe tayle.
The other he calleth hauing. ii. poyntes flretch-

yng forwarde, and this Englyfh men do call a forke-
head : bothe thefe two kyndes of heades, were vfed in
Plomers dayes, forTeucer vfed forked heades, fayinge
thus to Agamemnon.

Eigkte good Jhafies haue IJhot fUhe I camey ecke one wyth a forke
heade. Iliad. 8.

Pandams heades and Vlyffes heades were broode
arrow heades, as a man maye learne in Homer that
vvoulde be curioufe in knowyng that matter. Hercules
vfed forked heades, but yet they had thre pointes or
forkes, when other mennes had but twoo. Plutarchiu
The Parthyans at that great battell where Zrzs&o

136 'B.

they flewe ritche Craffus and his fonne vfed brode
Arrowe heades, whyche flacke fo fore that the
Romaynes could not poule them out agayne. Corn-
modus the Emperoure vfed forked heades,
whofe facion Herodiane doetli lyuely and erodia. i
naturally defcribe, fayinge that they were lyke the fliap
of a new mone wherwyth he would finite of the heade of
abirde and neuer miffe, other facion of heades haue not
I red on. Our Englyflie heades be better in war than
eyther forked heades, or brode arrowe heades. For
firfte the ende beynge lyghter they flee a great deele
the fafler, and by the fame reafon gyueth a far forer
ftripe. Yea and I fuppofe if ye fame lytle barbes
whiche they haue, were dene put away, they fhuld
be far better. For thys euery man doth graunt, yat a
fhaft as long as it flyeth, turnes, and whan it leueth
turnyng it leueth goyng any farther. And euery
thynge that enters by a turnynge and boring facion,
the more flatter it is, the worfe it enters, as a knife
thoughe it be iharpe yet becaufe of the edges, wil not
bore fo wel as a bodkin, for euery rounde thynge
enters belle and therefore nature, fayeth Ariftotle, made
the rayne droppes rounde for quicke percynge the
ayer. Thus, eyther fhaftes turne not in fly eng, or els
our flatte aiTowe heades ftoppe the lhafte in entrynge.

But yet Toxophile to holde your communica¬
tion a lytle I fuppofe the flat heade is better, bothe
bycaufe it maketh a greter hoole, and alfo bycaufe it
flicks fafler in.

Thefe two reafons as they be bothe trewe, fo
they be both nought. For fyrfl the lefle hoole, yf it
be depe, is the worft to heale agayn: when a man
Ihoteth at hys enemy, he defyreth rather yat it flrould
enter far, than flick fall. For what remedye is it I
praye you for hym whych is fmitten with a depe
wounde to poull out the fhaft quickely, except it be to
hafle his death fpedely ? thus heades whyche make a
lytle hole and depe, be better in war, than thofe which
make a great hole and flicke fall in.

ut jSf) 00 tmfl* 137

lulius Pollux maketh men cion of cer- Pollux. 7.
layne kindes of heades for war which beare
fyre in them, and fcripture alfo fpeaketh fomwhat of
the fame. Herodotus doth tell a won-
derfull pollicy to be done by Xerxes what
tyme he befeged the great Toure in Athenes : He
made his Archers binde there fliafte heades aboute
wyth towe, and than fet it on fyre and fhoote them,
whych thyng done by many Archers fet all the places
on fyre, whych were of matter to burne; and befydes
that dafed the men wythin, fo yat they knewe not
whyther to tume them. But to make an ende of all
heades for wane I woulde wyfhe that the head makers
of Englande flioulde make their fheafe arrowe heades
more harder poynted then tliey be: for I my felfe haue
fene of late fuch heades fet vpon fheafe Arrowes, as ye
officers yf they had fene them woulde not haue bene
content wyth all.

Now as concern)mg heades for pryckyng, which is
oure purpofe, there be dyuerfe kyndes, fome be blonte
heades, fome fliarpe, fome both blonte and fharpe.
The blont heades men vfe bycaufe they perceaue
them to be good, to kepe a lengthe wyth all, they
kepe a good lengthe, bycaufe a man poulethe them no
ferder at one tyme than at another. For in felynge
the plompe ende alwayes equallye he may lowfe them.
Yet in, a winde, and agaynfle the wynd the wether hath
fo much power on the brode end, yat no man can
kepe no fure lengthe, wyth fuch a heade. Therfore a
blont hede in a caulme or downe a wind is very good,
Otherwyfe none worfe.

Sharpe heades at the ende wythout anye Ihoulders
(I call that the ffioulder in a heade whyche a mans
finger fhall feele afore it come to the poynte) wyll
perche quycklye throughe a wynde, but yet it hath. ii.
difcommodities, the one that it wyll kepe no lengthe,
it kepeth no lengthe, bycaufe no manne can poule it
certaynly as far one tyme as at an other: it is not
drawen certaynlye fo far one tyme as at an other.

138 38*

bycaufe it lackethe fhouldrynge wherwyth as wytli a
fure token a man myghte be warned when to lowfe,
and alfo bycaufe menne are afrayde of the lharpe
poynt for fettyng it in ye bow. The feconde incom-
moditie is when it is lyghted on ye ground, ye fmal
poynte fhall at eueiy tyme be in ieopardye of hurtynge,
whyche thynge of all other wyll foneft make the fhafte
lefe the lengthe. Now when blonte heades be good
to kepe a lengthe wythall, yet noughte for a wynde,
fharpe heades good to perche the wether wyth al,
yet nought for a length, certa)me heademakers
dwellyng in London perceyuynge the commoditie of
both kynde of heades ioyned wyth a difcommoditie,
inuented newe files and other inflrumentes where wyth
[t]he[y] broughte heades for pryckynge to fuch a per-
fitneffe, that all the commodities of the twoo other
heades fhould be put in one heade wyth out anye dis-
commoditie at all. They made a certayne kynde of
heades whyche men call hie rigged, creafed, or fhoul-
dred heades, or fyluer fpone heades, for a certayne
lykeneffe that fuche heades haue wyth the knob ende
of fome fyluer fpones.

Thefe heades be good both to kepe a length withal
and alfo to perche a wynde wythal, to kepe a length
wythall bycaufe a man maye certaynly poule it to the
flrouldrynge euery fhoote and no farther, to perche a
wynde wythall bycaufe the pointe from the fhoulder
forwarde, breketh the wether as al other fharpe th)mges
doo. So the blonte fhoulder feruethe for a fure lengthe
kepynge, the poynte alfo is euer fit, for a roughe and
greate wether percyng. And thus much as fhortlye as
I could, as concemyng heades both for war and peace.

But is there no cunning as concerning fetting
on of ye head ?

Cfox. Wei remembred. But that poynt belongeth to
fletchers, yet you may defyre hym to fet youre heade,
full on, and clofe on. Ful on is whan the wood is
be[n]t hard vp to the ende or floppynge of the heade,
clofe on, is when there is lefte wood on euerye fyde

at 139

the fliafte, ynoughe to fyll the head with all, or when it
is neyther to little nor yet to greate. If there be any
faulte in any of thefe poyntes, ye head whan it lyghteth
on any hard flone or grounde wil be in ieoperdy.
ey ther of breakynge, or els otherwyfe hurtynge. Stop-
pynge of heades eyther wyth leade, or any thynge els,
fhall not nede now, bycaufe euery filuer fpone, or
ihowldred head is flopped of it felfe. Shorte heades be
better than longe: For firfte the longe head is worfe
for the maker, to fyle flrayght compace euery waye :
agayne it is worfe for the fletcher to fet flrayght on:
thyrdlye it is alwayes in more ieoperdie of breakinge,
whan it is on. And no we I trowe Philologe, we haue
done as concernynge all Inflrumentes belong3mg to
fhootynge, which e euery fere archer ought, to prouyde for
hym felfe. And there reraayneth. ii. thynges behinde,
whiche be generall or common to euery man the
Wether and the Marke, but bicaufe they be fo knit
wyth fhootynge flrayght, or kepynge of a lengthe, I
wyll deferre them to that place, and now we will come,
(God wyllyng) to handle oure inflrumentes, the thing
that euery man defireth to do wel.

^{}f. If you can teache me fo well to handle thefe
inflrumentes as you haue defcribed them, I fuppofe I
fhalbe an archer good ynough.

2E0X. To learne any thing (as you knowe better than
I Philologe) and fpeciallye to do a thing with a mannes
handes, mufl be done if a man woulde be excellent, in
his youthe. Yonge trees in gardens, which lacke al
fenfes, and beafles without reafon, when they be yong,
may with handling and teaching, be brought to won-
derfull thynges. And this is not onely true in natural
thinges, but in artificial! thinges to, as the potter mofl
connyngly doth cafl his pottes whan his claye is fofte
and workable, and waxe taketh printe whan it is
warme, and leathie weke, not whan claye and waxe be
hard and oulde : and euen fo, euerye man in his youthe,
bothe with witte and body is mofle apte and pliable
to receyue any cunnyng that fhulde be taught hym.

140

33.

This communication of teaching youthe, maketh me
to remembrethe right worfliipfull and my fmgulergood
mayfter, Sir Humfrey Wmgfelde, to whom nexte God,
I ought to refer for his inanifolde benefites beflowed
on me, the poore talent of learnyng, whiche god hath
lent me : and for his fake do I owe my feruice to all
other of the name and noble houfe of the Wyngfeldes,
bothe in wooni and dede. Thys worfhypfull man hath
euer loued and vfed, to haue many children brought
vp in learnynge in his houfe amonges whome I my felfe
was one. For whom at terme tymes he woulde bryng
downe from London bothe bowe and fhaftes. And
when they fhuld playe he woulde go with them him
felfe in to the fyelde, and fe them fhoote, and he that
fhot fayrefl, fliulde haue the befL bowe and fliaftes,
and he that fhot ilfauouredlye, fliulde be mocked of
his felowes, til he Ihot better.

Woulde to god all Englande had vfed or wolde vfe
to lay the foundacion of youth, after the example of
this worihipful man in bringyng vp chyldren in the
Booke and the Bowe: by whiche two thynges, the hole
common welth both in peace and warre is chefelye
ruled and defended wythall.

But to our purpofe, he that mufle come to this high
perfedines in fhootyng which we fpeake of, mufle nedes
begin to learne it in hys youthe, the omitting of whiche
thmge in Englande, both maketh fewer fliooters, and
alfo euery man that is a fhoter, fliote warfe than he
myght, if he were taught.

Pljt. Euen as I knowe that this is true, whiche you
faye, euen fo Toxophile, haue you quyte difcouraged
me, and drawen my minde cleane from fhootynge,
feinge by this reafon, no man yat hath not vfed it .in
his youthe can be excellent in it. And I fuppofe the
fame refon woulde difcourage many other mo, yf they
heard e you talke after this forte.

2C0X. This thyng Philologe, lhall difcourage no man
that is wyfe. For I wyll proue yat wifdome may worke
the fame thinge in a man, that nature doth in a chylde.

141

at ^ 1 ^ 00 tuT 5 .

A chylde by thre thinges, is brought to excell encie.
By Aptneffe, Defire, and Feare : Aptneffe maketh hym
pliable lyke waxe to be formed and fafliioned, eiien as a
man woulde haue hym. Defyre to be as good or better,
than his felowes: and Feare of them whome he is
vnder, wyl caufe hym take great labour and payne
with diligent hede, in learnynge any thinge, wherof
procedeth at the lafle excellency and perfecSneffe.

A man maye by wifdome in leamyng any thing,
and fpecially to fhoote, haue thre lyke commodities
alfOj wherby he maye, as it were become younge
agayne, and fo attayne to excellencie. For as a
childe is apte by naturall youth, fo a man by vfyng at
the firfle weake bowes, far vnderneth his flrength,
fhal be as pliable and readye to be taught fayre
fhotyng as any chylde: and daylye vfe of the fame,
fhal both kepe hym in fayer fliotyng, and alfo at ye
lafl bryng hym to flronge fhootynge.

And in flede of the feruente defyre, which pro-
uoketh a chylde to be better than hys felowe, lette a
man be as muche flirred vp with fhamefaflnes to be
worfe than all other. And the fame place that feare
hathe in a chylde, to compell him to take peyne, the
fame hath loue of fhotyng in a man, to caufe hym
forfake no labour, withoute whiche no man nor chylde
can be excellent. And thus whatfoeuer a chylde
may be taught by Aptneffe, Defire, and Feare, the
fame thing in fhootynge, maye a man be taughte by
weake bowes, Shamefaflneffe and Loue.

And hereby you may fe that that is true whiche
Cicero fayeth, that a man by vfe, may be broughte to
a newe nature. And this I dare be bould to faye, that
any man whiche will wifely begynne, and conftantlye
perfeuer in this trade of learnyng to fhote, fhall attayne
to perfedtneffe therein.

This communication Toxophile, doeth pleafe
me verye well, and nowe I perceyue that mofle gene¬
rally and chefly youthe mufle be taughte to fhoote, and
fecondarilye no man is debarred therfrom excepte it be

142 Cr0V0ji!)fluii. 33*

more thorough his owne negligence for bicaufe he wyll
not leame,than any difabilitie, bicaufe he can not lerne.

Therfore seyng I wyll be glad to folowe your counfell
in chofynge my bowe and other inflruinentes, and alfo
am afhamed that I can fhote no better than I can,
moreouer hauynge fuche a loue toward Ihoiynge by
your good reafons to day, that I wyll foifake no
labour in the exercife of the fame, I befeche you
imagyn that we had bothe bowe and fhaftes here, and
teache me howe I fhould handle them, and one thynge
I defyre you, make me as fayre an Archer as you can.
, For thys I am fure in leamynge all other matters,
nothynge is broughte to the moofl profytable vfe, which
is not handled after the mooli cumlye fafhion. As
maflers of fence haue no Uroke fit ether to hit an
other or elfe to defende hym felfe, whyche is not
ioyned wyth a wonderfull cumlineffe. A Cooke can
not chop hys herbes neither quickelye nor hanfomlye
excepte he kepe fuche a mefure with hys choppynge
kniues as woulde delyte a manne both to fe hym and
heare hym.

Euerye hand craft man that workes bed for hys
owne profyte, workes mod femelye to other mens
fight. Agayne in buyldynge a houfe, in makynge a
Ihyppe, euery parte the more hanfomely, they be
ioyned for profyt and lade, the more cumlye they be
falhioned to euery mans fyght and eye. Nature it
felfe taught men to ioyne alwayes welfauouredneffe
with profytableneffe. As in man, that ioynt or pece
which is by anye chaunce depriued of hys cumly-
nefife the fame is alfo debarred of hys vfe and profy¬
tableneffe.

As he that is gogle eyde and lokes a fquinte hath
both hys countenaunce dene marred, and hys fight
fore blemmyHied, and fo in all other members lyke.
Moreouer what tyme of the yeare bryngeth moode
profyte wyth it for mans vfe, the fame alfo couereth
and dekketh bothe earthe and trees wyth mood cumly-
neffe for mans pleafure. And that tyme whych takethe

fSa^t of jS^ootfitfl. 143

awaye the pleafure of the grounde, carieth wyth hym
alfo the profyt of the grounde, as euery man by expe¬
rience knoweth in harde and roughe winters. Some
thynges there be whych haue no other ende, but onely
cumlyneffe, as payntyng, and Daunfmg. And vertue it
felfe is nothynge eles but cumlyne&, as al Philo-
lOphers do agree in opinion, therfore feynge that whych
is befl done in anye matters, is ahvayes mooli cumlye
done as both Plato and Cicero in manye places
do proue, and daylye experience dothe teache in other
thynges, I praye you as I fayde before teatche me to
Ihoote as fayre, and welfauouredly as you can imagen.

2D0X» Trewlye Philologe as you proue verye well in
other matters, the befl fhoot5nige, is alwayes the mooft
cumlye fhootynge but thys you know as well as I that
Craffus fhewethe in Cicero that as cumlineffe is the
chefe poynt, and mofl to be fought for in all thynges,
fo cumlyneffe onlye, can neuer be taught by any Arte
or craft. But maye be perceyued well when it is done,
not defcribed wel how it Ihould be done.

Yet neuertheleffe to comme to it there be rnanye
waye whych wayes men haue affayde in other matters,
as yf a man would folowe in learnynge to Ihoote
faire, the noble paynter Zeuxes in payntyng Helena,
whyche to make his Image bewtifull dyd chofe out. v.
of the fayrefl maydes in al the countrie aboute, and in
beholdynge them conceyued and drewe out fuche an
Image that it far exceded al other, bycaufe the coineli-
neffe of them al was broughte in to one mooli pertyte
comelineffe: So lykewyfe in Ihotynge yf a man, woulde
fet before hys eyes. v. or. vi. of the fayrell Archers that
euer he faw dioote, and of one leame to llande, of a
nother to drawe, of an other to lowfe, and fo take of
euery man, what euery man coulde do bell, I dare faye
he Ihoulde come to fuche a comlyneffe as neuer man
came to yet. As for an example, if the mooli comely
poynte in fhootynge that Hewe Prophete the Kynges
feruaunte hath and as my frendes Thomas and Raufe
Cantrell doth vfe with the mooli femelye facyons that.

