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The Cercle Pinay complex 1951 - 1991 

David Teacher 

Second revision Dec. 2008 © 1993 and 2008. All rights strictly reserved. 

A former translator at the EU, the author now works as an international 

administrator in Geneva. He may be contacted at 

The author does not necessarily endorse or espouse the contents or opinions 

of any website which may host this article or any interpretation of this 

research that may be produced by third parties. 


The text which follows is the 100,000 word manuscript of a book intended for 
publication in 1992-1993 as the culmination of several years of research on the 
Cercle Pinay complex of groups, some of which had previously appeared in the 
Lobster magazine in the UK in 1988-1989. 

Back in those pre-Internet days, publication meant paper; as the text had 
soon swelled beyond the limits of a Lobster Special Issue, this meant commercial 
publishers. Ironically foreshadowed in the Introduction, the manuscript fell victim to 
its main claim to any merit - that it was the first multinational investigation of a 
paneuropean covert complex, the Cercle Pinay and its many national associates. 
Editors in several countries expressed great interest in publishing the manuscript . . . 
providing that the "foreign bits" could be reduced and the book refocused on their 
respective countries. 

With little chance of integral publication, the book project was shelved and, 
apart from one major revision in 1993-94 to integrate Brian Crozier's memoirs which 
confirmed the main thrust of this investigation, the manuscript gathered dust for the 
next fifteen years. The world moved on, and the events described below, hot news 
when the book was completed, became old history. 

Things would have remained like that had I not recently come across the ISGP 
website run by Joel van der Reijden ( - as far as 1 can see, the only 
serious investigation of the Cercle Hnay since the original articles by Robin Ramsay 
and myself in the Lobster twenty years ago. In appreciation of Joel's efforts, 1 am 
happy to dust off the manuscript again and add it to his impressive research in the 
hope that the information contained here will serve those who wish to continue the 

In revisiting the manuscript in 2008, 1 have not integrated print sources 
published after the book was last revised in 1993-94, a mammoth task and a 
superfluous one in the light of the ISGP website. The most recent print source 
integrated here is therefore Alan Clark's diaries, published in 1994; a list of 
unintegrated print sources can be found at the beginning of the Bibliography. 1 have 
however expanded the biographical information on some individuals mentioned in 
the original manuscript, taking further details from the Web, recent press reports 
and the ISGP site. Apart from that, 1 have not integrated Joel van der Reijden's 
research which stands on its own; this investigation should therefore be read in 
conjunction with his and, of course, with Crozier's memoirs. 

David Teacher 


One of the paradoxes of modem political journalism is its inherent cultural 
isolation. Whilst no-one would deny that the major political developments in a given 
country may owe much to international forces, the investigation of political 
processes has remained overwhelmingly confined within national boundaries. This is 
partly due to the linguistic problems, specialist knowledge and additional burden 
involved in researching foreign politics; however, this cultural isolation is also 
compounded by a vague and usually unexpressed opinion that the connections of a 
foreign Conservative MP cannot be of great import to a better understanding of the 
murkier side of politics at home in one's own country. Yet it is clear that no country 
is an island. This is nowhere more true than in the field of parapolitics, the networks 
of unofficial power that, usually via serving or retired friends in the world's major 
intelligence and security services, exert greater influence than is generally realized 
on national political life. Both the private networks of influence and the intelligence 
services work internationally; more often than not, they work hand in hand in a 
shady world that brings together top politicians and veterans of covert action, 
counter- subversion and media manipulation. An investigation to delineate such 
networks of covert transnational cooperation must, to succeed, tackle the 
complexities of the unseen political world in many countries. 

This study is an attempt at a preliminary transnational investigation of the 

Paneuropean Right and particularly of the covert forum, the Cercle Hnay and its 
complex of groups. Amongst Cercle intelligence contacts are former operatives from 
the American CIA DIA and INR, Britain's M15, M16 and IRD, France's SDECE, 
Germany's BND, BfV and MAD, Holland's BVD, Belgium's Surete de lEtat, SDRA 
and PIO, apartheid South Africa's BOSS, and the Swiss and Saudi intelligence 
services. Politically, the Cercle complex has interlocked with the whole panoply of 
international right-wing groups: the Paneuropean Union, the European Movement, 
CEDl, the Bilderberg Group, WACL, Opus Dei, the Moonies, Western Goals and the 
Heritage Foundation. Amongst the prominent politicians associated with the Cercle 
Pinay were Antoine Pinay, Konrad Adenauer, Archduke Otto von Habsburg, Franz 
Josef Strauss, Giulio Andreotti, Paul Vanden Boeynants, John Vorster, General 
Antonio de Spinola, Manuel Fraga Iribarne, Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. 

Despite a wealth of covert operations centring on media campaigns to 
promote or denigrate election candidates, the international impact of the Cercle 
complex has not yet [1993] been the main focus for an investigation in any language. 
The information contained in this study was compiled from a sheaf of internal 
documents from the Cercle Pinay and its partners, the Belgian AESP, the British ISC 
and the Swiss ISP, as well as over one hundred books and numerous Press reports 
in English, French, German and Spanish (all translations by this author). 

The insight afforded is only partial; as Brian Crozier wrote in his memoirs 
about this author's previous research on the Cercle complex: "There are pitfalls in 
writing about confidential matters from the outside, and drawing on similarly 
handicapped material" (1). However, the publication in 1993 of Crozier's memoirs. 
Free Agent - The Unseen War 1941-1991, served to confirm the main thrust of this 
investigation and filled in some but by no means all of the loopholes; in turn, this 
investigation has uncovered some of what Crozier preferred to conceal. Once the 
fragmented information is pieced together, the network that emerges cannot be 
overlooked: the Cercle complex can be seen to be an international coalition of right- 
wing intelligence veterans, propaganda assets and top politicians who would shape 
the 1970s and 1980s. 

To take the British example, much of the destabilization of British democracy 
in the 1970s can only be fully understood by analysing the international support 
given to groups like the Anglo-American "deniable propaganda" outlet, the Institute 
for the Study of Conflict. The Cercle Pinay was a major source of support for the ISC 
virtually from its inception on; the Cercle Pinay and the ISC also tied in with another 
key British group, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, heavily funded by BOSS, 
apartheid South Africa's secret service. BOSS'S other incursions into domestic 
politics in Britain, notably their smear operations against leading Liberals such as 
Jeremy Thorpe and Peter Hain, were a significant factor in the hijacking of British 
democracy in the 1970s. Three Cercle members on the FARl Board assisted FARl's 
actions from 1976 through to the early 1980s. FARl in many ways was the British 
successor to a previous Cercle operation to support South Africa; the Cercle and the 
ISC had been active partners in setting up a Paris-based propaganda outlet in 1974 
as part of South Africa's covert media campaign later exposed in the "Muldergate" 


German intelligence reports on the Cercle Hnay written in late 1979 and early 
1980 which were published in Der Spiegel in 1982 also shed new light on a 
"Thatcher faction" within M16 in the lead-up to the Conservatives' 1979 election 
victory. Whilst receiving wide publicity in France and Germany, these reports have 
never been covered by the British Press. This serious omission is astounding in the 
light of the undeniable authenticity of the reports and the startling allegations they 
contain: one of the German intelligence reports dated November 1979 quotes a 
planning paper by Crozier about a Cercle complex operation "to affect a change of 
government in the United Kingdom (accomplished)". The report goes on to describe a 
working meeting held at Chequers, the Prime Minister's country residence, just after 
the Conservatives' election victory which brought together Prime Minister Thatcher, 
serving M16 Chief Sir Arthur Franks, and two Cercle complex members - Brian 
Crozier and former M16 Division Head Nicholas Elliott. Crozier's planning paper 
quoted by the German report also specifically mentioned international Cercle 
campaigns "aiming to discredit hostile personalities and/or events". 

This is no isolated example; throughout the 1970s the Cercle Pinay complex 
was active in similar ways in France, Germany, Spain, Portugal, Italy and Belgium. 
In the latter three countries, the Cercle complex also had close links to those waging 
a strategy of tension to support a right-wing coup, the latest example of which was 
the strategy of tension which killed 32 people in Belgium from 1982 to 1985. The 
Cercle complex's other covert campaigns to promote right-wing candidates 
concentrated in two key periods: the mid-1970s and 1979-80, both central to the 
electoral defeat of the Left throughout Europe generally. 

The Cercle Pinay itself is an informal but confidential strategic talking- 
shop consisting of a core of "regulars" who invite occasional guests to Cercle 
meetings and who are assisted by a range of associates in many nationally-based 
groups. In order to make the complexities of the Right in several European 
countries understandable to readers, 1 have focused on the personnel links within 
and between the national groups forming part of the Cercle Pinay complex. As one of 
the tendencies of such groups is for their members to "play musical chairs", 
changing place frequently on the raft of names sponsoring an organization, a 
personnel-based research approach can give rise to the danger of over-estimating the 
ties that link some characters or organisations. Sharing a Board membership with 
someone does not necessarily imply intimate knowledge of the other's various 

The fragmentary nature of the information available does not allow us to draw 
definite conclusions about to what extent a particular group or person was aware of 
Cercle operations, particularly of those run by several of the Cercle "regulars" with 
intelligence experience who would later form a private covert intelligence service, the 
61, within the Cercle complex. Crozier himself makes the point that many of the 
prominent politicians invited to sit in on Cercle strategic sessions had no knowledge 
of their hosts' more clandestine operational activities - if only because of the "need to 

know" principle. Nonetheless, a stalwart multi-functionary on the Boards of several 
groups linked to the Cercle can be presumed to have some deeper involvement 
beyond just lending his name to the cause. This study can only be a beginning; a 
closer look at some of those involved at national level could shed more light on the 
significance of the Cercle complex. The only point of certainty beyond the 
information given here is that the Cercle merits further investigation. 

Finally, this book is dedicated to the small community of unpaid parapolitics 
researchers who have done much to uncover the truth that lies behind the history of 
the 20th century. Two in particular deserve thanks for the help and encouragement 
they have given me in compiling the information given here: Robin Ramsay of the 
Lobster and Jeffrey M. Bale of the University of Berkeley, California. Many journalists 
have already covered fragments of the Cercle Hnay complex: Pean, the Spiegel, Roth 
and Ender, Ramsay and Dorril of the Lobster, Dumont, Mungo, the Arbeitskreis 
Nicaragua who produced IGfM, the Young European Federalists, Herman and 
O'SuUivan, Gijsels, and Brewaeys and Deliege were all important sources. 

David Teacher 

1945 - 1965 


In the immediate post-war period, several political figures jostled for position 
in setting up movements for European unity. The oldest movement was the 
Paneuropean Union (PEU), a movement for European Union that had been founded 
in 1922 by Comte Richard Coudenhove Kalergi, the PEU's Life President. 
Coudenhove Kalergi had also set up the Interparliamentary Union, a debating forum 
for members of parliament from many countries, which still exists today. 

Serving as Vice-President of the PEU under Coudenhove Kalergi was 
Archduke Otto von Habsburg, bom in 1912 as eldest son of Karl, the last Austro- 
Hungarian Emperor, and heir to his throne as well as Opus Dei's candidate as 
monarch to rule over a united Catholic Europe (2). As well as his imperial 
pretensions, Habsburg was a prominent advocate of European Union and the regal 
mentor of the Bavarian Christian Social Union party (CSU), the future fief of Franz 
Josef Strauss (3). 

In 1948, Habsburg founded the Centre Europeen de Documentation 

Internationale (CEDl), an international grouping of conservatives which aimed to 

break the isolation of Franco's Spain in Europe by organizing annual congresses in 
Madrid (4). CEDI held annual congresses in Madrid from 1952 onwards, although it 
would only be formally incorporated in 1957 with headquarters in the Bavarian 
capital of Munich, a reflection of Habsburg's influence as CEDI Life President. CEDI 
would grow rapidly; by the early 1960s, it had sections in eleven European 
countries. As one might expect, Habsburg's political protege Strauss was a regular 
early participant at CEDl's annual conferences. 

Co-founder of CEDI with Habsburg was future Spanish diplomat and Minister 
Alfredo Sanchez Bella, at the time of CEDl's foundation working as Director of the 
Instituto de Cultura Hispanica. In 1957, Sanchez Bella was appointed Spanish 
Ambassador to the Dominican Republic, then Colombia in 1959, and finally Italy 
from 1962 to 1969 before being recalled to serve in Franco's Cabinet. He also had 
influential contacts within Opus Dei: his brother, a leading member of Opus Dei, 
founded Opus Dei's University of Navarra in 1952 (5). Sanchez Bella would later 
become one of the key figures in the Cercle Hnay complex when serving as Franco's 
Minister for Information and Tourism (6). 


One of the hidden architects of post-war European politics was Polish exile 
Dr. Joseph Retinger. Retinger's campaigning, always clouded in secrecy, would give 
rise to the creation of open political bodies such as the Strasbourg-based Council of 
Europe as well as CIA-funded rivals to the PEU, the European Movement and the 
European Youth Campaign, and more clandestine bodies like the powerbrokers' 
covert forum, the Bilderberg Group. 

Retinger's European Movement was the main component in the CIA's 
campaign to infiltrate and control the wave of political sentiment favourable to 
European union in the immediate post-war period. The European Movement was 
financed from the outset by the CIA, receiving some £380,000 between 1949 and 
1953. The C 

lA also supported another Retinger creation, the European Youth Campaign, which 
received £1,340,000 from the CIA between 1951 and 1959. The conduit for CIA 
funding of the EM and EYC was the American Committee on a United Europe, 
launched in 1949 specifically to support the creation of the EM. 

ACUE's list of officers included four top figures from the American intelligence 
community. The post of ACUE Chairman was filled by Bill Donovan, former Director 
of the CIA's wartime predecessor, the OSS; another prominent ACUE post was held 
by General Walter Bedell Smith, CIA Director from 1950 to 1953. ACUE's Vice- 
Chairman was Allen Dulles, Bedell Smith's successor as Director of the CIA from 
1953 to 1961; its Executive Director was Thomas Braden, head of the CIA's 
International Organization Division, responsible for setting up CIA front groups 
throughout the world (7) . 

Despite early post-war collaboration between Coudenhove Kalergi and 
Retinger, represented by EM co-founder Duncan Sandys, conflicts soon emerged (8). 
Coudenhove Kalergi's authoritarian leadership style was only one of the bones of 
contention; it was also felt that he did not take a robust enough position in relation 
to the Cold War. Indeed, in his later book entitled From War to Peace written in 1959, 
Coudenhove Kalergi called for the public recognition of the division of Germany - 
anathema to conservatives and to many PEU members. In his book, Coudenhove 
Kalergi also criticized the position of Retinger's European Movement: "this new 
European Movement felt that its first task was not the strengthening of world peace 
but the defence of Europe against the imperialism of the Soviet Union and the 
liberation of the oppressed nations of Eastern Europe. It received considerable 
support from the United States via the Marshall Plan and therefore was an integral 
component of the anti-Bolchevik alliance set up by the Americans in both the East 
and the West" (9). 

In the light of his conciliatory - or rather, inflammatory - position, the CIA 
preferred not to count on Coudenhove Kalergi's Paneuropean Union but rather to set 
up a new organization for European unity over which it could have greater control. 
Led by Retinger and Sandys, the cold warriors decided to go their own way, founding 
the European Movement as a rival to the PEU. The two complexes - Retinger's and 
Coudenhove Kalergi's - would co-exist in competition until Coudenhove Kalergi's 
death in 1972. Under his successor Habsburg, the PEU was relaunched both 
materially and ideologically; after some internal controversy, Habsburg brought the 
PEU over to a Cold War philosophy, opening up the possibility of collaboration 
between the PEU and the EM. 

Besides the 1949 foundation of the European Movement, the CIA's 
International Organizations Division headed by Thomas Braden also created another 
front organisation, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, which aimed to bring 
together Western intellectuals in the cause of anti- Communism. The CCF would see 
the light of day in dramatic circumstances; on the day of the CCF's foundation at a 
West Berlin conference on 24-25th June 1950, North Korea invaded its southern 

The CCF would run several features services spanning the globe: Forum 
Information Services in English, Preuves-lnformations in French and El Mundo en 
Espanol in Spanish. The CCF would also publish a range of literary magazines such 
as Encounter and Survey in London, Quadrant in Australia, Cuademos in Buenos 
Aires and Cademos Brasileiros in Rio de Janeiro. The CCF has been the subject of 
extensive research (10); at this stage, it is sufficient to note that the CCF would hire 
Brian Crozier in 1964 and would launch him as a media asset for the Western 
intelligence services by creating the CIA-funded news agency Forum World Features 
in 1965. 

Alongside the European Movement and the Congress for Cultural Freedom 
which functioned as mass political and cultural fronts, Joseph Retinger and the CIA 
created a third forum which was to be far more secretive and more influential than 

the EM or the CCF - the Bilderberg Group. On the 25th September 1952, a small 
group of eminent statesmen and dignitaries met with the aim of creating the new 
forum; the distinguished - and discreet - guests included from the Netherlands 
Prince Bemhard, from France the new Prime Minister (11) Antoine Hnay 
accompanied by politician Guy MoUet, from Belgium the Foreign Minister Paul Van 
Zeeland, from Italy Prime Minister Alcide de Gasperi and from the US General Walter 
Bedell Smith, CIA Director from 1950 to 1953 and member of the Board of the 
American Committee for a United Europe (ACUE), the funding conduit for the 
European Movement. Named after the venue for their first formal meeting in May 
1954 in the De Bilderberg Hotel in Gosterbeek near the Dutch town of Amhem, this 
international group of decision-makers still meets at least once a year for 
confidential discussions of world affairs (12). 


One of the most prominent members of the new Bilderberg Group was the 
French politician Antoine Pinay who served as Minister of Public Works, Transport 
and Tourism from July 1950 to March 1952 before becoming President of the 
Council (Prime Minister) and Minister of Finance until January 1953. He would later 
serve as Minister for Foreign Affairs from February 1955 until February 1956, and 
Minister of Finance again from June 1958 to January 1960 (13). Apart from his 
distinguished career in public office, Antoine Pinay had other less obvious attributes. 
Convinced of the need for Franco-German reconciliation, Pinay would create a 
network of contacts that would finally take form as the Cercle Pinay; via the select 
club of Bilderbergers, Pinay had easy access to the top figures in international 
politics and finance. 

Pinay's less overt political consultations owed much to his confidant, right- 
hand man and eventually successor at the helm of the Cercle Pinay, Jean Violet. It 
was in 1951 that Antoine Pinay first met Violet, a Parisian lawyer close to the CNPF, 
the French employers' federation. Pinay sought out Violet for legal advice about war 
reparations payments for a Geneva-based firm whose German factory had been 
seized during the war. Pinay was evidently satisfied with Violet's work as he 
recommended the lawyer to Pierre Boursicot, head of the French secret service, the 
Service de Documentation Exterieure et Contre-Espionnage (SDECE). Violet 
helped the SDECE where he could; as he has said: "Aware of the fact that I could be 
of some use to my country thanks to my professional situation on the international 
chessboard, I chose to fight for France within the ranks of the SDECE" (14). 

After the arrival of General Grossin as head of the SDECE in 1957, Violet was 
taken on as an agent and given missions of increasing political importance. Violet 
would rise to become perhaps the SDECE's most valued 'Honourable Correspondent' 
with the title of Special Advocate to the service. One indication of Violet's significance 
as a veteran covert operator is the fact that throughout his fifteen years of service 
with the SDECE, his case officer was the head of the service - first Grossin from 
1957 to 1962, then Jacquier from 1962 to 1966, and then finally Guibaud until 

1970. Reporting directly to General Grossin, "Violet was masterminding a Service 
Special to promote the General's [de Gaulle's] objectives in defence and foreign 
policy" (15), a rather ironic fact bearing in mind that Brian Crozier, Violet's future 
associate in the Cercle, was monitoring de Gaulle's defence and foreign initiatives 
with some suspicion from the other side of the Channel. 

An early associate of Violet's in his work for the SDECE was fellow SDECE 
agent Rev. Father Yves-Marc Dubois, foreign policy 'spokesman' for the Dominican 
order, unofficial member of the Pontifical Delegation to the UN, and believed by the 
SDECE to be the head of the Vatican secret service. The pair were active in the 
United Nations in the mid-1950s when Violet was attached to the French delegation 
headed by Antoine Hnay, at that time Minister of Foreign Affairs. Violet's task at the 
UN was to win over the twenty republics of Latin America so as to block UN 
condemnation of France's Algerian policy. Violet's lobbying in the UN would also 
pave the way for de Gaulle's tour of Latin America in 1964. 

Another major focus for Violet and Dubois' activities for the SDECE was 
Eastern Europe: they received half a million francs a month from General Grossin to 
run the "Church of Silence", Catholic networks behind the Iron Curtain. These 
activities focused on the countries in what was sometimes referred to as the 
"Catholic Curtain": Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Romania (16). 

Besides these operations for SDECE, Violet would act as the homme de 
confiance of Antoine Pinay in assisting the process of Franco- German reconciliation. 
Pinay had already played a considerable part in the conclusion of prior agreements 
on the construction of Europe, notably the Paris Treaty and Bonn Agreement of 1952 
whose ratification in May 1955 allowed Germany to attain full sovereignty and 
created the Western European Union, the first postwar European defence pact. 
Following this, the signature in March 1957 of the Euratom and European Common 
Market Treaties would lead to the creation of the European Economic Community as 
of January 1st, 1958. 

"Violet played an historically key role between 1957 and 1961 in bringing 
about this [Franco- German] rapprochement, which is the real core of the European 
Community. He had developed a close friendship with Antoine Pinay, who had 
served as French Premier in 1951 under the unstable Fourth Republic. At a lower 
level, a complementaiy role was played by his SDECE colleague Antoine 
Bonnemaison [described in the next chapter]. Violet was the go-between in secret 
meetings between Pinay and the West German Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, and 
his coalition partner, Franz Josef Strauss. These paved the way for Charles de 
Gaulle's own encounters with Adenauer, which culminated in the Franco-German 
Treaty of January 1963 ... The Pinay Cercle was a natural offshoot of Jean Violet's 
Franco-German activities" (17). 

Franz Josef Strauss, the "Lion of Bavaria", would be a key figure in the 
Cercle complex from the founding of the post-war Federal Republic until his death in 
1988. Born in 1915, Strauss was first elected to the German Parliament in 1949 as 

an MP for the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU) party, coalition partner of 
Adenauer's CDU; that year, he was also appointed CSU General Secretary. In 1953, 
four years after his entry into the Federal Parliament, Strauss gained ministerial 
rank as Minister without Portfolio; he would again serve in Adenauer's CDU/ CSU 
Cabinet as Nuclear Power Minister from 1955 to 1956 and as Defence Minister from 
1956 to 1962. 

Meanwhile, on the regional level, the CSU Party Chairman Hanns Seidel, a 
former Bavarian Prime Minister, had died in 1961; Strauss replaced him as Party 
Chairman, a post he would hold until his death twenty-seven years later. Within a 
year of his elevation to Chairman, the CSU won a landslide victory in the 1962 
regional elections, gaining an absolute majority in the Bavarian Parliament that it 
would not lose for another 46 years until its electoral rout in September 2008 forced 
the CSU into coalition. 

As the German constitution forbids regional premiers serving as federal 
ministers, and as Strauss was the rising CSU star in national government as former 
Defence Minister, he stayed on the federal level and served as Finance Minister 
during the Grand Coalition with the SPD in 1966-69. In 1978, he returned to 
regional politics, being elected Prime Minister of Bavaria as a springboard for a 1980 
bid for the Federal Chancellorship. Despite substantial Cercle support, his bid would 
fail; Strauss would nonetheless remain Prime Minister of Bavaria for a decade until 
his death in 1988. 

Besides his public career in German government office, Strauss had had 
other more private connections; he was an early ally of Hnay's in the mid 1950s 
when both Strauss and Hnay were at the height of their political careers, as Strauss 
described in his memoirs: 

"Since 1953 [having first been appointed minister], 1 had had close ties to 
Antoine Hnay; these later changed into a kind of paternal friendship for me from a 
man who was 25 years my senior ... [in 1955] 1 met Hnay in the office of one of his 
confidants [Martre Violet?] on the avenue Foch. 1 was well acquainted with this circle 
of opponents of Herre Mendes-France, ousted in early February; one could trust 
them; with a little imagination we could have considered ourselves to be co- 
conspirators" (18). 

Strauss also met Hnay during the closeted discussions of the Bilderberg 
Group, a forum which Strauss had frequented since the September 1955 Bilderberg 
conference in Garmisch-Partenkirchen, close to Munich. Strauss and Hnay met, for 
example, at the Bilderberg conference in Cannes in May 1963 (19); the same year, 
Strauss also attended the CEDl Congress in Madrid with Habsburg (20). One early 
example of cooperation between Strauss, Hnay and Violet came in 1964, when 
Violet, acting for Hnay and recommended by former Defence Minister Strauss, 
presented enormous claims for reparations to the German Finance Ministry, 
allegedly for deliveries of metals to the Germans during the occupation of France. 
Strauss advised that the Ministry pay up in the interests of Franco- German 

friendship, but it transpired that the delivery notes were fake, and the swindle was 
exposed (21). 


In March 1955, the Bilderberg Group met in Barbizon near Paris to discuss 
"Communist influence in the West, European Communist parties and political, 
ideological and economic ripostes to the Red Menace" (22). This CIA- linked 
powerbrokers' forum was not the only group of covert decision-makers to debate the 
issue; the European intelligence services were also sponsoring attempts at Franco- 
German rapprochement with an aim to strengthen anti-communism. One key early 
figure was the French SDECE's Colonel Antoine Bonnemaison, who under the 
cover of a SDECE front group called the Centre de Recherches du Bien Politique, 
was responsible for coordinating all psy-ops work carried out by the Cinquieme 
Bureau (23). From 1955 on, Bonnemaison began acting as organizing secretary for a 
series of informal meetings, held alternately in France and in Germany, which 
brought together top intelligence veterans from three countries: France, Germany 
and Holland. "The blend of 'delegates' [in 1959] was basically the same in all three 
[national] groups: intelligence, both civil and military; leading academics; non- 
academic political or economic specialists; one or two trusted politicians; leaders of 
industry; trade union leaders; and clerics of various denominations ... these 
meetings ... were very productive in terms of facts, background, analysis and 
intelligent discussion" (24). 

The idea of a covert European alliance to fight communism was discussed in 
1957, when a Franco-German group met in the South of France to discuss what 
steps could be taken to combat Communism. Their first decision was to reinforce 
their network; by the following year, the circle had widened to include 
representatives from Holland, Italy, Switzerland and Belgium. A further expansion to 
include the UK came in 1959 following Bonnemaison's chance encounter the 
previous year with the then Editor of the Economist Foreign Report, a man who would 
later become undoubtedly the most prominent propagandist for several Western 
intelligence services and the key character in the UK counter- subversion complex - 
Brian Crozier (25). 

Bom in 1918, Brian Rossiter Crozier started his career in journalism in 1936. 
Having worked in aeronautical inspection in 1941, he was hired by the news agency 
Reuters, which had links to M16, in 1943. After a spell at the News Chronicle in 1944 
and the Sydney Morning Herald in 1948, he returned to Reuters in 1951. From 1952 
to 1954, Crozier toured the South-East Asian conflicts in Vietnam and Malaya for 
Reuters and the New Straits Times, which was used during the Malayan emergency 
as a channel for British disinformation prepared by the Foreign Office's Information 
Research Department (IRD). It was in Saigon that Crozier started his long 
partnership with M16 by meeting "Ronald Lincoln", a friendship renewed back in 
London when both men had returned home in 1954. Crozier would then also meet a 
second M16 officer "Ronald Franks" who would act as his link for several years. 

Thanks to the fruitful exchange of information with his MI6 contacts, "Lincoln" and 
"Franks", Crozier joined the staff of the Economist in September 1954 as Editor of 
their prestigious Economist Foreign Report, a post he filled until 1964 (26). 

Having met Crozier in 1958, Antoine Bonnemaison invited Crozier as the first 
ever British visitor to attend one of his colloques, held this time near Frankfurt. 
There were three delegations present from France, Germany and the Netherlands, 
and each included senior intelligence officers. The French delegation was led by 
General Jean Olie, de Gaulle's Chief of General Staff, seconded by SDECE's Colonel 

The German delegation was led by General Foertsch, "a senior deputy" to 
General Reinhard Gehlen, founder of Germany's post-war intelligence service, the 
Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND). The delegation also included two other members 
close to the BND, "Professor Lades and Kernig, both specialists on Communism in 
general and East Germany in particular. There was a German equivalent of 
Bonnemaison's Centre: the Deutsche Vereinigung fiir Ost-West Beziehungen (the 
German Union for East- West Relations). The Vereinigung was based in Munich, 
appropriately close to the headquarters of the BND at PuUach" (27). Although 
nothing else is known of this Vereinigung quoted by Crozier, Professor Hans Lades 
and Dr. C. D. Kernig also belonged to another mysterious body, the Verein zur 
Erforschung sozial-politischer Verhaltnisse im Ausland (Association for the Study 
of Foreign Socio-political Relations), a registered charity also conveniently based in 
Munich. Amongst the Verein's members. Professor Lades and Dr. Kernig regularly 
attended Bonnemaison's meetings whilst Dr. Norman von Grote would join them as 
the third German founding member of INTERDOC in 1963. Von Grote had been an 
officer in Wehrmacht FHO (Fremde Heere Ost - Eastern Front intelligence) with 
special responsibility for liaison with Russian General Vlassov and his army of Nazi 
collaborators, the NTS (28). FHO was commanded from 1st April, 1942 onwards by 
General Gehlen; it was Gehlen himself who had adopted Vlassov and defended the 
idea of an anti-communist army under Vlassov against strong pressure from 
Himmler (29). 

The Dutch delegation was represented by two top veterans from the 
Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst (BVD), the Dutch internal security service, Louis 
Einthoven and C. C. 'Cees' Van den Heuvel. Einthoven had been Chief 
Commissioner for Police in Rotterdam in the 1930s. After the war, he was appointed 
by General H. J. Kruls to head the Bureau Nationale Veiligheid, renamed the BVD in 
1946; Einthoven would then serve as the BVD's first director, retiring only in 1961. 
He played a key role in the Dutch Gladio component, Operaties 85 Inlichtingen (O85I - 
Operations and Intelligence), also founded in 1946 by General Kruls. Einthoven 
commanded the Operations Division of O85I which was in charge of preparing for 
armed resistance but was also crucially tasked with "sensitizing people to the danger 
of communism during times of peace" (30). As for Van den Heuvel, he was a civil 
servant in the Dutch Interior Ministry and a former head of the Research 
Department of the BVD, in which capacity he liaised closely with O85I. Having played 
"a heroic role in the Dutch Resistance during the Nazi occupation". Van den Heuvel 

was already well acquainted with the principles of stay-behind networks (31). 

In August 1959, Van den Heuvel set up a foundation for research into human 
ecology based in the Hague. The title is indicative, if not conclusive: in 1955, the CIA 
had founded a Society for the Study of Human Ecology which changed name in 1961 
to become the Human Ecology Fund. Both American organizations were funding 
conduits for the CIA's MK-ULTRA programme of research into mind control and 
brainwashing (32). Van den Heuvel's human ecology foundation would soon change 
titles to the Oost-West Stichting (East- West Foundation), which received funding 
from the BVD. According to an Italian secret service (SIFAR) report dated October 
1963, the BVD funded a meeting in Barbizon near Paris on 5th - 8th October 1961 
where "the participants decided to unite all efforts and initiatives of the struggle 
against Communism within a new organization and place these on a serious and 
expert footing" (33) . 

An international documentation centre to pool efforts against Communism 
became particularly necessary after Charles de Gaulle's decision to close down 
France's psychological warfare unit, the Cinquieme Bureau, too full of ex-Algeria 
hands for de Gaulle's comfort. The demise of the Cinquieme Bureau also meant the 
withdrawal of SDECE's support for the Bonnemaison group. Bonnemaison himself 
resigned from the SDECE and set up a private-sector structure, the Centre 
d' Observation du Mouvement des Idees, receiving funds from Pechiney and Air 
Liquide. This could provide for continuing the colloques, which became dominated by 
the French, but such a structure would clearly be insufficient to support the scale of 
operations planned for the documentation centre, and so the Dutch BVD took over 
where the SDECE had left off. A new organisation was formally incorporated in the 
Hague in February 1963 under the name INTERDOC - the International 
Documentation and Information Centre - with Van den Heuvel as its Director. 
Alongside Einthoven and Van den Heuvel, two other Dutch founding members of 
INTERDOC were Herman Jan Rijks and Dr. J. M. Hornix. The news was broken at 
the Bonnemaison forum's meeting in Bad Godesberg near Bonn in late March 1963 

According to the registration papers deposited in the Hague, INTERDOC's 
task was "documentation in the field of Western values and world communism and 
the informing of the public on these matters. This aim is to be pursued through the 
establishment of an international documentation centre, which will cooperate with 
national centres in different countries". An internal INTERDOC report indicates that 
swift progress was made in setting up "an index system, a library, a collection of 
newspapers and a collection of special reports, documents, etc" which were made 
available "to official departments responsible for the East-West question, 
international companies and employers' organizations" (35). 

Initial funds for INTERDOC were provided by Royal Dutch Shell, who would 
later be a benefactor to the ISC and to other M16 front groups like the Ariel 
Foundation (36). The most eminent administrator of Royal Dutch Shell was Prince 
Bernhard of the Netherlands, President of the Bilderberg Group from its formal 

creation in 1954 until his resignation in 1976 as a result of the Lockheed bribes 
scandal (37). In the early days of INTERDOC, Einthoven, now retired from the BVD, 
was active as a fundraiser; in his 1974 autobiography published in Holland (38), 
Einthoven states that he was lobbying for support for INTERDOC from France, 
Holland, Italy, Switzerland, Israel and Indonesia. During the 1960s, INTERDOC also 
seems to have received funding from the US, Germany and Britain. Crozier reports 
that INTERDOC "depended largely on West German subsidies" (39). 

The British intelligence community also offered considerable high-level 
support for INTERDOC even before its creation. Crozier reports that he "was involved 
from the start" with INTERDOC; amongst the other founding members in 1963 were 
two senior British intelligence officials: Charles H. "Dick" Ellis of MI6 and later of 
the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation ASIO, and "an ex-MI5 man" who 
Crozier declines to identify. As for Ellis, he had first encountered INTERDOC at their 
preparatory meeting in Mont Saint Michel in the late spring of 1962 (40). The 
following year, when INTERDOC was founded, Ellis wrote to Sir William Stevenson, 
Ellis's former boss within the wartime US/UK liaison group in New York, the British 
Security Coordination, to tell him that he had been recommended to a new 
organization by Sir Stuart Menzies, the MI6 Chief who had founded several of the 
European Gladio components: 

"I am kept busy with this INTERDOC organization. And, together with other 
chaps, I have formed a working committee which is organizing an 
international conference at Oxford in September [Ellis was at this time 
attached to St. Antony's College, Oxford, close to MI6]. We have raised money 
from [deleted] and some professional groups, much to the astonishment of the 
Foreign Office who said that it couldn't be done. They are now wondering if it 
was a good thing to kick me out [of MI6] ... as several of us are now doing 
privately what they have never succeeded in doing - getting an "action group" 
going. We are keeping it "private and confidential", as publicity could kill it" 

INTERDOC's other link to British Intelligence, the "ex-MI5 man" not named by 
Crozier, was Walter Bell. During the war. Bell like Ellis had served under Stevenson 
at BSC in New York before moving to London in 1942 to act as liaison officer 
between MI6 and the OSS. Bell then joined MIS in 1949 and worked as an adviser to 
various Commonwealth governments and as personal assistant to MIS chief Roger 
HoUis. After his retirement from MIS in 1967, Bell worked on obtaining funding for 
INTERDOC from British sources (42). British help for INTERDOC came from, 
amongst others, the anti-union outfits Common Cause and the Economic League; 
by 1969, Neil Elles of Common Cause and John Dettmer of the Economic League 
would sit with Crozier, then Director of Forum World Features, on the Consultative 
Council of INTERDOC (43). 

INTERDOC's Italian founding member in 1963 also had intelligence 
connections. Professor Luigi Gedda was a well-known figure of the Catholic Right in 
Italy and one of the CIA's main agents in their massive intervention in the 1948 

elections which banished the spectre of a Communist victory and installed the 
Christian Democrats in power. Part of Gedda's role was to set up a national network 
of 20,000 anti-communist groups, the Comitati Civici. Funded by the CIA and 
supported by the Vatican, the Comitati each had their own intelligence department 
and a radio transmitter, and played a key part in ensuring a Christian Democrat 
victory: "according to the American Embassy and the CIA representative in Rome, 
they undertook 'psychological warfare' and were considered by the Embassy to be 
the most important anti-communist group, which the Embassy felt justified a 
subsidy of $500,000 from the State Department to the CIA" (44). 

After 1948, as head of Azione Cattolica, Gedda had powerful political 
connections within the ruling Christian Democratic Party. His leadership of Azione 
Cattolica and his intimate friendship with Pope Pius Xll, to whom he was medical 
adviser, gave him high-level access to the Vatican, access which he used to help 
Joseph Retinger of the CIA- funded European Movement and the Bilderberg Group. 
In May 1950, Gedda arranged an audience with Pope Pius Xll for Retinger, who 
hoped to win Vatican support for the cause of European Union. The meeting was 
also attended by the Vatican's Substitute Secretary of State, Monsignor Montini, 
the future Pope Paul VI. Despite a very positive meeting, objections from the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Fisher, caused the plan to fail. Nonetheless, Gedda 
later gave Retinger "a good deal of help in Italy" (45) . 


A number of front groups referring to East- West relations would be set up by 
the European intelligence services in the late 1950s. Of these, the German BND 
front group the Deutsche Vereinigung fur Ost-West Beziehungen and the Dutch 
BVD front group the Cost-West Stichting were certainly involved in the 
Bonnemaison forum and its reincarnation as INTERDOC in 1963. However, three 
propagandists active in the late fifties and early sixties in France, Germany and 
Switzerland also need some mention at this stage. Whilst their links with INTERDOC 
remain unclear, all would later be involved in the counter- subversion operations 
organized by the Cercle complex in the mid-1970s. 

Georges Albertini, one of the mainstays of post-war French anti- communism, 
had had a controversial war-time past: a former right-hand man of the pro-Nazi 
collaborator Marcel Deat during the Occupation, Albertini had been a member of the 
Vichy administration working in the Secretariat of the Vichy Prime Minister Pierre 
Laval. After being jailed for two years for collaboration, Albertini became an ardent 
GauUist, helped by his schooltime days with Georges Pompidou. Through his 
contacts in politics and his work as a political adviser to the Worms banking and 
business consortium, Albertini set up "a huge network of informants and helpers", 
and acted as an 'honourable correspondent' of the SDECE, as well as an unofficial 
adviser to Pompidou and later to Jacques Chirac. Albertini was a longstanding 
associate of Antoine Pinay: both men had attended a series of conferences on Soviet 
political warfare organized in 1960-61 by Suzanne Labin of WACL's French section 

(46). Besides his network of contacts, Albertini also produced the fortnightly 
magazine Est-Ouest, "the most authoritative publication in the French language on 
the problems of Communism" in Crozier's view, a publication which may well have 
been part of the INTERDOC network (47). As well as serving as one of the major 
channels for anti-Socialist propaganda in the mid-1970s, Albertini would also 
become closely involved in the Cercle complex, publishing the ISC's output in 
French, attending Cercle meetings and playing a significant part in Crozier's private 
intelligence service, the 61. 

Karl-Friedrich Grau, Federal Secretary of PEU Germany until 1975, was one 
of the shadier figures within the CDU, acting as a bag-man for illegal election fund 
contributions from various foundations for both the CDU and for its Bavarian sister 
party, Strauss's CSU. Grau acquired a considerable reputation for the ruthless 
tactics he used to support the conservative cause; he ran several smear and 
disinformation campaigns for the CDU/ CSU through a network of anti-communist 
propaganda groups which he controlled. The first group in this network was the 
Studiengesellschaft fiir staatspolitische OfTentlichkeitsarbeit (Study Group on 
Political Communication), founded in Frankfurt in 1958 by Grau and CDU member 
Dr. Walter Hoeres. The Study Group's stated goal was to give "reliable and effective 
information and revelations about powers and their plans to destroy the fundaments 
of our Christian, free, democratic social organization" and to "strengthen and 
reinforce the free, democratic State and social form, and to coordinate all efforts and 
measures to defend it against all kinds of totalitarianism". As "the largest and most 
influential of the political front groups within the Federal Republic", the Frankfurt 
Study Group and Grau's other groups would be major German disinformation 
outlets throughout the 1970s and would act as German relays for the Cercle 
complex's counter- subversion operations (48). 

Dr. Peter Sager was a well-known Swiss "eminence grise of anti-communist 
propaganda" and later member of the Swiss Parliament. Bom in 1925, Sager had 
been educated in Switzerland, the Soviet Union (as part of Harvard University's 
study programme) and the UK. In 1948, Sager created the Schweizerische 
Osteuropa-Bibliothek (Swiss Library on Eastern Europe, now part of the University 
of Berne). In 1959, one year after Swiss representatives had joined the debate on 
Communism in Europe, Sager founded the Schweizer Ost-Institut (SOI, Swiss 
Institute for the East) in Berne. SOI's publications would be widely circulated 
throughout the German-speaking world, as well as being distributed in the UK. 
Major support for the SOI was provided from its inception by Karl-Friedrich Grau. In 
1961 Grau and Sager founded a Frankfurt-based SOI support group with the name 
Schweizerisch-Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Ostforschung (Swiss- German Society for 
Research on the East). Sager was President and Grau Secretary-General, whilst the 
Board of the new group included Sager's partner Heinz Luginbiihl. Grau also 
ensured the distribution of the SOI magazine in Germany throughout the 1960s. 

1964 - 1970 



The Paneuropeans and Europe's private spies were not the only people to 
mobilize; in the mid- 1960s, the forces of renascent fascism in Europe would regroup, 
most notably in Italy and in Portugal. In order to give an all-too-brief account of the 
main facts of interest to this history of the Cercle complex, we must first look at the 
Italian General Giovanni De Lorenzo. 

Appointed head of the Italian secret service SIFAR in 1956, De Lorenzo would 
combine this post with that of Commandant of the Carabinieri from 1962 onwards. 
Following the 1963 elections, in which the Communists gained 25% of the vote, De 
Lorenzo used his unprecedented powers to launch a vast anti-communist operation 
which started with the training of the 'gladiators' the same year. Simultaneously, 
with some twenty top Carabinieri commanders, De Lorenzo finalized Plan Solo, a 
coup d'etat scheduled for the summer of 1964 which included the assassination of 
Prime Minister Aldo Moro and his replacement by a right-wing Christian Democrat. 
Opposition to the coup would be minimized by a wave of preventive arrests based on 
the files that De Lorenzo had built up on 157,000 people since 1959. The coup was 
cancelled at the last moment as the result of a pact between the Socialists and the 
Christian Democrats, but De Lorenzo continued planning for a later coup. 

Also in 1964, under De Lorenzo's leadership, SIFAR (renamed SID in 1966) 
funded the creation of the Alberto PoUio Institute which would organize a year later 
the now infamous conference which marked the ideological birth of the strategy of 
tension. Held in the Parco dei Principi hotel from 3rd - 5th May 1965, the 
conference was attended by the elite of the Italian militaiy and the extreme Right, 
including Europe's most notorious fascist terrorist, Stefano delle Chiaie, a key actor 
in the stragi which rocked Italy throughout the 1970s. 

Delle Chiaie's group Avanguardia Nazionale (AN) was founded in 1959 with 
funding from prominent industrialist and banker Carlo Pesenti, a future backer of 
the Cercle complex and the sniffer plane project, detailed below. AN had been 
preparing for a strategy of tension since the spring of 1964 when the Italian neo- 
fascist militants had followed courses in terrorism and psychological warfare. As well 
as the AN militants Franco Freda and Giovanni Ventura, another close associate of 
delle Chiaie's during this period was Guido Giannettini, a journalist on militaiy 
affairs, expert in revolutionary warfare and SIFAR informant. A veteran in fascist 
circles, Giannettini also had high-level transatlantic connections: in 1961, he had 
been invited to give a presentation at the US Marines' College in Annapolis on "The 
techniques and possibilities of a coup d'etat in Europe", a lecture attended by 
Pentagon officials and CIA officers (49) . Giannettini did not confine himself to theory, 
giving shelter to former OAS members who had fled to Italy after their abortive coup 
attempt in 1962 (50). Whilst visiting Spain in 1962, Giannettini was awarded the 
honour of 'Captain of the Crusade' by the OAS for his services (51). Through his 

contacts with SIFAR/SID, Giannettini could also ensure a certain degree of 
protection for delle Chiaie's militants. Giannettini and delle Chiaie both attended the 
Parco dei Principi conference; Giannettini himself gave a presentation on "The variety 
of techniques for the conduct of revolutionary warfare", a subject he tackled in 
greater depth in his book published the same year, The techniques of revolutionary 

The year after the Parco dei Principi conference, the paramilitaiy far Right and 
the GAS joined forces to set up the now-notorious revolutionary fascist group 
Aginter Press in September 1966. Sheltered in Lisbon under the protective wing of 
dictator Salazar, Aginter Press was run by former GAS activist Yves Guerin-Serac, 
with delle Chiaie one of the pioneers of the strategy of tension. Aginter Press worked 
under the cover of a press agency, but in reality was a coordination centre for 
destabilization. In close cooperation with the Policia Intemacional e de Defesa do 
Estado (PIDE), Salazar's secret service, one section of Aginter Press ran a parallel 
intelligence service with links to the CIA, the German BND, the Spanish DGS, the 
South African BGSS and the Greek KYP. Another section of Aginter Press organized 
the recruitment of terrorists for bomb attacks and assassinations - an important 
contact here was delle Chiaie. A third group dealt with psychological operations, and 
Aginter Press's fourth section, called Ordre et Tradition, was an international fascist 
contact network with a clandestine paramilitary wing, the Grganisation Armee 
contre le Communisme International. 

Aginter Press's Italian contacts included delle Chiaie and Giannettini, one of 
the most active Aginter Press members, responsible for liaising between Aginter's 
Lisbon offices, delle Chiaie's AN and the Italian secret services. Aginter Press started 
up in Lisbon in September 1966, and the Italian strategy of tension would be 
launched in April 1969 with AN's bomb in Milan. After the failure of Plan Solo in 
1964, another coup attempt would be launched on the night of 7th December 1970. 
In Operation Tora Tora, now known as the Borghese coup after its fascist leader 
Prince Borghese, the putschists who included delle Chiaie and other AN and Fronte 
Nazionale militants seized the Ministry of the Interior but then withdrew, 
abandoning the operation on "orders from above". News of the coup attempt was 
suppressed by SIFAR, and none of the participants were prosecuted. Amongst those 
implicated in the Borghese coup were several of the members of the Istituto di 
Studi Strategic! e per la Difesa (ISSED) in Rome, an Italian body that would 
cooperate closely with Brian Crozier's Institute for the Study of Conflict in the 1970s, 
described in the next chapter. 

ISSED's founder. General Diulio Fanali, a former Chief of General Staff of the 
Airforce, was one of the people accused with delle Chiaie and Giannettini of 
involvement in the Borghese coup. Fanali's name would also crop up in the judicial 
inquiry into the Rosa dei Venti network. The Director of ISSED's magazine Politica e 
Strategia was Filippo de lorio, a close friend of Giulio Andreotti with links to the 
Italian secret service. A future member of the P2 lodge run by Licio Gelli, de lorio was 
forced to flee Italy after being implicated in the Borghese coup with Fanali, 
Giannettini and delle Chiaie. The Co-Director of the ISSED magazine was Eggardo 

Beltrametti, who with Giannettini was one of the speakers at the 1965 Parco dei 
Principi conference. Beltrametti would also be mentioned alongside Giannettini 
during the judicial inquiry into the Milan bombings which launched the strategy of 
tension in 1969 (52). 


Amongst the Allied partners in the immediate postwar period, it was the 
British who had first recognized the need to check the threat of communism 
throughout the colonies and at home. Unlike the CIA's future programme which 
concentrated on the creation of mass movements like the European Movement and 
the Congress for Cultural Freedom, the British Foreign Office had decided in 1947- 
48 to counter the ideological offensive launched by Stalin by setting up a covert 
propaganda and disinformation unit called the Information Research Department 
(IRD) (53). The IRD would grow to become the biggest department in the Foreign 
Office with some 400 staff. The IRD network of 'press agencies' which distributed 
both attributable research papers and unattributable briefings would serve as the 
model for one of the CIA's most important clandestine media manipulation 

In 1965, the International Organizations Division of the CIA decided to use its 
intellectual front, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, to create a new propaganda 
outlet, a press agency called Forum World Features. This CIA features service, 
which, at its peak, supplied over 150 newspapers worldwide, would be run from its 
launch in 1966 until its exposure in 1974 by Brian Crozier. Whilst still Editor of the 
Economist Foreign Report, Crozier had already provided articles for the CCF journal 
Encounter as well as working on commission for the IRD for whom he "transformed a 
thick folder of IRD documents into a short book" later published under the title Neo- 
colonialism as part of a series called Background Books. After his departure from the 
Economist in February 1964, Crozier accepted a part-time consultancy for IRD, 
advising departments and writing research papers. A few weeks later, Crozier was 
contacted by the CCF who offered him the job of taking over the CCF's features 
service and commercialising its output. Tied up with the IRD consultancy and other 
contracts, Crozier refused but accepted a second more limited commission: to tour 
South America and report on how the CCF could improve the distribution of the 
Spanish-language version of their magazine. Encounter. Concerned by Crozier's 
involvement with a CIA front, his MI6 contacts invited Crozier to MI6 headquarters 
upon his return in November 1964 and commissioned him to write an extensive 
background report on Sino-Soviet subversion in the Third World; a sanitized version 
of the report would be published in 1966 as part of the Background Books series 
under the title The Struggle for the Third World (54). 

In May 1965, Crozier finally accepted the post of Director of the CCF features 
service. Forum World Features, and Crozier started at FWF that July. Initial control 
of FWF ran via two CIA officers, CCF President Michael Josselson, and FWF auditor 

"Charles Johnson". The legal and financial infrastructure for FWF was provided by 
one of the CIA's "quiet channels", millionaire John Hay Whitney, a wartime member 
of the OSS (55), former US ambassador to Britain during Crozier's time at the 
Economist and future publisher of the International Herald Tribune. Whitney 
obligingly registered FWF under his own name as a Delaware corporation with offices 
in London (56); CIA funding for FWF was channelled through Kern House 
Enterprises, a publishing firm run by Whitney. For a while, wrangles between 
Crozier and the CCF continued about FWF's independence from the CCF; Crozier 
eventually ensured complete separation of FWF from the CCF and direct control via 
a CIA case officer he calls "Ray Walters". Walters brought in an office manager, Cecil 
Eprile, and FWF opened its doors on January 1st 1966. 

Crozier was however absent for much of 1966, researching a biography of 
Franco in Spain. An interview with the Caudillo won Crozier high level access within 
the Phalangist government and particularly with Manuel Fraga Iribarne, Franco's 
Minister for Information and Tourism from 1962 to 1969 when he handed over the 
post to Alfredo Sanchez Bella, co-founder of CEDl with Otto von Habsburg. Fraga 
would later become a key Spanish partner in the Cercle complex and a leading 
conservative politician in the post-Franco era (57). 

It was also in Madrid that Crozier met one of the future main backers of the 
UK counter- subversion lobby: Frank Rockwell Barnett who ran the New York- 
based National Strategy Information Center (NSIC) with the assistance of his 
Director of Studies, Henry Trager. Barnett had had long experience in propaganda 
and the CIA, having served in the late fifties and early sixties as Program Director of 
the Institute for American Strategy, a Cold War propaganda group founded in 1958. 
Bamett's colleagues in the IAS were IAS Administrative Director Edward Lansdale, 
an architect of CIA covert operations in Vietnam, and William Kintner, a CIA 
planning officer for 11 years. The IAS had been founded as the response of the 
Militaiy-lndustrial Conference of 1958 to a National Security Council Directive the 
same year recommending that "the military be used to reinforce the Cold War effort". 
The IAS became the vehicle for the National Security Council's propaganda campaign 
and ran into controversy in 1961 for its political indoctrination of the militaiy and its 
use of active -service military personnel for its foreign policy propaganda in civilian 
forums. After the IAS, Barnett would go on to found the NSIC in 1962 together with 
wartime OSS veteran William Casey, Reagan's future campaign manager and his 
first Director of the CIA (58). During their 1966 meeting in Madrid, Barnett invited 
Crozier to come over to the United States once his Franco research was over. The 
visit would not occur until 1968 but would ensure substantial backing for a future 
Crozier venture (59) . 

Soon after Crozier returned from Spain, his previous insistence on a complete 
separation of FWF from the CCF in early 1966 was vindicated. In March 1967, the 
American magazine Ramparts exposed covert CIA funding of a series of 
organisations. This revelation was compounded by an article by Thomas Braden, 
head of the CCF's parent body, the International Organisations Division of the CIA, 
which linked the CCF to the CIA. Despite the attention devoted to the CCF as a 

result of this exposure, FWF prospered and by the 1970s had added a Spanish 
service followed by French and Chinese, becoming one of the CIA's main covert 
propaganda outlets which would run for eight years before its exposure in 1974. In 
reflection of FWF's importance, Crozier recalls flying to Washington and Langley 
three or four times a year in the early seventies for briefings with Cord Meyer and the 
Covert Action department (60). 

Crozier's operation with FWF would considerably expand with the advent of 
1968 which brought student revolt and a major change in intelligence and security 
service tasking: subversion from the New Left. IRD asked Crozier to prepare a 
briefing paper on the New Left which was circulated in 1969 under the title The New 
Apostles of Violence] a condensed version was marketed by FWF and placed with the 
Washington Post and the London Times. For IRD, Crozier then expanded his paper 
"on the basis of a vast supply of classified documents" into a book entitled The 
Future of Communist Power which "incorporated, with slight amendments, the paper 
on political violence 1 had prepared for IRD" (61). 

As Crozier noted: "In this increasingly threatening situation, 1 saw a serious 
gap. Existing institutes or research centres (or 'think tanks' as the Americans called 
them), however worthy, were either too academic, or too neutral, or too heavily 
concentrated on hardware strategy ... they failed to take account of the more 
dangerous Soviet strategy of takeovers by 'non-militaiy' means, such as subversion 
and terrorism ... The need, as 1 saw it, was for a research centre which would 
produce studies on the ever- widening range of groups and forces bringing violence, 
chaos and disruption into our societies, but always in the context of Soviet strategy" 
(62). Crozier therefore set up a low-key features service within FWF called the 
Current Affairs Research Services Centre in 1968. CARSC started publication of a 
series of monthly monographs on conflict, the first one appearing in December 1969. 
Crozier records that "the Agency had permitted me to produce the first five Conflict 
Studies under CARSC as a commercial imprint" using the FWF address; the sixth 
would go out in January 1970 under the name of Crozier's new venture, the 
Institute for the Study of Conflict (63). 

Kern House provided the start-up capital for the ISC, and Crozier functioned 
both as Director of FWF and of the ISC. Several of FWF's research staff and the FWF 
library were absorbed into the ISC; FWF then paid the ISC the sum of £2,000 for use 
of the library it had once owned. Oil companies put up seed capital: first was Shell, 
who put up £5,000 a year for three years, and British Petroleum £4,000 for two 
years (64). Then the real money came in, thanks to the Agency and via an old 
American friend: Frank Bamett of the NSIC (65). Having met Bamett in Madrid in 
1966, Crozier visited him in New York in 1968. When the ISC was then set up in 
1969-70, the NSIC provided substantial assistance. Apart from a guaranteed regular 
purchase of each issue of the Conflict Studies, Bamett's NSIC also provided the 
salary for one of the ISC's researchers and footed the printing and publicity bill for 
the ISC's annual publication, the Annual of Power and Conflict (66). 

Above all, beyond NSIC funding, Barnett could provide contacts, arranging a 
meeting with Dan McMichael, who would remain a true friend to Barnett's NSIC for 
more than fifteen years, serving on the Advisory Council at least until 1984. 
McMichael was administrator of the trust funds of the Scaife family, major 
shareholders in Gulf Oil. Barnett persuaded Richard Mellon Scaife ("Dick Scaife 
as he liked to be called - a tall, fair-haired man with film-star good looks", as 
Crozier puts it) to provide $100,000 a year for the ISC as well as taking over the 
FWF subsidies from Jock Whitney. According to Crozier: "From that moment on, 
the ISC took off (67). Between 1973 and 1981, Dick Scaife would donate a total of 
$6 million to the NSIC and their London friends at the ISC. 

The Foreign Office's covert propaganda arm IRD also contributed to the 
setting-up of the new Institute; indeed, "IRD became the midwife of the ISC" (68). 
When seeking initial funding to set up the ISC in January 1970, Crozier wrote to a 
powerful friend. Sir Peter Wilkinson, a senior SOE veteran and former head of IRD 
later to become Coordinator for Security and Intelligence in the Cabinet Office. 
Wilkinson arranged for a retired Major- General, Fergus A. H. Ling, to act as a 
fundraiser for the ISC in military circles; Ling would serve as the ISC's Financial 
Director before becoming its Defence Services Consultant. This early assistance for 
the ISC by a former head of IRD was only the beginning; almost all the key ISC staff 
were former M16, IRD, CCF or FWF personnel: 

- Brian Crozier was Director of both FWF and the ISC, and a consultant to IRD. 

- Iain Hamilton, a former Editor of the Spectator, replaced Crozier as Managing 
Editor of FWF before moving to the ISC as its Editorial Director. Both Crozier and 
Hamilton were fully aware of the CIA's role in supporting FWF and the ISC. 

- Michael Goodwin, the ISC's Administrative Director, had been involved with the 
CCF since January 1951 when he was a founding member and Honorary Secretary 
of the British Society for Cultural Freedom, subsidized by the CCF to the tune of 
£700 a month deposited in Goodwin's account. As the editor of the journal The 
Twentieth Century and a contract employee of the IRD, Goodwin was considered by 
the CCF's Paris office to be "a vital contact", and as such the CCF bailed out 
Goodwin's endebted journal in 1951 with a lump sum payment of some £3,000 and 
a monthly subsidy of £150. As for the British Society, it had gotten off to a shaky 
start and was soon riven by dissensions centred on Goodwin; he resigned in January 
1952, and worked for the IRD from 1952 to 1956 as editor of the Bellman Books 
series for Ampersand, the IRD's publishing outlet. Goodwin's post as Secretary of the 
British Society was then filled by the IRD's John Clews (69). 

- Nigel Clive, a former M16 officer, was head of IRD from 1966 to 1969 before writing 
for ISC and acting as ISC's editorial consultant. 

- Kenneth Benton retired in 1968 after a 30 year career in M16; he then joined the 
ISC whilst their Conflict Studies were still published by the Current Affairs Research 
Services Centre of FWF. 

- David Lynn Price, a regular author of ISC Conflict Studies, first worked for IRD 
before moving to FWF in 1969 and the ISC in 1970. 

- Peter Janke, the ISC's senior research officer, had also worked for IRD. 

- Patrick 'Paddy' Honey, a Vietnam expert and former colleague of Brian Crozier on 
the Economist Foreign Report, wrote for both IRD and ISC. 

- Tom Little, another Economist journalist, was a central figure in an IRD front, the 
Arab News Agency, before writing Conflict Studies for the ISC (70). 

Another important staff member of the ISC who would become Crozier's 
inseparable partner throughout the 1970s and 1980s was Australian-bom Robert 
Moss. Moss, educated at the University of Canberra and the London School of 
Economics, first met Crozier in 1969 when Moss came to see him with an 
introduction from his father-in-law Geoffrey Fairbaim, a founding member of the ISC 
Council (71). A central figure in the ISC and many later Crozier ventures. Moss 
would follow Crozier's precedent in becoming Editor of the Economist Foreign Report 
in the mid-1970s and would rise to become one of the CIA's main disinformation 
assets, particularly in the campaign to destabilize Chile's Salvador Allende in 1973. 

Besides its staffs extensive links to M16, IRD and FWF, the ISC also had on 
its Council senior figures from M15 and the military intelligence community: 
Leonard Schapiro, ISC Chairman from 1970 on, had been a war-time member of 
M15 and an adviser to M16's G. K. Young some time between 1953 and 1956, when 
Young as Director of Requirements was reorganizing M16's chaotic information 
collation and analysis methods (72). In the 1970s, Schapiro held the Chair of Soviet 
Studies at the London School of Economics; he would later be a foreign policy 
adviser to Thatcher. A top military intelligence officer was Vice-Admiral Sir Louis Le 
Bailly, Director- General of Intelligence at the MoD from 1972 to 1975 and a member 
of M15's recruitment panel, who would later serve on the ISC Council, as would Sir 
Edward Peck, former Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee. 

Two leading counter-insurgency experts would also join the ISC Council, the 
first being Sir Robert Thompson, a key figure in the British Army's campaign 
during the Malayan Emergency of the late 1950s. As Deputy Secretary of Defence for 
Malaya in 1957 and Permanent Secretary for Defence from 1959 to 1961, Thompson 
had drafted the Briggs Plan, introducing the "strategic hamlet" concept, a plan 
implemented by Sir Gerald Templer. From 1961 to 1965, the year in which he 
received his knighthood, Thompson would be the main architect of early American 
counter-insurgency strategy in Vietnam as Head of the British Advisory Mission (73) . 
Thompson's books on his experiences of counter-insurgency in Malaya and in 
Vietnam were published by Forum World Features. He would also arrange for the 
ISC's initial grants from Shell and BP. The second leading counter-insurgency expert 
was another old Malaya hand, Major-General Sir Richard Clutterbuck, who was 
Senior Army Instructor at the Royal College of Defence Studies when he joined the 

ISC Council (74). The early ISC Council also included Brigadier W. F. K. Thompson, 
the militaiy correspondent of the Daily Telegraph from 1959 to 1976. Another senior 
militaiy figure who would later join the ISC Council was General Sir Harry Tuzo, 
General Officer Commanding Northern Ireland from 1971 to 1973 and Deputy 
Supreme Allied Commander, Europe from 1976 to 1978. 

Through these extensive contacts with the British security establishment, the 
ISC gained a unique role as an unofficial (deniable) but powerful propaganda tool, 
which could put over the intelligence community's views to the Press under the 
guise of a 'neutral' academic research body. It could also take over some of the 
networking with private bodies that IRD had recently abandoned. As Crozier reports, 
by the end of the 1960s, IRD had "decided to sever all relations with two major 
continental networks with which I had been associated. One was the Hague-based 
INTERDOC group. The other was admittedly more controversial. This was a private 
but highly effective French group controlled by a friend of mine, the late Georges 
Albertini. ... In return for all information and the contacts he gave me, I made sure 
that he received the IRD output, of which he made good use. ... There was no 
question of restoring these official contacts, however, once they had been broken. In 
any case, INTERDOC's value had decreased sharply after the advent of Willy Brandt 
as Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany in September 1969. As for 
Albertini, whom I met frequently in Paris or London, I made sure both that he 
received IRD material likely to be useful to him, and that I made good use of his own 
information and influence" (75). Albertini's influence would indeed be of use to 
Crozier, particularly after the presidential election of June 1969 when Albertini's old 
schoolmate and Bilderberg member Georges Pompidou replaced General de Gaulle. 

The ISC also developed excellent relations with four private anti-union 
blacklisting groups: the Economic League, Common Cause, Aims for Industry and 
the Industrial Research and Information Service (IRIS). In 1970, whilst the ISC 
was being established, Crozier had edited the anti- communist anthology We Will 
Bury You, published by Common Cause. Alongside Neil EUes of Common Cause and 
John Dettmer of the Economic League, the authors included Charles Ellis of 
INTERDOC and two founding members of the ISC, Crozier and Brigadier W. F. K. 
Thompson. This early joint venture was the first in a series of collaborative efforts 
throughout the 1970s and 1980s; Aims for Industry and IRIS, in particular, would 
work with the ISC during their counter- subversion campaigns. 

Besides its intelligence and industrial allies, the ISC also gained considerable 
political support, particularly in the favourable political climate following the election 
victory of the Conservatives under Edward Heath in June 1970. The main political 
group echoing the ISC's concerns on Communist subversion was the Monday Club, 
a ginger group within the Conservative Party which included many Members of 
Parliament, several of whom were intelligence veterans. 


The Monday Club had been set up within the Conservative party in 1961 to 
bring together defendants of South Africa and White Rhodesia who opposed the new 
decolonisation policy announced by Conservative Prime Minister Harold Macmillan 
in his "winds of change" speech. One of the earliest members of the Monday Club, 
joining in 1962, was Sir John Biggs-Davison, a Conservative MP from 1955 until 
his death in 1988. From at least 1965 on, Biggs-Davison served on the PEU Central 
Council with Vice-President Otto von Habsburg and the PEU International Events 
Secretary and future Belgian coordinator of the Cercle complex, Florimond 
Damman, described in the next chapter (76). A stalwart in the Monday Club, Biggs- 
Davison would serve as its President from 1974 to 1976. 

Another Monday Club member with links to the Cercle complex - indeed a 
future Chairman of the Cercle Pinay itself - was Julian (Lord) Amery. Amery was a 
prominent MP on the Conservative Right with a long history of extensive intelligence 
contacts. Having served in the Balkans with M16's Section D and the Special 
Operations Executive (SOE) during the war, he was one of the major figures that 
pushed M16 in the immediate post-war period to adopt its disastrous plan "to 
liberate the countries within the Soviet orbit by any means short of war", notably the 
catastrophic attempts to "set the Soviet Union ablaze" by landing armed bands of 
emigres in Albania, Latvia, the Caucasus and the Ukraine. In June 1950, Amery 
attended the founding conference in Berlin of the CIA- funded CCF and served on its 
International Steering Committee (77); at the time, Amery was also one of the leading 
members of the Central and Eastern Europe Commission of Retinger's CIA-funded 
European Movement. The same year, Amery was elected to Parliament and also 
married Harold Macmillan's daughter. He went on to hold several government posts 
under Macmillan, firstly as Under-Secretary of State at the War Office in 1957 and 
the Colonial Office in 1958, before being promoted to the post of Secretary of State 
for Air from 1960 to 1962; he would then serve in the Cabinet as Minister for Air 
until the Conservatives' electoral defeat by Labour's Harold Wilson in 1964. Amery 
had joined the Monday Club soon after its creation in 1961; he was the guest of 
honour at the Club's annual dinner in 1963. In 1966, he would lose his 
parliamentary seat but regain it in 1969, remaining MP until 1992, when he was 
created a life peer. By the time of the ISC's creation in 1970, the political pendulum 
had just swung back to the Right. New Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath 
appointed Amery Housing Minister, where he served until 1972 when he became 
Minister for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (the cover department for M16), 
holding the post until Heath's defeat by Wilson in 1974 (78). 

Another Monday Club associate was Amery's Private Secretary as Housing 
Minister, Winston Churchill. Churchill's father Randolph had been one of the 
founding members of the SAS and a life-long intimate of SAS co-founder David 
Stirling, who would contribute to the counter- subversion campaign of the mid- 
1970s by founding the citizens' militia GB75 in 1974. 

One of Amery's oldest political allies in the Monday Club was Rhodesian-bom 
Sir Stephen Hastings. During the war, Hastings had served with Stirling in North 
Africa as one of the founding members of the SAS before moving to SOE and then 

MI6; he would be stationed in Cyprus at the same time as Peter Wright of MIS. 
Hastings was a close friend of Christopher Phillpotts of M16 - the two had served 
together in Paris. As Head of M16 Counter-Espionage, Phillpotts would work 
extensively with MlS's Peter Wright in the molehunts of the late 1960s. Having left 
M16, Hastings became a Conservative MP in 1960; his first appearance in the House 
of Commons was sponsored by Amery, then Aviation Minister. Hastings would then 
join Amery in the Monday Club as one of the Club's eleven MPs in 1963. In 1965, 
Amery and Hastings would campaign with newly elected Conservative MP Cranley 
Onslow against the cancellation of the TSR2 aircraft. Onslow shared Hastings' and 
Amery's intelligence connections, having served in M16 until 1960; he would work 
briefly for the IRD before being elected to Parliament in 1964, remaining MP until 

Another early member of the Monday Club from 1964 on was Geoffrey 
Stewart-Smith, later a Conservative MP from 1970 to 1974. In 1962, Stewart-Smith 
had founded the Foreign Affairs Circle, the British section of WACL until 1974, 
which produced the hardline anti-Soviet journal Ekist-West Digest, a fortnightly 
publication sent free of charge to all MPs. Stewart-Smith's journal East-West Digest 
would appear to be one of the last outlets created around INTERDOC following the 
foundation in the late fifties of the Deutsche Vereinigung fur Ost-West Beziehungen 
in Germany, the Oost-West Stichting in Holland, the Schweizer Ost-lnstitut in 
Switzerland and Albertini's Est-Ouest magazine in France. Stewart- Smith would later 
create the Foreign Affairs Publishing Company (FAPC), which continued the East- 
West Digest and published many works by Crozier and other figures on the British 
Right. The FAPC also distributed the publications of the British anti-union groups 
(Aims for Industry, Common Cause, the Economic League and IRIS) and acted as 
agent for the SOl's press in Switzerland, SOl-Verlag, and for INTERDOC in Holland 

Last and very definitely not least amongst the Monday Club members was 
George Kennedy Young, a veteran M16 coup-master closely involved with M16's 
Albanian landings in the immediate post war period, strongly supported by Amery. 
Unfortunately for all concerned, the top M16 officer in charge of liaison with the CIA 
for the operation was Kim Philby, who promptly blew it to the KGB. Young was also 
notably involved with Project Ajax, the coup against Mossadeq in Iran in 1953, the 
year that Young would be promoted to Deputy Chief of M16. Young retired early in 
1961 and joined Kleinwort Benson, the merchant bankers. 

Young was brought into the Monday Club by Biggs-Davison in 1967, and was 
largely responsible for the Monday Club's rapid lurch to the extreme Right, 
particularly on the issues of immigration and subversion. In 1969, the Monday Club 
published Young's Who Goes Home, an anti-immigration pamphlet that stirred up 
controversy due to its call for mandatory repatriation of black people. Besides 
running the Halt Immigration Now Campaign from within the Monday Club, Young 
chaired the Monday Club Action Fund, which he used to pay for his supporters to 
work in Monday Club regional offices. In short, as a trained intelligence officer. 
Young planted his cadres throughout the Monday Club's national and regional 

groups; an ally of Young's, Bee Carthew, controlled the administrative structure of 
the Monday Club as Meetings Secretary (80). 

The Monday Club Subversion Committee was chaired by another associate of 
Young's, Ian Greig, one of the four founding members of the Monday Club in 
January 1961 and a close partner of the ISC and Crozier throughout the 1970s. In 
January 1970, Greig's Committee organized a Monday Club seminar on subversion, 
at which the panel included Greig, Young, Charles Lyons of the FBI and the ISC's Sir 
Robert Thompson. Young and Greig's preoccupation with subversion was certainly 
shared by the main speaker at the Monday Club's seminar: General Giovanni De 
Lorenzo, former head of SIFAR and of the Carabinieri and main actor in the aborted 
1964 coup attempt. Plan Solo. De Lorenzo, now an MSI MP, had been invited by 
Young, who was an expert on Italian fascist policing methods, having dismantled the 
German intelligence service's networks in Italy for M16 after the war. De Lorenzo's 
speech to the Monday Club came midway between the beginning of the strategy of 
tension in April 1969 and the Borghese coup in December 1970; at the time of his 
visit, De Lorenzo was also a key figure in an anti-communist resistance network 
within the Carabinieri and the secret services codenamed Rosa dei Venti (Compass 
Rose), which had been set up after the failure of Plan Solo. The Rosa dei Venti group, 
a major component in the Italian Gladio network, would later be implicated in a 
further coup planned for the spring of 1973 (81). 

As the same time as he was taking over the Monday Club, G. K. Young was 
tightening his grip on another right-wing group, the Society for Individual 
Freedom, formed by the fusion of two other groups in 1942. By 1970, Young had 
succeeded in becoming Chairman of SIF; the remaining posts on the National 
Executive were filled by Young's allies, such as Biggs-Davison and Gerald Howarth, 
a Conservative MP and member of Young's Monday Club Immigration Committee. 
Other associates of Young's on the SIF National Executive included Michael Ivens, 
Director of the anti-union outfit Aims for Industry from 1970 on, and Ross 
McWhirter; Ross and his brother Norris were veteran figures on the British ultra- 
right and publishers of the Guinness Book of Records. Another member of the SIF 
National Executive member was Sir John Rodgers, Conservative MP from 1950 to 
1979 who became SIF President in the summer of 1970; we shall meet Rodgers 
again later as a member of CEDl and the AESP (82). 

A final SIF National Executive member was the Conservative MP Sir Frederic 
Bennett, who acted as Chairman of the SIF Parliamentary Committee. Bennett was 
Senior Director of the Kleinwort Benson bank alongside G. K. Young, and also a 
Director at Commercial Union Assurance, where he worked with another retired M16 
officer with long experience in the Middle East, Ellis Morgan. Bennett would later 
assist Young in creating the 'private army' Unison in 1976. Besides being a close ally 
of Young's, Bennett was also a member of the Bilderberg Group and attended the 
April 1974 Bilderberg conference in Megeze together with the President of Kleinwort 
Benson, Gerald Thompson (83). Bennett's importance within the Bilderberg group 
can be judged by the fact that Bennett was chosen as host for their 1977 conference, 
crucial for the restoration of the Bilderbergers' tarnished reputation after the 

Lockheed bribe scandal which led to the cancellation of their 1976 conference and 
the resignation of the Bilderberg President, Prince Bemhard of the Netherlands. The 
conference, organized in the UK to commemorate the Jubilee, was held in Bennett's 
constituency of Torquay in April (84). 

In 1970-71, SIF was active in opposing demonstrations led by Young Liberal 
Peter Hain protesting against sporting tours in the UK by South African teams: one 
photograph illustrating a SIF action shows Young, Howarth, Biggs-Davison and 
McWhirter carrying an urn of "ashes of English liberty". In 1971, SIF set up the Hain 
Prosecution Fund which raised £20,000; its Chairman was Ross McWhirter, its 
Treasurer Howarth. A valuable partner of SlF's in support of their actions against 
anti-apartheid demonstrators was the South African Bureau of State Security 
(BOSS). Gordon Winter, one of BOSS'S key agents in London working under 
journalistic cover (including seven years for FWF), had regular meetings with 
Howarth to coordinate BOSS/SIF collaboration. Winter was cautious about SIF 
however, as his BOSS handler had informed him that SIF was a British intelligence 
front run by two senior British intelligence operatives - Young and McWhirter. On 
Young, the information was certainly right. 

As a journalist. Winter had attended all of the matchs during the Springboks' 
tour with the task of photographing the demonstrators for BOSS files. Winter then 
offered Howarth over one thousand mug-shots of the demonstrators as well as his 
60-page report for BOSS on the tour and Hain's anti-apartheid campaign. Winter 
also offered to stand as the main witness in SlF's private prosecution of Hain, but 
withdrew at the last moment on orders from BOSS, who wanted him to maintain his 
cover for a much more important task - the ultimately successful attempt to smear 
Liberal leader Jeremy Thorpe (85). BOSS did not give up on Hain however, using a 
double in an attempt to frame him for a bank robbery in Putney in October 1975. A 
month before Hain's trial, he escaped a letter-bomb posted from Vienna, and the 
case against him was ultimately dismissed (86) . 


At the same time as the IRD and FWF were organising their new Institute 
under Brian Crozier, Jean Violet was working to provide a new logistical basis for the 
Cercle Pinay and for the political alliance of Pinay, Strauss, Habsburg and Sanchez 
Bella. The man chosen for this crucial support role was a longstanding Belgian 
contact of Habsburg's - Florimond Damman. Damman was a key Belgian linkman; 
together with a few close friends, Damman represented the Belgian end of almost all 
the international right-wing networks such as the PEU, CEDl and WACL. Damman 
had been a close associate of Habsburg's since at least 1962, when Damman served 
as Secretary of the Belgian PEU section. Action pour I'Europe Nouvelle et 
I'Expansion Atlantique (AENA), before rising to become Chairman of the 
International Events Committee on the Central Council of the PEU in 1966 alongside 
PEU Vice-Presidents Habsburg and Biggs-Davison, PEU International Secretary 
Vittorio Pons and Pons' deputy and Damman's close associate, Belgian Baron 

Bernard de Marcken de Merken. 

Damman's chairmanship of the PEU International Events Committee reflected 
his ceaseless energy in organizing and networking amongst the European Right. One 
particular form this took was the organisation of banquets, Grand Charlemagne 
Dinners as Damman called them, to bring together representatives and personalities 
from the fragmented paneuropean movements. Starting in the early 1960s, these 
dinners were organized in Brussels or Aachen by Damman and the Belgian PEU 
section; the renamed Conseil Beige pour I'Union Paneuropeenne would hold the IXth 
Grand Charlemagne Dinner in Brussels in January 1966 in the presence of "His 
Imperial and Royal Highness Archduke Otto von Habsburg". By 1969, the Belgian 
PEU group would again change name to become the Mouvement d'Action pour 
rUnion Buropeenne (MAUE), but would still be run by Damman who also liaised 
with the Habsburg-Sanchez Bella group CEDI, being close personal friends with 
Sanchez Bella (87). 

The Belgian section of CEDI was run by Damman's close associate Paul 
Vankerkhoven, who served on CEDI's International Council and also acted as 
Damman's Vice-President within the PEU section MAUE. 1969 would be a watershed 
year for the two men who would set up a series of right-wing groups that year, 
amongst them the Belgian section of WACL, the Ligue Internationale de la Liberte 
(LIL), founded by Vankerkhoven. The same year, Vankerkhoven also set up a select 
right-wing club, the Cercle des Nations, which became a frequent meeting place for 
members of the PEU, CEDI and WACL (88). In April 1970, for example, Damman and 
Vankerkhoven would organize a Cercle des Nations reception in honour of the Greek 
colonels; another collaborative venture for Damman and Vankerkhoven was the joint 
organization of the 1970 Brussels Congress of the Anti-Bolshevik Block of Nations 
(ABN), an anti- communist group of mainly Ukrainian exiles financed by the CIA and 
the BND. The ABN was also strongly supported by Strauss's CSU; its headquarters 
were in Munich (89). 

Of greatest interest though for the Cercle complex was another club, set up by 
Florimond Damman in January 1969, the Academie Europeenne des Sciences 
Politiques (AESP). Damman was Secretary-for-life of the AESP; Paul Vankerkhoven 
served as a member of the AESP organizing core, the Permanent Delegation. The 
AESP would continue the tradition of organizing the Grand Charlemagne Dinners 
and act as a right-wing clearing house, as Damman described in his note 229: 

"Everywhere in Europe, there are people who share our ideology and who are 
unable to contribute to it because they are, and above all, they feel, isolated. 
The same applies to the small, restricted and regional groups which are 
jealous of their independence and their individuality, and we have to allow 
them that. We should not impose a line of conduct on them, we should 
suggest certain initiatives to them, but also find a way of bringing together 
their leaders on a individual basis , setting up permanent liaison between 
them without giving them the impression that they are linked, consult them 
for certain missions and make them believe that they have taken the initiative 

in giving us their approval" (90). 

Besides bringing together the fragmented forces of national right-wing groups, 
another intention behind the fledgling Academy was to absorb the other 
transnational European right-wing movements, particularly CEDI and the PEU. 
Whilst these two organizations would continue to exist, the AESP would act as a 
forum for a meeting of minds between fractions within both international groups. 
This goal of integrating the movements working for European union was in part due 
to a latent power struggle between political positions and personalities in European 

Within the PEU-AESP complex, the struggle was one which opposed PEU 
founder and 'dove' Comte Coudenhove Kalergi with CEDI founder and 'hawk' 
Archduke Otto von Habsburg. The 1969 creation of the AESP may well have been 
initially intended as a means of stripping the PEU of its more influential members 
and sidelining Coudenhove Kalergi, a move rendered unnecessary by Coudenhove 
Kalergi's death on 27th July, 1972, which cleared the way for Habsburg to become 
President of all three organizations - the PEU, CEDI and the AESP. In 1969, 
however, it seems that Coudenhove Kalergi could not be ousted immediately - his 
prestige could do much to gain acceptance for the new Academy, and so it was 
decided to at least start up the AESP with Coudenhove Kalergi as honorary 

Before the latent power struggle between Coudenhove Kalergi and Otto von 
Habsburg within both the PEU and the AESP had been resolved, Damman had 
considered setting up another group to replace the AESP if Coudenhove Kalergi 
would not give way to Habsburg. Damman had already started the groundwork for a 
new group, CREC, to be run by Damman and a new ally, Yves Guerin-Serac, leader 
of the revolutionary fascist group, Aginter Press, founded in Lisbon in September 

It is possible that Guerin-Serac saw the new group CREC as an opportunity to 
provide Aginter Press's international fascist contact network, Ordre et Tradition, with 
links to top conservative politicians, a bridge between the revolutionary fascist 
underground and 'respectable' public figures, whilst at the same time pursuing the 
strategy of tension that Aginter Press had developed. After an initial contact in late 
1968, Guerin-Serac came to Brussels in January 1969 as Damman's guest to 
develop contacts amongst the elite conservative circles Damman frequented. 
Damman started by inviting Guerin-Serac to the AESP's Xllth Grand Charlemagne 
Dinner on 27th January, 1969, just four months before the Milan bomb blast that 
launched the Italian strategy of tension. Amongst the illustrious guests were 
Habsburg and Belgian Prime Minister Gaston Eyskens; one of Guerin-Serac's 
dinner companions at table G was the Belgian neo-fascist Emile Lecerf, later to 
become notorious in connection with rumours of a planned coup in 1973 and a 
strategy of tension in Belgium in the 1980s. 

Guerin-Serac soon became involved in the internal power struggle within the 

AESP between Count Richard Coudenhove Kalergi and Archduke Otto von 
Habsburg. In a letter to Damman on Ordre et Tradition headed paper dated 26th 
March 1969, Yves Guerin-Serac gave the following description of the power struggle 
between Coudenhove Kalergi and Habsburg three months after the AESP's creation: 

"Dear Mr. Damman, 

Thank you for your kind letters of the 19th and 20th March which bring me 
here at the extreme tip of the continent [Portugal] the reviving spirit of 
European aspirations from the very heart of Europe! 

If 1 may give my opinion, 1 also feel that the maximum effort should be given 
to the Academy and the College [of Young European Leaders, an AESP youth 
offshoot], because it is from here that the most active and dynamic elements 
will come. However, and you are right on this as well, so as to create the 
necessary climate, we must contact a wider and more diversified elite. 
Removing the Count and replacing him with the Archduke is a solution, but if 
it turns out to be impossible, 1 feel it is logical to think of setting up another 
organization" (9 1 ) . 

By the summer of 1969, Guerin-Serac and Damman had concluded an 
"agreement in principle" to found the new group, CREC, which would try and 
reconcile two conflicting positions: the traditional Right, anti- communist but not 
anti-parliamentarian, and the revolutionary extreme Right represented by Aginter 
Press. Guerin-Serac and Damman then met at least twice more, as detailed in a 
progress report written by Guerin-Serac on 19th May, 1969 and sent out by Aginter 
Press to their correspondents: 

"We should take stock of the progress made in our effort to set up CREC. 1 
must admit that little progress has been made since the beginning of the year, 
i.e. since the agreement in principle on the two syntheses ... the major 
reasons for this delay are: 

- the difficulties suffered by the group of our Italian friends as a result of the 
chaotic and revolutionary situation in their country; 

- the centrifugal tendencies of the French group, whose reconversion has not 
yet been completed. 

... We should not however give up. In a Franco -Belgian preparatory meeting 
held in Brussels in March, we agreed on the following work programme: 

A - Definition of basic political positions with regard to European union. 

B - Definition of goals and strategy. 

C - Organization of a structure for CREC: bases and statutes. 

D - Preparation of a political plan and a psychological plan to be implemented 
by CREC. 

E - Organization of a financial committee. 

In the meeting in Vienna at the beginning of this month, it was suggested we 
drew up a questionnaire so as to facilitate the definition, classification and 
alignment of the political ideas held by the various groups active on the 
subject of European union. Please find annexed a questionnaire covering 
paragraphs A and B of the above plan. 

I would suggest you send me your answers and any points you would like to 
add. 1 will then prepare a summary and if necessary highlight the conflicts or 
major disagreements and try to find an acceptable compromise with those 
concerned before finally submitting the conclusions to you" (92). 

In his report, Guerin-Serac refers to the "chaotic and revolutionary situation" 
in Italy, a climate stoked by the Italian correspondents of Aginter Press, centred 
around the Avanguardia Nazionale group under the leadership of Stefano delle 
Chiaie. Almost exactly one month after Guerin-Serac wrote to Damman about CREC 
in March 1969, the Italian neo-fascists working with Aginter Press carried out the 
bomb attack that announced the beginning of the strategy of tension in Italy. The 
bomb that exploded in the Fiat Pavilion at the Milan Fair on the 25th April 1969 
wounded twenty people; by the end of this first year of terror tactics, 149 bomb 
attacks would occur, as compared to fifty in the four years from 1964 to 1968. 

Whether Damman knew of Guerin-Serac's terrorist connections or not is 
uncertain, but it is clear that Aginter Press's neo-fascist terrorists were in contact 
with conservatives throughout Europe, as Guerin-Serac explained: 

"Our troop consists of two types of men: 

i) officers who joined us after the fighting in Indo-China or Algeria, and even 
some who signed on with us after the battle for Korea; 

ii) intellectuals who, during the same period, turned their attention to the 
study of the techniques of Marxist subversion . . . having created study groups, 
they shared their experience to try and expose the techniques of Marxist 
subversion and develop a counter- strategy. Throughout this period, we had 
systematically forged close ties with like-minded groups that were being set 
up in Italy, Belgium, Germany, Spain or in Portugal with the aim of forming 
the nucleus of a truly European league to resist Marxism" (93) . 

In an 1974 interview, Aginter Press' key Italian representative, Guido 
Giannettini, alluded to the contacts between Ordre et Tradition and groups like the 
AESP and specifically mentioned one of the main contacts for the Academy and for 

Aginter Press, Franz Josef Strauss's CSU party (94): 

"I passed my information on to some friends in certain milieux of the 
international Right. They passed me theirs ... the practical form for this 
exchange was private bulletins which circulated amongst certain European 
groups of the Centre-Right ... such as, for example, the Bavarian CSU party, 
the French 'geopolitical groups' [e.g. the Cercle Pinay], and other groups in 
Belgium [e.g. the AESP], Switzerland, and almost every country in Europe" 

Despite Guerin-Serac's interest in the new group, CREC never got beyond the 
planning stage. Nonetheless, journalist Serge Dumont who infiltrated the AESP at 
the time states that contacts between Damman and Guerin-Serac continued until 
May 1974 when the Lisbon offices of Aginter Press were occupied by left-wing 
soldiers during the Portuguese revolution, blowing the operation's press agency 
cover (96). There was however one person who would not forget Guerin-Serac's 
insurrectionary message - his table companion at Damman's Grand Charlemagne 
Dinner in January 1969, Belgian neo-fascist Emile Lecerf. In 1973, the names of 
Lecerf and several eminent members of Damman's Academy would be included in a 
Gendarmerie report on plans for a coup d'etat in Belgium, detailed in a later chapter. 

Despite the failure of the CREC project, Damman would soon overcome the 
internal struggle within the AESP and expand its activities. At a symposium 
organized by Habsburg in Vienna in May 1969, Damman met Jean Violet (97). By 
October, Violet was looking for a group that could provide an operational framework 
for the Cercle Pinay, and thought of Damman and his AESP. On 21st October 1969, 
Violet wrote to Damman saying that he would like to meet him, having been 
"mandated by President Pinay to carry out a study of European perspectives after 
the German elections" i.e. Willy Brandt's September election victory. 

The meeting took place one week later on 28th October in Brussels, where 
Violet was accompanied by two of his contacts, the first of whom was Marcel Collet, 
who had just retired as director of Euratom. Violet's second companion was certain 
to ensure a favourable reception from Damman - none other than the International 
Secretary-General of the Paneuropean Union, Vittorio Pons. Over lunch, Violet, 
Damman, Collet and Pons agreed on a new role for the AESP to act as a forum 
linking the PEU and CEDl under Habsburg and Sanchez Bella to the Bilderberg 
Group and Cercle Pinay, represented by Pinay and Violet. The revamped Academy 
would be run by Damman directed from behind the scenes by Violet and his trio of 
associates Collet, Father Dubois and Francois Vallet, an industrialist in 
pharmaceuticals. Violet announced that he would go to Pocking, Habsburg's seat 
just outside Munich, to confer with the Archduke and Strauss about the financing of 
the AESP. 

Within eight months of the Academy's relaunch, the process of interlinking 
was already well under way, as a membership list dated 21st June 1970 testifies 
(98). The honorary figurehead of the AESP was PEU founder Coudenhove Kalergi, 

but the position was only symbolic: as on all future AESP documents, Archduke Otto 
von Habsburg's name is first on the list of names, whereas Coudenhove Kalergi's 
name appears only in third place under the letter C. The PEU/CEDl axis was 
represented by Habsburg, Sanchez Bella and Pons, the Cercle Hnay by Hnay, Violet, 
Father Dubois, Pesenti and Collet. 

The operational core of the AESP, the Permanent Delegation, brought together 
the Belgian sections of the PEU, CEDl and WACL - the duo of Damman and de 
Marcken represented the PEU Central Council and the Belgian PEU section MAUE, 
whereas Vankerkhoven ran the Belgian WACL section LIL and the Belgian section of 
CEDl. CEDl's Belgian section was also represented within the AESP by the 
Chevalier Marcel de Roover, a veteran anti- communist who had played a major 
part in the early post-war creation of two private anti- communist intelligence 
services linked to the Belgian Gladio network, Milpol and the Delcourt network. It 
was de Roover who had founded the Belgian section of CEDl in 1961 and still served 
as its President when the AESP was created; he was also Belgium's representative 
within WACL from the late 1950s on. Following de Roover's death in 1971, his WACL 
post was taken over by Paul Vankerkhoven, who was also appointed Secretary- 
General of CEDl, moving CEDl's offices into his Cercle des Nations (99). 

The most prominent Belgian members of the AESP however were the Belgian 
Prime Minister, Gaston Eyskens, and the future Belgian Prime Minister and Defence 
Minister throughout most of the 1970s, Paul Vanden Boeynants. VdB, as he is 
known, would become a national institution in Belgian political life, the Belgian 
Andreotti. VdB first entered politics at the age of 29 in the ranks of Retinger's 
European Movement. Before being elected to Parliament, he served as one of the five 
Belgian representatives at the second conference of the Union of European 
Federalists, the most powerful group within the European Movement. The UEF's 
second conference was held in Rome in November 1948 shortly after massive 
intervention by the CIA to ward off an electoral victory by the Socialist- Communist 
Popular Democratic Front in the April 1948 elections. As we will see below, one key 
Italian politician in this anti-communist propaganda effort would also figure amongst 
the AESP's members in 1970. 

Through the UEF, Vanden Boeynants made a valuable contact in the person 
of the UEF Treasurer, the Belgian Pierre Bonvoisin, who in 1952 would be one of the 
founding members of the Bilderberg Group with Antoine Hnay. When VdB was 
Belgian Defence Minister in the mid-1970s, he would show his gratitude to Pierre 
Bonvoisin by appointing Bonvoisin's son, Benoit, as his political adviser. Baron 
Benoit de Bonvoisin was at the time the most notorious patron of Belgian fascism 
and a key international linkman for the far Right. 

Alongside the international leadership of the PEU and CEDl and its Belgian 
affiliates, the newly founded Academy also included three top members of the 
German PEU section, the most influential of the national delegations. The first of 
this trio of German AESP members was a man we have already met, the conservative 
bag-man and German PEU Federal Secretary until 1975 Karl-Friedrich Grau, 

longstanding coordinator of the Frankfurt Study Group and German partner of 
Sager's Swiss SOI. Grau would be one of Damman's major partners in the early 
1970s; Damman's private diaiy reveals at least 25 meetings with Grau from 1969 to 
1973, as well as joint plans to set up a certain 'College de Coordination' in Cologne 
with Grau as President (100). 

Throughout the 1970s, Grau's Frankfurt Study Group would be a key source 
of German anti- communist propaganda via its private newsletter entitled intern- 
informationen. Although the Study Group produced the bulletin, the legal 
publication address was that of a Swiss affiliate - putting Grau and the bulletin's 
contributors out of the reach of German law, and for good reason: the bulletin, 
which included contributions from BND officers, regularly published defamatory 
articles about Centre-Left politicians (101). As one of the founding members put it in 
an interview with Swiss television, "the Swiss branch was set up to ensure that the 
left-wing German government [under Willy Brandt] can't touch us". Grau gave a 
similar explanation during a meeting with militants of the neo-fascist NPD party in 
December 1973: "We have compiled lists of Socialists, Reds and trades unionists. To 
be certain that only authorized people can get at them, we have deposited them in a 
vault in Switzerland" (102). 

Grau's Swiss affiliate, the Internationale Studiengesellschaft fiir Politik 

(International Study Group for Politics, ISP) was founded in Interlaken in 1971 and 
was funded by a grant of 10% of the Frankfurt Study Group's income. Throughout 
the 1970s, the ISP would act as a major German-language outlet for Cold War 
propaganda, in many ways similar to the British Institute for the Study of Conflict. 
With participants and speakers coming from the military, the police and the 
intelligence and security services of Switzerland and other European countries, the 
ISP held conferences on Soviet subversion of Western society: typical titles of 
speeches included "Is the Bolchevisation of Europe inevitable?" and "The threat of 
German reunification - under the hammer and sickle!". 

Considerable support for the ISP was given by Dr. Peter Sager and his SOI. 
For many years, Grau's smear sheet intern-informationen was produced by a printing 
company that belonged to Sager. Sager himself spoke frequently at ISP conferences 
in the 1970s, and the Secretary- General of the ISP from 1973 on was Sager's partner 
Heinz Luginbiihl. Support for the ISP was also given by Habsburg and the AESP: the 
Austrian Archduke gave speeches and contributed articles to the Frankfurt Study 
Group from 1965 onwards, and several other German or Swiss members of the AESP 
would work as speakers for the ISP in the mid-1970s. 

Alongside Grau, another German who joined the AESP in 1970 was Hans- 
Joachim von Merkatz, a senior CDU politician first elected to the German 
Parliament in 1949 as a member of the small Deutsche Partei (German Party). Von 
Merkatz served in the Cabinet (alongside Strauss) as Minister for Senate Affairs from 
1955 to 1962, and simultaneously as Justice Minister from 1956 to 1957. He would 
switch party allegiance to the CDU in 1960 and served a second simultaneous 
mandate from 1960 to 1961 as Minister for Expellees, Refugees and War Victims - 

the former German populations expelled from the Eastern European countries 
behind the Iron Curtain were a notable factor in post-war German politics. Leaving 
national politics in 1962, von Merkatz served as German representative on the 
Executive Council of UNESCO from 1964 to 1968. 

More significant than von Merkatz's political career was his role in 
paneuropean politics. In 1967, he had replaced Coudenhove Kalergi as the President 
of the German PEU section, serving on the FEU Central Council as Vice-President. 
This succession was the first victory for the Habsburg fraction of the PEU to which 
von Merkatz belonged; von Merkatz was also Vice-President of Habsburg's CEDl and 
a member of an institute that shared CEDl's Munich headquarters, the 
Europaisches Institut fur politische, wirtschaftliche und soziale Fragen (European 
Institute for political, economic and social issues). As we will see later on, von 
Merkatz would also serve on the Boards of several other organizations within the 
Cercle Hnay complex. 

The third German member of the AESP in 1970 was Brussels-based Rudolf 
Dumont du Voitel, a Board member of the German PEU section. Dumont du Voitel 
would be involved in the running of the AESP as a member of the core group, the 
Permanent Delegation; he would also give the AESP access to the European 
Community and the media thanks to his position as Head of the Audiovisual 
Division of the EEC. 

Franco's government in Spain was also well represented in the AESP in 1970. 
CEDl co-founder Alfredo Sanchez Bella was, of course, one of the AESP founding 
members; at this time, he had just taken over as Franco's Minister for Information 
and Tourism, a post he would fill until 1973. Also on the 1970 membership list of 
the AESP was his immediate predecessor as Minister of Information and Tourism 
between 1962 and 1969, Manuel Fraga Iribarne, whom we have already met as a 
contact of Brian Crozier's from 1965 on (103). 

If the Spanish members of the AESP are of interest, one French member is no 
less so: in the 1970 AESP membership list, Andre Voisin is credited as an adviser in 
the French Prime Minister's Private Office. Voisin however had other connections not 
mentioned by the AESP: he was one of the earliest collaborators of Dr Joseph 
Retinger, founder of the European Movement and the Bilderberg Group. Voisin was 
Vice-President of the European Movement, and therefore provided the AESP with a 
channel for contacts between the PEU and the EM. Voisin was also one of the 
founding members of the Bilderberg Group, having attended the meeting in 
September 1952 which decided to create the powerbrokers' forum alongside with 
Antoine Pinay and Pierre Bonvoisin. 

On top of the Academy's early contacts in Belgium, Germany and France, an 
Italian member of the Academy in 1970 is of note: Ivan-Matteo Lombardo. 
Lombardo, a textile industrialist and director of several American companies in Italy, 
had been one of the most prominent politicians in the immediate post-war period, 
serving as the Italian Ambassador Extraordinary who negotiated post-war 

reparations with the American government in 1947. The same year, Lombardo as 
Secretary-General of the Socialist Party worked with future Italian President 
Giuseppe Saragat to oppose a Socialist- Communist electoral alliance, leaving the 
Socialist Party to form the right-wing PS LI (later PSDI); he subsequently served as 
Minister for Industry, Commerce and Foreign Trade in de Gasperi's coalition 
government elected in April 1948 after massive intervention by the CIA (104). At 
least one of Lombardo's electoral campaigns was financed by the American State 
Department; he would later cross the Atlantic as Italian Ambassador to Washington. 

Lombardo was a frequent participant at conferences on the defence of Europe 
against Soviet subversion: in December 1960, he served with Hnay and Albertini on 
the Sponsors' Committee of the "International Conference on Soviet Political 
Warfare" organized by the French section of WACL (105). Lombardo was also closely 
connected to WACL via his role as President of the Comitato per la Liberta d'Europa, 
the Italian section of the European Freedom Council. The EFC shared its offices in 
Zeppelinstrasse 67 in Munich with the ABN which had intimate links with WACL 
(106); in 1971, Lombardo would contribute the foreword to a book by the ABN 
condemning Russian colonialism. 

Within Italy, Lombardo defended American interests as President of the 
Comitato Italiano Atlantico and Vice-President of the Atlantic Treaty Association 
which in 1965 called for the carabinieri and Italian police to be given powers to 
intervene in Italian domestic politics to protect the NATO Alliance. The same year, 
Lombardo would be one of the speakers at the Parco dei Principi conference that 
gave birth to the strategy of tension. In his contribution, "The Communist War 
against the West", he called for "universal counter-guerrilla warfare". At this stage, 
he evidently had considerable international outreach - the closing speaker at the 
Parco dei Principi meeting. Colonel Adriano Magi-Braschi, mentioned that he had 
"had pleasure in meeting Mr. Lombardo in the most diverse parts of the world". As 
part of this ambassadorial role for counter-guerrilla warfare, Lombardo also attended 
a later conference on "Unconventional Warfare and Defence" held in June 1971. In 
1974, according to the Italian Press, he would be implicated in the Sogno coup (107). 

To sum up this overview of the Academy afforded by the June 1970 
membership list, we can see that only eight months after its relaunch, the Academy 
had succeeded in bringing together the leadership of the PEU, CEDI, European 
Movement and the expanded Cercle Hnay, including all the key personalities 
involved in conservative campaigns for European Union. Internationally, it could call 
on friends in high places who belonged to the Bilderberg group. On a European 
political level, the Academy's members included former or serving Ministers from 
Belgium, France, Germany, Italy and Spain; at the same time, behind the scenes, 
the AESP shared common ground with Aginter Press and its terrorist army. 

At the same time as Damman and Violet were busy setting a new foundation 

for the AESP, they were also working on the trials and marketing of "an incredible 
technological breakthrough" - the ability to detect underground liquid deposits from 
the air. The procedure had been developed by the Italian Aldo Bonassoli working 
with the Belgian Alain Comte de Villegas. De Villegas was no stranger to Damman; 
his elder brother Diego de Villegas was married to Damman's sister, and Alain de 
Villegas himself was a member of the AESP Permanent Delegation, the inner circle 
that dealt with AESP business. At the end of 1969, the three AESP core members 
Damman, de Marcken and de Villegas met Violet at the Westbury hotel in Brussels 
to discuss how to proceed with the sniffer plane project. De Marcken attended the 
meeting as he had been involved in an earlier project of de Villegas and Bonassoli's, 
a water desalination plant which had been tested on a holiday campsite on Ibiza that 
belonged to de Marcken. 

The crucial question was to get an impressive first contract for field trials to 
help secure funding. After an abortive attempt to obtain financing for the project 
from an American industrialist, Crosby Kelly, de Villegas visited the Spanish 
Embassy on 6th April 1970 to lunch with Ambassador La Orden, a member of Opus 
Dei and fellow founding member of the AESP; La Orden had been Sanchez Bella's 
top civil servant as Director- General of Information and Tourism. Sanchez Bella's 
role as Minister for Tourism allowed him to promote de Villegas' scheme: de Villegas 
flew out to the Canaries in December 1970 with a contract to discover underground 
sources of drinking water on a site belonging to Entursa, the Spanish Tourism 

The financing was also provided thanks to a longstanding client of Violet's 
whom we have already met as delle Chiaie's backer - Carlo Pesenti, "that most 
Catholic of financiers" who ran one of Italy's largest industrial conglomerates, 
Italcementi, inherited from his uncle whose close contacts with Mussolini had given 
the firm privileged access to contracts for concrete in Italian-occupied Ethiopia. After 
the war, Pesenti would expand his business empire via his financial holding 
company Italmobiliare, active in banking, insurance and newspapers (108). Pesenti 
was the most senior of a trio of Vatican financial backers, the other two being P2 
members Michele Sindona and Roberto Calvi (109). Pesenti had a long history as a 
patron of far-Right groups; in the early 1960s, Pesenti gave a regular gift of 3.5 
million lire to delle Chiaie's group Avanguardia Nazionale, which had begun training 
its militants in revolutionary warfare in the spring of 1964 (110). Pesenti would be a 
major source of funds for the Cercle Hnay and for Damman's Academy throughout 
the early 1970s until Sindona's attempted takeover of his business empire would 
force Pesenti to cut their funding. 

Whilst Pesenti provided the initial financial backing for the sniffer planes, 
Sanchez Bella used his contacts as adviser to the Union des Banques Suisses to 
arrange for UBS Director Philippe de Week to come and witness the trials. De Week 
was the main financier later implicated in the sniffer plane scandal; he would serve 
as Chairman of de Villegas' sniffer plane company, Fisalma (111). The invention 
would turn out to be a massive fraud; although de Week would succeed in retrieving 
some £50 million of the funds provided by Elf, the French state oil company which 

had invested heavily in the project, another £50 million would never be recovered, 
spent, according to de Week, on "religious charities and other good causes" (112). 

Other developments simultaneous with the genesis of the sniffer plane project 
might well explain the exact nature of some of these 'good causes'. Whilst the launch 
of the AESP was progressing so well, the nascent Cercle network suffered three 
serious setbacks in 1969-70. The first was, as mentioned above, the decision by the 
British IRD to cut off contacts with INTERDOC and the Albertini network; the second 
was the advent in September 1969 of a "hostile" government in Germany under Willy 
Brandt. The third setback seemed at first sight to be promising - the election victory 
in June 1969 of Georges Pompidou, which considerably strengthened the network 
run by his old schoolfriend, Georges Albertini. 

For Jean Violet however, Pompidou 's victory would soon turn into disaster; 
his fifteen year relationship with the SDECE would be abruptly severed. In October 
1970, Pompidou appointed a new head of the SDECE, Alexandre Comte de 
Marenches. De Marenches carried out a major purge within the SDECE, and 
together with many other staff, Violet found himself evicted from the cosy niche the 
SDECE had offered him since 1957. The SDECE under de Marenches was no longer 
prepared to pay the exorbitant cost of Violet's operations. In the secret intelligence 
reports he wrote on the Cercle Hnay in 1979-80, Hans Langemann, the top 
Bavarian civil servant in charge of security matters, reported that General Jacquier, 
head of SDECE from 1962 to 1966, had been giving Violet DM 72,000 a year and 
that Violet had been getting the same sum from the BND's General Gehlen. 

In his testimony to the French parliamentary inquiry into the sniffer plane 
scandal, de Marenches stressed the financial burden of Violet's operations: 

"One figure [in agents' budgets] attracted my attention because it was followed 
by a lot of zeros. 1 asked who was this champion of intelligence. It was 
intimated that 'he was top of the range, an extraordinary person, he is an 
agent of the Vatican' . . . with considerable difficulty, after two or three days, 1 
obtained his reports: a normally gifted person could have compiled them by 
reading Le Monde, Le Figaro, and three or four other magazines and adding a 
few personal touches. That was his entire production. 1 therefore decided to 
dispense with his services" (113). 

It is also possible that Violet, the eminence grise par excellence, had 
accumulated too much power for comfort, as de Marenches hinted in his 1986 

"Before my arrival, the service included a picturesque personality (1 won't say 
'charming' because 1 have never met him myself) who was one of these more 
or less imaginary sources of intelligence for the service for many years. He 
became well-known later on in connection with the planes whose smelling 
powers were front-page news for a while. 1 dispensed with his services several 
weeks after 1 had taken over. On the basis of the reports 1 had been shown, 1 

noticed that his services were very expensive. The results of the funds that 
had been given him in the past were not those one was entitled to expect from 
a good 'honourable correspondent' [intelligence source]. For a press review 
that anybody could have compiled, he had been paid the highest fees in the 
service. 1 was told he ran a pay-off system within the SDECE itself. 1 put an 
end to his exploits and had him dismissed within half an hour . . . some [of the 
SDECE staff dismissed] were quickly hired by a private parallel network that 
had nothing to do with the official services of the State [Elf s PSA, see below] . 
The sniffer plane affair is a skillful fraud whose outcome is unknown ... in the 
maze 1 had discovered in 1970, there were a certain number of parasites who 
were not serving the State or France but were involved in lobbies, 
organizations whose foreign ramifications at times gave rise to serious 
problems" (114). 

One such lobby was the newly expanded Cercle Hnay network, and thanks to 
funding from Pesenti, Violet was able to overcome the withdrawal of SDECE support 
and extend the Academy's international outreach in those countries where Cercle 
contacts were weakest, notably Britain. The natural partner for this veteran French 
covert operator was Brian Crozier and his Institute for the Study of Conflict, thus 
forging a Franco-German-British axis for the Cercle complex. 

1971 - 1975 


It was in mid- 1971 that Violet contacted Crozier, following the publication in 
US News and World Report of a long interview with Crozier on the subject of 
terrorism and Communist intentions (115). Violet suggested that the ISC should 
organize a study group on the problems inherent in the detente process; Violet's 
group would put up the funds thanks to Pesenti. Violet brought along the report of 
an initial study group he had chaired, which was circulated to all members of the 
ISC and which provoked objections from one unidentified Board member for its 
"extreme right-wing views". Once those objections had been overcome, an ISC study 
group was set up including Crozier, Moss and two experts of interest: Sovietologist 
Robert Conquest, and Leo Labedz, editor of the CCF magazine Survey and one of the 
most important sources of material throughout the FWF operation (116). The study 
group met between July and November 1971 with, as a backdrop, Edward Heath's 
expulsion of 105 Soviet diplomats and officials on charges of spying. These concerns 
were integrated into the ISC's deliberations; as Crozier records, "a Whitehall friend of 
mine had brought me a detailed analysis of Soviet spying activities and techniques 
which 1 fed into our discussions" (117). The Study Group's findings were published 
in January 1972 as an ISC Special Report entitled European Security and the Soviet 
Problem. The Cercle Pinay were delighted with the result, as an internal ISC memo 

dated 21st January, 1972 shows: 

"Report on European Security and the Soviet Problem; Visit of MaJtre Jean Violet. 

The Chairman said that from what he'd heard, the report had been a remarkable 
success. He was impressed with the way in which M. Pinay had accepted the views 
of the ISC on how the Institute thought it should be handled, and it was gratifying 
that the Pinay Committee had been so delighted with the finished result. 

Mr. Crozier said that M. Violet, who had commissioned the report on behalf of the 
Pinay Committee, had come to London with M. Pinay during that week and that he, 
with Mr. Goodwin, had met them over lunch. Pinay had given Mr. Crozier documents 
relating to their next project. M. Pinay had presented a copy of European Security 
and the Soviet Problem to President Nixon and Dr. Kissinger in America. Earlier that 
week he had had a three hour session with President Pompidou, during which time 
he had presented him with a copy of the publication in French. Maitre Violet had 
also presented copies to a number of German politicians, mainly Christian 
Democrats, who are having the report translated into German. And he had shown a 
copy to the Spanish Minister [probably Sanchez Bella, Minister for Information] and 
to the Pope. NSIC in New York had bought 500 of the ISC's initial print order 
[providing the ISC with an immediate income of £2,000], and another 500 had been 
bought by the American Bar Association. In effect, we were out of print on the day of 
publication. Numerous orders were in hand for the reprint. A leader in the Daily 
Telegraph of 14 January spoke highly of the publication" (1 18). 

To give wide promotion to the Cercle/ISC study, Violet used the AESP 
network; in a letter dated 28th January, 1972, Violet asked Damman to send out 
four pages from the ISC report to all addresses on the Academy's mailing list. On 
1 1th February, Violet told Damman to make use of the Institute's services and to 
keep in touch with Crozier. An AESP\MAUE activity report for the first quarter of 
1973 gives a picture of the intensity of Damman's operation; a note indicates that 
the total number of mailings sent out by the Academy in 1973 would exceed 50,000. 

As the ISC Council minutes record, the Cercle Pinay was delighted with the 
results of their collaboration with the ISC, and the Cercle and its backer Pesenti 
were to become a major source of funding for the ISC. ISC Council minutes of 1 1th 
July 1972 report that "Mr Crozier said that he had recently spoken about the future 
of the ISC with members of the Pinay Committee in Paris. He was hopeful of this 
committee putting up some £20,000 in 1973." This grant represented a major part of 
the ISC's annual budget of some £30,000 and replaced the CIA funding channelled 
via Kern House Enterprises: 

"The Kern House subsidy continued until at least the middle of 1972, by 
which time other sources of finance had materialized. Together with 2,000 
odd subscriptions to ISC publications, they make up ISC's budget of, as of 
1976, over £30,000" (119). 

The significance of the Cercle Hnay grant can be judged by comparison to 
other gifts to the ISC by multinational companies: the Ford Foundation donated 
£20,000 over three years, and, in 1971, Shell had contributed a lump sum of 
£30,000 (120). 

The success of the collaboration between the Cercle and the ISC led to a 
second joint venture in 1972-73, the production of another ISC Special Report to 
"analyse the crisis in Western societies in the light of Soviet subversion" (121). In 
September 1972, a study group was convened including Irish expert lain Hamilton, 
former managing editor of FWF and Director of Studies of the ISC. "This time the 
Whitehall input was even more substantial than with the previous study group. It 
included comprehensive details of the Soviet KGB and GRU presence throughout 
Western Europe. The only country missing was Britain itself, partly no doubt for 
reasons of national security, but mainly because of the still recent expulsion of the 
105 Soviet spies. Without revealing the name of my informant, or his department, 1 
made it clear to the participants that the material provided came from an official 
source. ... Our report. The Peacetime Strategy of the Soviet Union, was published in 
March 1973. It provided individual country studies of Soviet subversion covering the 
United Kingdom, France, West Germany, Italy and the United States, with shorter 
entries for smaller countries. It was probably the most comprehensive compilation of 
facts and analysis to have been presented in public. ... the former Prime Minister 
Antoine Hnay, then over eighty but still wonderfully energetic, was so fired with 
enthusiasm on reading the report that he came to London to present it in person to 
Prime Minister Edward Heath" (122). 

Jean Violet recognized that the ISC and their publications were the most 
appropriate source for a Western propaganda counter-offensive against Soviet 
subversion, but the ISC's Conflict Studies were only published in English. From 
1973 onwards, one of the major concerns for the Cercle Hnay complex was therefore 
to ensure European distribution, and particularly French-language publication, of 
the ISC's output. The Cercle's existing French-language outlets were not adapted to 
running an international campaign of this scope; the AESP's monthly bulletin, 
Europe Information, was an amateurish production with a print run of only 2,000 
copies. Violet felt that the Academy's bulletin was not prestigious enough to be the 
vehicle of Cercle \1SC material, and so in 1973 an existing journal, the Bulletin de 
Paris, was taken over, and a second, Le Monde Moderne, was founded with funding 
from Pesenti (123). Over the next few years, these two publications were to be major 
French-language outlets for ISC reports. 

The Bulletin de Paris, close to the conservative white-collar union CGC, would 
concentrate in 1974-75 on similar themes to the ISC: the chaotic situation in 
Portugal, communist designs on Southern Africa and threats to the Cape route for 
the West's supply of commodities, the deception of detente and the war of 
subversion waged by the Soviet Union. Amongst its correspondents were Franz Josef 
Strauss and General Jean Callet, a veteran of Indochina in 1950 and Algeria in 
1956 who directed the Institut des Hautes Etudes de Defense Nationale from 1972 to 

Le Monde Moderne, a quarterly foreign affairs magazine, reached a more 
prestige audience and was edited by a close associate of Violet's, Jean Vigneau, 
together with former SDECE officer Jacques Leguebe, and Bernard Lejeune, editor 
of the Courrier austral Le Monde Moderne was a regular French-language vehicle for 
the ISC's publications - the first issue in 1973 consisted mainly of a translation of 
the 1972 ISC Special Report commissioned by the Cercle Hnay, European Security 
and the Soviet Problem. In an issue later that year, Le Monde Moderne published the 
ISC's Cercle-sponsored Special Report from March 1973, The Peacetime Strategy of 
the Soviet Union, followed in 1975 by the ISC's March 1974 Conflict Study Marxism 
and the Church of Rome. Other contributors to Le Monde Moderne included Strauss, 
Sanchez Bella, Moss and General Callet (124). 


In January 1972, at the same time as the ISC published their first Special 
Report commissioned by the Cercle Hnay, the AESP held its XVth Charlemagne 
Grand Dinner in Brussels. The attendance list of the Grand Dinner, held on the 1 5th 
January 1972 at the Cercle des Nations, reveals other early contacts that the 
Academy enjoyed. The top members of the Academy and the PEU were in 
attendance: Habsburg and Coudenhove Kalergi presided over the dinner. Reduced to 
a figurehead in Habsburg's Academy, Coudenhove Kalergi 's death in July 1972 
would clear the way for Habsburg to take over full control of all three organisations, 
the PEU, CEDl and the AESP. 

At the January 1972 dinner, Habsburg and Coudenhove Kalergi were 
seconded by the Brussels organizing group of Damman, Vankerkhoven, de Villegas 
and Jacques Jonet, a former political secretary of Otto von Habsburg's and a Vice- 
President of MAUE, the Belgian PEU section run by Damman. Germany was 
represented by the Federal Secretary of PEU Germany, Karl-Friedrich Grau, the 
coordinator of the Swiss ISP set up the year before, and also by Rudolf Dumont de 
Voitel, the EEC official who was a member of the AESP's Permanent Delegation and 
Board member of PEU Germany. 

From Paris came the French coordinators of the AESP, Jean Violet and Marcel 
Collet, accompanied by Rene-Louis Picard, President of the International Society of 
Wilton Park, who regularly attended AESP events from at least 1971 onwards. Picard 
is an interesting contact for the AESP, as Wilton Park was a forum for propaganda 
activities by the British Foreign Office. In his 1966 study of "anti-communist political 
warfare", future Conservative MP and partner of Crozier Geoffrey Stewart-Smith lists 
Wilton Park with the IRD: 

"It is generally felt that the Research Department and its sister organization, 
the Information Research Department ... have a staff which is woefully 
inadequate in view of the growing importance of its work, and that its 

personnel are underpaid. Now if any British taxpayer's money is being spent 
on strategic political warfare, it is spent in the work of these two 
departments... Wilton Park at Steyning, Sussex, controlled by the Information 
Executive Department, 'is an institution sponsored by Her Majesty's 
Government. But, while the Government finds about seven-eighths of the 
money required to run it, the Warden has a free hand and is responsible for 
the planning of conferences... Wilton Park conferences of which there are 
usually ten a year, are a British contribution to the creation in Europe of an 
informed public opinion' (H. Koeppler, The Aims of Wilton Park , Central Office 
of Information, 1960, pg 8)" (125). 

In other words, whilst the IRD and its 'private' offshoot the ISC ensured the 
surfacing of black propaganda in the international media, Wilton Park offered an 
official but confidential forum for discussions with foreign dignitaries. An 
international network of "Friends of Wilton Park" was set up from 1968 onwards with 
branches in France, Belgium, Spain, Germany, Austria, Switzerland and Italy. By 
1978, the Cercle would succeed in dominating this Wilton Park network by creating 
a European Liaison Committee whose nine founding members included four from 
the AESP: Heard as President, Violet, Sanchez Bella and Jonet (126). 

Two Spanish diplomats at the AESP's January 1972 Grand Dinner also had 
influential contacts. The first was Roberto Jacobo, whose title of Counsellor at the 
Spanish Embassy in Brussels concealed his activities as a member of Franco's 
intelligence service. Jacobo would remain in touch with Damman throughout the 
1970s; Damman's diaries published by his deputy Aldo Mungo reveal contacts 
between Jacobo and Damman in February 1977, by which time Jacobo had risen to 
become the Brussels head of station. The second influential Spaniard was Alberto 
Ullastres, Head of the Spanish Mission to the EEC, a Life Member of the AESP and, 
more privately, a high-ranking member of Opus Dei (127). 

Another of the Academy's guests at the XVth Grand Dinner was Dr Erno 
(Ernest) Tottosy, European President of the World Organization of Free Hungarian 
Lawyers and leader of the Hungarian section of WACL. Sentenced to twelve years 
imprisonment for "participation in a US-inspired coup plot", Tottosy escaped during 
the 1956 revolution and fled to Belgium, obtaining Belgian citizenship in 1964. 
Tottosy had been in contact with Damman since at least 1961; on 3rd October of 
that year, Tottosy spoke on "The Modern Inquisition in Hungary" at a conference 
organized by the Partisans de L'Europe Nouvelle, one of several short-lived Academy 
precursors founded by Damman. After the foundation of the AESP in 1969, Tottosy 
would be a regular attendant at Academy events; in the late 1970s and again in the 
1990s, Tottosy would found associations for European-Hungarian co-operation with 
Habsburg and other Cercle friends. 

The attendance list for the XVth Grand Dinner included a certain Mr. Valori, 
credited as Secretary- General of the Institute for International Relations in Rome. 
Giancarlo Elia Valori was far more than that - at the time of the Grand Dinner, he 
was one of the most powerful men within P2 and right-hand man to P2 Grand 

Master Licio Gelli. As an international financial adviser for important sectors of 
Italian industry (128), Valori had excellent overseas connections, particularly to 
Latin America, connections which he used to assist Gelli. Only one year previous to 
the 1972 dinner, Valori had personally introduced Gelli to the Argentinian 
strongman Peron, then in exile in Spain (129). At the time of the meeting with Peron 
in early 1971, Gelli had just been named organizing secretary of the P2 lodge, but by 
July of the same year, his infiltration of Masonic circles and his plans for a coup had 
gone far enough to provoke Grand Master Salvini into warning a meeting of the 
Governing Council of the Grand Orient of Gelli's intentions. 

When Peron returned to Argentina temporarily in November 1972 - ten 
months after this AESP Grand Dinner - Valori and Gelli accompanied him. After 
Peron's permanent return to Argentina in June 1973 and his investiture on 12* 
October as Argentinian President, a ceremony observed by Valori, Gelli and Giulio 
Andreotti, Peron appointed Gelli his Honorary Consul in Florence, a post that gave 
Gelli Argentinian nationality and diplomatic immunity. Gelli's contact with Peron via 
Valori also gave the P2 Grand Master an essential powerbase in Argentina, where 
Gelli set up a sister lodge to P2, just as well-connected to government as was the 
Italian lodge; the Argentinian P2 included Admiral Emilio Massera, head of the 
three-member ruling Junta of the 1970s and 1980s. 

Gelli's relationship with Peron was more than intimate; Andreotti was amazed 
to note that Peron treated Gelli with remarkable deference and respect. Having won 
over Peron, Gelli then tried to cut Valori's contacts to Peron. The two became bitter 
rivals for economic and political influence, and Gelli finally expelled Valori from P2 in 
1974. Valori would go on to provide some very significant testimony about Gelli's 
activities in Argentina and Uruguay to the Italian parliamentary commission 
investigating P2 in 1983. A likely cause for the rivalry was the extremely lucrative 
nature of Gelli's Argentinian business activities. Together with Gelli's confidant and 
fellow P2 member Umberto Ortolani, Valori and Gelli had founded a company called 
Ase (Agenzia per lo sviluppo economico or Agency for Economic Development), with 
the capital being divided into 50% for Gelli, 25% for Valori and 25% for Ortolani. 
"Gelli brokered three-way oil and arms deals among Libya, Italy and Argentina 
through the quaintly named Agency for Economic Development, which he and 
Umberto Ortolani owned. In 1976 Italy sold Argentina $239 million worth of arms; 
by 1978 the total had hit $1.27 billion" (130). 

This impressive list of AESP contacts would be the platform for another joint 
operation between Crozier, Violet and Damman - the launching of an international 
appeal for human rights and freedom of movement and persons. "The three of us - 
Damman, Violet and I - drafted an appeal for 'Peace without Frontiers', in which we 
defined "our" concept of a true detente. ... The appeal, dispatched to distinguished 
people in Western Europe from the Academic in Brussels, collected many hundreds 
of signatures in favour of 'Peace without Frontiers'. It is no exaggeration to claim that 
this initiative led to the Western insistence on 'Basket III' in the Helsinki 
discussions. Basket III was the third of the packages of themes for discussion at the 
proposed European Security Conference. It dealt with human rights, freedom of 

information, and cultural exchanges. It was the most fundamental and therefore the 
most important of the 'baskets' " (131). 

An AESP/MAUE activity report for the first quarter of 1973 gives a glimpse of 
the work carried out by the Academy on this operation: 

24.1.73: Contact dinner at the Cercle des Nations - Minister von Merkatz, 

Archduke Otto. 

25.1.73: Meeting of the Permanent Delegation of the AESP. XVllth Charlemagne 

Grand Dinner - more than 200 attended - wide press coverage of 
Archduke Otto's speech. 

26.1.73: Assembly of the Academy and lunch at the Cercle des Nations - over 

one hundred participants - wide-ranging and lively debate on Mr. 
Violet's speech about the Helsinki Appeal. 

27.1.73: Contact meeting at the Westbury - Mr. Violet, Mr. Vallet, Comte de 

Villegas and Mr. Damman. 

Contact meetings with Mr. Vandoros from Athens, Schwarzer from 
Bonn, Greig from London, Trainar from Limoges. 

5.2.73: Mailing of 2,000 copies of Europe Information. 

15.2.73: Start of dissemination of the 10,000 Helsinki Appeals: printing. 

Printing of 7,000 accompanying letters and 7,000 reply coupons. This 
operation will continue throughout March, April, May and June, 1973. 

17.2.73: A MAUE delegation attended the Assembly of the Beweging voor de 

Verenigde Staten van Europe (Movement for the United States of 
Europe) in Antwerp. Further meetings with Mr. Andre Voisin and Mr. 
Max Richard. Contact with Mr. Thomson (Labour Party), British 
member of the Commission of the EEC, Mr. Molenaar, President of the 
Dutch European Movement, Mr. Koppe of Europa Union Deutschland, 

5.3.73: Damocles, the monthly journal of the Ligue Internationale de la Liberte, 

distributed 1,000 Helsinki Appeals. 

10.3.73 Distribution of 2,000 copies of Europe Informatiorh 

20.3.73 Participation of Mr. Damman at the Board Meeting of the Association 

Atlantique Beige. Preparation of the General Assembly of the ATA 
Atlantic Treaty Association to be held in Brussels in September 1973. 

22/23.3.73 Meeting of the Permanent Delegation of the AESP in Hotel Tulpenfeld 

in Bonn. Organization of the Helsinki Appeal Action in Germany. 

Working meeting with Messrs von Wersebe, Dimacker and Mertes MP. 
Debate in the evening with some forty VIPs including the Secretary to 
former Chancellor Ehrhard. 


1.4.73: Participated in the Wilton Park meeting in Madrid. "The economic 

future of Europe and inflation". Belgian delegation: Mr. and Mrs. de 
Limelette, General Vivario, Mr. Damman, Mr. Jonet, Miss Verlaine, 
Mrs. Bauduin. 

Academy contact meeting: Messrs. Violet, Vallet, Jonet and Damman. 

Contact with Don Manuel Fraga Iribame, former Information Minister, 
who is completely won over to our cause" (132). 

At the January 1973 Charlemagne Grand Dinner in Aachen mentioned in the 
report, Damman, de Villegas and Habsburg had the honour of welcoming a 
distinguished guest - Giulio Andreotti, seven times Italian Prime Minister, implicated 
in many of the scandals that shook Italy during his terms of office and a 
longstanding friend of Pesenti and Violet who had been in contact with the AESP 
since at least 1972 (133). 

Another important guest at the January 1973 Grand Dinner - indeed, with 
Violet and Crozier, a future member of the ruling triumvirate of the Cercle Pinay in 
the 1980s - was the German diplomat and Count Hans Graf Huyn, born in Warsaw 
where his father had been the German Embassy's Press Attache. Huyn would serve 
as a diplomat from 1955 to 1971; between 1963 and 1965, he would work on the 
implementation of the 1963 Elysee Treaty, concluded after the secret negotiations 
between Pinay, Adenauer and Strauss that had been facilitated by Violet. 

Huyn was another of the CEDl recruits to the Academy; a 1972 CEDl 
publication lists Huyn as a member of the International Council of CEDl alongside 
AESP members Habsburg, Sanchez Bella, von Merkatz and Vankerkhoven. At the 
time of the 1973 Grand Dinner, Huyn was working as Strauss' foreign policy adviser 
in the German Parliament, a post he would fill from 1971 until elected himself as a 
CSU MP in 1976. Huyn would go on to serve in the German Parliament until 1990, 
acting as the key foreign and defence policy spokesman for the CSU; his CDU 
counterpart, Dr Werner Marx, had served with him on the CEDl International 
Council since at least 1972. Besides representing Strauss within the Cercle Pinay, 
Huyn would also become a central linkman for the Cercle in Germany, serving on 
the Boards of numerous propaganda outfits of the German Right, described in later 
chapters (134). 

Damman's mention in the activity report of a meeting in January 1973 with 
"Mr. Greig from London" almost certainly refers to Ian Greig, at the time Chairman of 

the Subversion Committee of the Monday Club and a close associate of the ISC since 
its creation in 1970. The ISC would also assist the Academy's outreach to other ISC 
friends. A letter from Damman to Violet dated 12th September, 1973 stated that "a 
contact meeting was held with one of the staff of Brian Crozier, founder and director 
of the Institute for the Study of Conflict" (135). During that meeting, the ISC 
representative must have given a favourable report about the longstanding 
collaboration between the ISC and INTERDOC, for the AESP decided to contact 
INTERDOC to discuss future cooperation, starting a relationship between the two 
groups that would be formalized in 1978 by the Director of INTERDOC becoming an 
AESP member (136). 


In 1972, whilst Violet and Damman were cooperating closely with Crozier 's 
ISC and Grau's German and Swiss groups, several leading AESP\MAUE members 
set up a right-wing ginger group within the major Belgian conservative party, the 
Parti Social Chretien (PSC). The group, CEPIC, the Centre Politique des 
Independants et des Cadres Chretiens, would later become an official section of the 
PSC. In September 1973, a Gendarmerie report by Major de Cock implicated several 
prominent AESP \ CEPIC members in funding an extreme right-wing group, the NEM 
Clubs. A 1976 Gendarmerie report by Chief Adjutant Roger Tratsaert further alleged 
that the NEM Clubs had been major participants in plans for a coup d'etat by 
elements of the Gendarmerie in the early 1970s (137). 

The most prominent founding member of CEPIC to belong to Damman's 
Academy was former Prime Minister Paul Vanden Boeynants, commonly known as 
VdB. An AESP Member of Honour since at least June 1970, he would rise to become 
President of CEPIC from 1977 onwards and leader of the PSC. VdB was implicated 
by the de Cock report in funding groups planning a coup d'etat; at the time, he was 
Belgian Defence Minister, the minister responsible for overseeing the Gendarmerie. 

Another figure common to CEPIC and the AESP was Baron Bernard de 
Marcken de Merken. A member of the PEU Central Council with Habsburg, Pons, 
Damman and Biggs-Davison, and also a Board Member of MAUE, de Marcken had 
been a member of the AESP core group, the Permanent Delegation, since the 
Academy's inception in 1969. As we have seen, de Marcken had been present at the 
1969 meeting with Violet, Damman and de Villegas which launched the sniffer plane 
scheme. De Marcken was also named in the de Cock report. 

A third central figure in CEPIC named in the de Cock report was the CEPIC 
treasurer. Baron Benoit de Bonvoisin, Vanden Boeynant's political adviser whilst 
VdB was Defence Minister (138). De Bonvoisin is one of the most notorious 
characters in European fascism with particularly close links to the Italian MSI and 
Stefano delle Chiaie; in 1975, de Bonvoisin would host a gathering of European 
fascists at his castle at Maizeret, attended by the heads of Ordine Nuovo, the MSI, 
the National Front, Fuerza Nueva and the French Forces Nouvelles, amongst others. 

The Belgian representatives at the 1975 fascist summit were AESP contact Emile 
Lecerf, editor of the NEM, and Francis Dossogne of the Front de la Jeunesse, the two 
organizations that the CEPIC members were accused of financing in the de Cock 

De Bonvoisin's close relationship with AESP leaders would not be confirmed 
by formal membership of the Academy until the late 1970s, but as VdB's factotum, 
he would be a regular participant at AESP administration meetings. He was also an 
intimate of Archduke Otto von Habsburg, and was in close contact with Jean Violet, 
as indicated by a diagram of connections between various persons drawn up by 
leading Belgian fascist Paul Latinus, in which Violet's name figures directly under de 
Bonvoisin's. Significantly Violet is not linked by Latinus to any other person on the 
list - possibly a gateway into a different network. Aldo Mungo, Damman's former 
deputy as AESP Delegate -General and MAUE Secretary-General, offers an 
interesting and no doubt well-informed claim in his pseudonymous expose Enquetes 
et Reportages: 

"What links are there between this man [de Bonvoisin] and lawyer Violet? 
Apparently none, except for the declarations made by de Bonvoisin who, 
amongst friends, claimed to have the warmest relations with the mysterious 
lawyer ... Before the sniffer plane affair got juicy, de Bonvoisin and Damman 
were on good terms ... once Violet's funds began flowing to Damman, relations 
between the two took a turn for the worse, each clearly seeking to be the sole 
beneficiary of such manna. If we are now certain that Damman and his 
friends benefited royally from Violet's 'subsidies', it is more difficult to prove 
the same for de Bonvoisin. One point is certain: the hostilities between the 
two camps ended with the end of the sniffer plane affair. It is not proof, but it 
does allow us a hypothesis: what if Violet, like the Red Brigades, had set up 
two 'columns' in Belgium, applying the old principle of not putting all one's 
eggs in the same basket?" (139). 

Beyond his contacts with Violet, de Bonvoisin also enjoyed a privileged 
relationship with Antoine Pinay; de Bonvoisin's father Pierre had been one of the 
founding members of the Bilderberg Group with Pinay in 1952. When de Bonvoisin 
was attacked in the Press in a 1981 revival of the charges of funding the Front de la 
Jeunesse and NEM, the NEM Club magazine retaliated by printing a picture of de 
Bonvoisin in Washington in the company of two Bilderberg members: David 
Rockefeller and Antoine Pinay (140). 

The NEM Clubs themselves were formed of readers of the fascist magazine, 
Nouvel Europe Magazine, edited by Emile Lecerf. The history of the Nouvel Europe 
Magazine is interesting: it was founded on 14th December 1944 as Grande-Bretagne 
by British intelligence agent Cecil H. de Sausmarez. De Sausmarez had been Press 
Attache at the British Embassy in Brussels in 1939; evacuated to Britain in 1940, he 
took over control of the Belgian and Dutch resistance networks run by the Political 
Warfare Executive, and as such forged links with a branch of the Flemish New 
Order, the Verdinaso movement. De Sausmarez also coordinated psychological 

warfare in the form of radio broadcasts to the two countries. In 1945, he returned to 
the British Embassy in Brussels where he worked until 1948. The editor of the 
magazine de Sausmarez founded was a personal friend, the Verdinaso militant Pierre 
Blanc; the editorial writer of the journal, working under the pseudonym Ossian 
Mathieu, was Emile Lecerf, the magazine's future editor and protege of de Bonvoisin. 
The magazine would soon be retitled Europe-Amerique before becoming Europe- 
Magazine and then Nouvel Europe Magazine (141). The magazine had a long history 
of being involved in underground paramilitaiy groups; one of Europe-Amerique' s 
correspondents was Andre Moyen, a key figure in the Belgian Gladio network (142). 
Europe-Amerique was also the launching ground for a young Belgian journalist and 
close friend of de Bonvoisin's who would later become a leading American 
disinformation asset, Arnaud de Borchgrave. 

Emile Lecerf was a longstanding acquaintance within AESP circles: he ran 
the Belgian WACL section LIL with AESP\MAUE member Paul Vankerkhoven in the 
early 1970s. As we've seen, Lecerf was a guest at the January 1969 Charlemagne 
Grand Dinner organized by Damman, where he shared a table with Guerin-Serac of 
Aginter Press, just four months before the Milan bomb that launched the strategy of 
tension in Italy. This contact between Lecerf and Aginter Press, masters of 
destabilization, would soon bear fruit: in April 1971, one month after Lecerf became 
editor-in-chief of iVEMand two years to the dot after AN's Milan bomb, the magazine 
made the first of several references to a coup d'etat in a long article entitled The 
technique of an ideal coup d'etat (143). Such incitation to revolt evidently did not 
alienate Lecerf s backers: the next month, the iVEM moved to new premises, owned 
by de Bonvoisin. 

The same allegations of funding for the NEM Clubs and the Front de la 
Jeunesse provided by VdB and de Bonvoisin would again surface in connection with 
coup plots in the 1980s, covered in a later chapter. Despite the contact between 
Guerin-Serac and Lecerf in 1969 and the links between Lecerf and the AESP\MAUE 
from the early seventies through to the eighties, the official enquiries into 
destabilization in Belgium have paid scant attention to Aginter Press, the AESP and 
their contacts with Emile Lecerf. 


In 1972-73, whilst producing the two Special Reports commissioned by the 
Cercle Hnay and working on the Academy's Helsinki Appeal, the ISC was also active 
on the British domestic scene. Although it was an 'unattribu table' asset, the ISC 
developed unprecedented links with the State by lecturing on subversion not only to 
industry but also to the British Army (including the SAS) and at the National Police 

In 1972, John Alderson, Commandant of the Bramshill Police College wrote to 
Peter Janke of the ISC requesting their assistance in developing a course on 

terrorism and counter-subversion. As Janke wrote in a report of his visit to 
Bramshill in July 1972, "the Commandant assured me that he would like to keep in 
touch more frequently with the Institute and would bear very much in mind our 
capacity to be of service to Bramshill" (144). 

Following this collaboration between the ISC and Bramshill, "as a sign of 
renewed mutual confidence", IRD commissioned the ISC to produce a Manual of 
Counter-Insurgency, consisting of a series of seven separate Counter-Insurgency 
Studies. "This enabled IRD to distribute the studies selectively, according to the 
character of the government at the receiving end", Crozier notes (145); despite the 
stamp "for official use only", the Foreign Office might indeed not have wanted to 
distribute studies such as Psychological and Information Measures and The 
Rehabilitation of Detainees too widely. 

The Manual of Counter-Insurgency might have "contributed significantly to the 
international reputation of the ISC" but it was also stepping on someone else's 
bureaucratic turf, as Crozier noted: "IRD had always had its enemies within the 
Foreign Office, however. With some logic, many high officials objected to its 
involvement in domestic affairs ... Logically, a counter- subversion organisation 
should have been run by the Home Office" (146). This concern within the Foreign 
Office led in 1973 to what Crozier calls "the IRD massacre", when IRD's budget was 
removed from the secret vote, unattributable briefings were ended and a quarter of 
IRD's four hundred staff were transferred elsewhere in the Foreign Office. Although 
depriving the ISC of a powerful patron, the reduction in IRD activities made the ISC 
even more important as a propaganda outlet. 

The ISC's role as consultants in counter-insurgency would also lead it to 
study the war in Northern Ireland. The ISC Council minutes from January 1972 
mention an ISC conference on Ireland that was held at Ditchley Park under 
conditions of extreme secrecy. Ditchley Park is a conference centre at Enstone in 
Oxfordshire used for private VIP meetings which are guarded by Special Branch and 
M15. Ditchley Park was closely linked to the Bilderberg Group, fourteen of whose 
members sat on the centre's Board of Governors at one time or another (147). One of 
the results of the ISC's Ditchley Park conference on Ireland would seem to be the 
creation in November 1972 of the British-Irish Association, founded by lain 
Hamilton, Managing Director of Forum World Features and later Editorial Director of 
the ISC. Professor, the Lord Vaizey, a Governor of the Ditchley Foundation from 
1973 on, would serve as Honorary Treasurer of the BIA; other BIA founding 
members included Moss and Crozier, the latter asking specifically for his name not 
to be included in the list of BIA sponsors. The BIA organized its first conference in 
Cambridge in March 1973 and a second in July 1974. 

Another major domestic campaign run by the ISC in 1972-73 - without the 
support of the secret services, Crozier claims - was to support counter- subversion 
operations run by industry, a campaign which in February 1974 would give the ISC 
the greatest media coup it ever had. In January 1972, the Deputy Director- General 
of the Confederation of British Industry John Whitehorn - "one of our converts" as 

Crozier puts it - had sent out a long memorandum to all CBI subscribers in which he 
expressed "the concern of industry at the rise of subversive influences in British 
industry" and appealed for contributions to five "anti- subversive organizations" (148). 
Four of these groups were already well-known for their reports on industrial 
subversion and the blacklists of militant trades unionists that they supplied to 
employers: the Economic League, Aims for Industry, Common Cause and IRIS. The 
fifth anti-subversive organization destined for industry's contributions was the ISC. 
As we have seen, Crozier had already been working since at least 1969 with both the 
Economic League and Aims for Industry within the Consultative Council of 

As Crozier records, "by the spring of 1972, 1 had decided that a special study 
on subversion in industry had become necessary; the stark fact was that the trades 
unions virtually owned the Labour Party" (149). As industry was being slow to 
support the ISC's campaign, Crozier asked Nigel Lawson, whom Crozier had known 
at the Spectator, to produce a brief report entitled Subversion in British Industry. In 
November 1972, thirty copies of the Lawson report were printed and distributed to 
the captains of industry, thanks to the help of John Dettmer, Chairman of the 
Economic League, and Michael Ivens, Director of Aims for Industry. The Lawson 
report succeeded in raising the funds to convene a study group on subversion in 
industry which began working in the autumn of 1973. The backdrop at the time was 
the confrontation between the National Union of Mineworkers and the Heath 
government over Heath's Industrial Relations Act, culminating in Heath calling an 
election for February 1974 under the slogan "Who governs Britain?" As Crozier 
records: "Just before polling day, the Institute's report. Sources of Conflict in British 
Industry, had been published with unprecedented publicity" (150). This media coup 
would be a major contribution by the ISC to a concerted campaign against the 
Labour candidate Harold Wilson, a campaign described further below. 

Besides its British and European operations in 1972-73, the ISC was also an 
active partner in the CIA's media campaign against Allende when its material would 
also be surfaced by a Chilean CIA front group, the Institute for General Studies. The 
most prolific author in this campaign was Crozier's partner Robert Moss, a central 
member of the ISC who had visited Chile in early 1972 as a correspondent for the 
Economist. In February and March of 1973, the ISC published two Conflict Studies 
on Chile written by Moss, The Santiago Model: Revolution within Democracy and The 
Santiago Model: the Polarisation of Politics. The ISC would also focus on alleged KGB 
support for Allende in the Caribbean region at this time, producing a Conflict Study 
by Crozier entitled Soviet Pressures in the Caribbean in June 1973 and a Special 
Report by Moss, The Stability of the Caribbean, in November 1973, the latter being 
republished in book form by the Georgetown Centre for Strategic and International 
Studies (CSIS) (151). Forum World Features itself would publish the most notorious 
contribution to the anti-Allende campaign, Robert Moss' Chile's Marxist Experiment. 
The book would arrive too late to contribute to the campaign - Allende had already 
been killed in the military coup - but the book still had its uses: the Chilean Junta 
bought nearly 10,000 copies for distribution by the Chilean Embassy in Washington. 

Moss would add his conclusions on the coup in March 1974 in an article entitled 
Chile's Coup and After published by Encounter, the journal of the FWF parent body, 
the CCF. Moss would also come back to Allende and the coup in his 1975 book The 
Collapse of Democracy (152). 


By the mid-1970s, the Cercle complex had succeeded in creating an 
international contact network of groups working on anti-Soviet and counter- 
subversion propaganda. In Belgium, the Cercle worked hand in hand with the AESP 
and could count on the help of the Defence Minister and his aides. In France, the 
prestige of a former Prime Minister and intelligence contacts from SDECE days 
ensured the Cercle's influence. In Britain, the complex found parliamentaty friends 
in the Monday Club and amongst the discreet gentlemen from the world of black 
propaganda, public and private. In the Netherlands, they could turn to the archivists 
of INTERDOC, well connected to the BVD. In Germany, former BND agents, 
clandestine fundraisers and Bavarian conservative MPs consolidated the power of 
the "Lion of Bavaria", and in Switzerland an untouchable disinformation outlet could 
spread the complex's message. 

But despite such wide-ranging contacts, the various components of the 
Cercle's network, brought together to defend the conservative cause, felt their vision 
of the world to be threatened as never before. Between 1974 and 1976, a paranoid 
feeling of apocalypse, of imminent Armageddon spread through the private clubs, the 
lobby rooms and the secret services throughout Europe: the Left was coming! In 
Britain, humiliated by the National Union of Mineworkers, the Conservative 
government fell and Labour won the two elections of 1974. In France and in 
Belgium, the Left seemed well-placed to break the electoral monopoly of the 
conservatives. In the Iberian peninsula, the longstanding geopolitical stability was 
soon overturned: in Portugal, the dictatorship of Salazar crumbled before the left- 
wing soldiers of the Armed Forces Movement, and in Spain, the Caudillo died and 
democratic elections were called. Everywhere, the trades unions, the socialist parties 
and the peace movements, nests of Soviet subversion, gained ground. The Right 
were convinced that they were witnessing the total collapse of Western society as 
they knew it; this was the second emotional peak of the Cold War, a renaissance of 
the atmosphere of the 1950s. But they would not take defeat lying down, and the 
Cercle and their friends organized to confront this wave of subversion. In his note 
no. 167, written at the beginning of April 1975, Florimond Damman sets the tone of 
the age: 

"The Soviet Union gains no advantage in provoking a war, because under the 
cloak of detente, it continues to wage a war of subversion, and is winning 
everywhere. The West puts up no opposition to this war of subversion, and 
encourages it through its weakness due to both splits in the domestic policy 
field and clashes on foreign policy between European countries and also 
within the Atlantic Alliance. 

I propose a meeting of an urgent brain-trust which should establish: 

1 . the effects of the war of subversion in each of the countries of the Atlantic 
Alliance, in Europe as well as in the United States; 

2. the effects of the war of subversion throughout the world: Korea, Vietnam, 
Middle East, Portugal, trade routes of raw materials; 

3. the means that the Western block can use to initiate its own effective 
subversive action both within the Warsaw Pact countries and in the other 
contaminated countries around the world; 

4. how to encourage countries within the Atlantic Alliance to take immediate 
steps to define effective tactics for an ideological offensive, which is the only 
way to win this war of subversion. The free movement of persons and ideas is 
one offensive tactic; we must find others. 

5. consider setting up an action centre for offensive tactics in the US or 
Canada. Free movement of persons and ideas" (153). 

In response to this challenge, the Cercle Hnay would intensify its actions and 
create new outlets. In Britain, between 1974 and 1976, the ISC and its allies would 
unleash a propaganda offensive against the Labour government and its union 
supporters. With the help of the counter- subversion lobby, Edward Heath would be 
replaced as leader of the Conservative Party by the hard-right candidate Margaret 
Thatcher; by sustaining their media war, the complex helped to ensure that she 
became Prime Minister in 1979. 

In France in 1974, the friends of the Cercle Pinay would assist a massive 
smear campaign against the Socialist candidate for the Presidency, Francois 
Mitterrand. In Germany and in Switzerland, the two groups run by Karl-Friedrich 
Grau would organize an intensive programme of conferences and seminars on Soviet 
subversion attended by Swiss and German government, police and intelligence 
officials. In Belgium, members of the AESP would set up a semi-public semi-private 
counter- subversion unit under the aegis of the military intelligence service, a unit 
which had close links to the putschist extreme Right. 