144 38 .

iii. or iiii. excellent Arclaers haue befide, were al ioyned
in one, I am fure all men woulde wonder at ye excellencie
of it And this is one waye to learne to fhoote fayre.

pljf. This is very wel truly, but I praye you teache
me fomewhat of fhootyng fayre youre felfe.

2C01, I can teache you to fhoote fayre, euen as
Socrates taught a man ones to knowe God, for when
he axed hym what was God: naye fayeth he I can tell
you better what God is not, as God is not yll, God is
vnfpeakeable, vnfearcheable and fo forth: Euen lyke-
wyfe can I faye of fayre fhootyng, it hath not this dif-
commodite with it nor that difcommoditie, and at lafl
a man maye fo fhifte all the difcommodities from
fliootynge that there fhall be left no thynge behynde
but fayre fhootynge. And to do this the better you
muft remember howe that I toulde you when I de-
fcrybed generally the hole nature of fhootyng that
fayre Ihotyng came of thefe thynges, of flandynge,
nockynge, draw)mge, howldynge and lowfynge, the
whych I wyll go ouer as fliortly as I can, defcribynge
the difcommodities that men commonly vfe in all
partes of theyr bodies, that you yf you faulte in any
fuch maye knowe it and fo go about to amend it.
Faultes in Archers do excede the number of Archers,
whyche come wyth vfe of fhootynge wythoute teach-
ynge. Vfe and cuflome feparated from knowlege
and learnynge, doth not onely hurt fhootynge, but the
mooli weyghtye thynges in the worlde befide: And
therfore I maruayle moche at thofe people whyche
be the mayneteners of vfes withoute knowlege hau)mge
no other worde in the)n: mouthe but thys vfe, vfe, cull-
ome, cullome. Suche men more wylful than wyfe,
befide other difcommodities, take all place and occafion
from al amendment. And thys I fpeake generally of
vfe and cuflome.

Whych thynge yf a learned man had it in hande
yat woulde applye it to anye one matter, he myght
handle it wonderfullye. But as for fhootyng, vfe is the
onely caufe of all fautes in it and therfore chylderne

af ^l;00ttnjg:, 145

more eafly and foner maye be taught to fliote excel-
lentlye then men, bycaufe chylderne may be taught
to Ihoote well at the fyrfle, men haue more payne to
vnlearne theyr yll vfes, than they haue laboure after-
warde to come to good fliootynge.

All the difcommodities whiche ill cuftome hath
graffed in archers, can neyther be quycklye poulled
out, nor yet fone reckoned of me, they be fo manye.

Some fhooteth, his head forwarde as though he
woulde b>te the marke: an other ilareth wyth hys
eyes, as though they fhulde flye out: An other
winketh with one eye, and loketh with the other:
Some make a face with writhing theyr mouthe and
countenaunce fo, as though they were doyng you wotte
what: An other blereth out his tonge: An other
byteth his l)q)pes : An other holdeth his necke a wiye.
In drawyng fome fet fuche a compaffe, as thoughe
they woulde tourne about, and Myffe all the feelde :
Other heaue theyr hand nowe vp nowe downe, that a
man can not decerne wlierat they wolde fhote, an
other waggeth the vpper ende of his bow one way,
the neyther ende an other waye. An other wil Hand
poyntinge his fliafte at the marke a good whyle and by
and by he wyll gyue hym a whip, and awaye or a man
wite. An other maketh fuche a wreilling with his
gere, as thoughe he were able to flioote no more as
longe as he lyued. An other draweth foftly to ye mid-
des, and by and by it is gon, you can not knowe howe.

An other draweth his fhafte lowe at the breafLe,
as thoughe he woulde Ihoote at a rouynge marke, and
by and by he lifteth his arme vp pncke heyghte. An
other maketh a wrynchinge with hys backe, as though
a manne pynched hym behynde.

An other coureth downe, and layeth out his but-
tockes, as though he flioulde flioote at crowes.

An other fetteth forwarde hys lefte legge, and draw¬
eth backe wyth head and fhowlders, as thoughe he
pouled at a rope, or els were afraycd of ye m.arke.
An other draweth his fhafte well, vntyll wythin. ii.

a*

fyngers of the head, and than he flayeth a lyttle, to
looke at hys marke, and that done, pouleth it vp to
the head, and lowfeth : whych waye although fumme
excellent Ihoters do vfe, yet furely it is a faulte, and
good mennes faultes are not to be folowed.

Summe men drawe to farre, fumme to fliorte, fumme
to flowlye, fumme to quickely, fumme holde ouer longe,
fumme let go ouer fone.

Summe fette theyr fhafte on the grounde, and fetch-
eth him vpwarde. An other poynteth vp towarde the
fkye, and fo bryngeth hym downewardes.

Ones I fawe a manne whyche vfed a brafar on his
cheke, or elles he had fcratched all the flcynne of the
one fyde, of his face, with his drawynge hand.

An other I fawe, whiche at euerye fhoote, after the
loofe, lyfted vp his ryght legge fo far, that he was euer
in ieoperdye of faulyng.

Summe flampe fbrwarde, and fumme leape back-
warde. All thefe faultes be eyther in the drawynge,
or at the loofe : with many other mo whiche you
may eafelye perceyue, and fo go about to auoyde them.

Nowe afterwarde whan the fhafte is gone, men haue
manye faultes, whyche euell Cuflome hath broughte
them to, and fpecially in cryinge after the fhafte, and
fpeakynge woordes fcarce honefl for fuche an honefl
paflyme.

Suche woordes be verye tokens of an ill mynde,
and manifefle fignes of a man that is fubiedte to in-
meafurable afifecSions. Good mennes eares do abhor
them, and an honefl man therfore wyl auoyde them.
And befydes thofe whiche mufle nedes haue theyr
tongue thus walkynge, other men vfe other fautes as
fome will take theyr bowe and writhe and wrinche it,
to poule in his fhafte, when it flyeth wyde, as yf he
draue a carte. Some wyll g3aie two or. iii. flrydes
forwarde, daunfing and hoppynge after his fhafte, as
long as it flyeth, as though he were a madman.
Some which feare to be to farre gone, runne backe-
warde as it were to poule his fhafte backe. Another
runneth forwarde, whan he feareth to be fhort, heau-

(IDTjc ^cT)0lc 0f £f!)a0tatg. 147

ynge after his armes, as though he woulde helpe his
fliafte to fiye. An other writhes or runneth a fyde, to
2)oule in his lhafte fLrayght. One lifteth vp his heele,
and fo holdeth his foote flill, as longe as his fliafte
flyeth. An other cafleth his anne backewarde after
the lowfe. And an other fwynges hys bowe aboute
hym, as it were a man with a flaffe to make roume in
a game place. And manye other faultes there be,
whiche nowe come not to my remembraunce. Thus
as you haue hearde, manye archers wyth marrynge
theyr face and countenaunce, wyth other partes, of
theyr bodye, as it were menne that fhoulde daunce an¬
tiques, be farre from the comelye porte in fhootynge,
whiche he that woulde be excellent mufle looke for.

Of thefe faultes I haue verie many my felfe, but I
talke not of my fhootynge, but of the generall nature
of fhootynge. Nowe ymagin an Archer that is cleane
wythout al thefe faultes and I am fure euerye man
would be delyted to fe hym flioote.

And althoughe fuche a perfyte cumlyneffe can not
be expreffed wyth any precepte of teachyng, as Cicero
and other learned menne do faye, yet I wyll fpeake
(accordyng to my lytle knowlege) that thing in it,
whych yf you folowe, althoughe you fhall not be
wythout fault, yet your fault Aral neyther quickly be
perceued, nor yet greatly rebuked of them that flande
by. Standyng, nockyng, drawyng, holdyng, lowfyng,
done as they fhoulde be done, make fayre fhootynge.

The fyrfle poynte is when a man fhoulde fhote, to
take fuche footyng and flandyng as fhal be
both cumlye to the eye and profytable to ^
hys vfe,fettyng hys countenaunce and al the other partes
of hys bodye after fuche a behauiour and porte, that
bothe al hys flrengthe may be employed to hys owne
mooft a[d]uantage, and hys fhoot made and handled
to other mens pleafure and delyte. A man mufl not
go to hafLely to it, for that is rafhneffe, nor yet make
to much to do about it, for yat is curiofitie, ye one
fote mufl not flande to far from the other, lefle he
floupe to muche whyche is vnfemelye, nor yet to nere

uS

36.

together, lefle he flande to flreyght vp, for fo a man fhall
neyther vfe hys flrengthe well, nor yet flande fledfafllye.

The meane betwyxt bothe miifl be kept, a thing
more pleafaunte to behoulde when it is done, than eafie
to be taught howe it flioulde be done.

To nocke well is the eafiefl poynte of all, and there
in is no cunninge,but onelyedylygente hede
gyuyng, to fet hys fliafte neyther to hye nor
to lowe, but euen flreyght ouertwharte hys bowe, Vn-
conflante nockynge maketh a man leefe hys lengthe.

And befydes that, yf the fhafte hande be hye and
the bowe hande lowe, or contrarie, bothe the bowe is
in ieopardye of brekynge, and the fhafte, yf it be lytle,
wyll flart: yf it be great it wyll hobble. Nocke the
cocke fether vpward alvvayes as I toulde you when I
defcribed the fether. And be fure alwayes yat your
flringe flip not out of the nocke, for then al is in
ieopardye of breakynge.

Drawynge well is the befl parte of
fliootyng. Men in oulde tyme vfed other ^awynge.
maner of drawynge than we do. They vfed to drawe
low at the breft, to the ryght pap and no farther, and this
to be trew is playne in Homer, where he defcrybeth
Pandarus fhootynge. iiiad. 4.

to the pap his Jlrt7tge dyd he pul^ his Jhafte to the hard heed.

The noble women of Scythia vfed the fame fafliyon
of fhootyng low at the breft, and bicaufe there lefte
pap hindrcd theyr fhoot)mge at the lowfe they cut it
of when they were yonge, and therfore be they called
in lackynge theyr pap Amazones. Nowe a dayes
contrarye wyfe we drawe to the ryghte eare and not to
the pap. Whether the olde waye in drawynge low to
the pap, or the new way to draw a loft to Procopius
the eare be better, an excellente wryter in
Greke called Procopius doth faye hys mynde, fhewyng
yat the oulde fafhyon in drawing to ye pap was
nought of no pithe, and therfore faith Procopius: is
Artyllarye difprayfed in Homer whych calleth it
oifriSayoy. I. Weake and able to do no good. Draw-

149

^ci&oTE flf

5mg to the eare he prayfeth greatly, whereby men
flioote bothe flronger and longer: drawynge therfore
to the eare is better than to drawe at the brefte.
And one thyng commeth into my remembraunce nowe
Philologe when I fpeake of drawyng, that 1 neuer
red of other kynde of fhootyng, than drawing wyth a
mans hand ether to the brefle or eare; This thyng
haue I fought for in Homer Herodotus and Plutarch,
and therfore I meruayle how crofbowes came fyrfl vp,
of the which I am fure a man fhall finde c^osbowes
lytle mention made on in any good Authour.

Leo the Emperoure woulde haue hys fouldyers
drawe quycklye in warre, for that maketh a fhaft flie
a pace. In fhootynge at the pryckes, hafty and quicke
drawing is neyther fure nor yet cumlye. Therfore to
drawe eafely and vniformely, that is for to faye not
waggyng your hand, now vpwarde, now downewarde, but
alwayes after one fafhion vntil you come to the rig or
fhouldring of ye head, is bell both for profit and femeli-
neffe, Holdynge mufl not be longe, for it
bothe putteth a bowe in ieopardy, and alfo °
marreth amans fhoote, it mufl be fo lytle yat it maybe
perceyued better in a mans mynde when it is done, than
feene with a mans eyes when it is in doyng.

Lowfynge mufte be muche lyke. So owsynge.
quycke and hard yat it be wyth oute all girdes, fo
fofte and gentle that the fhafte flye not as it were
fente out of a bow cafe. The meane betwixte bothe,
whyche is perfyte lowfynge is not fo hard to be
folowed in fhootynge as it is to be defcrybed in
teachyng. For cleane lowfynge you mufl take hede of
hyttynge any thynge aboute you. And for
the fame purpofe Leo the Einperour would
haue al Archers in war to haue both theyr heades
pouled, and there berdes fhauen lefle the heare of theyr
heades fhuld flop the fyght of the eye, the heere of
theyi* berdes hinder the courfe of the flrynge.

And thefe preceptes I am fure Philologe yf you folowe
in flandyng,nockyng, drawynge,holdynge, and lowfynge,
fhal bryng you at the lafL to excellent fayre fhootynge.

ISO Cnjropl^iTtt^. 33.

Pfjf* All thefe tliynges Toxophile althoughe I bothe
nowe perceyue them thorowlye, and alfo wyll remember
them dilligently: yet to morowe or fome other day when
you haue leafure we wyll go to the pryckes, and put them
by lytle and lytle in experience. For teachynge not fol-
owedjdoeth euen as muchegood as bookesneuer looked
vpon. But nowe feing you haue taught me to fhotefayre,
I praye you tel me fomwhat, how I fhould fhoote nere
lefle that prouerbe myght be fayd iuftlye of me fome-
tyme. He fliootes lyke a gentle man fayre and far of.

He that can fhoote fayre, lacketh nothyng
but fhootyng flreyght and kepyng of a length wherof
commeth hyttynge of the marke, the ende both of
fhootyng and alfo of thys our communication. The
handlyng of ye wether and the mark bicaufe they
belong to fhootyng ftreyghte, and kepynge of a
lengthe, I wyll ioyne them togyther, fhewinge what
thinges belonge to kepynge of a lengthe, and what to
fhootynge flreyght.

The greatefl enemy of fhootyng is the wynde and
the wether, wherby true kepyng a lengthe is chefely
hindred. If this thing were not, men by wynde and
teaching might be brought to wonderful wether,
neare fliootynge. It is no maruayle if the litle poore
fhafte being fent alone, fo high in to the ayer, into a
great rage of wether, one wynde toffinge it that waye, an
other thys waye, it is no maruayle I faye, thoughe it
leefe the lengthe, and miffe that place, where the fhooter
had thought to haue founde it, Greter matters than
fhotynge are vnder the rule and wyll of the wether,
as faylynge on the fea. And lyke wife as in fayling,
the chefe poynt of a good mafler, is to knowe the
tokens of chaunge of wether, the courfe of the wyndes,
that therby he maye the better come to the Hauen:
euen fo the befl propertie of a good fliooter, is to
knowe the nature of the wyndes, with hym and
agaynfle hym, that thereby he maye the nerer fhote
at hys marke. Wyfe mayflers whan they canne not
winne the befte hauen, they are gladde of the nexte:
Good fhooters alfo, yat cap not whan they would hit

C6c ^cT)0le 0f ^500ttn5* 151

the marke, wil labour to come as nigh as they can.
All thinges in this worlde be vnperfite and vnconftant,
therfore let euery man acknowlege hys owne weake-
neffe, in all matters great and final, weyghtye and
merye, and glorifie him, in whome only perfyte perfit-
neffe is. But nowe fir, he that wyll at all aduentures
vfe the feas knowinge no more what is to be done in
a tempefl than in a caulme, fhall foone becumme a
marchaunt of Eele ikinnes: fo that fholer whiche
putteth no difference, but fhooteth in all lyke, in
rough wether and fayre, fhall alwayes put his wyn-
ninges in his eyes.

Lytle botes and thinne boordes, can not endure the
rage of a tempefl. Weake bowes, and lyght fhaftes
can not flande in a rough w)nide. And lykewyfe as a
blynde man which fhoulde go to a place where he had
neuer ben afore, that hath but one flrayghte waye to
it, and of eyther fyde hooles and pyttes to faule into,
nowe falleth in to this hole and than into that hole,
and neuer commeth to his iourney ende, but wandereth
alwaies here and there, farther and farther of: So that
archer which ignorauntly fhoteth confidering neyther
fayer nor foule, ftandynge nor nockynge, fether nor
head, drawynge nor lowfyng, nor yet any compace,
fhall alwayes fhote fhorte and gone, wyde and farre of,
and neuer comme nere, excepte perchaunce he flumble
fumtyme on the marke. For ignoraunce is nothynge
elles but mere blyndeneffe.

A mayfter of a fhippe firft learneth to knowe the
cummyng of a tempeft, the nature of it, and howe to
behaue hym felfe in it, eyther with chaungynge his
courfe, or poullynge downe his hye toppes and brode
fayles, beyng glad to efchue as muche of the wether
as he can: Euen fo a good archer wyl fyrfl wyth
dilligent vfe and markynge the wether, learne to
knowe the nature of the wynde, and wyth wyfedome,
wyll meafure in hys mynde, howe muche it wyll alter
his fhoote, eyther in lengthe kepynge, or els in flreyght
fhotynge, and fo with chaunging his flandynge, or
takynge an other fhafte, the whiche he knoweth per-

162 33 .

fytlye to be fitter for his pouipole, eyther bycaufe it
is lower fethered, or els bycaiife it is of a better wyng,
wyll fo handle wyth difcretion hys fhoote, that he fhall
feeme rather to haue the wether vnder hys rule, by
good hede gyuynge, than the wether to rule hys fhafte
by any fodayne chaungyng.

Therefore in fiiootynge there is as muclie difference
betwixt an archer that is a good wether man, and an
other that knoweth and marketh nothynge, as is be-
twixte a blynde man and he that can fe.

Thus, as concernynge the wether, a perfyte archer
mufle firfie learne to knowe the fure flyghte of his
fliaftes, that he may be boulde alwayes, to trufl
them, than mufle he learne by daylye experience
all maner of kyndes of wether, the tokens of it,
whan it wyl cumme, the nature of it when it is cumme,
the diuerfitie and alteryng of it, whan it chaungeth,
the decreafe and diminifhing of it, whan it ceafeth.
Thirdly, thefe thinges knowen, and euery flioote dili-
gentlye marked, than mufl a man compare alwayes, the
wether and his footyng togyther, and with difcretion
meafure them fo, that what fo euer the roughe wether
fhall take awaye from hys fhoote the fame fhall iufte
footynge reflore agayne to hys fhoote.

Thys thynge well knowen, and difcretelye handeled
in fhootynge, bryngeth more profite and commendation
and prayfe to an Archer, than any other thynge befydes.

He that woulde knowe perfedlly the winde and
wether, mufle put differences betwixte tymes. For
diuerfitie of tyme caufeth diuerfitie of wether, as in
the whole yeare, Spiynge tyme, Somer, Faule of the
leafe, and Winter; Lykewyfe in one day Mornynge,
Noonet>Tiie, After noone, and Euentyde, bothe alter
the wether, and chaunge a mannes bowe wyth the
flrength of man alfo. And to knowe that this is fo,
is ynough for a fhoter and artillerie, and not to
ferche the caufe, why it flioulde be fo: whiche
belongeth to a learned man and Philofophie.

In confydering the tyme of the yeare, a w)de Archer
wyll folowe a good Shipman. In Winter and rough

TOt of Scooting. 153

wether, fmall bootes and lytle pinkes forfake the feas'>
And at one tyme of the yeare, no Gallies come
abrode; So lykewyfe weake Archers, vfyng fmall and
holowe fhaftes, with bowes of litle pith, miifle be con¬
tent to gyue place tor a tyme.

And this I do not faye, eyther to difcommende or
difcourage any weake fliooter : For lykewyfe, as there
is no fhippe better than Gallies be, in a fofte and a
caulme fea, fo no man fhooteth cumlier or nerer hys
marke, than fome weake archers doo, in a fayre and
cleare daye.

Thus euery archer mufl knowe, not onelye what
bowe and fhafte is httefl for him to fhoote withall, but
alfo whattyme and feafon is befl for hym to fliote in.
And furely, in al other matters to, amonge al degrees
of men, there is no man which doth any thing eyther
more difcretely for his commendation, or yet more
profitable for his aduauntage, than he which wyll knowe
perfitly for what matter and for what tyme he is
inoofl apte and fit. Yf men woulde go aboute mat¬
ters whych they fhould do and be fit for, and not
fuche thynges whyche wylfullye they defyre and j^et
be vnfit for, verely greater matters in the common
welthe than fhootyng fhoulde be in better cafe than
they be. This ignorauncie in men whyche know
not for what tyme, and to what thynge they be fit,
caufeth fome wyflie to be riche, for whome it were
better a greate deale_ to be poore: other to be
medlynge in euery mans matter, for whome it were
more honeflie to be quiete and ftyll. Some to defire
to be in the Courte, whiche be borne and be fitter
rather for the carte. Somme to be mayflers and rule
other, whiche neuer yet began to rule them felfe: fome
alwayes to iangle and taulke, whych rather fhoulde
heare and kepe filence. Some to teache, which
rather fhould learne. Some to be prefles, whiche
were fytter to be clerkes. And thys peruerfe iudge-
ment of ye worlde, when men mefure them felfe a
miffe, bringeth muche myforder and greate vnfemely-
pefife to the hole body of the common wealth, as yf

t 54 3a.

a manne fliould were his hoofe vpon his head, or a
woman go wyth a fworde and a buckeler euery man
would take it as a greate vncumlyneffe although it be
but a tryfie in refpe6le of the other.

Thys peruerfe iudgement of men hindreth no thynge
fo much as learnynge, bycaufe commonlye thofe whych
be vnfittell for leamyng, be cheyfly fet to learnynge.

As yf a man nowe a dayes haue two fonnes, the one
impotent, weke, fickly, lifpynge, fluttynge, and
flamerynge, or hauynge any miffhape in hys bodye:
what doth the father of fuche one commonlye faye ?
This boye is fit for noth)mge els, but to fet to
lernyng and make a prefl of, as who would fay, yat
outcafles of the world e, hauyng neyther countenaunce
tounge nor wit (for of a peruerfe bodye cummeth com¬
monly a peruerfe mynde) be good ynough to make
thofe men of, whiche fhall be appointed to preache
Goddes holye woorde, and minifler hys bleffed
facranientes, befydes other mooft weyghtye matters in
the common welthe put ofte tymes, and worthelye to
learned mennes difcretion and charge: whan rather
fuche an offyce fo hygh in dignitie, fo godlye in ad-
miniflration, fhulde be committed to no man, whiche
fhulde not haue a countenaunce full of cumlyneffe to
allure good menne, a bodye full of manlye authoritie to
feare ill men, a witte apte for al learnynge with tongue
and voyce, able to perfwade all men. And although
fewe fuche men as thefe can be founde in a common
wealthe, yet furelye a godly difpofed man, will bothe
in his mynde thyncke fit, and with al his fludie labour to
get fuch men as I fpeke of, or rather better, if better
can be gotten for fuche an hie adminiflration, whiche
is mofl properlye appoynted to goddes owne matters
and bufmeffes.

This peruerfe iugement of fathers as concemynge
the fitneffe and vnfitneffe of theyr chyldren caufeth the
common wealthe haue many vnfit miniflers: And
feyng that miniflers be, as a man woulde fay, inflru-
mentes wherwitlr the common wealthe doeth worke
9 .U her matters withall, I maruayle howe it chauncetb

0f ^00ttiT0. 155

yat a' pore fhomaker hath fo much wit, yat he will pre¬
pare no inflrument for his fcience neither knyfe nor
aiile, nor nothing els whiche is not very fitte for him :
the common wealthe can be content to take at a fonde
fathers hande, the rifraffe of the worlde, to make thofe
inflrumentes of, wherwithal the flioulde worke ye
hieft matters vnder heauen. And furely an aule of
lead is not fo vnprofitable in a fliomakers fhop, as
an vnfit minifler,made of groffe metal, is vnfemely in ye
common welth. Fathers in olde time among ye noble
Perfians might not do with theyr children as they
thought good, but as the iudgement of the common
wealth al wayes thought bell. This fault of fathers
bringeth many a blot with it, to the great deformitie of
the common wealthe: and here furely I can prayfe
gentlewomen which haue alwayes at hande theyr
glaffes, to fe if any thinge be amiffe, and fo will
amende it, yet the common wealth hauing ye glaffe of
knowlege in euery mans hand, doth fe fuch vncumlines
in it: and yet winketh at it This faulte and many
fuchf lyke, myght be fone wyped awaye, yf fathers
woulde beftow their children on yat thing alwayes,
whervnto nature hath ordeined them niofle apte and
fit For if youth be grafted flreyght, and not a wrye,
the hole common welth wil florifli therafter. Whan
this is done, than mufte euery man beginne to be more
ready to amende hym felfe, than to checke an other,
meafuryng their matters with that wife prouerbe of
Apollo, Knowe thy felfe \ that is to faye, learne to
knowe what thou arte able, fitte, and apt vnto, and
folowe that

This thinge fhulde be bothe cumlie to the common
wealthe, and moofl profitable for euery one, as doth
appere very well in all wife mennes deades, and
fpecially to turne to our communication agayne in
Ihootynge, where wife archers haue alwayes theyr
inflrumentes fit for theyr flrength, and wayte euer-'
more fuche tyme and wether, as is mofl agreable to
their gere. Therfore if the wether be to fore, and
vnfit for your fliootynge, leaue of for that daye, and

156 33 .

wayte a better feafon. For he is a foole yat wyl not
go, whome neceffitie driueth.

This communication of yours pleafed me fo
well Toxophile, that furelye I was not haHie to calle
you, to defcrybe forthe the wether but with all my
harte woulde haue fuffered you yet to haue flande
longer in this matter. For thefe thinges touched of you
by chaunfe, and by the waye, be farre aboue the matter
it felfe, by whofe occafion ye other were broughte in.

Weyghtye matters they be in dede, and fit
bothe in an other place to be fpoken: and of an
other man than I am, to be handled. And bycaufe
meane men mufl meddle wyth meane matters, I wyl
go forwarde in defcrybyng the wether, as concemynge
fhooting: and as I toulde you before, In the hole
yere, Spring tyme, Somer, Fal of the leafe, and
Winter: and in one day, Morning, Noone tyme.
After noone, and Euentyde, altereth the courfe of the
wether, the pith of the bowe, the flrength of the man.
And in euery one of thefe times the wether altereth,
as fumtyme wyiidie, fumtyme caulme, fumtyme cloudie,
fumtyme clere, fumtyme hote, fumtyme coulde, the
wynde fumtyme moiftye and thicke, fumtyme drye and
fmothe. A litle winde in a moyflie day, floppeth a
fliafte more than a good whifkynge wynde in a clere
daye. Yea, and I haue fene whan there hath bene no
winde at all, the ayer fo miflie and thicke, that both
the markes haue ben wonderfull great. And ones,
whan the Plage was in Cambrige, the downe winde
twelue fcore marke for the fpace of. iii. weekes, was.
xiii. fcore, and an halfe, and into the wynde, beynge
not very great, a great deale aboue. xiiii. fcore.

The winde is fumtyme playne vp and downe,
whiche is commonly molle certayne, and requireth
leafL knowlege, wherin a meane fhoter with meane
geare, if he can fhoote home, maye make befl fliifte.
A fyde wynde tryeth an archer and good gere verye
muche. Sumtyme it bloweth a lofte, fumtyme hard
by the grounde: Sumtyme it bloweth by blaftes, and
fumtyme ft cpptinuefh al in one : Sumtyme ful fide

Echoic of 157

wynde, fumtyme quarter with hym and more, and lyke-
wyfe agaynfl hym, as a man with cafLynge vp lyght
graffe, or els if he take good hede, lliall fenfibly learne
by experience. To fe the wynde, with a man his eyes,
it is vnpoffible, the nature of it is fo fyne, and fubtile,
yet this experience of the wynde had I ones my felfe,
and that was in the great fnowe that fell. iih. yeares
agoo : I rode in the hye waye betwixt Topcliffe vpon
Swale, and Borowe bridge, the waye beyng fumwhat
trodden afore, by waye fayrynge men. The feeldes
on bothe fides were playne and laye almofl yearde
depe with fnowe, the nyght afore had ben a litle frolle,
fo yat the fnowe was hard and crufled aboue. That
morning the fun fhone bright and clere, the winde was
whiflelinge a lofte, and fharpe accordynge to the tyme
of the yeare. The fnowe in the hye waye laye lowfe
and troden wyth horfe feete: fo as the wynde blewe,
it toke the lowfe fnow with it, and made it fo Aide
vpon the fnowe in the felde whyche was harde and
crufled by reafon of the frofl ouer nyght, that therby
I myght fe verye wel, the hole nature of the wynde as
it blewe yat daye. And I had a great delyte and
pleafure to marke it, whyche maketh me now far
better to remember it. Sometyme the wynd would
be not pafl. ii. yeardes brode, and fo it would carie
the fnowe as far as I could fe. An other tyme the
fnow woulde blowe ouer halfe the felde at ones.
Sometyme the fnowe woulde tomble foftly, by and
by it would flye wonderfull faft. And thys I per-
ceyiied alfo that ye wind goeth by ilreames and
not hole togither. For I fhould fe one flreame
wyth in a Score on me, than the fpace of. ii. fcore
no fnow would llirre, but after fo muche quantitie of
grounde, an other ilreame of fnow at the fame very
tyme Ihould be caryed lykewyfe, but not equally. For
the one would flande ftyll when the other flew a pace,
and fo contynewe fomtyme fwiftlyer fometime flowlyer,
fometime broder, fometime narrower, as far as I coulde
fe. Nor it flewe not {freight, but fometyme it crooked
thys waye fometyme that waye, and fomtyme it ran

158

lound aboute in a compafe. And fomLyme the
fnowe wold be lyft dene from the ground vp in to the
ayre, and by and by it would be al clapt to the grounde
as though there had bene no winde at all, hreightwa}
it woulde rife and flye agayne.

And that whych was the moofl meruayle of al, at
one tyme. ii. driftes of fnowe flewe, the one out of the
Weft into ye Eafh, the other out of the North in to ye
Eafl: And I faw. ii. windes by reafon of ye fnow the
one croffe ouer the other, as it had bene two hye
wayes. And agayne I fhoulde here the wynd blow in
the ayre, when nothing was ftirred at the ground.
And when all was ftill where I rode, not verye far from
me the fnow Ihould be lifted wonderfully. This expe¬
rience made me more meruaile at ye nature of the
wynde, than it made me conning in ye knowlege of
ye wynd: but yet therby I learned peiditly that it is
no meruayle at al thoughe men in a wynde leafe theyr
length in fhooting, feying fo many wayes the wynde is
fo variable in blowynge.

But feynge that a Ma)dler of a fhyp, be he neuer fo
cunnynge, by the vncertayntye of the \vynde, leefeth
many tymes both lyfe and goodes, furelye it is no
wonder, though a ryght good Archer, by the felf fame
wynde fo variable in hys owne nature, fo vnfenfyble to
cure nature, leefe man ye a fhoote and game.

The more vncertaine and difceyuable the wynd is,
the more hede mufl a wyfe Archer gyue to know the
gyles of it.

He yat doth miflruft is feldome begiled. For
although therby he fhall not atta5aie to that which
is befl, yet by thefe meanes he fhall at leafle auoyde
yat whyche is worft. Befyde al thefe kindes of windes
you mufl take hede yf you fe anye cloude apere and
gather by lytle and litle agaynfl you, or els yf a fhowre
of raine be lyke to come vpon you : for than both the
dryuing of the wether and the thyckynge of the ayre
increafeth the marke, when after ye fliowre al thynges
are contrary clere and caulme, and the marke for the
mofl parte new to begyn agayne. You mufl take

0f 159

hede alfo yf euer you fhote where one of the markes
or both fLondes a lytle fhort of a hye wall, for there
you may be eaflye begyled. Yf you take graffe and
cafLe it vp to fe howe the -wynde flandes, manye tymes
you fhal jTuppofe to fhoote downe the wynde, when you
hiote cleane agaynfl the wynde. And a good reafon
why. For the wynd whych commeth in dede againft
you, redoundeth bake agayne at the wal, and whyrleth
backe to the prycke and a lytle farther and than
turneth agayne, euen as a vehement water doeth
agaynfle a rocke or an hye braye whyche example of
water as it is more fenfible to a mans eyes, fo it is
neuer a whyt the trewer than this of the wynde. So
that the graffe cafte vp lliall flee that waye whyche in
dede is the longer marke and deceyue quycklye a
fhooter that is not ware of it.

This experience had I ones my felfe at Norwytch in
the chapel felde wythin the waulles. And thys waye
I vfed in fliootynge at thofe markes.

When I was in the myd way betwixt the markes
whyche was an open place, there I toke a fether or a
lytle lyght graffe and fo as well as I coulde, learned
how the wynd floode, that done I wente to the prycke
as fafle as I coulde, and according as I had founde ye
wynde when I was in the mid waye, fo I was fayne
than to be content to make the befl of my flioote that
I coulde. Euen fuche an other experience had I in a
maner at Yorke, at the prickes, lying betwixte the
caflell and Oufe fyde. And although you fmile
Philologe, to heare me tell myne owne fondenes :
yet feing you wil nedes haue me teach you fomwhat
in fliotyng, I mufL nedes fomtyme tel you of myne
owne experience, and the better I may do fo, by-
caufe Hippocrates in teachynge phyfike, Hippo. De
vfeth verye muche the fame waye. Take
heede alfo when you fhoote nere the fea cofl,
although you be. ii. or. iii. miles from the fea, for
there diligent markinge fhall efpie in the mofl
clere daye wonderfull chaunginge. The fame is to
be confidered lykewyfe by a riuer fide fpeciallie if

i6o 33.

it ebbe and flowe, where he yat taketh diligent hede
of ye tide and wether, fhal lightly take away al yat he
fhooteth for. And thus of ye nature of windes and
wether according to my marking you haue hearde
Philologe: and hereafter you dial marke farre mo
your felfe, if you take hede. And the wether thus
marked as I tolde you afore, you mufte take hede,
of youre ilanding, yat therby you may win as much
as you fhal loofe by the wether.