On the Iberian peninsula, the complex would do what it could to limit the 
damage caused by the fall of the two dictatorships. In Portugal, it supported the 
putschist aspirations of General Spinola and his underground army, the ELP, who in 
1975 waged a strategy of tension with the expert help of the unmasked Aginter Press 
group. In Spain, the complex would channel clandestine funds to its friends amongst 
Franco's former ministers who were standing as candidates in the first democratic 
elections in 1976. 

Internationally, with funding from the South African intelligence service 
BOSS, the Cercle complex would establish a pro-apartheid propaganda bureau in 
Paris, and then a second in London. The complex would also extend their operations 
to the US by setting up the Washington Institute for the Study of Conflict as a 
transatlantic relay for the complex's concerns. 

Finally the 'Peace without Frontiers' Helsinki Appeal launched by Crozier, 
Violet and Damman would bear fruit in July 1975 when the Helsinki Final Accord 
was signed within the framework of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in 
Europe (CSCE). 


The complex's UK connections lead us into the heart of a major manipulation 
of British domestic politics, concentrating in the period from Wilson's two election 
victories in 1974 to Margaret Thatcher's selection as Conservative Leader in 
February 1975 and culminating with her election as Prime Minister in May 1979 
(154). A substantial body of information confirms the existence of a conspiracy to 
undermine the Labour Government of Harold Wilson, to discredit Liberal leader 
Jeremy Thorpe and to have Conservative leader Edward Heath replaced. Colin 
Wallace - a former psy-ops officer within the IRD-founded Information Policy Unit 
in Northern Ireland and a key witness on MI5 intervention in domestic British 
politics in the 1970s - writes: 

"Various key members of the Intelligence community - past and present - 
assisted by influential figures in the public service, politics and commerce produced 
a series of political and psychological warfare projects which were designed to: 

a) prevent the election and re-election of a Labour Government; 

b) prevent any coalition between the Labour and Liberal parties; 

c) discredit key figures in both parties; 

d) collate and disseminate 'black' information which could be used to discredit 
or 'control' various politicians who were deemed to hold power behind the 
scenes in all three major political parties; 

e) have Mr Edward Heath removed as leader of the Conservative party and 
replaced by someone of a more resolute approach to the political and 
industrial unrest" (155). 

It is possible to divide the conspirators roughly into two groups, the first of 
which centred on Peter Wright and a group of other serving MI5 officers who had 
transferred from MI5's K Branch (counter-espionage) to F Branch (counter- 
subversion) when MI5 strengthened its role as a political police in the early 1970s. 

The second group was a private-sector coalition of retired MI6 officers, IRD 
disinformation assets and prominent members of the Tory Right, several of whom 
who would later serve as Ministers under Thatcher. Whilst the Fleet Street Press 
concentrated on Peter Wright and the MIS faction in their reports of the Wilson 
destabilization, the ex-MI6/IRD/Tory MP coalition and their partners in the 
industry- funded anti-union outfits were major actors in the psychological warfare 
campaign being waged, a contribution that has generally been underestimated. It is 
this coalition - the "counter-subversion lobby" - that was closely connected with the 
Cercle Hnay complex, not only through the ISC but also through two future groups, 

Following his resounding defeat by the miners after power cuts, massive 
strikes and the introduction of a three day working week. Conservative Prime 
Minister Edward Heath called a General Election on the issue of "Who governs 
Britain?" The campaigning for the February 1974 election was held with the 
backdrop of widespread MIS smear campaigns about a "Communist cell in the 
Labour Party"; Wilson himself was placed under blanket surveillance by MIS during 
the election campaign. For the first time, troops and tanks were deployed at 
Heathrow airport, and joint Army/police patrols started. 

On 18th January, the Times reported that the CIA and NSA were also 
stepping up counter- subversion operations in Britain; in the article, former senior 
CIA officer Miles Copeland declared that MIS had their hands tied and were too timid 
to expose subversion. The following week, on the 2Sth, the Times published largely 
unfounded allegations by Josef Frolik, a Czech intelligence defector to the CIA, who 
claimed that several Labour MPs were spying for the Soviet Union. Frolik was a key 
witness for the counter- subversion lobby and the ultras within MIS, "confirming" 
their fears that the Labour Party was indeed a nest of Soviet spies; it is perhaps not 
coincidental that the MIS officers in contact with Frolik were Peter Wright, "head" of 
the ultra faction, and Charles Elwell, later Head of Counter- Subversion and a 
notorious right-winger who we will meet again in the 1980s as a partner of Brian 
Crozier's in anti-Labour smear operations. On the 28th January, the Daily Telegraph 
carried a full-page article entitled Com.m.unists Aim. to Dictate Labour Policy which 
described "the grip of Communist trades unionists on the Labour government". The 
anti-union outfits' contribution to cranking up the tension was considerable: Aims 
for Industry, run by SIF's Michael Ivens, launched an appeal for £S00,000 to prevent 
the election of a Labour government. The considerable sums raised from Alms's 
4,000 member companies (1S6) paid for a massive media scare campaign which ran 
newspaper adverts depicting Stalin hiding behind a grinning mask. 

Another important contributor to the media barrage was the veteran MI6 
coupmaster, G. K. Young. Having stood unsuccessfully as Conservative candidate for 
Brent East in 1972, Young brought the ideological struggle in the Monday Club to a 
head in 1973 when he stood for Chairman. Young lost by 4SS votes to 62S, and left 
the Monday Club. He then developed another tack, working with Ross McWhirter 
and two former MI6 officers, Anthony Cavendish and Colonel Ronald Wareing, to set 
up the Unison Committee for Action, a citizens' militia to keep essential services 

running, perhaps the most significant of the three private armies formed in the mid- 
1970s. Unlike the militias formed in Belgium in the early 1970s and early 1980s, the 
private armies in Britain would seem to have been not primarily a military but a 
psychological operation. Unison may have only been intended to be a "paper tiger", 
whose aim of strengthening the public feeling of a climate of disorganization and 
impending chaos was achieved simply by the news of its creation. That news came 
on 1st February 1974, when Young first announced to MIS friend Chapman Hncher 
the formation of Unison. 

Two days later, the ISC followed with a major media coup when over a page of 
the Observer was given over to a summary of the ISC's Special Report Sources of 
Conflict in British Industry under the banner headline The Communist Connection. 
Using information from the ISC's right-wing anti-union partners Aims for Industry, 
the Economic League, IRIS and Common Cause, the report claimed that the unions 
were rampant with "red wreckers" plotting to bring British industry to its knees. On 
the 20th February, eight days before the election, the London Evening News carried a 
claim by G. K. Young that there were "40 or 50 Labour MPs for whom the Labour 
ticket is a cover for more sinister activities". Another element in the anti-union 
campaign was death threats against union leaders; the police took the threats 
seriously enough to arrange for police protection for several TUC officials (157). 

Despite this barrage of propaganda, the election on the 28th February 1974 
did not give any party a clear majority. After the Liberals refused a coalition with the 
Conservatives, Edward Heath was forced to resign. The counter- subversion lobby's 
fears had become reality; having won the largest number of seats. Labour formed the 
new government. However, the new Prime Minister Harold Wilson had an 
unworkably small majority, and so he called fresh elections for October. In between 
the two elections, the MI5 and counter- subversion lobby conspirators went all out to 
ensure a Labour defeat. 

One major focus for their campaign was Northern Ireland. Whilst MI5 tacitly 
encouraged the Ulster Workers' Strike of May 1974 in which the Loyalists rejected 
and eventually brought down Labour's policy of power-sharing, the Army stood by 
and did nothing to break the Loyalists' grip. At the same time, at the IRD's 
Information Policy Unit in the Army Press Office in Northern Ireland, Colin Wallace 
received floods of MI5 smears on several dozen Westminster MPs from the Centre- 
Left of the Tory Party, the Liberal Party and the Labour Party, including the Prime 
Minister and most of the Ministers in the Cabinet. Using the MI5 files, Wallace was 
tasked to create disinformation documents as a part of a comprehensive smear 
operation called Clockwork Orange 2 (158). 

In June 1974, the three major private armies - Young's Unison, Sir Walter 
Walker's Civil Assistance (which appears to have grown out of Unison) and David 
Stirling's GB75 were exposed in the Press - as was probably their original intention. 
In June, July and September, troops and tanks again made their appearance at 
Heathrow Airport whilst the Army continued joint patrols with the police. In August, 
Geoffrey Stewart-Smith joined in the anti-Left campaign by publishing a brochure 

called The Hidden Face of the Labour Party, which claimed that "over 10% of all 
trades union officials in the major industrial unions are Communists or far left-wing 
revolutionary Marxists". However, again, the smear campaigns and "reds under the 
beds" scare tactics were not quite enough to ensure a Conservative victory; in the 
October election. Labour scraped through with a majority of three seats. 

Despite Labour's election victory, the propaganda barrage went on; the 
allegations made by the Czech defector Frolik were revived through the intermediary 
of Czech exile Joseph Josten, the Director of the Free Czech Information News 
Agency, close to MI6. Josten had served with SHAEF Psychological Warfare during 
World War II and immediately after the war had won the Czech Defence Ministry's 
prize for his study Propaganda and Peace during the War before leaving 
Czechoslovakia in 1948. In 1974-75, Josten was in close contact with the counter- 
subversion lobby; he would join the ISC, SIF and Monday Clubs members in NAFF 
the following year, and would later write an ISC Conflict Study. Through Josten, 
Frolik accused Labour Minister John Stonehouse of being a Czech agent; Wilson 
angrily denied this in Parliament on 17th December 1974. On 19th December, 
Stewart- Smith wrote to Josten offering him and Frolik money to prove that Wilson 
was lying (159). 

The 11th February 1975 brought the highpoint of a long campaign when 
Edward Heath was finally deposed as Leader of the Conservative Party and replaced 
by a relatively unknown outsider, his former Education Secretary, Margaret 
Thatcher. Thatcher's leadership campaign, which culminated in her victory over her 
rival William Whitelaw by 146 votes to 79, had been run by her private secretary, 
Tory MP and former MI6 officer Airey Neave, who has been accused of playing a 
central role in the Thatcher conspiracy together with Peter Wright, G.K. Young and 
the Crozier complex. During the war Neave had served in MI9, the escape network of 
MI6, after having been imprisoned in Colditz Castle along with two other key figures 
in the counter- subversion lobby: David Stirling, founder of the SAS and creator of 
the private army GB75, and Charles Elwell of MI5 who, with Peter Wright, would 
handle Frolik. 

After the war, Neave studied law with Margaret Thatcher before becoming a 
Conservative MP in 1953. With the reputation of a war hero and with his MI6 
contacts, Neave rose quickly in politics and in 1974 threw his influence on the Tory 
backbenches behind Thatcher as candidate for the Conservative leadership. After 
her victory, Thatcher showed her recognition for the crucial part he had played in 
her leadership campaign by appointing him to the key position of Shadow Minister 
for Northern Ireland; his deputy as Shadow Minister was John Biggs-Davison. Once 
in power, Thatcher also planned to nominate him to head a new government 
department to oversee the security and intelligence services. Neave would never take 
the post; he would be killed by an Irish National Liberation Army bomb blast in the 
House of Commons car park on 30th March 1979, five weeks before Thatcher was 
elected Prime Minister. 

With a new hard right leader at the helm of the Conservative Party, the 

counter- subversion lobby's campaign continued. On 26th February, two weeks after 
Thatcher's election as Conservative leader, a House of Lords debate on "Subversive 
and Extremist Elements" which again aired the Frolik allegations was initiated by 
Lord Chalfont (Alun Gwynne-Jones), a former military intelligence officer and Times 
defence correspondent. A Labour Party member ennobled by Harold Wilson in 1964 
and appointed Minister for Disarmament, Chalfont would leave the Labour Party ten 
years later and rapidly veer rightwards to become a significant player in the anti- 
Wilson counter- subversion lobby. Allegedly "the CIA's man in the House of Lords", 
Chalfont certainly had been a member of the Executive Committee of the CIA- funded 
European Movement. 


In France, 1974 saw the first challenge by Mitterrand to unbroken Republican 
rule in France since 1945. The Cercle Pinay's sympathies were clearly with Giscard 
d'Estaing, who had received his first ministerial post from Antoine Pinay; several 
Members of Parliament from Giscard's party were members of the AESP. Propaganda 
operations against the Left intensified after June 1972, when Mitterrand's Socialist 
Party concluded an electoral alliance with the Communist Party on the basis of a 
Common Programme. In the run-up to the Parliamentary elections in March 1973, 
the CNPF - the French employers' confederation that was Violet's stamping ground - 
and the Union des Industries et des Metiers de la Metallurgie (UIMM) ran 
extensive propaganda campaigns highlighting the national disaster that would result 
from the election of France's first post-war Socialist government. In the six months 
from October 1972 to March 1973, the UIMM alone published nearly 9 million anti- 
Mitterrand brochures: 

Revelations, an eight page newspaper: 3.5 million copies 

Monsieur Dupont sees red, 16 page photo-novel: 4 million copies 

Open letter to left-wing intellectuals, 8 pages: 600,000 copies 

The nightmare or the application of the Common Programme, 40 pages: 210,000 copies 

France deserves better than Chile, 8 pages: 300,000 copies 

Letter to doctors. Letter to hairdressers: 40,000 copies each (160). 

Crozier's close associate Georges Albertini also ran several groups which 
organized discrete coups for the CNPF, denouncing communism and syndicalism, 
and assisting 'independent' trade unions such as the CFT. One of Albertini's groups 
was to play a major part in propaganda support for Giscard in the 1974 Presidential 
elections; at the height of campaigning, Albertini's Association pour la Liberte 
economique et le Progres social (ALEPS) produced 750,000 letters to executives. 

170,000 brochures to teachers and 8 million copies of a fake daily newspaper called 
France-Matin, all of which described the catastrophic results if Mitterrand were to 
win the elections. France-Matin, however, never quite had the impact it could have: 
print workers seized and destroyed many of the copies before they could be 

News of Giscard's victory was welcomed by the complex, as Damman 
described in a letter to Habsburg on 8th May, 1974: 

"So Giscard has got into power but with a very narrow margin, we have simply 
won a little time which we must put to good use so as to organize our 
movements into active forces. The meeting of the 8th May has been an 
excellent springboard for setting up the regional teams of MAUE which we are 
building up mainly in Belgium and in France, and this strategy for action has 
proved to be very fruitful. 

Maitre Violet will be arriving in Brussels tomorrow (Tuesday) and will stay 
until Thursday. Now that we are concentrating on the provisional fate of 
France, we can draw up a plan for action. The key point is to ensure that the 
majority wins the next parliamentary elections which should normally be held 
in three years time, and, once again, it will be a close-run fight. It's clear now 
that each important domestic event in each of our countries will have a major 
impact on a European scale, and we must strengthen our influence in those 
countries where we have very few structures: the Netherlands, Denmark and 
Great Britain" (161). 

The extent of the Academy's influence becomes clear from a letter dated 7th 
August, 1974, from de Villegas, in Pretoria to test his sniffer planes, to Damman: 

"The meeting planned for Washington seems to me to be a major chance for 
the Academy. It will be an opportunity for us to make new contacts and to be 
given a budget which is a kind of consecration [for the Academy]. You chose 
well and showed good judgment in naming Mr. Destremeau a permanent 
member of the Academy. Your choice was a wise one, as President Giscard 
d'Estaing has appointed him Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. All this 
promises much for the future ...As far as the European relaunch is 
concerned, here too you have a good card in your hand, particularly as it is 
President Giscard d'Estaing who will himself take the initiative for this 
relaunch" (162). 

The mention of a meeting in Washington in the late summer of 1974 is 
interesting as, at this time, the British end of the Cercle complex was working on the 
creation of a transatlantic bridgehead - the Washington Institute for the Study of 
Conflict (Wise). Four months later, in November 1974, the Cercle core of Violet, 
Vallet, Crozier and Huyn would host a future WISC Board member. Admiral John S. 
McCain Jnr, former Commander in Chief of Paciflc Forces during the early Vietnam 
War, at the Paris launch of the Centre du Monde Moderne. In March 1975, the WISC 

would be formally founded as the American counterpari: to the London and Paris 

As Damman's letter to Habsburg in May 1974 shows, the complex was 
concentrating "on the provisional fate of France". The ISC would also support this 
campaign by publishing in January-February 1975 a Conflict Study entitled Social 
Conflict in France, written by none other than Crozier's old SDECE friend from the 
1950s, Antoine Bonnemaison. 

Another old French friend of Crozier's would be active in this campaign: 
Georges Albertini. In May 1975, Albertini launched another magazine. La Lettre de 
I'Homme Libre, together with Colonel Maurice Robert who had resigned as SDECE 
Deputy Director of Research in 1973. Robert had started his career in the French 
militaiy, training counter-gangs in Vietnam in the early 1950s before joining SDECE 
in 1953 and directing their Africa Service from 1960 on. Albertini and Robert's 
magazine concentrated on Communist subversion in France and would continue 
publication until at least 1979. During this time, Robert was a Director of Elf, having 
been previously mandated by Elf President Pierre Guillaumat (himself a former 
French war-time intelligence agent) to set up and supervise a private intelligence 
network for Elf, to be run by Colonel Jean Tropel, another former SDECE officer. 

Tropel had spent his career in the SDECE Counter- Espionage Division where 
he was responsible for security within Section 7, the SDECE's team of 'plumbers'. 
Dismissed after the Ben Barka affair in 1966, Tropel then joined Elf and from 1969 
onwards set up Elfs intelligence network, called PSA (Protection, Security, 
Administration) which would be very active, particularly in Africa. Its members 
included many of the SDECE agents fired along with Violet by de Marenches in 1970 
as well as former officers of the French security service DST and mercenaries such 
as Bob Denard (163). 

As we have seen in previous chapters, having developed the sniffer planes 
project and ensured preliminaiy trials in Spain and a prospection campaign in 
South Africa, Violet and the two inventors Bonassoli and de Villegas had still not 
found a commercial outlet for their discovery. Violet however hoped to get Elf to 
accept the project, and his Trojan Horse for working his way into Elf was its 
intelligence network. Violet knew Tropel well - they had been active together in 
Catholic organisations in the early 1970s - and Tropel had previously hired Violet's 
services as a lawyer for Elfin 1972. However, Violet did not approach Tropel directly, 
but first went to see Colonel Franck who functioned as Violet's SDECE case officer 
whenever Violet's usual contact - the Head of the SDECE himself- was not available. 
Franck knew Tropel very well; during the war, when Franck had commanded the 
Andalousie resistance network around Bordeaux, Tropel had been his adjutant. 

Informed by Violet of this "incredible technological breakthrough", Franck 
wasted no time in contacting his former adjutant, now head of security at Elf. Tropel 
was to remain intimately involved in the sniffer plane project after its acceptance by 
Elf; Tropel would be responsible for security during the numerous trips taken by 

Violet and the team of inventors. Tropel would also take care of some of the financial 
arrangements: in 1976 some of the initial payments by Elf to Fisalma, de Villegas' 
sniffer plane company, would be channelled through Unindus, a Swiss subsidiary of 
Elfs run by Tropel. When the sniffer plane project expanded in 1978, the Unindus 
staff would be reinforced by the addition of Paul Violet and Alain Tropel, the sons of 
the two former SDECE agents (164). 


Besides carrying out its own domestic and international operations, the 
Cercle complex was soon to become a partner in one of the largest covert 
propaganda campaigns since the Second World War: the media war waged by the 
South African Department of Information (Dol) in the mid-1970s, later exposed by 
the "Muldergate" scandal (165). The South African government's Erasmus 
Commission which investigated the scandal reported that between 1974 and 1977 
the Dol channelled at least $73 million into a five-year clandestine operation to 
"finance secret propaganda and influence-buying projects abroad". 

Under Information Minister Connie Mulder and his deputy Dr Eschel 
Rhoodie, some 160 projects were launched, several of which aimed to buy out 
newspapers both in South Africa and abroad. One of the projects within South Africa 
consisted of a failed bid to buy a majority shareholding in South African Associated 
Newspapers so as to control the Rand Daily Mail, the liberal opposition newspaper 
that was part of the SAAN stable. Abroad, the projects included channeling $11 
million to US conservative publisher John McGoff to buy the Washington Star. When 
this second attempt to buy a newspaper failed, McGoff used the money to purchase 
the Califomian daily, the Sacramento Union. In 1986, McGoff would be charged for 
having failed to register as a foreign agent of the South African government; the 
charges were later dropped because the Justice Department had exceeded the five 
year statute of limitations in bringing the case. A later project of the Dol's in the US 
was the funding in 1978 of an Iowa Republican Senate nominee, Roger Epsen, who 
defeated a key opponent of apartheid. Senator Dick Clark. 

The Cercle complex also benefited from funds from the Dol. Between 1974 
and 1976, Cercle members worked in close collaboration with the Dol and the South 
African intelligence service BOSS in a propaganda campaign that aimed to highlight 
the Soviet menace and Kremlin aspirations in Southern Africa. Le Monde Moderne 
was a major outlet for this common campaign; besides republishing the 1972 ISC 
Special Report, the first issue of Le Monde Moderne also contained an article by 
Jacques Leguebe calling for the defence of South Africa. The same theme dominated 
the second issue, which included a piece by Dr. Eschel Rhoodie. But the most 
important step was taken on 6th November, 1973, when Le Monde Moderne 
organized a three- day restricted "brain-trust" meeting on South Africa, attended by 
Crozier, Violet, Vallet, Damman and Mr. Burger, South African Ambassador to 
France. The Ambassador presented a two-page report drawn up personally by Prime 
Minister Vorster, Information Minister Connie Mulder, his deputy Dr. Eschel 

Rhoodie and General Hendrik van der Bergh, head of BOSS. Then a discussion was 
held as to how the ISC, the Academy and Le Monde Moderne could assist the 
campaign that the South African government was conducting through such Pretoria- 
funded publications as To The Point, a newspaper with which Le Monde Moderne 
worked (166). The meeting decided to launch several campaigns to put over South 
Africa's point of view to influential figures in Europe. One targeted Members of 

"A Franco- South African Friendship Association was set up a while ago. Now 
we have to breathe life into it. Increase its numbers and quality. We must 
organize manipulation of the Members of Parliament - but with subtlety" 

This campaign was successful; from 1974 on, the number of French MPs 
visiting South Africa increased considerably. Another campaign targeted 
industrialists, a third the French and Belgian Press, particularly by inviting over 
South African journalists. The significance of the French group's campaigns were 
confirmed in a debate on Information held in the South African Parliament in April 
1975, when the Deputy Minister for Information told the Assembly "that an 
estimated 1 1 million French people had read favourable reports about South Africa 
as a result of his Department's careful planning concerning the type of guest invited 
from France" (168). The brain-trust had also taken the decision to set up a second 
group to promote South Africa: the group would be created in 1978 as the Amis 
Frangais des Communautes Africaines (AFCA, French Friends of the African 
Communities), chaired by Hnay and including Leguebe (169). 

However, the November 1973 "brain-trust" meeting also decided that the 
greatest need was to create a prestigious French equivalent of the ISC, a 'neutral' 
geopolitical institute that could back up the more personal influence of VIP visits for 
Pretoria friends with 'academic' data on strategic considerations. According to the US 
Justice Department's charges against John McGoff, his attempt to buy the 
Washington Star for Pretoria aimed to ensure that "positive material relating to the 
strategic and economic importance of South Africa to the US and the West would be 
published and disseminated to policy and opinion makers within the US capital". 
The ISC/Le Monde Moderne team would be a powerful European source or relay for 
such propaganda. A key theme was to be oil: the oil crisis of October 1973 had 
focused the attention of Conservatives on the need to protect the West's vital fallback 
for oil supplies - the Cape route. The Dol's campaign aimed to ensure that the West's 
need for a strategic outpost on the Cape overrode any objections about apartheid; 
the propaganda line to be used was, predictably, Soviet designs on world energy 
resources, as Violet described to Damman, Crozier and Ambassador Burger at the 

"Oil is the vital weapon of the Cold War. The Soviet Union controls its sources 
and seeks to dominate the main oil trade routes - South Africa and the 
African territories owned by Portugal" (170). 

The first result of the campaign came in March 1974 when the ISC brought 
out two Special Reports, both of which stressed the importance of South Africa for 
Western oil supplies: The Security of the Cape Oil Route and Soviet Objectives in the 
Middle East. The security of oil supply was also of interest to the South Africans 
themselves: after personal contacts between Hnay and Vorster, de Villegas travelled 
to South Africa in the summer of 1974 to run a series of tests of the sniffer planes for 
South Africa's state oil company. 

By the end of 1974, the plan to establish a South African-backed propaganda 
institute in collaboration with Le Monde Moderne and the ISC had been completed. 
With funding to the tune of one million francs provided by BOSS via Rhoodie (171), 
the Centre d'Etudes du Monde Moderne was launched in November. Amongst its 
members were activists from the extreme Right and senior officers from the French 
armed forces such as General Jean Callet (also of the Bulletin de Paris), General Pin 
and Rear-Admiral Peltier (172). On 6th November, 1974, a year to the day after the 
initial brain-trust meeting, the Centre d'Etudes du Monde Moderne held an 
inaugural conference on the theme of the defence of Africa against the threat of 
communist subversion. The French core group at the launch were Violet and Vallet, 
and the Monde Moderne team of Leguebe and Lejeune. 

Attending for the ISC were Crozier and Peter Janke, author of ISC Conflict 
Study No. 52, Southern Africa: End of Empire, which had just been published the 
month before. Much of the study's information on 'terrorism' in Mozambique came 
from P.J. De Wit, a senior BOSS operative. Janke, formerly of IRD, was the ISC's 
Senior Researcher and South Africa expert. In 1973, Janke had played host to 
Michael Morris, a South African 'journalist' working in London. Morris was soon 
exposed as a sergeant in the South African Security Police (173) who had 'resigned' 
earlier that year from their Special Branch to write a book South African Terrorism. In 
1974, Janke was able to renew his friendship with Morris whilst visiting Capetown to 
collect information for Conflict Study No. 52 from De Wit at BOSS headquarters. 
Morris later became head of a BOSS propaganda front, the South African Terrorism 
Research Centre, "a direct copy of the British Institute for the Study of Conflict, but 
not half as good", according to BOSS'S one-time London agent, Gordon Winter (174). 

Also attending the launch of the Centre d'Etudes du Monde Moderne was 
CEDl member Count Hans Huyn, Strauss's foreign policy adviser. The new centre's 
launch in 1974 is the earliest recorded meeting of all three men who would form the 
triumvirate coordinating the Cercle complex in the late 1970s: Violet, Crozier and 
Huyn. It is unlikely however that this was the three men's actual first meeting: Huyn 
had served since at least 1972 on the International Council of CEDl with Habsburg, 
Sanchez Bella, von Merkatz and Vankerkhoven - all AESP members. At the time of 
the 1974 launch, the AESP and the Cercle had already been working closely with the 
ISC for some time. Huyn had also attended the January 1973 AESP Charlemagne 
Grand Dinner in the company of Habsburg, Damman and Giulio Andreotti. 

Alongside Violet, the Monde Moderne team, the ISC and Huyn, two 

representatives of major American propaganda institutes with links to the ISC also 
attended the Centre's launch: James L. Winokur, a Board Member of the NSIC 
which had already supported the first Cercle/ ISC joint venture by buying 500 copies 
of the Cercle-sponsored 1972 ISC Special Report, and Admiral John S. McCain Jnr, 
former Commander in Chief of US Pacific Forces (CINCPAC) from 1968 to 1972 and 
Board Member of the American Security Council, the ASC (175). At this time, 
McCain was working closely with the ISC on final preparations to create a 
Washington ISC offshoot, founded four months later in March 1975. 

The launch of the Centre d'Etudes du Monde Moderne also hosted a sizable 
military contingent. Attending for the South African Defence Force was Major- 
General Robbertze, Director of Strategic Studies (176). The French armed forces sent 
Generals Callet and Pin, Colonel J.M. Bonnier, former Africa specialist at the 
General Secretariat for National Defence, and General Francois Maurin, an observer 
from the Chief of General Staff of the Army. The Spanish armed forces were 
represented by Colonel J.M. Sancho Sofranis, aide to the former Chief of General 
Staffofthe Navy (177). 

The Centre d'Etudes du Monde Moderne soon started work; the following 
year, 1975, it would publish the book Africa and the Defence of the West by Jean 
Vigneau of the Monde Moderne staff (178). In parallel to their considerable input to 
the Centre d'Etudes du Monde Moderne, the ISC also helped South Africa by passing 
on the ISC's 1974 Special Report Sources of Conflict in British Industry , "which would 
be useful for indicating how South African unions might be attacked as recalcitrant 
or strike-prone, not on account of any real grievances, but only because of left-wing 
militants and outside agitators" (179). 


At the same time as the Cercle complex was intensifying pressure on left-wing 
candidates in France and Britain and supporting BOSS in their international 
propaganda campaign, the ISC had been working in 1974 on plans to set up an 
American satellite. By early 1975, the final preparations had been made, and the US 
Committee of the ISC (USCISC) was formally launched on 3rd March 1975, two 
weeks after Thatcher became leader of the Conservative Party (180). The USCISC 
would be the parent body for the Washington Institute for the Study of Conflict 
which was designed to be materially independent of the London ISC and therefore 
had its own facilities for research and publication. The Washington ISC would 
however closely mirror the political agenda of its London predecessor; in its 
Statement of Purpose, the WlSC declared: "the United States, the pre-eminent power 
in the Free World, is experiencing its own problems with subversion. The US 
Institute for the Study of Conflict has thus been established to address this complex 
problem which has not been fully recognized in this country" (181). Much of the 
WlSC's funding was provided by Dick Scaife whose Scaife Foundation had been a 
longstanding source of support for the the NSIC and the ISC. 

The Wise was able to call on the same kind of high-power coalition of senior 
politicians and intelligence veterans that the Cercle Hnay enjoyed in Europe. The 
USCISC or Wise Committee was chaired by former Under-Secretary of State George 
Ball, one of the founding members of the Bilderberg group with Hnay, Voisin and 
Bonvoisin; Ball had in fact been one of the rapporteurs at their inaugural meeting at 
the Hotel Bilderberg in 1954. One month after the launch of the USCISC, Ball would 
attend the April 1975 Bilderberg conference, held in Cesme, Turkey, along with 
Strauss, Thatcher and Sir Frederic Bennett of SIF (182). 

Another Bilderberger and crucial political figure on the WlSC Committee was 
Zbigniew Brzezinski, who had proposed to the 1972 Bilderberg conference in 
Knokke, Belgium, to create a similar forum to bring together the three economic 
world powers, the US, Europe and Japan. The new body, the Trilateral Commission, 
was founded in late 1972; its first Director from 1973 to 1976 was Brzezinski. 
Brzezinski would also attend the 1975 Bilderberg conference with Ball, Strauss, 
Thatcher and Bennett. At the time the USCISC was founded, Brzezinski was working 
for the Research Institute on Communist Affairs and was Democrat candidate 
Jimmy Carter's top foreign policy adviser; Brzezinski and Ball were considered to be 
the main Democrat frontrunners for the post of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 
a measure of the WlSC's political influence. 

The WlSC Committee also included former senior CIA officers, the most 
famous of whom was Kermit Roosevelt, a veteran CIA coupmaster who had worked 
closely with G. K. Young of M16 on Project Ajax, the 1953 coup against Mossadegh in 
Iran. Young's action plan had been adopted by the CIA; infiltrated into Iran, 
Roosevelt reported to Young, based in Cyprus. Another former senior CIA officer on 
the WlSC Committee was Robert Komer who had worked as an intelligence analyst 
in the Directorate of Intelligence and the Office of National Estimates from 1947 to 
1960. He then served on the National Security Council until 1965 when he was 
appointed Special Assistant to the President. In February 1967, he was posted to 
Saigon with ambassadorial rank to take over responsibility for all civil and military 
pacification programmes in Vietnam, previously run by Sir Robert Thompson, Head 
of the British Advisory Mission to Vietnam from 1961 to 1965. Together with his 
deputy (and, in November 1968, his successor) William Colby, a former covert 
operations chief in the CIA's East Asia Division, Komer would be the main architect 
of the notorious Phoenix programme (183). 

In 1968, Komer was appointed Ambassador to Turkey but had to resign from 
the post before Senate confirmation of the appointment following growing 
controversy about allegations of war crimes committed under the Phoenix 
programme. Komer then left public service and joined the Rand Corporation, writing 
a study of the Malayan Emergency for them in 1972 which was "a celebration of 
Thompson's counter-revolutionary expertise". He would continue to be consulted by 
high political circles, particularly during the Carter Administration whose national 
security policy was coordinated by fellow WlSC Committee member Brzezinski. 
Komer also found favour with Carter's Secretary of Defence Harold Brown; Komer 
accompanied Brown on his groundbreaking trip to China between 4th- 13th January 

1980 when Brown solicited Chinese aid for the covert war against the Soviet troops 
occupying Afghanistan. The negotiations were successful; on 24th January, the 
United States granted Most Favoured Nation trading status to China, whilst China 
reciprocated over the following six months by supplying weapons to the Afghan 
mujaheddin and granting unprecedented permission for the CIA and NSA to set up 
two electronic listening posts at Qitai and Korla in Xinjiang (184). 

Komer was not the only expert in counter-revolutionary warfare to figure on 
the Wise Committee; another WISC Committee member was Dr. George Kilpatrick 
Tanham, an expert on South Asia for the Rand Corporation since 1955. Tanham 
served as Associate Director for Counter- Insurgency at the US Agency for 
International Development in South Vietnam from 1964 to 1965, then as Special 
Assistant for Counter- Insurgency to the American Ambassador to Thailand from 
1968 to 1970 before returning to America to work as Vice-President of the Rand 
Corporation's Washington office from 1970 to 1982. Tanham would take over as 
President of the WISC late in 1975 when the first President, James Theberge who is 
presented below, was appointed Ambassador to Nicaragua; WISC would then move 
into the Rand Corporation's Washington office (185). 

Another WISC Committee member with CIA connections was NSIC President 
Frank Barnett; the NSIC was also represented on the WISC Committee by Admiral 
William C. Mott, a former Commander-in-Chief of Pacific Forces. The NSIC was not 
the only geopolitical study group which had a representative on the WISC 
Committee; as mentioned above, American Security Council Board member Admiral 
John S. McCain Jnr, another former Commander-in-Chief of Pacific Forces, was one 
of the USCISC's founding members. 

The WISC Committee also included four academics with links to the CIA, the 
first being James Theberge, who acted as the WISC's first President. Having first 
spent a year from 1969 to 1970 as a Research Associate at St Antony's College 
Oxford, close to MI6, Theberge then became Director of Latin American studies at 
the Georgetown Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), the ivory tower 
for CIA retirees. There, Theberge would write two books for publication by CSIS, 
Soviet Naval Power in the Caribbean and Russia in the Caribbean, in which Theberge 
launched the propaganda myths of a camp run by Koreans for training Chilean 
guerrillas, and a KGB plan for a Chilean submarine base. The CIA would make use 
of Theberge's books as part of their destabilisation campaign against Allende by 
ensuring that the two books were quoted at length in the Chilean Press, notably in 
the CIA-funded El Mercurio, just before the March elections (186). In late 1975, 
Theberge was appointed US Ambassador to Nicaragua, a post he filled until 1977; 
Tanham replaced him as President of the WISC. 

The second university professor to serve on the WISC Committee was 
Professor Edward Shils, a Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge, Professor of Sociology 
at Chicago University and Chairman of the Wharton School at the University of 
Pennsylvania. Shils would take over publication of the magazine Encounter after the 
Congress for Cultural Freedom was exposed as a CIA front in 1967. From 1975 to 

1977, Shils would serve on the ISC Study Group on Higher Education which 
produced a Special Report on "communist subversion in the education system" 

Another academic on the WISC Committee in 1975 was the Sovietologist 
Professor Richard Pipes. Pipes had been working with the ISC since at least late 
1973 when he served on an ISC Middle East Study Group whose findings would be 
published in March 1974 as the Special Report Soviet Objectives in the Middle East. 
In 1976, a year after the foundation of the WISC, CIA Director George Bush would 
ask Pipes to work with General Daniel O. Graham, Director of the Defence 
Intelligence Agency DIA in 1975-76, on the staff of a new CIA thinktank called 
Team B. Team B was tasked to 'beef up' the CIA's assessment of the Soviet threat, 
which was considered to be too soft on Communism, so as to highlight an alleged 
"missile gap". Pipes would later be an adviser on Soviet Affairs to the National 
Security Council and a Professor at Harvard University (188). 

The fourth university professor on the WISC Committee was also a 
Sovietologist who had worked for the CIA, Professor Robert F. Byrnes. Byrnes had 
served in the CIA's Office of National Estimates between 1951 and 1954; from 1979 
onwards, Byrnes would be a member of the Board of Directors of Radio Free Europe, 
the radio station long financed by the CIA. 

A final member of note of the WISC Committee was Adolph W. Schmidt, 
former American Ambassador to Canada. Schmidt also had contacts in the 
intelligence community, having served in the OSS, the precursor of the CIA, from 
1942 to 1946. In 1957, he would be part of the American delegation to NATO before 
moving on in 1959 to the Atlantic Congress in London, returning to NATO in 1962. 
In 1967, he was an adviser to the US Commission for Europe before serving as 
Ambassador to Canada between 1969 and 1974. A year after the foundation of 
WISC, Schmidt would meet the core members of the Cercle complex at a CEDI 
Congress; he would go on to serve on the Advisory Board of Frank Bamett's NSIC at 
least until 1984 (189). 

As can be judged from this list of Board members, the Cercle could count on 
friends on the highest levels of the intelligence and political hierarchy in the United 
States. Pinay himself had a privileged relationship with Nixon and Kissinger, 
personally handing the two men the Cercle-sponsored ISC Special Report European 
Security and the Soviet Problem in 1972; he would visit them again later in 1975 to 
lobby for the ISC. The foundation of the WISC would ensure that, despite Nixon's fall 
from power, the Cercle would continue to enjoy unparalleled access to the American 
national security apparatus under both Presidents Ford and Carter. Within a year of 
the WISC's creation. Pipes would be working on the CIA's re-assessment of the 
Soviet threat and later act as adviser to the National Security Council. Brzezinski 
would serve on the NSC throughout the Carter Presidency and fill the top job of 
National Security Adviser to the President from 1977 to 1981. 

One opportunity in the US came only months later in May 1975, when the 

Internal Security Subcommittee of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, run by 
Robert A. Fearey, convened for hearings on international terrorism. One major 
witness was Brian Crozier who records: "My role, although it was not spelt out, was 
to define various types of terrorism and above all to produce the evidence (which the 
State Department was anxious to conceal) of the key role of the Soviet Union and its 
satellites in the recruiting, training and financing of terrorist gangs. The tactic 
worked. Not only were my speech and answers to questions written into the record, 
but so were extensive extracts of my Institute's publications" (190). Fearey provided 
Crozier with a second opportunity ten months later; in March 1976, Fearey chaired a 
major international conference on terrorism in Washington, whose keynote speaker 
was Crozier, accompanied on the podium by Robert Moss and two other ISC authors 
whom we will meet later, Hans Josef Horchem and Professor Paul Wilkinson. 

1975 - 1976 


Turning back to the spring of 1974, the Cercle complex's domestic and 
international operations were reaching new heights; indeed at this time, Crozier 
resigned as Chairman of FWF to turn his attention fully to the ISC and its 
international contacts via the Cercle. Iain Hamilton, "fully conscious and in touch 
with the CIA officers in London" took over as Chairman (191). Unbeknownst to 
Crozier and the Cercle, the first of two major leaks was about to expose the CIA 
sponsorship of Forum World Features. The seeds of disaster were sown in the spring 
of 1974 by the publication of the groundbreaking book The CIA and the Cult of 
Intelligence by CIA veteran Victor Marchetti and former State Department Intelligence 
official John D. Marks. Although the CIA temporarily staved off the crisis by forcing 
the suppression of 168 passages from the book, several of which referred to FWF as 
a CIA operation and one of which named Crozier specifically, it could only be a 
matter of time before the FWF's cover was definitively blown. 

The blow would come a year later. Ironically the leak that would expose FWF 
and then the ISC came not from a CIA dissident like Marchetti but from the heart of 
the CIA itself. Due to the CIA's sloppy security procedures, a British World in Action 
television crew filming at CIA Headquarters in Langley in April 1975 caught sight of 
a very explosive CIA memorandum. Dated May 1968, the memorandum was from 
then-IOD head Cord Meyer (192) to CIA Director Richard Helms and described CIA 
funding of Forum World Features, stating: "In its first two years, FWF has provided 
the United States with a significant means to counter Communist propaganda, and 
has become a respected feature service well on the way to a position of prestige in 
the journalism world". A handwritten note on the document also indicated that FWF 
was "run with the knowledge and cooperation of British Intelligence". At the same 
time, the CIA discovered that Marchetti and Marks were planning to release the 

suppressed material in London. The CIA took the decision to close down FWF in May 
1975, just ahead of the publication in June of an article The CIA Makes the News in 
the alternative London weekly Time Out which quoted Cord Meyer's 1968 
memorandum (193). 

The closure of FWF after the exposure of its CIA links was only the first 
setback; no doubt due to the Press revelations about FWF, the offices of the ISC were 
burgled in June 1975, and some 1,500 documents were taken. Many of the 
documents found their way to Time Out which published further long articles in 
August and September detailing the ISC's links to the British, American and South 
African intelligence communities (194). The revelations however largely overlooked 
the ISC's international collaboration with the Cercle, even though the haul from the 
Institute's offices had included the January 1972 Council minutes describing Cercle 
sponsorship of the ISC Special Report and their £20,000 grant to the ISC for 1973, 
and also an internal ISC memo dated 2nd June 1975, detailing a very recent meeting 
between the ISC and the Cercle held at Ditchley Park in May: 

"Mr. Crozier told the meeting that after the conference at Ditchley Park, the 
Hnay group should organize similar sessions in Madrid, Rome, Milan, 
Brussels and Bonn in the autumn with the object of raising money for the 
Institute and enhancing its reputation" (195). 

Crozier records that the conference was a study group which yielded a further 
ISC Special Report, New Dimensions of Security in Europe. Amongst the notable 
participants were Hnay himself. Carlo Pesenti and another Italian business leader, 
Cefis of Marconi. A helicopter had to be sent to pick up "the aged President Pinay", 
but whilst certainly elderly, Pinay was still sprite: as well as attending the Ditchley 
Park conference, Pinay made an extensive European tour of prominent Cercle 
friends throughout 1975 to muster support for Crozier's Institute. Amongst those he 
visited were Richard Nixon, Henry Kissinger, Pope Paul VI, Manuel Fraga Iribarne 
(then Spanish Ambassador in London), Franz Josef Strauss, Giulio Andreotti and 
Prince Bernhard of Holland, President of the Bilderberg Group (196). With such a 
powerful coalition of political and intelligence contacts to call on, the ISC overcame 
its temporary crisis (197) and intensified its activities, notably through a new 
alliance of the British Right, the National Association for Freedom (NAFF) . 


One month after the Cercle launched its international campaign to raise the 
profile of the ISC, a new organization was formed to bring together the various 
groups that were "concerned about the relentless spread of subversion" (198). The 
new group, the National Association For Freedom (NAFF), was formed in July 
1975, although not formally founded until December. NAFF's first action in August 
1975 was to organize a seminar on subversion where veteran espionage journalist 
and M15 friend Chapman Pincher served as guest speaker. By mid- 1977, NAFF 
boasted 30,000 members (199). The list of members of the Executive and National 

Council of the NAFF shows that the new alliance was a merger of the SIF, the ISC 
and the Tory Right, including many of the figures involved in the anti-Labour 
operations of the past two years. 

The Director of the NAFF and first editor of its bulletin The Free Nation was 
Robert Moss. Moss enjoyed close links to the Conservative leadership and would 
soon become one of Thatcher's favourite speechwriters - it was Moss who would coin 
the term "Iron Lady" for her, first used by Thatcher in a speech in January 1976, 
only six weeks after NAFF's foundation. Alongside Moss on the NAFF Executive, we 
find Norris McWhirter, a member of the SIF National Executive, and author with his 
brother Ross of the NAFF Charter. Ross McWhirter would be assassinated by the IRA 
just before NAFF's official launch in December 1975 (200). 

With Moss and McWhirter on the NAFF Executive was Michael Ivens, the 
Director of the anti-union outfit Aims for Industry. Aims for Industry had bankrolled 
many of the anti-Labour operations in the early 1970s; it also provided the start-up 
capital for NAFF. Like McWhirter, Ivens had also served on the SIF National 
Executive. Aims for Industry was further represented on the National Council of 
NAFF by William E. Luke, a Board member of Aims since 1958. A former M15 officer 
during the war, Luke later served as Chairman of the London Committee of the 
South Africa Foundation and in 1965 was the founding Chairman of the UK-South 
Africa Trade Association, active in the pro-Pretoria campaign (201). 

The NAFF National Council also included the indefatigable Crozier, who 
provided NAFF with their first offices - in Kern House, headquarters of Forum World 
Features. Several other ISC friends would serve on the NAFF National Council, 
amongst them the Czech exile Josef Josten, who ran the Free Czech Information 
News Agency, close to M16. Josten would be the channel for dissemination of the 
allegations made by Czech defector Josef Frolik. Another ISC friend on the NAFF 
National Council was Dr Kenneth Watkins, an author of pamphlets published by 
Aims. A month before NAFF's foundation, Watkins had joined an ISC Study Group 
on Communist subversion in higher education that included Lord Vaizey of the 
Ditchley Foundation and Professor Edward Shils of the WlSC Committee. The Study 
Group's findings would be published as an ISC Special Report, The Attack on Higher 
Education, in September 1977. 

Alongside Crozier in the National Council of NAFF was another of the key 
actors in the counter- subversion lobby, ex-Deputy Director of M16, G. K. Young, 
founder of the Unison Committee for Action. As Chairman of SIF, Young brought 
with him into NAFF almost all of SlF's leaders; besides McWhirter and Ivens who 
served with Moss as NAFF's "inner core" on the Executive, SIF recruits to NAFF also 
included Bilderberger Sir Frederic Bennett, Chairman of the SIF Parliamentary 
Group, and John Biggs- Davison, former Chairman of the Monday Club, member of 
the SIF National Executive and Deputy Shadow Minister for Northern Ireland under 
Airey Neave. 

Biggs-Davison would be joined in NAFF by other top Tory MPs from the 

Monday Club, notably the former MI6 officer Sir Stephen Hastings and Winston 
Churchill, both of whom were members of Thatcher's Shadow Cabinet. Also on the 
NAFF National Council were three other members of Thatcher's Shadow Cabinet who 
would later hold ministerial office in Thatcher's government: Rhodes Boyson, David 
Mitchell and Nicholas Ridley. 

The NAFF National Council also included three senior military figures, two of 
whom would serve on the ISC Council. The first was Vice-Admiral Sir Louis Le Bailly, 
who had just retired as Director- General of Intelligence at the Ministry of Defence 
(202). The second ISC Council member on the NAFF Council was Sir Robert 
Thompson, a leading counter-insurgency expert with experience in Malaya. The third 
military figure was Field Marshal Sir Gerald Templer, a former Chief of Staff of the 
Army who had implemented Thompson's counter-insurgency strategy during the 
Malayan campaign. At the time he joined NAFF, Templer occupied a key post for 
those fighting subversion: as Lord-Lieutenant of London, he was in charge of all 
contingency planning for Military Assistance to the Civil Power. Templer had also 
played a part in the genesis of the private armies by introducing G. K. Young to 
Major General Sir Walter Walker, the former Commander-in-Chief of NATO forces 
in Northern Europe. Walker of the Gurkhas was a former Malayan colleague of 
Templer and Thompson's, having founded the Jungle Warfare School during the 
Malayan Emergency and served as head of Britain's counter-insurgency campaign in 
Borneo in 1962-64. Walker worked with Young within Unison before splitting off to 
form Civil Assistance. Throughout 1976, Civil Assistance held long negotiations 
with NAFF about a possible merger of the two groups; the talks were abandoned in 
October 1976 when Civil Assistance shut down due to lack of active support. 

The NAFF National Council also included an impressive array of the leaders of 
industry - Lord de L'Isle of Phoenix Assurance who functioned as NAFF's President, 
Sir Frank Taylor of Taylor Woodrow, ex-CBl chief Sir Paul Chambers and Sir 
Raymond Brookes, Chairman of GKN Engineering, a member of the CBl Council and 
a member of William Luke's UK-South Africa Trade Association. 

As to the day-to-day running of NAFF, Crozier records: "To avoid the delays 
implicit in formal Council meetings, a small group of us decided to function as an 
informal action committee, without reporting to the Council. Bill De L'Isle presided, 
and the other members were Winston Churchill MP, John Gouriet, a former Guards 
officer and merchant banker, Robert Moss and myself (203). 

By bringing together the ISC, SIF, leading industrialists and top Tories from 
Thatcher's Shadow Cabinet, NAFF acted as an unprecedented alliance between the 
operators from the counter- subversion lobby and the candidate they worked to 
promote. On the links between Thatcher and NAFF, 1 can do no better than to quote 
Robin Ramsay and Stephen Dorril: 

"NAFF pulled together all the elements of the previous networks: the spooks, 
the propagandists, the anti-union outfits, and - this is the difference between NAFF 
and its predecessors - it brought in a group of Tory MPs with connections all the way 

to the top of the post-Thatcher Tory Party ... NAFF was formed just after Mrs 
Thatcher became leader of the Tory Party. It is difficult not to view it as essentially 
formed around her ... Mrs Thatcher duly gave her public blessing to this group, 
appearing as guest of honour at NAFF's inaugural subscription dinner in January 
1977" (204). 

"In its first eighteen months, NAFF initiated what an intelligence officer would 
have called 'political actions': legal actions against strikes, propaganda about 
'scroungers', and 'Marxists' in the Labour Party - and, most spectacularly, its strike- 
breaking intervention in the strike at the Grunwick factory. These brilliantly 
successful psychological operations gained them oceans of favourable coverage in 
the Tory Press, anticipating (and to some extent, setting) the agenda for the 
Conservative Government of 1979 ... the first Thatcher administration was the 
National Association For Freedom Government" (205). 

Besides these NAFF actions, the counter- subversion lobby kept up the 
pressure on the Labour Party in the foreign Press: the smears against Labour 
politicians and Heath and Thorpe were channelled across the Atlantic, reaching 
American newspapers in September and October, 1975. The message was repeated 
for a domestic British audience in January 1976, when Lord Chalfont provided a 
platform for Brian Crozier's warnings of the Red Menace in a television programme 
on subversion called It Mustn't Happen Here (206). 

An indication of this close relationship between NAFF and the new Leader of 
the Conservative Party came on the 19th January 1976 when Margaret Thatcher 
gave her historic "Iron Lady" speech - which had been written for her by Robert 
Moss. However, the close cooperation between NAFF and Thatcher went far beyond 
speechwriting and public political support: as Crozier revealed in his memoirs, 
several members of NAFF would set up a secret advisory committee on security and 
intelligence matters to brief the Conservative leader. The initiative for the committee, 
called Shield, came from the ex-M16 officer and NAFF National Council member 
Stephen Hastings who would be active in 1977 in giving a Parliamentary platform to 
NAFF's psy-ops campaigns. On 9th March 1976 at a dinner hosted by Lord de I'lsle, 
and attended by Margaret Thatcher and NAFF founding members Crozier, Moss, 
Gouriet and McWhirter, the creation of the Shield committee was given the go-ahead 
(207). The timing for Shield's creation could not have been more critical; within days, 
the Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson resigned, worn down by the psy war fought 
by his enemies within the British counter- subversion lobby, M15, M16, the CIA and 
BOSS. In the vacuum created by Wilson's mid-term resignation, NAFF and their 
friends in M15 and M16 feared that Michael Foot, the left-wing candidate, might be 
Wilson's successor. NAFF caused a storm in April 1976 by publishing an editorial in 
the Free Nation urging the Queen to dissolve Parliament and call fresh elections if a 
Labour government under Foot were to succeed Wilson. Another article alongside 
Crozier's was written by "a recently retired counter- subversion chief of M15". This 
was almost certainly Dirk Hampden, who had been M15 Head of Counter- 
Subversion in June 1975 at the time of the exposure of Forum World Features (208). 


Whilst the counter- subversion lobby mounted their campaign in Britain 
against "Communist infiltration" of the government and the unions, Karl-Friedrich 
Grau and his Frankfurt Study Group had also been spreading much the same 
message from the ISP's safe refuge over the Swiss border. At the same time, Grau 
was the lynchpin of the German PEU section, acting as its Federal Secretary through 
until 1975. Whilst cooperation between the Belgian, French, British and German 
components of the Cercle went well in the period 1974-76, Grau himself ran into 
controversy, first in Germany, then in Switzerland. 

Grau's far-right views became an embarrassment for the CDU party hierarchy 
when it was revealed in early 1974 that he had held meetings with militants of the 
neo-fascist NPD party with a view to concluding an alliance for the Hesse regional 
elections. The controversy led to the resignation in May of five CDU MPs from Grau's 
Frankfurt group, the Studiengesellschaft fur staatspolitische Offentlichkeitsarbeit 
(Study Group for Political Communication) and Grau's formal exclusion from the 
CDU in June. In the interim, the co-founder of the Study Group, the CDU's Dr. 
Walter Hoeres, took over as President. The storm did not last long however, and in a 
Study Group circular in November, Grau could boast that the loss of the five CDU 
members had been offset by applications for membership from CSU MPs. In any 
case, Grau's services as clandestine fundraiser for the CDU/ CSU were too valuable 
to lose, and the CDU quietly readmitted him in May 1976 in time for the national 
elections (209). 

Grau would score a coup for his Swiss group, the ISP, in early 1976 when he 
got the agreement of Swiss Air Force General Ernst Wetter to act as President of the 
ISP; at the time. Wetter was Head of Personnel in the Departement Militaire Federal 
(DMF), the Swiss Ministry of Defence. However, Grau's coup rebounded on him and 
became an own goal; a few months later. Wetter was forced to resign from the ISP 
Presidency by the DMF which did not take kindly to Swiss military personnel using 
their rank in their private lives. The incident led to an investigation of the ISP and 
trouble for Grau. To obtain Wetter's agreement, Grau had claimed that the three 
International Vice-Presidents of the ISP were the CDU foreign and defence policy 
spokesman Dr Werner Marx, Jean Violet, and a Viennese lawyer called Wolfram 
Bitsonau. Grau had the habit of using people's names without taking the trouble of 
asking them, and, on checking, all three men denied any knowledge of being an 
International Vice-President of the ISP. 

The denials ring hollow: although they may never have actually held office 
within the ISP, all three men had links with Grau. Marx had been a longstanding 
speaker for Grau's Frankfurt Study Group, even if he had been one of the five CDU 
MPs to "leave" the Study Group after the 1974 scandal about Grau's contacts with 
the NPD. Together with Huyn, Marx had also represented Germany on the 
International Council of CEDI since at least 1972. As for Violet, Grau was one of the 
earliest and closest allies of Violet's AESP, and several AESP members including 

Habsburg and Hu3ni spoke regularly at ISP seminars. Bitsonau also had connections 
to Grau via the AESP; the following year, 1977, Academy documents would list 
Bitsonau as an AESP member in his capacity of President of the Institut fur 
Internationale Zukunftstudien (Institute for International Studies of the Future) 
(210). The official investigation into the ISP drew attention to the murky nature of 
Grau's political activities, and he was issued with a formal warning by the Swiss 
government in May 1976. Following a parliamentaiy question, the Swiss government 
declared "Mr. Grau has received a warning for interference in Swiss internal affairs 
and for undesirable political activities and has been threatened with expulsion under 
Article 70 of the Federal Constitution" (211). Whilst Grau had to tone down his 
operations for a while, the Swiss government would never follow up on its threat to 
expel him. 

What then were these "undesirable political activities" of Grau's that 
interfered with Swiss internal affairs? An examination of some of the ISP's 
conferences in 1975 and 1976 shows that Grau was doing in Switzerland exactly 
what the ISC had started doing in Britain in 1972: giving seminars on Communist 
subversion to government and police officials. One of the ISP's subversion seminars 
was held between 29th September and 3rd October 1975 in the Tenigerbad Hotel in 
Rabius; with heavy irony, a poster in the hotel lobby announced an "Agricultural 
Seminar on Pest Control". Inside, the keynote speaker on "farming" was General 
Reinhard Gehlen, former head of the BND. One third of the audience were officers 
from the Swiss political police; apart from Grau's Swiss partner Dr Peter Sager of the 
SOI, all the other speakers were Germans. 

The conference timetables for two further ISP seminars on industrial 
subversion and counter-espionage in March 1976 give us a fuller picture of the ISP's 
"undesirable activities". At their height, the seminars were held at the rate of two a 
month; each lasted five days and included some fifteen presentations by government 
or police officials from Germany, Switzerland and several other countries. 

The first of the two March 1976 seminars opened with a presentation by Ernst 
Wetter, at that time still President of the ISP. Then Grau gave a lengthy introduction 
to the ISP before handing over to the keynote speaker, Dr Peter Sager of the SOI who 
spoke on "the global political situation in the politico-revolutionary war: an analysis 
of psychological warfare". In the afternoon, a certain Mr. 1 Reinartz closed the first 
day of the seminar with a speech on "the importance of industry for Communist 
strategy and tactics - the company as the battlefield of Communism". Reinartz also 
gave the morning lecture on the second day on the subject of "the destabilization of 
companies by radical left-wing forces - from agitation to action"; the afternoon 
included two presentations on "protection of data from internal or external access" 
and "the Communist intelligence services - mission, organization, function". The 
seminar would follow the same vein for the five days, giving details of technical and 
human resources for industrial espionage and counter-tactics against Communist 
subversion of industry. Inspector W. Dibbern from the Criminal Police, for example, 
spoke on "the protection of the State today - modem forms of defence" and "when, 
where and how an infiltration is mounted - how the agent works". 

Another five-day ISP subversion seminar was held at the end of March 1976, 
and covered much the same topics. This time however, the keynote speaker was not 
Dr Sager but Lt-Colonel Ernst Cincera, the most notorious figure in Swiss 
parapolitics whose long history of collecting files on "subversives" is described below. 
At the seminar, Cincera spoke on "the clandestine struggle on all levels", a theme 
that was picked up by the following speaker Dr Kurt Klein, Director of the German 
Army's Psychological Warfare School in Euskirchen, who gave two presentations on 
industrial subversion. Chief Commissioner Georg Pohl of the German Criminal Police 
spoke on "terrorism and anarchism in the Federal Republic - a threat to trade and 
industry", and retired Colonel Rudolf Mischler closed the seminar with three lectures 
on "action in case of attack by explosive or incendiary bombs (with practical 
examples)", "what to do in case of attack and hostage-taking?" and "preparations for 
sabotage and counter-measures". 

No wonder the Swiss, touchy about their neutrality, found Grau's seminars 
undesirable. An ISP speakers' list for 1975 gives us more information about who was 
working with Grau in the ISP. Grau himself was of course the most frequent 
speaker, speaking fourteen times in 1975. Grau's speeches concentrated on the Red 
Menace with titles such as "Is the Bolchevisation of Europe inevitable?" and "The 
strategy of Communism's clandestine forces". Military psy-ops expert Dr Kurt Klein 
would be a regular fixture, contributing no less than thirteen speeches such as 
"Soviet espionage in Germany" and "Areas of activity for Communist clandestine 
forces in Germany". Dr Walter Hoeres, at this time standing in for Grau as President 
of the Frankfurt-based parent group, would speak eight times throughout the year. 
Dr Peter Sager would speak at three seminars in 1975 on predictable themes such 
as "The changing face of Communism - a narcotic to dupe the West" and "Why the 
Communists in the non-communist world do not want peace". At this time, the SOI 
was expanding its activities, adding a second monthly review SOI-Bilanz to its bi- 
monthly journal Zeithild (212). 

Certainly the most controversial Swiss guest of the ISP, speaking at at least 
eight seminars in 1975-76, was Lt-Colonel Ernst Cincera who would soon become 
the subject of a national scandal in November 1976. "Colonel Ernst Cincera, member 
of the Radical Party, is well-known for his long and stormy activity as a 'snooper'. 
Carried out as a private citizen, his activities benefited from close cooperation with 
the Federal Military Department (DMF) ... Cincera's information was included on the 
DMF microfilm files and Cincera worked in extremely close coordination with Rene 
Schmid's bureau, the DMF's specialist 'counter-subversion' unit" (213). 

For many years, Cincera had been running a private counter- subversion 
service called Informationsgruppe Schweiz (Information Group Switzerland) which 
from 1974 on published its denunciations in the private bulletin 
WasWerWieWannWo - Information iiber Agitation und Subversion des politischen 
Extremismus in der Schweiz (WhatWhoHowWhenWhere - information on agitation 
and subversion by political extremists in Switzerland). Cincera and his agents 
worked closely with the Schmid bureau, a secret counter- subversion unit set up 

within the DMF's Health Department under the leadership of Colonel Rene Schmid, 
Chief Medical Officer of the Swiss Army (214). The exchange of information between 
Cincera's group and the Schmid bureau was direct: in 1975, one of Cincera's young 
agents, Andreas Kiihnis, supplied the Schmid bureau directly with a list of 
participants at a seminar organized by the Salecina Foundation. On the orders of 
Colonel Schmid, his bureau then sent back to Cincera's group a request for further 
information and included for each "suspect" an identity photo and a specimen 
signature drawn from the DMF's personnel records (215). In exchange for its 
services, Cincera's group regularly received DMF files from the Schmid bureau, a 
case of illegal access which would be exposed - with the help of Andreas Kiihnis - by 
members of the Democratic Manifesto in November 1976. The national scandal that 
ensued would be repeated the following year when the members of the Democratic 
Manifesto revealed that over 1,700 pages of material from Cincera were stocked on 
one single computer cassette amongst the thousands held by the Army in its 
MIDONAS database, the Military Document Reference System, which included all 
articles written about the Swiss Army and military service. 

Cincera's material included personal and political data on each "suspect", one 
of whom was journalist Jiirg Frischknecht of the Tages-Anzeiger, one of the authors 
of Unheimliche Patrioten. Frischknecht's case shows the kind of cooperation between 
Cincera's network and Grau's ISP. At the second ISP seminar in March 1976, 
described above, Grau had accepted to answer written questions from Frischknecht, 
but in fact never did so. In 1977, when the members of the Democratic Manifesto 
obtained the MIDONAS cassette, they found in Cincera's file on Frischknecht the list 
of questions that he had submitted to Grau the previous year. The DMF kept an 
embarrassed silence about its cooperation with Cincera, but the newspaper close to 
Cincera, Ahendland, confirmed the facts: "One of the people responsible for setting 
up the DMF's new computer system stayed in contact with Mr. Cincera for several 
months to clarify to what extent his archives could be linked to this information 
system" (216). 

Despite his notoriety, Cincera would be a frequent speaker at ISP seminars, 
speaking no less than seven times in 1975 as well as his contribution to the March 
1976 seminar mentioned above. His subjects included "agitation and subversion as 
a means of Communist strategy" and "agitation against the Army - agitation within 
the Army" (217). Amongst the other ISP speakers, we find a rare British guest - 
Reginald Steed, foreign policy lead writer for the Daily Telegraph in the mid- to late 
1960s, who would speak four times for the ISP in 1975 - as well as the main figures 
of the Cercle's German network of friends. Habsburg himself would speak at four ISP 
seminars in 1975; he had been contributing articles to Grau's Frankfurt Study 
Group since at least 1965. The CSU foreign policy spokesman Count Hans Huyn 
would be one of the most frequent speakers for the ISP, giving eight lectures at ISP 
seminars in 1975. His presentations at the ISP were mostly on his specialist theme 
of Ostpolitik, Germany's relationship with Eastern Europe. 

Besides the Swiss ISP and Belgian AESP, Huyn would also work with Grau 
within another group, the Deutschland-Stiftung (Germany Foundation), a political 

trust founded in Munich in 1966 which brought together many German right-wing 
politicians. The Foundation published the journal Deutschland-Magazin and awarded 
the Adenauer Prize, an event given Oscar-like coverage by the German conservative 
Press. The founding President of the Deutschland-Stiftung was Professor Georg 
Stadtmiiller, an expert on Eastern Europe for Hitler. A trio of early German 
members of the AESP would serve within the Deutschland-Stiftung - Grau was its 
Vice-President, von Merkatz sat on its Honorary Presidium, and Huyn served on its 
Board. Another member of the Foundation's Board from 1968 on was the aristocrat, 
former Nazi party member and wartime officer in Gehlen's FHO Professor Freiherr 
Bolko von Richthofen; he would be excluded from the Deutschland-Stiftung in 
1972 for his overt support for the neo-nazi NPD party. Richthofen also acted as 
Board member of SOI's German support group, founded by Grau and Sager in 1961. 
Several other members of the Deutschland-Stiftung were also friends of Grau's ISP, 
amongst them Dr. Walter Hoeres, co-founder of the ISP's Frankfurt parent body and 
a frequent speaker at the ISP's seminars on subversion, and Brigadier-General 
Heinz Karst who would speak at six of the ISP's seminars in 1975. 

The close links between the Deutschland-Stiftung and Grau's ISP would be 
illustrated by one incident when the Deutschland-Magazin quoted Grau's smear 
bulletin intem-informationen in accusing German Minister Horst Ehmke of contacts 
with the Czech secret service. After losing a libel suit, the Deutschland-Magazin was 
forced to retract its allegations - Grau however could continue to publish them with 
impunity from intem-informationen! s address in Switzerland (218). The Deutschland- 
Magazin would also work closely with the magazine Zeitbild published by Sager's 
SOI; as we have seen, it was Grau, Vice-President of the Deutschland-Stiftung, who 
distributed SOI's publications in Germany (219). When SOI celebrated its jubilee in 
1984, it was attended by the President of the Deutschland-Stiftung from 1977 to 
1994, Gerhard Lowenthal. 

Gerhard Lowenthal was, with Grau and Huyn, perhaps the most important 
right-wing multifunctionaiy in Germany throughout the 1970s and 1980s (220). 
Bom in Berlin in 1922 as the son of a Jewish businessman, Lowenthal survived 
internment in Sachsenhausen concentration camp. However, the Communist take- 
over in East Berlin radicalised him, and he joined the PEU in 1947. Having started a 
career in broadcasting in 1945 with the American Occupation Forces station RIAS 
(Radio in the American Sector), Lowenthal was appointed RIAS Deputy Director in 
1951, later moving over to the Berlin radio station Sender Freies Berlin after its 
creation in 1954. After a spell working at the OECD in Paris from 1959 to 1963, 
Lowenthal returned to broadcasting, joining the second German television channel 
ZDF as its European Correspondent and head of the Brussels bureau. He would 
however soon rise to become one of Germany's most prominent television 
anchormen as presenter of the fortnightly current affairs programme, ZDF Magazin, 
which he would present from January 1969 right through until December 1987. 
This programme gave Lowenthal the media power and public recognition of a Robin 
Day or a Jeremy Paxman, television access which he used to focus heavily on Soviet 
repression in Eastern Europe and particularly in East Germany. He was a close 
political ally of Franz Josef Strauss who was a frequent guest on Lowenthal's 

programme; Brian Crozier would also later benefit from television airtime thanks to 
Lowenthal. Lowenthal also had excellent contacts with the BND and particularly 
with Gerhard Wessel, Gehlen's deputy during and after the war and his successor 
as BND President from 1968 to 1980; Lowenthal was a frequent personal guest of 
Wessel's at BND headquarters (221). 

An early example of cooperation between Lowenthal and the Cercle complex's 
German contacts was the creation in 1973 of the Freie Gesellschaft zur Forderung 
der Freundschaft mit den Volkern der Tschechoslovakei (Free Society for the 
Promotion of Friendship with the Peoples of Czechoslovakia) . Alongside Lowenthal as 
founding members of the Free Society we find three future speakers at Grau's ISP 
subversion seminars: Count Hans Huyn, Ludek Pachmann and Walter Becher. 
Ludek Pachmann was a Czech exile and former Chess Grand Master who would 
give five presentations on Czechoslovakia at ISP seminars in 1975. Throughout the 
1970s and 1980s, Pachmann would be an inseparable sidekick of Lowenthal 's, a 
German Crozier-Moss act. Walter Becher was from the Sudetenland, the German- 
speaking part of the Czech Republic. In 1931, Becher joined the Sudetendeutsche 
Partei (Sudeten German Party) led by Konrad Henlein, who would be appointed 
Reichskommissar of the Sudetenland when it was annexed by Hitler in October 
1938; Becher then joined Hitler's NSDAP (Nazi Party). He would play a prominent 
part after the war in exile politics, sitting in the Bavarian Parliament for a small 
exiles' party between 1950 and 1962. In 1965, he was elected to the German Federal 
Parliament; after joining the CSU in 1967, he would continue in the Federal 
Parliament as a CSU MP until 1980. Besides his parliamentary role where he was 
one of the most outspoken opponents of Brandt's Ostpolitik, Becher would also 
speak at an ISP seminar on subversion in 1975; the ISP's speakers' list gave Becher's 
address as PuUach bei Miinchen, the location of the BND's headquarters, where he 
still lived when he died in 2005. 

Two further founding members of the Free Society were Jaroslav Pechacek, 
Head of the Czech Division of Radio Free Europe, the CIA-funded radio station, and 
Rainer Gepperth, Director of the International Department of the Hanns-Seidel- 
Stiftung, the CSU's political foundation, examined in later chapters. The final 
founding member of the Free Society in 1973 was a person with close links to two 
early anti- communist propaganda groups, one in Britain and one in Germany: 
Cornelia Gerstenmaier. 

Cornelia Gerstenmaier was the daughter of Eugen Gerstenmaier, from 1954 
to 1969 the longest serving President of the German Parliament and an early CEDl 
member. In 1970, she would be one of the founding members of the British-based 
Centre for the Study of Religion and Communism, run by Canon Michael 
Bourdeaux. The CSRC would later change names to Keston College and more 
recently to Keston Research, but would remain focused on the same theme: the 
repression of the freedom of worship in the Communist bloc. It has been alleged that 
the CSRC was an 1RD/M16 front, similar to the ISC in London and the Information 
Policy Unit in Northern Ireland, both created around the same time. The attribution 
of the CSRC to IRD is given credence by the revelation in Crozier's memoirs that 

shortly before the CSRC's foundation, the IRD had officially curtailed publication of 
its own Christian anti-communist output, the Religious Digest (222). 

The young CSRC certainly had close ties to other intelligence-linked 
propaganda outlets such as the ISC: Bourdeaux was one of the contributors to 
Crozier's 1970 anthology for Common Cause, We Will Bury You, and the CSRC's 
publications were distributed by the same outfit used by the counter- subversion 
lobby, SOI and INTERDOC: Stewart-Smith's FAPC. The KGB was always interested 
in Keston: one of the special tasks for former KGB London Resident Gleg Gordievsky 
was to monitor Keston's activities, and former KGB Major- General Oleg Kalugin later 
confirmed that the KGB's Counter-Espionage department kept a close eye on Keston 

However, Cornelia Gerstenmaier's real significance lay in her role in running 
an organization which acquired a certain notoriety in the 1980s, the Internationale 
Gesellschaft fiir Menschenrechte (IGfM) or International Society for Human Rights 
(ISHR) (224). The IGfM/lSHR was first founded in Frankfurt in 1972 as a purely 
German organization, the Gesellschaft fur Menschenrechte (GfM, Society for Human 
Rights), which would be chaired from 1973 to 1978 by Gerstenmaier. It is interesting 
to note that the GfM was founded around the same time as the trio of ISC, Cercle 
and AESP launched their Helsinki Appeal on human rights; the foundation of the 
GfM may represent a German pillar to the complex's campaign. 

The GfM's future political orientation was illustrated by its founding 
members, who stemmed from the NTS, a group of former Russian Nazi collaborators 
funded by the CIA and intimately linked to WACL. The founding members of the GfM 
included Ivan Agrusov, President of the NTS, and Leonid Miiller, the NTS Treasurer. 
The IGfM/lSHR also had close connections to the German Right; on the Board of the 
GfM or IGfM at one time or another were Habsburg, von Merkatz, Pachmann and 
Sager. The GfM became international in 1981, and by 1988 it had 16 foreign 
sections; its campaigns in the 1980s are described in a later chapter. 

Another early organization of note created by Lowenthal was the 
Konzentration Demokratischer Krafte (KDK, Concentration of Democratic Forces, 
also known as Korrigiert den Kurs - Correct the Course), a right-wing ginger group 
that campaigned for the CSU. Lowenthal's partner for the 1974 creation of KDK was 
Dr Lothar Bossle, whom we will meet again in the late 1970s as a partner in the 
Cercle's German operations. 