^{)f. I fe well it is no maruell though a man miffe
many tymes in fliootyng, feing ye wether is fo vncon-
flant in blowing, but yet there is one thing whiche
many archers vfe, yat fhall caufe a man haue leffe
nede to marke the wether, and that is A me gyuing.

®0X. Of gyuyng Ame, I can not tel wel, what I
fhuld fay. For in a flraunge place it taketh away al
occafion of foule game, which is ye only prayfe of it,
yet by my iudgement, it hindreth ye knowlege of
fhotyng, and maketh men more negligente: ye which
is a difprayfe. Though Ame be giuen, yet take hede,
for at an other mans fhote you can not wel take Ame,
nor at your owne neither, bycaufe the wether wil
alter, euen in a minute; and at the one marke and not
at the other, and trouble your fhafte in the ayer, when
you fhal perceyue no wynde at the ground, as I my
felfe haue fene fhaftes tumble a lofte, in a very fayer
daye. There may be a fault alfo, in drawing or lowf-
ynge, and many thynges mo, whiche all togyther, are
required to kepe a iufl length. But to go forward the
nexte poynte after the mark)mg of your wether, is the
takyng of your flandyng. And in a fide winde you
mufl fland fumwhat erode in to the wynde, for fo
fhall you fhoote the furer. Whan you haue taken
good footing, than mufl you looke at your fhafte, yat
no earthe, nor weete be lefte vpon it, for fo fhould it
leefe the lengthe. You mufl loke at the head alfo,
lefl it haue had any flrype, at the lafl fhoote. A
ftripe vpon a ftone, many tymes will bothe marre
the head, croke the fhafte, and hurte the fether,
wherof the left of them all, wyll caufe a man leafe

0f ^T)00ttns. i6i

his lengthe. For fuche thinges which chaunce euery
fhoote, many archers vfe to haue fumme place made
in theyr cote, fitte for a lytle fyle, a ftone, a Hun-
fylhOcin, and a cloth to dreffe the fhaft fit agayne at
all nedes. Thys mufl a man looke to euer when
he taketh vp his flraft. And the heade maye be made
to fmothe, which wil caufe it flye to far: when youre
fliafte is fit, than mufl you take your bow euen in the
middes or elles you fhall both leafe your lengthe, and
put youre bowe. in ieopardye of breakynge. Nock-
ynge iufle is next, which is muche of the fame nature.
Than drawe equallye, lowfe equallye, wyth houldynge
your hande euer of one heighte to kepe trew com-
paffe. To looke at your fhafte hede at the lowfe, is
the greateil helpe to kepe a lengthe that can be,
whych thyng yet hindreth excellent fliotyng, bicaufe
a man can not thote flreight perfitlye excepte he
looke at his marke : yf I fhould fhoote at a line and
not at the marke, I woulde alwayes loke at my lhaft
ende, but of thys thyng fome what afterwarde. Nowe
if you marke the wether diligentlye, kepe your iland-
ynge iufiely, houlde and nocke trewlye, drawe and
lowfe equallye, and kepe your compace certaynelye,
you fliall neuer miffe of your lengthe.

_ ^{jt. Then there is nothyng behinde to make me
hit ye marke but onely fiiooting flreight.

®0X^ No trewlye. And fyrfle I wyll tell you what
fhyftes Archers haue founde to fhoote flreyght, than
what is the befl waye to fhoote flreyght. As the
wether belongeth fpecially to kepe a lengthe (yet
a fide winde belongeth alfo to fhote flreight) euen
fo the nature of the pricke is to fhote flreight. The
lengthe or fliortneffe of the marke is alwayes vnder
the rule of the wether, yet fumwhat there is in ye
marke, worthye to be marked of an Archer. Yf the
prickes ftand of a flreyght plane ground they be ye
befl to fhote at Yf ye marke fland on a hyl fyde or
ye ground be vnequal with pittes and turninge wayes
betwyxte the markes, a mans eye fhall thynke that

L

162 3B*

to be llreiglit whyche is croked: The experience of
this thing is fene in payntynge, the caufe of it is
knowen by learnynge.

And it is ynoughe for an archer to marke it and
lake hede of it. The cheife caufe why men can not
fhoote flreight, is bicaufe they loke at theyr fhaft: and
this fault commeth bycaufe a man is not taught to
ihote when he is yong. Yf he learn e to fhoote by him-
felfe he is afrayde to pull the fhafte throughe the
bowe, and therfore looketh alwayes at hys fhafte : yll
vfe confirmeth thys faulte as it doth many mo.

And men continewe the longer in thys faulte bycaufe
it is fo good to kepe a lengthe wyth al, and yet to fhote
(freight, they haue inuented fome waies, to efpie a tree
or a hill beyonde the marke, or elles to haue fumme
notable thing betwixt ye markes : and ones I fawe a
good archer whiche did cafle of his gere, and layd his
quiuer with it, euen in the midway betwixt ye prickes.
Summe thought he dyd fo, for fauegarde of his gere :
I fuppofe he did it, to fhoote flreyght withall. Other
men vfe to efpie fumme marke almoofl a bow wide
of ye pricke, and than go about to kepe him felfe on
yat hande that the prycke is on, which thing howe
much good it doth, a man wil not beleue, that doth
not proue it. Other and thofe very good archers
in drawyng, loke at the marke vntill they come almoft
to ye head, than they looke at theyr fliafte, but at ye
very lowfe, with afeconde fight they fynde theyr marke
agayne. This way and al other afore of me reherfed
are but fhiftes and not to be folowed in fhotyng
ftreyght. For hauyng a mans eye alwaye on his marke,
is the only waye to fhote flreght, yea and I fuppofe fo
redye and eafy a way yf it be learned in youth and
confirmed with vfe, yat a man fhall neuer miffe therin.
Men doubt yet in loking at ye mark what way is
beft whether betwixt the bowe and the flringe, aboue
or beneth hys hand, and many wayes moo : yet it
maketh no great matter which way a man looke
at his marke yf it be ioyned with comly fhotynge.
The diuerfitie of mens flandyng and drawing caufeth

diuerfe men [to] loke at theyr marke diuerfe wayes: yet
they al lede a mans hand to fhoote flreight yf nothyng
els floppe. So that cuml)aieffe is the only iudge of bell
lokyng at the marke. Some men wonder why in cafLing
a mans eye at ye marke, the hand Ihould go flreyght.
Surely ye he confydered the nature of a mans eye, he
wolde not wonder at it: For this I am certayne of,
that no feiuaunt to hys mayfler, no chylde to hys
father is fo obedient, as euerye ioynte and pece of the
, body is to do what foeuer the eye biddes. The eye is
the guide, the ruler and the fuccourer of al the other
partes. The hande, the foote and other members
dare do nothynge without the eye, as doth appere on
the night and darke comers. The eye is the very
tonge wherwith wyt and reafon doth fpeke to euery
parte of the body, and the wyt doth not fo fone fignifye
a th3mge by the eye, as euery parte is redye to folow,
or rather preuent the byddyng of the eye. Thys is
playne in many thinges, but moft euident in fence and
feyght5mge, as I haue heard men faye. There euery
parte llandynge in feare to haue a blowe, runnes to the
eye for helpe, as yonge chyldren do to ye mother: the
foote, the hand, and al wayteth vpon the eye. Yf the
eye byd ye hand either beare of, or fmite, or the foote
ether go forward, or backeward, it doth fo : And that
whyche is mooli wonder of all the one man lookynge
lledfallly at the other mans eye and not at his hand,
wyl, euen as it were, rede in his eye where he
purpofeth to fmyte nexte, for the eye is nothyng els
but a certayne wyndowe for wit to Ihote oute hir
head at.

Thys wonderfull worke of god in makynge all the
members fo obedient to the eye, is a pleafaunte thynge
to remember and loke vpon: therfore an Archer maye
be fure in learnyng to looke at hys marke when he is
yong, alwayes to fhoote llreyghte. The thynges that
hynder a man whyche looketh at hys marke, to Ihote
llreyght, be thefe: A fyde wynde, a bowe either to
llronge, or els to weake, an ill arme, whan the fether
runneth on the bowe to much, a byg brelled lhafte, for

:64 23 .

h3nn that fhoteth vnder hande, bycaufe it wyll hobble :
a little brefled fhafte for hym yat fhoteth aboue ye
hande, bicaufe it wyl llarte: a payre of windynge
prickes, and many other thinges mo, which you fhal
marke your felfe, and as ye knowe them, fo learne to
amend them. If a man woulde leaue to looke at his
fliafte, and leame to loke at his marke, he maye vfe
this waye, whiche a good fliooter tolde me ones that
he did. Let him take his bowe on the nyght, and
Ihoote at. ii. lightes, and there he fhall be compelled to**
looke alvvayes at his marke, and neuer at his lhafte: This
thing ones or twyfe vfed wyl caufe h)Tii forfake lokynge
at hys fhafte. Yet let hym take hede of fettynge his
fhafte in the bowe.

Thus Philologe to fhoote flreyght is the lealle
mayflerie of all, yf a manne order hym felfe there¬
after, in hys youthe. And as for keypynge a lengthe,

I am fure the rules whiche I gaue you, will neuer
difceyne you, fo that there fhal lacke nothynge,
eyther of hittinge the marke alwayes, or elles verye
nere fhotynge, excepte the faulte be onely in youre owne
felfe, whiche maye come. ii. wayes, eyther in hauing a
faynt harte or courage, or elles in fufferynge your felfe
ouer muche to be led with affedlion; yf a mans
mynde fayle hym, the bodye whiche is ruled by the
mynde, can neuer do his duetie, yf lacke of courage
were not, men myght do mo maflries than they do, as
doeth appere in leapynge and vaultinge.

All affedlions and fpecially anger, hurteth bothe
mynde and bodye. The mynde is blynde therby: and
yf the mynde be blynde, it can not rule the bodye aright.
The body both blood and bone, as they fay, is brought
out of his ryght courfe by anger: Wherby a man lacketh
his right ftrengthe, and therfore can not fhoote wel.
Yf thefe thynges be auoyded (wherof I wyll fpeake
no more, both bycaufe they belong not properly to
fhoting, and alfo you can teache me better, in them,
than I you) and al the preceptes which I haue gyuen
you, dilligently marked, no doubt ye ihal fhoote as
well as euer man dyd yet, by the grace of God.

^€^010 0f ^500t{n5* !6 s

Tliys communication handled by me Philologe, as I
knowe wel not perfytly, yet as I fuppofe tmelye you
muft take in good worthe, wherin if diuers thinges do
not all togyther pleafe you, thanke youre felfe, whiche
woulde haue me rather faulte in mere follye, to take
that thynge in hande whyche I was not able for to
perfourme, than by any honelle fhamefaflnes withfay
your requell and minde, which I knowe well I haue
not fatiflied. But yet I wyl thinke this labour of
mine the better bellowed, if tomorow or fome other
daye when you haue leyfour, you wyl fpende as much
tyme with me here in this fame place, in entreatingc
the quellion De origins animcs, and the ioynyng of it
with the bodye, that I maye knowe howe far Plato,
ArifLotle, and the Stoicians haue waded in it.

How you haue handeled this matter Toxophile
I may not well tel you my felfe nowe, but for your
gentleneffe and good wyll towarde learnyng and
fhotyng, I wyll be content to Ihewe you any pleafure
whenfoeuer you wyll: and nowe the funne is doune
therfore if it pleafe you, we wil go home and drynke
in my chambre, and there I wyll tell you playnelye
what I thinke of this communication and alfo, what
daye we will appoynt at your requell for the other
matter, to mete here agayne.

Deo gratias.

LONDONI.

In xdibus Edouardi VVhytchurcIi,

Cum priuilegio ad impri-
mendum folum.

^ 545 .

i66

NOTES.

I. Toxophilus, the foundation of Ascham’s after*
FORTUNES. In a humorous letter to Queen Elizabeth, on lO.
Oct. 1567 . (87.): Afcham divides his idea of her into two ; and
afking her in one perfonality as his friend, to intercede with her
other perfonality, as queen, to relieve him from his difficulties,
recounts to her the hiftory of his penfion.

“ I wrote once a little book of (hooting; King Henry, her
moft noble father, did fo well like and allow it, as he gave me a
living for it; when he loft his life I loft my living; but noble
King Edward again did firft revive it by his goodnefs, then did
increafe it by his liberality; thirdly, did confirm it by his aathority
under the great feal of England, which patent all this time,
was both a gi-eat pleafure and profit to me, faving that one un-
pleafant word in that patent, called “during pleafure,” turned
me after to great difpleafure; for when King Edward went,
his pleafure went with him, and my whole living went away with
them both. But behold God’s goodnefs towards me, and his provi¬
dence over me, in Queen Mary, her highnefs’ fifter’s time, when
I had loft all, and neither looked nor hoped for any thing again,
all my friends being under foot, without any labour, without
my knowledge I was fuddenly fent for to come to the council.

I came with all will, and departed with much comfort, for there
I was fworn fecretary for the Latin tongue, becaufe fome of
them knew that King Edward had given me that office when
I was abfent in Germany, by good Mr Secretary’s procurement,
and becaufe fome did think I was fitter to do that office than
thofe were that did exercife it. When I faw other fo willing to
do for me, I was the bolder fomewhat to fpeak for myfelf. I
saw Winchester did like well the manner of my writing; I
faw alfo that he only was Domintis regit me that time. I told
him that my patent and living for my Book of Shooting was
loft. Well, faid he, caufe it to be written again, and I will do
what I can. I did fo, and here I will open to your majefty a
pretty fubtlety in doing happily a good tuna to myfelf, whereat
perchance your majefty will fmile; for furely I have laughed at
it twenty times myfelf, and that with good caufe, for I have
lived fomewhat the better for it ever fince. I caufed the fame
form of the patent to be written out, but I willed a vacant place
to be left for the fum, I brought it fo written to the biffiop:
he afked me why the old fum was not put in. Sir, quoth I,
the fault is in the writer, who hath done very iU befide, to leave
the vacant place fo great, for the old word ten will not half fill
the room, and therefore furely, except it pleafe your lordfhip to
help to put in twenty pounds, that would both ffil up the vacant
place well now and alfo fill my purfe the better hereafter, truly
I fhaU be put to new charges m caufing the patent to be new
written again. The bifhop fell in a laughter, and forthwith went
to Queen Mary and told what I had faid, who, without any

NOTES,

167

more fpeaking, before I had done her any fervice, cf her own
bountifull goodnefs made my patent twenty pounds by year
during my life, for her and her fucceffors.”

That this account is but partially correct, and that he was
making a telling flory to amufe the Queen, appears from his
letter to Gardiner, at the time of the renewal of his penfion.

( 170 .) To Bishop Gardiner. [About April 1554.]

In writing out my patent I have left a vacant place for your
wifdom to value the fum; wherein I trufl to find further favour;
for I have both good caufe to aflc it, and better hope to obtain
*it, partly in confideration of myuniewarded pains and undis¬
charged coils, in teaching King Edward’s perfon, partly for
my three years’ fervice in the Emperor’s comd, but chiefly of all
when King Henry first gave it me at Greenwich, your lordfliip
in the gallery there afking me what the king had given me, and
knowing the truth, your lordfliip faid it was too little, and mod:
gently offered me to fpeak to the king for me. But then I mod
happily defired your lordfhip to referve that goodnefs to anothei
time, which time God hath gi*anted even to thefe days, when
your lordfhip may now perform by favour as much as then you
wifhed by good will, being as eafy to obtain the one as to aflc
the other. And I befeech your lordfhip fee what good is offeied
me in writing the patent: the fpace which is left by chance doth
feem to crave by good luck fome words of length, as viginti or
trigmta^ yea, with the help of a little dafh qiiadragiotta would
ferve befl of all. But fure as for decern it is fomewhat with the
fhoitefl: nevertheless I for my part fhall be no less contented
with the one than glad with the other, and for either of both
more than bound to your lordfhip. And thus God profper your
lordfhip. Your lordfhip’s moft bounden to ferve you.

R. Asicam.

To the Rt Reverend Father in God,

My Lord Bifhop of Winchefter his Grace, thefe.

2. The Byzantine Emperor Leo vi [b 865—afcended fns
throne i. Mar. 886—d 911], fumamedin fidXtexy \hQPhzlo/oJ)her,
i*s reputed to have written, befides other works, one entitled
TtJv kv TroXsfioiQ TaKTiKcSv avvTOfiog napadoaig, (A fummary
expofition of the art of war). Sir John Cheke’s tranflation into
Latin, of this book, in 1543 or 1544, was publifhed at Bafle in
1554, under the title of Leonis Enperatoris. De belhco apparatv
Liber, e grceco in latimim coiinerfus, lOAN Checo Cantrabrigenfi
Inierp.

3. The Dutchman Peter Nanning, latinized Nannius,
[b 1500—d 21 July 1557] was Profeffor of Latin, in college of
‘ the three languages ’ in the Univerfity of Louvain. He wrote a
fliort tract of 34 pp, De miliieperegrine: in which, in a dialogue

NOTES.

1 63

between Olympius and Xenophon, he difcufles Archery-z^-Guns
This tract is attached to another entitled Oraiio de ob^ldiom
Loiianmifi. Both were publilhed at Louvain in September 1543.

4. The Frenchman John Ravisius Textor [b about 148a
—d 3 Dec: 1524] : became Rector of the Univerfity of Pans.
His Officina was firft publiflied in 1523. The paffage that pro¬
voked Afcham’s ire is, Crinitus ait Scotos {qtd viani fiint Bri^
iannis) in dirigtfidts fagittis acres effe et egregios. Fol 158. Ed.

1532-

5. The Florentine Peter Riccio or latinized Crinitus
[b 1465—d about 1504.], an Italian biogi'apher and poet. In
December, 1504 was publiflied his Commentam de Honejla Dis-
ciplma.

6 . The French Chronicler, Robert Gaguin [b about 1425
—d 22. July. 1502.] General of the Order of the Trinitarians,
and reputed the befl: narrator of his age. The firll edition of his
Conipendiiim fitper Francoriim gejiis was publiflied in Paris, in
1495-

7. The Scot Iohn Major, latinized Ioannes Major, D.D.
[b 1478—d 1540] was for many years Profeffor of Theology and
one of the Doctors of the Sorbonne, at Paris. He publiflied his
Hijioria Maioris Briianmce^ tarn Anglia quam Scotice, per
Ioa 7 inem Maiorem^ nomine quidem Scotum, profejjlone autem
Theolognm, e vetenwi mommientis cojzcinnata. 4to Paris. 15 21.
“This hiftory is divided into fix books wherein he gives a fum-
mary account of the affairs of Scotland from Fergus I. till the
marriage of King James III., in the year 1469, with which he
concludes his work.” Mackenzie. Writers of the Scottijlz
Nation^ ii. 315.

8. Hector Boethius, or Boece, or Boeis [b about 1470—
d about 1550] a native of Dundee, became Principal of IGng’s
College, Aberdeen, wrote Scotorzi?n htfionce a pritna gentis
origine. ^c. in 17 books, fiift publiflied in Paris in 1526, and
Bufequently enlarged in later editions.

9. Sir Thomas Elyot [d 1546.] The work referred to by
Afcham, does not appear ever to have been publiflied.

Eihnhi7gh : T. A. Consial'le^ Pri?tic7's to Her I\Iajesiy.

A List of WORKS

Edited by

Professor EDWARD ARBER

F.S.A. ; Fellow of King's College, London ; Hon. Member of the Virginia
and Wisconsin Historical Societies ; late English Examiner at the
London University ; and also at the Victoria University, Man¬
chester ; Emeritus Professor of English Language and
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A List of 837 London Publishers, 1553-
1640

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Ingatherings from our History and Literature.

Abridged Lists of the Texts; many of which are very
rare, and not obtainable in any other form.

VOL 1 .

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English Political, Naval, and Military History,
etc., etc.

r. The Expedition to Scotland in May, 1543.

2 R. Peeke’s fight at Xerez with a quarter-stafif against three
Spaniards at once, armed with poniards and daggers ; when he
killed one and put the other two to flight. 1625.

3. The Captuie of Cns, in Galatia, by Captain Quaile and 35
men. 1626.

4. Ranks in the British Army, about 1630.

5. The Return of Charles II. to Whitehall, 1660.

6. The Retaking of St. Helena, 1673.

English Voyages, Travels, Commerce, etc., etc.

7. The Beginnings of English Trade with the Levant, 1511-1570.

8. The Voyage from Lisbon to Goa of the first Englishman
(Thomas Stevens, a Jesuit) known to have reached India by the
Cape of Good Hope. 1572.

9. The extraordinary captivity, for nineteen years, of Captain
Robert Knox in Ceylon; with his singular deliverance. i$6o-
1679.

English Life and Progress.

10. The Benefits of observing Fish Days. 1594.

11. The Great Frost. Cold doings in London. 1608.

12. The Carriers of London, and the Inns they stopped at, in
1637.

13. A Narrative of the Draining of the Fens. 1661.

English Literature, Literary History, and
Biography.

14. Sir Henry Sidney. A Letter to his son Philip, ^\hen at
Shiewsbury School.

English Poetry.

15. Love Posies. Collected about 1590.

16. Sir Philip Sidney. Astrophel and Stella [Sonnets]
1591. With the story of his affection for Lady Penelope Dever-
eux, afterwards Rich.

17. Edmund Spenser and others. Astrophel. A Pastoral
Elegy on Sir Philip Sidney. 1591.

18. John Dennis. The Secrets of Angling [z.^. Trout Fishing\
1613. Forty years before Walton’s Angler.

19. Many other single Poems by various Authors.

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English Political, Naval, and Military History,
etc., etc.

1. The Triumph at Calais and Boulogne of Henry VIII. [with
Anne Boleyn] and Francis I. November, 1532.

2. The Coronation Procession of Queen Anne [Boleyn] from
the Tower through London to Westminster. June, 1533.

3. English Army Rations in 1591.

4. Rev. T. Prince. A History of New England in the form oi
Annals, from 1602 to 1633. Published at Boston, N.E , m 1736-
1755. This IS the most exact condensed account in existence of the
foundation of our first Colonies m America.

English Voyages, Travels, Commerce, etc., etc.

5. Captain T. Sanders. The unfortunate voyage of the /csus
to Tripoli, where the crew were made slaves. 1584-1585.

6. N. H. The Third Circumnavigation of the Globe, by Thomas
Cavendish, in the Desire. 1586-1588.

7. The famous fight of the Dolfhin against Five Turkish Men-
of-War off Cagliari. 1617.

English Life and Progress.

8. Dr. J. Dee. The Petty Navy Royal [Fisheries]. 1577.

9. Captain HiTCHCOCK. A Political Plat [Scheme\ etc. [Her-
‘•mg Fisheries.]

10. D. Defoe. The Education of Women. 1692.

English Literature, Literary History, and
Biography.

11. F. Meres. A Sketch of Enghsh Literature, etc., up to
September, 1598, This is the most important contempoiary
account of Shakespeare's Works to this date, including some
that have apparently perished.

12. J. Wright. The Second Generation of English Actors,
1625-1670. This includes some valuable information respecting
London Theatres dunng this period.

English Poetry.

13. Sir P. Sidney. Sonnets and Poetical Translations. Befort

1587-

14. H. Constable, Diana. [Sonnet.] 1594.

15. Madrigals, Elegies, and Poems, by various other Poets,

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English Political, Naval, and Military
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I. W. Patten. The Expedition into Scotland : with the Battle
of Pinkie Cleiigh or Musselburgh, 1547. This was the “Rough
Wooing of Mary, Queen of Scots,” whom the English wanted to
marry Edward VI.

English Voyages, Travels, Commerce,
etc., etc.

2 J. H. VAN Linschoten. Voyage to Goa and back, in
Portuguese carracks. 1583-1592.

This work showed the way to the East, and led to the formation
of the Dutch and the English East India Companies. For nearly
thiee yeai’S this Dutchman, returning in charge of a cargo of
pepper, spices, etc., was pinned up m the Azores by the English
ships of whose daring deeds he gives an account.

3 E. Wright, The voyage of the Earl of Cumberland to
the Azores in 1589. This is a part of Linschoten’ s story re-told
more fully from an English point of view.

4. The first Englishmen— John Newbery and Ralph Fitch
—that ever leached India overland, vid Aleppo* and the Persian
Gulf, in 1583-1589. They met with Linschoten there; and
also T. Stevens, the Jesuit, see vol. i. p. 130.

English Life and Progress.

5. J. Caius, M.D. Of English Dogs. 1536. Translated from
the Latin by A. Fleming m 1576.

6. Britain’s Buss. A Computation of the Cost and Profit of a
Herring Buss or Ship, 1615.

English Literature, Literary History, and
Biography.

7. T. Ellwood. Relations with J. Milton. This young
Quaker rendered many services to the Poet; amongst which was
the suggestion of Paradise Regained.

8. J. Dryden. Of Dramatic Poesy. An Essay. This charm¬
ing piece of English Prose was written m 1665 and published m
1668. With it is given the entire Controversy between Dryden
and Sir R. Howard on this subject.

English Poetry.

9. S. Daniel. Delia. [Sonnets ] 1594.

10 T. Campion, M.D. Songs and Poems. 1601 1613.

II. Lyrics, Elegies, etc., by other Poets.

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English Political, Naval, and Military History,
etc., etc.

1. E. Underhill, “ the Hot Gospeller,” Imprisonment in 1553,
with Anecdotes of Queen Mary-’s Coronation Procession, Wyatt's
Rebellion, the Marriage of Philip and Mary, etc.

2. J. Fox. The Imprisonment of the Princess Elizabeth.

1554-1555-

3. Tevts relating to the Winning of Calais and Guisnes by the
French in January, 1556.

4. The Coronation Procession of Queen Elizabeth. January,

1559-

5 Sir Thomas Overbury. Observations of Holland, Flanders,
and France, in 1609. A most sagacious Political Study.

6. James I. The Book of Sports. 1618.

7. Abp. G. Abbott. Narrative of his Sequestration from Office
in 1627 by Charles I , at the instigation of Buckingham and
Laud.

8. Major-General Sir T. Morgan. Progress [ z . e , Marc ] i \ in
France and Flanders, with the 6,000 “ Red Coats ” at the taking of
Dunkirk, etc., in 1657-8.

English Voyages, Travels, Commerce, etc., etc.

9. The first Biitons who ever reached the city of Mexico: T.
Blake, a Scotchman, before 1536; and J. Field and R. Tomson,
1556.

10. The wonderful recovery of the Exchange from forty-five
Turkish pirates of Algiers by J. Rawlins and twenty-four other
slaves. February, 1622.

English Life and Progress.

ir. T. Gentleman. England’s Way to Win Wealth. [Fish¬
eries ] The Dutch obtained more wealth from their Herring
Fishery along the English shores than the Spaniards did from their
American gold mines.

English Poetry.

12. ? T. Occleve. The Letter of Cupid. 1402,

13. L. Sheppard. John Bon and Mast[er] Parson. [A Satire
on the Mas^ 1551-

14. Rev. T. Brice. A Register of the Tormented and Cruelly
Burned within England. 1555-1558. These verses give the names
of most of the Marian Martyrs.

15. J. C. Alcilia; Philoparthen's loving folly' [Love
PoemsJ 1595.

16. G. Wither. Fair Virtue, the Mistress of Phil’arete.
1622. This IS Wither’s masterpiece. Over 6,000 lines of verse
in many metrical forms.

17. The Songs that John Dowland, the famous Lutenist, set
to music.

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English Political, Naval, and Military History,
etc., etc.

1. J. Savile, King James’s entertainment at Theobalds, and
his Welcome to London. 1603.

2. G. Dugdale. The Time Triumphant. King James’s Coro¬
nation at Westminster, 25 July, 1603 ; and Coronation Procession
[delayed by the Plague], 15 March, 1604.

English Voyages, Travels, Commerce^
etc., etc.

3. The Voyages to Brazil of William Hawkins, Governor of
Plymouth and father of Sir John, about 1530.

4. Sir J. Hawkins. First Voyage to the West Indies, 1362-
1563. This was the beginning of the English Slave Trade.

5. R. Bodenham. a Trip to Mexico.' 1564-1565.

6. Sir J. Hawkins. Second Voyage to the West Indies. 1564-

1565* .

7. Sir J. Hawkins. Tliird and disastrous Voyage to the West
Indies, 1567-1569: with the base treachery of the Spaniards at San
Juande Ulna, near Vera Cruz; and the extraordinary adventures
of Three of the Survivors. This was Drake’s 2nd Voyage to the West
Indies ; and the first in which he commanded a ship, the Judiths

8. Sir F. Drake’s 3rd (1570), 4th (1571), and 5th {iS 7 ^~ 73 )>
Voyages to the West Indies. Especially the 5th, known as The
Voyage to Nombre de Dios: in which, on ii February, 11:73, he
first saw the Pacific Ocean; and then besought GOD to give him
life to sail once m an English ship on that sea. [See opposite page.]

English Life and Progress.

9. B. Franklin. ' Poor Richard ’ improved. Proverbs of
Thrift and to discourage useless expense. Philadelphia, 1757.

English Poetry.

10 B. Barnes. Parthenophil and Parthenopiie. Sonnets,
Madrigals, Elegies and Odes. 1593. [A perfect Storehouse of
Versification, including the only treble Sestme in the language.]

ir. Zepheria. [Canzons.] 1594.

12. Sir J. Davies. Orchestra or a Poem on Dancing. 1596.

13. B. Griffin. Fidessa, more chaste than kind. [Sonnets.]
1596.

14. Sir J. Davies. Nosce teipsuin ' In two Elegies : (i) Of
Human Knowledge, (2) Of the Soul of Man and the Immortality
thereof. 1599.

15. Sir J. Davies. Hymns of AsTRiEA [i.e. Queen Elizabeth].
In acrostic verse. 1599.

6

An English Garner.

VOL. VI.

Large Cioivn cloth, 5^'. 7 iet»

English Political, Naval, and Military
History, etc., etc.

1. The Examination, at Saltwood Castle, Kent, of William of
Thorpe, by Abp. T. Arundell, 7 August, 1407. Edited by W.
Tyndale. 1530. This is the best account of Lollardism from the
inside, given by one who was the leader of the second generation of
Lollards.

English Voyages, Travels, Commerce,
etc., etc.

2. J. Chilton. Travels m Mexico. 1568-1575.

3. J. Bion. An Account of the Torments, etc. 1708.

English Life and Progress.

4. The most dangerous Adventure of R. Ferris, A. Hill, and
W. Thomas ; who went .111 a boat by sea from London to Bristol.
1590.

5. Leather. A Discourse to Parliament. 1629.

6. H. Peacham. The Worth of a Penny, or a Caution to keep
Money. 1641. With all the variations of the later Editions.

7. Sir W. Petty. Political Aiithmetic. [Written m 1677.]
1690. One of the earliest and best books on the Science of Wealth.

English Literature, Literary History, and
Biography.

8. Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq. [Dean J. Swift.] Predictions for
the year 1708. [One of these was the death of J. Partridge, the
Almanack Maker, on 29 March, 1708.] Other tracts of this
laughable controversy follow.

9. [T. Gay.] The Present State of Wit. 3 May, 1711. [A
Survey of our Periodical Literature at this date , induing the
Review, Tatler, and Spectator.'\

10. [Dr. J. Arbuthnot.] Law {i.e. War'X is a Bottomless Pit,
exemplified in the Case of the Lord Strutt \ the Kings of Spam],
John Bull [Eijgland] the Clothier, Nicholas Frog {Holland]
the Linendraper, and Lewis Baboon [Louis XIV. of Bourbon^
France']. In four parts, 1712.

This famous Political Satire on the War of the Spanish Succes¬
sion was designed to prepare the English public for the Peace of
Utrecht, signed on ii April, 1713. In part I., on 28 February,
1712, first appeared in our Literature, the character of John Bull,
for an Englishman.

11. T. Tickell. The life of Addison. 1721.

12. Sir R. Steele. Epistle to W. Congreve [in reply]. 1722.

English Poetry.

13. The first printed Robin Hood Ballad. Printed about 1510.

14. W. Percy. Coelia. [Sonnets.] 1594.

15. G. Wither. Fidelia. [This is W’ither’s second master-

An English Garner. 7

piece. The Lament of a Woman thinking that she is forsaken in
love.] 1615.

16. M. Drayton. Idea. fSonnets.] 1619.

17. The Interpreter. [A Political Satire interpreting the mean¬
ing of the Protestant, The Puritan, The Papist.] 1622.

VOL. VII.

Large Crown %vo, cloth^ 5^. net.

English Political, Naval, and Military
History, etc., etc.

1. Sir F. Vere, General of the English troops in the Dutch ser¬
vice. Commentaries of his Services : at (i) the Storming of Cadiz
in 1596, (2) the Action at Turnhoiitin 1597, (3) The Battle of Nieu-
port in 1600 , but especially (4) the Siege of Ostend, of which place
he was Governor from ii June, 1601, to 7 June, 1602.

2. The retalang of The Friends' Adventui'e from the French by
R. Lyde and a boy. 1693.

English Voyages, Travels, Commerce,
etc., etc.

3. H. Pitman. Relation, etc. For doing noble Red Cross
work at the Battle of Sedgemoor this surgeon was sent as a White
Slave to Barbadoes, etc. 1689.

English Life and Progress.

4. W. Kemp’s [Shakespeare’s fellow Actor] Nine Days’
Wonder ; performed m a Moms Dance from London to Norwich.
April, 1600.

5. A series of Texts on the indignities offeied to the Established
Clergy, and especially the Private Chaplains, m the Restoration Age<
by the Royalist laity ,* including

Dr. J. Eachard’s witty 'Grounds of the Contempt of the
Clergy and Religion. * 1670.

English Literature, Literary History and
Biography.