No presentation of the Cercle's German friends in the mid-1970s would be 
complete without mentioning Hans Josef 'Jupp' Horchem, from 1969 until 1981 
Director of the Hamburg regional branch of the German security service Bundesamt 
fiir Verfassungsschutz (BfV) or Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution. 
Having joined the BfV in 1957, Horchem rose to become one of its top analysts on 
left-wing extremism before moving over in later years to concentrate on right-wing 
extremism. Horchem's first known appearance in Cercle matters came in March 
1973 when he wrote a Conflict Study for the ISC, West Germany: "The Long March 

through the Institutions"; this would soon be followed by two further Conflict Studies, 
West Germany's Red Army Anarchists published in April 1974 and Right-wing 
Extremism in Western Germany published in November 1975. In March 1976, 
Horchem joined the ISC trio of Crozier, Moss and Professor Paul Wilkinson as 
speakers at a major international conference on terrorism in Washington chaired by 
Robert Fearey (225). In 1978, he served as a special consultant to the Spanish 
government in anti-terrorist measures, and from 1980 on would also advise the 
Basque regional government. In the early 1980s, Horchem would also work closely 
with Lowenthal within the right-wing ginger group Konservative Aktion, as well as 
acting as a prime German channel for Crozier's private secret service, the 61 (226). 


In the mid 1970s, right-wing fears about the rise of the Left were reinforced by 
the fall of the Iberian dictatorships following the Portuguese revolution of April 1974 
and the death in November 1975 of the Spanish Caudillo. Coming after Wilson's 
victory in the February 1974 elections and Mitterrand's favourable position in the 
run-up to elections in France, the Portuguese revolution provided further 
confirmation to the Right of a left-wing landslide throughout Europe. The ISC's 
1974-1975 annual review, the Annual of Power and Conflict, focused specifically on 
Portugal: "An introductory article by Brian Crozier, the editor, on Subversion and the 
USSR makes special reference to the Soviet Union's activities in Portugal" (227), and 
in his article for the Annual, Western Europe's Year of Confusion, Kenneth Mackenzie 
summarized the situation in saying: "By early 1975 Portugal looked in distinct 
danger of becoming the first country in the Alliance to fall under Communist control" 

Apart from the weakening of NATO's southern flank, the Portuguese 
revolution also had strategic implications outside of Europe, due notably to the new 
Portuguese regime's decision to withdraw from its African colonies of Angola and 
Mozambique, riven by war between Cuban-backed pro-Soviet forces and pro- 
Western forces supported by the CIA and the Rhodesian Central Intelligence Office. 
The Portuguese withdrawal from Africa coincided with the death in Spain of a 
bastion of Western values, Caudillo Franco. Following the American doctrine of the 
"domino theory", the Right feared that Spain would also be contaminated by the 
"Portuguese disease" and that the left-wing upheaval in Portugal could drag Spain 
down with it. The worrying situation of the Iberian peninsula would be one of the 
major focuses for the ISC's publications between 1974 and 1976, which included 
two Special Reports and two Conflict Studies: Revolutionary Challenges in Spain (a 
Special Report by Robert Moss, June 1974), Southern Europe: NATO's Crumbling 
Flank (June 1975), Portugal - Revolution and Backlash (September 1975) and Portugal 
and Spain: Transition Politics (May 1976), a Special Report which was the product of 
an international seminar held in London in mid- 1975 and sponsored by the ISC, 
Georgetown University's CSIS and the Institute for International Studies of the 
University of South Carolina. 

Whilst the geostrategic experts at the ISC alerted their readership to the 
danger of a Communist take-over in the Iberian peninsula, the ISC's allies in the 
Cercle complex channelled aid to right-wing leaders in Portugal and Spain through 
Franz Josef Strauss and Otto von Habsburg. In Portugal, the main beneficiaries of 
Cercle support were two putschist Generals who would be central figures in the 
political developments in Portugal from 1973 to 1976: General Kaulza de Arriaga, a 
former Commander of Portuguese Forces in Mozambique and leader of a group of 
extreme right-wing Army officers, and General Antonio de Spinola, the future 
President of the post-revolutionary Junta of National Salvation. Strauss would give 
generous clandestine funding to both Arriaga and Spinola until at least 1979, and 
both men would be in contact with the top members of the Cercle Hnay. Within a 
year of an attempted coup in March 1975, Arriaga would attend CEDI's 1976 annual 
Congress in Spain with top Cercle members; according to the reports on the Cercle 
Hnay written by Hans Langemann, head of Bavarian State Security, Spinola would 
be a guest at meetings of the Cercle itself (229). 

Cercle contacts Arriaga and Spinola would be key actors in the history of the 
Portuguese revolution and its aftermath. After the death in 1970 of dictator Salazar 
and his replacement by his deputy since 1968, Marcello Caetano, the extreme right- 
wing sympathizers in the military became impatient for a return to the good old 
days. In December 1973, Arriaga and a group of extreme right-wing officers and 
politicians approached Spinola to canvass his support for a coup against the 
Caetano government. Spinola however refused to become involved and revealed the 
plot to Caetano who imprisoned Arriaga and rewarded Spinola by appointing him 
Deputy Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces. This promotion would however be short- 
lived; following the furore caused by Spinola's book Portugal and the Future, which 
indicated that the wars in Portugal's African colonies could not be ended by military 
means alone but also required reform at home, both Spinola and his superior Costa 
Gomes were dismissed in March 1974. 

After the Armed Forces Movement's bloodless coup which overthrew Caetano 
on the 25th April, Spinola was appointed President of the seven-man Junta of 
National Salvation on 15th May. However, after rumours of his involvement in a 
planned simultaneous counter-coup in Lisbon and Luanda scheduled for the 28th 
September, Spinola and other conservatives were dismissed on 30th September, and 
Kaulza de Arriaga and three former Caetano ministers were detained. Spinola's 
supporters then went underground; Spinolist Army officers with experience of 
counter-insurgency with the FNLA in Angola joined with former agents of Salazar's 
dismantled intelligence and security service PIDE to form a clandestine army, the 
ELP or Army for the Liberation of Portugal. With its cover blown and its offices and 
archives seized by the Armed Forces Movement, Aginter Press also took up the fight 
within the ELP: Guerin-Serac and his lieutenant Jay Salby were prominent ELP 
commanders. Other partners of Aginter Press included members of Movimento 
Independente para a Reconstrugao Nacional (MIRN), a group set up by Arriaga after 
his release from prison. Spinola and the ELP made a second coup attempt on 11th 
March, 1975, which also failed, and Spinola was forced to flee Portugal. 

In exile in Switzerland, Spinola founded the MDLP (Democratic Movement for 
the Liberation of Portugal), a coalition of former Caetano officials and members of the 
ELF. Throughout 1975, whilst the ELP carried out several hundred bomb attacks in 
Portugal to destabilize the government of the left-wing Armed Forces Movement, 
Spinola travelled around Europe, seeking support for a putsch, should the Left win 
the Parliamentary elections to be held on 25th April, 1976, the second anniversary of 
the 1974 revolution. After meeting the CIA's Frank Carlucci in the US base at 
Torrejon in Spain at the beginning of August, Spinola travelled to Bonn where he 
met a key contact: Franz Josef Strauss, who also arranged for Spinola to meet a 
friend with international influence in the field of finance, Hermann Josef Abs. Abs, 
described by David Rockefeller as "the leading banker of the world", was a former 
head of the Deutsche Bank who also served as a close adviser to Chancellor 

Abs had been head of the Deutsche Bank from 1940 to 1945. The Deutsche 
Bank was the Nazis' bank throughout the war; Abs was in effect Hitler's paymaster. 
Abs was also on the Board of chemicals conglomerate 1. G. Farben and participated 
at company Board meetings when members discussed the use of slave labour at a 
Farben rubber factory located in the Auschwitz concentration camp (230). The 
Deutsche Bank's collaboration with the Nazi regime did not lead to a purge of its 
staff; after the war, Abs continued on the Board of the bank, serving as spokesman 
for the Board from 1957 to 1967 before being appointed Honorary Chairman of the 
Board in 1976. 

Besides his banking activities, Abs was also one of the key German partners 
of Dr Joseph Retinger in his efforts to set up the CIA-funded European Movement 
and the Bilderberg group. Abs was one of the two leaders of the German section of 
the Independent League for Economic Cooperation, one of the five organizations that 
made up the European Movement (231). Abs was also one of the founding members 
of the Bilderberg group, having served on the 1952 organization committee with 
Pinay, Voisin, Ball and Bonvoisin. The friendship between Abs and Strauss dated 
back to at least the mid-1950s when the two men met at meetings of the Bilderberg 
group; Strauss, then Nuclear Power Minister, had attended the Bilderberg 
conference in Garmisch-Partenkirchen in September 1955. One year before the 1975 
meeting between Abs, Strauss and Spinola, Abs and Strauss had both attended the 
1974 Bilderberg conference held in April in Megeze, France (232). Abs was also a 
longstanding member of CEDl; together with Strauss, Abs attended the Xlth CEDl 
Congress in 1963 (233). Together with AESP and CEDl member von Merkatz, Abs 
was a member of the Europaisches Institut fur politische, wirtschaftliche und soziale 
Fragen (European Institute for political, economic and social issues), which shared 
its Munich headquarters with CEDl. 

After his meeting with Abs, Spinola moved on to Paris, where he met a 
representative of the arms company Merex, founded in 1966 by former SS Colonel 
Gerhard Mertens, a colleague of Otto Skorzeny, the Nazi commando in exile in Spain 
who was a major rallying point for European fascism. Besides its links to the 

extreme Right, Merex also had a close working relationship with the BND (234). In 
Paris, Spinola also had the opportunity of soliciting the support of Western 
intelligence agencies for his planned coup, meeting the CIA Head of Station Eugen 
Burgstaller and attending as guest of honour a meeting organized at the Paris 
Sheraton by Colonel Lageneste, in charge of SDECE foreign relations (235). The 
Sheraton meeting was in fact a major conference bringing together all the anti- 
communist forces in Portugal; amongst those present were Spinola, CDS party 
leader Freitas do Amaral, Manuel Allegre of the Portuguese Socialist Party and 
Jorge Jardim, leader of the Portuguese colonists in Mozambique, who would later 
also meet top Cercle members at the 1976 CEDI Congress. Amaral also had close 
links to the Cercle, as a letter from Habsburg to Damman of 29th August, 1975 

"I sent replies to your previous letters via Pocking [the Archduke's Bavarian 
residence] because of my trip to Portugal during which - for good reasons - I 
didn't dare to write or even take notes. I had very interesting contacts, 
particularly with the leadership of the CDS, who deserve our support. I am 
planning to bring their leaders - this is highly confidential - Amaro da Costa 
and Freitas do Amaral to Bavaria in the second half of September. In the 
meanwhile, I have suggested to Mr. Strauss that we should set up Portugal 
Support Committees, whose aim would be to give moral and financial support 
to the freedom forces in Portugal. We should act as the Communists did in 
relation to Vietnam in organizing public demonstrations, collections, appeals 
and support groups formed by intellectuals, etc. I hope that Strauss will 
accept the idea. I don't see why the Communists should be the only ones to 
support their friends or why we should practice non-intervention" (236). 

By the end of September, Spinola was in Lausanne where he met John 
McCone, a former director of the CIA who then worked for ITT; ITT promised 
$300,000 for Spinola's putsch. Despite the support of several foreign intelligence 
services and pledges of several hundred thousand dollars from ITT and other 
multinationals, Spinola's plans were wrecked just before the April, 1976 elections by 
investigative journalist Giinter Walraff who, posing as a right-wing militant, had 
tape-recorded Spinola's conversations about his plans for a putsch (237). 

In Spain, the death of Caudillo Franco in November 1975 set a challenge for 
the Cercle: could the "Portuguese disease" be prevented? From 1975 to 1977, 
Strauss channelled clandestine funds to a trio of former Franco Ministers who led 
parties within the Alianza Popular (AP) coalition, founded in October 1976. We have 
already met the most important of the three, AP's founder and President from 1976 
until 1986: Manuel Fraga Iribarne, Franco's Information Minister from 1962 to 
1969, Crozier's contact since 1965, and AESP member from 1970 on. From 1973 
until Franco's death, Fraga Iribarne would serve as Spanish Ambassador in London; 
he would receive a personal visit there from President Pinay as part of Pinay's 1975 
European tour to promote the ISC. After Franco's death, Fraga Iribarne returned to 
Spain in December 1975 to serve in the first post-Franco government as Vice- 
President of the Government and Interior Minister, and to join the eight-man 

committee that drafted the 1978 Constitution. 

The other two Strauss beneficiaries were Federico Silva Munoz, leader of 
Accion Democratica Espanola and a prominent member of Opus Dei, and Cruz 
Martinez Esteruelas, President of the Union Democratica del Pueblo Espanol; the 
latter had served in Franco's last two cabinets as Planning and Development 
Minister in 1973 and Education and Science Minister in 1974. All three were given 
generous covert funding by Strauss: in 1977, Fraga Iribame received at least DM 
135,000, and Silva Munoz and Martinez Esteruelas DM 100,000 each. Fraga 
Iribame had had an opportunity that year to discuss funding with Strauss; the two 
men met in April 1977 at the Bilderberg conference organized in Torquay by Sir 
Frederic Bennett. 

Strauss's support for Fraga Iribame would continue well into the 1980s via 
their respective party foundations: 

"In 1986, like its sister foundation the [CDU's] Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, the 
[CSU's] Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung would choose the same path for backdoor funding of 
its activities in favour of the Contras. On the 6-7th October 1986, a seminar on Latin 
America with representatives from the Contras was held in Geneva, organized by the 
Institut Economique de Paris which has close links with the Heritage Foundation. 
The conference was sponsored amongst others by the Fundacion Canovas [del] 
Castillo, politically close to the right-wing conservative Alianza Popular. The former 
President of Alianza Popular - Manuel Fraga Iribame - is not only an old friend of 
Strauss and his CSU, but also a well-known right-wing radical in Spain. The 
Fundacion Canovas [del] Castillo is supported by the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung, which 
benefits the Alianza Popular. In 1985 the German Federal Ministry for Cooperation 
[which gives funds to party foundations like the HSS] approved a grant of 5 million 
DM to the HSS for the Madrid foundation" (238). 


Whilst Strauss was funding Franco friends in Spain, and AESP associates 
Crozier and Grau were organizing seminars on subversion in Britain and in 
Switzerland, the Belgian members of the AESP were active on the domestic front: 
Defence Minister and AESP member Paul Vanden Boeynants (VdB) and his adviser 
de Bonvoisin set up a military counter- subversion and propaganda service, the 
Public Information Office or PIO. PIO was headed by a longstanding associate of 
VdB and de Bonvoisin, Major Jean-Marie Bougerol. Bougerol would be a central 
figure in Belgian parapolitics implicated in previous coup plots: the 1976 
Gendarmerie report by Roger Tratsaert stated that one of the plans for a coup d'etat 
in 1973 was jointly organized by the NEM Clubs (funded by VdB and de Bonvoisin) 
and a group of gendarmes and Army officers centred around Bougerol. 

PIO's genesis - and that of the coup plots in Belgium and elsewhere - lay in 
the political upheaval in America and Europe at the end of the 1960s. By 1970, the 

Army had become seriously concerned by the "internal threat" posed by the anti- 
Vietnam movement and the students' movement after 1968. Moves to create the 
Army's own counter- subversion agency bore fruit in April 1970, when Chief of 
General Staff Lt-General Georges Vivario (by 1973, part of an AESP delegation) 
together with Colonel Paul Detrembleur established the Division des Services 
Speciaux (DSD) as an independent unit reporting directly to the Minister of Defence. 
The unit, headed by a general, brought together members of the Minister's office and 
representatives from the General Staff of the Army and the Gendarmerie. Composed 
of five sections, the DSD's specific task was to counter "protest and subversive 
propaganda". Part of its task was to set up a "Speakers Bureau", a pool of military 
personnel trained as media representatives for public debates, television 
appearances, etc - this bureau would later give birth to PIG. Despite press uproar 
and the resignation of the Deputy Chief to the General Staff in protest, the creation 
of the DSD went ahead. 

New impetus was given to the DSD's work in 1972-73 when the new Defence 
Minister, VdB, introduced reforms of the Army including a plan for the "military 
defence of the territory" (DMT) designed to counter leftist/ pacifist influence by a 
dramatic reinforcement of the Gendarmerie and greater involvement for the Army 
and reserve officers in counter- subversion work. Faced with massive student 
protests in early 1973 against the DMT plan and a tightening of military service 
rules, the Army hardened its stance; in a "study on objectivity and the media" dated 
13th September, 1973, Lt-Col. Weber, head of Counter- Information in the Belgian 
military intelligence service SDRA (239), wrote in apocalyptic terms of the threat to 
freedom and democracy posed by professional agitators within the media and the 
peace movement, and urged the creation of a permanent group within the SDRA to 
combat subversion. Weber's study came at a critical moment: in mid-August, the 
Press had reported the existence of a planned coup. Three days before Weber wrote 
his study, the Gendarmerie General Staff received Major de Cock's report alleging 
links between VdB, de Bonvoisin and the NEM Clubs (240). Weber's report and 
similar concerns within the Army General Staff led to a decision in 1974 to 
strengthen the Army's counter- subversion and propaganda roles by creating the 
Public Information Office PIG, headed by Major Bougerol, as an autonomous group 
within the Army General Staff. 

Despite its independent status, PIO had considerable links to the SDRA: 
Bougerol claims he was given the use of an office within the Counter-Information 
section of SDRA in 1974-75 whilst he was setting up PIO, and one of his closest 
collaborators was Commissioner Fagnart of the Military Security section of SDRA. 
PlO's official mission was twofold: firstly, to expose Soviet disinformation in the 
media, largely through the publication of a press review called Inforep. PlO's second 
task was to act as a clearing-house for information on subversion, distributing 
information to the Army, the Gendarmerie, the Surete de I'Etat - Belgium's internal 
security agency, and the Foreign Ministry Security Division. Unofficially, Bougerol 
used PIO to mount the same kind of aggressive counter-intelligence programmes 
that the FBI had been conducting against the Left, the peace movement and the 
American Indian movement in America from 1969 until at least 1976 (241). It is 

probably no coincidence that PIO's title - unusual for being in English in the original 
- copied FBI jargon: 

"PIO (Public Information Officer): the FBI classification for the agent whose 
speciality is providing intentionally inaccurate "facts" (disinformation) to the 
media; the FBI counterpart to the military psychological operations (psy-ops) 
specialist" (242). 

Amongst PIO's operations were organized sabotage of left-wing conferences, 
promotion of groups favourable to the Army, and seminars on Soviet subversion. 
Through such operations, Bougerol set up a network of unofficial correspondents 
baptised the Miller network, a pseudonym he used when writing for Belgian 
newspapers. The 445 known correspondents were a gathering of officers from the 
Surete, the SDRA, the Gendarmerie and police, members of the EEC's security 
department, militants from the NEM Clubs and other fascist groups, private 
"security operatives" and innocent or not so innocent journalists (243). 

To gain experience of counter-intelligence and propaganda operations, 
Bougerol went on a European tour in 1976, visiting Northern Ireland, Spain, 
Portugal, Italy, France and Holland. In several of these countries, Bougerol was 
hosted by AESP contacts. It is likely that during his visit to the UK, Bougerol had the 
opportunity of meeting Brian Crozier and the AESP's partners at the ISC - as we will 
see in the next chapter, Bougerol, de Bonvoisin and Crozier had already met in 
February 1976 at the AESP's IXth AESP Chapter Assembly and would meet again in 
December that year at the CEDl Congress. Bearing in mind that SDRA 
Commissioner Fagnart's 1978 letter, quoted in full below, warned Bougerol "we 
could imagine another danger ... if there was a leak about the Saoud affair or the 
affairs concerning Formosa, Spain or the UK", it would be interesting to know what 
Bougerol was up to in the UK. The AESP also provided Bougerol with a host for his 
visit to Italy the same year: Ivan-Matteo Lombardo (244), present at the Parco dei 
Principi birth of the strategy of tension in 1965, a member of the AESP since 1970 
and implicated in the 1974 Sogno coup only two years earlier. 

The mention of Formosa in SDRA Commissioner Fagnart's 1978 letter refers 
to another 1976 trip, this time to Taiwan for training in psychological warfare and 
counter-information. In this context, it is interesting to note that the Political 
Warfare Cadres Academy in Peitou (Taiwan), which trained counter- subversion 
forces for many of the Latin American death-squad states, had extremely close links 
to WACL who both prospected for business for the Academy and recruited WACL 
members from the ranks of Academy graduates (245). The Academy has in fact had 
the closest links with both WACL and the CIA since its foundation: the co-founders 
were Chiang Kai Shek's son and Ray S. Cline, CIA Chief of Station in Taipei from 
1958 to 1962. During this period, Cline was also a channel for financial and 
logistical support for the founding meeting of WACL in 1958. Cline would rise to 
become CIA Deputy Director of Intelligence from 1962 to 1966, and, after resigning 
from the CIA in 1969, would serve as Director of the Bureau of Intelligence and 
Research (INR) at the State Department, where he contributed considerably to the 

anti-Allende operations of 1973, the year which saw his official retirement from 
intelligence work. The interconnections between the Academy, WACL, the CIA, Cline 
and Bougerol seem all the more significant in the light of a reference by Cline in a 
1992 BBC interview about Gladio to "the counter-insurgency training given to the 
Belgian Major Jean-Marie Bougerol and his men in the US" in the early 1970s (246). 

Whatever Cline's possible links to Bougerol and PIO in the early 1970s, the 
CIA veteran and the PIO chief would later share a common friend who did much to 
help PIO - the American disinformationist of Belgian descent, Arnaud de 
Borchgrave. Arnaud, Comte de Borchgrave d'Altena, sixteenth in line to the Belgian 
throne, started his "journalistic" career after the war as a correspondent of Europe- 
Amerique, forerunner of the Nouvel Europe Magazine subsidized by Bougerol's 
political master Benoit de Bonvoisin. De Borchgrave then spent a long spell from 
Vietnam until the Reagan Presidency as a top reporter for Newsweek, ending up as 
Paris bureau chief. During this period, de Borchgrave played a key role in the 
genesis of PIO; as Bougerol recalled in an interview (247), it was de Borchgrave who, 
in the early 1970s, introduced Bougerol to PIO's future patron, Benoit de Bonvoisin. 
According to a May 1981 Surete report on de Bonvoisin's contacts in Paris, de 
Borchgrave also allegedly acted as an intermediary between de Bonvoisin and the 
CIA (248). 

In the late 1970s, de Borchgrave was one of PIO's prized foreign press 
contacts; when PIO chartered a plane to fly journalists to the Zairean province of 
Shaba in 1978, the plane had to wait on the tarmac for one late VIP - de Borchgrave. 
De Borchgrave subsequently filed reports for Newsweek alleging Cuban involvement 
in the Katangese invasion of Shaba; Moss drew attention to de Borchgrave's 
Newsweek articles in a piece he wrote for the Washington-based Policy Review in its 
Summer 1978 issue (249). De Borchgrave and Moss were already longstanding 
friends; they had met in 1972 when de Borchgrave, in hiding in London after writing 
an article on Black September for Newsweek, asked to meet a specialist on 
subversion (250). The meeting would herald the beginning of a long partnership 
between the two men which would reach its peak in the 1980s. 

De Borchgrave would also benefit from close contacts with SDECE chief 
Alexandre de Marenches, who, when asked where would be an interesting place to 
spend the Christmas of 1979, advised de Borchgrave to go to Afghanistan. De 
Borchgrave was one of the few Western journalists on the spot during the Soviet 
invasion (251). De Borchgrave would be fired as Newsweek Paris bureau chief in 
1980 after he was discovered to have been building files on his colleagues for several 
years. At the time, he was working with Robert Moss on the first of two notorious 
disinformation novels. The Spike and Monimbo, filled with plots of Soviet subversion 
launched with the assistance of the Sandinista government in Nicaragua and the 
complicity of left-wing journalists in Europe. 

In 1985, de Borchgrave would become editor-in-chief of the Moonies' 
newspaper, the Washington Times. The Moonies would be a forum for cooperation 

between de Borchgrave and Cline: Cline was on the Editorial Board of The World and 
I, the Moonies' monthly edited by de Borchgrave. De Borchgrave was a former Board 
member of the Moonies' US Global Strategy Council, chaired by Cline in the late 
1980s. Cline and de Borchgrave also shared a platform with William Casey as 
speakers at a special conference series on intelligence held at the Ashbrook Center, 
Ohio in 1986, one of Casey's last public appearances before his death in May 1987. 
At this time, de Borchgrave was working with Moss and John Rees of the John Birch 
Society in a "risk analysis" company. Mid- Atlantic Research Associates (MARA); the 
three also edited a monthly private intelligence report called Early Warning (252). 

To return to PIO, from the outset, Bougerol used his earlier contacts with the 
extreme Right for PIO operations. As part of his counter- subversion work, Bougerol 
gave lectures to reserve officers, many of whom were recruited as PIO agents. One of 
the reserve officers' clubs at which Bougerol lectured was the Brabant Reserve 
Officers' Club (BROC), which in 1975 was given the task of bolstering the patriotism 
of other reserve officers' clubs. BROC's members included not only AESP member 
Baron Bernard de Marcken de Merken and Colonel Paul Detrembleur, who helped 
set up the DSD and would later head the SDRA from 1981 to 1984 at the height of 
the strategy of tension in Belgium, but also Paul Latinus, the Belgian delle Chiaie, 
protege of de Bonvoisin. A former leader of the Front de la Jeunesse financed by de 
Bonvoisin, Latinus would later emerge as commander of the fascist parallel 
intelligence service Westland New Post (WNP), a key component in Belgian 
parapolitics in the 1980s covered in detail in a later chapter. According to Surete 
sources, Latinus was recruited into PIO by Bougerol in 1977; in his testimony to the 
Belgian Parliament's Gladio Inquiry, Bougerol at least admitted having met Latinus 

Bougerol's contacts with the extreme Right also extended to de Bonvoisin's 
other protege, veteran fascist putschist Emile Lecerf, editor of the Nouvel Europe 
Magazine, and to future WNP militant Michel Libert, who was introduced to Bougerol 
by Lecerf. Bougerol and Lecerf were not only personal friends; Bougerol also gave 
lectures on subversion to the NEM Clubs. These close links between de Bonvoisin's 
proteges Latinus and Lecerf and Bougerol's PIO are not surprising in the light of the 
considerable support given to Bougerol by de Bonvoisin, political adviser to Defence 
Minister VdB under whose jurisdiction PIO fell. De Bonvoisin had already provided 
PIO with much of its logistic structure and would play an ever-increasing part in the 
running of PIO in the late 1970s. PIO's offices were located in the same building 
which housed CEPIC, the political ginger group run by VdB and de Bonvoisin; de 
Bonvoisin's company PDG was also housed at the same address and ensured the 
printing of the PIO press review Inforep. From 1976 onwards, PDG contributed more 
than a million Belgian francs a year to PIO, which received total external funding of 
some 600,000 Belgian francs a month. De Bonvoisin exerted increasing influence on 
PIO; by early 1980 the editorial team producing PIO's Inforep consisted of Emile 
Lecerf and Jacques Van den Bemden, drawn from the other PDG beneficiary, the 
neo-nazi magazine Nouvel Europe Magazine. The PIO /PDG operation was finally 
blown in May 1981 when the CEPIC/MAUE/PDG/PIO building was raided as a 

result of a Surete note about de Bonvoisin's patronage of fascist groups. It quickly 
became apparent that PIO's files had been transferred wholesale to PDG. 

Apart from this funding of PIO by de Bonvoisin and the links that Bougerol 
had with Detrembleur and AESP member de Marcken within the reserve officers 
club BROC, Bougerol also had frequent direct contacts with the leadership of the 
AESP and the Cercle. The first trace we find of direct links between the AESP and 
Bougerol dates from February 1976 when Bougerol attended the IXth Chapter 
Assembly of the AESP together with many of the Cercle's international contacts. 


On the 6th and 7th February, 1976, the AESP held its XlXth Grand Diner 
Charlemagne in the Hotel Metropole in Brussels, before meeting the next day in the 
more private setting of the Cercle des Nations club for the IXth Chapter Assembly of 
the AESP, devoted to the subject "After Helsinki" - the Helsinki Final Accord had 
been signed in July 1975. The attendance lists of these two events give us an 
overview of the Academy's contacts and of their preoccupations. Besides continuing 
its work on the theme of free movement of persons and ideas linked to the Helsinki 
Conference on Security and cooperation in Europe, the Academy was a vocal 
advocate of the Doomsday message that the Third World War had already begun and 
was being lost by the West, passively submitting to a war of Soviet subversion 
corrupting the very pillars of Western civilization. Under the title "Are we at war?", 
Damman's editorial on the front page of the January 1976 issue of the AESP/MAUE 
journal Europe Information which announced the Charlemagne Grand Dinner and 
the AESP Chapter Assembly opened with the words: 

"One would have to be blind not to notice that the Third World War is in full 
swing with a new weapon of extraordinary power, acting upon the spirit, the 
intellect and morale: subversion, slowly contaminating all sectors of society 
and all regions of the world, is gaining the upper hand because we refuse to 
confront it head on. All of our political parties including the Communist Party 
are infiltrated by the agents of Soviet imperialism which has never renounced 
its goal of world hegemony. The West is still unaware of the power of the 
subversive forces infiltrating every organization under the most varied 
disguises, both in Europe and America and in the countries of the Third 
World. The Atlantic Alliance ignores this tactical weapon following an 
extraordinary reasoning which has led it since the end of the last World War 
to surrender on all fronts to Soviet imperialism ... Soviet imperialism has in 
the Western camp a gigantic and ever-active organisation, skilfully structured 
to maintain anarchy and confusion where they are needed, studied in exact 
detail to confuse the mind and stoke antagonism. We have become puppets, 
and it is our enemies who pull the strings". 

This apocalyptic vision of the West slowly being strangled by the invisible 
forces of Soviet subversion fits entirely with the philosophy of intelligence-backed 

counter- subversion and disinformation operations such as the ISC, the Monde 
Moderne and PIO, all three of which were represented at the 1976 XlXth 
Charlemagne Grand Dinner and the subsequent IXth Chapter Assembly of the 
AESP: the list of participants includes Crozier from the ISC, Vigneau and Leguebe 
from the Monde Moderne, and Benoit de Bonvoisin and "Major de BougeroUe" from 
PIO (254). This would be the first of at least two occasions for the Cercle's counter- 
subversion propagandists to meet in 1976; as we will see in a subsequent chapter, 
the same people would meet again at the 25th CEDI Congress in December. 

At the February AESP gathering, the Belgian Academy team were fully 
represented by Damman, de Merken, Jonet, Vankerkhoven and de Villegas. Also 
attending were two longstanding AESP members whom we have not yet met, 
Vincent Van den Bosch and Bernard Mercier. Van den Bosch was another key 
partner of Damman's, serving not only as International Secretary- General of CEDI 
but also as a member of the AESP Permanent Delegation, and Secretary- General of 
Damman's MAUE. Mercier, an Academy member, served on the Board of the 
Conservative ginger group CEPIC alongside Benoit de Bonvoisin and AESP members 
Vanden Boeynants and Vankerkhoven. 

Although Jean Violet was not present, most of his closest associates from 
France were in attendance: Collet, Vallet, Father Dubois and Picard of Wilton Park. 
The Academy's German members, Dumont de Voitel and von Merkatz, were there, 
bringing along the CDU Vice-President of the German Parliament, Kai-Uwe von 
Hassel. As well as serving as Regional Prime Minister for Schleswig-Holstein from 
1954 to 1966, von Hassel had replaced the disgraced Strauss as Defence Minister 
after the 1962 SpiegreZ Affair, serving until 1966 when he was appointed Minister for 
Expellees, Refugees and War Victims in the Grand Coalition Cabinet in which 
Strauss was Finance Minister. In 1969, von Hassel replaced Eugen Gerstenmaier as 
President of the German Parliament, serving until the SPD's victory in 1972, when 
he became CDU Vice-President of the Parliament, a post he filled until 1976. The 
roll-call of core Academy members was brought to a close by Pons of the PEU and 
Sanchez Bella of CEDI. 

However, it is the Italian connections of the AESP that are the most 
fascinating. The former high-ranking P2 member Giancarlo Elia Valori attended 
both the Charlemagne Grand Dinner and the AESP Chapter Assembly; he would 
become a member of the AESP's organising core, the Permanent Delegation, the 
following year. His presence is particularly interesting in the light of the allegations 
concerning P7 - two of the Academy members allegedly involved in P7, Pons and 
Tottosy, were also at these meetings with Valori. Valori's attendance at Academy 
events from 1972 on also points to possible connections between the sniffer plane 
scandal and P2. Most of the key members in the sniffer plane negotiations were 
present at the 1976 Grand Diner and Chapter Assembly with Valori: de Villegas, 
Father Dubois and Vallet. Vallet and de Villegas would join Valori on the AESP 
Permanent Delegation by 1977. At the time of these February 1976 AESP events, 
final agreements were being reached with Elf; the contract between de Villegas' 
Fisalma and Elf would be signed at the end of May, saving the Cercle Pinay complex 

from financial ruin, as described in the next chapter. 

Valori and Lombardo already provided the AESP with high-calibre contacts to 
P2 and the group involved in the 1974 Sogno coup. A new face at the February 
gathering strengthened the Academy's links to Italian politics and to the Sogno coup: 
former Minister Giovanni Malagodi, a participant at the Bilderbergers' inaugural 
conference in May 1954 (255). Sogno had fought Communism during the war as a 
contact of the British secret service; in 1953, he was one of the founders of the 
Italian section of Peace and Freedom, a ferociously anti-communist propaganda 
group whose Belgian section was run by the Chevalier de Roover (256). President of 
the Liberal International, Malagodi was the President of the Italian Liberal Party PLI 
and an influential member of the PLI's Sogno faction in 1974 when Sogno, a future 
member of P2, was insisting that a coup of "liberal" inspiration was necessary to save 
Italy from Communism. The "liberal coup" that Sogno proposed was scheduled for 
August 1974 and included the capture of the Presidential Palace, the dissolution of 
Parliament and the nomination of a government of technocrats, but the plan was 
aborted shortly beforehand. 

Despite the failure of their plan, the Sogno fraction continued to insist that 
the rise of Communism threatened the very basis of the Italian State. One month 
after the planned Sogno coup, in September 1974, Malagodi participated in the 7th 
Study Conference of the PLI's youth group along with Manlio Brosio, a former 
Secretary- General of NATO and former Italian Defence Minister, who had been 
responsible for the post-war organization of the Italian intelligence community and 
the establishment of SIFAR (257). At the September conference, Brosio declared that 
only communism - and not fascism - presented an immediate danger to stability in 
Italy. The judicial inquiry into the Sogno coup was blocked in November 1974 by the 
death of the main witness, secret service Colonel Giuseppe Condo. Condo, aged 42, 
died of a "heart attack" a week before magistrates were due to question him. Sogno 
and one of his co-conspirators were arrested on charges of attempting a coup d'etat 
in 1976, but this second inquiry failed to get to the bottom of the coup plans 
because of the State secrecy imposed on documents showing foreign support for 
Sogno's plans (258). 


In the midst of such international networking, the Cercle Pinay went through 
a severe financial crisis. The main source of funding for the Cercle had been Carlo 
Pesenti, who had also financed the launch of de Villegas' sniffer plane project. 
However, threatened by takeovers from P2 financier Michele Sindona, Pesenti was 
forced to make drastic cuts in his funding of Violet. Pesenti was able to beat back 
Sindona's offensive with the help of Philippe de Week, Director of UBS Zurich and 
administrator of de Villegas' sniffer plane company Fisalma. The Bank of Italy 
investigated Pesenti after de Week helped him to stave off Sindona: "the inspectors 
went through the books of the banks of Pesenti, exposing the dubious means by 
which he had extricated himself from Sindona's grip" (259). 

This was not the first time Pesenti had been raided by Sindona; Sindona's 
1968 attempt to take over Pesenti's empire permanently weakened Pesenti's 
finances. Obliged to borrow money from his own three banks to buy Sindona out, 
Pesenti was later forced to sell off those banks one by one to settle his debts. Pesenti 
also shored up his indebted Italmobiliare group by substantial borrowings from 
Banco Ambrosiano and its various Italian offshoots, secured by large blocks of 
shares in companies controlled by Pesenti. Another of Pesenti's suspect dealings 
later to be investigated was "a curious 50 billion lire loan granted to Pesenti in 1972 
- apparently by the lOR - and indexed to the Swiss franc. The latter's appreciation 
meant that the sum eventually reimbursed was 185 billion lire. A decade after that 
loan was signed, magistrates in Milan were still unsure whether the Vatican Bank 
had excogitated a brilliant deal, or whether it had acted as a 'fiduciary' once more, 
this time for an irregular capital export by Pesenti" (260). Pesenti used the loan 
capital to buy shares from Roberto Calvi, head of the Banco Ambrosiano, but kept 
the loan off Italmobiliare's books until 1979 when it fell due. This led some 
Italmobiliare shareholders to challenge the very existence of the loan, believing that 
Pesenti was under pressure to pay the vast sum to lOR for other unspecified 
reasons. The case wound up in court but was not resolved before Pesenti's death in 
1984 (261). 

Following Sindona's attack on Pesenti's financial empire and Pesenti's 
reduction of funds to the Cercle, the Cercle went through a disastrous cash crisis, 
above all in the light of the ambitious scope of its operations. Violet's cassette 
message to Damman of 31st March, 1976 was so serious that, despite specific 
instructions to the contrary, Damman transcribed it in full: 

"Considerable financial difficulties mainly due to the storm on the lira. The 
situation that has arisen has led to people cancelling their contributions, 
having to submit to a fait accompli 

Closure of the Centre du Monde Moderne and probably of the Bulletin de 

With these limited means, the keystone to any action is money. I will devote 
myself to setting up structures of financial groups so as to essentially develop 
the Academy and all that revolves around it, as well as the London group [the 
ISC], and set up Edicercle on a serious basis, and launch the Bible-prisoners 
operation on that basis ... we will ensure the vital minimum for the Academy 
which is a priority" (262). 

On the 16th April, Damman received another cassette from Violet, which this 
time he only partially transcribed: "Search for backers in progress. Meeting in Paris 
end of May /beginning of June" (263). The timing and the mention of backers allows 
us to make an almost certain connection to the negotiations taking place between 
Elf, the French state oil company, and Fisalma, the sniffer plane company set up by 

de Villegas, represented by de Week of UBS and assisted by Violet. Elf had been 
testing the sniffer planes for some time and was now interested in acquiring 
exclusive rights over the invention. At the meetings with Elf, de Villegas was 
accompanied by the "inner circle" of Hnay members: not only Violet, but also Hnay 
himself and Father Dubois frequently participated. The contract between Elf and 
Fisalma was signed on 29th May, 1976, and the meeting between Valery Giscard 
d'Estaing, Elf President Pierre Guillaumat, and Hnay, representing Violet, was held 
on 2nd June. 

For exclusive rights over the invention for a period of one year. Elf undertook 
to make four quarterly payments of 50 million Swiss francs to Fisalma, the first 
scheduled for the 15th June, the second for 15th October. The Cercle's financial 
situation dramatically improved after the key discussion between Hnay and the 
French Hesident. On 8th October, Violet sent another cassette to Damman, this 
time much more optimistic about funding for the AESP: "Good perspectives for 1977. 
The Hesident [Antoine Hnay] and a group of friends. Essential resources. 
Modifications to means". Damman replied to the good news from Violet on 13th 
October: "1 was very happy to receive your cassette message guaranteeing funding 
for the Academy for 1977 ... my warmest thanks for the essential minimum you have 
provided us with, we will do the rest" (264). 


Shortly after attending the Academy's Grand Dinner and Chapter Assembly in 
Brussels in February 1976, Brian Crozier would launch a new regrouping of British 
Cercle friends, the Foreign AfTairs Research Institute (265). The new geopolitical 
institute brought together under one roof the disinformation assets of the ISC and 
top Conservative politicians in the Thatcherite NAFF and SIF who had worked with 
BOSS to oppose demonstrations against sporting links with South Africa. FARl 
appears to have been the British-based counterpart to the Centre d'Etudes du 
Monde Modeme, the Cercle's Parisian pro-Hetoria outfit. As had been the case with 
the Centre du Monde Modeme, it was the South Africans who footed the bill for 
FARl, providing £85,000 a year for several years; South Africa continued to finance 
FARl until at least 1981 (266). It would seem that FARl was another of the 160 
projects launched by the South African Department of Information in their 
clandestine propaganda war to support apartheid in the 1970s. Funding for FARl 
was reportedly also forthcoming from the Lockheed and General Dynamics 

In terms of personalities, FARl represented a coming together of Stewart- 
Smith's groups (the Foreign Affairs Circle and the Foreign Affairs Publishing 
Company, publisher and distributor for the UK counter- subversion lobby and SOI) 
with Crozier's NAFF and ISC. The Hesident of FARl was Bilderberger Sir Frederic 
Bennett, a member of SIF and NAFF; the FARl Director was Geoffrey Stewart- Smith; 
the Deputy Director was Ian Greig, the Chairman of the Monday Club Subversion 
Committee and probable contact of Damman's since 1973. On the Council of FARl 

we find the inseparable duo of Crozier and Moss of the ISC, NAFF and Shield, who 
also brought along Air Vice-Marshal Stuart Menaul, an ISC Council member. 
Michael Ivens of Aims, SIF and NAFF also joined the FARl Council. 

The political support FARl enjoyed is illustrated by the Council membership 
of four influential Tories from Thatcher's entourage. The first and most significant 
was Airey Neave, Thatcher's campaign manager during the Conservative leadership 
elections in 1975 and her Shadow Minister for Northern Ireland; once in office, 
Thatcher planned to create a new post to oversee the intelligence and security 
services which would be filled by Neave. Neave's membership of FARl was indicative 
of Thatcher's close links to the counter- subversion lobby. Neave was joined on the 
FARl Council by his deputy as Shadow Minister for Northern Ireland, John Biggs- 
Davison, Vice-President of the PEU from 1965, former Chairman of the Monday Club 
and a member of SIF and NAFF. Alongside Neave and Biggs-Davison, the FARl 
Council also included Julian Amery, another top Tory with strong M16 links who 
would later be a member and then Chairman of the Cercle Hnay. The fourth top 
Conservative on the FARl Council was Lord Chalfont, a member of the Executive 
Committee of the European Movement and allegedly "the CIA's man in the House of 
Lords". A final member of the FARl Council was Colonel Ronald Wareing, a former 
M16 agent in Portugal and an associate of G. K. Young's within Unison (267). 

FARl continued publication of Stewart-Smith's previous fortnightly bulletin 
East-West Digest, distributed free to all British MPs, and cooperated with the ISC and 
FAPC's foreign associates, notably INTERDOC and Dr Peter Sager's Swiss SOI (268). 
Working in partnership with FARl, the ISC continued their campaign in favour of 
South Africa with a total ISC budget for 1976 of over £30,000. In June 1976, Peter 
Janke visited Swaziland to speak at a conference organized by a South African 
Department of Information front group, the Foreign Affairs Association; at the 
conference, "Janke of the Institute of the Study of Conflict in London stressed the 
importance of South Africa's minerals to the West and dangers of the Soviet threat" 
(269). Grau's Swiss group, the ISP, also supported the pro-Pretoria campaign with a 
brochure called Sudafrikas strategische Bedeutung fur die Rohstoffversorgung des 
Westens (South Africa's Strategic Significance for the West's Supply of Commodities) 
which stated: "The cutting-off of contacts between South Africa and the 
industrialized countries of the West as the result of a Soviet Navy blockade or as a 
result of the fall of the current South African government and its replacement by a 
Communist or Communist-influenced government would leave the West entirely 
defenceless" (270). July 1976 saw the publication of a Conflict Study by Janke, 
Southern Africa: New Horizons. At the same time, FARl prepared an edited version of 
the conference speeches for distribution to "persons of influence". The ISC followed 
this in November with another Conflict Study, Soviet Strategic Penetration of Africa by 
David Rees. A further project to support South Africa was The Angolan File, a 1976 
South African television "documentaiy" which attacked the Americans for pulling out 
of Angola. The programme, broadcast on South African television, had been 
produced by the South African Directorate of Military Intelligence (DM1), who had 
commissioned Crozier of ISC/FARl to write the script (271). 

Besides its defence of apartheid, FARI was also active in domestic politics in 
the UK, one of the major propaganda themes being the laxity of the Labour 
government in dealing with a "Soviet-dominated" IRA. On three occasions between 
August and September 1976, the two Conservative spokesmen for Northern Ireland, 
Neave and Biggs- Davison, both FARI Council members, used IRD disinformation to 
attack the "failure" of the Labour government to combat the "Czech and Cuban 
agents stoking revolution in Northern Ireland". The source of this disinformation was 
Colin Wallace of the Information Policy Unit in Northern Ireland. In 1974-75, Infpol 
was being pressured by MIS, rival to MI6 for control of the province, to go beyond 
black propaganda against the IRA and to turn its disinformation capability to the 
themes of KGB penetration of the Labour Party and Soviet manipulation of the IRA. 

As mentioned above, in 1974 Wallace was tasked by MIS to produce 
defamatory documents for press release on the basis of smears and analyses of 
political, sexual and financial vulnerabilities of several dozen Westminster MPs. 
When Wallace refused to participate in this operation codenamed Clockwork Orange 
2 without guarantees of ministerial approval, MIS arranged for his removal from the 
province and his dismissal from the Civil Service, a fate that befell other actors in the 
secret war who would not toe the MIS line. With a broken career behind him, 
Wallace did not refuse when in 1976 Neave, Shadow Minister for Northern Ireland, 
proposed that Wallace work for him as a consultant. Part of Wallace's work consisted 
in providing the Neave-Biggs-Davison team with the information that Wallace had 
collated on Soviet subversion in Northern Ireland. Wallace has given the Press a 
letter addressed to him from Neave, written in August 1976, in which Neave asked 
specifically for a report that Wallace had prepared for Infpol, Ulster - a State of 
Subversion. This document of Wallace's was based on a unattributable IRD Press 
briefing called Sotnets Increase Control Over British Communists. Neave then recycled 
the report's main allegations of Soviet subversion in Northern Ireland and KGB 
penetration of the Parliamentary Labour Party in a speech given in August. A few 
days later, FARI published a brochure written by Neave's deputy Biggs-Davison 
entitled The strategic implications for the West of the international links of the IRA in 
Ireland. The brochure was also based on the unattributable IRD briefing and made 
the same references to the alleged laxity of the Labour government in dealing with 
Soviet subversion in Northern Ireland. Neave would repeat the allegations in a 
second speech on 1 1th September, and the same theme of Soviet manipulation of 
the IRA would be featured in a Conservative Party Position Paper on Northern 
Ireland published later the same month (272). 


Three months later, in December 1976, CEDI held its 2Sth International 
Congress in Madrid, a second international gathering of Cercle contacts after the 
February Chapter Assembly of the AESP described above. The Madrid meeting 
brought together most of the major characters we have met so far. Presiding over the 
Congress was Archduke Otto von Habsburg, assisted by two familiar faces: Alfredo 
Sanchez Bella and Hans-Joachim von Merkatz. The conference participants came 

from all over the world, showing the kind of international outreach CEDI and the 
Cercle enjoyed; besides more than one hundred Spanish delegates, some 120 foreign 
guests from Europe, America and South Africa gathered in Madrid. Of the national 
campaigns listed above, the CEDI Congress brought together the Cercle, the 
AESP/MAUE and PIO from Belgium, he Monde Moderne from France, the ISC, Shield 
and PARI from Britain, the WISC from the US, one of the Portuguese financial 
backers of Spinola and the Aginter Press, election candidates from Spain and 
Portugal supported by the Cercle, and senior South African diplomats - a true 
reunion of the international Right and their friends with intelligence links. 

From Belgium came CEDI's Secretary- General Vincent van den Bosch and his 
colleagues within the core of AESP/MAUE organizers: Florimond Damman, Aldo 
Mungo - the later whistle-blower, Paul Vankerkhoven and Jacques Jonet. One new 
face from Belgium was Jean-Paul R. Preumont, Chairman of the Belgian Board of the 
European Movement, who would join the MAUE Board by 1979, completing the 
Belgian merger of the EM and the PEU. 

Another significant figure attending a CEDI Congress for the first time - 
according to the documents at our disposal - was Baron Benoit de Bonvoisin, who, 
as at the February AESP Chapter Assembly, was accompanied by Major Bougerol, 
described in the participants' list as Head of the Public Information Office of the 
Army General Staff. At this time of course, PIO was in full swing; Bougerol had just 
completed his European tour, visiting AESP contacts and gathering experience in 
counter- subversion for use in PIO's Belgian operations. Bougerol's visit to Madrid 
was sensitive - in his 1978 letter to Bougerol warning him of the growing hostility in 
official circles to PIO's wide-ranging missions. Commissioner Fagnart of the Belgian 
militaiy security service specifically mentioned the dangers of a leak concerning four 
dubious operations: the "Saoud affair" and Bougerol's visits to Formosa, the UK and 
Spain. Bougerol came to the Madrid Congress in the company of CEPIC Senator 
Angele Verdin and CEPIC Board member Bernard Mercier; the latter had also 
attended the February Chapter Assembly. Along with fellow CEPIC members de 
Bonvoisin and Vankerkhoven, Mercier would also be implicated in the funding of the 
fascist NEM Clubs and the Front de la Jeunesse in the 1980s. Before arriving in 
Madrid, Bougerol, Mercier and Verdin had stopped off to pay their respects at the 
grave of the recently-deceased Caudillo Franco; Mercier wore a black shirt for the 

A final important member of the Belgian delegation was Ernest Tottosy, the 
Hungarian WACL leader who, as we will see later, would be accused of being a 
member of P7, a covert CIA funding channel for Gelli's P2 lodge. Also present at the 
CEDI Congress was another alleged member of P7, the PEU International Secretary- 
General, Vittorio Pons from Lausanne. Pons was already increasing contact with the 
ISC at this stage: in September 1977, the ISC would publish a Conflict Study written 
by Pons, The Long-term Strategy of Italy's Communists. 

Ten Britons attended the CEDI Congress, four of whom were members of the 
Cercle Pinay itself. The first three were the key FARI Board members Crozier, Moss 

and Amery, who brought along his former colleague in SOE's Albanian operations, 
Lord St Oswald (273). PARI had cause for celebration: the counter- subversion lobby's 
campaign against Harold Wilson had finally borne fruit in mid-March that year, 
when Wilson tendered his resignation and was succeeded by James Callaghan. 

The CEDI Congress also provided an opportunity for the veteran 
disinformation team of Crozier and Moss to advise Bougerol and de Bonvoisin on the 
PIO operation. Bearing in mind the ISC's collaboration with the AESP over the last 
five years, and in particular the meeting earlier in 1976 between the de 
Bonvoisin/ Bougerol team and Crozier at the Pebruary AESP Chapter Assembly, it 
seems probable that Bougerol had looked up Crozier and Moss during his visit to the 
UK later the same year before the CEDI Congress in December. In the light of 
contacts between Crozier and Bougerol, Pagnart's 1978 note of warning to Bougerol 
about the consequences of a leak about "the affair concerning the UK" is intriguing - 
if Bougerol did visit Crozier and Moss in the UK in 1976, what might they have been 
up to to arouse Pagnart's concern? Whatever the truth about possible PARI/ PIO 
collaboration. Moss could reminisce with de Bonvoisin and Bougerol about a 
common friend, Arnaud de Borchgrave, who had brought Bougerol and de Bonvoisin 
together some years earlier and who by 1976 was a prized PIO contact on the staff of 
Newsweek. Bougerol was no doubt keen to add Moss to his PIO Press list; as editor 
of the Economist Foreign Report, Moss would be a powerful relay for PIO's output. 

Apart from Crozier, Moss and Amery, the fourth British Cercle member to 
attend the CEDI Congress was banker Sir Peter Tennant who, as Crozier records, 
would share the chairmanship of Cercle meetings with himself, Amery and Pesenti 
(274). Tennant was one of the earliest members of SOE, recruited in 1940 by Sir 
Charles Hambro, a later head of SOE in 1942-43. Tennant would gain experience of 
propaganda broadcasts to the German armed forces during the war before being sent 
as an Information Counsellor to the British Embassy in Paris from 1945 to 1950, 
where he may have had contacts with Antoine Pinay, soon to become Prench 
Premier. Tennant would then serve as Deputy Commandant of the British sector of 
Berlin from 1950 to 1952 before occupying various senior posts in the Pederation 
and later Confederation of British Industry, acting as Director- General of the British 
National Export Council from 1965 to 1971. At the time of the CEDI Congress, 
Tennant was President of the London Chamber of Commerce and Industry and a 
longstanding adviser to Barclays' bank (275). 

Besides Amery, two other Monday Club members, both Conservative MPs and 
former ministers, attended the CEDI Congress. The first was Sir Peter Agnew, 
Conservative MP between 1931-1950 and again between 1955-1966. Agnew had sat 
on CEDI's Steering Committee since at least 1972; this CEDI Congress would be his 
last as CEDI International President, a post he had filled since 1974. The second 
Monday Clubber was CEDI Vice-President Sir John Rodgers, Conservative MP from 
1950 to 1979, who in 1970 had served with Biggs-Davison and Young on the SIP 
National Executive. Both Agnew and Rodgers would join Biggs-Davison as AESP Life 
Members by 1977. 

From France came the Cercle core: Antoine Hnay himself, accompanied by 
Violet, Vallet and Father Dubois. Also attending was Rene-Louis Heard, who we have 
met as President of the International Society of Wilton Park. A Swiss section of 
Wilton Park had been set up earlier in 1976 and an Italian branch would be founded 
the following year. In 1978, Heard would join with three of the other 1976 CEDl 
Congress participants - Violet, Sanchez Bella and Jacques Jonet - to set up CLEW, 
the European Liaison Committee of Associations and Friends of Wilton Park. 

The editorial team of the Monde Modeme, Jean Vigneau and Jacques 
Leguebe, were also present at the 1976 CEDl Congress, giving the South African- 
backed propaganda outfit another opportunity that year to confer with their British 
sister organization FARl, represented by the three FARl Board members Crozier, 
Moss and Amery. As we have seen, the Monde Moderne team had already met 
Crozier earlier at the beginning of 1976 at the AESP's Charlemagne Grand Dinner 
and Chapter Assembly when the PIO duo of de Bonvoisin and Bougerol were also in 

At the December Congress, not only could the Monde Moderne team and the 
FARl group compare notes, they could also talk directly to their South African 
paymasters: the most prominent diplomatic representatives at the CEDl Congress 
were none other than the South African Secretary of Foreign Affairs Brand Fourie, 
and South African Ambassador to France Mr. Hating, who had taken over Cercle - 
Hetoria coordination after the departure of Mr. Burger, his predecessor. 

The Cercle's representation would, of course, not have been complete without 
some members from Germany. We have already noted the presence of Otto von 
Habsburg and Hans-Joachim von Merkatz as Chairmen of the Congress; also 
attending was Strauss's right-hand man in the Cercle, Count Hans Huyn. The 1976 
Congress therefore again brought together the Cercle's 1980s triumvirate - Violet, 
Crozier and Huyn. 

Another future "leading German member of the Cercle" at the 1976 CEDl 
Congress was Franz Josef Bach. A qualified engineer. Bach later studied political 
science at the University of Virginia in 1949 before attending the German Diplomatic 
Service school in 1950-51, being posted to Sydney from 1951 to 1954 and to 
Washington from 1954 to 1957. After returning to Germany, he would fill the posts 
of Head of Foreign Office Affairs in the Chancellor's Office in 1957 and ministerial 
adviser in 1958 before running Adenauer's private office from 1959 to 1961. 
Returning to foreign duty. Bach would serve as General Consul in Hong Kong until 
1964 when he was posted to Teheran as German Ambassador until 1968. Between 
1969 and 1972, Bach then represented Aachen - Charlemagne's city - as a CDU MP 
in the German Parliament. In 1975, Bach would be interviewed by Senator Church's 
committee investigating bribes paid by aviation manufacturer Northrop. By the late 
1970s, Bach would work closely with Crozier in taking over the practical 
organization of Cercle meetings from Jean Violet (276) . 

Three other Germans of note attended the 1976 CEDl Congress: Dr. Richard 

Jaeger, Vice-President of the German Parliament, Dr. Fritz Pirkl, Chairman of the 
CSU's Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung from its creation in 1967 until his death in 1993, and 
Major-General Heinz Hiickelheim from Cologne. Hiickelheim had an interesting 
tie-in to the Belgian Gladio network; as a colonel of the German military security 
service, the Militarischer Abschirmdienst MAD, in the 1950s, Hiickelheim had 
been the German partner of Andre Moyen in his clandestine campaigns against 
Communism (277). 

The Italian participants at the CEDl Congress were characterized by their 
links to the world of Catholic high finance. One Italian Congress participant we've 
already met before was Carlo Pesenti of Italcementi and Italmobiliare, financer of the 
Cercle, the AESP and the sniffer plane project. Along with Pesenti at the CEDl 
Congress was another Catholic financier, Orazio Bagnasco. Both Pesenti and 
Bagnasco would later be central figures in the Banco Ambrosiano just before its 
collapse in 1982. 

Amongst the hundred or so participants from Spain were three Cercle 
contacts. CEDl founder Alfredo Sanchez-Bella was one of the co-chairs for the 
Congress; also attending was one of the Cercle's candidates in the Spanish elections, 
Cruz Martinez Esteruelas, President of the Union Democratica del Pueblo Espanol 
within Fraga Iribarne's Alianza Popular. The CEDl Congress was an opportunity for 
Martinez Esteruelas to meet Franz Josef Strauss's foreign policy representative, 
Hans Huyn; over the next twelve months, Strauss would channel some DM 100,000 
to Martinez Esteruelas for his election campaigns. Besides this German-Spanish 
axis, the French Monde Moderne team of Vigneau and Leguebe also met an old 
friend. Colonel Juan Manuel Sancho Sofranis, a Spanish military representative at 
the 1974 Paris launch of the Centre d'Etudes du Monde Moderne. 

Another Cercle election candidate - this time Portuguese - attending the CEDl 
Congress was Kaulza de Arriaga, former Commander-in-Chief of Portuguese Forces 
in Mozambique, who had been arrested eighteen months earlier for his involvement 
in the coup planned for March 1975. Arriaga would also benefit from considerable 
largesse channelled through Strauss over the coming years. During his spell in 
Mozambique, Arriaga had liaised closely with millionaire Jorge Jardim, another 
Portuguese participant at this 1976 CEDl Congress. 

Jardim, "former king of the Portuguese colonists", was the secret backer and 
leader of the Uniao Nacional Africana de Rombezia (UNAR), a splinter group from 
FRELIMO whose goal was to set up a buffer state between Tanzania and Zambese to 
block FRELlMO's advance - Jardim would be closely linked to the murder of 
FRELIMO leader Walter Mondlane. Jardim had set up "counter-gangs" in 
Mozambique; together with leading counter- insurgency expert Captain Alpoim 
Calvao, later one of the commanders of the Aginter Press/Spinola underground army 
ELP, Jardim had created the Flechas, black mercenaries under white leadership who 
operated from Jardim's estates on the Mozambique /Malawi border. Besides his 
Aginter Press/ ELP contacts, Jardim was also active on an international level to 
support Spinola's plans for a coup, attending the SDECE's Sheraton Hotel 

conference for the putschists in September 1975. After Machel's victory in 
Mozambique, Jardim fled to Gabon and became a major source of finance for 
RENAMO, the Mozambiquan counter-revolutionary guerrilla force set up by the 
Rhodesian Central Intelligence Organisation (278). 

The Cercle's transatlantic contacts were also represented at the CEDI 
Congress. Eighteen months earlier, the ISC had set up their American offshoot, the 
Washington ISC; Adolph W. Schmidt, a member of the US Committee of the ISC, 
would attend the 1976 CEDI Congress. Schmidt would go on to serve on the 
Advisory Council of the NSIC at least until 1984. A second American participant of 
note was Crosby Kelly, the American industrialist originally intended as a source of 
seed capital for the sniffer plane project. A third American participant was Charles 
T. Mayer of the Foreign Policy Discussion Group, a group about which little is 
known. The FPDG must however have continued contact with the Cercle complex, as 
Mayer would later be invited to attend a 1989 Cercle meeting with Hnay, Huyn, 
Crozier and Amery, all present at the 1976 CEDI Congress. 

A final participant of note at the CEDI Congress was Alfons Dalma, Director 
of News and Information for Austrian radio and television, who had represented 
Austria on CEDI's International Council since at least 1972. Dalma may have 
discussed the Washington ISC with Schmidt at the CEDI Congress. Dalma had met 
two Wise Committee members one month after WISC's foundation in March 1975, 
when he attended the April 1975 Bilderberg conference in Cesme, Turkey, with 
George Ball and Zbigniew Brzezinski of WISC, Sir Frederic Bennett of NAFF and 
future President of FARI, and two Cercle beneficiaries, Franz Josef Strauss and 
Margaret Thatcher. 

This CEDI Congress allows us to draw certain conclusions about the Cercle's 
operations. In 1976, there would be two opportunities for the main Cercle 
propagandists to meet; the ISC/ FARI team, the Monde Moderne staff and the PIG 
duo of de Bonvoisin and Bougerol would all meet at both the AESP Chapter 
Assembly in February and the CEDI Congress in December at a critical time for their 
respective operations. Without being able to deduce any indication of mutual 
assistance, these meetings do indicate the close communication between the 
national groups that made up the Cercle complex. The few internal documents from 
the ISC, the AESP, the ISP and CEDI that are available can only afford a glimpse of 
their international networking. Despite the lack of documents from other years, 
there can be no doubt that this coalition of top right-wing politicians and covert 
operators held meetings several times a year throughout the 1970s. This glimpse in 
1976 and another in 1979-80 may be fragmentary, but they certainly show only the 
tip of the iceberg. 



The late 1970s would be a period of intense activity for the London end of the 
Cercle complex. During this period, Crozier and his associates concentrated on two 
main projects: setting up Shield, the advisory group on subversion which personally 
counselled Margaret Thatcher, and the creation of an international private 
intelligence service which came to be known as the Sixth International or 61 (six- 

As we have seen. Shield was created in March 1976 by the inner core of NAFF 
members: Crozier, Moss, McWhirter, Gouriet and Lord De L'Isle, all present at the 
March 1976 dinner with Margaret Thatcher. Crozier records: "Thereafter we had 
many meetings, either at the Thatchers' London home .. or in her room in the House 
[of Commons]. Later they continued, usually at Chequers, but sometimes at 
Downing Street. Mostly we met alone. In the early days, however, I was often 
accompanied by a well-known (some would say notorious) ex-senior man in Britain's 
Secret Intelligence Service [MI6], Nicholas Elliott" (279). In MI6 Counter-intelligence 
with postings to Berne, Istanbul, London and Beirut, it was Elliott who had 
confronted Philby in Beirut in 1963, precipitating his flight to the Soviet Union (280). 
As described in later chapters, Elliott would go on to play a key role not only in 
Shield, but also in the Cercle's international private intelligence service, 61, that 
Crozier would create in 1977. 

As for Shield's structure, Crozier records that Shield's providers were made up 
of Crozier, former MI6 officers Elliott and Stephen Hastings and Harry Sporborg, a 
Norwegian-born former Deputy Head of the wartime Special Operations Executive 
then working for Hambro's Bank, the third SOE veteran within the Cercle together 
with Tennant and Amery. "With the resources of the Institute for the Study of 
Conflict at our disposal, we produced some twenty papers on various aspects of 
subversion. The researchers were Peter Shipley and Douglas Eden. The papers were 
made available immediately to Margaret Thatcher and, on request, to other members 
of the committee on the 'receiving' side. Apart from Mrs Thatcher, there were three of 
them, all members of her shadow cabinet: Lord Carrington, William (later Lord) 
Whitelaw, and Sir Keith Joseph [responsible for foreign, domestic and economic 
affairs]" (281). Thatcher's Shadow Minister for Northern Ireland - and intended 
intelligence supremo - Airey Neave and his deputy John Biggs-Davison were of 
course other shadow cabinet members intimately linked to Shield. 

"The work of the Shield committee fell into two broad categories. One was 
strategic: it concerned the state of Britain's existing counter- subversion machinery, 
proposals for fundamental change, and contingency planning for a major crisis - a 
widespread paralysis caused by political strikes and riots ... The other category was 
tactical: to provide short, factual and accurate research papers on the Communist 
connections of Labour MPs and trades unionists in the increasingly critical 
industrial scene, especially in late 1978 and early 1979" (282). 

As regards the latter category for Shield actions, the initiator of Shield, former 
MI6 officer and Tory MP Stephen Hastings also gave a parliamentary platform for the 
counter- subversion lobby's charges concerning Labour MPs' Communist 
connections. In 1977, Hastings relaunched the Frolik allegations that Labour MPs 
had spied for the Czech intelligence service. In 1976, veteran espionage journalist 
and M15 friend Chapman Pincher had sent Hastings tape recordings of interviews 
with Frolik who reiterated his charges. This contact between Pincher and Hastings 
was not surprising; Pincher had been the guest speaker at a NAFF seminar on 
subversion organized in August 1975 before NAFF's formal creation. In December 
1977, under Parliamentary privilege, Hastings named the Labour MPs whom Frolik 
accused of having worked for the Czech intelligence service; in January 1978, 
Hastings stepped up the pressure by sending to Prime Minister Callaghan a copy of 
a letter from Frolik to Josef Josten (a member of NAFF like Hastings) , in which Frolik 
said he was afraid to visit Britain because the Czech intelligence service had British 
friends in high places (283). 

As for the first category for Shield actions, "Shield's first move was to 
commission an extensive report on the current state of subversion and on the 
existing official agencies that were supposed to handle the problem. The report, 
which ran to about 100 pages, was drafted by a former senior member of the Secret 
Intelligence Service: an old and trusted friend of Stephen Hastings and myself. After 
revisions by Stephen, Nicholas and me, the final draft was ready in May 1977" (284). 
The most likely candidate for this anonymous author is NAFF National Council 
member G. K. Young, former Deputy Director of M16. Having failed to take over the 
Monday Club in 1973, Young had launched the private army Unison in 1974 with 
Ross McWhirter and two former M16 colleagues, Anthony Cavendish and Colonel 
Ronald Wareing, the latter joining the FARl Council with Crozier, Moss et al in 1976. 

The direct line to Mrs Thatcher that Shield provided allowed disgruntled 
former M15 or M16 officers to condemn what they saw as the previous fatal 
weakening of Britain's counter- subversion effort. IRD had been cut back in the late 
1960s; the ISC would step into the breach following its creation in 1969-70. The 
completion in May 1977 of this first Shield report on the need for a reorganization 
and reinforcement of the official counter- subversion effort coincided with the 
decision of Labour Foreign Secretary David Owen finally to close down IRD. 
According to Crozier, this was at least in part motivated by the close links between 
IRD and the ISC which had hit the headlines a year previously. In the eyes of the 
counter- subversion lobby, the decision smacked of treachery: "Thus, the Labour 
Government had destroyed the only active instrument of counter- subversion in the 
United Kingdom ... as a sop to the Left. The KGB had won, possibly when it least 
expected victory" (285). 

The radical tone of Shield's report can be judged from Crozier's analysis of the 
challenge Shield sought to combat: "The problem was subversion: the deliberate 
undermining of the State and society. Subversion is an insidious man-made disease, 
a creeping paralysis in which the State's defensive organs are invaded and 
neutralized, until they cease to function: the political equivalent to AIDS. In Britain, 

as in other affected countries, the ultimate aim was to turn the country into a 
'people's democracy' on the East European model. ... In Britain in particular the 
problem had become more threatening. The main reason was simply that the trades 
unions and the Labour Party had been largely taken over by the subversive Left. 
Many other areas of life were affected: the schools and universities, the media, the 
Churches" (286). Crozier further states that Shield's actions were "a question of 
survival in a nation in which the dominant role, increasingly, was played by extreme 
Left Labour MPs and constituency managers and by trades unions whose long-term 
goal ... was to transform Britain into another East Germany or Czechoslovakia" 
(287). The Shield report concluded that M16 was "basically in good shape" but that 
M15 was not, due to its charter restricting surveillance (officially) to threats of "the 
overthrow of the government by unlawful means". "In that initial paper, therefore, we 
had proposed an urgent redefinition of the terms of reference of M15, along with 
fresh directives to both the Services enabling them not merely to report on 
subversion, but to go over to the counter-offensive. For M16, too, the counter- 
offensive angle was emphasized" (288). 

Whilst work progressed on the review of Britain's counter- subversion effort. 
Shield also turned its attention to reporting on current subversive threats. "Between 
May 1977 and July 1979, Shield produced no fewer than fifteen strategic papers, 
recommending counter- action to meet the subversive challenge and defeat it" (289). 
"One, dated April 1978, gave details of joint Labour- Communist activity ... in 
November of that year, we identified forty-eight Labour Party prospective 
parliamentaiy candidates with extreme Left views and connections ... on 15 January 
[1979], a Shield paper traced the origin of the [lorry drivers'] strike to Alex Kitson, 
General Secretary of the Scottish Commercial Motormen's Union ... well known for 
his pro-Soviet sympathies ... on 17 January, a further paper analysed the potential 
consequences, which included the possible use of troops for essential services ... In a 
further paper, on 29 January, Shield dwelt on the extremist influences within the 
National Union of Public Employees ... In a longer paper dated 12 February 1979, 
Shield looked at the strike policy of the Communist Party ... In another paper, dated 
26 February 1979, we gave details of various Labour groups which had been 
campaigning for the overthrow of the Shah of Iran" (290). 

Crozier also felt that Thatcher's confidence needed strengthening so as to 
"cultivate and consolidate a public image of clear-headedness and resolution. To this 
end, at one of our private Flood Street meetings, 1 handed her a programme of 
'Psychological Action' ... a practical technique originally formalized by my close 
French friend, Martre Jean Violet ... What 1 had done was to borrow Violet's tried and 
tested principles, and adapt them to current British needs". This programme of 
'Psychological Action' focused on identifying people's needs and fears, and on that 
basis developing questions to be inserted into political speeches. Crozier notes that 
"many, though not all, of the points made surfaced in her speeches and those of her 
followers in the run-up to the next elections" (291). 

As the industrial action of the "winter of discontent" under Wilson's successor 
James Callaghan intensified. Shield revised their initial paper on the British 

counter- subversion effort and in a "Mechanism Paper" dated May 1978 proposed the 
creation of a "Counter- Subversion Executive" "not only to counter anti-British 
subversive activity both in the United Kingdom and in other parts of the world, by 
clandestine means both offensive and defensive, but also actively to conduct a 
clandestine offensive against Soviet power" (292). Several weeks later, Crozier, 
Elliott, Hastings and Sporborg met with Thatcher, Whitelaw, Joseph and Carrington 
to discuss the Counter- Subversion Executive. Difficulties arose as to the 
administrative accountability of the proposed CSE; Lord Carrington objected to 
Crozier's suggestion of housing it within the Foreign Office and to Thatcher's 
suggestion of accommodating it within the Cabinet Office or in Downing Street. 
Sporborg then wrote to Hastings, Crozier and Elliott to suggest that the CSE should 
be a secret appendage of MI6, thus ensuring the necessary confidentiality for the 
proposed new body. 

Shield's view of the necessity for such a body was reiterated in a Shield 
strategic paper written in June 1979 "by a senior officer of MIS who had just retired". 
The former MIS man described MIS as "an intellectually weakened organization no 
longer prepared to take Marxist-Leninist influences seriously. Too much time and 
resources were devoted to the trailing of foreign spies ... and too little to domestic 
subversion" (293). The perspectives for the creation of the proposed CSE as a remedy 
to such perceived failings of MIS had been given a boost by Thatcher's election 
victory in May 1979, but ultimately Lord Carrington's hostility to the counter- 
subversion lobby could not be overcome, and in a July 1979 meeting at Chequers 
with the new Prime Minister, the Shield team was informed that Shield's efforts were 
no longer necessary and that the CSE would not be created. Although the rejection 
of the CSE was a blow to the Shield group, it was not fatal: since early 1977, Crozier 
had been running a private international secret service called the Sixth International 
or 61; as Crozier records, "the London end of the 61 simply took over Shield's work." 


The initiative for formalizing Cercle contacts into a private secret service came 
in early 1977, a year or so into Shield's operations. As Crozier records: "Something 
bigger than Shield was needed to deal with the wider threat from the Soviet Union 
and its worldwide subversive network" (294). At the time, the Western counter- 
subversion effort was in disarray: the IRD would be formally closed down in April- 
May 1977, and the American intelligence community was still reeling from the 
exposure of the Watergate scandal and the four hundred posts shed by the CIA after 
the appointment of Admiral Stansfield Turner. Crozier voiced the counter- subversion 
lobby's point of view in saying: "This catastrophic decision completed the self- 
emasculation of American intelligence" (29S). 

"The question was whether something could be done in the private sector - 
not only in Britain, but in the United States and other countries of the Western 
Alliance. A few of us had been exchanging views, and decided that action was indeed 
possible. I took the initiative by convening a very small and very secret meeting in 

London. We met in the luxurious executive suite of a leading City of London bank on 
the morning of Sunday 13 February 1977. Our host, a leading figure in the bank, 
took the chair. Three of us were British, four were American, with one German. Ill 
health prevented a French associate from joining us; Jean Violet was with us in 
spirit" (296). 