6. Another Series of Tracts, m prose and verse, illustrating thr
great Public Services rendered by D. Defoe, up to the death of
Queen Anne ; including :

D. Defoe. An Appeal to Honour and Justice, etc. 1715.

D. Defoe. The True Bom Englishman. 1701.

D. Defoe. The History of Kentish Petition. 1701.

D. Defoe. Legion’s Mentorial. 1701.

D. Defoe. The Shortest Way with the Dissenters, etc. 1702.

D. Defoe. A Hymn to the Pillory. 1703.

D. Defoe. Prefaces to the Revieiu. 1704-1710.

English Poetry.

7. T. Deloney. Three Ballads on the Armada fight August,
I5d8.

8. R. L. (i) Diella [Sonnets]; (2} The Love of Dom Diego
and Gyneura. 1596.

An English Garner.

9. An. Sc. Daiphhantus, or the Passions of Love. 1604.
See also above.

D. Defoe. The Bom Englishman. 1701.

D. Defoe. A Hymn to the Pillory. 1703.

VOL. VIII. Large Crow 7 i 2 >vo, cloth, 5^-. 7iet.

English Political, Naval, and Military
History, etc., etc.

1. John Lydgate The Siege of
Harfleur and the Battle of Agm-
court. 1415. [Printed c. 1^30 ]

2. John Fox. How the Lord
Cromwell helped Archbishop Cran-
mer’s Secretary. July, 1539

3. John Proctor The History
of Sir Thomas Wyat’s Rebellion.
Januarj’-to Fcbruarj*, 1544. [Printed
January, 1555.]

4. The True Report of the Burn¬
ing of the Steeple and Church of
Paul’s ih London. 4 June, 1561.

5. R. W[iTc] Against the Wilful
inconstancy of his dear foe E. T.
? is66.

6. Is.W. To her Uncoustant
Lover, ? 1566.

7 W, G. A Love Letter to an
unconstant Maiden. ?i566.

8. [George Gascoigne.] The
Spoil of Antwerp. It is better known
as The Spanish Fury at Antwerp.
November, 1576.

9 George Eliot. A very
true report of the apprehension of
that arch-priest Edmund Campion
and three other Jesuit Priests. July,
1581.

10. [Mary.] The Scottish Queen’s
Burial at Peterborough. i August,
1587 [Printed 1589.]

11 Theocritus. Six Idillia.
Translated by E. D. [? Sir Edward
Dyer ] 1588

12 Rev. Richard Hakluyt
and Caotain Nicholas Downton.
The Destruction, Capture, etc., of
Portuguese Carracks [Santa Cruz,
Madre de Dios, Las Cinque Llagas],
by English seamen 1592-1594.

13. [Giles Fletcher, LL.D.]
Licia, or Poems of Love. The
Rising to the Crown of Richard
III. September, 1593.

14. Richard Hasleton.
Strange and Wonderful things that
happened to him in his Ten Years’
Travels in many Foreign Countries.
1582-1592. [Printed 1595.]

15. William Smith. Chloris, or

the complaint of the passionate de¬
spised Shepherd 1596,

16. R[obert 1 T[oi-te]. Laura
[z.e. Mistress E. Caril]. The
Toys of a Traveller, 0: the Feast of
Fancy. 1597.

17. The Merchant’s Daughter of
Bristow [Bristol] ? 1600.

18. _ [? Thomas Deloney.] The
Spanish Lady’s Love ?i6oo.

19. Sir Robrrt Carey, after¬
wards Earl of Monmouth. Account
of the Death of Queen Elizabeth ;
and of his nde to King James, at
Edinburgh. 2Sth-27th March,
1603. [Printed, 1759 ]

20. T. M. The true narration of
the Enteitainment of His Royal
Majesty (James I.) from the time of
his departure from Edlnbugh, till
his recening at London. April-
May, 1603

21 Michael Drayton. Odes.
1606, and 1619.

22. Love’s Garland, or Posies for
Rings, etc. 1624.

23. Thomas, third Lord Fairfax
(“ Black Tom ”) Short Memorials
of some things to be cleared during
my Command in the Army. 1645-
1650.

24. A Short Memorial of the
Northern Actions, dunng the War
there. 1642-1645.

25. Cupid’s Posies for Bracelets,
Handkerchers, and Rings. 1674.

26. George^ Villiers, second
Duke of Buckingham. An Epitaph
on Thomas, third Lord Fairfax.
? 1677.

27. W. P. Posies for Rings, or
Mottoes fit for Presents. 1677.

28 [Bishop Edward Cople-
STONE.] Advice to a Young Re¬
viewer , with a Specimen of the
Art (z e a Mock Cruiasm of Mil-
ton’s L’Allegro), 1807.

29. W. Hunneman. Old King
Cole, his life and death ?iS7o-
?i837.

JEnglisb IReprinte.

No. Text. s. d.

1. Milton Areopagitica • • • 1644 1 0

2. Latimer The Ploughers . . . 1549 1 0

3 * GOSSOn The School of Abuse . • 1579 1 0

4. Sidney A^i Apology for Poetry . ? 1580 1 0

.5. E. Webbe Travels .... 1590 1 0

6. Selden Table Talk .... 1634-54 1 0

7. Aseham ToxophUus. . . . 1544 i 0

8. Addison Paradise Lost . 1711-12 1 0

9. Lyly Euphues . . . 1579-80 4 0

10. VillierS The Reheai'sal . , . 1671 1 0

11. Gaseoigne The steel Glass, etc. . . 1576 1 0

12. Earle MUro-cosmographie . . 1628 1 0

13- Latimer 7 Sermons before EDWARD VI. 1549 1 6
14. More Utopia . . . . 1516-57 1 0

I 5 ‘ Puttenham The Art of English Poesy . 15892 6

16. Howell Instructions for Foreign Travel 1642 1 0

17* Udall Roister Doister . . . 1553-66 1 0

18. Mk. of Eves. The Revelation^ etc. . I1S6-1410 1 0

19. James I. A Counterblast to Tobacco^ etc. 1604 1 0

20. Naunton Fragmenta Regalia . . 1653 1 0

21. Watson Poems .... 15S2-93 1 6

22. Habington Caspar a . . . . 1640 1 0

23. Aseliam The Schoolmaster . . 1570 1 0

24. Tottel’S [Songs and Sonnets] 1557 2 6

25. Lever Sermons , . . . 1550 1 0

76. W. Webbe A Discottf se of Englhh Poetry 1586 1 0

27. Lord Baeon A Harmony of the1597-1626 5 0

28. Roy, etc. Readme, and he not'W 7 ’ 0 thl 1528 1 6

29. Last Fight of the ^ Reve 7 tge' X 0

30* Googe Eglogues, Epitaphs, and Sonnets 1563 1 0

41 6

(For full titles, etc., see pp. 10 - 19 .)

10

English Reprints.

I. JOHN MILTON.

Areopagitica. 1644.

{a) Areopagitica : A Speech of Mr. John Milton For the
Libe 7 ’ty of UnHcm<^d Frmfing, To the Pmdiainent of England.

( 3 ) A Decree of Starre-Chamber, concerning Printing, made the eleuenth
of July last past, 1637.

(c) An Order of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament for the
Regulating of Printing, &c. 1643.

Lord Macaulay. He attacked the licensing system in that sublime
treatise which every statesman should wear as a sign upon his hand, and as
frontlets between his eyes.— Edinburgh Review,p. 344, August, 1825

H. Hallam. Many passages in this famous tract are admirablj’-elo¬
quent • an intense love of liberty and truth flows through it; the majestic
soul of Milton breathes such high thoughts as had not been uttered before.
—Introduction to the Literature of Europe, hi. 660. Ed. 1839.

W. H. Prescott. The most splendid argument peihaps the world had
then Witnessed on behalf of intellectual liberty.— History of FERDINAND
and Isabella, hi. 391. Ed. 1845.

2 . HUGH LATIMER.

Ex-Bishop of Worcester.

The Ploughers. 1549.

A notable Sermon of ye retiere^ide Father Master Hughe
Latimer, wJnehe he preached in ye Shrouds at paules churche
in London on the xznii daye of fanuarye.

Sir R. Morlson. Did there ever any one (I say not in England only,
but among other nations) flourish since the time of the Apostles, who
preached th^e gospel more sincerely, purely, and honestly, than Hugh
Latimer, Bishop of — Apomccxis Calumniarum . . ambus

Joannes CocLEUs drc., i. Ed.xsy7.

It was in this Sermon, that Latimer (himself an e.x-Bishop) astonished
his generation by saying that the Devil was the most diligent Prelate and
Preacher in all England. “ Ye shal ncuer f3mde him idle I warraunte
you.

3. STEPHEN GOSSON.

Stud. Oxon.

The School of Abuse, 1579.

(a) The Schoole of Abuse. Contetning a pleasaunt inuective
against Poets^ Pipers^ Platers, festers, and such like Caterpillers
of a Coinmonwealth; Settingup the Flagge of Defiance to their
mischieuous exercise and onerthrenving their Bulwarkes, by Pro-
phcLi^ Writers, Naturall reason and common experience, 1579.
\o) An Apologie of the Schoole of Abuse, against Poets, Pipers,

Players, and their Excusers. IDecf^ 1579.

ing’ofthe foilowifg '™‘-

PiPrftM CIwCTinan. dramatist, Saliriit, and a

English Reprints. 11

4. Sir PHILIP SIDNEY.

An Apology for Poetry. [? 1580.]

All A_poIogie for Pootrie, Written by the right 7 iohle^ vertuous,
and learned Sir Philip Sidney, Knight. 1595.

H W. Longfellow. The defence of Poetry is a woik of rare merit. It
is a golden little volume, which the scholar may lay beneath his pillow, as
Chrysostom did the works of Aristophanes. —North American Review,
p . 57. January^ 1832.

The Work thus divides itself:—

The Etymology of Poetry.

The Anaio 7 ny of the Effects of Poetry.

The Anatomy of the Paris of Poetry.

Objections to Poetry answered.

Criticism of the existing English Poetry.

5. EDWARD WEBBE,

A Chief Master Gunner.

Travels. 1590.

The rare and most wonderful thinges which Edward Web be
a 7 i p 7 iglishman borne, hath seene and fassed in Ins troublesoine
trattailes, in the Citties of Jerusalem, Damasko, Bethelem and
Gaiety: and in all the la?ides of lewrie, Egipt, Grecia, Russia,
a 7 td hi the Land of Prester John.

Wherein is set foorth his extreame slauerie sustained many
yeres together, in the Gallies a 7 id wars of the great Turk against
the Landes of Persia, Tartaria, Spaine, and Portugal I, with the
fnanne 7 of his release 7 ?ie 7 it and coniing to E 7 igland. [1590.]

6. JOHN SELDEN.

Table Talk. [1634-1654.]

Table Talk: being the Discourses of Selden, Esq. ; or
his Se 7 ice of various Matters of weight a 7 id high coiisequence,
relating especially to Religion and State. 1689.

S. T. Coleridge. There is moie weighty bullion sense in this book than
I ever found in the same number of pages of any uninspired writer. . . .

O 1 to have been with Selden over his glass of wine, making every accident
an outlet and a vehicle of wisdom.— Literary Remains, iii. 361-2. Ed.
1836.

H. Hallam. This very short and small volume gives, perhaps, a more
exalted notion of Selden's natural talents than any of his learned writings,
^Introduction to the Literature of Euroje, iii. 347. Ed, 1836.

Above all things. Liberty.

12

English Reprints.

7. ROGER ASCHAM.

Toxophilus. 1544.

Toxophilus^ the Schole of Shoot in ^£, conieynedin two hookes.

To all Gentlevmi andyoinen of Englande^ pleasaimte. fortheyr
pastime to rede^ and profitable for iheyr use to follow both in war
and peace.

In a dialogue between TOXOPHILUS and PhiloLOGUS, Ascham not
only gives us one of the very best books on Archery in our language , but
as he tells King Henry VIII., in his Dedication, “this htle treatise was
purposed, begoii, and ended of me, onehe for this intent, that Labour,
Honest pastime, and Vertu might recouer againe that place and right, that
Idlenesse, (Jnthnftie Gaming, and Vice hath put them fro.”

8. JOSEPH ADDISON.

Criticism on Paradise Lost. 1711-1712.

From the Spectator, being its Saturday issues between 31^ December, 171T,
and 3 May, 1712. In these papers, which constitute a Piimer to Paradise
Lost, Addison first made known, and interpreted to the general English
public, the great Epic poem, which had then been published nearly half a
century.

After a general discussion of the Falle, the Charactei's, the Sentiments,
the Language, and the Defects of Milton's Great Poem ; the Critic devotes
a Paper to the consideration of the Beanizes of each of its Twelve Books,

9. JOHN LYLY,

Koveiisi, Wit, Poet, and Dramatist.

Euphues. 1579-1580.

Euphves, the Anatomy af Wit. Very pleasant for all
Gentlemen to 7 'eade, and most necessaiy to remember.

Wherein ai-e conteined the delights that Wit followeth in his
youth, by the pleasantnesse of loue, and the happinesse he reapeih
in age by the perfectnesse of Wisedome. 1579.

Euphues and his England. Containing his voyage and
aduentures, myxed with sundry pretie discourses of honest Loue,
the description of the countrey, the Coni t, and the manners of
that Isle. 1580.

Of gieat importance in our Literary History.

English Reprints. 13

10. GEORGE VILLIERS,

Second Duke of BUCKINGHAM.

The Rehearsal. 1671.

The Rehearsal^ as it was Acted at the Theatre Royal.

Many of the passages of anteiior plays that were parodied in this famous
Dramatic Satire on Dryden in the character of BaYES, are placed on
opposite pages to the text. Brian Fairfax’s remarkable life of this Duke
of Buckingham is also prefixed to the play.

The Heroic Plays, first introduced by Sir W. D’Avenant, and afterwards
greatly developed by Dryden, are the object of this laughable attack I^cy,
who acted the part of Ba YES^ imitated the dress and gesticulation of Dry¬
den.

The Poet repaid this compliment to the Duke of Buckingham, in i68i,
by introducing him in the character of ZlMRA in his ABSOLOM and
ACHITQPHEU

II. GEORGE GASCOIGNE,

Soldier and Poet.

The Steel Glass, &c, 1576.

{a) A Remembrance of the wel imployed life^ and godly end^ of
George Gaskoigne, Esquire^ who deceassed at Stalmford in
Lincoln shire, the 7 of October, 1577. The reporte of Geor.
Whetstons, Gent. 1577.

Tliereis only one copy of this metrical Life. It is in the Bodleian Library.
{b) Ceriayne notes of instruction concerning the making of
verse or ryme in English. 1575*

This is our First printed piece of Poetical Criticism.

{c) The Steele Glas.

Written in blank verse.

Probably the fourth printed English Satire : those by Barclay, Roy, and
Sir T: Wyatt being the three earlier ones.

{d) Thecomplayntof^m'LOWEi^^. An Elegie. 1576.

12. JOHN EARLE.

Afie-t wards Bishop of SALISBURY.

Microcosmographie. 1628.

Micro- cos77iographie, or a Reece of the World discovered; in
Essays and Characters.

This celebrated book of Characters is graphically descriptive of the Eng¬
lish social life ©f the time, as it presented itself to a young Fellow of Merton
College, Oxfard ; including A She precise Hypocrite, A Sceptic in Reli^on,
A good old man, etc.

This Work is a notable specimen of a considerable class of books in our
Literature, full of intere.st; and which help Posterity much better to under¬
stand the Times in which they were wntten.

14 English Reprints.

13. HUGH LATIMER,

Ex-Bishop of Worcester.

Seven Sermons before Edward VI. 1549.

The fyrsie \j--seiiant}i\ Sermon of Mayster Hughe Latimer,
whiche he preached before the Kynges Maiestie wythm his graces
palayce at Westminister on each Friday in Lent. 1549.

Sir James Mackintosh. Latimer, . . . brave, sincere, honest, in¬
flexible, not distinguished as a writer or a scholar, but exercising his power
overmen’s minds by a fervid eloquence flowing fiom the deep conviction
which animated his plain, pithy, and fiee-spoken History of

England, li. 291. Ed. 1831.

14. Sir THOMAS MORE.

Translation ij/" Utopia. 1516-1557.

A friitefitll ami pleasauni worhe of the best state of a pnhlique
zveale^ ami of the new yle called Utopia: Written in Latine by
Sir Thomas ]\Iore, Knyghty and translated into Englyshe by
Ralph RoBYNsobr.

_ Lord Campbell. Since the time of Plato there had been no composi¬
tion given to the tvorld which, for imagination, for philosophical discrimina¬
tion, for a familiarity with the principles of government, for a knowledge of
the .springs of human action, for a keen observation of men and manners, and
for felicity of expression, could be compared to the Utopia. — Lives 0/ the
Lord Chancellors (Ltfe of Sir. T. More), i. 583. Ed. 1845.

In the imaginary country of Utopia, More endeavours to sketch out
a State based upon two principles—(i) community of goods, no private
property, and consequently (2) no use for money.

15. GEORGE PUTTENHAM,

A Genilenian Pensioner to Queen ELIZABETH.

The Art of English Poesy. 1589.

The Arte of English Poesie.