Crozier does not identify the host of the first 61 meeting, although one likely 
candidate is SOE veteran Sir Peter Tennant of Barclays', the co-Chairman of the 
Cercle who, only two months before this first 61 meeting, had attended the December 
1976 CEDl Congress in Madrid alongside Crozier, Moss and Amery from Britain, 
Pinay, Violet and Vallet from France, Damman and Vankerkhoven of the AESP, de 
Bonvoisin and Bougerol of PIO, Vigneau and Leguebe from Le Monde Moderne and 
Adolph W. Schmidt from the US Committee for the ISC. Other possible hosts for the 
61 could be either Harry Sporborg of Hambro's Bank or G. K. Young of investment 
bankers Kleinwort Benson. Crozier goes on to identify the third Briton as Nicholas 
Elliott, but conceals the German's identity with the following words: "The German 
was a very active member of the Bundestag, whose career had started in diplomacy. 
He had a very wide understanding of Soviet strategy, on which he wrote several first- 
rate books" - all of which is a perfect fit for Count Hans Huyn, who had also attended 
the 1976 CEDl Congress. 

As for the Americans, the most notable participant at the 61 meeting was 
General Vernon 'Dick' Walters, who served as Deputy Director of Central 
Intelligence (under William Colby, himself a Cercle guest) from 1972 to 1976, retiring 
shortly before this first 61 meeting. Fluent in six European languages as a result of 
his childhood in the UK and France, Walters would become a veteran coupmaster 
involved in most of the CIA's dirtiest operations - Iran, Italy, Vietnam, Chile, Angola, 
Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador and Fiji, often working with other Cercle 
contacts. As American Military Attache in Teheran, Walters had worked with Kermit 
Roosevelt and G. K. Young in the 1953 Operation Ajax to overthrow Iranian Prime 
Minister Mossadegh. From 1967 to 1972, when the Cercle and AESP were being set 
up, Walters was Military Attache in Paris responsible for the Benelux region. 

The three remaining American participants at the 1977 founding meeting of 
the 61 were "two able and diligent Congressional staffers, and the Viennese born 
representative of a big Belgian company". Although no definite identification of this 
trio has yet been possible, one should note the considerable assistance provided to 
Crozier over the previous two years by Robert Fearey's Senate Internal Security Sub- 
Committee which had invited Crozier to testify at terrorism hearings in May 1975. In 
March 1976, Fearey then chaired a major international conference on terrorism 
whose speakers included Crozier, Moss, Wilkinson and Horchem from Germany. 

Three contenders for the two anonymous US Congressional staffers emerge 
from Crozier's later work in the early 1990s within the International Freedom 
Federation, which included Huyn, Horchem and several other 61 members, 
described below. According to his IFF biography, "Herbert Romerstein 

investigated Soviet espionage and influence operations for eighteen years as a 
professional staff member of the US House of Representatives' Committee on 
Internal Security [1971-75] and the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence 
[1978-83]. From 1983 until 1989 he was a senior policy adviser for the United 
States Information Agency, where he was Director to the Office to Counter Soviet 
Active Measures and Disinformation". As for the history of the creation of 
Romerstein's Office, "on September 9, 1982, President Ronald Reagan designated 
the United States Information Agency to lead an inter-departmental effort to 
counter Soviet propaganda and disinformation. For an advisory body, the 
administration created the Active Measures Working Group in 1981 to bring 
together the information the various agencies held to counter Soviet disinformation 
and forgery. It served as a clearinghouse to expose such information and it had 
permission to use classified documents and any other resources that were required 
to meet this goal. The Working Group was chaired by the State Department with 
representatives from State, Central Intelligence Agency, Defense Intelligence 
Agency, Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, United States Information 
Agency, and the Defense and Justice Departments. The Working Group ended in 
1991, two years after the collapse of the Soviet Union". In his 1993 memoirs, 
Crozier recalls that Romerstein was "one of the leading American official specialists 
on the Soviet intelligence system, whom 1 have known for many years". 

The IFF would also include two other American contacts of Crozier's with 
Congressional careers. Having worked in the Office of the Secretary of Defense from 
1963 to 1967, Sven Kraemer served as an arms control expert on the National 
Security Council from 1967 to 1976 under Johnson, Nixon and Ford; he then 
became "Senior Staff Member for Defense and Foreign Policy, U.S. Senate (1978- 
1981", holding "senior staff positions in the Congressional branch of government, 
working with Senator John Tower (R-Tex) and the Republican Policy Committee of 
the US Senate (1979-80)". He would return to the NSC in 1981, serving as Reagan's 
Director of Arms Control until 1987, during which period he would be one of 
Crozier's regular contacts in the White House; he also served as Program Director of 
Barnett's NSIC. Kraemer may be the second of the 6rs Congressional staffers. 
Alternatively, there is David Holliday, who would switch in 1976 from being Capitol 
Correspondent of KWTV Channel 9 (CBS) to serving as "Administrative Assistant to 
Governor David L. Boren of Oklahoma and between 1978 to 1985 as Chief Assistant 
for Legislative Affairs to Senator Boren. Between 1985 and 1987, Mr. Holliday served 
as a Professional Staff Member of the US Senate Select Committee on Intelligence . . . 
Between 1987 and 1991, Mr. Holliday was the Special Assistant to the Chairman 
[Senator Boren from 1987 to 1994] and Official Spokesman of the US Senate Select 
Committee on Intelligence" . Holliday himself wrote: "During the years that 1 spent 
with the Senate Intelligence Committee, the area that 1 was primarily responsible for 
was covert action. 1 got very much involved with that subject" (297). 

At the inaugural 61 meeting, Crozier proposed to Elliott, Huyn, Walters and 
the other participants to create "a Private Sector Operational Intelligence agency, 
beholden to no government, but at the disposal of allied or friendly governments for 
certain tasks which, for one reason or another, they were no longer able to tackle. 1 

must make it clear that 'these tasks did not include any acts of armed force or 
physical coercion' " (298). 

The tasks of the 61 would rather be in the field of intelligence-gathering, 
psychological warfare and covert funding; Crozier summarizes the tasks of the 61 as 
follows: "to provide reliable intelligence in areas which governments were barred 
from investigating, either through recent legislation (as in the US) or because 
political circumstances made such inquiries difficult or potentially embarrassing; to 
conduct secret counter- subversion operations in any country in which such actions 
were deemed feasible" (299). The future role of the 61 in circumventing domestic 
restrictions on intelligence operations and in coordinating private sector counter- 
subversion efforts is stressed by Crozier: "We planned both to initiate secret 
operations in our various countries, and to coordinate the existing overt actions of 
the many private groups involved in the resistance to Soviet propaganda and Active 
measures ... Unlike existing agencies, we would not be hampered by prohibitions on 
functioning in our own or Allied countries" (300) . 

The name of the Sixth International or "six-eye" (following the five Communist 
or Trotskyist internationals) was suggested some months later by "a distinguished 
Argentine associate of ours, a former Justice Minister (and anti-Peronist) named 
Jacques Perriaux" (301). Elliott and Crozier undertook to find the funding necessary 
for the 6rs operations from industrial sponsors; an initial estimate of $5 million a 
year was suggested, although as Crozier notes: "our initial estimate of financial 
needs was too high: not for the requirements, but for the realistic limits of generosity 
on the part of the necessarily small number of sources we approached" (302). "At the 
height of the 6rs activities in the mid-1980s, we were spending around $1 million a 
year" (303). 

As for the 6rs members, Crozier records that its network of agents and 
informants grew swiftly. "The main requirement for recruitment was "access". We 
needed well-placed men and women, with access to leaders, to intelligence and 
security services, to selected politicians, to editors of potentially useful publications. 
All that was needed was for those selected from the contacts each had built up 
before and after the birth of the 61, to be conscious of our existence and our goals. ... 
In addition to our own network, we gained access to a number of existing networks, 
both private and official. In Germany, we had three prime sources. One was the ex- 
diplomat turned politician. Count Hans Huyn, a close friend of the Bavarian leader 
Franz Josef Strauss ... Another was the ebullient, ever-cheerful Hans Josef 'Jupp' 
Horchem ... The third source was one of the senior intelligence officials who had 
resigned in disgust when Chancellor Brandt emasculated the former Gehlen office 
(304). 1 shall call him Hans von Machtenberg. With him, into early retirement, he 
took a substantial network of agents, whose identities he had refused to disclose to 
his new political masters. Hans lived near PuUach, in Bavaria, headquarters of the 
BND. There, with the approval and backing of Strauss, he secured financial backing 
to continue his work, in the private sector ... 1 invited him to join our directing 
committee (which we called our 'Politburo'). Thereafter, he received our bulletin and 
a selection of our secret reports. In return, 1 received his regular intelligence reports 

in German, with full discretion to use them, unattributably" (305). 

Hans Christoph Schenk Freiherr von StaufTenberg had been an 
Information Evaluator with the BND before leaving to set up a private intelligence 
service within Strauss's CSU party. Von Stauffenberg's network liaised closely with 
former BND special operative Hans Langemann, head of the State Protection 
Department within Strauss's Bavarian Interior Ministry, and as such the top link 
man for the security and intelligence services. The technical adviser for von 
Stauffenberg's secret service was Langemann's former boss in the Strategic Service 
of the BND, retired Brigadier- General Wolfgang Langkau, who had resigned in 1968 
when Wessel abolished the Strategic Service due to Langkau's overt right-wing 
sympathies. Much of von Stauffenberg's information came from Langemann, who 
received over DM 300,000 from von Stauffenberg between 1977 and 1982. 
Langemann in turn used an intelligence slush fund, "Positive Protection of the 
Constitution", to finance a registered charity, the Arbeitskreis fiir das Studium 
internationaler Fragen (Working Group for the Study of International Issues) which 
supported von Stauffenberg's group. 100 copies of each von Stauffenberg report were 
printed: recipients included Strauss and Gerold Tandler, Bavarian Interior Minister - 
Langemann's political bosses (306). 

The CSU not only had its private intelligence-gathering agency run by Hans 
von Stauffenberg, but also used the CSU's political foundation, the Hanns-Seidel- 
Stiftung, as its external covert action arm. The Chairman of the Board of Directors 
since 1975 and Director of the International Department was Archduke Otto. HSS 
operations were truly international: active in pro-Contra fundraising and 
propaganda, exporting intelligence equipment to Idi Amin, supporting Mobutu in 
Africa, diverting state development aid from Germany into right-wing party coffers in 
Ecuador. HSS activities notably accelerated after 1977 when the foundation 
obtained a massive increase in funding from the State: its grant from tax-payers' 
money went from DM 1.9 million in 1977 to DM 13 million in 1980 (307). The scale 
of HSS parapolitical operations can be judged by a report, circulated amongst the 
CSU leadership and believed by them to stem from the BND, on the CIA's operative 
interest in the HSS: 

"23rd March, 1979. 

Personal and confidential: recipient's eyes only. 

CIA operative interest in the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung. 

1. Initially unconnected indications of CIA focuses for intelligence-gathering 
on the Federal Republic of Germany have confirmed that the Konrad- 
Adenauer-Stiftung [CDU foundation] and above all the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung 
are of operative interest to the American agency. Up until now the Friedrich- 
Naumann-Stiftung [FDP foundation] and the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung [SPD 
foundation] have not been mentioned. 

2. The interest in the HSS is due to indications that have led the CIA 
management to believe that the HSS is active directly on behalf of the 
Bavarian Prime Minister both for foreign intelligence-gathering as well as for 
the execution of quasi-diplomatic or clandestine measures (covert action*) [*in 
English in the original]. 

It appears that the CIA believes that some of the HSS representatives abroad 
are "private intelligence gatherers for the CSU" who "can only be distinguished 
from the BND residents by their lower level of typical intelligence tradecraft". 
The CIA attributes these "para-intelligence service" and "covert action" 
activities (political and financial exertion of influence, "business mediation 
useful for the party including arms trading") to the HSS in the following 
countries: first Namibia, Zaire and Nigeria, then Morocco, Togo, Greece, 
Portugal, Turkey, Manila, Hong Kong/ Peking, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, finally 
the United States itself and "South America". For the business mediation, 
alleged HSS links to Messerschmitt-Bolkow-Blohn, Krauss-Maffei, Airbus 
Industries and companies in the foodstuffs and pharmaceutical sectors are 

3. According to all appearances, the CIA reckons on systematic intelligence 
tasking by the MfS [East German intelligence] and the KGB against HSS 
representatives (and their offices) abroad, and [the CIA] sees here a potentially 
rich source for tips for their own counter-intelligence service working against 
the Eastern Bloc agencies" (308). 


A major activity for the Cercle complex from 1975 onwards was a relaunch of 
the Cercle/AESP's 1973 'Peace without Frontiers' appeal to collect prominent 
signatures on the theme of free movement of persons and ideas. Damman details the 
uses for the thousand signatories to the Academy's appeal in his Note 229: 

"This group of a thousand people can constitute a force if we manage to use it 
wisely. The organization and the use of this force should be studied by a 
brain-trust like the one organized at Mr. Vallet's house which dealt with the 
problems facing South Africa ... Europe must convince America that beyond 
the nuclear strike-force, the ideological weapon is more powerful if we have 
the means to use it ... The funding for an ideological campaign represents one 
tenth of a percent of the enormous budget allocated to nuclear and 
conventional weapons ... A spiritual alliance between Europe and America 
must find means more powerful than those available for the Soviet strategy of 
propaganda. We must make ourselves masters of the media in the free world" 

The negotiations in Helsinki which included Basket 111, the human rights 
chapter, had culminated in July 1975 with the signature of the Final Act. 

Nonetheless, the Cercle complex was sceptical about the Soviet Union's willingness 
to respect its commitments. Crozier records that a senior KGB officer felt that the 
Helsinki Agreements were "one of the Soviet Union's greatest triumphs since World 
War 11" (310). The complex therefore pursued the issue of human rights in the mid to 
late 1970s. In a cassette message to Damman dated 16th October, 1975, Violet 
referred to the campaign as part of the Academy's programme for the coming year: 

"The Soviet Union had tried to hurl a spear at the heart of Western Europe, 
but, whilst it was in the air, the West succeeded in changing the spear into a 
boomerang ... if, by 1977, the Soviet Union does not want to liberalize its 
regime, it will have to confront a growing pile of dossiers on human rights 
violations. And all of this is due to the active campaign for free movement . . . 
we must talk of the release of political prisoners . . . that is an outline of the 
programme for the Academy for the beginning of 1976" (311). 

In 1977-78, the Cercle intensified its campaign against the Soviet Union on 
the theme of human rights violations, coordinating its actions as in the past between 
the four main pillars of the Cercle's European network - Belgium, Britain, France 
and Germany; indeed, the coordinated campaign may well have been one of the first 
operations of Crozier's newly founded 61. The first indication of this relaunch is given 
in a notation in Damman's diary dated 6th January, 1977 which reads: 

"7.19 am: Quartier Leopold station, departure for Zurich. Arrival 1.59 pm - 
Hotel Baur au Lac. 5 pm: meeting with Jean Violet and Alain de Villegas. 
Bolder Dinner - plan prepared for Operation H2 [Helsinki 2]" (312). 

This meeting came just before the conference in Belgrade that was to study 
the implementation of human rights under the Helsinki 11 treaty. The Academy 
launched a mailshot campaign attacking the Soviet Union for human rights abuses: 
on 3rd April, 1977, Damman noted in his diary: "Start of Operation H2, the first 
letters have been sent" (313). Damman's diary also records that part of the campaign 
involved the AESP buying full-page advertising space in Le Figaro for its appeal. In 
May 1977, the ISC relayed the AESP campaign with the publication of a Conflict 
Study entitled Human Rights - Soviet Theory and Practice. 

Another angle to the complex's human rights attack on the Soviet Union was 
to mobilize right-wing Christian groups on the issue of the repression of religious 
worship in the Soviet Union. This was of course familiar territory for Violet and 
Dubois who had worked with Catholic networks behind the Iron Curtain in the 
1960s for the SDECE. The complex's activity was both intense and influential: 
Damman's diary for 1st October, 1977 records that AESP representative Jacques 
Jonet was received by the Pope, no doubt in connection with the complex's 
campaigns. Besides the Helsinki 11 operation, the Cercle also ran a specific religious 
campaign called the "Bible-prisoners" action, referred to in Violet's note of 31st 
March, 1976 about the Cercle's cash crisis, quoted above. Further details of this 
campaign emerge from another entry in Damman's diary dated 31st October, 1977: 

"Vincent van den Bosch has announced a demonstration for Saturday, 10th 
December at 2pm, to be held in front of the Soviet Embassy. Free circulation 
of the Bible, freedom of religion and thought, re-opening of churches, release 
of prisoners - organized by Solidarite Chretienne Internationale (international 
committee for freedom of conscience and religion)" (314). 

Besides running SCI, Vincent van den Bosch, Secretary- General of CEDI, was 
a central figure in Damman's complex of groups, serving as a member of the AESP 
Permanent Delegation and as Secretary- General of MAUE - and also having met 
Crozier twice in 1976 at the February AESP Chapter Assembly and again at the 
December CEDI Congress. The campaign for religious freedom in the Soviet Union, 
like the general human rights campaign, was coordinated between three of the main 
pillars of the complex: Belgium, Britain and Germany. To support the 
demonstrations and mailing actions undertaken by the AESP in late 1977, the ISC 
brought out a Conflict Study on the Prague-based Christian Peace Conference in 
January 1978, The CPC - Human Rights and Religion in the USSR. 

The AESP and the ISC were not the only Cercle associates to support these 
campaigns; the Cercle's German friends also contributed. As we have seen, the 
German pillars of the Cercle throughout the 1970s had been Strauss's CSU, 
represented by Cercle/6I member Count Hans Huyn, and the Swiss group ISP, run 
by AESP partner Karl-Friedrich Grau. In late 1977, the Cercle's German friends set 
up a specialized group to support the campaigns on religious freedom being run by 
the ISC and the AESP - a German equivalent to the earlier British-based 
CSRC/Keston College. 

This new group was the Briisewitz Centre, a "Christian" group whose aim 
was to "publicize human rights violations and particularly the violations of the 
freedom of worship in the so-called German Democratic Republic". Founded in 
October 1977, the Briisewitz Centre was named after Oskar Briisewitz, an East 
German priest who burned himself alive in August 1976; the priest's widow tried in 
vain to prevent the group using his name. The founding body for the Briisewitz 
Centre was the Christlich-Paneuropaische Studienwerk (Christian Paneuropean 
Study Group), itself founded in July 1977 and chaired by Otto von Habsburg's 
teenage daughter, Walburga von Habsburg (315). The Briisewitz Centre's Board 
included several well-known faces: Habsburg, Huyn and von Merkatz, all three early 
associates of the AESP. On the Board of the Briisewitz Centre, we also find the 
Czech exile Ludek Pachmann, whom we have already met as a speaker for Grau's 
ISP in 1975-76 along with Habsburg and Huyn. Habsburg, von Merkatz and 
Pachmann of the Briisewitz Board would all also serve on the Board of Amnesty 
International's right-wing rival, the IGfM/ISHR. 

The Briisewitz Centre's Board would also include five other Germans who will 
crop up in later Cercle operations in the 1980s. The first of these was Hans 
Filbinger, member of the PEU Council and CDU Regional Prime Minister of Baden- 
Wiirttemberg from 1966 to 1978, when he was forced to resign following a scandal 

about his past as a military judge in Hitler's Navy; he died in 2007. In July 1977, 
four months before the creation of the Briisewitz Centre, Filbinger had been one of 
the founding members of the Ludwig-Frank-Stiftung, a far-right pressure group of 
German politicians and businessmen that organized conferences together with 
fascist parties such as the German NPD and Italian MSI. Based in Munich, the LFS 
set as its aim "to resist the dangers of a Popular Front and Eurocommunism". LFS 
activities concentrated on right-wing trades unions, and it had close links to the far 
Right including the Comitato Tricolore degli Italiani nel Mondo, a PEU affiliate close 
to the Italian MSI. The LFS journal was another channel for anti-Socialist 
disinformation, e.g. "There are people in Bonn who are financed by the East. One of 
them is Mr. Brandt". Many German associates of the Cercle complex would be Board 
members of the LFS, amongst them Habsburg. The LFS's inaugural international 
conference in February 1978 was attended by representatives of several groups close 
to the Cercle complex: the Paneuropean Union, the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung, the 
Briisewitz Centre, the IGfM and the IfD (described below). 

The second of the five new faces on the Briisewitz Board was also a co- 
founder of the LFS, the Bavarian Heinrich Aigner. A CSU MP in the German 
Parliament from 1957 to 1980, Aigner would represent the CSU in the European 
Parliament throughout the 1980s; he died in 1988. A Chairman of the Bavarian PEU 
section, Aigner also served as Board member and later Vice-President of the German 
PEU section. In 1982 Aigner would visit Paraguay with Filbinger as part of an LFS 
delegation paid for by the German Foreign Office. In 1983, Heinrich Aigner's son 
Heinz, a CSU member and intimate of Strauss, founded the Institute for German- 
Paraguayan Relations for the Promotion of Trade and Culture, a pro-Stroessner 
propaganda group, which organized a planned visit by Stroessner to Germany in 
1985. With Lowenthal, Heinz Aigner attended the 1981 joint WACL/ CAUSA congress 
in Asuncion, hosted by Stroessner and Pinochet. 

The third Briisewitz Board member of note was Dr Lothar Bossle, a member 
of the Central Committee of German Catholics and one of the most vocal opponents 
of liberation theology. Having been a socialist student activist in his youth, Bossle 
would switch to the CDU in 1959; from 1960 to 1963, he worked at the German 
Army School in Koblenz before being assisted by Filbinger in becoming Professor at 
the Pedagogical High School in Lorrach. In 1972, Bossle was active within the Aktion 
der Mitte group which used industry millions to publish election propaganda against 
the socialist-liberal coalition ("One dose of socialism - from 1933 to 1945 - was quite 
enough!"); in 1974, he was a co-founder of the pro-CSU campaign group KDK. In 
1975, he courted controversy in calling Allende a "socialist Hitler" and then applying 
the same treatment to Willy Brandt and Olof Palme. Bossle would become one of 
Pinochet's most fervent supporters in Germany ("Chile is on the path to true 
democracy" (316)) and a key contact person for the German group in Chile, Colonia 
Dignidad, linked to the Chilean secret service DINA, which Bossle visited at least 
four times. 

Bossle's big break would come in 1977 when Strauss intervened with Culture 
Minister Hans Maier to override the Julius Maximilian University of Wiirzburg's 

Academic Senate, Nomination Committee and Faculty Council and have Bossle 
appointed as Professor of Sociology. His inauguration would be marred by massive 
faculty protests, and Bossle's Sociology Department would later become notorious as 
a 'degree mill', handing out doctorates to those who had the money and who shared 
Bossle's world-view. In 1977, the year of his university appointment, Bossle joined 
Filbinger and Aigner within the Ludwig-Frank-Stiftung and the Briisewitz Centre. 
Like fellow Briisewitz Board members Habsburg, von Merkatz and Pachmann, Bossle 
would serve in the IGfM, sitting on its Honorary Presidium. The Sociology Professor 
would also sit on the Scientific Council of the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung and frequently 
attend seminars organized by the International Conference for the Unification of the 
Sciences, the Moonies' scientific front group (317). 

More significantly, whilst at Wiirzburg, Bossle would act as Director and later 
President of the Institut fiir Demokratieforschung (IfD, Institute for Democracy 
Research) , one of whose Board Members was Cercle member Count Hans Huyn. In 
1977, the IfD published Huyn's contribution to the Cercle's post-Helsinki human 
rights campaign, Menschenrechte und Selbstbestimmung (Human rights and self- 
determination). A European Conference for Human Rights and Self- 
Determination, no doubt another forum for the Cercle complex, had been founded 
in Bern in 1974; Huyn had been a co-founder of the Conference and would later 
serve as its Vice-President. In 1977, the IfD would also support the fledgling 
Briisewitz Centre, publishing the report Oskar Briisewitz: Sein Protest - sein Tod - 
seine Mahnung (Oskar Briisewitz: his protest - his death - his warning). The IfD 
would later publish a German version of Crozier's Conflict Study Surrogate Forces of 
the Soviet Union which had originally appeared in February 1978, and Bossle would 
organize a 1979 conference by Crozier at the Sociological Institute of Wiirzburg 
University (318). 

Bossle's IfD had extensive intelligence contacts - the IfD's scientific director 
was prominent CDU MP and later Briisewitz Board member Heinrich Lummer, 
whose numerous Libyan trips were financed by the BND; the deputy scientific 
director was former Major-General Gerd Helmut Komossa, from 1977 to 1980 head 
of Germany's military security service, the MAD. A close associate of Bossle's on the 
Board of the IfD was Prof. Dieter Blumenwitz, Professor of International and 
Constitutional Law at Wiirzburg University from 1976 on, who shared Bossle's close 
links with Chile and would reportedly visit Colonia Dignidad with Bossle. In 1979, 
Blumenwitz was one of the co-authors with Crozier of Pinochet's Chilean 
Constitution; in 1980, Blumenwitz intervened on behalf of Colonia Dignidad in legal 
proceedings seeking to block Amnesty International's German section from 
publishing allegations that the colony had served as a secret DINA torture centre 
(319). Like many of the Cercle's German friends, Blumenwitz was also a Board 
Member of the IGfM and an adviser to and author for the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung. 
Another partner of Bossle's was Dr. Giinter Rohrmoser, a frequent speaker for both 
the LFS and the IfD, and one of the most active Board members of IGfM. An 
Honorary Professor of Philosophy at Cologne University in the 1960s, Rohrmoser like 
Bossle would be assisted in his academic career by Filbinger, who secured his 
appointment as Professor of Social Philosophy at Hohenheim University in 1976 

where he would serve for twenty years until becoming professor emeritus in 1996. 
With connections like these, it is not surprising that the IfD attracted notoriety; 
Bavarian SPD MP Dr. Heinz Kaiser tried unsuccessfully to raise questions about the 
IfD in the Bavarian Parliament, speculating that it might be a covert BND training 

To return to the Briisewitz Centre, the fourth new face on the Board was CSU 
MP Hans Hugo Klein, a former Development Minister (therefore in charge of 
government grants to the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung), and a member with Grau and 
Huyn of the Deutschland-Stiftung. In 1977, the same year the Briisewitz Centre was 
founded, Klein led a parliamentary delegation from the CDU/CSU on a trip to South 
Africa; their conclusions, reported in Deutschland-Magazin, were that "South Africa 
must not fall". Klein was also a member of the Bilderberg Group, later attending 
their 1986 conference in Gleneagles. He would later serve as Vice-President of the 
German Parliament from 1990 to 1994 and died in 1996. 

The final new face on the Briisewitz Board that we will meet again in the 
1980s was Professor Nikolaus Lobkowicz, an Austrian aristocrat bom in Prague 
who would later acquire American nationality. A former President of Munich 
University and later President of the Catholic University of Eichstatt bei Miinchen in 
the 1980s, Lobkowicz was, with Rohrmoser, one of the most active Board Members 
of IGfM where Lobkowicz was responsible for links with the "freedom fighters" group 
Resistance International, of which he was a Member of Honour (320); he also served 
as a member of the prize jury of the CSU's Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung. 

Amongst the speakers for the Briisewitz Centre, we find the television 
presenter Gerhard Lowenthal, inseparable team-mate of Ludek Pachmann. In 1977, 
the year the Briisewitz Centre was founded, Lowenthal became President of the 
Deutschland-Stiftung. That year, the Deutschland-Stiftung's Adenauer prize was 
awarded to Otto von Habsburg; the guest speaker was Franz Josef Strauss. In 1980, 
Crozier, Lowenthal, Pachmann and Huyn would work together in one of the Cercle's 
most ambitious operations: the attempt to ensure "Victory for Strauss" in the 1980 
Chancellorship elections. Another speaker for the Briisewitz Centre was Brigadier- 
General Heinz Karst, a speaker for the Swiss ISP in 1975-76 together with Habsburg, 
Huyn and Pachmann of the Briisewitz Board. Karst was also a member of the 
Deutschland-Stiftung with Lowenthal, Grau, Huyn and Klein. 

THE AESP IN 1977-78 

As we have seen, the danger that the AESP would be forced to close its doors 
as a result of the 1976 cash crisis was soon averted thanks to the provision of 
minimum financing by Violet. By 1977, the Academy's finances were again healthy: 
Damman's diaries from 1977 to 1979 make frequent mention of large cash transfers 
from de Villegas to Damman. At this time. Elf was paying the bulk of the enormous 
sums that would change hands for the sniffer plane project. As with the last-minute 
rescue of the Academy, it is not possible to prove that the considerable funds 

passing through Damman's hands from Violet and de Villegas came from the sniffer 
plane project. The only evidence we have is Damman's diaty; it is however eloquent 
(321). On 7th January 1977, Damman's diary records the payment from de Villegas 
of "one million plus two hundred thousand"; the next day, Damman received FS 
4,000 from Jonet and 100,000 from Violet. The payments from de Villegas to 
Damman would continue: in November, 200,000, in December, 50,000, in January 
1978 75,000 (4/1/78) and in March 20,000. Aldo Mungo, Damman's deputy and 
later author of an expose on the AESP, claims that the unspecified currency is in fact 
Swiss francs. In July and August 1978, de Villegas' contribution would be enormous: 

De Villegas' generosity in July and August 1978 may well have been 
connected with the signature of a second contract between Elf and de Villegas' 
sniffer plane company Fisalma on the 24th June 1978. The new contract stipulated 
that Elf would pay Fisalma a further 500 million Swiss francs, half of which was due 
upon signature. The contract gave Elf the right to inspect the internal workings of 
the sniffer plane technology which would allow them finally to detect the fraud in 
May 1979 after warnings from Alexandre de Marenches that the sniffer plane deal 
had been set up by an "international swindler". However, before the house of cards 
came crashing down, de Villegas provided the total funding for a new central 
secretariat for the AESP and all of its satellite groups. The Cercle Charlemagne, as 
the new offices were called, was equipped with its own printing press and a central 
file of the 10,000 AESP contacts. However, the Cercle Charlemagne would not last; 
inaugurated in April 1978 by Habsburg in the presence of Damman, de Villegas, de 
Bonvoisin and many leading lights of the European Right, the centre burnt down 
only five months later. 

Despite this setback, the AESP would continue to expand throughout 1978. 
On the 12th May that year, the AESP's earlier contacts with the International Society 
of Wilton Park via its President, Rene-Louis Heard, were formalized by the creation 
in Rome of CLEW, the European Liaison Committee of Associations of Friends of 
Wilton Park. According to CLEW's statutes, four of the nine founding members were 
members of the AESP: Violet, Sanchez Bella, Jonet and Heard, the latter being 
appointed Hesident of CLEW for a three year term (322). 

Another internal AESP document gives us a clear picture of the Academy's 
international outreach in 1978: an AESP membership list from the month of June, 
headed "Strictly confidential document for the exclusive use of H.E. the Ambassador 
of H.M. the King of Morocco" (323). The interconnection between the sniffer plane 
project and the AESP are clearly demonstrated by this mention. On 29th May, 1978, 
the King of Morocco was informed by Elf that "a new detection procedure" had 
located two oil fields near Fez and Taza. On 21st June, 1978, Damman's diary 
records that a dossier had been prepared for the Moroccan Ambassador; the 
membership list undoubtedly stems from this dossier. From 19th to 30th August, 
1978, de Villegas' sniffer planes carried out a comprehensive oil prospection 
programme in Morocco. 

The membership list shows that by 1978 the AESP had become a major nexus 
point for the Cercle complex. The Academy's aim of absorbing the members of CEDl 
and PEU had been achieved, as most of the international and national leaderships of 
both organizations figured on the AESP list. Another recurring theme was the 
Atlantic Alliance - the AESP now included the Presidents of the Atlantic Committees 
in Italy, France, Germany and Belgium, and spokesmen from NATO and Radio Free 
Europe. Former Allied combatants were represented by their international and 
European associations, alongside Lt-Colonel Dr Jean -Victor Marique, the President 
of the Brussels Reserve Officers organization and President of the AESP Military 
Committee since at least November 1974 - interesting in the light of Bougerol's work 
with reserve officers in the Brussels region from 1974 on. 

The AESP's executive body, the Permanent Delegation, had also grown to now 
include Huyn, van den Heuvel, Vallet and Valori, an indication of the closer 
international ties the AESP now possessed. Besides this broadening of organizational 
contacts, the AESP's Life Members also expanded to include several prominent 
politicians, a reflection of the political influence the AESP wielded by 1978. Joining 
the previous core of Life Members composed of Habsburg, Hnay, Violet, Father 
Dubois, Sanchez Bella, Fraga Iribarne, Andreotti, Pesenti, Lombardo, von Merkatz 
(who died in 1982) and Vanden Boeynants were politicians such as Jacques 
Soustelle of OAS fame, and a trio of Monday Clubbers - Sir John Biggs-Davison of 
the PEU Central Council and SIF, CEDl International President Sir Peter Agnew, and 
CEDl Vice-President and SIF President Sir John Rodgers. 

The German presence in the AESP in 1978 would illustrate a future major 
focus for the German Paneuropeans - the European Parliament, for which the first 
direct elections were held in June 1979. Having controversially acquired dual 
German nationality in 1978, Habsburg himself would be elected as a CSU MEP 
during the EP's first term and would serve twenty years there, sitting on the Political 
Affairs Committee from 1979 to 1992, chairing or co-chairing the Delegation on 
Relations with Hungary from 1989 to 1999 and sitting on the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs, Security and Defence Policy from 1992 to 1999. From 1979 on, Habsburg 
would be assisted by CSU MEP Heinrich Aigner, who held the powerful post of 
Chairman of the EP Committee on Budgetary Control continuously until his death in 

Two new German Life Members of the AESP in 1978 would later join 
Habsburg and Aigner in the EP. The first was CSU MP and Bavarian Minister Dr 
Fritz Pirkl, Chairman of the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung from its creation in 1967 until 
his death in 1993; two years before joining the AESP, Pirkl had attended the 1976 
CEDl Congress. The second new AESP Life Member and future MEP was the 
German Count Franz Ludwig Schenk Graf von StaufTenberg, a CSU MP from 1976 
to 1987 and a Vice President of the German PEU section (324). Both Pirkl and von 
Stauffenberg would sit in the European Parliament from 1984 to 1992 and serve 
with Habsburg on the Bureau of the European People's Party group within the EP. 
Von Stauffenberg would sit on the key EP Committee on Legal Affairs and Citizens' 
Rights from 1984 to 1987 before becoming its Chairman from 1989 to 1992; Pirkl 

would function as Chairman or Deputy Chairman of the Delegation for Relations 
with Austria from 1985 to 1993, just before Austrian accession to the EU on 1st 
January 1995. 

A third significant German Life Member of the AESP in 1978 was Dr Heinrich 
Box, former ambassador and head of the CDU's Bureau for Foreign Relations, who 
died in 2004. In 1949, Box had been appointed by Adenauer to a short-lived post as 
Secretary of State in the Chancellor's Office. By 1961, he worked as German trade 
representative in Finland, before serving as German Ambassador in Norway from 
1964 to 1966 and in Poland from 1966 to 1970. In 1976, whilst working as Head of 
the CDU's Bureau for Foreign Relations, Box was suspected of espionage activities 
for a foreign power. Box was presumably cleared by the investigation, as the 1978 
AESP membership list still referred to him as Head of the CDU's Bureau for Foreign 
Relations. Box would complete the Cercle complex's networking of German 
conservative foreign policy spokesmen - the CDU's Dr. Marx and the CSU's Count 
Huyn had served within Habsburg's CEDl since 1972, and both men had been close 
allies of Grau's Frankfurt and Swiss groups throughout the 1970s. 

The AESP Study Groups also encompassed new members: Grau, a 
longstanding member of the Study Groups, brought in Swiss Colonel Fernard 
Thiebaud Schneider, a speaker for Grau's ISP from 1975 onwards, bringing the 
total of ISP speakers within the AESP to four: Grau himself, Habsburg, Huyn and 
Schneider. A new Italian member of the AESP's study groups with parapolitical links 
is Professor Leo Magnino, an official in the Ministry of Public Education and listed 
by the AESP as President of the University of the Mediterranean. The University 
started life as the International Academy of the Mediterranean, founded in Palermo 
in 1951; Magnino was its Chancellor from 1971 to 1974. The President of the 
Academy was Gianfranco Alliata di Montereale, a major figure in Italian parapolitics. 
A right-wing monarchist prince and mason, Alliata was a member of P2 and close 
associate of Gelli's with links to American intelligence dating back to the Second 
World War. At Alliata's initiative, an American Academy of the Mediterranean was 
founded in Mexico City in 1958, the same year that would see the creation of the 
Tecos, the Mexican branch of WACL, which perhaps more than any other branch, 
was responsible for WACL's opening-up to fascism. Other sponsors of the American 
Academy were Salazar and Andreotti. In a meeting held on 26th October, 1968 at 
Palazzo Barbarini, plans were drawn up to establish the International University of 
the Mediterranean, no doubt the organization headed by Magnino in 1978. In the 
1968 meeting, it was decided that the pro-rector was to be Monsignor Antonio de 
Angelis, previously pro-rector of the University for Social Studies Pro Deo, Pro Deo 
being the right-wing Catholic organization subsidized by U.S. intelligence and run by 
the Belgian priest Felix Morlion. 

On the domestic (Belgian) front, the AESP had been continuing close 
cooperation with the PIO counter- subversion group. Contacts between Bougerol, 
Damman and PlO's political master Benoit de Bonvoisin intensified in the late 
1970s. Having visited the AESP Chapter Assembly in February 1976 and the CEDl 
Congress in the following December, both times accompanied by de Bonvoisin and 

both times meeting Brian Crozier, Major Bougerol remained in touch with the AESP 
throughout 1977. In the September/ October 1977 issue of the MAUE/AESP journal 
Europe Information which also circulated the Cercle's post-Helsinki "Appeal for 
Freedom", Florimond Damman announced: "December 1977, date yet to be fixed: a 
lecture by Major Bougerol at the Universite Libre de Bruxelles on the theme 
"Subversion, the ultimate weapon?" with slideshow on the events of May 1968". 
Entries in Damman's diaiy confirm that Bougerol gave his lecture for MAUE 
members on 13th December, 1977, and a further entry in Damman's diaiy dated 
30th December 1977 makes reference to a meeting with Bougerol to discuss Inforep. 

The close cooperation between the AESP and de Bonvoisin was formalized by 
the latter's inclusion in the 1978 AESP membership list as a member of the AESP's 
Study Groups. A MAUE circular produced for the European elections in June 1979 
shows that by then de Bonvoisin had also been taken up as a Advisory Board 
member of MAUE. In 1978, de Bonvoisin was at the height of his official power, 
serving as adviser to Defence Minister Vanden Boeynants as well as providing 
considerable financial and logistical backing for PIO. Indeed, since 1976, de 
Bonvoisin's company PDG had been subsidizing PIO to the tune of over one million 
Belgian francs a year. As would later become apparent, de Bonvoisin and VdB had 
also continued funding for the NEM Clubs implicated with Bougerol in the rumours 
of a coup d'etat in 1973. By 1978, the fascists funded by these two CEPIC/AESP 
members were setting up a network of cells within the Gendarmerie who would later 
be the main suspects in the wave of destabilization in Belgium in the early 1980s. 

However, de Bonvoisin's support for PIO and Bougerol's ambitious expansion 
of PIO activities was not without risk. In a 1978 letter, Bougerol's partner 
Commissioner Fagnart of the SDRA military security service warned him of growing 
concern within the Belgian military and intelligence community about his apparently 
limitless horizons for PIO: 

"I don't want to give details of the defects of your ship, as you know them as 
well as I do, if not better. However, offhand, I quote: 

a) the discretion of your "network" is insufficient (whether this be your 
fault or not); 

b) the infiltration of this network must be considered not as possible but 
as probable, if not certain; 

c) you are invading other people's turf - don't yell! You want examples: 

how would you, or can you, justify your role in the occasional missions 
of people going to Zaire or elsewhere? 

are you sure that all you ask of your correspondents is justified within 
the strict framework of your activities? 

d) what do your correspondents in the official services - Gendarmerie, 

Surete, etc - think of you, and what role do they think you are playing? 

But .. I don't think I have to convince you! 

We could imagine another danger: 

a) if a "plumber" [burglar] visited the avenue d'Auderghem [PIO military 
branch] or perhaps the rue Belliard [PIO civilian offices in a building 
shared with CEPIC, PDG and later MAUE]; 

b) if messages or telephone calls were intercepted; 

c) if what you said at the "secret" meetings were to be divulged; 

d) if there was a leak about the Saoud affair or the affairs concerning 
Formosa, Spain or the UK, incidents which you should consider as "to 
be foreseen". 

It's impossible for you to fit these into the framework of your official duties (for 
PIO or others). 

of course, I know as well as you do that without taking risks, you 
would remain inefficient. But I want to convince you to reduce these 
risks to what is strictly necessary. (Sorry if I am being tough, but our 
friendship allows me to be, and forces me to be so.) 

what to do? 

a) start again on the basic principle of absolute need-to-know, above all 
for those matters that go beyond your official mission; 

b) create an unassailable and solid justification with reference to the 
official mission in each of your actions; 

c) for this, re -define this official mission and always advance this cover to 

Last argument which isn't scientific at all: I feel that the danger is 
imminent" (325). 

The danger was indeed imminent; the "semi-private, semi-public" PIO was 
removed from the Army hierarchy in December 1978 after the death of Bougerol's 
protector, Lt-Gen Roman, Chief of the Army General Staff. Despite this, PIO 
continued to function until at least 1980 as a private group financially supported by 
de Bonvoisin (326). 


We have already noted the presence of former top P2 member Giancarlo Elia 
Valori in AESP circles from 1972 onwards; Valori figures on the 1978 AESP list as a 
member of the Academy's executive body, the Permanent Delegation. According to 
allegations made in 1988 by Richard Brenneke, three other leading AESP members 
were involved in a CIA funding channel for P2 called P7. Before detailing Brenneke's 
claims about P7, it is necessary to learn more about the man as a source. 
Brenneke's reliability has frequently been called into question, not least of all 
because his statements revived media investigation into alleged negotiations 
between future CIA chief William Casey and senior Iranian officials in October 1980. 
The negotiations by Reagan-Bush campaign manager Casey aimed to ensure that 
the 52 US hostages captured in the Teheran embassy would not be released before 
the November 4th presidential election to ensure that no "October surprise" would 
allow President Carter to gain another term in office (327). 

Whilst there clearly was a campaign to discredit his "October surprise" claims, 
Brenneke made matters worse by embroidering his evidence to inflate his personal 
involvement in the "October surprise" and P2/P7 stories. His claimed role in actually 
going to Paris for the October 1980 negotiations was proved to be false when 
investigation of his credit card records showed him to be at home in Oregon at the 
time. Nonetheless, his account of the Paris meetings was corroborated by multiple 
witnesses from America, Iran, France and Germany; a court challenge on charges of 
perjury in May 1989 ended with Brenneke being acquitted unanimously on all 
counts. With all its resources, the US government was unable to prove that the main 
participants named by Brenneke (Bush, Casey and Donald Gregg) were where they 
said they were on the weekend of the meetings - and this two weeks before the 
presidential election. On Brenneke's reliability. Sick comments: 

"The bottom line on Brenneke was that he had access on occasion to 
information that was extremely sensitive and known to only a few individuals. 
When he spoke publicly about any of these issues, however, he exaggerated 
his own role and tried to place himself at the centre of the action. The basic 
information was often true, but the flourishes and claims of firsthand 
knowledge were often false" (328). 

Having seen the strengths and weaknesses of Brenneke's testimony, we can 
consider his allegations about P2/P7. Brenneke claimed to have been personally 
involved in CIA funding of the P2 lodge via P7 from 1969 through to the 1980s. On 
the strength of his past record, one can doubt the degree of his personal 
involvement, but the details he gives of P7 as a funding channel for P2 are 
persuasive. Brenneke provided a 30-strong list of members of P7, amongst whom we 
find three of the longest-serving AESP members: Ivan-Matteo Lombardo (joined 
AESP in 1970; by 1978, a Life Member), Vittorio Pons (AESP founding member, by 
1978 on the Permanent Delegation) and Ernest Tottosy (in contact with Damman 
since 1961; by 1978 a member of an AESP Study Group). In 1972, Valori, Pons and 

Tottosy attended the Academy's XVth Grand Diner Charlemagne; in 1976, all three 
attended the XlXth Grand Diner Charlemagne. Pons and Tottosy met a second time 
in 1976 at the 25th CEDl Congress. In 1977, Tottosy set up the Comite Hongrie 
1956-76 to commemorate the revolution; its address was the familiar building at 39, 
rue Belliard, home to CEPIC, PDG, PIG and later MAUE. The list of its Board 
members is revealing: alongside Tottosy, the Board included Damman, Lecerf, Victor 
de Stankovich, Bernard Mercier, Francis Dessart and Jacques Borsu. 

The late Victor de Stankovich was another Hungarian exile who also figured 
on the P7 list - of the five Belgians on the P7 list, three were linked to Damman: 
Pons, Tottosy and de Stankovich. De Stankovich was a fervent Atlanticist and a 
former contributor to Radio Free Europe, Voice of America and Report and Dispatch 
from NATO. Bernard Mercier was a Board member of CEPIC, named with de 
Bonvoisin and Vankerkhoven in the 1981 Surete report as financial backers of the 
Front de la Jeunesse and the NEM Clubs. An intimate of Bougerol's, Mercier 
accompanied Bougerol and CEPIC Senator Angele Verdin to Spain after Franco's 
death to visit his grave; all three then went on to attend the 25th CEDl Congress 
where they met Tottosy and Pons. A 1983 Surete report repeated allegations by WNP 
members that Mercier was a regional representative/inspector of the WNP. Francis 
Dessart was closely linked to the Moonies, WACL and the ABN; he was also one of 
Aginter Press's contacts in Belgium along with two other Board members of the 
Comite Hongrie 1956-76, Damman and Lecerf. Jacques Borsu was a former 
comrade-in-arms of French mercenary Bob Denard and leader of the neo-nazi Parti 
Europeen. Having organized paramilitaiy training camps for the Flemish fascist 
Vlaamse Militanten Grde (VMG), he was one of the co-defendants in a 1981 trial of 
VMG leaders (329). 

Whilst Brenneke's testimony frequently exaggerated his own involvement and 
falsified the truth in the process, the fact that Damman's AESP connected key P2 
member Valori and alleged P7 members Lombardo, Pons, Tottosy and de Stankovich 
seems to give some credence to Brenneke's allegations. 


Jean Vigneau, editor of Violet's ISC outlet, Le Monde Modeme, was also listed 
as a member of the AESP's study groups in 1978. Although the Bulletin de Paris and 
the Centre du Monde Modeme had had to close as a result of the 1976 funding 
shortage, Le Monde Modeme magazine continued publication, and carried an article 
on Angola by Robert Moss in 1977. In 1978 however, whilst continuing to work with 
Le Monde Modeme, Crozier launched a new vehicle for ISC reports. Together with 
Cercle and 61 member Georges Albertini, Crozier founded Le Monde des Conflits, a 
magazine devoted exclusively to circulating ISC studies in the French-speaking 
world. Seven issues had appeared by September 1979, but the publication was not 
yet financially viable (330) . 

Despite the collapse of the Centre du Monde Moderne, the Cercle's 

propaganda effort on behalf of Pretoria was not weakened; with funds from the 
South Africans, Cercle members Crozier, Moss and Amery had set up a new outfit, 
PARI, in 1976. Throughout 1977, PARI supported the Cercle's campaign in favour of 
South Africa by stressing Pretoria's strategic importance for the West: An American 
View on the growing Soviet Influence in Africa (PARI no. 5, 1977), The Need to 
safeguard NATO's Strategic Raw Materials from Africa (PARI no. 13, 1977), and two 
publications by PARI Deputy Director Ian Greig, Barbarism^ and Com.munist 
Intervention in the Horn of Africa (PARI no. 15, 1977) and Som^e Recent Developm.ents 
affecting the Defence of the Cape Route (PARI no. 17, 1977), an update of the ISC's 
Special Report of March 1974 (331). 

Greig followed these in December 1977 with his book. The Com.m.unist 
Challenge to Africa, which included a preface by Lord Chalfont. The book was 
published in the UK by Stewart-Smith's PAPC and in South Africa by the South 
Africa Preedom Poundation (SAPP), a Department of Information front which also 
paid for trips to Pretoria for Robert Moss and Major-General Sir Walter Walker (332). 
The PAPC would follow this publication by that in 1978 of The Bear at the Backdoor - 
the Soviet threat to the West's lifeline in Africa, written by Walker with an introduction 
by Amery. The book, whose cover illustration showed a Soviet bear cutting a petrol 
line running from the Gulf around the Cape to Europe, accused the US intelligence 
community of harbouring pro-ANC sympathies. Also in 1978, Janke of the ISC 
would help Jan du Plessis of the Poreign Affairs Association, another South African 
Dol front, to compile the 1978 Freedom. Annual (333). 

Much of the PARI output would be recycled by Count Hans Huyn in his 
October 1978 book, Der Angriff - Der Vorstoss Moskaus zur Weltherrschaft (The 
Attack - Moscow's Thrust for World Domination). Huyn's book, a German-language 
vehicle for the UK counter- subversion lobby, illustrated the degree of mutual 
recycling of Cercle propaganda, listing no less than sixteen ISC Conflict Studies, 
eleven PARI reports and four issues of the East-West Digest and quoting prolifically 
from Crozier, Moss, Greig and Amery, all PARI members. Huyn also recycled the 
anti-Labour propaganda produced before the 1974 British elections, particularly Not 
to be trusted - Extremist Influence on the Labour Party Conference by Geoffrey Stewart- 
Smith, future director of PARI. Besides these British Cercle friends, Huyn also drew 
on several of the Cercle's international contacts for his book: Vigneau of Le Monde 
Moderne and AESP, Barnett of NSIC/WISC, Gerstenmaier and Rohrmoser of the 
IGfM, and Sager of SOI, five of whose publications were quoted. 

In 1978, the British and American ends of the Cercle complex would also seek 
funding from multinational companies for Crozier's recently founded private 
intelligence service, the 61. In June 1978, the NSIC, PARI, the ISC and Aims held a 
joint conference in Brighton on "NATO and the global threat" which aimed to raise 
private-sector funds to supplement the activities of the official agencies, "crippled" 
after the earlier US Congressional Committees and the official "closure" of Britain's 
IRD in the spring of 1977. The "Brighton Declaration" adopted by the conference 
stated that "the destruction of the CIA and other assaults on Western intelligence 

sources make it imperative that the US and its allies should again take the initiative 
on intelligence, information and counter-intelligence". The conference called for the 
establishment of a "new" industry-funded group, Freedom Blue Cross, to carry out 
these private propaganda activities and also to act as a further relay for the South 
African Department of Information's campaign. In all likelihood. Freedom Blue Cross 
was intended to be merely a funding front for Crozier's 61. 

For the Cercle complex, the Brighton conference was attended by Crozier, 
Greig, Chalfont, Tanham of the WISC Board, and NSIC/ISC benefactor Dick Scaife. 
The South African delegation included the former head of the South African Navy 
Admiral James Johnson, Cas de Villiers and Jan du Plessis of the Dol front group, 
the Foreign Affairs Association, and Gideon Roos of the South African Institute of 
International Affairs. Besides other ex-militaiy personnel and academics from 
Britain, Europe, South Africa and Japan, the conference also brought together 
representatives of many of the British-based multinationals which had also been 
funding the four British anti-union groups: Taylor Woodrow, Tate 85 Lyle, Barclays 
(Tennant?) and National Westminster banks, Vickers, British American Tobacco and 
the British subsidiary of ITT, Standard Telephone Cables (STC). 

Despite the impressive roll-call of companies, big business' interest was 
lukewarm (National Westminster and STC formally disassociated themselves from 
the Declaration; the other companies did not), and nothing apparently came of 
Freedom Blue Cross. However, the following year, Crozier would continue trying to 
raise funds from British and German industry for his "transnational security 
organisation" by circulating a planning paper entitled The Multinationals and 
International Security, as detailed in secret German intelligence reports by Hans 
Langemann, described below (334). 


1979 would bring two major organisational upheavals in the Cercle complex. 
In Belgium, Florimond Damman died in July, and the AESP would be riven by 
internal rivalries for his succession, a struggle eventually to lead to its closure. In 
Britain, some of Crozier's colleagues in the ISC had become concerned at Crozier's 
other activities. "Partly for security reasons, partly because I did not want to involve 
the ISC Council in my extra-curricular activities, I had not taken any member of it 
into my confidence about the creation of the 61. I can only assume some indiscretion 
within Whitehall, presumably from one of the few officers of SIS [MI6] who were 
aware of it: Lou [Le Bailly] and Leonard [Schapiro] both had intelligence contacts" 
(335). Things came to a head when Le Bailly offered a letter of resignation from his 
post on the ISC Council, stating that Crozier's high profile and other activities were 
undermining the objectivity and efficiency of the ISC. The conflict escalated to end as 
a straight choice: Crozier's resignation as Director of the ISC or the resignation of 
several if not most of the ISC Council members. As Crozier felt that "my 'other' work 
was more important than running the ISC" (336), Crozier resigned his position in 
September 1979, to be replaced as ISC Director by Michael Goodwin with Ian Greig 

becoming Senior Executive (337). "Within weeks of my departure, the entire research 
staff of the ISC had been sacked. Not long after, the research library 1 had built up 
over many years was disposed of ...". Despite this upheaval, the ISC would continue 
under a different guise, as will be described in a later chapter. 

Crozier's resignation from the ISC did however allow him to concentrate his 
efforts on the 61 which left ISC premises to set up in offices on Trafalgar Square. 
With a reserve of $30,000, Crozier expanded the staff of the 61 and began publication 
of a monthly restricted newsletter. Transnational Security. "The recipients of 
Transnational Security ... fell into three categories. The top layer, which included the 
President [Reagan] and Mrs Thatcher, consisted of the Western and friendly Third 
World leaders, selected politicians, and friendly secret services. In the second layer, 
as of right, were contributors to our funds. The third layer consisted of our own 
people: agents and associates in various countries" (338). The bulletin would later 
change title to become Notes and Analysis. 

One early task for the 61 was to recreate the ISC's liquidated research library 
by compiling "a reference archive of quotations from the already published words of 
hundreds of extremist politicians and trades unionists, as raw material for analytical 
reports in the Shield manner. In charge was a former M15 man who had brought me 
disquieting information about the paralysis of the Security Service in the late 1970s" 

Crozier records that two early operations for the 61 were in Latin America and 
in Iran prior to the 1979 revolution. In Argentina, Uruguay and Chile, the 61 advised 
the armed forces and the security services in "the use of some of the non-violent, 
psychological techniques with which we had been experimenting in Europe" (340). 
Crozier also spent several days closeted with General Pinochet, drafting fourteen 
articles of the new Chilean Constitution. 

Apart from supporting Pinochet and other Latin American regimes, the 61 was 
also increasingly concerned by the instability of the Shah's regime in Iran in the 
months preceding the Islamic revolution. Here again, the 6rs experience in 
psychological warfare techniques was needed; the brutal repression by the Shah's 
secret service SAVAK and the armed forces served only to feed the rising tide of 
Islamic fervour. Jean Violet in particular urged Crozier to travel to Iran to talk with 
the Shah. General Douglas Brown who managed the Dulverton Trust, one of the 
ISC's financial backers (341), found an intermediary for the Cercle in the person of 
General Alan Fraser, South Africa's Consul- General in Iran. The only non-Afrikaner 
to hold the post of Chief of Staff of the South African Defence Force, Fraser was a 
personal friend of the Shah. In the spring of 1978, Crozier flew to Teheran where he 
met Fraser; the two men were then received by the Shah, who seemed reluctant to 
heed Crozier's warning that the CIA would not act to save the Shah and that 
psychological operations by the 61 were necessary to counter the climate of 
revolutionary unrest. 

Shortly after this first visit to Teheran, Crozier met Prince Turki ben Faisal, 

brother of the Saudi Foreign Minister, who six months earlier had replaced his 
uncle, Turkish-bom Kamal Adham, as head of the Saudi intelligence service. As 
such, Turki ben Faisal would become a key link in the covert war waged against 
Soviet forces occupying Afghanistan by the coalition of the CIA, the ISl - the 
Pakistani military intelligence service which created the Taliban - and the Afghani 
mujaheddin, including one of Turki's personal contacts, Osman bin Laden. In 
recognition of his services, Turki would be one of the Taliban's guests of honour at 
the proclamation of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in Kabul on 28* April 1992. 

Turki would become one of the world's longest-serving intelligence chiefs, his 
reign lasting from September 1977 until August 2001 just prior to the WTC attack 
when, as an all-too-visible personification of US-Saudi links, he was removed as 
head of the Saudi intelligence service to assuage growing anti-American feeling in 
Saudi Arabia. However, he was too valuable a man to lose and after a "decent 
interval", he would re-emerge in 2003 as Saudi Ambassador in London where he 
played a prominent role in the media drive for war with Iraq (342). 

This first contact between Crozier and Turki ben Faisal was arranged via Dan 
McMichael, administrator of the Scaife family's trust funds, a major source of 
funding for the ISC. Crozier briefed the Saudi prince about the 61 and its initial 
contact with the Shah. A proposed second meeting with Prince Turki ben Faisal in 
the summer of 1978 would not come off, but Crozier and the Cercle would finally 
meet the Saudi intelligence chief again at a Cercle meeting in Bavaria in the spring of 
1979 when Turki ben Faisal would accept to act as the main backer for a planned 61 
radio propaganda operation in the Middle East, detailed in the next chapter. 

In the meanwhile, the Shah was reconsidering Crozier's offer of 61 help for 
psy-ops campaigns and contacted Turki ben Faisal, who put in a good word for the 
61. Turki ben Faisal's recommendation of the 61 carried a lot of weight for the 
Iranians; Turki ben Faisal was the Saudi representative on the Safari Club, a 
network for covert cooperation between the French, Saudi, Iranian, Moroccan and 
Egyptian intelligence services, founded by Alexandre de Marenches on 1st 
September 1976 with headquarters in Cairo (343). Besides Turki ben Faisal's 
recommendation. General Eraser had also been advising the Shah to accept the 6rs 
help: "he had raised with the Shah the question of financial assistance for our group, 
in return for our advice and expertise in combating the wave of subversion that 
threatened to sweep him off his throne" (344). Eraser advised Crozier to involve ISC 
Council member Sir Robert Thompson whose counter-insurgency experience during 
the Malayan campaign and the early stages of the Vietnam War could be useful in 
the Iranian context. 

In August 1978, the Shah reversed his previous decision and invited the 
Cercle to Teheran; although Violet was prevented from travelling due to ill-health, 
Crozier, Elliott, Thompson, and a team of advisers flew to Teheran on 3rd September. 
The Cercle team stopped off in France to pick up Antoine Pinay, whose long 
acquaintance with the Shah would add authority to the Cercle's proposals. The 
Cercle team met the Shah for two and a half hours, but were struck by his apathy. 

They then went on to discuss the situation with two top SAVAK officials, General 
Motazed and the head of the research department, Kaveh. The Cercle and SAVAK 
officials discussed a plan to distribute leaflets to split the tacit alliance between the 
Shiite fundamentalists and the Communist Tudeh party. 

The time was past however for such subtleties; the commander of the Teheran 
garrison General Oveissi, who had planned to meet the Cercle team, was unable to 
attend due to the unrest in the Iranian capital. The Cercle's visit came at a crucial 
time: the caretaker Prime Minister resigned the day after the Cercle's meetings, and 
martial law was declared four days later, just after the Cercle team's return to 
London. In early November, the Shah finally decided to give the go-ahead for the 
Cercle to intervene, and the top civilian in SAVAK flew to London to spend a full 
week closeted with Robert Moss transforming a pile of SAVAK reports on Communist 
influence in the revolution into an ISC Conflict Study, The Campaign to Destabilise 
Iran. Following publication of the Conflict Study in November 1978, the Shah 
authorized a first annual payment of £1 million to the 61 for a psychological action 
operation, but the decision to involve the 61 further would come too late as the Shah 
would be overthrown in January 1979 before the payment could be made. 

The exiled Shah's death in July 1980 would not however end the 6rs interest 
in Iran; Crozier "felt that there remained at least a fighting chance of a coup to 
overthrow AyatoUah Khomeini's fledgling regime. The outbreak of the Iraq-Iran War 
encouraged this view" (345) . Crozier therefore flew three times to Cairo between July 
and November 1980 to meet the Shah's widow and President Sadat, but nothing 
would come of these meetings apart from a 61 report circulated to Mrs Thatcher and 
President Reagan. 


Whilst the 61 launched truly global operations in Latin America and in Iran in 
late 1979, they were not neglecting the European scene. Once Margaret Thatcher 
had won the general election in Britain in May 1979, the next priority was the 1980 
election for West German Chancellor, where longstanding Cercle friend Franz Josef 
Strauss was standing as a candidate. 

An unprecedented insight into Cercle/ 61 operations at this time was given by 
the 1982 revelations of Hans Langemann, the head of Bavarian State Security. We 
have already met Langemann as a close collaborator of key German 61 member, 
Hans Freiherr von Stauffenberg and his private CSU intelligence service. Langemann 
had served in the BND from 1957 to 1970, where he rose to become Gehlen's deputy 
for "Special Operations" working closely with Brigadier-General Wolfgang Langkau, 
head of the BND's Strategic Service and future technical adviser to the von 
Stauffenberg network (346). In 1972, Langemann was appointed security chief for 
the Munich Olympics before being purged by the SPD government for being too close 
to Strauss's CSU party. Langemann then left federal employ to join the Bavarian 
Interior Ministry as head of the "State Protection" Department, in which capacity he 

acted as top link man between the Bavarian government, Strauss's CSU party, the 
Bavarian regional office of the BfV security service and the BND based in PuUach, a 
suburb of the Bavarian capital Munich. 

Unbeknownst to Crozier and the 61, Langemann had been receiving full 
reports on the Cercle from von Stauffenberg (347), information which Langemann 
then repeated in a series of secret intelligence reports, addressed to either Gerold 
Tandler, Bavarian Interior Minister, or to Tandler's Private Secretary, Dr. Georg 
Waltner, who also received the private intelligence reports from the von Stauffenberg 
network. Langemann's reports to Tandler and Waltner quoted a planning paper of 
Crozier's describing the efforts being made to provide a solid operational basis for the 
61 by canvassing leaders of industry for financial support. The reports also detailed 
the high-level support Crozier could count on - amongst those named in the 
Langemann papers were two serving intelligence chiefs: Sir Arthur "Dickie" Franks, 
Chief of M16 from 1978 to 1982, and the Comte Alexandre de Marenches, Director 
of the SDECE from 1970 to 1981. Langemann's reports also revealed that one of the 
major goals for the 61 was to shape the future decade by supporting three key right- 
wing election candidates in 1979-1980: Margaret Thatcher in Britain, Franz Josef 
Strauss in Germany, and Ronald Reagan in America. 


Contributions to State Protection 

Minister's Eyes Only 

Brian Crozier, London 

- The Multinationals and International Security (348). 

- Project Victory for Strauss 

1. The militant conservative London publicist, Brian CROZIER, until 
September 1979, Director of the famous Institute for the Study of Conflict, 
has been working with his wide circle of friends in international politics to set 
up an anonymous action group ("transnational security organization") and to 
widen its field of operations. His intention is to approach multinational 
companies about this group, which was the reason for drawing up this 
planning paper. Not least of all, so as to obtain the necessary funding: 
$750,000 to start with and up to $3 million. CROZIER has already 
approached German industrialists and shown them this paper, despite it 
being stamped "Secret". A new publication Transnational Security is being 
prepared so as to promote this project. For the reasons mentioned under item 

2, it should be pointed out that CROZIER has worked with the CIA for many 
years. One has to assume, therefore, that they are fully aware of his activities. 

He has extensive contacts with members (or more accurately, former 
members) of the most important (Western) security and intelligence agencies, 
such as the Comte de MERONGES [sic], ex-Director of the French SDECE 
(349). Furthermore, it is known that he has a good relationship with Mr. 
"Dickie" FRANKS, Chief of the British Secret Intelligence Service (so-called 
M16) (350); his closest assistant, Mr. N. ELLIOTT was a Division Head in M16. 

CROZIER, ELLIOTT and FRANKS were recently invited to Chequers by Mrs. 
THATCHER for a working meeting. It must therefore be concluded that M16 as 
well is fully aware of, if not indeed one of the main sponsors of, the 
anonymous security organization. 

Also very closely connected to Mrs. THATCHER is the prominent journalist 
Robert MOSS, who is involved in the promotion of the group's media actions 
together with Fred LUCHSINGER (351), Dr. KUX (352) of the Swiss 
Intelligence Service (Colonel BOTTA), and Richard LOWENTHAL (353). 

Amongst other points in the planning paper are: 


Specific aims within this general framework are: 

To affect a change of government in (a) the United Kingdom (accomplished) 
and (b) in West Germany, to defend freedom of trade and movement and to 
oppose all forms of subversion including terrorism . . . 


What the group can do: 

Get certain well-known journalists in Britain, the USA and other countries to 
produce contributions. Access to television. 

Guarantee a lobby in influential circles, whether directly or through 
middlemen, witting or unwitting. 

Organize public demonstrations in particular areas on themes to be selected. 

Involve (exploit) the main security and intelligence services both to obtain 
information and to pass on (feed) information to these agencies. 

Covert financial transactions for political purposes. 

- VIB 

What the group can do if funding is available: 

Conduct international campaigns aiming to discredit hostile personalities 
and\or events. 

Create our own intelligence service specializing in particular themes. 

Set up offices under suitable cover, each run by a full-time coordinator. 
Current plans include London, Washington, Paris, Munich (!), Madrid ... 

2. As far as can be judged by an outsider, CROZIER has, together with his 
group, launched the project "Victory for Strauss" using the media or covert 
tactics applied in Great Britain (major themes, amongst others: communist- 
extremist subversion of the ruling party and trade unions, KGB direction of 
terrorism, crippling of internal security). He will support and direct the future 
development of the project on an international level. 

However, for the present time, consideration must be given to the fact that the 
personal connections of the CROZIER group, in particular his affinity to 
personalities from the secret services, and the tactical and conspiratorial aims 
and proposed methods for the "Victory for Strauss" project described in the 
planning paper, can in fact be completely identified, even if this was not their 
intention. It also appears almost certain that on the basis of his project, 
CROZIER must provoke sharp defensive reactions from those security and 
intelligence services whose supervisory heads do not follow his political line, 
such as the BND and BfV. As CROZIER mentions both his basic plan and the 
Victory project to those he talks to, the problem this causes is obvious. 

The possible, but avoidable, consequence may be definitely undesirable 
negative publicity. 

Munich, 8th November 1979 

Dr. Langemann, Department 1 F" (354). 

The mention by Langemann of a working meeting at Chequers between 
Thatcher, Franks and the 61 team of Crozier and Elliott shortly after Thatcher's 
election victory is highly significant. Franks' presence with Crozier and Elliott at the 
Chequers 61 meeting raises the question whether the support given to Thatcher by 
the retired M16 officers and IRD assets in the counter- subversion lobby was not 
echoed by serving M16 officers such as Franks - M16 Chief from 1978 to 1982. 
Franks was renowned as a hard right-winger who had sat uncomfortably as deputy 
to Maurice Oldfreld, a man of liberal views. A few months after the Langemann report 
was written, Franks would play a key role in circulating the manuscript of the 
Chapman Pincher\Peter Wright book Their Trade is Treachery around Whitehall; his 
letter dated 15th December, 1980 was produced as evidence in the Australian 

Spycotcher trial as proof that the British Government, MIS and MI6 had known long 
in advance that Wright was passing on his allegations of Soviet subversion within 
MIS and the Wilson government to Chapman Hncher. 

Referring to this author's previous research on the Cercle published in Lobster 
magazine in 1988-89, Crozier writes: "Much has been written about the Cercle, from 
the outside, and much of it has been false or misleading. For example, it has been 
alleged that it was a forum for bringing together 'international linkmen of the Right', 
such as myself and Robert Moss, with secret service chiefs like Alexandre de 
Marenches, long-time head of the French SDECE, and Sir Arthur ('Dickie') Franks, 
sometime head of MI6. There are pitfalls in writing about confidential matters from 
the outside, and drawing on similarly handicapped material. In fact, neither [de] 
Marenches nor Dickie Franks ever attended a Hnay Cercle meeting during the years 
I was involved with it: between 1971 and 198S. There was a very good reason why 
[de] Marenches would never have been invited. The inspirer and long-serving 
organizer of the Hnay Cercle was Jean Violet, who for many years had been retained 
by the SDECE as Special Advocate ... Inevitably he had made enemies. One of them 
was a close friend of the Comte de Marenches who, on being appointed Director- 
General of the SDECE in 1970, closed down Violet's office without notice. The two 
men - [de] Marenches and Violet - never met. As for Dickie Franks, he never 
attended Cercle meetings, for the reason that Directors of SIS do not involve 
themselves in such private groups. So he was never invited" (3SS). 

This denial of links between the Cercle and Franks and de Marenches is 
certainly disingenuous, seeking to use the lack of formal involvement in the Cercle to 
discount any cooperation with it. Whilst serving Directors of SIS or the SDECE might 
not like to be seen at Cercle meetings, Langemann repeats information from Cercle 
insider von Stauffenberg that Franks did accompany the 61 core of Crozier and Elliott 
to a working meeting with Thatcher shortly after her election victory. As for de 
Marenches, despite any animosity with Violet, the French Count had been an 
intimate adviser to key Cercle member Franz Josef Strauss for many years. 

The "undesirable negative publicity" feared by Langemann did indeed arise: 
the Spiegel got wind of Strauss's international links and published a two-part series 
in February and March 1980. Besides documenting Strauss's contacts with Spinola 
and Arriaga and his covert funding of Fraga Iribarne, Silva Munoz and Martinez 
Esteruelas, the Spiegel articles revealed Strauss's close friendship with the Comte de 
Marenches, reporting that Strauss frequently met de Marenches, either at the Piscine 
(SDECE headquarters) or at Strauss's Paris hotel. The Spiegel also reproduced a 
letter from Huyn to Strauss dated 13th February, 1979, which mentioned the Cercle 
Hnay for the first time: 

"Furthermore, I would like to inform you that I have just received news from 
Riyadh confirming that Hince Turki ben Faisal, head of the Saudi intelligence 
service and brother of the Foreign Minister, will be attending the Cercle 
meeting in Wildbad-Kreuth [since 197S, the international conference centre of 
the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung]. I think his participation will be of particular 

interest in view of the Middle East situation [i.e. the overthrow of the Shah 
one month previously]" (356). 

Following the initial contact between Crozier and Prince Turki ben Faisal in 
the spring of 1978 and the subsequent Cercle meeting in early 1979 referred to 
above, the 61 and the Saudi intelligence chief would work together on a propaganda 
project detailed in another report by Langemann written on 7th March, 1980. At the 
same time as Voice of America was rushing to expand its broadcasts to the Islamic 
border populations of the Soviet Union (357), the Cercle/61 was preparing for its 
radio debut. Together with the Saudi intelligence service, the Cercle/61 planned to 
set up a powerful transmitter in Saudi Arabia for propaganda broadcasts to the same 
target audience as VoA: the Soviet Islamic world radicalized by the Iranian revolution 
in January 1979 and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. Huyn 
had already proposed similar action in his October 1978 book Der Angriff - Der 
Vorstoss Moskaus zur Weltherrschaft (The Attack - Moscow's Thrust for World 
Domination), where, as a conclusion, Huyn gave a list of twenty proposals for action 
to be undertaken if the West was to "survive in freedom". The ninth proposed action 
on the list explains the background to the joint Cercle/61-Saudi project: "The people 
in the Soviet zone of domination must be given more intensive exposure to objective 
news from the free world . . .In the hermetically sealed system of non-freedom of the 
Soviet bloc, the people can only be reached very partially by a few shortwave 
broadcasts. These options must be considerably strengthened and expanded; all the 
developments of modern technology - including satellite television broadcasting - 
should be used" (358). 

Langemann's March 1980 report also gave general background information on 
the Cercle and specifically dealt with the damaging revelations that had just 
appeared in the Spiegel: 

"Contributions to State Protection 

Confidential note for Dr. Waltner, as agreed in conversation. 


[Spiegel, 10/80, pg 23) 

1. As far as my previous BND knowledge and my current information go, this 
Circle, obviously named with the aim of defaming it, consists of a loose 
gathering of various conservative and anti- communist politicians, publicists, 
bankers and VlPs from other professions that meets about twice a year in 
various parts of the world. Its origins lie with the former French Prime 
Minister, Antoine PINAY. The Circle, which also invites guests, still exists 

The last meeting of the PINAY CIRCLE was held over the weekend of 1st 
December 1979 in the Madison Hotel in Washington. Amongst the 
participants were former Minister NARJES (Germany), former Air Minister 
Julian AMERY (UK), former CIA Director William COLBY, Federal Bank 
Director VOLKERS and Heritage Trust Foundation President FEULNER (USA) 
(359), as well as Finance Minister PANDOLFl (Italy) (360) and General 
FRAZER [sic] (South Africa) (361). 

2. Acting as a kind of coordinator from the original French side is the Parisian 
lawyer Jean VIOLET who took over the operational side of the Circle as PINAY 
himself got older (362). 

VIOLET has connections to several Western intelligence services; certainly to 
the CIA, to the French SDECE, to the British SIS and to the Swiss Military 
Intelligence Service, particularly to its Head of Procurement, Colonel BOTTA. 

3. GEHLEN, who was always interested in the undertaking, its personalities 
and its results, recruited VIOLET as a "Special Contact" and for many years 
provided him with DM 6,000 a month. GEHLEN claimed that this sum had 
been agreed with the head of the SDECE, at that time General JACQUIER 
[1962-1966], because VIOLET was receiving the same amount from the 

As 1 was the main operative for GEHLEN's "Special Operations", 1 met with 
VIOLET on many occasions in his Paris flat, together with my fellow operative, 
the late Marchese de MISTURA. 

Certainly, VIOLET and 1 never discussed the PINAY CIRCLE in any detail. 
However, 1 did once give him DM 30,000 from GEHLEN "for this purpose". The 
reporting to this complex, which also included the French statesman POHER, 
was essentially channelled through Special Contacts Dr. Johannes SCHAUFF 
and the late Klaus DOHRN. Later, the Parliamentaiy Secretary of State in the 
Chancellor's Office, Baron GUTTENBERG, personally gave me the task of 
keeping "the dubious Mr. VIOLET" (cover name: Veilchen - Little Violet) under 
observation for counter-espionage purposes. Nothing came of this for reasons 
1 don't need to go into here. 

One should stress however that VIOLET himself has never boasted of possible 
contact with the Prime Minister [Strauss], although GEHLEN and 
GUTTENBERG always insisted on this. As politically coloured gossiping and 
rumour-mongering are basically "not professional" in counter-espionage, 1 
never attempted to ask VIOLET about this, whether directly or by hinting at it. 
GEHLEN accepted this, and in particular, my direct superior at the time. 
General LANGKAU (Strategic Service), specifically approved it. 

4. Recently, we have noted the establishment of a "command staff or Inner 
Circle which develops suitable lines of action for current political questions. 

The activities of Brian CROZIER (Transnational Security) have already been 
the subject of previous reports. 

On the 5th and 6th January, 1980, a group from within the Circle met in 
Zurich to discuss executive measures. VIOLET led the meeting; amongst 
others present were Count HUYN MP, Brian CROZIER (previously a longtime 
CIA agent), Nicholas ELLIOTT (former Division Head in the British SIS), former 
General STILWELL (ex- US Defence Intelligence Agency), and Mr. JAMESON 
(ex- CIA). 

The main themes for discussion included: 

a) international promotion of the Prime Minister [Strauss] . 

b) influencing the situation in Rhodesia and South Africa from a European 
Conservative viewpoint. 

c) the establishment of a powerful directional radio station in Saudi Arabia 
aiming at the Islamic region and including the corresponding border 
populations of the Soviet Union. 


These commendable goals have not been tackled with sufficient attention paid 
to protecting secrecy in my view. Therefore, negative publicity cannot be ruled 
out. There is simply too much "loose talk". There is an urgent need for 
professionally restricted consultation on foreign intelligence service influences 
both here and abroad. 

Munich, 7th March, 1980 

Dr Langemann, Department I F" (363). 

Langemann's comment about the emergence of a "command staff or Inner 
Circle" illustrates the difficulty in separating the functions of the Cercle as a 
confidential discussion forum and the 61 as a covert intelligence agency. Crozier 
himself comments on this in referring to this author's previous articles on the Cercle: 
"To describe it [the Cercle] as a forum is strictly accurate. There were no members in 
a formal sense. It was an informal group of broadly like-minded people, who met 
twice a year, once in America, once in Europe. Usually, some distinguished figure 
was invited to speak. Amongst the guest speakers at times when I was present were 
Strauss, Henry Kissinger (for whom I interpreted), Zbigniew Brzezinski, David 
Rockefeller, and Giulio Andreotti. Within the wider Cercle, a smaller gathering called 
the Pinay Group met on occasion to discuss possible action. ... Some outsiders have 
jumped to the wrong conclusion that the Pinay Cercle was the same as my 'secret' 
organization. ... There was in fact some minor overlapping, but the functions of the 
61, which I have been describing, were quite different. Some members of the 6rs 

'Politburo' also attended the Cercle meetings; others did not. Most members of the 
Cercle were unaware of the existence of the 61. Many on the GI's networks had no 
connection with the Cercle" (364). Certainly, Langemann's "Inner Circle" or is 
virtually identical to the 'Politburo' of the 61: Violet, Crozier, Elliott, Huyn, Stilwell 
and Jameson, the latter two being described below. Only a few of the 61 'Politburo' 
members were not in attendance at this "command staff meeting, amongst them 
Walters, von Stauffenberg, Albertini and Horchem. 

Langemann also mentions for the first time two further intelligence veterans 
who served on the 6rs 'Politburo', the first of whom was four-star Army General 
Richard G. 'Dick' Stilwell, formerly of the Defence Intelligence Agency. Stilwell had 
worked closely with the CIA in the 1950s and 1960s to develop US counter- 
insurgency policy, being the author of "one of the most influential documents of the 
past quarter-century" (365), the 1959 report Training under the Mutual Security 
Program which coined the term "pacification" (366). Stilwell's policies laid the 
groundwork for the American pacification program for Vietnam which would be 
implemented successively by three Cercle contacts - Thompson, Komer and Colby 
(367). After serving in the DIA, Stilwell was appointed Reagan's Assistant Secretary 
of Defence in charge of administration, and joined the ASC Board and the 'Politburo' 
of the 61 while in this post (368). 

The second 61 'Politburo' member mentioned by Langemann was Donald 
'Jamie' Jameson, the CIA officer and Russian expert who had first debriefed 
Golitsyn, the defector who "confirmed" the fears of the ultras within the CIA, M16 and 
M15 about Soviet penetration of the British government. Whilst at the CIA in the 
early 1950s, Jameson had played a peripheral role in the creation of the Congress 
for Cultural Freedom (369). After leaving the CIA in 1973, Jameson set up the 
"private" defector reception group, the Jameson Institute. Besides this, Jameson was 
also Vice-President of the Washington-based "risk assessment consultancy". 
Research Associates International, Ltd, and worked with General Graham and Cline 
as an adviser to the Nathan Hale Institute, founded by Raymond Wannall, former 
Assistant Director of the FBI's Intelligence Division (370). 


The outlines of the operation to promote Strauss as candidate for the German 
Chancellorship in the 1980 elections are quite clear: within a month of the January 
Cercle meeting, Crozier in Britain and Lowenthal in Germany had launched a 
coordinated pro-Strauss campaign. The task was not easy: Strauss's previous run 
for the Chancellorship in the early 1960s had been dashed by his murky reputation, 
already tarnished in the 1962 "Spiegel Affair" which revealed that he had 
orchestrated the illegal extradition from Spain of the magazine's chief editor, Conrad 
Ahlers. In June 1963, the Spiegel alleged that Strauss had been involved in a fraud 
whilst serving as German Defence Minister; he was later exonerated but the scandal 
scotched his chances of rising from Defence Minister to the Chancellorship. In the 
mid-1970s, Strauss would be implicated in the Lockheed bribes scandal and 

disastrous German purchase of the Stariighter or "Widowmaker" aircraft (371). This 
time around, the Cercle was determined to discredit the Spiegels relentless 
revelations of Strauss's parapolitical links. The tactic used was the old ploy of 
accusing awkward journalists of being in the pay of the Kremlin. Within a month of 
the January 1980 Cercle meeting, Lowenthal had founded a Strauss support group, 
the Biirgeraktion Demokraten fiir Strauss. The group's posters alleged the 
existence of a systematic anti-Strauss campaign steered from Moscow: 

"Germans! Do you know who is behind the anti-Strauss campaigns? 
Journalists financed by East Germany, cheque fraudsters, dope smokers, 
terrorist sympathizers. Communists and unfortunately also Social Democrats. 
Stop this left-wing Popular Front!" (372). 

The same theme was played on by Crozier who from February on 
planted pro-Strauss articles in Sir James Goldsmith's magazine NOW!, for which 
Crozier edited an entire section from 1979 to 1981. One article by Crozier, published 
on 15th Febnaary 1980, dealt in depth with the allegations made by the Spiegel in 
1963. Goldsmith himself later joined in the campaign; on 21st January 1981, he 
addressed the Conservative Media Committee in the House of Commons on "The 
Communist Propaganda Apparatus and Other Threats in the Media". In his speech, 
he quoted the Czech defector Major-General Jan Sejna who "admitted that the 
campaign by the German news magazine Der Spiegel to discredit Franz Josef Strauss 
was orchestrated by the KGB". The Spiegel naturally sued. Goldsmith then employed 
20 researchers for three years to back up his case, claiming to have interviewed 
every major defector from the Eastern bloc in the last three and a half years (373). 

By 1984, however. Goldsmith was seeking to retreat from his previous claims: 
in a speech to the Defence Strategy Forum of the NSIC in Washington on 24th May, 
1984, whilst repeating that the KGB was behind the campaign against Strauss, he 
added: "this does not mean that the publications or journalists in question were 
knowingly involved or that they were aware that their views were being manipulated 
and used by the Soviets for their own purposes" (374). Goldsmith's case collapsed 
when one of his star witnesses, the temporary Soviet defector, Oleg Bitov, returned 
to the Soviet Union. Bitov later wrote of the episode in the Moscow Literary Gazette 
(375), in which he alleged that Crozier was coordinating the research from his 
Regent Street office. Goldsmith tried to postpone the case but eventually an out-of- 
court settlement was reached between the Spiegel and Goldsmith, with Goldsmith 
paying his costs. Despite this legal retreat. Goldsmith took out full-page adverts in 
the British and German Press, declaring the Spiegel to be "a victim of the 
propaganda techniques of the KGB" (376). Much of Goldsmith's research was later 
recycled by Chapman Pincher who devoted three chapters to this second "Spiegel 
Affair" in his 1985 book. The Secret Offensive. 


The final Cercle document from this period came not from Langemann but 
from German investigative journalist Jiirgen Roth, who published the minutes of the 
next Cercle meeting, held in Zurich on 28th and 29th June, 1980. The "Victory for 
Strauss" campaign was in full swing, but despite Crozier and Lowenthal's efforts, it 
was not going well, particularly because of the revelations in the Spiegel in February 
and March. Besides following progress on the Strauss project and the radio station 
in Saudi Arabia, the Cercle turned their attention to the looming American 
Presidential elections: 

"A further meeting of the Circle was held under the chairmanship of Violet 
and attended by those present at the previous meeting, including Colonel 
Botta of the Swiss Intelligence Service and Fred Luchsinger, head of the Neue 
Zurcher Zeitung. 

1. The prospects for positive influence on the election campaign in favour of 
Strauss cannot be judged to be very favourable. While the many promotional 
influences in US, UK and Swiss newspapers were welcomed by their readers, 
their impact in the Federal Republic lagged far behind. Furthermore, it seems 
doubtful that Strauss will be able to match the dynamic foreign policy 
initiatives that Federal Chancellor Schmidt has been able to make. In contrast 
to the situation in the US, where President Carter is confronted with the 
shattered remains of his foreign policy - difficult to present favourably for the 
election campaign, even in part - Schmidt has understood how to make clear 
and prominent political steps which represent an achievable goal for the 
population's desire for peace. Luchsinger said that he was prepared to 
produce a series of three leading articles highlighting the tendency of current 
government policy in Bonn to weaken NATO. Crozier felt that similar steps 
could be tried again through Moss in London and the Baltimore Sun in the US 

2. Count Huyn reported on his meeting with the head of the Saudi security 
service about the establishment of a short-wave radio transmitting towards 
the Soviet Union. The Saudis were interested, he said, and had guaranteed 
finance on the condition that a situation such as that created in Moscow by 
Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty must be avoided at all costs. 

3. A discussion was held about a series of appropriate measures to promote 
the electoral campaign of Presidential candidate Reagan against Carter. Elliott 
reported that in this context, positive contact had been made with George [H. 
W.] Bush as well (378). 

4. Colonel Botta stated that in his opinion, support must be given to the 
Israeli intelligence service. It was noted that, as far as Europe was concerned, 
the efficiency of the service had diminished considerably" (379) . 

The presence of several former CIA or DIA officers during the Cercle's 

discussions on the promotion of Ronald Reagan is indicative: participants at the 
Cercle's earlier "command staff meeting in January 1980 had included not only 
Violet, Crozier, Elliott and Huyn, but also Jameson and Stilwell, the latter an ASC 
Board member. At the time of the Cercle meeting, the ASC Foundation was 
launching an intense media campaign against Carter for "disarming America to 
death" through the SALT 2 Treaty. The ASCF produced a film called The SALT 2 
Syndrome that was notably used in South Dakota to oust Senator George McGovern. 
The film was shown eleven times on the three major state television channels and as 
a film or videotape it was screened to over 1,000 audiences. ASC official John Fisher 

"In the last three months of the campaign ... ASCF increased its average TV 
showings from 30 a month to 180 bookings per month for a total of 1,956 
showings during this election year" (380). 

Within ten days of the Cercle meeting of 28th-29th June, Crozier flew out to 
Los Angeles to brief Reagan personally on the 61 and offer its services. Crozier was 
not the only one to contact Reagan or his campaign team; also in early July, the 
Comte de Marenches met William Casey, Reagan's campaign manager, in Paris. De 
Marenches, who wrote in his memoirs that "under Carter, the Americans committed 
voluntary suicide", shared with Casey not only a total disdain for Carter but also a 
past in the Resistance during the Second World War and an arch-conservative 
approach to both politics and intelligence work. De Marenches was well placed to 
advise Casey on the Iranian hostage crisis; he had been the driving force behind the 
Safari Club, founded in 1976 to coordinate covert cooperation between the French, 
Iranian, Saudi, Moroccan and Egyptian intelligence services. 

One month after the de Marenches- Casey meeting, Casey would fly to Madrid 
for a series of meetings with senior Iranian officials to negotiate the framework for a 
deal to delay the release of the Teheran Embassy hostages. The key meetings to 
finalize the "October surprise" deal were held in October in Paris under the 
benevolent eye of de Marenches's SDECE; in September, Alain de MaroUes, SDECE 
Director of Operations and principal deputy to de Marenches, had given the go- 
ahead for French arms dealers to supply Iran with militaiy equipment in direct 
violation of Carter's embargo (381). After Reagan's election victory, de Marenches 
was invited to meet the President-elect and flew to California on 21st November, 
1980 to advise him on selection of Administration personnel and policy. Above all, de 
Marenches warned Reagan not to trust the CIA, particularly because of its lack of 

"Reagan repeated [de] Marenches's warning - "Don't trust the CIA" - to George 
Bush, who had been CIA chief in 1976-77. Bush thought it was hogwash, but 
all the same it obviously left a deep impression on Reagan. Bush had already 
told one of his CIA friends that, given Reagan's detached management style 
and his unfamiliarity with intelligence matters, it was important the President 
have a CIA director he felt close to, someone he trusted fully, particularly on 
the issue of purposefulness. Now, after the [de] Marenches warning, that was 

even more important" (382). 

The man to whom Reagan offered the job - within days of his meeting with de 
Marenches - was someone the French spymaster approved of entirely: William 

So, of the three Cercle candidates, Thatcher and Reagan were victorious. 
Although the campaign to promote Strauss for German Chancellor failed and the 
Biirgeraktion Demokraten fur Strauss disbanded, it was revived in June 1981 as a 
political pressure group called Konservative Aktion. The KA President was Ludek 
Pachmann; Lowenthal was Chairman of the Board, which also included Dr Lothar 
Bossle. KA also had excellent contacts with the German security and intelligence 
services: the adviser for KA's Internal Security Working Group was Crozier's old ISC 
friend Horchem, who had just retired as head of the Hamburg BfV. KA's speaker on 
German and East European policy was Prof. Hans- Werner Bracht, from 1961 to 
1972 a senior lecturer at the German Army Psychological Warfare School in 
Euskirchen, with a spell from 1969 to 1970 in the Political Division at NATO 
headquarters in Brussels. In this context, it is interesting to note that the Army 
Psychological Warfare School had previously provided Grau's ISP with one of its 
most frequent speakers in the mid-1970s, the School's Director Dr Kurt Klein. One 
further KA member was Brigadier- General Heinz Karst, also an ISP speaker, and a 
member of Lowenthal's Deutschland-Stiftung and of the Briisewitz Centre. Whilst 
marginal, KA would draw headlines due to its uncompromising hard-right slant and 
the frequent violence shown by younger militants at KA anti-immigration 
demonstrations and during attempts to storm squatted houses. In 1983, KA would 
pierce a hole in the Berlin Wall; it would also circulate letters in Turkish urging 
Turkish immigrants to return home. In 1986, a KA demonstration for the release of 
Rudolf Hess and a KA circular insulting Willy Brandt would lead to dissension 
amongst KA's leading members; several prominent conservatives including Karst 
resigned, and the Board was purged by Pachmann and Lowenthal. KA would file for 
bankruptcy in September 1986 and be finally dissolved in 1989 (383). 

As we have already seen in the early 1970s, the Belgian members of the 
Cercle complex often had more robust plans than election rigging in mind. In the 
early 1980s, the Belgian politicians linked to the Cercle were again implicated in 
funding fascists who were planning another coup d'etat with a group of extreme 
right-wing sympathizers in the Gendarmerie (384). 

1981 - 1991 

A 1981 report by the Surete de I'Etat makes it clear that the Belgian members 

of AESP\MAUE who had been implicated in the rumours of a planned coup in 1973 
had not given up hope. The Surete report dated 11th May, 1981 was submitted by 
Justice Minister Philippe Moureaux to the Wijninckx Committee, a Senate committee 
investigating the extreme Right and their private armies (385). The report revealed 
that leading members of CEPIC, including Paul Vankerkhoven, Bernard Mercier and 
Benoit de Bonvoisin (now running MAUE after Damman's death in 1979), had been 
funding two extreme right-wing groups also implicated in the 1973 coup plans: the 
Front de la Jeunesse, a major Belgian fascist group run by Francis Dossogne and 
Paul Latinus, and the Nouvel Europe Magazine, edited by Emile Lecerf. Lecerf and 
Dossogne had represented Belgium at the 1975 gathering of European fascists at de 
Bonvoisin's castle. The Surete report further revealed de Bonvoisin's continued 
financial support for Bougerol and the PIO publication Inforep, Bougerol's role as a 
speaker at NEM Club events and his close links with Bernard Mercier of the CEPIC 

The NEM Clubs, composed of readers of Lecerf s Nouvel Europe Magazine, had 
been implicated with Major Bougerol in the 1973 coup plans by the de Cock and 
Tratsaert reports; the de Cock report had already alluded to the financing of the NEM 
by VdB and de Bonvoisin in the early 1970s. By the 1980s, the NEM Clubs were also 
the recruiting pool for the most notorious of the fascist private armies, Westland 
New Post, headed by former Front chief Paul Latinus. The WNP was far more than a 
group of rowdies: it appeared to run a full-blown parallel intelligence service with 
links to the Surete; Latinus himself was a major Surete informant. The links 
between the WNP, the Front de la Jeunesse and CEPIC were multiple: besides the 
funding of the Front and the NEM Clubs disclosed in the 1981 Surete report, 1976 
CEPIC election candidate Joseph Franz had joined CEPIC straight from the Front. 
Former CEPIC President Jean-Pierre Grafe appealed directly to the Front for help 
with his election campaign. Front billstickers ensured CEPlC's election poster 
coverage - when they couldn't cope, the WNP's poster team filled the gap. Lecerf 
published appeals to vote for CEPIC in his Nouvel Europe Magazine. A 1983 Surete 
report repeated allegations by WNP members that Mercier of the CEPIC Board was 
also a regional representative /inspector of the WNP. 

The WNP had been infiltrated by Commissioner Christian Smets of the 
Surete, after Smets's superior. Chief Commissioner Victor Massart, had recruited 
WNP leader Latinus as a Surete informant (386). Massart appointed Smets as 
Latinus's case officer, and Latinus duly introduced Smets into the group as "the 
Duck", a sympathizer from the Surete. To prove his good faith, after checking with 
headquarters, Smets gave the WNP lessons in surveillance and counter- surveillance. 
In February 1982, in the middle of Smets's training course, WNP militants used their 
newly-gained knowledge to stalk and then kill two people. The arrest of the WNP 
militants and the confession of the killer, Latinus's lieutenant Marcel Barbier, 
brought Smets's "membership" of the WNP to light by 1983, whereupon the 
establishment and left-wing Press had a field day. It was clear that a serving Surete 
officer had been caught red-handed training a fascist private army guilty of a double 
murder. The uproar was enormous, leaving the Surete compromised and Smets 
accused of being a fascist sympathizer colluding with the WNP through political 

conviction. Fired on by the Press and by de Bonvoisin, Smets could only weakly 
claim to have been following orders from his Surete superior Massart who was in the 
front ranks of his attackers, proclaiming Smets had acted totally without authority. 
Smets was condemned on all sides; even the NEM and other fascist publications 
vociferously joined in, covering Brussels with posters reading "Surete assassin!". 

With hindsight and later information, the situation looks radically different: it 
now appears that the WNP scandal was the successful culmination of an operation 
to sabotage Surete investigations into de Bonvoisin's patronage of fascist groups. The 
operation was as effective as it was ingenious: Smets, whose investigations posed a 
real threat to de Bonvoisin, Bougerol and the extreme Right, was tarred with the 
fascist brush and publicly vilified. With Smets disgraced and his team closed down 
as a result of the WNP scandal, the investigations into the links between de 
Bonvoisin, Bougerol and the fascist militias came to an end. If collusion there was 
between the Surete and the WNP, it was between Massart and Latinus with the aim 
of compromising Smets. Later investigations into Gladio and PIO revealed that 
Massart, Smets's superior, had been the principal contact in the Surete for VdB/de 
Bonvoisin's intelligence chief, Bougerol. Massart gave open access to Surete files for 
Bougerol and his team. Smets's enquiries were a threat not only to CEPIC and the 
NEM Clubs, but also to Massart. Bougerol's visits were no secret at the Square de 
Meeus (Surete headquarters); after it could no longer be overlooked that PIO had 
officially been closed down, Massart's cooperation with Bougerol continued via 
Bougerol's secretary, Mireze Legon, who regularly visited Massart to view Surete 
files. To deflect criticism, Massart had informed his colleagues that Legon no longer 
worked with Bougerol; Smets, though, working on the de Bonvoisin/ Bougerol/ NEM 
triangle, had Legon followed from Massart's office to ... the PIO military branch office. 
With the discovery of Massart's ongoing illegal cooperation with PIO, Smets was 
simply getting too close for comfort. 

It will come as no surprise to learn that the WNP leader Paul Latinus 
"committed suicide" in April 1984 as the WNP scandal gathered pace. Opinions 
remain divided about whether the suicide was arranged or not. Latinus could have 
been a key witness not just in the WNP case but also in a vice scandal that hit the 
headlines at the same time as the May, 1981 Surete report on CEPlC's links to the 
NEM. Shortly before dying, Latinus had referred to a file that was his "insurance 
policy" - a dossier compromising top politicians in a vice ring: the Pinon file. Dr. 
Pinon's wife ran a child vice ring in which VdB and other right-wing notables were 
allegedly compromised. In early 1981, details of the ring reached Lecerf who wrote 
an article; perhaps not surprisingly in view of his connections, Lecerf never 
published the piece. Lecerf may have been the source for Latinus's file. In mid-June, 
1981, Dr. Pinon gave details of the ring to the left-wing magazine Pour, which had 
originally exposed de Bonvoisin's fascist connections. Pour's editor, Jean-Claude 
Garot, was preparing to go into print when he received a phone call from a lawyer 
attempting to prevent publication: Garot refused. Ten days later, the premises of 
Pour were burnt to the ground by a joint commando group from the Front de la 
Jeunesse/WNP and the Flemish fascist group VMO. Garot never identified the 
lawyer who phoned him by name, but did reveal that it was "a lawyer from the 

extreme Right, a member of MAUE". A subsequent detailed study of the Pour case 
stated that the lawyer was Vincent van den Bosch, a close associate of the late 
Florimond Damman's and longstanding member of the Permanent Delegation of the 
AESP who served with de Bonvoisin as a Board member of MAUE (387). Van den 
Bosch would later figure in the WNP trials as counsel for WNP killer Michel Barbier. 


The involvement of AESP\CEP1C members with the extreme Right may tie 
into the most notorious of Belgian parapolitical affairs - the "Brabant Wallon 
killers", a gang of alleged "bandits" who specialized in holding up supermarkets with 
maximum violence and minimum loot, killing 28 people between 1982 and 1985. 
The theory that the killers were motivated by criminal gain - an idea pushed hard by 
the Belgian Justice Ministry - was demolished by the wanton killing of unarmed and 
unresisting shoppers, the highly professional and military approach taken to the 
attacks, and the provocative tactics employed: on one occasion, having needlessly 
gunned down several people and seized takings of only several thousand Euros, the 
killers sat in the supermarket car-park to calmly await the arrival of the police before 
making good their getaway. Such provocation, together with the concentration of 
their attacks in one limited area (the Brabant Wallon) , even to the extent of driving 
directly from one attack to hit another supermarket only ten miles away, all pointed 
to a strategy of tension with political motivations rather than to organized crime. 

The multiple investigations into the Brabant Wallon killings have thrown up 
considerable evidence that points to the authors of the attacks being extreme right- 
wing sympathizers within the ranks of the Gendarmerie. One of the actions of the 
killers was to break into a warehouse and steal prototype bulletproof vests, whose 
existence was only known to the Gendarmerie and a handful of ballistic experts. It 
also became clear that those carrying out the supermarket attacks must have had 
intimate knowledge of the tactics called "Practical Shooting", a preserve shared by 
the Diane group, the Gendarmerie's anti-terrorist unit, and a series of private 
"Practical Shooting Clubs" dominated by the extreme Right. Some of the weapons 
used in connected attacks had been "stolen" from the barracks of the Diane group 
on New Year's Eve, 1981-82. 

In 1989, sensational allegations about Gendarmerie involvement in the 
killings were made by Martial Lekeu, a former member of the Diane Group and also 
of the Gendarmerie's political intelligence section, the BSR. Lekeu alleged that in the 
mid-1970s he was recruited into a secret neo-nazi organization within the 
Gendarmerie, Group G. The Gendarmerie officer who recruited him was Didier 
Mievis, a BSR member and recruiter for the Front de la Jeunesse within the 
Gendarmerie (388). Lekeu claimed that the two external controllers of Group G were 
Francis Dossogne and Paul Latinus, heads of the Front. Lekeu's first contact with 
Group G was during a Front meeting held in Latinus's house; Latinus was Lekeu's 
next-door neighbour. From 1975 onwards, the Front and Group G, together with a 
corresponding group in the Army, Group M, planned a coup d'etat to bring CEPIC to 

power. At this time, Vanden Boeynants was President of CEPIC and Belgian Defence 
Minister, the supervisory authority for the Gendarmerie. The 1981 Surete report 
reveals that during this period VdB and de Bonvoisin were giving substantial 
funding to Dossogne and Latinus for the Front. Lekeu alleged: 

"When 1 joined the Gendarmerie, 1 was a convinced fascist. 1 got to know 
people in the Diane group who shared my opinions. We used to exchange the 
Nazi salute. Every time we smacked our heels together in the canteen or in 
the corridors of the BSR headquarters, we heard others doing the same. It 
was a sign of brotherhood . . . during the Front meetings, a plan was developed 
to destabilize Belgium and prepare for an authoritarian regime. This plan was 
divided into two stages: a phase of political terrorism and a phase of 
gangsterism. 1 worked on the second phase. 1 was one of the specialists who 
would train the young people in extreme Right ideology; we had to turn them 
into a group of individuals that were ready for anything. Then, 1 should break 
off all contact with them so that they would become a completely autonomous 
group who would commit armed raids without being aware that they were 
part of a perfectly planned plot". 

The Intelligence section of the BSR were well aware of Group G's activities: 
according to a BSR report drawn up by Chief Adjutant Tratsaert in October 1976, 
the BSR had several of Group G's documents, and had infiltrated some of their 
meetings, photographing the group's members. The 1976 report confirms Lekeu's 
claim that Dossogne was a member of the group. Lekeu stated that he left Group G 
when they started committing the Brabant killings; a 1985 BSR report by Agent 
Bihay declared that Group G included at least one other gendarme closely linked to 
the killings: Madani Bouhouche, who was also a member of the WNP. Lekeu further 
claimed that Group G was behind the 1981 theft of Group Diane's weapons: 
certainly, Bouhouche was seen in the Diane barracks on the day of the robbery and 
used one of the Gendarmerie's vans taken later that night by the thieves. 

According to Lekeu, Group G was not only responsible for carrying out the 
Brabant killings, but also for launching earlier attempted assassinations which 
targeted Gendarmerie colleagues whose investigations into fraud scandals linked to 
VdB were getting too close to the truth. Lekeu specifically mentioned the 1981 attack 
on Gendarmerie Major Herman Vernaillen as a Group G operation. Vemaillen had 
certainly been treading on toes: besides investigating VdB's links to financial and 
drug scandals, Vemaillen had been following up indications of VdB's involvement in 
coup plots. In May 1989, Vemaillen declared that in 1980 the Brussels banker and 
CEPIC member, Leo Finne, had informed him of a planned coup d'etat in the 1980s 
which involved several senior figures in Opus Dei and a former Minister. Finne was 
in a position to know: it has subsequently emerged that he was involved with VdB in 
one of the planned coups in 1973. In a confidential report, Vemaillen gave further 
details and named participants in the 1980s plot as CEPIC President VdB, former 
Deputy Prime Minister and CEPIC member Jose Desmarets (in 1986-87, President of 
WACL, whose Belgian section LIL had worked closely with Damman), State 
Prosecutor Raymond Charles, former Gendarmerie General Femand Beaurir, ex- 

Chief of General Staff Lieutenant-General Georges Vivario (389) and CEPIC 
member Jean Militis, a paratroop colonel implicated in the rumours of a planned 
coup in 1973. Vernaillen's allegations were backed up in November 1989 by the 
testimony before the Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry from another Gendarmerie 
officer, Chief Adjutant Dussart, who confirmed the names of the participants in the 
1980s plot and stated that several of the 1980s plotters had also been involved in 
the 1973 plans for a coup: the de Cock and Tratsaert reports had detailed the NEM 
Clubs' involvement in the 1973 plans and named CEPIC members VdB and de 

Whilst some figures in CEPIC appear to have been the beneficiaries of the 
strategy of tension, others were definitely its victims. As Hugo Gijsels points out, 
closer examination of some of the people murdered by the Brabant killers during 
their attacks throws up a remarkable series of coincidences. Several people were 
coldly executed with bullets to the head, in contrast to the shooting in the 
supermarkets that claimed most victims. Amongst those executed in September- 
October 1983 were three CEPIC members: Elise Dewit and Jacques Fourez, a 
business contact of VdB's, and Jacques van Camp, innkeeper of the "Auberge des 
Trois Canards", a favourite haunt for VdB, General Beaurir, Dewit and Fourez. In 
October 1985, the killers claimed an even more significant victim amongst the ranks 
of CEPIC: banker Leo Finne, Vernaillen's informant, the first person killed in the raid 
on the Delhaize supermarket in Overijse. 

This is a very brief summary of an extremely complex series of events, and 
although much remains unknown, it is clear that those who gravitated in the 
AESP\Cercle Pinay environment were closely linked both to the rumoured plans for 
a coup in 1973 and to the Belgian strategy of tension in the 1980s. Certain parallels 
can be drawn to two previous cases of a strategy of tension: Italy from 1969 onwards 
and Portugal in 1975-76. In all three countries, the beneficiary of the strategy of 
tension was a Cercle Pinay contact - Andreotti, Spinola and Vanden Boeynants. In 
all three cases, the operational experience in running a strategy of tension came 
from Aginter Press, Stefano delle Chiaie and fascist militants in the ranks of the local 
police and Army. The most promising avenue for investigation to understand the 
coup plots and strategy of tension in Belgium in the 1970s and 1980s lies no doubt 
in exploring contacts between Aginter Press and the AESP. It is significant that 
Damman, Lecerf and Guerin-Serac met only two years before Lecerf s NEM made its 
first appeal for a coup d'etat - at the beginning of its long and close relationship with 
de Bonvoisin and VdB. Belgian justice has been notably timid in its investigations, 
and a full exposure of those behind these events will probably never come, but as 
one of the top police investigators working on the Brabant killings said about the 
sniffer plane scandal: 

"If you're looking for the motives behind the killings in the Brabant, start by 
understanding the motives behind that gigantic swindle" (390). 


The close links connecting the Cercle Hnay and the sniffer plane scandal of 
the late 1970s have already been documented above; in the early 1980s, it emerged 
that several Cercle Hnay contacts, including key players in the sniffer plane scandal 
such as Carlo Pesenti, were connected to the 1982 crash of the "P2 bank". Banco 
Ambrosiano. Under a permanent threat of take-over by Michele Sindona, Pesenti had 
shored up his indebted Italmobiliare group by substantial borrowings from Banco 
Ambrosiano and its various Italian subsidiaries, secured by large blocks of shares in 
companies controlled by Pesenti. The relationship between Banco Ambrosiano, 
Pesenti and the Cercle complex became more explicit in the final months before the 
bank's collapse in June/ July 1982. In late 1981, the Vatican, concerned about the 
growing scandal surrounding Roberto Calvi, had canvassed support for a successor. 
Their favoured candidate was another prominent Catholic banker, Orazio Bagnasco, 
active in property-based mutual funds and by 1980 the owner of the CIGA group of 
hotels. Bagnasco was known to be very close to Giulio Andreotti; what is less known 
is that both Andreotti and Bagnasco had links to the AESP and the Cercle Hnay 
complex. Bagnasco was a participant at the 1976 CEDl Congress along with the 
main Cercle members involved in the sniffer plane scandal - Pesenti, Hnay, Violet, 
Damman and Sanchez Bella. As we've also seen, two of the other CEDl participants 
were Dr Ernest Tottosy and Vittorio Pons, accused by Richard Brenneke in 1990 of 
being members of P7, a covert group of lawyers and bankers used by the CIA as a 
funding channel for P2. Despite Calvi's objections, Bagnasco was appointed Deputy 
Director of Banco Ambrosiano on 26th January, 1982. 

Shortly afterwards, the bank secretly underwrote a loan of 100 billion lire to 
Pesenti to allow him to buy into Banco Ambrosiano. On 10th March 1982, Pesenti's 
Italmobiliare became the largest declared shareholder in Banco Ambrosiano, and 
Pesenti was appointed an Ambrosiano director. When the bank finally collapsed in 
June/July, Pesenti lost 100 billion lire on his Ambrosiano shareholding alone, and 
was forced to sell off another of his banks six weeks after Calvi died. Already in poor 
health, Pesenti did not long survive the Ambrosiano fiasco; he died in September 
1984. Following the Banco Ambrosiano crash, the Vatican appointed a four-man 
commission of inquiry to "investigate" the scandal; of the four commissioners, two 
were Cercle Hnay contacts. One was Hermann Josef Abs, the German Bilderberger, 
European Movement and CEDl member who had met Spinola at Strauss's behest 
during the General's 1975 tour to raise funding for a coup d'etat. The other was none 
other than Philippe de Week who, with Pesenti, was the main financier implicated in 
the sniffer plane scandal. There are further links between the sniffer plane scandal 
and Banco Ambrosiano quite apart from the repeated presence of the two major 
players, Pesenti and de Week: the company used as a conduit for Elf s initial sniffer 
plane payments to de Villegas' Fisalma, Ultrafin, was owned by Calvi and linked to 
Ambrosiano Holding Luxembourg. One of the Ultrafin shareholders was Ernst Keller, 
a member of de Week's Zurich UBS staff responsible for overseeing transfers of 
sniffer plane money to Fisalma. De Week's UBS bank had been one of the major 
channels used by Calvi for milking Banco Ambrosiano; UBS was also one of the 
principal Swiss banks used by P2. Amongst UBS accounts was one of $55 million for 
Gelli and another of $30 million for Calvi and his partner Flavio Carboni (391). 


A major factor in 1980s politics was the intensified nuclear confrontation in 
the European theatre following Soviet deployment of SS-20 missiles from 1977 on. 
Besides continuing to run the post-Helsinki human rights campaign in the late 
1970s, the Cercle complex also acted to highlight the Soviet nuclear build-up. After a 
glowing recommendation by Violet, Crozier's ISC commissioned French nuclear 
strategy expert General Pierre M. Gallois, formerly of SHAPE, to produce a Conflict 
Study on the SS-20 threat, published in June 1978 under the title Soviet Military 
Doctrine and European Defence. Gallois was no stranger to the Cercle complex; he 
had attended the 1965 Bilderberg conference in Villa d'Este in Italy along with Pinay, 
Pompidou and Voisin, and since at least 1972 had also sat on CEDI's International 
Council alongside Habsburg, Sanchez Bella, von Merkatz, Vankerkhoven, Huyn and 
Agnew - by 1978, all AESP members. Gallois would go on to attend Cercle Pinay 
meetings (392). 

After considerable internal debate, NATO decided in December 1979 to station 
new medium-range nuclear weapons - Cruise and Pershing II missiles - in Britain, 
Germany, Italy, Belgium and Holland, a deployment which provoked a wave of 
protest from the peace movement unseen since the Vietnam demonstrations of the 
early 1970s. The European Right and the intelligence services reacted in the early 
eighties much as they had done a decade earlier: by a wave of aggressive counter- 
intelligence, agents provocateurs and smear campaigns to discredit peace activists 
as potentially violent KGB dupes or stooges. 

The Cercle and particularly Crozier's London-based 61 would play a key part 
in these anti-disarmament campaigns throughout the 1980s; indeed, Crozier's 
chapter on this period starts with the words: "The best thing the 61 ever did was to 
penetrate and defeat the Soviet 'peace' fronts and the Western campaign groups ... in 
the absence of government reaction in any of the affected countries [sic, see below] , 
it was left to private groups to counter the Soviet campaigns. At the 61, we took a 
decision to create new peace counter-groups wherever necessary, and to assist such 
groups where they already existed, both financially and with ideas. It was a 
considerable international coordinating effort which paid off in the end" (393) . 

The most intense of these anti-disarmament propaganda campaigns targeted 
the British peace movement. Between 1980 and 1987, the Campaign for Nuclear 
Disarmament (CND), was subjected to an unprecedented propaganda and 
harassment campaign run essentially by three complexes: firstly, the private-sector 
groups, several of which had links to the Cercle Pinay; secondly, official but covert 
propaganda units within the Ministry of Defence; and lastly but certainly not least, 
MI5's F Branch (Internal Subversion) (394). As we will see below, these State and 
private initiatives interlocked on several levels. One notable link was Charles Elwell, 
head of F Branch, who had taken the decision to put CND under blanket 
surveillance. After retirement from MIS in 1982, Elwell would work throughout the 

1980s with Brian Crozier to produce a smear bulletin targeting the Labour Party, 
progressive charities and church groups, described in a later chapter. 

PARI fired one of the first shots in the UK anti-unilateralist campaign in the 
form of a 1980 brochure by Crozier entitled The Price of Peace - a Plain Man's Guide to 
Current Defence Issues; the cover of the PARI brochure illustrated the launch of an 
SS-20. Published by Stewart-Smith's PAPC and distributed also by the Monday 
Club, the brochure's tables of the East- West nuclear balance in the brochure were 
produced by the ISC, and the defence expenditure table came from NATO Review. 
Having conceded that many peace campaigners were sincere, Crozier then went on 
to ask: "But how many realize that the campaign against nuclear arms 
modernisation, in which they are involved, is manipulated by Moscow?" Crozier later 
revealed in his memoirs that the basic research had been done by "a Dutch friend" 
and that an updated and enlarged version of the brochure would be published in the 
US three years later by the Heritage Poundation, on which more below (395). 

In 1981, with continued if reduced South African funding (396), PARI 
organized the first Annual World Balance of Power conference which brought 
together many of the Cercle's American contacts: Peulner of the Heritage 
Poundation, General Graham of the ASC, Bamett of the NSIC and also of the 
Committee on the Present Danger (397), and Cline of CSIS. The conference, which 
aimed "to consider the need of the entire non-communist world to respond to the 
Soviet global political and military threat" started with a message of goodwill from 
President Reagan. 

Beyond PARI's efforts, the Cercle also created several new British groups 
specializing in anti-disarmament propaganda, thanks to American funding. In his 
memoirs, Crozier records that, after initial hesitation, Reagan's Director of Central 
Intelligence Bill Casey provided £50,000 in 1981 and $100,000 in 1982 for the 
Cercle's anti-disarmament campaigns. Major funding would also be provided by the 
Heritage Foundation, whose President Edwin Feulner had attended the December 
1979 Cercle meeting. The Heritage Poundation, whose role is concealed in Crozier's 
memoirs, provided the infrastructure and funding for three Cercle-linked groups 
active in anti-peace movement propaganda in Britain (398). The main beneficiary of 
Heritage Poundation funds - receiving an estimated half a million dollars from 1982 
to 1985 - was the Institute for European Defence and Strategic Studies (lEDSS). 
Pounded in 1979, the lEDSS set as its goal "to assess the impact of political change 
in Europe and North America on defence and strategic issues, in particular, to study 
the domestic political situation in NATO countries and how this affects the NATO 
posture". The lEDSS Chairman was Heritage President Peulner; the lEDSS Council 
included Heritage Pellow Richard V. Allen, later appointed as Reagan's first but 
short-lived National Security Adviser, in which post he would be a recipient of the 
GI's confidential briefing papers. Transnational Security (399). Serving on the Council 
with him was an old ISC stalwart: Leonard Schapiro. The lEDSS was closely linked 
to the ISC from its inception on; the lEDSS initially shared the ISC's Golden Square 
address before moving to new premises - two doors away. Several ISC associates also 
wrote reports for the lEDSS - Brian Crozier (Communism - why prolong its death 

throes?), the ISC's Turkey expert Kenneth Mackenzie, Richard Pipes of the WISC 
Board and Lord Chalfont, the latter serving as a Council member of lEDSS and as a 
Board member of PARI with Crozier, Moss and Amery. Heritage Poundation control 
over the lEDSS was eloquently illustrated by US Internal Revenue Service figures for 
the year 1985: Heritage contributed $151,273 of a total lEDSS budget of $185,611. 
According to IRS figures, the Heritage Poundation donated $427,809 to the lEDSS 
for the three years 1982, 1983 and 1985 (400). 

Besides its Heritage Poundation/ ISC links to the "private sector" for anti- 
disarmament propaganda, the lEDSS was also directly tied in to the British State's 
anti-CND campaign through two lEDSS Council members: Conservative MP Ray 
Whitney and senior Tory Sir Peter Blaker - an old friend of Crozier's from 
Cambodian days (401). Sir Peter Blaker served as a junior Minister in the Ministry of 
Defence from 1979 to 1983 when Defence Minister Michael Heseltine appointed him 
to head a secret Ministerial Group on Nuclear Weapons and Public Opinion. This 
Ministerial Group led to the creation of Defence Secretariat DS19, an MoD group 
which generated films and literature attacking the Campaign for Nuclear 
Disarmament. This official but clandestine campaign by Heseltine and Blaker was 
assisted by Conservative MP Ray Whitney, who served with Blaker on the lEDSS 
Board from 1979 to 1984. 

Whitney had previously had considerable experience in black propaganda; 
prior to being elected to Parliament and becoming a junior Minister under Mrs 
Thatcher, Whitney was the last head of IRD before it was officially "closed down" in 
April 1977; like many other IRD staff, he would then transfer to the IRD's "purged" 
successor, the Overseas Information Department. After releasing a letter purporting 
to prove communist domination of CND and the Labour Party, Heseltine commented: 
"Our colleague Ray Whitney has added a valuable contribution to our knowledge of 
the political motivations of CND". The lEDSS allowed Blaker, Whitney and the MoD 
team to recycle their anti-unilateralist propaganda under the guise of "academic 
respectability"; one such lEDSS publication was Perception and Reality - An Opinion 
Poll on Defence and Disarmament, published in 1985 and written by Blaker together 
with Sir Clive Rose, former deputy secretary in the Cabinet Office from 1976 to 
1979 - another old ISC friend. The lEDSS later promoted the disinformation theme 
that the Soviet special forces spetsnaz used women peace-campers as cover to 
reconnoitre the Greenham Common Cruise missile base (402). 

The lEDSS's anti-CND campaign was supported on an altogether more vicious 
level by another Heritage beneficiary, the Coalition for Peace through Security. 

The CPS was founded in the autumn of 1981; the Heritage Poundation's tax returns 
show a 1982 donation of $10,000 to the CPS, and a letter from CPS to the 
Poundation thanks it for a further contribution of $50,000 in October of the same 
year. The general coordinator appointed by Thatcher for the Government's attack on 
CND was Winston Churchill MP, a PARI member alongside Chalfont and the Cercle 
trio of Crozier, Moss and Amery; the CPS shared offices with PARI. The CPS enjoyed 
close links to the Conservative Party Central Office - the three directors of the CPS 
(Tony Kerpel, Julian Lewis and Edward Leigh) were all prospective Conservative 

parliamentaiy candidates. Immediately after its foundation in 1981, the CPS 
obtained the list of Conservative Party agents around the country and was given free 
access to the Party's mainframe computer. One of its earliest actions was to set 
about infiltrating CND so as to gain access to its 1982 annual conference; this was 
the beginning of a savage smear campaign, running slogans such as "CND = KGB" 
and "Communist Neutralist Defeatist". In one typical action in August 1986, CPS 
activists disrupted a two minute silence commemorating Hiroshima by playing the 
national anthem full-blast over a loudspeaker system. 

The main CPS activist was "a gifted young man named Julian Lewis. 
Introduced to me by Norris McWhirter, Dr Lewis became the Gl's leading activist in 
Britain, notably as the scourge of [CND leader] Monsignor Bruce Kent and the 
Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament ... in Britain, the energetic Julian Lewis and his 
young assistants wrote letters to the press, hired light aircraft trailing anti-CND 
slogans, organised counter-demonstrations, and challenged Bruce Kent and other 
speakers at CND rallies. Books, pamphlets, folders, posters were produced, all of 
them pithy and telling " (403). 

Lewis would go on to run other anti-Left operations for the Cercle complex 
throughout the 1980s, one of which would be the Media Monitoring Unit, founded 
by the Conservative Central Office in 1985, a re-run of the ISC's 1970s actions 
against leftist infiltration of the media. To raise funds for the MMU, Lewis would call 
on Cercle member Sir Peter Tennant: "The Media Monitoring Unit was conceived and 
created last year by a small group of self-described Right- of- centre political activists. 
The driving force is Julian Lewis ... He runs a political pressure group called Policy 
Research Associates which pops up now and again in debates on such matters as 
council corruption, trade union law and CND [all Crozier campaigns]. Lord Chalfont 
is a patron as is Norris McWhirter, who founded the Freedom Association, and 
Edward Leigh, MP ... The increasing activity of the PRA and the decision to form the 
monitoring unit is indicative of a more aggressive approach in Right- of- centre circles 
to getting across its message... To get the unit off the ground he approached Sir 
Peter Tennant, 75, a senior City businessman and adviser to the CBl. Tennant in 
turn drew together a nucleus of sympathisers, mostly from the City, who put up the 
£25,000-or-so to hire a director, buy a video recorder and publish the report". 
Crozier recounts: "We produced several occasional issues of the Monitoring Report, an 
impressively researched survey of the political attitudes in the media, which showed, 
in my view beyond doubt, that there was a predominantly left-wing bias, especially 
in television. The first yearly report, at the end of 1986, attracted much press 
attention, most of it favourable "(404). 

The Heritage Foundation also provided funds for another group, the 
International Freedom Fund Establishment, which acted as a clearing-house and 
conduit for Heritage Foundation funding of other groups. The IFFE was run by Brian 
Crozier, who thus became the Heritage Foundation's bag-man in Britain. IRS tax 
returns for the Heritage Foundation show that it donated a total of $140,000 to the 
IFFE for the three years 1982, 1983 and 1985. In an interview. Heritage Vice- 
President Herb Berkowitz described the IFFE as "a networking operation .. we 

support them and he [Crozier] does the work" and admitted to a further Heritage 
donation to Crozier of $50,000 in 1986 (405). Crozier himself said that the IFFE 
received a total of £200,000 from the Heritage Foundation between 1982 and 1986, 
whilst declining to identify the ultimate beneficiaries of such largesse (406) . 

Many of these groups produced anti-CND publications; in 1982, the post- 
Crozier ISC brought out a Conflict Study entitled Political Violence and Civil 
Disobedience in Western Europe, whilst Crozier himself put together a 1984 
anthology. This War Called Peace, published by his Sherwood Press. The major anti- 
CND publication by the Cercle/6I complex would however be "Peace" of the Dead by 
Paul Mercer, "one of the best of our activists" according to Crozier. The massive 400- 
page book, "an exhaustive and authoritative analysis of the CND and its affiliates", 
was published in 1986 by Lewis's Policy Research Publications. The book's tone was 
set by the cover illustration of the CND symbol cut through the middle by a hammer 
and sickle; joining Mercer in his exhaustive efforts to prove Moscow's domination of 
CND were the Coalition for Peace through Security, the Freedom Association, Brian 
Crozier, Lord Chalfont (who contributed the foreword), John Rees and Peter Shipley, 
whose Conflict Study, Patterns of Protest in Western Europe, would also be published 
in 1986. 

Whilst Crozier and the London groups kept up the propaganda barrage 
against CND, they would also be active in giving practical assistance to pro-Cruise 
groups in Holland. When the operation was launched in 1983, Holland was a key 
country, being the only NATO member government holding out against the 
deployment of Cruise; it was only in 1985 that the Dutch government reluctantly 
accepted the principle of Cruise, and deployment itself did not start until 1987. A 
number of groups were set up in Holland to support deployment, using the same 
tactic as in the UK of accusing the largely Church-based Dutch peace movement of 
being Soviet-controlled. Crozier states that the Dutch group 'that was proving the 
most useful in countering the Soviet-led campaign was the Stichting Vrijheid, 
Vrede en Verdediging (Freedom, Peace and Defence Foundation)" (407). 

According to a Guardian report in 1987, the ISC acted as a channel for covert 
American funding to certain Dutch pro-Cruise groups. Frank Brenchley, ex-GCHQ 
and a former Chairman of the ISC Council (408), told the Guardian that the ISC 
produced a private, unpublished report on the Dutch peace movement. Sir Clive 
Rose acknowledged using ISC information on Holland when writing his book. 
Campaign against Western Defence. The research was carried out, he said, by two 
ISC members. Professor Leonard Schapiro and Nigel Clive, the latter a former head of 
the IRD. Michael Goodwin, ISC Director since Crozier's departure in 1979 and also a 
former IRD member, confirmed that Holland was of particular interest to the ISC in 
1983 (409). The Dutch peace movement was evidently a focus for the CIA as well; 
besides the ISC propaganda operation to counter the Dutch peace movement in 
1983, the BVD and CIA infiltrated an agent provocateur amongst Dutch and Belgian 
peace-campers in early 1984 in an attempt to compromise them in the theft of live 
ammunition from the Belgian Cruise base at Florennes; the ammunition was later 

recovered near the peace-camp at the Dutch Cruise base of Woensdrecht (410). 

Although the British-based campaign may have been the most intensive, the 
Cercle complex also set up several European institutes specializing in anti- 
disarmament propaganda. In his memoirs, Crozier records Cercle cooperation with 
two existing groups, the German Bonner Friedensforum (Bonn Peace Forum) and the 
French Comite Frangais contre le Neutralisme, as well as the creation of a Belgian 
Cercle front group, the Rassemblement pour la Paix dans la Liberie (Rally for 
Peace in Freedom), whose 'influence spread not only through the Belgian 
Parliament, but into the schools, with the distribution of officially approved booklets 
on defence "(4 11). 

However, Crozier's account omits any mention of several other European anti- 
disarmament groups with links to the Cercle. One was the Europaisches Institut 
fur Sicherheitsfragen (European Institute for Security Issues), founded in 1981 by 
Belgian General Robert Close, who had resigned from military service a year 
previously in protest at the Belgian government's reluctance to accept Cruise 
deployment (412). Founding members of the EIS were: 

General Robert Close 

Vice-President of MAUE from 1980 on; 
Belgian Senator for the PRL conservative 
party from 1981 to 1987; World President of 
WACL in 1983-84; West European Union 
Vice-President from 1986 on; President of 
Western Goals Belgium; frequent 
Resistance International signatory. 

Archduke Otto von Habsburg 

Martin Bangemann 

Chairman of German Liberal FDP Party, 
Finance Minister, later Vice-President of the 
EEC Commission. 

Gerhard Reddemann 


Hans Filbinger 

CDU former Regional Prime Minister of 
Baden-Wiirttemberg; PEU Council; 
Briisewitz Centre; Ludwig-Frank-Stiftung. 

former Maj-Gen Jochen Loser 

Western Goals. 

former Gen Wolfgang Schall 

CDU MEP from 1979 to 1984; leader of 
German WACL delegation from 1981 on. 

former Gen Kielmannsegg 

Former NATO Commander of Central 
Europe; Board of the magazine Beitrdge zur 
KonfUktforschung - Psychopolitische Aspekte 

former Col Josef Goblirsch 

(Contributions to the Study of Conflict - 
Psychopolitical Aspects, founded in 1971 
and funded by the Federal Defence 
Ministry. Took free trips to South Africa in 
1971 and 1975. 

Lt-Col Gerhard Hubatscheck 

speaker for Grau's SWG. 

Kai-Uwe von Hassel 

CDU former Regional Prime Minister of 
Schleswig-Holstein; former Defence 

Minister; former President and Vice- 
President of the German Parliament until 
1976. Attended AESP Grand Diner 
Charlemagne in January 1976. Vice- 
President of the Council of Europe 
Parliamentary Assembly in 1977. President 
of the WEU Assembly from 1977 to 1979. 
CDU MEP from 1979 to 1984. Resistance 
International signatory, visited US to lobby 
Congress to support Contras as part of RI 
delegation. Participant with Huyn at secret 
meeting on 8-10/6/87 on "The Future of 
German- American Relations", organized by 
International Security Council, a group 
within the Moonies' political arm, CAUSA. 
Died in 1997. 

Leo Tindermanns 

former Belgian Prime Minister, Foreign 
Minister in 1985. 

former Gen Pierre Cremer 


Pierre Pflimlin 

Bilderberg Group, President of the 
European Parliament in 1985, longstanding 
supporter of PEU. 

The first conference of the EIS, held in the Belgian Foreign Ministry's palace, 
concentrated on how to promote NATO against peace movement opposition. In 
March 1982, the EIS Board expanded to include a number of new members, several 
of whom would attend the second EIS conference in Luxembourg in April 1982: 

Franz Josef Strauss 

Gerhard Lowenthal 

ZDF; President of the Deutschland-Stiftung 
from 1977 to 1994; Briisewitz Centre; 

Biirgeraktion Demokraten fur Strauss; 
Konservative Aktion; Resistance 
International; WACL; CAUSA. 

Dr. Heinrich Aigner 

CSU MEP from 1979 to 1988; Vice- 
President of the German PEU section; 
Briisewitz Centre; Ludwig-Frank-Stiftung. 

former Brig-Gen Heinz Karst 

ISP; Deutschland-Stiftung; Briisewitz 
Centre; Konservative Aktion. 

Alfons Goppel 

former Regional Prime Minister of Bavaria, 
CSU MEP from 1979 to 1984, Board 
member of PEU. 

former General Rail 

Chief of the German Air Force until August 
1974, then German representative to the 
Military Council of NATO. In October 1974, 
took a free trip to South Africa, sponsored 
by the South Africa Foundation, touring the 
Pelindaba nuclear research site. Exposure 
of the visit in September 1975 led to great 
public controversy. A stalwart defender of 
South African interests in Germany. 

Dr Ludwig Bolkow 

Bilderberg Group, Managing Director of 
Messerschmitt Bolkow Blohn, the major 
armaments company (Strauss sat on the 
MBB Board), prominent CSU member and 
linked to Starfighter scandal with Strauss, 
named President of NATO arms 
standardization committee in 1976. 

Nicolas Estgens 

Luxemburg, MEP, former Vice-President of 
European Parliament, member of Bureau of 
the European Parliament conservative 
fraction EPP with Archduke Otto, served on 
PEU International Council from 1984 on. 

In 1983, the EIS split because of policy differences, and Close left to found the 
Brussels-based Institut Europeen pour la Paix et la Securite (lEPS), perhaps a 
remoulding of the earlier Cercle group in Belgium, the Rassemblement pour la Paix 
dans la Liberte. The lEPS would also be well-connected to the Cercle complex: 
besides Close's role as MAUE Vice-President, other lEPS members included Jacques 
Jonet, also a MAUE Vice-President, Crozier and Huyn. Within the lEPS, the Heritage 
Foundation and ASC were represented by Generals Robert C. Richardson and Daniel 
O. Graham, both members of the Political Action Committee of the ASC involved in 

the anti-Carter campaign of 1980. One lEPS Vice-President was Wolfgang Reinecke 
from Germany, a speaker for Grau's Swiss ISP in 1975 and member of the 
International Institute for Strategic Studies in London. The lEPS administrator was 
Belgian Colonel Henri Bernard, former history lecturer at the Belgian Military 
School. Bernard had been one of Damman's earliest partners, serving as a speaker 
for the Belgian PEU section in the early 1960s when it was still called AENA; 
Bernard was also a longstanding CEDI member. Other lEPS luminaries included 
lEPS Vice-President Belgian Count Yves du Monceau de Bergendal, a PSC senator 
and supporter of Opus Dei, the former Belgian Justice Minister during the strategy 
of tension Jean Gol, EEC Commissioner Willy Declercq and prominent figures from 
the Belgian French-speaking Liberal Party, the PRL (413). 

The Cercle Pinay also had a presence in several other anti-disarmament 
propaganda institutes. Key Cercle and 61 member Huyn was a Board member of the 
American European Strategy Research Institute (AESRI), an offshoot of the 
German section of Western Goals, founded in 1981 (414). A meeting to discuss 
setting up a German section of Western Goals was held in Bonn on 17th May 1981, 
attended by Huyn, Hans Klein of the Briisewitz Centre and the Deutschland- 
Stiftung, former Admiral Poser (former head of NATO Security and Intelligence), EIS 
member former Major- General Jochen Loser, Carl-Gustav Strohm of the newspaper 
Die Welt, Larry McDonald of the John Birch Society, and former Generals George 
Patton and Lewis Walt. Larry McDonald put up $131,982 starting capital. Western 
Goals Europe and AESRI were then founded in Munich on 8th July 1981 by Huyn, 
Klein, McDonald, Patton, CDU MP Helmut Sauer, BND agent Stefan Marinoff and 
American industrialist Robert Stoodard. AESRI had branches in Heidelberg, Bonn 
and Munich. 

In May 1982, AESRI member Huyn aroused a media storm with a publication 
entitled Fur Frieden in Freiheit (For Peace with Freedom), which "documented" the 
KGB's control of the peace movement and returned to an old theme, Soviet 
subversion in the Churches. Huyn's conclusions would also be reported in the 
Dutch daily, De Telegraaf as well as other European and American newspapers 
(415). Another frequent writer for AESRI and Western Goals Europe was Professor 
Hans- Werner Bracht, the former senior lecturer at the Army School for Psychological 
Warfare who had worked with Lowenthal in the Deutschland-Stiftung, the Briisewitz 
Centre and Konservative Aktion. Bracht would serve on the Western Goals Europe 
Board from 1983 on before becoming its President. 

One main transatlantic relay in the propaganda chorus was of course the 
NSIC; another significant US strategy group with links to the Cercle was the ASC 
and its main operational arm, the Coalition for Peace through Strength, one of the 
most vocal anti-disarmament groups in the 1980s. The ASC had links to the Cercle 
complex through five ASC Board Members: 

Gen. Richard G. Stilwell attended the January 1980 Cercle/6I meeting, senior 61 


Gen. Daniel O. Graham ASC/Heritage representative on lEPS Board in 1983; 

Gen. Robert Richardson ASC/Heritage representative on lEPS Board in 1983; 

Gen. Lewis Walt founding member ofWestern Goals Germany in 1981; 

Adm. John S. McCain 1974 launch of Centre du Monde Moderne; Board 

member of US Committee for the ISC (416). 

Generals Stilwell and Graham also ensured Cercle access to the Moonies' 
CAUSA and their American geostrategic propaganda outlet, the US Global Strategy 
Council (USGSC), the two Generals serving on the Board with Pipes under the 
Chairmanship of Ray Cline in the late 1980s. Graham was also Vice-President of the 
American branch of WACL and held posts on honorary committees of the American 
Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (417). 


As we have seen, the Cercle complex could use its international links to 
intelligence-backed private disinformation outlets to intervene in each country's 
domestic politics by promoting their favoured political candidate, and by accusing 
politicians or movements of the Left or Centre of being Soviet dupes or stooges. 
Crozier's 1979 Transnational Security planning paper bluntly stated that one of the 
functions of the group was to "conduct international campaigns aiming to discredit 
hostile personalities and\or events". In the late 1980s, it emerged that quite apart 
from the energetic 61 staff, Crozier could count on other friends to smear the Left. 

After Thatcher's election victory in 1979 and her subsequent working meeting 
at Chequers with MI6 chief Franks and the 61 team of Crozier and Elliott, the UK 
counter- subversion lobby's smear campaign against the Labour Party continued 
right through the 1980s with scarcely an interruption. In 1988, it emerged that 
Brian Crozier had been working with Charles Elwell, former head of MI5's F or 
Internal Subversion Branch, and with Peter Wright one of the MIS officers most 
closely connected with the Frolik allegations central to the anti-Labour campaigns of 
1974-76 (418). Elwell had later been a major factor in MIS's decision in the mid- to 
late 1970s to shift operations away from counter-espionage towards counter- 
subversion, strengthening MIS's role as a political police. It was Elwell, for instance, 
in his capacity as Assistant Director of MIS, who defined the National Council of Civil 
Liberties as a "subversive organization", allowing blanket surveillance that blew up 
into a national scandal after revelations made by Elwell's former subordinate, Cathy 
Massiter, in 198S. 

In the late 1970s, Elwell set up a special unit within MIS to produce a report 
on "subversion and left-wing bias in the media". The unit investigated journalists 
judged to hold anti-establishment views as well as those appointed to what MIS 
considered politically sensitive or influential posts - at this time, MIS was vetting all 

BBC News and Drama staff from an office in the BBC's Broadcasting House, 
stamping suspect journalists' personnel files with a Christmas tree symbol. Although 
Elwell's MIS media monitoring unit was disbanded a few years later, MIS held on to 
its files - or maybe not too tightly, bearing in mind the ISC Study Group on 
subversion in the media which met from May 1977 to April 1978 and which 
published its findings as an ISC Special Report, Television and Conflict, in November 

Soon after his retirement from MIS in 1982, Elwell started producing a secret 
smear bulletin called Background Briefing on Subversion, revealed by the 
Guardian in late 1989. Elwell's newsletter targeted many of the same politicians and 
reproduced many of the same smears as MIS's previous "Clockwork Orange 2" 
operation (419). Despite parliamentaiy questions, it was not until late 1990 that 
further details of the smear bulletin were published in the Observer (420), which 
reported that the bulletin, later called British Briefing, was assisted for much of its 
existence by Brian Crozier. 

Available only to a select few, and containing strict warnings not to reveal its 
existence, the bulletin accused many prominent Labour politicians of Communist or 
Stalinist affiliations. Amongst the targets were Neil Kinnock, shadow health secretary 
Robin Cook, social services spokesman Michael Meacher, and Labour MPs Harriet 
Harman (a previous MIS target during her spell at the NCCL), Harry Cohen, Chris 
MuUin, Harry Barnes and David Blunkett. Several progressive organizations were 
also tarred with the Communist brush, notably the housing charity Shelter, the 
Institute for Race Relations and the World Council of Churches. All were smeared by 
association using quotations from left-wing newspapers such as the Morning Star - 
exactly the tactic that the ISC and 61 used, thanks to their research libraries. 

The bulletin, usually 3S pages long, brought out two special General Election 
supplements in March and April, 1987: the March supplement, 29 pages long, 
contained smears on nearly SO candidates. The tone of British Briefing can be judged 
by the following declaration in the February, 1987 issue: 

"The march of communism through the trades unions, the Labour Party, local 
government, religion, education, charity, the media under the leadership of 
communists who may or may not be members of the Communist Party, is 
what BB is all about. BB seeks to provide those who have the means to 
expose the communist threat with clear evidence of its existence." 

Funding for the smear operation came through a registered charity, the 
Industrial Trust, financed by many of the UK's leading companies (421). Publishing 
was carried out at the address of IRIS, Industrial Research and Information Services, 
one of the right-wing blacklisting services which published its own newsletter, IRIS 
News, aimed at a trade-union audience. The Industrial Trust's accounts showed that 
since 198S the Industrial Trust also had given more than half a million pounds to 
IRIS, as well as £S,000 a year to Common Cause (422). The Trust would later be 

investigated by the Charities Commission for possible breaches of the ban on 
political activity by charities. Further funding for British Briefing came from media 
magnate Rupert Murdoch, who provided some £40,000 a year for Elwell's smear 
sheet. An old friend of Crozier's, Murdoch also bailed out Crozier's publishing 
company, Sherwood Press, which by 1987 had accumulated a deficit of £65,000. 
Murdoch's News International took a half-stake in the company and agreed to meet 
losses then totalling over £90,000. Crozier also had legal costs to pay after losing a 
libel case brought by Richard Bamet, director of the Institute for Policy Studies 

Perhaps because of this considerable financial strain, publication of British 
Briefing was taken over in 1988 by David Hart, a close aide to Mrs Thatcher. From 
1977 to 1981, Hart had been research assistant to Archie Hamilton, the man who, 
as Minister of State for the Armed Forces, had to bear the fall-out from the Colin 
Wallace case. In 1979, Hart worked as campaign organizer for the Corby and 
Kettering election campaigns of Rupert Allason, Tory MP for Torbay - alias Nigel 
West, the spooks' favoured historian. In 1984, during the strike by the National 
Union of Mineworkers, Hart made media fame by setting up the Working Miners' 
Committee from a suite in Claridges. Hart also set up the Committee for a Free 
Britain, which ran newspaper adverts during the 1987 election. In 1986, Hart 
applied to Tory Central Office to become a candidate for the 1987 general election; 
despite having powerful sponsors (Malcolm Rifkind, Transport Secretary, Lord 
Young, later Tory Party chairman, and Ian Gow, Thatcher's private secretary for her 
first four years in office), he was turned down. Besides his intelligence links in 
Britain, Hart had contacts in the US: CIA director Bill Casey used Hart to run a UK 
campaign in favour of Star Wars, and Hart was also friends with Fred Ickle, former 
No 2 at the Pentagon (424). Hart would also finance anti-CND propaganda by Lady 
Olga Maitland to counter a demonstration against the first Iraq War on February 
2nd, 1991. 


By the late 1980s, the focus for scare tactics by the disinformation institutes 
had shifted from Moscow manipulation of the peace movement to Soviet backing for 
international terrorism. The Cercle's London partner, the ISC, had carried out much 
of the early propaganda work on terrorism, providing consultancy services in 
training for the police and armed services. One of the right-wing academics who 
lectured at police colleges in the early 1970s at the suggestion of the ISC was 
Professor Paul Wilkinson, who went on to cut his propaganda teeth with ISC Conflict 
Study No. 67, Terrorism versus Liberal Democracy: The Problem of Response, 
published in January 1976. Two months later, in March 1976, with Crozier, Moss 
and Horchem, Wilkinson would be one of four ISC speakers at a major international 
conference on terrorism in Washington, chaired by Robert Fearey. In 1979, the same 
ISC team attended two Israeli conferences on terrorism, the first organised by the 
Israeli Jaffee Centre for Strategic Studies, where Wilkinson was accompanied by 
Moss and Horchem (425). The second Israeli conference was in July in Jerusalem at 

the founding conference of the probable Mossad front, the Jonathan Institute, a 
major gathering of Cercle assets. At the Jonathan Institute's launch, speakers 
included not only the ISC team of Crozier, Moss, Wilkinson and Horchem, but also 
ex-ClA chief George H. W. Bush, Ray Cline, Lord Chalfont, Jacques Soustelle and 
Gerhard Lowenthal (426). 

Wilkinson, later professor at Aberdeen and St. Andrew's universities, rose to 
become a prominent adviser on terrorism to Margaret Thatcher; this is not 
surprising when one looks at the Board members of Wilkinson's Research 
Foundation for the Study of Terrorism (427). The RFST, which operated from the 
address of Aims for Industry, included on its Board many figures from SIF, NAFF, 
FARl, the ISC and the Cercle complex: 

Michael Ivens Director of Aims, SIF National Executive with G. K. 

Young, FARl Council, NAFF National Executive and inner 
core with Moss, Vice-President of the Freedom 

Norris McWhirter SIF, NAFF National Executive and inner core with Moss 

and Ivens, Chairman of the Freedom Association. 

Ian Greig Founding Monday Club member. Deputy Director of 

FARl, Senior Executive of the ISC, probable early AESP 

John Biggs-Davison SIF National Executive with G. K. Young, FARl Council, 

Monday Club President, longstanding PEU Council 
member, AESP Life Member. 

Nicholas Elliott M16, 61/Cercle with Crozier. 

In 1989, the RFST merged with the rump of the post-Crozier ISC under the 
title of the Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism (RISCT). 
Alongside Wilkinson as RISCT Director was RlSCT's Chairman Frank Brenchley, 
former Chairman of the ISC Council, and RISCT Executive and Editorial Director 
Professor William Gutteridge, an ISC author from 1971 onwards. RISCT offered for 
sale the whole series of Conflict Studies from 1970 onwards, and proclaimed itself 
successor to the ISC in its publication list: 

"The Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism was 
established in 1989, primarily to undertake research and publishing activities. It 
continues to produce the well-established monthly series. Conflict Studies, begun in 
1970 by its predecessor, the Institute for the Study of Conflict". 

Besides Wilkinson and his RFST and RISCT, the Cercle and 61 also had links 
to several other 'terrorism research' outfits in the 1980s and 1990s, of which 
perhaps the most prominent was Control Risks Information Services. After leaving 

the ISC, the Institute's Senior Researcher and South Africa expert Peter Janke 
became chief researcher at Control Risks, which also included Major- General 
Richard Clutterbuck, a former Council member of the ISC, and Richard Sims, who 
had been the ISC's librarian. Control Risks would continue the ISC's previous 
assistance to South Africa: in 1986, it set up a syndicate for British companies 
trading with South Africa. For a price of £1,500 per place. Control Risks informed 
the syndicate's members of "the activities of anti-apartheid groups in Europe, their 
relationship to terrorist groups and their intentions" (428) . 

FARI would also provide the Cercle and 61 with connections to another 
terrorism disinformation outlet - besides serving on the Governing Council of FARI 
with Crozier, Moss and Amery, Lord Chalfont also chaired the London Institute for 
the Study of Terrorism run by Jillian Becker. Both Chalfont and Becker were 
authors for the lEDSS - Becker's contribution was typically entitled The Soviet 
Connection - State Sponsorship of Terrorism. Moss himself then went on to run Mid- 
Atlantic Research Associates, a "risk analysis firm" together with Amaud de 
Borchgrave and John Rees of the John Birch Society. 

A German terrorism propaganda outlet intimately linked with the Cercle 
complex and 61 was the Bonn-based Institut fiir Terrorismusforschung (Institute 
for Terrorism Research), created in 1986 by Hans Josef 'Jupp' Horchem, former 
Director of the Hamburg BfV. In the mid-1970s, Horchem had been a prolific author 
for the ISC, joining Crozier's 61 soon after its creation in 1977. Together with Moss 
and Wilkinson, Horchem attended the two 1979 Israeli conferences on terrorism 
organised by the Israeli Jaffee Centre for Strategic Studies and the Jonathan 
Institute. After taking early retirement in January 1981, Horchem became a 
Research Fellow of the Centre for Strategic Studies in Tel Aviv and of the Institute for 
Strategic and International Studies at Georgetown University. He would also sign up 
with the Axel Springer Verlag, the newspaper group which publishes both Die Welt 
and Bild, the newspaper with the largest circulation in Europe. Besides railing 
against communists and peace campaigners in Die Welt, Horchem also served as 
adviser to the "Internal Security Working Group" of Konservative Aktion, whose Vice- 
Chair was Lowenthal, another participant at the Jonathan Institute's launch in 

In the mid 1980s, Horchem produced his fourth ISC Conflict Study, Terrorism 
in Germany, and also contributed sections on terrorism in Germany to publications 
by Wilkinson and Ariel Merari (429). Horchem's views were evidently in favour with 
his previous employers: in 1987, a thousand copies each of two of his publications 
were bought by the BfV for purposes of "positive protection of the constitution by 
information work", i.e. propaganda (430). In July 1988, Horchem was one of the 
former intelligence officers interviewed as part of the BBC Radio programmes on the 
intelligence services. My Country, Right or Wrong?, broadcast after the government's 
temporary injunction banning the programme was lifted. The programmes also 
featured two ex- CIA officers, fellow 61 member Jamie Jameson and Cercle guest 
William Colby. 