Conirhied into three Booties: The first Poets Poesik,
the second ^Proportion, the third ^Ornament.

W. Oldys. It contains many pretty observations, examples, characters,
and fragments of poetry for those times, now nowhere else to be met with —
Sir Walter Raleigh, hv. Ed. 1736.

^ O. Gilchrist. On many accounts one of the most curious and entertain¬
ing, and intrinsically one of the most valuable books of the age of Queen
Elizabeth. The copious intermixture of contemporary anecdote, tradition,
manners, opinions, and the numerous specimens of coeval poetry nowhere else
preserved, contribute to form a volume of infinite amusement, curiosity, and
\- 3 \\x&.—Censura Literaria, i. 339. Ed. 1805.

This is still ajso an important book on Rhetoric tmd the Figures of Speech.

15

English Reprints.

i6. JAMES HOWELL,

Clerk of the Council to Charles I. ; afterwards Hisioriografher to
Charles II,

Instructions for Foreign Travel. 1642.

Instructions for forreine travelle. Shewing by what coiirs, a7id
in what conipasse of iime^ one may take an exact Survey of the
Kingdo 7 nes and States of Christendome^ and arrive to thepy'actical
knowledge of the Languages^ to good purpose.

The MURRA K, BAEDEKER, and Practical Guide to the Grand Tour
of Europe, which, at that time, was considered the finishing touch to the
complete education of an English Gentleman.

The route sketched out by this delightfully quaint Wiiter, is Fiance,
Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Germany, the Netherlands, and Holland. The
time allowed is 3 years and 4 months : the months to be spent in travelling,
the yeais in residence at the different cities.

17. NICHOLAS UDALL,

Master, first of Eton College, then of Westimnsier School,

Roister Doister. [1553-1566.]

This is believed to be the first true English Comedy that ever came to the
press.

From the unique copy, which wants a title-page, now at Eton College ;
and which is thought to have been printed in i«566.

Djamatis Persona.

Ralph Roister Doister.

Matthew Merrygreek.

Gavvin Goodluck, ajfanced to Davie Custance.

Tristram Trusty, his friend.

Dobinet Doughty, “ boy" to Roister Doister.

Tom Truepenny, servant to Dame Custance.

Sim Sueesby, servant to Goodluck.

Scrivener.

Harpax.

Dame Christian Custance, a -widow,

Margery Mu mblecrust, hernurse.

Tibet Talkapace ■) t,„

AnnotAlvfack i h,r„iaidcm.

18. A Monk of Evesham,

The Revelation, &c. iiS6[-i4io]. 1485.

IT Here begynnyih a mao'vellotis rettelacioLi that was schewyd
of almighty god by sent Nycholas to a inonke of Euyshamme yn
the days of Kyyige Richard the fyrst. And they ere of owre lord,
M.C.Lxxxxvi,

One of the rarest of English books pilnted by one of the earliest of English
printers, William de Maclinia ; who printed this text about 1485, in the
lifetime of CAXTON.

The essence of the story is as old as it professes to be ; but contains later
additions, the orthography, being of about 1410. It is very devoutly written,
and contains a curious Vision of Purgatory

The writer is a prototype of Bunyan ; and his description of the Gate in
the Crystal Wall of Heaven, and of the solemn and marvellously sweet
Peal of the Bells of Heaven that came to him through it, is very
beautiful.

16 English Reprints.

19. JAMES I.

A Counterblast to Tobacco. 1604.

{a) The Essays of a Prentise^ in the Dinine Art of Poesie.

Printed while James VI. of Scotland, at Edinburgh in 1585 , and includes
Ane Short treatise^ contehuns some Reults and CauUhs to be obstrtnt and
escheiuit ni Scoths Poesie, which is another very early piece of printed
Poetical Criticism.

(^) A Counterblaste to Tobacco. 1604.

To this text has been added a full account of the Introduction and Early
use 0/ Tobacco in Efinland The herb first came into use in Em ope as a
.medicinal leaf foi poultices: smoking it was afterwards learnt from the
American Indians.

Our Royal Author thus sums up his opinion :—

“A custome lothsome to the eye, hateful to the nose, harmefull to the
braine, dangeious to the lungs, and in the blacke stinking fume thereof,
nearest resembling the horrible Stigian smoke of the pit that is bottomless.”

20. Sir ROBERT NAUNTON,

Master o/the Court of Wards.

Fragmenta Regalia. 1653.

Fra^menta Regalia: or Observations on the late Queen
Eliza'^beth, her J'imes and Favourites. [1630.]

Naunton writes:—

“And thus I have delivered up this my poor Essay ; a little Draught of
this great Princess, and her Times, with the Servants of her State and
favour.”

21, THOMAS WATSON,

Londoner, Sludent-at-Lazu.

Poems. 15S2-1593.

{a) The ‘E/caroyaTra^ta or Passionate CenUtrie of Loue.

Divided into two farts: whereof the first expresseth the
Author's sufferaiice % 7 i Loue: the latter, his long fa^-ioell to Loue
and all his tyrannic. 1582.

{b) Melibceus, Sive Ecloga in obitum Honoratissimi Viri
Domini Francisci Walsinghami. 1590.

(^r) The same translated into English, by the Author. 1590-

{d) The Tears of Faiicte, or Loue disdained. i593-

From the unique copy, wanting Sonnets 9--16, in the possession of S
Christie Miller, Esq., of Bntwell.

English Reprints. 17

22. WILLIAM HABINGTON.

Castara. 1640.

Castara. TI1& third Edition. Corrected and atigmented.

Castara was Lady Lucy Herbert, the youngest child, of the first
Lord Powis , and these Poems were chiefly marks of affection during a pure
court.ship followed by a happy marriage. With these, are also Songs of
Friendship, especially those referring to the Hon George Talbot.

In addition to these Poems, thei e are four prose Characters; on A
Mistress^ A IVi/e, A Fiiend^ and The Holy Man.

23. ROGER ASCHAM,

The Schoolmaster. 1570.

The Scholemasier^ or ;plane and perfite way of teachyng
children to understaiid, write^ and specike, in Latin tongj but
specially purposed for the pmtate hrynging np of youth in lentle-
man and Noble mens houses^

This celebrated Work contains the story of Lady Jane Grey's delight
in reading Pla TO, an attack on the Italianated Englishman of the time,
and mucli other information not specified in the above title
In it, Ascham gives us very fully his plan of studying Languages, which
may be described as the double translation of a model book.

24. HENRY HOWARD,

Earl of Surrey.

Sir THOMAS WYATT.
NICHOLAS GRIMALD.

Lord VAUX.

Tottel’s Miscellany.’ 5 June, 1557.

Songes and Sonettes^ 'ovritten by the right honourable Lorde
Henry Howard late Eaide ^Surrey, and other.

With 39 additional Poems from the second edition by the same printer,
Richard Tottel, of 31 July, 1557.

This celebrated Collection is the First of our Poetical Miscellanies, and
also the first appearance in print of any considerable number of English
Sonnets.

Tottel in his Address to the Reader, says : —

“ That to haue wel written in verse, yea and in small parcelles, deserueth
great praise, the workes of diners Latines, Italians, and other, doe proue
sufficiently. That our tong is able in that kytide to do as praiseworthely as
ye rest, the honorable stile of the noble earle of Surrey, and the weightinesse
of the depewitted Sir Thomas Wyat the elders verse, with seuerall graces in
sondry good Englishe writers, doe show abundantly.”

18 English Reprints.

25, Rev. THOMAS LEVER,

Fellow and Preacher of St, John's College^ Cambridge,

Sermons. 1550,

(a) A fruitfull Sermon in Patties clmrch at London in the
Sh'oudes.

(b) A Sermo?z preached the fourth Sttnday in Lent before the
Kynges Maiestie^ and his honourable CoitnselL

(c) A Sermon preached at Pauls Crosse, 1 550.

These Seimons are reprinted from the original editions, which are of
extreme rarity. They throw much light on the communistic theories of the
Norfolk rebels ; and the one at Paul’s Cross contains a curious account
of Cambridge Unueisity life in the reign of Edward VI.

26. WILLIAM WEBBE,

Gradtiate,

A Discourse of English. Poetry. 1586.

A Discourse of English Poeirie. Together with the Authors
iudgement^ touching the reformaiiott of ottr Etiglish Ve?‘se,

Another of the early pieces of Poetical Criticism, written in the year in
which Shakespeare is supposed to have left Stratford for London.

Only two copies of this Work are known, one of these was sold for £ 6 ^^.

This Work should be read with Stanyhurst's Translation of AEneid,
J.-IF.f 1582, seep. 6ij. Web be was an advocate of English Hexameters ;
and here translates Virgil’s first two Eglogues into them. He also trans¬
lates into Sapphics Colin’s Song in the Fourth Eglogue of Spenser’s
Shepherd's Calendar,

27. FRANCIS BACON.

afterwards Lord Verulam Viscoimt St. Albans,

A Harmony of the Essays, &c. 1597-1626.

And after my manner, I alter ever, when T add. So that nothing is
finished, till all be Jinished.Sir Francis Bacon, 27 Feb., i6io-[ii].

{a) Essays, Peiigious Meditations, and Places of perswasion
and disswasion, 1597.

(<5) The Writings of Sir Francis Bacon Knight the Kinges
Solliciior General in Moralitie, Policie, Hisiorie,

{c) The Essaies of Sir FRANCIS Bacon Knight, the Kings
Solliciter Ge 7 ieralL

{d) The Essayes or Cotmsells, Crvill and Morall of FRANCIS
Verulam, Viscount Alban. 1625.

English Reprints. 19

28. WILLIAM ROY. JEROME BARLOW.

Franciscan Friars.

Read me, and l>e not wroth! [1528.]

{a) Rede vie and he nott 'ivi'othe.

For I saye no thynge but trothe.

J will ascende mcikynge vty state so hye,

That viy jpovipous lionou 7 -e shall never dye.

O Caytyfe when thoit ihynkest least of all,

With confusion thou shalt have a fall.

This IS the famous satire on Cardinal Wolsey, and is the First English
Protestant book ever printed, not being a portion of Holy Scnptuic. See
p. 22 for the Fifth such book.

The next two pieces form one book, printed by Hans Luft, at Marburg,
in 1530.

{Jb) A proper dyaloge, hetwene a Gentilhnan and a Jmshand-
man^ echo complaynynge to other their miserable calamite^ through
the ambicion of the clergye.

(^) A compendious old treatyse, shewynge^ how that %ve ought
to have the scripture in Eiiglysshe.

29. Sir WALTER RALEIGH. GERVASE
MARKHAM. J. H. van LINSCHOTEN.

The Last Fight of the “ Revenge,” P591.

[a) A Report of the truth of the fight ahotit the lies of Acojes,
this last la Sommer. Betwixt the Reuenge, one of her
Maiesties Shippes, and an Armada of the King of Spaine.

[By Sir \V. Raleigh ]

[b) The most honorable Tracedic oj .S'zV Richard Grinuile,
Knight. 1595.

[By Gervase Markham.]

[c) {The Fight and Cyclone at the Azores.

[By Jav Huvghen van Linschoten.]

Several accounts are here given of one of the most extraordinary Sea
fights in our Naval History.

30. BARNABE GOOGE.

Eglogues, Epitaphs, and Sonnets. 1563.

EglogSf Epytaphesj and Sonettes Newly ivritten by Barnabe
Googe.

Three copies only known. Reprinted from the Huth copy.

In the prefatory Notes of the Life atid Writings of B Goocn, will be
found an account of the trouble he had in winning Mary Darell for his
wife.

A new Literature generally begins with imitations and translations.
When this book first appeared, Tianslations were all the rage among the
“young Englai>d'’ of the day. This Collection of original Occasional
Verse is therefore the more noticeable. The Introduction gives a glimpse
of the principal Writers of the time, such as the Authors of the Mirror for
Magistrates, the Translators of Seneca’s Tragedies, etc., and including
such names as Baldwin, Bavande, Blundeston, Neville, North,
Norton, Sackville, and Yelverton.

20 Works in the Old Spelling.

The English Scholar’s Library.

16 Parts are noLU published, in Cloth Boards, £2 Is.

Any part may be obtained separately.

The general character of this Series will be gathered
from the following pages :—21-26.

s. d.

1. William Caxton. Reynard the Fox. 1 6

2 . John Knox. The First Blast of the

Trumpet.16#

3 . Clement Robinson and others. A

handful of Pleasant Delights . 1 6

4 . [Simon Fish.] A Supplication for

the Beggars.16

£. \Rev. John Ud.all.] Diotrephes. . 1 6

6 . [ ? ] The Return from Parnassus . 1 6

7 . Thomas Decker. The Seven Deadly

Sins of London . . .16

8 . Edward Arber. An Introductory
Sketch to the “Martin Marpre-

late” Controversy, 1588-1690 . 3 0

g. \Rev. John Udall.] A Demonstra¬
tion of Discipline . . .16

10 . Richard Stanihurst. “.ffineid L-

IV.” in English hexameters. . .30

11. “The Epistle”.16

12 . Robert Green. Menaphon . .16

13 . George Joy. An Apology to William

Tyndale.16

14 . Richard Barnfield. Poems . .30

15 . Bp. Thomas Cooper. An Admonition

to the People of England . .30

16 . Captain John Smith. Works. 1120

pages. Six Facsimile Maps. 2 Vols . 12 6

The English Scholar's Library. 21

I. William Caxton,

ouryifst Printer

Translation of ReYNARD THE FOX. 1481.

[COLorHON.] / hane not added ne mymisshed but haue
folowcd as nyghe as / caii my copye which was m dutche / and by
vie William Caxton translated in to this rude and symple
englyssh in th\e\ abbey of weshnestre.

Interesting for its own sake ; but especially as being translated as well as
printed by Caxton, who finished the printing on 6 Jnne, 1481.

The Story is the History of the Thiee fraudulent Escapes of the Fox
from punishment, the record of the Defeat of Justice by flattering lips and
dishonouiable deeds. It also shows the struggle between the power of
Words and the power of Blows, a conflict between Mind and Matter. It
was necessary for the physic.ally weak to have Eloquence . the blame of
Reynard is in the frightful misuse he makes of it.

The author says, “There is in the world much seed left of the Fox,
which now over all groweth and cometh sore up, though they have no red
beards.”

2. John Knox,

the Scotch Reformer.

The First Blast of the Trumpet, &c.

1558.

(tj) The First Blast of a Trumpet against the monstrous
Regiment of Women.

{b) The Propositions to he entreated in the Second Blast.

This work was wrung out of the heart of John Knox, while, at Dieppe,
he heard of the martyr fires of England, and was anguished thereby. At
that moment the liberties of Great Britain, and therein the hopes of the
whole World, lay in the laps of four women— M.\ry of Loraine, the Regent
of Scotland ; her daughter Mary (the Queen of Scots); Queen Mary
Tudor : and the Princess Elizabeth.

The Volume was printed at Geneva.

(i:) Knox’s apologetical Defence of his First Blast, &c., to
Queen Elizabeth. 1559.

3. Clement Robinson,

and divers others.

A Handful of Pleasant D:^lights.

1584.

A Handeful of pleasant deliies^ Containing sundrie new Sonets
and delectable Histories^ in diuers kindes of Meeter. Newly
deuised to the newest tunes that are now tn vse^ to be sung :
euerie Sonet oi'derly pointed to his proper Tune. With new
additions of certain Songs^ to verie late deuised Notes, not
commonly knowen, nor vsed heretofore.

Ophelia quotes from A Nosegate, &>c., in this Poetical Miscellany ; of
which only one copy is now known.

It also contains the earliest text extant of the Ladie Grcensleeues, which
first appeared four years previously

This is the Third printed Poetical Miscellany in our language.

22 The English Scholar's Library.

4. [Simon Fish,

of Grays Inn ]

A Supplication for the Beggars.

C? 1529-]

A StcJ>plzcacyon for the Beggars,

Stated by J. Fox to have been distributed in the streets of London on
Candlemas l 3 ay (2 Feb., 1529],

This IS the Fifth Protestant book (not being a portion of Holy Sciipturc
that was printed m the English Language.

The authorship of this anonymous tract, is fixed by a passage in Sir T.
More’s AJ>oloe^^ of 1533, quoted m the Introduction.

5. [Rev. John Udall,

Minister at Kingston on Thames.']

DiOTREPHES. [1588.]

The state of the Church of Englande^ laid open in a conference
betwcene DiOTREPHES a By shoppy Tertullus a Papiste, De¬
metrius an vsurer, Pandochus an Innekeeper., and Paule a
preacher of the ivord of God.

This is the forerunning tract of the MARTIN MARPRELATE Contro^
versy. For the production of it, Robert Waldegrave, the printer, was
ruined ; and so became available for the printing of the Martmist invectives.

The scene of the Dialogue is in Pandochus’s Inn, which is in a posting-
town on the high road from London to Edinburgh..

6 . [ ? ]

The Return fro m Parnassus.

[Acted 1602.] 1606.

The Returne from Pernassns: or The Scourge of Simony.
Piibliquely acted by the Students in Saint lohns CoUedgc in
Cambridge.