A transatlantic outlet for Cercle output on terrorism would be provided by the 
Canadian Centre for Conflict Studies (CCS), founded in 1979 by Brigadier 

Maurice Tugwell, former head of the Northern Ireland black propaganda unit, 
Information Policy, and a participant in ISC Study Groups. Although CCS was 
attached to the University of New Brunswick, it gave no academic courses and its 
activities consisted largely of contract work for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 
Canadian Police College, Canadian Department of National Defence, US Department 
of Defence, and NATO. The CCS would work with both the ISC and its successor 
RISCT; the editorial advisory board for the CCS quarterly journal. Conflict Quarterly, 
included Professor Paul Wilkinson. It would also collaborate with the American 
NSIC, contributing a paper entitled Special Operations and the Threat to United States 
Interests in the 1980s to a 1984 study entitled Special Operations in US Strategy 
compiled by the NSIC for the US National Defense University. In 1988, the 
publication of Combatting the Terrorists was announced, a book sponsored by the 
ISC in London and the Washington office of the CCS. The book brought together old 
friends: the editor, H.H. Tucker, was a former Deputy Head of IRD, and the book 
included a chapter by the ISC's Peter Janke. Tugwell combined his anti-Soviet 
disinformation activities with pro-South African propaganda: he served as a director 
of the Canada-South Africa Society, a pro-apartheid support group funded by South 
African "businessmen". Tugwell would later found the Mackenzie Institute for the 
Study of Terrorism, Revolution and Propaganda in the mid-1980s (431). 


Whilst the Cercle and 61 could count on this panoply of friends to promote its 
message throughout the 1980s, time had been taking its toll. By the mid-1980s, 
many of the people and the groups making up the Cercle complex in France, 
Belgium and Germany had disappeared. The Cercle's extensive operations had also 
not gone unnoticed by journalists, and the 1980s would see publication of the first 
damaging revelations of some Cercle activities. 

To turn first to the original French node of the Cercle Pinay complex, Violet's 
withdrawal from the Cercle in the early 1980s (leaving it to Crozier and Bach) and 
Albertini's death in 1983 had seriously weakened the operational French end of the 
Cercle/61. This would be compounded four days before Christmas 1983 by the 
revelation of the sniffer plane scandal by distinguished French journalist Pierre Pean 
in an article in Le Canard Enchaine, followed in 1984 by his book V (V for Violet, 
Villegas, Vatican, Vorster and Valery Giscard d'Estaing), a comprehensive exposure 
of Violet, whose activities were highlighted by a French parliamentary inquiry into 
the sniffer plane scandal. 

The AESP itself did not fare much better, riven by personality clashes after 
Damman's death in 1979. The Cercle's attempts to revive their Belgian axis failed; in 
1983, the Cercle/6rs European anti-disarmament group EIS under General Close 
split, and its successor, the lEPS founded by Close, Crozier, Huyn and Jonet, would 

soon become moribund. In 1984 came a further double blow: the death of core AESP 
members Carlo Pesenti, under investigation by the Italian financial authorities, and 
Karl-Friedrich Grau, who died in circumstances that matched his conspiratorial 
nature. After being arrested in Luxembourg following a fraud investigation into 
movements of millions of marks deposited with Luxembourg banks, Grau faked a 
medical emergency and was transferred under police guard to a hospital; he broke 
his neck whilst jumping out of a window trying to escape (432). The same year, the 
publication of Pean's book on Violet and the AESP would not be the only exposure of 
the Cercle's activities; Crozier also records being confronted with the Langemann 
papers in French translation during a visit to a Belgian Atlantic Association meeting 
in October 1984 (433). 

Whilst the French-speaking axis of the Cercle was lamed by exposure and 
official investigations in three countries, the German and Swiss components of the 
Cercle complex also suffered setbacks. Grau's death seriously handicapped the 
network of groups he had established in Germany and Switzerland. The complex's 
other German associates, Lowenthal and Pachmann, also ran into difficulties; 
following a split within Konservative Aktion, KA filed for bankruptcy in September 

1986. The following year, Lowenthal's unrivaled media access as moderator of ZDF 
Magazin also came to an end; long uncomfortable with the controversy generated by 
his programme, the ZDF management took the opportunity of Lowenthal's 65th 
birthday to force him into retirement and to discontinue ZDF Magazin in December 

1987. The Cercle's political frontman Franz Josef Strauss then died in October 1988. 
The Cercle, and particularly the 61, would increasingly rely on Huyn and Horchem 
for their German outreach. 

The British axis of the Cercle complex also underwent changes in the 1980s. 
As the French and Belgian connections declined, the Cercle and the 61 parted ways. 
With funding in the early 1980s, first from Casey's CIA and then from the Heritage 
Foundation, Crozier could rejuvenate the 61 network by hiring several young 
activists (notably Julian Lewis and Edward Leigh) to run the 6rs anti-CND and anti- 
Labour campaigns in the UK. This was, Crozier says, the 6rs peak period of 
operations; due to the intense activity, Crozier withdrew from the Cercle in 1985, 
leaving it to continue as a bi-annual talking-shop under the Chairmanship of Julian 
Amery. Two other British bodies associated with the Cercle complex would soon shut 
down: both FARI and the FAPC would be wound down in 1986. According to Crozier, 
the 61 was then going through a funding crisis; although new sources of funds would 
be found, Crozier, now seventy, decided that "it was time to pull back and hand 
over". Having "paid off all the 6rs agents, mainly in Britain, France, Belgium, 
Germany, Holland, Spain, Portugal and the United States", Crozier records shutting 
down the 61 in the late summer of 1987 (434). However, Crozier's claims to have left 
the Cercle in 1985 and to have shut down the 61 in 1987 need to be treated with 
scepticism, as we will see below. 


By mid- 1988, Crozier was concentrating on a new campaign against Mikhail 
Gorbachev "as a necessary corrective to the wave of adulation about the Soviet 
leader at that time sweeping the West. My prime discovery was that Gorbachev's first 
concern was not . . . the 'restructuring' of the Soviet economy and Party organisation, 
but of the entire apparatus of disinformation and other Active Measures. My aim was 
to present, in factual detail, the Soviet involvement - since Gorbachev's advent to 
supreme power - in 'peace' disinformation, including forgeries, in international 
terrorism and drugs-running, in penetration of the Western Churches, and in 
deliberate cheating in arms control negotiations" (435). 

Crozier's claims to have withdrawn from the Cercle in 1985 and to have shut 
down 61 in late 1987 are belied by the minutes of a Cercle meeting held on 21st 
February 1989 and continued in Washington on 10th April. The February meeting 
was attended by Hnay, Crozier, Cercle Chairman Amery, Huyn, Bamett of the 
NSIC/WISC, Charlie Mayer of the Foreign Policy Discussion Group, P.K. van Byl, a 
former senior BOSS agent, and a certain Professor Theodor Bach. The main theme 
on the agenda for the British, German, American and South African veteran 
operators was "What can be done to contain the pro-Gorbachev mood in the Federal 
Republic?" The minutes of the meeting reveal that one item discussed was a 
campaign to discredit German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher from the 
Liberal FDP party. 

"The problem: 

Genscher's power is unbroken. He determines Bonn's foreign policy, even 
though he has been responsible for it for 14 years and makes the Chancellor 
dependent on the FDP. 

- the weakness of Kohl, the great appeaser, 

- the popularity of Gorbachev in public opinion in the Federal Republic, 

- the media. 
Possible methods: 

- in the Federal Parliament? Support from Alfred Dregger [Leader of the 
CDU\CSU group]? Support from Otto Lambsdorff? 

- Can Genscher be discredited? Certainly there is enough 'dirt' available. 

- Have we got any allies in the media? Horchem? Die Welt? 

- Is all of West German television contaminated? 

- Outside of Parliament (extra-parliamentary action). Can we use the Bonn 
Peace Forum? (436) Possible themes or slogans for demonstrations: Stop Re- 

armament in the USSR; don't pay Gorbachev's bills, 

- Diplomatic pressure, particularly through the new US ambassador, Dick 
Walters (437), 

- A comment: the modernization of weapons (Lance) is relatively insignificant. 
The most important problem is the general atmosphere of a policy of 
reconciliation" (438). 

But even as the 61 was preparing to intensify its anti- Gorbachev campaign, it 
would be overtaken by events on the ground; 1989 would bring the long-awaited 
collapse of the Iron Curtain with the fall of the Berlin Wall on the 9th- 10th 
November. The fall of the Wall was however only the final act in a seven-month 
process in which Habsburg and the PEU played a prominent part. The process had 
started within weeks of the Cercle/61 meetings in February and April - on 2nd May 
1989, when Hungarian border guards began dismantling the watch-towers on the 
Austro-Hungarian border, an act officialised on 27th June when the Foreign 
Ministers of Austria and Hungary, Alois Mock and Gyula Horn respectively, 
personally cut the border fence near the Hungarian town of Sopron. 

The PEU then obtained 'official permission' to hold a "Paneuropean Picnic" on 
the same spot on August 19th under the combined patronage of Hungarian minister 
Imre Pozsgay and Otto von Habsburg of the PEU, to open - for three hours - the 
border gate sealing the old Pressburg (Bratislava) highway between Sankt 
Margarethen in Austria and Sopronkohida in Hungary. The PEU ensured advance 
publicity for this 'peace demonstration' as far as Poland, particularly targetting the 
annual crowd of East German holiday-makers. On the day, Habsburg's daughter 
Walburga symbolically cut the barbed wire fence, the gate was opened, and 661 East 
Germans crossed into the West whilst the Hungarian border guards observed 
without intervening. 

Despite an immediate crackdown on border security by the Hungarian 
government, the writing was on the wall; the Austro-Hungarian border would be 
fully opened for East Germans on September 11th, followed by the Czechoslovak- 
German border in the first few days of November. Faced with massive numbers of 
East Germans preparing to use these breaches, the East German government was 
powerless to prevent the fall of the Berlin Wall. 

Whilst the PEU had been working on bilateral contacts with Eastern 
European countries, notably through the European Parliament where Habsburg 
and Pirkl held powerful posts on the Delegations for Relations with both Austria 
and Hungary, the Cercle/61 group continued to gun for the Soviet leader, trying to 
dampen the West's enthusiasm for glasnost and perestroika. 

Despite Crozier's claim to have closed down the 61 in late 1987, the network 
still existed "with old and new outlets in New York, Washington, Paris, Madrid and 
other places" (439). Although not all of these outlets can yet be identified, the 

mention of Paris referred to a relaunch of the Cercle/GI's outreach in the French- 
speaking world. The new forum was the Institut d'Etudes de la Desinformation 
(lED) with headquarters on the Champs Elysees, founded in January 1987 by Radio 
France journalist and lED President Daniel Trinquet and award- winning Russian 
novelist Vladimir VolkofT, whose book La Desinformation, arme de guerre 
(Disinformation - weapon of war) was published in 1986. The lED was reportedly at 
least partially funded by the UIMM, the employers' federation of the metalworking 
industry, whose enormous cash slush fund totalling 600 million Euros had been 
used for interventions in French domestic politics since the early 1970s (440). 

The lED held its "First International Assizes on Disinformation" in Nice from 
the 13th to 16th November 1989 - barely four days after the fall of the Wall. 
According to the programme, the seminar was devoted to: 

" Day One - The new methods of seduction of the Communist countries: 
Gorbachevism, analysed from inside by true dissidents, a presentation of countries 
generally targeted by Soviet disinformation, a study of all those who contribute, 
voluntarily or otherwise, to this disinformation by acting as its channels in the West; 

Day Two - The role of the State: the omnipotent State which exerts an ideological 
domination over its essential bodies such as the Army, the police or the judiciary .. 
analysis of disinformation which presents capitalism, and not socialism, as a 
corrupting force and which wants social progress to be linked to Statism and a 
government of the Left; 

Day Three - Daily Disinformation: an analysis of the major fears which reject the 
very idea of progress and cultural disinformation which ... contributes to the 
corruption of our society leading to the collapse of the pillars of the State; 

Day Four - An insider's view of the French Press: having analysed different examples 
of disinformation from the most varied fields, understanding the mechanisms which 
make such a phenomenon possible so as to act more efficiently at a later stage" 

Attended by numerous French academics and journalists, the seminar was 
introduced by the lED top brass - lED President Daniel Trinquet and then the host 
as Mayor of Nice, former French minister and editorial writer for the lED's weekly 
bulletin Desinformation Hebdo, Jacques Medecin - an AESP member since 1977. 

Alongside them as speakers, the 61 trio of Crozier, who as an "expert on 
international relations" spoke on "The myth of Gorbachevism: the difference between 
promises and reality. Does the West want to be disinformed?", Huyn ("Soviet 
methods of destabilization of Europe") and Horchem, "Director of the Bonn Institute 
for the Study of Terrorism". The 61 brought along two friends as fellow speakers, one 
American and one English: General Robert C. Richardson of the ASC and Heritage 
Foundation who had served on the lEPS Board with Crozier and Huyn, and David 
Hart, "leader writer at the Times" who the previous year had taken over from Crozier 

as backer of Elwell's smear-sheet British Briefing. 

Three French speakers rounded off the list: Suzanne Labin, veteran leader of 
the French section of WACL, Prefect Jean Rochet, from 1967 to 1972 head of the 
French DST internal security service, and Joel-Francois Dumont, a senior 
journalist specializing in security and intelligence issues at the French FR3 regional 
television network (442). 

Of the three 61 speakers at these lED Assizes, Horchem had just produced the 
first contribution to the 6rs anti- Gorbachev campaign, his 1989 book Pro pace - der 
zweite Weg sowjetischer Aussenpolitik. Der Kampf des Kremls um Herzen und Hirne 
(Pro pace - the second path of Soviet foreign policy. The Kremlin's struggle for hearts 
and minds). Alongside Horchem as co-authors were Dr. lain Elliott of the lEDSS 
Board and Roy Godson of the NSlC's Washington office. This book was then followed 
in 1990 by Huyn's Gorbachev's Operation: A Common European House - Soviet 
Strategic Deception and Crozier's The Gorbachev Phenom.enon: Peace and Secret War 

The last sighting of the Cercle or the 61 covered by this investigation came in 
November 1991, when the 61 trio would turn up, again with Dumont, under a 
different guise - the International Freedom Foundation (IFF), about which 
relatively little is unknown. According to a 1995 Newsday article (444), the IFF was 
founded in 1986 and fronted by notorious American lobbyist Jack Abramoff, later to 
be jailed for his corrupt relationship with several congressional legislators. With a 
staff of twenty under Chairman Duncan Sellars and Executive Director Jeff Pandin, 
the IFF operated from prestigious offices in Washington, lobbying Congress, 
organising high-profile conferences and award ceremonies and publishing an 
extensive range of journals, reports and briefing papers. With branches in London, 
Rome, Hamburg, Brussels and Johannesburg, the IFF's stated aims were that it 
"works to foster individual freedom throughout the world" and "encourages and 
mobilizes support of indigenous democratic movements". 

In reality, the IFF's purpose was the exact opposite - to counteract pressure 
in the US for sanctions on South Africa by denigrating Nelson Mandela and the ANC 
as Soviet stooges. Over half the IFF's funding was provided by the South African DM1 
- the Directorate of Military Intelligence - which gave at least $1.5 million a year from 
1986 on (445). In 1992, President de Klerk would end DM1 funding of the IFF as part 
of a withdrawal from 'Third Force' operations negotiated with Mandela; the IFF would 
close down the following year. 

Before its closure, the IFF provided a platform for the 61 in the autumn of 
1991 by organising a series of three conferences on intelligence in Washington and 
in Potsdam; the proceedings would be published the following year by the IFF's 
German branch (446) under the book title Intelligence and the New World Order. The 
speakers at the two Washington seminars. Assessing U. S. Intelligence Needs for the 
1990s: Congressional Oversight of the Intelligence Com.munity - Finding the Proper 

Balance, included Romerstein, HoUiday and Kraemer as well as CIA veterans George 
Carver and Theodore Shackley. Of greatest interest though was the third IFF 
intelligence conference, held in November 1991 in Potsdam under the title National 
Intelligence Agencies in the period of European Partnership. 

Hard by the Berlin Wall breached almost exactly two years earlier, the IFF 
venue symbolized the changes since the fall of the Iron Curtain and German 
reunification, "closing the circle of the superpower era, at a conference in Schloss 
Cecilienhof, Potsdam, where Stalin initiated the Cold War", as the IFF book put it. 
The two keynote speakers in Potsdam also reflected the meeting of East and West: 
General Oleg Kalugin, former head of KGB Counter-intelligence, and William Colby, 
ex-Director of the CIA and a Cercle guest. Alongside them on the podium as 
speakers were the 61 trio of Crozier (447), Huyn (448) and Horchem (449) together 
with their companion from the 1989 lED seminar, French security journalist Joel- 
Frangois Dumont (450). Finally, amongst the participants at the IFF conference was 
another familiar face, Cercle/6I member Jamie Jameson. In new times, there's 
nothing like old friends. 


In contrast to the public conception of "conspiracy theory", the links 
uncovered by parapolitical research are rarely lines of command. Parapolitical 
activity is not pyramidal like a government hierarchy; it is connective, a network of 
nodes like a circle of friends. The links between the nodes are lines of support 
arising not from a command structure, but from a community of interest, shared 
objectives and interlocking memberships. Individual groups do not so much set the 
agenda or run the show as act within their own sphere of influence or speciality, 
occasionally supporting actions taken by others. Many are isolated and have little 
impact outside their own country, and here the Cercle came into its own as a group 
with a world-wide agenda, connecting and, to some extent, coordinating the 
activities of groups in many different countries. The Cercle complex stands almost 
alone as an active international network linking secret service veterans and their 
media manipulators to top right-wing politicians. As to its significance, I can do no 
better than to quote Ramsay and Dorril: 

"One of the conclusions to be drawn from this essay is about networks. One 
common response to the delineation of a network is to say, 'Yes, all that is 
interesting, but where is the actual transmission of power?' To which we 
would argue - and this is the only claim we make which might be called 
theoretical - that the network is the power. A network of people who are, 
elsewhere, powerful, is per se a powerful network." 

Through its network of private-sector spies and their disinformation outlets, 
the Cercle complex could promote or denigrate public figures not only in their own 
country, but throughout Europe and America. Its activities - covert funding, black 
propaganda, smear campaigns and, at least, connections to planned coups d'etat - 

were those of any intelligence agency, and, in many ways, that is what the Cercle 
complex has been: the rogue agents of the international Right. 


(1) Crozier, pg 191. 

(2) The major source on Habsburg and the Paneuropean Union is the Young 
European Federalists. Quite apart from Habsburg's political credentials, he was, as 
heir to the throne of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the last in the line from 
Charlemagne, ruler of the first Holy Roman Empire, whose seal would be the symbol 
of the AESP. The first Holy Roman Empire, founded in 800 AD, covered more or less 
the same territory as the original EEC, created in 1957. Charlemagne's Holy Roman 
Empire was, of course the First Reich, Kaiser Wilhelm's the Second, and Hitler's the 
Third. Habsburg had to renounce his claim to the Imperial and Regal Throne (KuK) 
to be allowed back into Austria after the war. Nonetheless, as nominal heir to 
Austro-Hungaiy, Habsburg was Opus Dei's candidate for the European Catholic 
throne; Pinay and Violet were staunch supporters of Opus Dei, as were many 
members of the Cercle complex. This essay does not attempt to cover the vast field of 
the Catholic Right, Opus Dei and the Vatican - the lack of references here to these 
groups is certainly no indication of a lack of Cercle-Opus Dei connections. For a 
revealing account of Opus Dei's contacts in Belgium and with the AESP, see Van 

(3) With his seat in Pocking just south of Munich, Habsburg has acted through 
post-war German history as the elder statesman of the Christian Social Union (CSU) , 
the conservative party in the independence-minded Free State of Bavaria, an 
essential German Federal coalition partner of the CDU. Despite hosting the post-war 
negotiations to create the Federal Republic of Germany, Bavaria would never sign its 
founding act, agreeing only to abide by it. Already a citizen of Austria, Hungary and 
Croatia, Habsburg would controversially receive dual [sic] German nationality in 
1978, just in time for him to be elected to the European Parliament as a CSU MEP in 
June 1979 - at that time, Austria and Hungary were not EU members. For the next 
twenty years, Habsburg would sit in the European Parliament, notably chairing or 
co-chairing the Delegation on Relations with Hungary from 1989 to 1999, by which 
time Hungary's accession to the EU was assured. He would later play a significant 
part in creating the first breach in the Iron Curtain ... between Austria and Hungary 
- see below on the Paneuropean Picnic. 

(4) An account of CEDI and biographic details on Habsburg can be found in 
IGfM, pgs 59-60, 75-76 - an outstanding piece of research on the international 
Right; for a full biography, see Young European Federalists. 

(5) Walsh, pg 66. 

(6) The post of Minister for Information and Tourism filled by Fraga Iribarne and 
Sanchez Bella was a significant one; the Ministry of Information was responsible not 
only for government communications but also for the licensing and censorship of the 
media, whilst the Ministry of Tourism's sizable budget gave the Minister considerable 
latitude for funding foreign contacts. Sanchez Bella died in 1999. 

(7) Braden was replaced as head of the CIA's lOD by Cord Meyer in 1954, when 
Meyer took over responsibility for the CIA's clandestine funding of the EM and EYC, 
and later FWF. 

(8) On the early relationship between the two complexes, see Young European 
Federalists and Retinger pgs 209-216; on CIA funding of the EM and EYC, see The 
European Movement 1945-1953, F. X. Rebattet (son of the EM Secretary- General 
Georges-Louis Rebattet), unpublished thesis, Oxford University, 1962; Eringer pgs 
19-21; The CIA backs the Common Market, Steve Weissman, Phil Kelly and Mark 
Hosenball, and How CIA money took the teeth out of British Socialism., Richard 

Fletcher, both published in Dirtywork 1: The CIA in Western Europe, various authors. 

(9) Van Doorslaer and Verhoeyen, pgs 149-150. 

(10) A major source, not fully integrated here, is the exhaustive - and exhausting - 
sanitized book by Saunders, which refers to Forum World Features only in passing 
and makes no mention at all of Crozier. 

(11) Since March 1952. 

(12) On the Bilderberg Group, see Retinger; Eringer; Gonsalez-Mata. Gonsalez- 
Mata was particularly well informed on the Bilderberg Group, being a former head of 
Spanish intelligence; not least because of this, his statements should be treated with 
caution. The Hotel De Bilderberg, flagship of the Bilderberg Groep Hotels and 
Restaurants, is itself also still running - see 

(13) Hnay's political career is dealt with in depth in Rimbaud; the book makes no 
mention of the Cercle Hnay and includes only a passing reference to Maitre Violet in 
connection with the sniffer planes scandal, detailed below. 

(14) Faligot and Krop, pg 194. 

(15) Crozier, pg 191. 

(16) On Violet's links to the pre-war Cagoule, his SDECE career and his early 
relationship with Antoine Hnay, see Faligot and Krop, pgs 193-200; Pean, pgs 33-54 
- the major book on the sniffer plane scandal; Mungo - a key AESP\MAUE insider 
source; Lobster 18, pgs 24-25; Crozier pgs 97 and 191-192. On the Cagoule in 
general, see Bourdrel. Europe-Amerique would publish an interesting article on the 
Cagoule just after the war - see the 7th February 1946 issue. 

(17) Crozier, pg 192. The significance of these Franco- German encounters can be 
judged from a contemporary article in the International Herald Tribune: "The warmest 
expression of French- German friendship and cooperation since the end of World War 
11 was contained in a joint communique issued last night [Sept. 14] by French 
Premier Charles de Gaulle and West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer following 
a meeting in Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises. 'We are convinced', the communique said, 
'that close cooperation between the German Federal Republic and the French 
Republic is the foundation of all constructive action in Europe. It contributes to the 
reinforcement of the Atlantic Alliance. It is indispensable to the world'. 'We feel', the 
communique further declared, 'that the hostility of the past is forever at an end and 
that Frenchmen and Germans are called upon to live in accord and to work 
together.' Mr. Adenauer spent the night in the general's home" - International Herald 
Tribune, 15/9/58, republished in the if/Ton 15/9/08. 

(18) Memoires, Criterion, Paris 1991, pgs 285-286. 

(19) Le Figaro, 2/4/63, quoted by Gonsalez-Mata, pg 38. At the 1955 Bilderberg 
conference in Bavaria, Strauss was accompanied by General Gehlen, head of the 
BND - see Gonsalez-Mata, pg 27. 

(20) Frankfurter Rundschau, 13/9/63, reproduced in IGfM, pg 75. 

(21) Spiegel, 10/1980, pg 23; Spiegel-Buch, pg 110, an invaluable source on 

(22) Gonsalez-Mata, pg 26. 

(23) Crozier, pg 33. 

(24) Crozier, pg 32. 

(25) Crozier, pgs 29-31. 

(26) Many MI6 officers and agents worked on the staff of the Economist at one time 
or another, amongst them the famous double agent Kim Philby (who had been 
recommended to the journal by top MI6 officers Sir John Sinclair and G. K. Young), 
Tom Little and Patrick Honey, two IRD writers who would join Crozier in the ISC, 
and last and most certainly not least, Robert Moss. 

(27) Crozier, pg 32. As part of the post-war decentralisation of German government 
offices, the BND had been located in PuUach near Munich in the heart of Strauss's 
fief, Bavaria. This geographic consideration and shared political convictions led to a 
longstanding close relationship between Strauss's CSU and the BND under Gehlen 
and Wessel right up until the FDP's "Kinkel coup" of 1980, when Wessel was 
replaced by Genscher's man, Klaus Kinkel, a future German Foreign Minister, 
putting an end to the "Gehlen dynasty" and the BND's longstanding affiliation with 
the Right. The relationship between Strauss and Gehlen did not however always run 
smoothly - see Hohne and ZoUing. By 1962, Foertsch would be the Inspector- 
General of the German Army; it would be an article on Foertsch by Spiegel editor 
Conrad Ahlers in September 1962 that would trigger the Spiegel Affair - see Hohne 
and ZoUing, pg 216. 

(28) Dorril and Ramsay, 1990, pg 6. After the war, the NTS would be the parent 
body for the IGfM - see IGfM. 

(29) Hohne and ZoUing, pgs 33-36. 

(30) "As in neighbouring Belgium, the Dutch stay-behind army was also made up 
of two branches. One branch was called Operations, or O for short. It was directed 
by Louis Einthoven, a cold warrior who died in 1973 [incorrect; aged 83, Einthoven 
died in 1979] and throughout his life had warned of the dangers of communism. 
Einthoven, who ran the O branch for 16 years in secrecy, was also the first director 
of the Dutch post-war domestic security service Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst 
(BVD). "The double function of Einthoven as chief [of] BVD and of O was of course 
very valuable to us," a former unnamed member of O recalled, for this helped to 
firmly integrate the secret army into the Dutch intelligence community. The second 
branch of the Dutch stay-behind was Intelligence, or I. It had been set up after World 
War Two by J.M. Somer, but was commanded by J.J.L. Baron van Lynden after 
Somer was dispatched to the Dutch colony of Indonesia in 1948 to fight the 
independence movement there. ... The O unit, under Einthoven, carried out 
sabotage and and guerrilla operations, and was charged with strengthening the local 
resistance and creating a new resistance movement. O was also in charge of 
sensitizing people to the danger of communism during times of peace. Moreover, O 
was trained in covert action operations, including the use of guns and explosives, 
and possessed independent secret arms caches." - Ganser, pgs 85-86. Those 
interested in Gladio should see the excellent book NATO's Secret Armies - Operation 
Gladio and Terrorism, in Western Europe (Frank Cass, London 2005) by Ganser, who 
is a Senior Researcher at the Centre for Security Studies at the Federal Institute of 
Technology (ETH) in Zurich, Switzerland. ETH also hosts the Parallel History Project 
on NATO and the Warsaw Pact (PHP) at, a cooperative research 
project run by the Centre for Security Studies at ETH Zurich and the National 
Security Archive at the George Washington University. On Einthoven, see Jan. H. 
Kompagnie, 'Einthoven, Louis (1896-1979)', in Biografisch Woordenboek van 
Nederland 3 (Den Haag 1989). It is interesting to note that the Intelligence Director 
of the Dutch Gladio network, J.J.L. Baron van Lynden, had been imprisoned during 

the war in Colditz Castle, as had Neave, Stirling and Elwell - see Paul Koedijk, Gladio 
in Nederland in Vrij Nederland, 25/01/92. 

(31) Crozier, pg 32. 

(32) See Marks, chapter 9; Thomas. 

(33) Laurent, pg 303, quoting Zangrandi. 

(34) Crozier appears to be mistaken in claiming that INTERDOC was created 
"shortly after" the Bad Godesberg meeting in March; the registration papers actually 
date from February 1963. 

(35) Dorril and Ramsay (1990), pg 6. On INTERDOC in general, see Zangrandi; 
Liberation, 9/10/75; Laurent, pgs 303-304; Verhoeven and Uytterhagen; Dorril and 
Ramsay, 1990, pgs 6-8; Crozier, pgs 29-33, 45-49. INTERDOC and CEDl are the 
most promising subjects of research to understand the early Cercle complex. 

(36) See Bloch and Fitzgerald. 

(37) It is interesting to note that the 1955 Bilderberg conference was held in 
Barbizon, the same venue as the seminal INTERDOC group in 1961. Prince 
Bernhard's role may be indicative of possible help given by the Bilderberg group, 
only recently created itself, to the fledging INTERDOC organisation. 

(38) 1 have not been able to track down Einthoven's memoirs (Tegen de stroom in: 
levende vissen zwemmen tegen de stroom in, alleen de dooie drijven mee, Apeldoorn, 
1974, ISBN 90-6086-596-0) - it would no doubt be a useful source. 

(39) Crozier, pg 49. 

(40) Crozier, pg 46. 

(41) Stevenson, pg 253. Ellis's intelligence career is given in Dorril. On Menzies' 
role in Gladio, see his letter to the Belgian Prime Minister of 1949 in Gijsels (1991), 
pgs 149-150. Crozier also notes that "Ronald Franks" of M16, to whom Crozier 
reported on the Bonnemaison/ INTERDOC meetings, expressed "great interest" in 
them - Crozier, pg 3 1 . 

(42) Dorril and Ramsay, pgs 6-7; biography in Dorril. 

(43) On the links between INTERDOC, the ISC and the Monday Club, see Time 
Out, 29/8/75; Ramsay and Dorril, pgs 3 and 40-41. On the history of the anti-union 
outfits Common Cause and IRIS, see Dorril and Ramsay's In a Common Cause - the 
anti-communist crusade in Britain 1945-60 in Lobster 19 (May 1990), pgs 1-8, and 
Ramsay's The Clandestine Caucus - anti-socialist campaigns and operations in the 
British Labour Movement since the war. Lobster Special Issue, undated. 

(44) Van Doorslaer et Verhoeyen, pg 143; Laurent, pg 41 et seq; Gladio, pg 77; 
Willan, pg 33. 

(45) Retinger, pgs 236-237. 

(46) Laurent, pgs 302-303. 

(47) Crozier, pgs 102-104. From 1961 on, Est-Ouest would produce a Latin 
American edition, Este y Oeste, and an Italian edition, Documenti sul communismo. In 
the 1950s, one of the editorial team working on Est-Ouest wiih Albertini was Roland 

Coquillot, alias Gaucher, present at the 1975 fascist summit at de Bonvoisin's castle 
- Brewaeys and Deliege, pg 34. Gaucher, a former militant in Marcel Beat's RNP, 
would work for Albertini's magazine for over ten years - see CelsiuS no. 52, August- 
September 1992. 

(48) Young European Federalists, pg 208. Grau was co-founder of another political 
front group similar to the Frankfurt Study Group, the Hamburg-based Staats- und 
Wirtschaftspolitische Gesellschaft (Political and Economic Society, SWG), created 
in Cologne on 9th April 1962. The SWG still exists today and is notorious for its far- 
Right sympathies. Their website ( gives a 
list of previous SWG speakers, many of whom belonged to CEDI and later groups in 
the Cercle complex, notably Grau's Swiss ISP, the IfD and the EIS, on all of which 
see below. Amongst SWG speakers, we find Filbinger, Habsburg, Col. Gerhard 
Hubatschek, Huyn, General Karst, Kurt Klein, Major-General Komossa, Dr. Marx, 
von Merkatz, von Richthofen, Professor Rohrmoser, Dr. Sager and Reginald Steed. 
Another of the SWG's speakers was Father Lothar Groppe, a Jesuit Military Chaplain 
from 1962 on, who worked from 1963 to 1971 as Military Chaplain and lecturer at 
the German Army's Command School, also based in Hamburg, with which the SWG 
was closely linked. Groppe would later lecture for the Austrian Army Command 
School from 1973 to 1987, and would direct the German section of Radio Vatican for 
some years. With Huyn and Lowenthal, Groppe would go on to found a Conservative 
Bureau in Bielefeld, of which little else is known. A web article on the SWG from 
Antifaschistische Informationen, Rechte Organisationen in Hamburg, Nr. 1 of 
02/06/95 (online at 
Organisationen/Diverse/AIswg.html) names as further SWG speakers Lowenthal, 
Dr. Box of the AESP, General Schall and Polish-German exile Herbert Hupka, a 
Board member of Grau's earlier Frankfurt Study Group, a fervent opponent of 
Ostpolitik and CDU MP from 1969 to 1987. A series of SWG documents are 
included in the invaluable annex in Young European Federalists, including a 1976 
issue of Vertrauliche Mitteilungen aus Politik und Wirtschaft (Confidential News from 
Politics and the Economy), another newsletter produced by Grau, which advertised 
a three-day lecture tour by Habsburg jointly organised by the SWG and PEU. 

(49) Willan, pgs 123-124 - the best English-language account of the manipulation 
of democracy and terrorism in Italy in the post-war period, and very highly 

(50) For details of delle Chiaie, Giannettini and Aginter Press, see Christie's 
excellent book; Laurent; Bale, pgs 2-18; Willan, particularly Chapters 6 and 7. 

(51) Christie (1984), pg 28. 

(52) Laurent, pg 304; Roth and Ender, pg 54; Willan, pgs 41 and 95; Gonsalez- 
Mata, pg 78. 

(53) On the IRD in general, see Bloch and Fitzgerald; Smith; Fletcher - a major 
source on the IRD; Guardian, 27/1/78; Observer, 29/1/78; New Statesman, 
27/2/81; Leveller, 64/1981; Guardian, 18/12/81; Tribune, 2/9/83, 9/9/83. A later 
source not integrated here is Paul Lashmar and James Oliver's book Britain's Secret 
Propaganda War, published in 1998 by Sutton Publishing. 

(54) Crozier, pgs 56-57. 

(55) Saunders, pg 261. 

(56) Saunders, pgs 311-312. 

(57) Crozier, pgs 72-74. Crozier's biography of Franco would be translated into 

Spanish by Esteban Perruca, in charge of the newsreels section of the Information 

(58) The IAS was an affiliate of the American Security Council Foundation - see 
Bellant, pgs 30-31. On the NSIC, Casey would testify at the Senate hearing to 
confirm his CIA appointment: "As a founding Director of the National Strategy 
Information Center, I supported the establishment of chairs and professorships in 
national security on 200 campuses throughout the United States" - see State 
Research no. 22, February-March 1981, pgs 86-87. 

(59) Crozier, pg 74. 

(60) Crozier, pg 90. 

(61) Crozier, pgs 85-86. 

(62) Crozier, pg 86. 

(63) This study is too brief to cover all of the activities of the ISC in any depth: see 
Time Out, 20/6/75, 29/8/75, 5/9/75, 30/9/77; CIA, Students of Conflict, Steve 
Weissman, Embassy Magazine, August 1976, reprinted as The CIA makes the news 
in Dirtywork 1: the CIA in Western Europe, pgs 204-210; Searchlight no. 18, November 
1976, no. 20, January 1977; Guardian, 20, 21, 31/12/76; Daily Mail, 22/12/76; 
Private Eye, 7/1/77; State Research no. 1, pgs 13-17; Laurent, pgs 304-305; 
Gonsalez-Mata, pgs 162-163; Winter, 1981, pgs 170-171, 321, 543-544; Bloch and 
Fitzgerald, pgs 98-99; Freemantle, pgs 189-191; Pean, pgs 65-70; Ramsay and Dorril 

- essential reading; Norton-Taylor, pgs 73-74 - an excellent overview of the British 
security and intelligence services; Herman and O'SuUivan, pgs 108-112, an 
invaluable study on terrorism and propaganda groupings; Dorril and Ramsay (1991) 

- indispensable; Toczek - an outstanding summaiy of the British Right including the 
Monday Club, SIF, NAFF, ISC and PARI; Crozier - from the horse's mouth, albeit 
guardedly. . . 

(64) Both donations were organised by Sir Robert Thompson - Crozier, pg 90. 

(65) As the NSIC was to play a crucial role in the birth and life of the ISC, it is 
worth including the full NSIC article by Group Watch as an annex below. 

(66) Minutes of the ISC Council meeting on 2/1/72 in Knight, pg 176. 

(67) Crozier, pg 90. 

(68) Leveller, 64/1981. It is interesting to note that two IRD offshoots were created 
at roughly the same time: the ISC in London in 1970 and the Information Policy Unit 
in Northern Ireland in 1971 - both were involved in anti-Left propaganda in the 
critical period 1973-75, InfPoI providing forged documents to discredit politicians, 
the ISC railing on about Communist subversion in the unions, media, etc. InfPoI's 
operations would be exposed by top operative Colin Wallace in 1985: see Ramsay 
and Dorril; Foot; Dorril and Ramsay (1991). 

(69) Saunders, pgs 107-111. In his memoirs, Crozier writes about recruiting 
Goodwin to the ISC: "[in 1970] I had known Goodwin for eight or nine years from the 
time he had commissioned a long study from me on Communist China's steel 
industry. A publishing venture he was involved in had collapsed, and I had helped 
him find a job with the Congress for Cultural Freedom, from which I now lured him" 
(Crozier, pgs 89-90). This seems to confuse chronologies: Crozier says he knew 
Goodwin from around 1961-62, yet the only recorded collapsed publishing venture 
and CCF involvement of Goodwin's dates back to the early 1950s. Saunders adds 

that Goodwin would later become a Features and Drama Director at the BBC. 

(70) For biographic details of many ISC authors, see Dorril; on ISC/IRD links, see 
Ramsay and Dorril. 

(71) Crozier, pg 98. For a biography of Moss, see Covert Action Information Bulletin 
nos. 7 and 10; Coxsedge, Coldicut and Harant, pg 124 (who report that Moss was 
"son of a senior Australian Defence officer"); Ramsay and Dorril, pgs 53-54; Dorril 
and Ramsay (1991); Toczek. 

(72) Toczek, pg 29. 

(73) All three pacification supremos in Vietnam would later develop links with the 
Cercle Hnay: Thompson (ISC Council), Robert Komer (Board of the ISC's American 
offshoot Wise) and William Colby (guest at a Cercle Hnay meeting in December 

(74) Clutterbuck would later combine forces with Peter Janke and ISC librarian 
Richard Sims in Control Risks, perhaps the world's most prominent business 
security and kidnap ransom agency - see below. Clutterbuck died in 1998. 

(75) Crozier, pgs 102-104. 

(76) By 1978 Biggs-Davison would be a Life Member of the Habsburg-Violet- 
Damman group, the AESP. 

(77) In 1951 he served on the Board of the British Society for Cultural Freedom 
alongside Michael Goodwin, the future Administrative Director of the ISC. See 
Saunders, pgs 76, 88, 110; Crozier, pg 15. 

(78) Howarth devotes a chapter to Julian Amery in his history of the SOE; also see 
Amery's Sons of the Eagle (1948) and Nigel West's The Secret War, Coronet, London 
1993. Amery was responsible for British links with General Draza Mihailovic, leader 
of the Chetniks, Serbian monarchist irregulars fighting the German occupation. 
Charged with collaboration, Mihailovic was shot by Tito in 1946. The British 
rendition of anti-Tito resistance fighters to Yugoslavia after the war (leading to their 
execution) was heavily criticized by Count Nikolai Tolstoy in his mid-1980s books. 
Victims of Yalta and The Minister and the Massacres, the latter attributing blame to 
Macmillan; Amery sided with Tolstoy who was feted at a Monday Club dinner in 
1988. For Amery's more recent contacts with the Chetniks, see Observer, 17/5/92. 
On the Albanian operation, see Leigh, pgs 11-13 for a brief summary, Verrier for an 
intelligent insider's view; the main documentary work is Nicholas Bethell's The Great 
Betrayal, London 1984, which has many references to Amery. Tom Bower's The Red 
Web, Aurum Press, London 1989, details M16 landings in Northern Russia. After 
service in the Balkans, Amery would serve from 1945 until demobilisation in China 
as aide to General Carton de Wiart, British representative to General Chiang Kai 
Shek. Around this time, Julian's brother John, a convinced fascist, was hung by the 
British government for having gone to Germany, joined the Nazis and organised the 
British Free Corps to fight alongside the Germans on the Russian front. As well as 
being a prominent member of the Monday Club during G. K. Young's ascendancy, 
Julian Amery was allegedly linked with Young to South Africa's development of a 
nuclear programme. Amery was a Director of the South African Vaal Reefs 
Exploration and Mining Corporation, and a consultant to the Bank of Credit and 
Commerce International, implicated in many cases of money laundering from arms 
and drugs trafficking, which collapsed in July 1991. BCCl's London branch was 
used as a conduit for CIA payments to 490 of its British contacts - see Guardian, 
26/7/91. Amery resigned from the Monday Club in February 1991 in protest at its 
takeover by racist extreme right-wingers - see Observer, 24/2/91. A biography of 

Julian Amery is given in Dorril, pg 2; he died in 1996. 

(79) On Stewart- Smith, see Ramsay and Dorril; Dorril and Ramsay (1991); Toczek. 
FAPC would be liquidated in 1986; Stewart-Smith died in 2004. 

(80) The major sources on Young are Lobster 9-21, and particularly nos. 11 
(Ramsay and Dorril) and 19, pgs 15-19, for an autobiographical obituary written by 
Young some time before his death in May 1990 - Young's account studiously avoids 
his days in the Monday Club, NAFF and Unison; Christie (no date), pgs 123-130 for 
a preliminaiy investigation; Toczek for an essential piece of research on Young and 
the Tory Right; Dorril and Ramsay (1991) which puts Young's efforts into context; 
Dorril for his M16 career. Also see Bloch and Fitzgerald; Foot, pgs 78-79, 435; 
Verrier, chapters 3 and 4. Young's own book on subversion is well worth a read. 

(81) Christie (1984), pgs 35-36; Willan, pgs 99-102 et seq.; Gladio, pgs 78 - 96; 
Herman and Brodhead, pg 80. 

(82) Toczek, pgs 15-16. 

(83) Gonsalez-Mata, pg 315. Bennett's mother Marguerite was a Kleinwort. The 
merger between Kleinwort and Benson in 1961 was facilitated by the fact that Cyril 
Kleinwort (Bilderberg participant, 1966 and 1971) and Mark Turner of Benson's were 
already working together as Directors of Commercial Union. Kleinwort Benson was 
bought by the Dresdner Bank in 1995; since 2006, the company has been known as 
Dresdner Kleinwort. Kleinwort Benson still maintains its longstanding contacts with 
the Bilderberg Group; Simon Robertson, the former Chairman of the Kleinwort 
Benson Group pic, attended the 1997 Bilderberg meeting in Atlanta - see Lobster 35, 

(84) Gonsalez-Mata, pgs 290-291. The conference was held in the Paramount 
Imperial Hotel in Torquay, the constituency (renamed Torbay in 1974) that Bennett 
held for thirty-two years from his victory in a 1955 by-election until his retirement 
from Parliament in 1987. His successor as Torbay MP would be Rupert Allason who 
writes authorised intelligence histories under the pen-name Nigel West. Between 
1963 and 1984, Bennett would attend fourteen annual Bilderberg conferences 
(1963, 1964, 1966-68, 1971, 1973-75, 1977-80, 1984). Bennett's part in Young's 
Unison was described in Peter Cadogan's Unlicensed Rebel of the Right. "15 July 
1976: Today 1 had lunch with GKY [Young] ... he told me that when he first had the 
idea that is now Unison, he saw General Templer about it. Templer was interested 
but too old and sick to act and he suggested General [Sir Walter] Walker . . . The form 
the thing now takes is that of an instant communications network capable of acting 
at the highest level if the established machinery and government breaks down . . . The 
key man in the [House of| Commons is Sir Frederic Bennett and with him are some 
twenty other MPs ... Unison will go public later this year" - see Dorril's Lobster no. 
26, pg 23. In 1979, Bennett published Reds under the Bed, or the Enemy at the Gate 
- and Within which went into a third edition in 1982 and which may well have been a 
contribution to the Cercle/61 UK propaganda campaign. From 1979 to 1987, Bennett 
was the leader of the UK delegation to and also Chairman of the Council of Europe 
and Western European Union Assemblies; his predecessor as Chairman of the WEU 
Assembly from 1977 to 1979 was Kai-Uwe von Hassel, guest at a 1976 AESP 
meeting. Bennett died in 2002. 

(85) See Winter (1981), pgs 382-383; Penrose and Courtiour. 

(86) See Hain's book A Putney Plot, Spokesman Books, London 1986, which 
includes information from Colin Wallace. Wallace's 1974 notes show that Thorpe, 
Hain and other Liberals had also been targetted by M15 in an attempt to prevent a 

coalition between the Liberals and Wilson's minority Labour government. 

(87) Dumont, pgs 174-179. Dumont obtained his information by infiltrating AESP 
circles under the pseudonym of Maurice Sartan. 

(88) Gijsels, L'Enquete, pg 224 et seq. - despite some inaccuracies and no index, 
the best introduction to the '70s plans for coups d'etat, the 'Brabant Wallon killers', 
the extreme right and the strategy of tension in Belgium. It should however be read 
in conjunction with Brewaeys and Deliege, who have produced the (so far) definitive 
work on de Bonvoisin, PIO and the WNP scandal. 

(89) Dumont; Laurent, pgs 297-298. The ABN and its sister group, the European 
Freedom Council, held their joint conference entitled "Our Alternative" in Brussels 
from November 12th to 15th 1970. A previous joint ABN/EFC conference on "How to 
Defeat Russia" was held in London on October 15th to 22nd, 1968. 

(90) Pean, pg 76. 

(91) Le Vif/L'Express, 19/5/89. 

(92) Dumont; Le Vif/L'Express, 19/5/89. 

(93) Christie (1984), pgs 28-29. 

(94) Aginter Press's contact within the CSU was Strauss's secretary. Marcel Hepp, 
who also edited the Strauss newspaper, Bayern Kurier - see Laurent, pg 133. 

(95) LEspresso, 24/03/74, quoted in Pean, pg 83. 

(96) Dumont, Le Vif/ LExpress, 19/5/89. 

(97) Pean, pg 65. It is worth noting that in his progress report on CREC, Guerin- 
Serac also mentions a meeting with Damman in Vienna in May 1969: could the 
three men have met at the same symposium? 

(98) Published in Pean. 

(99) On De Roover, Milpol, the Delcourt network and Gladio, see Van Doorslaer 
and Verhoeyen; Histoire de glaives, Michel Bouffioux, in Gladio, various authors, pgs 
29-60. On Vankerkhoven and CEDI Belgium, see Van Bosbeke, pg 15. 
Vankerkhoven would sit in the European Parliament for the PSC from 1982 to 1984. 

(100) Roth and Ender, pg 73. 

(101) Unheimliche Patrioten, pg 437 - an indispensable encyclopaedia of the Swiss 

(102) Unheimliche Patrioten, pg 43 1 . 

(103) Crozier, pgs 72-74. 

(104) Laurent, pg 302. 

(105) " "These conferences [Paris, December 1960; Rome, 1961], attended by public 
figures from some fifty countries, had the aim of bringing together "beyond the 
bounds of nations or of doctrines eminent persons from political, academic, 
diplomatic, trade-union and media circles for the defence of freedom". Its Board of 

Sponsors notably included Senators Dodd, Keating, Mundt, Admiral Burke, 
Presidents Paul-Henri Spaak, Paul Van Zeeland, Antoine Pinay, Rene Pleven, 
Maurice Schumann, Heinrich von Brentano, Fulbert Youlou, Ivan Matteo Lombardo, 
Pacciardi, Carlos Lacerda, Jules Romain and Gabriel Marcel" (Henri Coston: 
Dictionnaire de la politique frangaise). Amongst the other French representatives were 
General Vanuxem, Francois Duprat, former leader of Ordre Nouveau ... the lawyer 
Georges de Maleville, member of the National Front, Georges Albertini and many 
exiles from Eastern European countries" (Laurent, pg 302). Suzanne Labin and her 
husband Edouard, the two mainstays of the French section of WACL, were amongst 
the earliest contacts of Aginter Press; a contact list of Aginter Press published by the 
inquiry into Aginter Press carried out by the post-revolutionary Portuguese 
intelligence service SDCl mentions a meeting between the Labins and Aginter Press 
in December 1966, only a few months after Aginter Press's creation - see Laurent, pg 

(106) At a July 1973 meeting of the European Freedom Council in London, the 
participants included Lombardo, Otto von Habsburg, WACL notables David Rowe, 
Kuboki and Raimundo Guerrero, and French General Paul Vanuxem, who had had 
links to the GAS and would be involved in the last-ditch stand of the Vietnam war - 
"Vanuxem was present at the closing stages of the Vietnam War, urging the 
incoming South Vietnamese President, General Minh, to keep fighting until the bitter 
end, which came only a few days later" (Decent Interval, Frank Snepp, Penguin, 
London 1980). Vanuxem would later figure on a 1978 AESP membership list as a 
member of an AESP Study Group. The European Freedom Council, sister group to 
the ABN, is certainly worth further investigation; it continued in existence until at 
least 1991 - see the obituary in the Times, 3/3/06, of one UK member, Ukrainian- 
bom Stefan Terlezki, CBE, outspoken Conservative MP for Cardiff West from 1983 
to 1987. The ABN/EFC would hold joint conferences in London in 1982 ("The 
West's Strongest Allies") and again in 1985. 

(107) L'Espresso, 17/12/74; Willan. 1 am indebted to Jeff Bale for information on 
Lombardo and other Italian members of the AESP. 

(108) Naylor, pg 259, who points out that a water- sniffing plane would be of great 
use to Pesenti's cement company. 

(109) The Cercle Pinay complex had multiple links to Calvi's Banco Ambrosiano 
which are described below. This essay cannot however attempt to give a full account 
of the financial links between the Vatican Bank, P2, Sindona, Calvi and Pesenti - see 
Comwell; Yallop; Raw; Naylor. 

(110) Christie (1984), pgs 20-21, 33, 47-49; Willan, pg 44. 

(111) Pean, pgs 97-102. The UBS's German title is the Schweizerische 
Bankgesellschaft, SBG. 

(112) Pean, pg 213. 

(113) Bacelon, pgs 243-244; Wolton, pg 258. 

(114) Dans le secret des princes, Christine Ockrent et le Comte de Marenches, 
Livres de poche Stock 1986, pgs 135-137. An English translation was published as 
The Evil Empire, Sidgwick 85 Jackson (Chapman Pincher's publishers ...), London 
1988. Crozier suggests personal rivalries as a cause for Violet's dismissal - see 
Crozier, pg 191, also quoted below. 

(115) Crozier, pg 97 et seq. 

Crozier, pg 64. 

Crozier, pg 98. 

Reproduced in Pean, pg 236. 

Bloch and Fitzgerald, pgs 98-99. 

State Researchno. 1; Ramsay and Dorril, pg 38. 

Crozier, pg 100. 

Crozier, pgs 100-101. 


(123) 1972 saw a major investment in expanding the Cercle's output from the ISC 
and Le Monde Modeme, much of it financed by Pesenti. Interestingly, Pesenti's 
financial operations in 1972 were a particular focus of Italian magistrates 
investigating the Banco Ambrosiano scandal: "Of particular interest was a 1972 
"loan" to Pesenti from the lOR. It was indexed to the Swiss franc and, when repaid, 
cost him three times the sum originally contracted. Whether it was a smart business 
operation by the lOR, a cover for Pesenti's pumping money into the Vatican bank, or 
simply a device for the lOR to help Pesenti illegally move a large sum of cash abroad 
will likely remain a mystery" - Naylor, pg 127. 

(124) Pean, pgs 92-93. 

(125) Stewart-Smith, pgs 66-67. 

(126) Mungo, pgs 39 - 40; Gijsels, L'Enquete, pgs 156-157. See footnote 322 below 
for other CLEW members. 

(127) Walsh, pgs 133-134; Van Bosbeke, pg 66. 

(128) By 2002, Valori would be the President of the Industrialists Union of Italy 
(Confindustria) and a UNESCO Goodwill Ambassador - see the UNESCO Appeal in 
International Herald Tribune, 12/06/02. 

(129) Peron's Italian contacts came via his wartime service as Argentinian Consul in 

(130) Naylor, pg 138; information from Jeff Bale; Raw, pg 143; Willan, pgs 60-61; 
Buongiomo, pgs 111-115; Cecchi, pgs 75-85. 

(131) Crozier, pgs 99-100. 

(132) Pean, pgs 237-239. 

(133) Pean, pgs 52 and 68; Roth and Ender, pg 72. Bacelon claims that Andreotti 
had attended one of the AESP's earlier Charlemagne Dinners on 6th May 1970, also 
held in Aachen and attended by Hnay, Violet and de Villegas. Bacelon is generally 
unreliable, but gives accurate details of the 1973 Dinner mentioned here; his 
information about the 1970 Dinner may well be correct. 

(134) Brewaeys and Deliege, pg 129; Roth and Ender, pgs 72-73; Joel van der 
Reijden. Longstanding CDU foreign policy spokesman and one of Brandt's most 
prominent opponents on Ostpolitik, Dr Werner Marx would serve as a CDU MP from 
1965 until his death in 1985; he would chair the German Parliament's Foreign 
Affairs Committee from 1982 to 1985. 

(135) Roth and Ender, pg 72. 

(136) Pean, pg82. 

(137) See notably Gijsels, L'Enquete, pg 197 et seq., Benjamin and Dethy, and the 
other books on Belgian parapolitics listed below. The Tratsaert report is quoted in 
full in Gijsels, Het Leugenpaleis, pgs 61-66. 

(138) On de Bonvoisin, see CelsiuS, numbers 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 
29, 30, 31, 34; Brewaeys and Deliege, and the other books on Belgian parapolitics 
quoted below. 

(139) Mungo (as "Michel de Frocourt"), pg 22. Van Bosbeke states (pg 18) that this 
was a quarterly publication whose second issue named Mungo as the author; I have 
been unable to obtain it. 

(140) Brewaeys and Deliege, pg 180; Brewaeys and Deliege also note (pg 39) that de 
Bonvoisin arranged a contract for a business contact by taking him to Paris in 1986 
to meet Paul Violet, Jean Violet's son and deputy to the Mayor of Paris, Jacques 
Chirac. Violet junior was also Vice-President of the Regional Council of the Ile-de- 
France, member of the National Council of Chirac's RPR and founder in 1991 of the 
Chirac lobby group, Republique et Valeurs (Le Monde, 20/9/91). 

(141) De Bock quoted in CelsiuS No. 17, pgs 17-18; Brewaeys and Deliege, pgs 24- 

(142) See Gladio, pgs 29-60. 

(143) Extracts are given in CelsiuS no. 17, pgs 14-19. 

(144) Searchlight, no. 18, Nov 1976, pg 4. 

(145) Crozier, pg 104. 

(146) Crozier, pg 104. 

(147) Eringer, pgs 37-40. 

(148) Reproduced in the Morning Star, the official British Communist newspaper, 

(149) Crozier, pg 106. 

(150) Crozier, pg 107. 

(151) James Theberge of the CSIS and future Washington ISC President, also 
contributed to the campaign - see below on the WISC. 

(152) Herman and O'SuUivan, pgs 82-83; ISC publications list; Ramsay and Dorril, 
pgs 38-39; Robert Moss, The Collapse of Democracy, Maurice Temple Smith, London 
1975; Crozier, pgs 109-111. 

(153) Pean, pgs 72-73. Curiously, Damman does not know of or does not think of 
the Cercle offshoot in the US, the Washington Institute for the Study of Conflict, 
founded the previous month. A whole series of ISC Conflict Studies in 1975-76 
focused on the areas named by Damman under point 2 - Korea, Vietnam, the Middle 
East, Portugal, and the security of supply of raw materials: Iraq: the Search for 

stability (May 1975), Southern Europe: NATO's Crumbling Flank (June 1975), Portugal 
- Revolution and Backlash (September 1975), North Korea - Undermining the Truce 
(March 1976) and Stability in the Gulf: The Oil Revolution (May 1976). 

(154) On the destabilization of democracy in the UK in the 1970s, see Penrose and 
Courtiour; Lobster 9-21 and notably No. 11 (Ramsay and Dorril); Wright; Leigh; 
Foot; Dorril and Ramsay (1991). On these sources, Penrose and Courtiour were the 
first and came very close but then were led astray. Lobster pursued the story and 
produced much invaluable information, launching the Wallace story before Wright 
had even appeared. Wright, whilst being an inside source, is partial in its opinions 
and in its content. Leigh thoroughly documented one aspect - the straight Wilson- 
Wright struggle (see however Lobster 17) but has grave omissions, particularly in 
only focusing on Wilson to the exclusion of Heath, Thorpe and the many other 
politicians targeted, and in totally omitting Winter and Wallace as key witnesses, and 
the counter- subversion lobby and other MI6 friends as key actors. Foot concentrates 
on the major witness, Wallace, and does an excellent job. Dorril and Ramsay (1991) 
continue the investigation they started in Lobster 1 1 , and produce the most complete 
account of the destabilization to date. 

(155) Ramsay and Dorril; Foot. It is interesting to note that various figures 
mentioned in Wallace's 1974 notes about this manipulation of domestic politics 
include G. K. Young, Geoffrey Stewart- Smith, John Biggs-Davison and Julian Amery, 
all four members of the Monday Club. Biggs-Davison and Amery were mentioned as 
possible contenders for the leadership of the Conservative party once Heath had 
been removed; it seems Young and Stewart-Smith were intended as channels for 
InfPol's disinformation. 

(156) Times, 6/5/73. 

(157) Dorril and Ramsay (1991), pgs 229-233. 

(158) On Wallace and C02, see Ramsay and Dorril; Foot; Dorril and Ramsay (1991). 
Wallace's testimony - and the mass of documentary evidence to support it - 
represents without a doubt the most serious exposure of the British secret state's 
intervention in domestic politics - the British Watergate - since the Second World 
War. The three sources listed above are essential reading for anyone interested in 
"the very British coup". 

(159) Leigh, pgs 163-180, 239-241. 

(160) Wolton, pgs 168-169. The cash slush fund run for decades by the UIMM 
would be the subject of extensive French press revelations and an official 
investigation in 2007-08, when it transpired that the UIMM, whose 600 million Euro 
slush fund was fed by levies on member companies, had regularly paid out vast cash 
sums to unidentified beneficiaries under the authority of the UIMM President Denis 
Gautier-Sauvagnac (also known as DGS) who then resigned as UIMM President in 
November 2007. An inquiry by the French Finance Ministry's anti-moneylaundering 
unit Tracfin would reveal suspicious cash withdrawals from UIMM funds of 19 
million Euros between 2000 and 2007. The practice of cash payments, used 
according to DGS to "fluidify social relations" i.e. to facilitate the cooperation of 
union representatives, had previously been followed under Daniel Dewavrin, the 
UIMM's President from 1999 to 2006, as Dewavrin confirmed in an interview with Le 
Monde (16/10/07). The UIMM is currently still under official investigation. The 
article at 
chronoIogie_sur_Iaffaire_gautiersauvagnac.html gives a useful chronology up to 
October 2008. Interestingly, DGS had worked as CEO of Kleinwort Benson France 
from 1990 to 1994 before joining the UIMM in 1994 as Delegate -General and rising 
to become its Vice-President in 1996 and then President in 2006. On possible UIMM 

funding of the Institut d'Etudes de la Desinformation which would host Crozier, 
Huyn and Horchem in 1989, see footnote 440. 

(161) Pean, pg71. 

(162) Pean, pgs 240-241. 

(163) On the Elf network and the Gabon connection, see Pean (1983). The Elf 
network would also intervene in domestic politics during the 1981 elections - the Elf 
network was the channel chosen to transfer FF 2,000,000 from Gabonese oil 
revenue to support Giscard d'Estaing's 1981 election campaign. In 1979, Robert had 
been appointed French Ambassador to Gabon on Gabonese President Bongo's 
insistence, and much to the disquiet of the French Foreign Office. See Pean (1983), 
pgs 139-150. 

(164) Pean, pgs 117-119, 135-136, 156; Wolton, pg 266. 

(165) On Muldergate, see Winter (1981), (1989) and (2004); Manz; Rees and Day; 
The Great White Hoax . 

(166) The first editor of To The Point was Dr. Eschel Rhoodie for the nine months 
preceding his appointment to the Department of Information - The Great White Hoax, 

(167) Pean, pg 110. 

(168) The Great White Hoax, pg 4. A similar campaign targeting German MPs and 
military officers was equally successful - see below. 

(169) Pean, pgs 92-93, 107-113. 

(170) Pean, pg 108. 

(171) Pean, pg 113. 

(172) Laurent, pg 305. 

(173) Guardian, 30/3/73. 

(174) Winter (1981), pgs 320-321; Time Out, 5/9/75, and Herman and O'SuUivan, 
pgs 110, 116-117, 134. Morris' book South African Terrorism was published by 
Harold Timmins in 1973. A certain Michael A. Morris would write Conflict Study no. 
230, Conflicts in Latin America: Democratic Alternatives in the 1990s, published in 
April 1990 by the ISC's successor, RISCT. 

(175) On the ASC, see Bellant, a outstanding piece of research on Reagan's links to 
the American far Right. Son of World War 11 navy aviation pioneer and four- star 
Admiral John 'Slew' Sidney McCain, four-star Admiral John 'Jack' Sidney McCain 
Jnr would participate in the bombing of Hanoi as Commander US Pacific Forces 
(CINCPAC) during the early Vietnam war whilst his Navy pilot son - the defeated 
2008 Republican presidential candidate, John Sidney McCain 111 - was being held in 
the 'Hanoi Hilton'. 

(176) Janke would later send Conflict Study no. 52 to Robbertze; see the letter of 
28/1/75 to Janke from Lt-Gen. K. R. Coster of the DGSS published in Searchlight 
no. 20, Jan 1977, pg 4. 

(177) Donnees pour un moment in Bulletin du Centre de recherches et informations 

sociales et economiques (CRISE), no. 2, 15/6/77, quoted in Faligot, pgs 181-182; 
Pean, pgs 113-114. 

(178) See bibliography in Huyn. 

(179) Herman and O'SuUivan, pgs 109-110; Time Out, 5-11/9/75. 

(180) See founding document in Searchlight no. 18, November 1976, pg 5. 

(181) Covert Action Information Bulletin no. 10, August-September 1980, pg 42. 

(182) Gonsalez-Mata, pgs 149-155; Eringer, pgs 45 and 49. 

(183) See Valentine, Snepp; for a discussion of Thompson and Komer's part in the 
Phoenix programme, see State Research no. 17 (April-May 1980), pgs 105-106. 

(184) See Cooley. 

(185) Covert Action Information Bulletin no. 10, August-September 1980, pg 42; 
RAND Corporation obituary. 

(186) See El Mercurio, 28/2/73 amongst others. 

(187) State Research no. 1, pgs 13-17. 

(188) On Team B, see the chapter in Peddlers of crisis - the CPD and the Politics of 
Containment, Jerry W. Sanders, Pluto (UK) /South End Press (USA), 1983. Another 
prominent member of Team B was Admiral Thomas H. Moorer, former Head of the 
Joint Chiefs of Staff, later Director of the NSIC and Board member of the ASC and 
Western Goals - see NSIC Annex below. Many of those who had been on Team B or 
on the White House staff at that time - notably Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and 
Perle - would repeat this exercise of sidelining a politically awkward CIA finding as a 
part of the WMD fiasco during the second Iraq war in 2003. The wish of the neo-cons 
to override CIA assessments and develop their own pro-war intelligence channels, 
largely reliant on the exile Iraqi National Congress under Chalabi, would be a 
catastrophic own goal - the INC intelligence network, infiltrated by the Iranian 
intelligence service, obligingly provided "firm evidence" of Iraqi WMDs, triggering the 
American invasion which, in one fell swoop, reduced Iran's regional rival to chaos 
and discredited Iran's greatest geopolitical adversary, the US neo-con clique, in the 
eyes of the world. Larry Johnson, a former senior counter-terrorist official at the 
State Department, said: "When the story ultimately comes out, we'll see that Iran 
has run one of the most masterful intelligence operations in history. They 
persuaded the US and Britain to dispose of its greatest enemy" - Guardian, 
Tuesday May 25, 2004. Vincent Cannistraro, a former senior CIA counter-terrorist 
officer, stated: "It's pretty clear that the Iranians had us for breakfast, lunch and 
dinner ... I think Iran saw an opportunity here to feed information into the United 
States through [INC intelligence chief] Aras Habib Karim and Chalabi that influenced 
the US decision ... it seems that they were able to spread disinformation that found 
its way into the speeches of policy makers in the United States ... I think it was a 
pretty artful operation by the Iranians" - Australian Broadcasting Corporation: The 
World Today, 26/05/04. 

(189) Other members of the USCISC included Leonard D. Theberge, Vice- 
President of Rohr Industries; John Diebold of the Diebold Group; US Ambassador 
to Venezuela Robert McCIintock; Professor Donald Treadgold, Chairman, 
Department of History, University of Washington; Dr Ernest Lefever of the 

Brookings Institute. Lefever would be involved in the 1980s anti-disarmament 
campaigns assisted by the Cercle complex - as Director of the Ethics and Public 
Policy Program at Georgetown University, he would receive $200,000 from the US 
Information Agency to coordinate anti-disarmament activity in the Churches - 
World in Action, 24/10/83, reported in Lobster 4 (1984), pg 16. "Ernest Lefever 
used the $200,000 given by USIA to help "highly placed and influential leaders in 
Western Europe to gain a solid understanding of US defence and arms control 
policies, with special reference to their religious and moral implications." One 
conference was organised in Britain in May (Netv Statesman, 20th May 1983) with 
church leaders in attendance. It was sponsored by the British Atlantic Committee 
(BAC) and the Institute for European Defence and Strategic Studies." - see Steve 
Dorril's American Friends: the Anti-CND Groups in Lobster 3 (1984), pgs 16-21. The 
May 1983 conference organized by Lefever was also attended by Sven Kraemer, 
then Program Director of the NSIC; Herbert Romerstein, a Crozier contact like 
Kraemer, had just been appointed Director of the USlA's Office to Counter Soviet 
Active Measures and Disinformation, a post he would hold from 1983 to 1989. On 
the BAC, lEDSS, CPS etc, see the excellent pieces by Lobster contributor William 
Clark at 

(190) Crozier, pg 124. 

(191) Crozier, pg 113. 

(192) Ironically, the death-blow to Crozier's FWF could not have come from a better 
friend. As former head of the CIA's lOD from 1954 on. Cord Meyer had overseen CIA 
support for FWF since its inception. In the early 1970s, Meyer would direct the 
Covert Action department with the rank of Deputy Director. At this time he was a 
very close associate of Crozier's; Crozier records that he flew to Langley three or four 
times a year to visit Meyer at Langley - Crozier, pgs 90-91. At the time of FWF's 
exposure, Meyer was CIA Chief of Station in London - Crozier's main linkman to the 
CIA throughout the crucial period of the mid-1970s. 

(193) Time Out, 20/6/75. 

(194) Conflicting Accounts, 29/8/75; Subversion Inc. , 5/9/75. 

(195) ISC memo, 2/6/75 quoted in Pean, pg 86; as this is translated from the 
French, the text given here will not match the exact wording of the English original. 
See Ramsay and Dorril, pg 39. The same year as this ISC conference at Ditchley 
Park, one of its Governors, Professor the Lord Vaizey, whom we have already met as 
Honorary Treasurer of the British-Irish Association founded by Hamilton, Crozier 
and Moss after the ISC's 1972 Ditchley Park conference on Ireland, would serve as 
an adviser to an ISC Study Group on subversion in higher education which started 
work in November 1975 and which published its findings in September 1977 as an 
ISC Special Report, The Attack on Higher Education. The ISC Education Study Group 
also included Professor Edward Shils of the WlSC and Dr Kenneth Watkins of NAFF 
and Aims. See State Research no. 1, October 1977, pg 17; Tim.e Out, 30/9/77. 

(196) Roth and Ender, pg 54; Gonsalez-Mata, pg 163; Crozier, pgs 124-125. 

(197) The exposure of FWF in June and of the ISC in August may have killed off the 
Washington ISC, created in March; nothing further is known of any specific WlSC 
action - it is probable that it was (sub)merged into the Rand Corporation. Crozier 
also records that what he calls "the Great Smear Campaign" against himself and 
FWF would lead to the ending of Crozier's official links to M15. A few days after the 
CIA/ FWF story broke in the summer of 1975, Crozier claims to have had his last 
meeting with Sir Michael Hanley, head of M15 and the M15 Director of Counter- 
Subversion, Dirk Hampden - Crozier, pg 114. However, in April 1976, Crozier's NAFF 

would publish a controversial article by "a recently retired counter- subversion chief 
of MIS" - if not Hampden, then his successor, Charles Elwell, with whom Crozier 
would work after Elwell's retirement in 1982. 

(198) Crozier, pg 118. 

(199) The Scotsman, 8/8/77. 

(200) NAFF was renamed the Freedom Association in January 1979. The FA 
continued with many of NAFF's personnel; Norris McWhirter was FA Chairman, 
Ivens FA Vice-President, both being on the editorial committee of Freedom Today, the 
FA journal. Until April 1989, Crozier also served on the Freedom. Today editorial 
committee. Robert Moss remained NAFF/FA Director until 1981. FA Board members 
included the ISC's Vice-Admiral Sir Louis Le Bailly, SlF's Gerald Howarth and 
Rhodes Boyson, and Professor R.V. Jones who served with the ISC's Leonard 
Schapiro and G. K. Young in the group set up to reorganize M16 in the 1950s. FA 
would use the same tactics of legal action against strikers that NAFF had used in 
1976, most notably during the 1984 miners' strikes leading to the foundation of the 
breakaway Union of Democratic Mineworkers. 

(20 1) The Great White Hoax, pgs 59-60. 

(202) Time Out, 8/7/77. 

(203) Crozier, pg 118. 

(204) Ramsay and Dorril, pg 15. 

(205) Dorril and Ramsay (1991), pg 288. 

(206) Chalfont had excellent security and intelligence contacts such as Jeremy 
Wetherell, formerly a member of K5, M15's Soviet Counter- Espionage department. In 
the 1980s, Wetherell would work for the private detective agency Zeus, founded by 
Chalfont and Sir James Goldsmith, which was involved in political surveillance 
activities on behalf of the nuclear power industry - see Observer, 29/1/89. 

(207) Crozier, pgs 127-129. 

(208) Crozier, pgs 1 14 and 1 18. 

(209) Grau had previously worked with the NPD within a group set up for the 
1972 parliamentary elections - see Hirsch, pg 313; Hirsch is an excellent and 
exhaustive encyclopaedia of the German Right which gives further details on many 
of the Germans mentioned in this book. On Grau and his groups, see Young 
European Federalists, pgs 158, 167, 208-214, 265 et seq. including its annex of ISP 
documents; Unheimliche Patrioten, pgs 427-442; IGfM, pgs 78-79; Hirsch. 

(210) Unheimliche Patrioten, pgs 433-435. 

(211) Unheimliche Patrioten, pgs 428-429. 

(212) Unheimliche Patrioten, p^ SS9 . 

(213) Fiche et Fouine, ga suffit No. 1, February 1990, the journal of the Comite En 
finir avec I'Etat-fouineur (Stop the Snooper State Committee), founded after a 
parliamentary inquiry revealed the existence of a longstanding secret political police 
department within the DJPF, the Swiss Justice and Police Ministry. A second 

parliamentaiy inquiry into the DMF, the Swiss Ministry of Defence, uncovered two 
secret components of the Gladio network in Switzerland, the armed resistance group 
P26 and the intelligence group P27. P26 worked closely with M16 who had created 
Gladio's European operational basis. The last secret agreement between M16 and 
P26 was signed in 1987, three years before the parliamentary inquiry. See back 
numbers of Fiche et Fouine, ga suffit and the Committee's book Schnuffelstaot 
Schiveiz (Snooper State Switzerland). 

(214) Colonel Schmid would commit suicide in February 1981 when faced with a 
judicial inquiry into his collaboration with Cincera. 

(215) Non-Swiss readers should note that as Switzerland has compulsory military 
service and places rigorous restrictions on conscientious objection, almost all Swiss 
men will have an Army personnel file. 