This play, written by a Univeisity man in December, i6or, brings
William Kemp and Richard Burbage on to the Stage, and makes them
speak thus;

“Kemp. Few of the vniuersity pen plaies well, they smell too much of
that writer Omd and that writer Metamorphosis^ and talke too much of
Proserpina and Inppite^^. Why herees our fellow Shakespeare puts them
all.downe, I [Ay] and Pen lonson too. O that Pen lonson is a pestilent
fellow, he brought vp Horace gluing the Poets a pill, but our fellow Shake¬
speare hath given him a purge that made him beray his credit:

“ Burbage. It’s a shrewd fellow indeed : ”

What this controversy between Shakespeare and Jonson was, has not
yet been cleared up. It was evidently recent, when (m Dec., 1601) this
play was written.

The English Scholar's Library. 23

7. Thomas Decker,

TJie Dramatist.

The Seven Deadly Sins of
London, &c. 1606.

The seuen deadly Shines of London: drawn in seuen seuerall
Coaches^ through the seue^i seiwall Gates of the Citie, bringing
the Plague with them.

A prose Allegorical Satire, giving a most vivid picture of London life, in
October, 1606.

The seven sms are—

Fraudulent Bankruptcy.

Lying. ■

Candlelight {Deeds of Dai kness').

Sloth.

Apishness {Chaises of Fashion)

Shaving {Chcatin^)^ and Cruelty.

Their chariots, drivers, pages, attendants, and followers, are all allegori¬
cally described

8 . The Editor.

An Introductory Sketch to the
Martin Marprelate Controversy.

1588-1590.

(a) The general Episcopal Administration, Censorship, ^c.

{b) The 07 'igin of the Controversy.

(«:) Depositions and Examinations.

{d) State Documents.

\e) The Brief held by Sir John Puckering, against the
Martinists.

The Rev. J. Udall (who was, however, not a Martinist) ; Mrs. Crane,
of Molesey, Rev. J. Penry, Sir R Knightley, of Fawsley, near North¬
ampton ; Humphrey Newman, the London cobbler; John Hales, Esq., of
Coventry; Mr and Mrs. Weekston, of Wolston: Job Throckmorton,
Esq.; Henry Sharpe, bookbinder of Northampton, and tlie four printers.

( f) Miscellaneous Information.

(g) Who were the Writers who wrote under the name of MAR¬
TIN Marprelate?

9. , [Rev. John Udall,

Minister at Kingston on Thames.}

A Demonstration of Discipline. 1588-

A Demonstration of the trueth of that discipline which
Christe hath prescribed in his worde for the gouernement of his
Chw'ch, in all times and places, vntil the ende of the worlde.

Printed with the secret Martinist press, at East Molesey, near Hampton
Court, in July, 1588 , and secretly distributed with the Epitome in the
following November.

For this Work, Udall lingered to death in prison.

It is perhaps the most complete argument, in our language, for Presby¬
terian Puritanism, as it was then understood. Its author asserted for it, the
infallibility of a Divine Logic , but two generations had not passed^ away,
before (under the teachings of Experience) much of this Church Polity had
been discarded.

24 The Eiiglish Scholar s Library,

10. Richard Stanyhurst,

tJie Irish Historian.

Translation I.-IV- 1582.

Thee first fiovre Boohes ofi Virgil his -Eneis translated mtoo
English heroical [i.e., hexameter] T/erse by Richard Stany¬
hurst, wyth ooiher Poetical diuises theretoo annexed.

Imprinted at Leiden in Holland by loHN Pates, Anno
M.D,LXXXII.

This is one of the oddest and most grotesque books in the English
language ; and having been printed in Flanders, the original Edition is of
extreme rarity.

The present text is, by the kindness of Lord Ashburnham and S.*
Christie-Miller, Esq., reprinted from the only two copies known, neither
of which is quite perfect.^

Gabriel Harvey desired to be epitaphed, The Inventor of the English
Hexameter", and Stanyhurst, in imitating him, went further than any
one else in maltreating English words to suit the exigencies of Classical feet.

11. Martin Marprelate.

The Epistle. 1588.

Oh read ouer D. John Bridges, fior it is a worthy worke:
Or an epitome ofi the fiyrste Booke ofi that right worshipfiull voU
umet written against the Pitritanes^ in the defience ofi the noble
deargie, by as worshipfiull a prieste^ JOHN BRIDGES, Presbytery
Priest or Eldery doctor of Diuillitiey and Deane ofi Sarum,

The Epitome [/. 26] is not yet publishedy but it shall be, when
the By shops are at convenient leysut’e to view the same. In the
meant time, let thej 7 i be conteiit with this learned Epistle,

Printed oversea, in Etirope, within two furlongs of a Bonn-
sing Finest, at the cost and charges ofi M. Marprelate, gentle-
man.

12. Robert Greene, m.a.
Menaphon. 1589-

Menaphon. Camillas alarum to slumbering Euphues,
in his melahcholie Cell at Silexedra, Wherein are deciphered
the variable effects of Fortune, the wonders of Lone, the tHumphes
of inconstant Time. Displaying in sundrie conceipted passions
[figured in a continuate HistoHe) the Trophees that Vertue
carrieth triumphant, maugre the wrath of Enuie, or the resolu¬
tion of Fortune,

One of Greene’s novels with Tom Nash’s Preface, so important in refer¬
ence to the earlier Hamlet, before Shakespeare’s tragedy.

Greene’s “ love pamphlets” were the most popular Works of Fiction in
England, up to the appearance of Sir P. Sidney’s Arcadia in 1590.

The English Scholars Library. 25

13. George Joy,

an early Protestant Refoi^mcr.

An Apology to Tindale. 1535-

An Apologye made by George Joye to satisfye {if it may be)
W. Tindale : to fourge and defende himself ageinst so many
sclaunderoitse dyes fayned vpon him in Tindal’s vnchariiable
and unsober Pystle so well worthye to he prefixed for the Reader to
induce him into the understanding of hys new Testament dili¬
gently corrected and printed in the yeare of our Lorde, 1534, in
Nouember [Antweip, 27 Feb., 1535.

This almost lost book is our only authority in respect to the surreptitious
editions of the English Neio Testament, which were printed for the English
market with very many eirors, by Antwerp punters who knew not English,
m the interval between Tindale's first editions in 1526, and his revised Text
(above referred to) in 1534.

14. Richard Barnfield.

of Darlaston, Staffordshire.

Poems. 1594-1598.

The affectionate Shepherd, Containing the Complaint ot
Daphnis for the Loue of Ganymede.

'in the following Work, Barnfield states that this is “ an imitation of
Virgin, in the second Eglogue of Alexis ’*

Cynthia. With Certaine Sonnets^ and the Legend of Cas¬
sandra. 1595.

The Author thus concludes his Preface : “ Thus, hoping you will bearc
with my rude conceit of Cynthiatyi for no other cause, yet, for that it is the
First Imitation of the verse of that excellent Poet, Maister Spencer, in his
Fayrie Queene), I leaue you to the reading of that, which I so much desire
may breed your delight."

The Encomion of Lady Pecunia ; or^ The Praise of Money.

1598.

Two of the Poems in this Text have been wrongly attributed to Shake¬
speare. The disproof is given in the Intioduction.

15. T[homas] C[ooper].

[Bishop of WINCHESTER ]

Admonition to the People of
England.

An admonition to the people of England' Wherein are an^
svvered, not onley the slaunderotts Tjntruethes, reprochfully vttered
by Martin the Libeller, but also inany other Cmmes by some of
his broode, objected generally against all Bishops, and the chiefe of
the Cleargie, purposely to deface and discredit the present state of
the Church, [Jan. 1589].

This is the official reply on the part of the Hierarchy, to MARTIN MAR-
PRELATE'S Epistle of [Nov ] 1508 : see No. ii. on p. 24.

It was published between the appearance of the Epistle and that of the
Epitome.

26 The English Scholar's Library,

16. Captain John Smith,

President of Vir^iniat and Aduiiral of New England,
WORKS. —1608-1631. 2 z / ois . I 2 S . 6 d .

A complete edition, with six facsimile plates.
Occasion was tal^en, in the preparation of this Edition, dispas¬
sionately to test the Author’s statements. The result is perfectly
satisfactory. The Lincolnshire Captain is to be implicitly believed
in all that he relates of his own personal knowledge.

The following aie the chief Texts in this Volume :—

(i.) A true Relation of Occurrences in Virginia. 1608.

(2 ) A Map of Virginia. 1612.

(3.) A Description of New England. 1616.

(4.) New England’s Trials. 1620 and 1622.

(5.) The History of Virginia, New England, and Bermuda.
1624,

(6.) An Accidence for young Seamen. 1626.

(7.) His true Travels, Adventures, and Observations. 1630.
(8 ) Advertisements for Planters in New England, or any¬
where. 1631.

The first Three English Books on .
America. [? 151 i]-i 555 -

This work is a perfect Encyclopaedia lespecting the earliest
Spanish and English Voyages to America.

Small Paper Edition^ 456 />/., ui One Vohuney Demy

£ 1 IJ-- ..

Large Paper Edition in One Volume^ Royal £2^ 3j.

The Three Books are—

(i.) Of the new landes, etc. Printed at Antwerp about
This IS the first English hook tn which the word America \i.e.
Armonica] occurs.

(2.) A Treatise of the new India, etc. Translated by
Richard Eden from Sebastian Muenster’s Cosmography.
and pnnted in 1553. The Second English Book on America.

(3.) The Decades of the New World, etc., by Pietro Martire
[Petrus Martyr], translated by Richard Eden, and printed in
1555. Third English Book on America. SHAKESPEARE

obtained the character of Caliban from this Work.

A List of 837 London Publishers,
1553-1640.

This Master Key to English Bibliography for the period also
gives the approximate peiiod that each Publisher Avas in busi¬
ness.

Demy hfto, 32//., loj. ^d. nci.

27

Fcaj^. dfio^ Cloth, Gilt, los. 6d. fiat*

THE ONLY KNOWN FRAGMENT OF

The First printed

English New Testament, in Quarto.

By W. TINDALE and W. ROY.

Sixty photo-lithographed^ages ; preceded by a critical PREFACE.

Briefly told, the story of this profoundly interesting work is as
follows —

In 1524 Tindale went from London to Hamburgh ; where
remaining for about a year, he journeyed on to Cologne ; and
there, assisted by William Roy, subsequently the author of the
satire on Wolsey, Rede me and he noit wroihe [seep. 19], he began
^his first edition in 4to, with glosses, of the English New Testament.

A virulent enemy of the Reformation, CocHL^US, at that time an
exile in Cologne, learnt, through giving wine to the printer’s men,
that P. Quental the printer had m hand a secret edition of three
thousand copies of the English New Testament. In great alarm, he
informed Herman Rinck, a Senator of the city, who moved the
Senate to stop the printing ; but Cochl^us could neither obtain a
sight of the Translators, nor a sheet of the impression.

Tindale and Roy fled viith the printed sheets up the Rhine to
Worms ; and there completing this edition, produced also another
in 8 VO, without glosses. Both editions were probably in England by
March, 1526.

Of the SIX thousand copies of which they together were com¬
posed, there remain but this fragment of the First commenced
edition, in 4to , and of the Second Edition, in 8vo, one complete
copy in the Library of the Baptist College at Bristol, and an
imperfect one in that of St. Paul’s Cathedral, London.

In the Preface, the original documents are given intact, in
connection with

Evidence connected with the first Two Editions of the English
New Testament, viz., in Quarto and Octavo —

1 . William Tindale's antecedent career.

II. The Printing at Cologne.

III. The Printing at Worms.

IV. William Roy’s connection with these Editions

V. The landing and distnbution in England.

VI. The persecution in England.

Typographical and Literary Evidence connected with the present
Fragment —

I. It was pnnted for Tindale by Peter Quental at
Cologne, before 1526.

II. It is not a portion of the separate Gospel of Matthew printed

previous to that year.

III. It is therefore certainly a fragment of the Quarto.

Is the Quarto a translation Luther’s German Version ^

Text. The prologge. Inner Marginal References. Outer
Marginal Glosses.

For a continuation of this Story see G. Joy’s Apology at p. 25.

28

THE WAR LIBRARY.

Captain WILLIAM SIBORNE.

The Waterloo Campaign. 1815.

4tl) Ed. Crown 8vo. S32 pa^es. 13 Pledallion Port) aits of
Generals. 15 Maps and Plans.

Bound in Red Cloth, uncut edges. Five Shillings, Net.

The Work is universally regarded to be the best general Account
in the English language of the Twenty Days’ War : including the
Battles of Quatre Bras, Ligny, Waterloo, and Wavre ; and the
subsequent daring March on Paris. It is as fair to the French as
it is to the Alhes.

V/ILLIAM BEATTY, M.D., Surgeon of H.M.S. Victory,

An Authentic Narrative of

the Death of Lord Nelson.

2ist October, 1805.

2nd Ed. Crown Svo. 96 pa^es. Two llhisiratioyis:

(1) Of Lord NELSON in the dress he wore when

he received his mortal wound.

(2) Of the Bullet that killed him.

Bound in Blue Cloth, uncut edges. Half-a- Crown, Net,

29

f The Fasten Letters.

' 1422-1509.

A UEVf EDITION, containing upwards of ^00 letters,
etc., hitherto unpublished.

EDITED BY

JAMES GAIRDNER,

0 / the Public Record Office.

3 Voh. Fcap. % 7 ) 0 y Cloth extra, 15 s 7 ict

The Paston Letters are an important testimony to the progiessive con.
dition of Society, and come in as a precious link in the chain of moral history
of England, which they alone in this period supply. They stand, indeed,
singly, as far as I know, in Europe ; for though it is highly probable that
in the archives of Italian families, if not in France or Germany, a series of
merely private letters equally ancient may be concealed ; I do not recollect
that any have been published. They are all written m the reigns of Henry
VI. and Edward IV., e.^cept a few that extend as far as Henry VII., by
different members of a wealthy and respectable, but not noble, family; and
aie, therefore, pictures of the life of the English gentry of that age."—
Henry Hallam, hiirodtiction to the Liteyature of Europe, i. 228,
Ed. 1837.

These Letters are the genuine correspondence of a family in Nor¬
folk during the Wars of the Roses. As such, they are altogether
unique in character; yet the language is not so antiquated as to
present any serious difficulty to the modern reader. The topics of
the letters relate paitly to the private affairs of the family, and
partly to the stirring events of th(^ time : and the correspondence
includes State papers, love letters, bailiff’s accounts, sentimental
poems, jocular epistles, etc.

Besides the public news of the day, such as the Loss of Nor¬
mandy by the English ; the indictment, and subsequent murder at
sea of the Duke of Suffolk ; and all the fluctuations of the great
struggle of York and Lancaster; we have the story of John
Paston’s first introduction to his wife ; incidental notices of severe
domestic discipline, in which his sister frequently had her head
broken ; letters from Dame Elizabeth Brews, a match-making
Mamma, who reminds the youngest John Paston that Friday is
‘'Saint Valentine’s Day,” and invites him to come and visit her
family from the Thursday evening till the Monday, etc., etc.

Every Letter has been exhaustively annotated ; and a Chrono¬
logical Table, with most copious Indices, conclude the Work.

IHE “WHITEHALL EDITION
OF THE WORKS OF
WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE.

Edited from the Oiiginal Texts by H. Arthur Doubleday,
with the assistance of T. Gre-gory Foster and Robert Elson.

In 12 volumes, imperial i6mo.

The special features to which the publishers would call atten¬
tion are the type, which is large enough to be read with com¬
fort by all; the numbering of the lines, for convenience of
reference; the arrangement of the plays in chronological
order ; and the GLOSSARY which is given at the end of each
play. The text has been carefully edited from the original
editions, and follows as nearly as possible that of the Folio of
1623. A few notes recording the emendations of modern
Editors which have been adopted are printed at the end of each
play.

The volumes aie handsomely bound in buckram and in cloth,
5 l per volume, Also in half-parchment, gilt top, 6 j. per
volume.

SOME PRESS OPINIONS OF THE WHITEHALL
SHAKESPEAREP

“ The print is clear, the paper good, the margin sufficient, and the volume
not too cumbersome.”— Times.

*‘The text gives every evidence of being edited with care and scholarship.
... On the whole, The Whitehall Shakespeare promises to be one of
the most generally attractive among the many editions of the bard which
compete for public favour.”— Scotsman.

The general effect is excellent . . , it deserves a great success.*’—
National Observer.

“ The Whitehall Shakespeare commends itself by its convenient form,
and its clear and handsome type, as well as by some special features, attifnvgr
which is the alphabetical index to all the characters in the plays in
volume.’^— Daily News.

It combines, as far as possible, the requirements of a library and
edition.”— Literary World.

“There is certainly no edition of Shakespeare in the market is

more prettily got up or better printed. . . . One of the best editi*d^ 15 ^

the general reader that have ever appeared in this country.”— SepUii^ ■
Leader.

“ Paper, print, and binding leave little to be desired.”— Standards .

WESTMINSTER: ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE

2 WHITEH 3 Q:i^..G 4 RDENS.