(216) Ahendland, March 1981, quoted in Unheimliche Patrioten, pg 670; Fiche et 
Fouine, ga suffit No. 1, February 1990; Schnuffelstaat Schiveiz, pgs 133-137. For a 
resume of "the Cincera affair" and "the MIDONAS affair", see Unheimliche Patrioten; 
the revelations were published at the time in three brochures by the Democratic 
Manifesto, Dossier Cincera (1976), Dossier DM-Prozess (1977) and Cincera als Casar: 
ivir ivaren Cinceras Berner Spitzel (1977). 

(217) In 1983, Cincera would be elected to the National Council, the Swiss 
Parliament, at the same time as Dr Peter Sager of SOI; the two men would work 
together on the Parliamentary Committee on the Media - see Unheimliche Patrioten, 
pg 676. Cincera would serve on the National Council until 1995; he died in 2004. 
Sager would serve on the National Council until 1991; from 1984 to 1991, he was 
also a Swiss representative at the Strasbourg-based Council of Europe. Sager would 
become the leading pro-Contra propagandist in Switzerland; his Vereinigung 
Demokratischer Nicaragua (VDN, Association for a Democratic Nicaragua) was one of 
the main outlets for anti-Sandinista disinformation in Europe in the mid-1980s. 
Sager was particularly useful for the Contras due to his role within the Council of 
Europe; in 1984, he headed a Council of Europe delegation to Nicaragua. In 1985, 
he was part of a Swiss National Council delegation that strongly condemned the 
Sandinistas after their return to Switzerland. On 16/2/86, Sager founded the VDN 
together with Contras Evenor Valdivia and Jaime Pasquier and industrialist 
Alexander Eugster. In March 1986, Sager travelled with a second Swiss National 
Council delegation to Nicaragua, and on 31/5/86, the VDN gave a press conference 
with CIA agent Roberto Ferrey. In 1986, Sager's pro-Contra book. Case Study of 
Slander - media manipulation by Nicaragua, Propagandists in Switzerland was 
published by SOL The SOI would close due to a lack of funding in 1994, thirty-five 
years after its foundation; Sager died in 2006. On Sager, see IGfM, pgs 63-64; Die 
Contra Connection, pgs 84-87, 245; Dorril and Ramsay, 1990, pg 6; Unheimliche 

(218) Unheimliche Patrioten, pg 437. 

(219) Unheimliche Patrioten, pgs 431 and 593. 

(220) On Lowenthal and his various groups, see IGfM; Young European Federalists; 
Hirsch. Together with Huyn, Lowenthal has also served as a major German linkman 
for WACL and CAUSA, the political arm of the Moonies; Lowenthal frequently 
attended international conferences organized by WACL and CAUSA, such as the 
joint WACL/ CAUSA congress hosted by Stroessner and Pinochet in Asuncion, 
Paraguay in 1981. On WACL and CAUSA (the Confederation for the Association and 
Unity of Society in the Americas), see Anderson and Anderson; Boyer; Die Contra 
Connection. Lowenthal was also a Member of Honour of the "freedom fighters" 
alliance. Resistance International (see footnote 320), and an Honorary Member of the 

Board of the right-wing students' group Hochschulring Tiibinger Studenten which 
had links to the neo-nazi Wehrsportgruppe Hoffmann - Spiegel, 41/1980, pg 31, and 
Hirsch, pg 406. Lowenthal died in 2002. 

(221) Stem, 8/1978. 

(222) Ramsay and Dorril; Crozier, pg 102. 

(223) Observer, 10/2/91. Keston has certainly been the major British outlet for this 
kind of disinformation with excellent contacts to the BBC World Service: Keston's 
Jane Ellis did three "Words of Faith" programmes for the World Service in November 
1990 which were nothing less than a party political broadcast for a newly- formed 
Christian Democrat party in the Soviet Union. Three years later, Crozier revealed in 
his memoirs who exactly was behind the new party: "In 1990, taking advantage of 
glasnost, the NTS had emerged as a Christian Democrat opposition party. It was 
allowed to hold meetings in Russia and a USSR-wide congress in Leningrad in 
November 1990" - Crozier, pg 271. The head of the BBC World Service in 1990, John 
Tusa, had been company secretary of Forum World Features in 1966-67, resigning 
over editorial disputes with Crozier, unaware of FWF's CIA links. See Crozier, pgs 70- 
71 and 73; Ramsay and Dorril, pgs 4 and 34; Guardian, 31/12/76 and 11/10/89. 

(224) The IGfM/lSHR should not be confused with the legitimate Paris-based 
human rights organisation, the Federation Internationale des Droits de I'Homme 

(225) Crozier, pg 124. 

(226) On Horchem, see Spiegel, 36/1981, pg 16; Crozier; Various authors (IFF), pgs 

(227) ISC advert for the Annualin Conflict Study no. 60, August 1975. 

(228) ISC Annual of Power and Conflict 1974-75, pg 16. 

(229) Spiegel, 10/80, pg 23 et seq.; Roth and Ender. 

(230) Yallop, pg 456; State Research no. 15, Dec 1979 - Jan 1980, pgs 50-51. 

(231) Retinger, pg 212; State Research no. 15, Dec 1979 - Jan 1980, pgs 50-51. 

(232) Two other participants at the 1974 Bilderberg conference would soon set up 
groups within the complex: George Ball, Chairman of the US Committee of the ISC, 
founded in March 1975, and Sir Frederic Bennett of SIF, a founding member of 
NAFF in July 1975 - Gonsalez-Mata, pgs 21, 27 and 312-315, who gives the 1974 
Bilderberg participants list. 

(233) Frankfurter Rundschau, 13/9/63 reproduced in IGfM, pg 75. 

(234) Gonsalez-Mata, pg 107. 

(235) On Lageneste, see Faligot and Krop, pgs 334-335. 

(236) Pean, pg 242. Habsburg has lived in Spain and Portugal for much of the time 
- both are former possessions of the Habsburg empire. For Habsburg's Portuguese 
connections, see his biography in IGfM, pg 59-60. 

(237) See Gunter Walraff in Stern, 7/4/76 and Liberation, 9-10 + 11/4/76, and his 

Die Aufdeckung einer Verschivorung. 

(238) Die Contra Connection, pg 164. The HSS published a celebration of sixteen 
years of cooperation with the Fundacion Canovas del Castillo in its Informationen 
1/2 1995 (pg 14), which quoted HSS Chairman Alfred Bayer: "Over the past sixteen 
years we have held no less than 7,350 seminars with over 335,000 participants, over 
80% of which [were organised] in cooperation with the Fundacion". Bayer and the 
Fundacion's head, Carlos Robles Hquer, were received by King Juan Carlos as part 
of the 1995 celebration. Robles Hquer was Fraga Iribarne's brother-in-law and had 
twice served under him, firstly in the 1960s as Director- General of Information, 
Fraga's top civil servant and main contact of Crozier's when Fraga was Minister (see 
Crozier, pg 72), and then again in the first post-Franco government of December 
1975 - July 1976 when Fraga was Vice-President and Interior Minister and Robles 
Hquer was Minister for Education and Science. Having become Hesident of the 
Alianza Popular in 1976, Fraga Iribame would be official Leader of the Opposition 
from 1982, when AP became the second strongest party in Spain, until 1986 when 
he resigned from AP. In 1989, Fraga Iribarne would refound AP as the Partido 
Popular, serving as its Honorary Hesident and selecting future Hime Minister Jose 
Maria Aznar as PP's Hesident. Withdrawing from national politics, Fraga Iribarne 
was then elected Hesident of the Region of Galicia in 1990, a post he held until 
2005. After his 2005 regional election defeat, he was selected to represent the 
Galician Parliament in the Senate, a post reconfirmed in 2008. As for Silva Munoz, 
having joined Fraga's Alianza Popular in 1976, he would soon leave to undertake a 
failed attempt to unite the Spanish extreme Right on a joint ticket with Bias Hnar in 
the 1979 elections. On post-Franco politics, see the useful Diccionario de la 
Transicion, Victoria Hego, Plaza 85 Janes, Barcelona 1999. 

(239) The Service de Documentation, de Renseignements et d'Action, a branch of 
the Army's Service General de Renseignements. Part, at least, of the Gladio network 
in Belgium was run by SDRA-8. 

(240) Brewaeys and Deliege, pg 58. 

(241) See Blackstock; Churchill and Vander Wall, 1988 and 1990. 

(242) Churchill and Vander Wall, 1988, pg xiv. 

(243) It is interesting to note that one of PIO's Hess contacts was Rene Haquin, the 
journalist whose book Des taupes dans I'extreme droite - la Surete de I'Etat et le WNP 
first exposed the Latinus/Smets story, detailed in a later chapter. It appears with 
hindsight that Latinus's fascist militia WNP served to entrap Smets and other Surete 
officers investigating de Bonvoisin and the extreme Right, and that it was 
subsequently deliberately blown by its members to discredit the Surete - this would 
explain the revealing interviews Latinus gave Haquin for his book. Haquin got 
sucked in and became as much an actor in parapolitical developments as a reporter 
of them; it would seem that Haquin was at least unwittingly manipulated into 
blowing the gaffe and sinking the Surete's investigations. Haquin's association with 
PIO several years previous to the WNP scandal may however indicate a less innocent 
involvement. Haquin, having paved the way, subsequently withdrew from further 
investigation into the extreme Right and returned to his previous field of crime 

(244) Bougerol in conversation with Philippe Brewaeys. 

(245) See Anderson and Anderson. 

(246) Interview with Ray Cline by Alan de Francovitch and the BBC team preparing 
the programme Gladio Story, quoted by Bouffioux in Telemoustique, 23/4/92 - this 

experience may explain PIO's English-language title. On Cline, see notably Herman 
and O'SuUivan who cover his later career as a disinformationist in depth. 

(247) Brewaeys and Deliege, pg 55. 

(248) Brewaeys and Deliege, pg 118. 

(249) Covert Action Information Bulletin, no. 10, Aug-Sept 1980, pg 37. 

(250) Boyer, pg 283. 

(251) See Cooley. 

(252) On de Borchgrave and the joint Moss/de Borchgrave group MARA, see Boyer; 
Lobster no. 19, pg 20; Herman and O'SuUivan; Brewaeys and Deliege. Rees, Moss 
and Wannall would also work within the Scaife-funded Maldon Institute, founded in 
1985 - see and http://www., which also includes information on Rees's 
involvement in Western Goals. 

(253) Prominent Flemish journalist Walter de Bock investigated Latinus in depth in 
a series of articles entitled Latinus, de spiderman, published in De Morgen, 1- 
12/7/89, and collected and translated into French as a special issue of CelsiuS, 
December 1991. 

(254) Damman's misspelling of Bougerol's name is no indication of a lack of contact 
between Damman and Bougerol at this stage - the same Chapter participants' list 
includes Damman's misspelling "Totossy"; Tottosy had been in touch with Damman 
since at least 1961. 

(255) Eringer, pg 50. 

(256) Van Doorslaer and Verhoeyen, pgs 150-154; Willan, pgs 107-100. 

(257) During his period at NATO in the 1950s and 1960s, Brosio also attended the 
conferences of the Bilderberg group, such as the October 1957 conference at Fiuggi 
devoted to security within NATO (also attended by Cord Meyer) and the 
extraordinary Bilderberg conference convened in Wiesbaden in March 1966 to deal 
with the urgent question of a reorganization of NATO. The latter conference was also 
attended by Hnay, the then Secretary of State George Ball and a future Deputy 
Director of the CIA, General Vernon Walters - later all Cercle associates. See 
Gonsalez-Mata, pgs 27 and 58; Eringer, pg 45. 

(258) Information from Jeff Bale; Willan, pgs 107-110. For a fictionalized account of 
the various coup attempts in Italy, see Morris West's The Salamander, William 
Heinemann, London 1973. As for Brosio, in March 1975, he attended a conference 
on European security organized by the Centro Italiano di Documentazione e Azione 
Sociale (CIDAS) which included amongst its participants Gianno Accame, a former 
Italian correspondent of Aginter Press, and General Diulio Fanali of ISSED, 
implicated in the Borghese coup and the Rosa dei Venti conspiracy - Laurent, pg 

(259) Comwell, pg 90. 

(260) Comwell, pgs 166-167. 

(261) The loan taken by Pesenti was only one of the extremely complex financial 
transactions by Calvi which allowed him to steal $250 million for P2. The most 

recent and comprehensive account of the Banco Ambrosiano is given by the 
respected financial journalist Charles Raw, who details Pesenti's relationship with 
Banco Ambrosiano. See Raw, pgs 91-92 for this episode. 

(262) Pean, pg 90. Nothing is known of the Edicercle project - one possibility is 
indicated in footnote 322 below. 

(263) Pean, pg 91. 

(264) Pean, pg 92. 

(265) Crozier makes no mention of PARI or of BOSS in his memoirs, no doubt 
because of the sensitive issue of covert South African funding. 

(266) Coxsedge, Coldicut and Harant, pg 124; Guardian, 11/2/83. 

(267) Guardian, 6/5/80 and 11/2/83; Ramsay and Dorril, pgs 4-5 and 40; State 
Research no. 7, Aug/Sept 1978; Observer, 29/1/89; Dorril and Ramsay (1991); 
Toczek; Herman and O'SuUivan, pg 269, note 62. 

(268) Christie (1982), pgs 126-127. 

(269) The Great White Hoax, pg 32. 

(270) Annex of ISP documents in Young European Federalists. 

(271) Winter (1981), pgs 543-544. 

(272) Dorril and Ramsay (1991), pg 365, note 10; Foot. 

(273) The 4th Lord St Oswald, D.L., M.C., whose plebian name was Rowland Winn, 
had reported on the Spanish Civil War for Reuters and the Daily Telegraph before 
serving with the SOE in Albania and Thailand from 1940 to 1945. He would later 
volunteer for service in Korea from 1950 to 1952, winning a Military Cross. After 
demobilisation and having inherited his title in 1957, he sat as a Conservative Peer 
in the House of Lords until his death in 1984, serving as a government whip from 
1959 to 1962 and Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture from 
1962 to 1964. One regular focus of his was on Poland - in 1971-72, he would 
campaign with Airey Neave for British official recognition of the 1940 Katyn 
massacre as a Soviet war crime, serving with Neave as Deputy Chairmen of the 
Katyn Memorial Fund, one of whose patrons was Winston Churchill MP. From 1973 
until the first direct elections in 1979, he would sit as an appointed MEP in the 
European Parliament. Apart from his parliamentary career. Lord St Oswald was also 
Vice-President of Stewart- Smith's Foreign Affairs Circle - see Lobster 19 (May 1990), 
pg 7. He wrote the introduction for Joseph Josten's Unarmed Combat, 1973, first 
published in Contributions to Conflict Studies, Markus Verlag, Koln, which also 
quoted SOI and Sager, and also provided the introduction for The Soviet Threat to 
Peace, published jointly by Foreign Affairs and Markus Verlag, which included 
contributions by Brzezinski and Ball. The Markus Verlag (Press) in Cologne, which 
operated between 1951 and c. 1994, seems to have been a significant German- 
language disinformation outlet; according to its German Wikipedia entry, "the 
Markus Press was specialized in political propaganda books on military policy and 
the Eastern Block, sometimes published in close cooperation with the Federal 
Interior Ministry and the Federal Defence Ministry ... The Press was the publisher 
from 1951 to 1973 of the illustrated magazine of the Federal Border Protection Force 
... From 1971 to 1990, the Press published the magazine Beitrage zur 
Konfliktforschung - Psychopolitische Aspekte (Contributions to Conflict Studies - 

Psychopolitical Aspects), launched by General Johannes Gerber which was funded 
by the Federal Defence Ministry and set itself the task of acting as a counterweight 
to the generally pacifist-inclined peace research of the day." 

(274) Crozier, pg 193. 

(275) Career information from Joel van der Reijden. Tennant died in 1996. Tennant 
would later play a significant part assisting the mid-1980s anti-disarmament 
propaganda operations run by Cercle/61 associates - see below. Van der Reijden also 
notes that Tennant was a member of the Academic Council of Wilton Park. It is 
unclear whether Tennant was ever active within CEDl; his name does not appear on 
a 1972 list of CEDl office-holders, which does however name other British CEDl 
members besides Agnew and Rodgers: the Rt. Hon. Geoffrey Rippon, Minister for 
Europe (Monday Club member from at least 1970 on, participant at the 1974 
Bilderberg conference in Megeze together with Frederic Bennett and Gerald 
Thompson of Kleinwort Benson); the Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick Corfield, QC, MP, former 
minister; Sir Denys Lowson, Bt, investment banker; Francis Bennett, Chief Whip; 
Kenneth Clarke MP, later a Bilderberger. CEDl's 1972 General Assembly was held in 
London. Francis Bennett, Alderman QLC, would attend this 1976 CEDl Congress, as 
would a certain Martin McLaren of London, and Bernard Woodford, Director, Witney, 

(276) Crozier, pg 193. Bach died in 2001. On Bach's involvement in the Northrop 
bribes scandal, see Van der Reijden. 

(277) Van Doorslaer and Verhoeyen, pg 164. 

(278) On Jardim, see Laurent, pgs 153, 329, 335; Pean (1983), pg 149. On Kaulza 
de Arriaga, see the Sunday Times Insight team's book on the Portuguese revolution. 

(279) Crozier, pgs 127-128. 

(280) In 1988, Elliott proposed giving a posthumous honour to Philby as a 
deception operation to mislead the KGB. Elliott's career details are given in Dorril 
and Observer, 2/2/92. Elliott's memoirs are bizarrely- in reference to Georgi 
Markov? - entitled Never Judge a Man by his Umbrella (Michael Russel, Salisbury 

(281) Crozier, pgs 129-130. Peter Shipley was a specialist on revolutionary groups 
in Britain, and author of a March 1977 ISC Conflict Study, Trotskyism: 'Entryism' 
and Permanent Revolution; he went on to do a spell in Thatcher's Cabinet Office, 
leaving in 1984 to rejoin the ISC. 

(282) Crozier, pg 137. 

(283) Pincher (1978), pgs 115 and 137-139; Ramsay and Dorril, pg 13. In February 
1977, during a heated Parliamentary debate, Hastings had also drawn the Home 
Secretary's attention to the 'bias' in a World in Action television programme in favour 
of those journalists who had exposed the CIA funding of FWF. Hastings died in 2005. 

(284) Crozier, pg 128. 

(285) Crozier, pg 120. 

(286) Crozier, pg 128-129. The ISC had already dealt with subversion in education 
and in the Churches: in March 1974, the ISC had produced a Conflict Study entitled 
Marxism and the Church of Rome, which was republished by Le Monde Moderne in 
1975. An ISC Study Group on subversion in higher education, which included Dr 

Kenneth Watkins of NAFF and Aims, started work in November 1975; its findings 
would be published in September 1977 as an ISC Special Report, The Attack on 
Higher Education. From May 1977 to April 1978, an ISC Study Group would meet to 
discuss on subversion in the media; the ISC Special Report Television and Conflict 
would finally be published in November 1978 - see Crozier, pgs 150-155. 

(287) Crozier, pgs 137-138. 

(288) Crozier, pg 139. 

(289) Crozier, pg 138. 

(290) Crozier, pgs 139-140. 

(291) Crozier, pgs 131-133. 

(292) Crozier, pg 142. 

(293) Crozier, pg 144. The most likely contenders are MI5 Head of Counter- 
Subversion Dirk Hampden, Crozier's official liaison who retired sometime after the 
summer of 1975 but seems not to have had a later private career, or alternatively 
Hampden's successor Charles Elwell, who wouldn't in fact retire until 1982 but who 
did actually effect this crucial shift of operations from counter-espionage to counter- 
subversion in the late 1970s; after retirement, Elwell would work with Crozier 
throughout the 1980s. 

(294) Crozier, pg 133. 

(295) Crozier, pg 134. 

(296) For all quotes by Crozier on the 61 below, see Crozier, pg 135. 

(297) Biographical information on Romerstein, Kraemer and HoUiday from Various 
authors (IFF), pgs v-xiii; the biographies online at 
faculty/facultyID.9/profile.asp and 
profile. asp; the creation of Romerstein's Office is taken from which thanks 
Romerstein for his collaboration in writing the piece. On Romerstein, see Crozier, 
pg 11; on Kraemer, see Crozier, pg 185; for HoUiday's quote (from an IFF 
presentation he gave with Romerstein), see Various authors (IFF), pg 131. For a 2008 
sighting of Romerstein, Kraemer and other Crozier friends, see footnote 445. 

(298) Crozier, pg 135. 

(299) Crozier, pgs 135-136. 

(300) Crozier, pgs 180-181. 

(301) Crozier, pg 136. 

(302) Crozier, pg 136. Nothing more is known of Perriaux's involvement in the 
Cercle, which would certainly be worth investigating further. 

(303) Crozier, pg 187. 

(304) One of the enduring political lessons illustrated by this investigation is that 
purges of or restrictions on the security and intelligence services often simply 
displace rogue agents into the private sector as 'retirees'. The Cercle and 61 drew 

much of their support from intelligence veterans displaced following purges in 
Germany (1969), the UK and France (1970), the UK and the USA (1977) and 
Belgium (1978). As Wikipedia has commented on the Western Goals Foundation: 
"After the Watergate and COINTELPRO scandals of the early 1970s, several laws 
were passed to restrict police intelligence gathering within political organizations. 
The laws tried to make it necessary to demonstrate that a criminal act was likely to 
be uncovered by any intelligence gathering proposed. Many files on radicals, 
collected for decades, were ordered destroyed. The unintended effect of the laws 
was to privatize the files in the hands of 'retired' intelligence officers and their most 
trusted, dedicated operatives". 

(305) Crozier,pgs 189-190. 

(306) Spiegel, No. 37/1982, and Roth and Ender, pgs 57-58. Hans Christoph 
Schenk Freiherr von Stauffenberg, who died in Munich in 2005, was a member of 
the junior branch of the von Stauffenberg family, being the son of Reichstag Nazi MP 
Franz Wilhelm Karl Maria Gabriel Schenk Freiherr von Stauffenberg. 

(307) In Germany, party foundations distribute grants from the Ministry for 
cooperation and Development to 'deserving partners' in the Third World, and are an 
important and official component in political parties' foreign policy bodies. 

(308) Spiegel, 10/1980, pgs 26-27; Spiegel-Buch, pgs 118-119. Handwritten notes 
on the original are revealing: "GS/BK/HSS" indicates that the document should be 
passed to the CSU General Secretariat, the Strauss newspaper Bayern Kurier and 
the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung itself. Several countries are underlined by hand in the 
original: Nigeria, Turkey, Manila, Hong Kong, Jordan and Saudi Arabia. A further 
country not mentioned was Angola. On the 16th October, 1976, Strauss 
accompanied by CDU MP and foreign and defence policy spokesman Dr Werner 
Marx met Holden Roberto in the backroom of the Munich pub "Franziskaner"; the 
FNLA leader wanted Strauss's help in unfreezing arms shipments promised by 
Kissinger - Spiegel, 10/1980; Spiegel-Buch, pg 119. On HSS activities, see Die Contra 
Connection; Spiegel, 9/1980, 10/1980; Tageszeitung, 24/1/87, 16/3/87, 13/5/87, 
18/5/87, 20/5/87, 22/5/87, 6/6/87, 12/6/87, 3/7/87; Lobster 14, September 
1987, pg 33. 

(309) Pean, pgs 76-77. 

(310) Crozier, pg 125. 

(311) Pean, pgs 72-74. 

(312) Mungo, pg24. 

(313) Mungo, pg 26. 

(314) Mungo, pg 27. Keston College had earlier contributed to this campaign for 
religious freedom in the Soviet Union: "After a World Council of Churches meeting in 
Nairobi in 1975, there was a request for the pooling of resources to produce 
documentation on religion in Eastern Europe. This was eventually published under 
the title Religious Liberty in the Soviet Union (published by Keston College, Kent, 
England, a centre for the study of religion and communism, and edited by the Rev. 
Michael Bourdeaux)" - Deacon, pgs 69-70. On Deacon, see this author and Robin 
Ramsay's piece Truth Twisting: notes on disinformation in Lobster 19 (May 1990) pgs 

(315) On the Briisewitz Centre, see IGfM, pgs 69-70, Young European Federalists, 
pgs 188-214, and Hirsch. Habsburg's youngest daughter, now Walburga Habsburg 

Douglas, would play an active part in her father's political life from a very early age. 
In 1973, at the age of fifteen, she would be co-founder of the German PEU youth 
wing, Paneuropa-Jugend Deutschland; at the age of nineteen, she was co-founder of 
the Christian Paneuropean Study Group and the Briisewitz Centre before going on 
to study law and canonical law in Salzburg. She would then work with her father in 
the European Parliament from 1979 until 1992 with a spell in 1983 studying 
journalism in the National Journalism Centre in Washington and working in the 
Washington office of Readers' Digest. From 1985 to 1992 she worked as Information 
Counsellor in the Information Ministry of the Sultanate of Oman, and from 2004 on 
sat on the Board of the Arab International Media Forum in London. She would not 
however neglect the PEU, serving as PEU Deputy International Secretary- General 
from 1980 to 1988, PEU International Secretary- General from 1988 to 2004, and 
since then as PEU International Executive Vice-President. In August 1989, she and 
her father would be key organisers of the Paneuropean Picnic which punctured the 
Iron Curtain and accelerated the fall of the Berlin Wall, described below. In 1992, 
she married the Swedish Count Archibald Douglas and became active in the 
Swedish Moderata samlingspartiet, standing on their list for the European 
Parliament in 1999 and 2004, and for the Swedish Parliament in 2002 and 2006, 
when she was finally elected. Since 2006, she sits on the Swedish Parliament's 
Foreign Affairs Committee. 

(316) Spiegel, 9/11/87. On Colonia Dignidad, see below. Roth and Ender add (pg 
79) that Bossle and Huyn served on the Presidium of a Deutsch-chilenischer 
Freundeskreis (German- Chilean Friendship Circle). 

(317) Die Contra Connection, pg 258. Pachmann was also an author for the Moonie 
newspaper Integral. 

(318) Roth and Ender, pg 62; IGfM, pg 80; Van der Reijden; Huyn bibliography. The 
latter book includes different information on Huyn's European Conference, citing as 
a source "Resume of the Founding Meeting of the European Conference on Human 
Rights, Lucerne 1-3/3/74"; the Conference probably changed title before Huyn's 
1977 publication mentioned here. 

(319) For biographies of Bossle, Blumenwitz and Rohrmoser, see IGfM, pgs 59, 63 
and 65. Bossle would die in 2000, Blumenwitz in 2005, Rohrmoser in September 
2008 - see Rohrmoser's obituary in Die Welt, 18/9/08. In 1981, Rohrmoser would 
work with the Federal Government on a publication covering the philosophical bases 
of terrorism; in 1987-88, he would work several times as speaker for the German 
section of CAUSA. As for Blumenwitz, the legal proceedings against Amnesty 
International's German section would run for more than twenty years and would 
trigger a Chilean court inspection in 1988, leading to a Chilean government decision 
to close Colonia Dignidad in February 1991 - see Guardian, 24-25/8/91. 
Blumenwitz' Chile - Ruckfahrt zur Demokratie (Chile - Return to Democracy) would 
be published by the IfD in 1987. On Colonia Dignidad and its links to DINA, see 
Gero Gemballa's Colonia Dignidad, Rowohlt rororo aktuell, Reinbek bei Hamburg 
1990, pgs 148-151. On DlNA's Washington assassination of Orlando Letelier, see 
John Dinges and Saul Landau's Assassination on Embassy Row (Pantheon, New 
York 1980; McGraw-Hill, New York 1981); Taylor Branch and Eugene Propper's 
Labyrinth (Penguin, London 1983). On DlNA's international cooperation within 
Operation Condor, see John Dinges's excellent The Condor Years (New Press, New 
York 2004). On DlNA's 1975 production of nerve-gas using precursor chemicals 
purchased from Britain, see Observer, 23/4/89. 

(320) On Lobkowicz, see IGfM, pg 62; Die Contra Connection. Resistance 
International was active throughout the 1980s, defending the Nicaraguayan Contras, 
the Afghan mujaheddin, RENAMO in Mozambique and Jonas Savimbi's Angolan 
UNITA. Several Cercle associates signed two Rl appeals widely published in the 

international press, one in March 1985 just before Reagan imposed a trade embargo 
on Nicaragua (Close, Huyn, Lobkowicz, von Hassel, Graf von Stauffenberg, Bukovsky 
and Crozier), and another in October 1987 (Close, Lowenthal, Lobkowicz, von Hassel, 
Graf von Stauffenberg, Bukovsky, Crozier and Stewart-Smith) - see Die Contra 
Connection, pgs 264-267. Lowenthal was also a German Member of Honour of Rl; 
Rl's American Members of Honour included former US Ambassador to the UN Jeane 
Kirkpatrick, Midge Decter, a personal friend of Reagan's and Chair of the Committee 
for a Free World (on which see State Research no. 22, February- March 1981, pgs 88- 
90), and WACL President General Singlaub, a former Chief of Staff of US forces in 
South Korea until 1977 and then Chief of Staff of the Army Forces Command. A 
close collaborator of Col. Oliver North, Singlaub would be one of the major players 
implicated in the Irangate scandal. On Resistance International, see Die Contra 
Connection and IGfM; on Singlaub, see below, Bellant and Crozier. Crozier would play 
a considerable part in the anti-Sandinista campaign in the UK, working within the 
Committee for a Free Nicaragua - see Die Contra Connection pgs 90-91 and Lobster 
no. 16 (July 1988), pg 18. 

(32 1) Mungo, pg 24 et seq. 

(322) The Vice-President of CLEW was Egidio Ortona, host for the founding 
ceremony and President of the Italian branch set up in 1977. A former Italian 
Ambassador to the US, Ortona was a founding member of the Trilateral Commission 
and served on its Executive Committee in 1979 as European Chairman - see 
Eringer. The other members of CLEW were Sir Heinz Koeppler, former Rector of 
Wilton Park, Diisseldorf lawyer Klaus F. Beckmann, Doctor Georges Ladame, 
President of the Swiss Society of Friends of Wilton Park, and Jean J. Richard, Vice- 
President of the International Society of Wilton Park - see Mungo. The statutes of 
CLEW also mention an offshoot of Wilton Park called the European Discussion 
Centre (E. D. C), which may be the same as the "Edicercle" mentioned by Violet in 
his message to Damman of 31st March, 1976 about the funding crisis of the 
Academy. Van der Reijden also notes that Sir Peter Tennant of the Cercle was a 
member of the Academic Council of Wilton Park. 

(323) The 1978 AESP membership list published by Mungo is also reproduced in 
Gijsels (1991), pgs 152-157. An earlier internal membership list dating from around 
1977 already included many of the new names in the AESP in 1978, listing Huyn, 
van den Heuvel, Vallet and Valori as members of the core organising group, the 
Permanent Delegation, whilst Soustelle, Biggs-Davison, Agnew, Rodgers, Pirkl and 
Graf von Stauffenberg figured as AESP Life Members, and Grau, de Bonvoisin, 
Vigneau, Marique, Magnino, Schneider and Bitsonau served as AESP Study Group 

(324) This von Stauffenberg, only distantly related to the Freiherr von Stauffenberg 
who ran the CSU's private intelligence network, was part of the main branch of the 
von Stauffenberg lineage, being the third son of Claus Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg 
who with his brother Berthold was executed in 1944 for plotting to kill Hitler. In 
contrast to the parliamentary information given here, taken from Wikipedia, a CDU 
Pensioners Union information sheet from 2008 states that von Stauffenberg was a 
German Federal MP from 1972 to 1984 before being elected to the European 

(325) Le Soir, 4/9/91 and Brewaeys and Deliege, pgs 62-63 quoted from the Senate 
Gladio Commission findings. No details are known of the "Saoud affair", but the 
reference is intriguing. In the spring of 1978, Crozier had met the recently-appointed 
head of the Saudi intelligence service. Prince Turki ben Faisal, and briefed him on 
the 61 and its activities - could that be what Fagnart refers to? 

(326) On PIO, Bougerol, de Bonvoisin, Latinus, De Roover and the Belgian Gladio 

network, see Histoire de glaives, Michel Bouffioux, published in Gladio (pgs 29-60); 
Michel Bouffioux in Liberies, 9, 10, 11, 13-15, 17, 18, 19 and 20-22/4/91 (Liberies 
was a short-lived Belgian left-wing daily which appeared from March to June, 1991) 
and in Telemotistique, 27/6/91; Le Soir, 4/9/91; Gijsels (1991); Brewaeys and 

(327) The hostages were released five minutes after Reagan's inauguration on 
January 20th, 1981; Reagan's first Presidential address was to announce their 
liberation. On the "October Surprise", see Reagan campaign assistant Barbara 
Honegger's October Surprise (Tudor, NY 1989); An Election held Hostage? A 
Compendium, ed. David Marks (Fund for New Priorities in America, NY 1991) which 
includes many declassified documents; Sick, a cautious but conclusive investigation 
by a National Security Council staffer under Presidents Ford, Carter and Reagan, 
principal White House aide for Iran during the 1979-81 hostage crisis, and later of 
Columbia University, New York. 

(328) Sick, pg 149. "One example [of Brenneke's inside knowledge] was his 
statement to a DIA official on 3rd January, 1986, that 'Admiral Poindexter had given 
permission to sell 10,000 missiles to Iran'. On that date, a draft presidential finding 
was being prepared ... that provided for the sale of TOW missiles to Iran. President 
Reagan signed the finding on 6th January" - Sick, pg 210. Sick devotes several pages 
to discussing Brenneke's claims and reliability; for other accounts of his claims, see 
Roth; Gijsels (1991). 

(329) All information on P7 and the Comite Hongrie 1956-76 from Gijsels (1991), 
pgs 91-96. Tottosy also worked directly with Habsburg and Jacques Jonet within the 
Association Europe Hongrie, a right-wing Catholic group set up in 1990. The AEH 
brought together bankers, industrialists and politicians with the aim of promoting 
industrial and commercial development in Hungary. The AEH's task was made 
easier by Habsburg's role as Chairman or Deputy Chairman of the European 
Parliament's Delegation for Relations with Hungary from 1989 to 1999. See CelsiuS 
39 (April 1991), pgs 3-4. 

(330) Crozier, pg 172. Albertini would die in 1983 - see his biography in van der 
Reijden. There are two works on Albertini, neither of which 1 have yet obtained: 
L'Homme de I'Ombre - Georges Albertini 1911-1993 (surely a misprint for 1983), 
Laurent Lemire, Ed. Balland, 1989, and Le Dossier Georges Albertini - une intelligence 
avec I'ennemi, Jean Levy, Ed. L'Harmattan-Le Pavilion, 1992. Levy, who worked for 
Celsius, was interviewed about his book in CelsiuS no. 52 (August-September 1992). 

(331) Listed in Huyn's bibliography. 

(332 ) People 's News Service, 6/2/79, pg 3. 

(333) Ramsay and Dorril, pg 53. The previous year, du Plessis's report, Moscow's 
Control over Mozambique and Angola, had been published by Stewart- Smith's East- 
West Digest (no. 23, 1977). The ISC would return to the significance of South Africa 
for the West's oil supply in a May 1979 ISC Special Report, The Security of Middle 
Ekist Oil 

(334) On Freedom Blue Cross, see Rees and Day, pgs 196-197; State Research no. 
7 (Aug-Sept 1978) pgs 130-132 and no. 16 (Feb-March 1980) pg 71. Gonsalez-Mata, 
writing with less direct information a year after the Brighton conference, gives a 
slightly different take, seeing Freedom Blue Cross as the reactionary rump of a 
"cleansed" post-Lockheed Bilderberg Group: having described "... the reorganisation 
of the Bilderberg Group rid of its "black sheep", politicians, bankers and 
industrialists belonging to right-wing organisations which cannot be integrated, 
reserve officers, former intelligence chiefs, etc", Gonsalez-Mata adds in a footnote: 

"These marginalized sectors would set up in London a new organisation, "worthy 
successor to the Bilderberg Club of heroic times" (sic), called Freedom Blue Cross 
whose main aim is to "hinder Soviet expansionism in Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin 
America" " - see Gonsalez-Mata, pg 297. The two Dol front groups, the FAA, charged 
with European and American outreach, and the SAFF, mostly active within South 
Africa itself, would be closed down shortly after the Brighton conference following 
their exposure in the media - People's News Sendee, 6/2/79, pg 3. 

(335) Crozier, pg 167. 

(336) Crozier, pg 171. 

(337) Michael Goodwin later became a financial adviser to the International 
Association for Cultural Freedom which took over from the CIA-funded Congress for 
Cultural Freedom. Ian Greig died in 1995. 

(338) Crozier, pgs 187-188. 

(339) Crozier, pg 188. 

(340) Crozier, pg 157. 

(341) The Dulverton Trust provided the ISC with a grant of £50,000 in 1978 - 
Crozier, pg 174. 

(342) On Turki ben Faisal and the mujaheddin, see Cooley, an outstanding book; 
US and the Taliban: a done deal, Pierre Abramovici, Le Monde Diplomatique, English 
edition, January 2002. After his London posting, ben Faisal would serve as 
longstanding Saudi Ambassador in Washington. 

(343) See Haykal. 

(344) Crozier, pg 159. 

(345) Crozier, pg 161. 

(346) Many of Langemann's operations are described in Heigl and Saupe, which 
unfortunately tells us nothing more about the Cercle Hnay. 

(347) "Hans von Machtenberg's indiscretion [in providing Langemann with 
information on the Cercle] was nevertheless considered unacceptable, and the 6rs 
directorate decided to sever relations with him. I was personally very sorry about this 
rift, as I held Hans in high esteem", Crozier pg 193. 

(348) Given in English in the original, this is no doubt Crozier's title for his second 
attempt to get multinationals to fund the 61 after the failure of Freedom Blue Cross 
described above. 

(349) Besides spelling his name wrong, Langemann also was wrong in calling de 
Marenches ex-Director; he would remain Director of SDECE until 1981. 

(350) It is interesting to note that Franks was Bonn station chief at the time of the 
Spiegel s initial allegations about Strauss in 1963 - see Dorril. 

(351) Born in 1921, Luchsinger was chief editor of the influential Swiss daily 
newspaper Neue Zurcher Zeitung from January 1968 to January 1985. Having 
studied at Yale in 1951-52, Luchsinger joined the NZZ and would work as its Bonn 
correspondent from 1955 to 1963 when Strauss and von Merkatz were Federal 

Ministers; he would then serve as head of the NZZ foreign desk before becoming 
chief editor in 1968. According to his biography in van der Reijden, Luchsinger 
would receive the Freedom Prize in 1985, the year of his retirement, and was a 
member of the Lowenthal-Pachmann-Horchem group Konservative Aktion, the 
IGfM/lSHR, Resistance International, WACL, CAUSA, the Jonathan Institute, and 
the European Institute on Security, the latter no doubt the EIS detailed below. 

(352) This is probably the Dr Stefan Kux whose Europe's Neutral States: Partners or 
Profiteers in Western Security? was published by the lEDSS in 1986. Colonel Botta 
was Head of Procurement for the Swiss military intelligence service. 

(353) Langemann is confusing two prominent journalists called Lowenthal: the 
friend - Gerhard, the Cercle contact obviously intended here, and the enemy - 
Richard, Professor of Foreign Policy at the Free University of Berlin, a close friend of 
Willy Brandt; the two had worked together to formulate the opening to East Germany 
and the Soviet Union under Ostpolitik that won Brandt the Nobel Peace Prize. 

(354) Spiegel, 37/ 1982, pgs 28-31, and Roth and Ender, pgs 58-60. 

(355) Crozier, pg 191. 

(356) Spiegel, 10/1980, pg 23; Spiegel-Buch, pg 109. 

(357) Spiegel, 12/1980. 

(358) Huyn, pg 258. 

(359) Whilst some Heritage/ Cercle links are described below, the Heritage 
Foundation deserves more attention than can be given within the scope of this 
study; Herman and O'SuUivan and Bellant are useful starting points. 

(360) Elected to Parliament in 1968, Filippo Maria Pandolfi served as Under- 
Secretary of State for Finance under Aldo Moro from 1974 to 1976 before becoming 
Minister of Finance and then Treasury Minister under Andreotti in 1978. Six months 
before this Cercle meeting, after the Italian elections in June 1979, Pandolfi had 
tried to form a government after first Andreotti, then Socialist leader Craxi had failed 
to raise a workable majority. Pandolfi also failed; the new administration was formed 
by Christian Democrat Cossiga in August. Pandolfi would then serve as Minister for 
Industry and Commerce from 1980 to 1983 and Minister for Agriculture and 
Forestry from 1983 to 1988 before joining the European Commission as Italian 
Commissioner and Commission Vice-President in charge of research and 
development from 1989 to 1993. 

(361) General Alan Eraser, South Africa's Consul- General in Iran and the Cercle's 
intermediary for its contacts with the Shah as mentioned above. 

(362) When Langemann wrote this document in 1980, Pinay was already 88; he 
would die on 13th December 1994, a fortnight short of his hundred and third 
birthday. Later in 1980, Violet would himself hand over the organization of Cercle 
meetings to Crozier and Franz Josef Bach - Crozier, pg 193. Bach had previously 
attended the December 1976 CEDl Congress in Madrid with Crozier, Violet, Pinay 
and Huyn. 

(363) Spiegel, 37/ 1982, pgs 28-31. 

(364) Crozier, pgs 192-193. 

(365) Prouty. 

(366) See Prouty, Appendix III for the full text. 

(367) See Valentine. Colby had attended the previous Cercle meeting one month 
earlier in December 1979. Colby himself had had early experience in unconventional 
warfare - one little-known part of his CIA career was his involvement in setting up 
and training the the Gladio network in neutral Sweden and Finland and in the NATO 
members Norway and Denmark whilst stationed at the Stockholm CIA station in 
1951. Colby's Scandinavian Gladio network would soon get into controversy - the 
Swedish network would be exposed in 1953 after the arrest of a right-wing militant, 
and in 1957, the director of the Norwegian secret service NIS, Vilhelm Evang, would 
strongly protest against the domestic subversion of his country by the United States 
and NATO and would temporarily withdraw the Norwegian stay-behind army from 
the CPC Gladio coordination meetings. See the website of the Parallel History Project 
on NATO and the Warsaw Pact (PHP),, a cooperative research 
project run by the Center for Security Studies at ETH Zurich and the National 
Security Archive at the George Washington University on behalf of the PHP network. 

(368) Crozier, pg 177. In the late 1980s, Stilwell would serve on the Board of the 
Moonies' geostrategy offshoot, the US Global Strategy Council: chaired by Ray Cline, 
the USGSC's Board also included Richard Pipes of WlSC and General Daniel O. 
Graham of the ASC. Besides Stilwell, the 61 could count on several contacts within 
the Reagan Administration: Reagan's first three National Security Advisers, Dick 
Allen, Bud McFarlane and Admiral Poindexter, DCl Casey himself of course, and four 
further friends: former NSIC Program Director and later IFF speaker Sven Kraemer 
who dealt with arms control at the NSC from 1981 to 1987; Ken deGraffenreid, 
Senior Director of Intelligence Programs at the NSC from 1981 to 1987; WlSC Board 
member and NSC adviser Richard Pipes; and last but not least Colonel Oliver North. 
Reagan would initially appoint an old Califomian friend, William A. Wilson, as his 
special contact for the Cercle and the 61; Wilson would however be appointed US 
Ambassador to the Vatican in 1982. See Crozier, pgs 184-186. For a recent sighting 
of Crozier/ IFF friends Romerstein, Kraemer, deGraffenreid and Waller, see footnote 

(369) See Saunders. 

(370) Herman and O'SuUivan, pg 99. According to his web biography at, "Ray Wannall served in the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation from 1942 until his retirement in 1976 as the 
Assistant Director of the Intelligence Division - a 34-year career focused on 
counterintelligence. During his last job, Wannall was the chief of FBI worldwide 
counterintelligence and counterterrorism". He would later found the Nathan Hale 
Institute and chair the Security and Intelligence Foundation - see footnote 442. 

(371) Ironically, the Spiegel Affair had been triggered by Spanish Information 
Minister Manuel Fraga Iribame who gave a Press conference on 6th November 1962 
revealing the illegal extradition of Spiegel Chief Editor Conrad Ahlers, then on 
holiday in Spain, following a request from Bonn - see Spiegel-Buch, pg 126 et seq. 
Strauss and many of the leading public figures implicated in the Lockheed bribes 
scandal were members of the Bilderberg Group. For Lockheed-Bilderberg links, see 
the two books on the Bilderberg Group mentioned above and the factual novel by 
Bernt Engelmann. 

(372) Spiegel, 35/1980, pgs 22-25, and 36/1980, pg 250. Langemann alleged in 
another report that the anti-Strauss campaign was "covertly coordinated" by the rival 
news magazines. Stem and Spiegel; he however made no mention of the Moscow 
angle: see Spiegel, 32/1982, pgs 30-31. On Lowenthal's continued support for 
Strauss in his ZDF Magazin programme, see Spiegel, 9/1983, pgs 104-106. 

(373) Sunday Times, 7/ 10/84. 

(374) Spiegel, 41/1984, pg 290, and Fallon, Chapter 25. 

(375) 6/3/85 issue. 

(376) The full-page adverts appeared in the Times, Daily Telegraph, Guardian, 
Financial Times, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Die Welt See Spiegel, 41/1984, 
pg 290, and 42/1984, pgs 3 and 290. A robust defence of Goldsmith's actions in the 
Spiegel case was included in Deacon; Goldsmith's own account was distributed by 
the Monday Club. 

(377) Robert Moss's column in the Daily Telegraph would be a regular outlet for 
Cercle disinformation. One report from Langemann to his minister's office dated 21st 
February, 1980, revealed a further example of a Cercle-inspired article in the British 
press and alluded to the CSU's private intelligence service, with which Langemann 
liaised closely: "The enclosed article ["The KGB's plans for the Games"] from the Daily 
Telegraph of 1 1/2/80, written by our friend Robert Moss, is the result of steps taken 
together with the office of the Freiherr von Stauffenberg". Another occasion when the 
Daily Telegraph was used by Moss to plant propaganda came in August 1980 when 
Moss recycled a CIA report in his Telegraph column. The CIA report, which alleged 
that the Nicaraguan Sandinistas' final offensive against the dictator Somoza had 
been planned by the Cuban General Staff, had been provided by "a senior member of 
the 61 in the Pentagon", probably General Stilwell, Reagan's Assistant Secretary of 
Defence in charge of administration - see Crozier, pg 164. 

(378) It's worth noting that George H.W. Bush's brother Prescott S. Bush Jnr had 
been a founding director of the NSIC with Bamett and Casey in 1962, and was still 
serving as a member of its Advisory Council in 1984. Crozier had had the 
opportunity of "a long private talk" with George Bush a year before this Cercle 
meeting when both men attended the July 1979 launch of the Jonathan Institute in 
Jerusalem - see Crozier, pg 178. 

(379) Roth and Ender, pgs 89-90. The Cercle/6I had already assisted the Israelis a 
year earlier at the July 1979 launch of the propaganda outlet, the Jonathan Institute 
- see below. Crozier reveals that the next Cercle meeting would be held in December 
1980 in Washington, a meeting attended by Carter's adviser on Soviet Affairs, 
Professor Marshall Shulman of Columbia University - see Crozier, pg 261. Crozier 
also reveals another guest at that meeting: "At the Cercle meeting in Washington in 
December 1980, Georges Albertini had brought along a quiet Frenchman named 
Francois de Grossouvre. This was an impressive example of his foresight. De 
Grossouvre, a physician, was the closest friend and confidant of the Socialist leader 
and presidential candidate Francois Mitterrand. For many years, de Grossouvre had 
carried out special missions for Mitterrand. By nature and training, he was self- 
effacing. He played no part in our debates, but listened carefully, taking notes. Five 
months later, Francois Mitterrand narrowly defeated Valery Giscard d'Estaing in 
France's presidential elections. One of his first actions was to appoint de Grossouvre 
as his coordinator of security and intelligence. Shortly after, having obtained his 
direct line from Albertini, I went to see him in his modest office in the Elysee Palace. 
We had reacted with alarm to Mitterrand's victory, but de Grossouvre reassured me" 
-Crozier, pgs 217-218. 

(380) Bellant, pg 32, which gives details of the ASC's election programme. The 
ASC's campaign included briefing or campaigning for 67 candidates; the two main 
ASC members involved were General Daniel O. Graham, Executive Director of the 
ASC Political Action Committee and a former head of DIA and Deputy Director of 
CIA, and General John Singlaub, Chairman of ASC's action arm, the Coalition for 

Peace through Strength, and World President of WACL, former CIA operative and a 
central figure in the Irangate scandal. 

(381) Sick, pgs 110-111. 

(382) Woodward, pgs 39-41. At that time, although he did not know it, de 
Marenches himself had less than six months left as head of the SDECE; after eleven 
years at the helm, the arch-conservative signalled his disapproval of the May 1981 
election of France's first post-war socialist government by resigning his post without 
even staying for his replacement's customary "breaking-in" period. De Marenches 
was certain to be replaced; his covert manipulation of domestic politics had earned 
him the anger of Mitterrand's advisers. In 1978, Le Monde alleged that "under de 
Marenches's leadership, terrorism and also disinformation - the influencing of public 
opinion - were extensively pursued [by the SDECE]" (Le Monde, 24/2/78). The right- 
wing in SDECE fiercely resisted Mitterrand; the Action Service rebelled, purged 
Socialist sympathizers amongst the NCOs and refused to remove Giscard's portrait 
from the officers' mess. The rebellion of the Action Service centred around the diving 
base in Aspretto, Corsica, from which the divers for the 1985 anti- Greenpeace 
"Operation Satanic" were drawn. The theory that the Greenpeace operation was 
deliberately blown (inter alia by drawing M15's attention to the "covert" purchase of a 
Zodiac boat in London and by leaving French Navy issue equipment at the scene) so 
as to sabotage the Socialist government (particularly Defence Minister Charles 
Hernu) draws substance from the identity of the "Operation Satanic" action team: 
the commander of the operation was Lt-Col Jean-Pierre Dillais, in 1981 rebel base 
commander of Aspretto. The captured Capt. Alain Mafart was Dillais' deputy at 
Aspretto and another of the ringleaders of the revolt. The team that actually laid the 
limpet mines were all involved in the Aspretto revolt. See this author's article French 
Vendetta in Lobster 16, July 1988. 

(383) Spiegel, 44/1983, pgs 76-78, 28/1986, pgs 36-39, and 42/86; Die Zeit, 
24/06/83 Nr. 26. 

(384) All uncredited information in the section on the Belgian strategy of tension is 
taken from Gijsels, L'Enquete which, despite certain inaccuracies and no index, is 
the best overview of Belgium from a parapolitical perspective. Brief biographies of 
CEPIC figures can be found in a supplement to CelsiuS 29, May 1990. Other books 
on the rumours of a coup in 1973, the strategy of tension in the 1980s and the 
extreme right in Belgium are de Bock; Haquin; Willems; Dupont and Ponsaers; De 
Bende Tapes, various authors; Gijsels, Het leugenpaleis; Brewaeys and Deliege, the 
latter being highly recommended. The official report of the investigation into the 
Brabant killings is published as Les Tueries du Brabant, various authors. 

(385) The report is published in full in Gijsels, L'Enquete. Amongst other things, the 
Surete report stated: "The registered office of CEPIC is located at 39, rue Belliard in 
Brussels. The building also houses the Belliard auditorium, the registered office of 
the Mouvement d'Action pour I'Unite Europeenne* and the offices of the Societe de 
Promotion et de Distribution Generales (PDG) controlled by Benoit de Bonvoisin 
through front-men. *This is an otherwise unknown organization run by Benoit de 
Bonvoisin bringing together various distinguished persons". MAUE was not so 
unknown to some at the Surete: one year previous to this report, as a MAUE bulletin 
dated May, 1980 indicates, the President of MAUE, under whom de Bonvoisin served 
as Board member, was Robert Nieuwenhuys, a former Surete Division Chief from 
1943 to 1945, attache to Kings Leopold 111 and Baudouin until the end of the 1950s 
before becoming Head of Protocol for NATO Secretary- General Joseph Luns and 
serving with the Belgian Atlantic Association and the CEPIC Study Centre. 
Damman's diaries show that Nieuwenhuys had been in contact with the 
AESP/MAUE since at least 1977. 

(386) Latinus would later officially apply to become a regular officer within the 
Surete. Massart would give his version of the Latinus affair in Les des etaient pipes 
(The dice were loaded), Editions Quorum, Ottignies, 1997. 

(387) See Bouffioux; Brewaeys and Deliege. 

(388) It is not difficult to understand why the Brabant Wallon investigations never 
exposed the truth when one learns that Didier Mievis was a member of one of the 
Gendarmerie investigation teams from the very beginning. 

(389) Vivario, honorary aide de camp to the King, was an associate of Damman's, 
attending the March 1973 Wilton Park meeting as a member of the AESP delegation 
with Damman and Jonet. Vivario's alleged involvement in coup plots is perhaps not 
surprising, bearing in mind his role in creating the DSD, forerunner of Bougerol's 
PIO, in 1970. Vivario died in November 1990 - see above; Brewaeys and Deliege, pg 
56; Celsius no. 36, January 1991. 

(390) Libertes, 14/2/91. 

(391) See Comwell; Yallop, pgs 454-456. On Bagnasco, also see CelsiuS no. 42, 
July/ August 1991. Despite the sniffer plane scandal, in June 1989 de Week would 
be appointed to the five-man Supervisory Board of the lOR, charged with selecting a 
successor to former lOR President, Archbishop Paul Marcinkus. 

(392) Gonsalez-Mata, pgs 52-53; Crozier, pgs 239-241. 

(393) Crozier, pgs 239-243. 

(394) On M15's surveillance of CND, see Guardian, 21, 22 and 28/2/85; Reeve and 
Smith; HoUingsworth and Taylor, pgs 131-133; Campbell and Connor, pgs 282-284; 
Norton-Taylor, pgs 80, 83-84. 

(395) The Price of Peace, pg 1; Crozier, pg 246. 

(396) A letter reprinted in the Guardian (3/10/80) from John Adler at the South 
African Embassy to Stewart-Smith states that funding from Pretoria was to be cut 
from the 1980 figure of R175,000 ($96,000) to R125,000 ($68,000) for 1981. On this 
period of PARI, see State Research no 7; New Statesman, 15/2/80; Guardian, 7/6/78 
and 6/5/80; Lobster 11 (Ramsay and Dorril), pg 40; Herman and O'SuUivan, pg 269, 
note 62; Coxsedge, Coldicutt and Harant, pg 124. 

(397) On the CPD, see "Peddlers of crisis - the CPD and the Politics of Containment", 
Jerry W. Sanders, Pluto (UK)/South End Press (USA), 1983, and State Researchno. 
16 (February-March 1980). 

(398) On CIA funding for Crozier's anti-CND camapigns, see Crozier, pg 245. On 
the Heritage Foundation's UK groups, see Guardian, 30/4/83, 8/10/83, 26/11/85, 
26/6/87 and New Statesman, 29/5/87. On lEDSS, see City Limits, 14/8/86; Lobster 
13, pg 18; Herman and O'SuUivan, pgs 80-81; lEDSS 1991 Publications List. Also 
see footnote 352 above. 

(399) Crozier, pgs 184-185. 

(400) Herman and O'SuUivan, pg 81. 

(401) Crozier, pg 189. 

(402) On lEDSS disinformation on the "spetsnaz threat", see this author and Robin 

Ramsay's piece Truth Twisting: notes on disinformation in Lobster 19 (May 1990) pgs 

(403) Crozier, pgs 243-246. 

(404) On Tennant's involvement in the creation of the MMU, see Daily Telegraph, 
20/11/86, from Joel van der Reijden; on the MMU, see Crozier, pg 279. On the 
Crozier/Lewis group, the Campaign against Council Corruption (CAMACC), see 
Crozier, pgs 255-257. 

Julian Lewis studied at grammar school in Wales before graduating from 
Oxford in Philosophy and Politics; he received a DPhil in Strategic Studies from St 
Antony's College, Oxford in 1981. From 1981 to 1985, he was Research Director of 
the Coalition for Peace through Security; he then became Director of Policy 
Research Associates which, according to his website, "successfully campaigned for 
changes in the law on Educational Indoctrination, Media Bias, Propaganda on the 
Rates [local taxes], and Trade Union Democracy". From 1990 to 1996, Lewis was a 
Deputy Director of the Research Department at Conservative Central Office (CCO) 
and Director of the CCO's MMU. In May 1997, he was elected to Parliament and 
still serves as MP today; since November 2002, he has been Shadow Junior 
Defence Minister specialising in the Royal Navy, Royal Marines, nuclear deterrent 
and other strategic issues. Lewis's colleague since 2002 as Shadow Junior Defence 
Minister with responsibility for defence procurement and the Royal Air Force is 
another old Crozier friend - SIF's Gerald Howarth who was elected as MP for 
Aldershot, a major Army base, in May 1997. 

A third Crozier ally within the Conservative Party is Edward Leigh, since 
1997 "an enthusiastically Thatcherite MP" (Crozier, pg 243) who has held the 
powerful post of Chairman of the Select Committee on Public Accounts since 2001. 
Having served as Thatcher's private correspondence secretary from 1976-77 when 
she was Leader of the Opposition (briefed by Shield), Leigh worked closely with 
Lewis from 1981 to early 1985 within the 6rs Coalition for Peace through Security, 
of which Leigh was General Director and Lewis Research Director. "In Parliament, 
CAMACC's main activist was Edward Leigh, who had earlier played a leading role 
in our Coalition for Peace through Security" - Crozier, pgs 256-257. 

To return to Lewis, he has twice won the Trench Gascoigne prize awarded by 
the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies for his essays 
Nuclear Disarmament versus Peace in the 21st Century (2005) and Double-I, Double- 
N: A Fram.ework for Counter-Insurgency (2007) - see 
index.php. Described by the Daily Telegraph as "one of the most vigorous 
rightwingers in the Commons" and by the Guardian as the Conservative Party's 
"front bench terrier", the man who Crozier called "the 6rs leading activist in Britain" 
is a man certainly worth watching. His involvement in Lamont's Cercle, if any, is 
unknown. A typical quote from a press interview on his site: "I am not surprised 
that the Stasi were worried about those of us who were working for the vital 
deployment of NATO Cruise missiles in Britain in 1983, and for the retention of 
our own nuclear deterrent. However, I am increasingly alarmed at the 
determination of the Labour government to take no action whatever to expose the 
identity of these despicable hacks and traitors who were spying for our potential 
enemies at a crucial turning-point of the Cold War. Three-quarters of Labour MPs 
at that time were committed to one-sided nuclear disarmament, and several were 
fellow-travellers of the Soviet system, so it is not surprising that the Government 
wishes to hush the matter up. What is more worrying is that MI5 - our domestic 
security service - is colluding in this or was so incompetent that it failed to 
discover what was going on in the first place" - Lymington, 23/09/2000. 

Lewis has mostly recently cropped up in the news as coordinator of a 
ultimately successful campaign by MPs to prevent disclosure of their second-home 
addresses by amending the Freedom of Information Act - "Dr Lewis admitted that it 
would already be possible for someone to "target" a particular MP. However, he 
warned of a situation where "someone with a grudge" or a follower of al-Qa'eda 
"conveniently finds 646 addresses and sends 646 packages containing something 
explosive, horrible or, at the very least, abusive to 646 unprotected mail boxes"." - 
Sunday Telegraph, 5/7/08. 

(405) New Statesman, 29/5/87. 

(406) Guardian, 26/6/87. 

(407) Crozier, pg 245. 

(408) Guardian, 26/6/87. Brenchley was a former ambassador to Norway and 
Poland, and former head of the Defence and Overseas Secretariat in the Cabinet 
Office from 1975 to 1978; after serving as Chairman of the ISC Council, he would 
later chair the ISC successor, Paul Wilkinson's RISCT. A full biography of Brenchley 
is given in Lobster 1 1 . 

(409) Guardian, 26/6/87. 

(410) The "Gardiner case": a certain Mr Wood had infiltrated the Dutch peace 
campers under the name of Gardiner, acting on orders from the BVD; it was later 
confirmed that the man named by Wood as his case officer was indeed a member of 
the BVD. According to Wood, the operation was coordinated by an American Colonel 
Stevenson, based in Frankfurt, and Mr. Blackburn, a US Embassy official in the 
Hague. Wood alleged his mission was to use "all means" to encourage violent actions 
by the Dutch peace-campers; to this end, he promoted and participated in the theft 
of the ammunition with Belgian peace campaigners - see Le Soir, 4/9/91. 

(41 1) Crozier, pgs 245-246. The Bonner Friedensforum (Bonn Peace Forum) was an 
anti-disarmament propaganda group active during the upswing in the peace 
movement in the early eighties; Crozier recalls that it was "largely composed of 
students alerted to the dangers of unconditional pacifism. Our funds contributed to 
the cost of posters and banners displayed during demonstrations" - see Crozier, pg 
246; footnote 436 below. The Belgian Rally had been created by "our man in 
Brussels", probably Jacques Jonet, the former political secretary to Habsburg who 
had assumed much of the mantle of the late Florimond Damman. Crozier's mention 
of "a well-known general" (pg 246) almost certainly refers to Close. 

(412) Close, who died in 2003, had one interesting early posting as Belgian 
Military Attache in London from 1967 to 1970. On the EIS, see Die Contra 
Connection, pgs 282-284, Roth and Ender, pgs 80-81; Van Bosbeke, pgs 17-18. On 
MBB, see Gonsalez-Mata, pgs 58, 158. Details of the creation of the EIS and its 
proper title are sketchy; the three sources on the EIS give slightly inconsistent 
information. Roth and Ender, the earliest source, and Van Bosbeke both seem to be 
unaware of the 1981 Brussels conference, mentioned only in Die Contra Connection, 
which gives the fullest list of names. Van Bosbeke gives the EIS title in German, 
citing Roth and Ender. However, if the EIS was founded by Close and met in 
Brussels and Luxembourg before dissolving, one would expect the organisation's 
name to be in French. 

(413) On lEPS, see Van Bosbeke, pgs 16-17. 

(414) On AESRl, see Die Contra Connection, pgs 272-274, and Roth and Ender, pg 

48. The US-based Western Goals Foundation would not long survive the death in 
September 1983 of its founder, Democratic Congressman Larry McDonald, ironically 
killed on Korean Airlines flight KAL007, part of a Pentagon 'black' programme testing 
Soviet air defences that was shot down by Russia. 

(4 1 5) Roth and Ender, pg 6 1 . 

(416) Another member of the Coalition for Peace through Strength was Richard 
Perle, appointed by Reagan as Deputy Defence Secretary, the fourth Reagan 
appointment of Cercle contacts to high positions, Casey, Allen and Stilwell being 
the other three - see Crozier, pg 243. On the Reagan Administration's links to 
many right-wing defence strategy groups such as the CPS, CPD and CFW, see the 
background paper The Reagan Administration in State Research no. 22, February- 
March 1981, pgs 78-90. 

(417) Herman and O'SuUivan, pg 99. 

(418) HoUingsworth and Norton-Taylor, pg 132 - an excellent book. For Elwell's MIS 
career, see Dorril; Leigh; Norton-Taylor, pgs 19, 85, 88 - one of the best books of its 
day on the British security and intelligence services. 

(419) Guardian, 2/10/89, 14-15/12/89; Norton-Taylor, pg 19; Lobster 18, October 
1989, pg 34. On Clockwork Orange 2 and Colin Wallace, see Foot, and Lobster 11 - 

(420) Observer, 9/12/90 and 16/12/90. Also see the television programmes This 
Week(26/4/90) and World in Action (10/ 12/ 90). 

(421) Contributions varying between £5,000 to £10,000 were made by Boots, 
Unilever, Bass, BP, the Hanson Trust, Courage, GKN, Allied Lyons, ICI and United 
Newspapers, publishers of the Daily Express and Sunday Express. The Trust's 
secretary was John Arkell, a former Boots director; trustees included Lord McAlpine 
and Lord Boyd- Carpenter, former chairman of backbench Tory peers. Council 
members included Sir Austin Bide of Glaxo, Peter Calazet of BP, and Sir Derek 
Palmar of Bass and United Newspapers. 

(422) On IRD, Common Cause and IRIS, see Dorril and Ramsay (1990). 

(423) See Lobster 19, pg 20, and Observer, 2/ 10/88. 

(424) Paul Foot, Daily Mirror, 14/ 12/90. 

(425) Herman and O'SuUivan, pg 107. 

(426) Herman and O'SuUivan, pg 105. 

(427) On Wilkinson and the RFST, see Lobster 16, pg 16 (list of Board Members), 
pgs 23-24 and insert; Lobster 17, pgs 17-18; Herman and O'SuUivan. 

(428) Observer, 7/12/86. 

(429) See The Terrorism Reader, Walter Laqueur and Ariel Merari, Meridian NAL 
Penguin, New York, 1987 (Horchem's contribution was originally published in 
Terrorism - an international journal) , and Contemporary Research on Terrorism, Paul 
Wilkinson and Alasdair Stewart, Aberdeen University Press, Aberdeen 1987. 

(430) Gemballa, pg 130: the two books were Krieg im Frieden - Theorien des 
Terrorismtis (War in Peacetime - Theories of Terrorism) and Die verlorene Revolution 

(The lost revolution) . Horchem is also author of Extremisten in einer selhstheivussten 
Demokratie (Extremists in a self- aware democracy), Herder, 1975 and Zum 
Entwicklungsstand des Rechtsextremismus im demokratischen Rechtsstaat (On the 
development of right-wing extremism in the democratic State of law), Funke, 1978. 

(431) On all of the above groups, see Herman and O'SuUivan. On Tugwell and the 
CCS, see Lobster 16, July 1988, pgs 22-23; Lobster 17, November 1988, pg 17; Manz 
- a major piece on South African propaganda in Canada; Herman and O'SuUivan, 
pgs 115-116, 173-176; Foot, pgs 16, 18, 22. On the Mackenzie Institute, see Crozier 
pg 204, Lobster 16 and footnote 443 below. 

(432) Spiegel, 51/ 1984, pgs 92-93 and Unheimliche Patrioten, pgs 609-6 1 1 . 

(433) Crozier, pg 193. 

(434) Crozier, pgs 287-288. 

(435) Crozier, pg 290. 

(436) The Bonn Peace Forum was also mentioned in a letter from Crozier to Huyn, 
dated 9th January, 1989, which prepared for this Cercle Hnay meeting the next 
month: "My dear Hans, 1 hope that the Bonn Peace Forum still exists, or, if not, that 
something similar exists or can be built up. The idea is to use such an organization 
to circulate particular slogans" - see footnote 438. 

(437) Having served as Deputy Director of the CIA from 1972 to 1976, Vernon 
"Dick" Walters was a founding member of Crozier's 61 in February 1977. In 1981, 
Walters was appointed roving US Ambassador by Reagan and would serve as 
Ambassador to the UN from 1985 to 1989. In April 1989, he was appointed 
Ambassador to West Germany, a post he would fill until August 1991, ushering in 
German reunification in October 1990. Walters died in 2002. 

(438) Translated from the German given in Roth, pgs 31-33. Roth's book was on the 
theme of the "October Surprise", recycling much of Barbara Honegger's book and 
including a series of contacts with Dirk Stoffberg, South African hit squad leader. 
Roth claimed to have been given the 1989 Cercle minutes and Crozier's letter quoted 
above by a British intelligence officer based in Bonn. Bamett would serve as NSIC 
President until 1993. The diaries of Minister of State for Defence Alan Clark, 
published in 1994, revealed that a later meeting of the Cercle was held in Oman in 
November 1990. Attendees at the meeting at the Al Bustan hotel, Muscat, included 
Lord Julian Amery (joint Cercle Chairman), Sheikh Qaboos (Ruler of Oman), 
Jonathan Aitken (Minister of Defence Procurement), Paul Channon (former secretary 
of State at the Dept. of Trade 85 Industry), General Norman Schwarzkopf 
(Commander of the Allied forces in the Gulf), the unnamed Head of the Dutch Secret 
Service, and an unnamed French Admiral. Another longstanding Cercle guest was 
Middle East expert, former SOE and M16 officer and later Conservative MP for 
Inverness Lt-Col. 'Billy' McLean, named in the 1990 book. One Man in His Time: the 
Life of Lt-Col. N. L. D. 'Billy' McLean, DSOhy Xan Fielding (Macmillan, London 1990), 
pg. 205, which also mentioned that Cercle meetings were held in Bonn, Munich and 
Washington and first named Amery as Chairman of the Cercle - see Lobster 22, pg 
17. McLean, Fielding, Amery and Winn (Lord St Oswald) had served together in SOE 
in Albania and/or Siam. 

(439) Crozier, pg 291. 

(440) According to the 6/5/2008 article Quand I'UIMM finangait I'Institut de la 
desinformation (When the UIMM financed the Institute for disinformation) by Laurent 
Leger online at, "the Institute was given 

considerable funding by the UIMM and its Parisian branch, the GIM, which 
represented 2,700 companies and 300,000 employees, funding which allegedly 
ceased when GlM's management changed a few years ago with the arrival as GIM 
Director of Pierre Chasseguet, a senior Dassault executive . . . Daniel Trinquet, one of 
the co-founders of the lED, denied the existence of such funding, telling Bakchich 
"Ah, 1 would have loved to be funded by the UIMM" before conceding that "the UIMM, 
the CNPF and other employers' federations" did take out "subscriptions" to the 
Institute's output. Subscriptions that were probably very well paid ...". Volkoff died 
in 2005. Leger, Chief Editor of the Bakchich site, was a journalist at Paris Match 
until 2002, later working for Le Parisien and Le Point before founding Bakchich in 

(441) The lED would hold its Second International Assizes on Disinformation in the 
French Assemblee Nationale on 10- 11th April 1992. The choice of the French 
Assemblee Nationale as venue for the lED's Second International Assizes on 
Disinformation reflected a move away from the internationalism of the First Assizes 
towards a more French-centred attendance. The participants at the two days of 
presentations on "Disinformation in the world" and "Disinformation in France" were 
almost all from French academic or media circles with a scattering of senior security 
officials, notably former DST Director Jean Rochet who had attended the First 
Assizes, and former Renseignements Generaux Director, Roger Chaix. The 
attendance at the First Assizes of many of the Cercle's international contacts had 
been slimmed down by the Second Assizes to just Brian Crozier, "Sovietologist", who 
spoke on "The story behind the Moscow coup and the exact historic role of Mikhail 
Gorbachev". The only other foreign speakers were from the former Eastern bloc, 
notably the ex-Soviet dissident and vocal right-winger Vladimir Bukovsky, who had 
already worked in the Cercle's earlier anti- disarmament campaign, see Crozier, pg 

(442) Joel-Francois Dumont de Vries, to give him his full name, "has, over the last 
twenty-four years [i.e. since 1967], gained considerable experience of international 
affairs: first as Brussels-based EC and NATO correspondent, and more recently in 
his present capacity as a political and diplomatic analyst in Paris. Mr. Dumont is a 
former Auditor [auditeur, free pupil] of France's National Institute for Advanced 
Defence Studies (IHEDN, whose Director from 1972 to 1974 was Cercle associate 
General Callet) and a graduate of the Institute of Security Studies at Kiel University, 
Germany. He is also currently Director of the Centre for Intelligence Studies 
(Europe). He has published and contributed to a number of studies, among which: 
The Peace Movements in Europe and America (London, 1985); Fur ein Deutschland in 
der Zukunft [For a Germany in the Future] (Berlin, 1985); and La Desinformation 
Strategique et les Mesures Actives Sovietiques [Strategic Disinformation and Soviet 
Active Measures] (Paris, 1987)" - see Various authors (IFF), pg vii. 

In the late 1980s, Dumont would work with USAF Brigadier- General Robert 
C. Richardson 111 (of the ASC, Heritage Foundation and lEPS with Crozier and Huyn) 
within two groups - the Paris-based lED together with the 61 trio, and also the 
Washington-based Center for Intelligence Studies (CIS) where Richardson sat on 
the CIS Board and Dumont was a CIS Senior Fellow. Created in March 1988 with 
offices on Washington's K Street, "the Center for Intelligence Studies and its diverse 
activities are dedicated to the memory of James J. Angleton, my friend, mentor, and 
guide" wrote CIS Chairman Charles S. Viar. 

Viar's web biography (see records: "a 
top expert in the fields of intelligence and counterintelligence, Charles Viar first 
became involved in intelligence during his service in the United States Marine Corps 
Reserve (1971-1973). He has been continuously involved in intelligence or 
intelligence-related matters ever since ... After working at the American Security 
Council and the Heritage Foundation, Mr. Viar became Executive Director and later 

President of the Security and Intelligence Foundation [sister group of the CIS]. 
Between 1985 and 1987, he had the unique privilege of studying under the late 
James J. Angleton, the legendary former chief of CIA Counterintelligence. Since 
1989, he has been Chairman and CEO of the Center for Intelligence Studies in 
Washington, DC". 

The CIS website ( gives the 
membership of its Board of Directors as Charles S. Viar, Chairman; B/Gen. Robert 
C. Richardson, USAF (Ret.); Joseph D. Douglass, Jr. [author of Red Cocaine: The 
Drugging of America and the West], PhD; Lloyd F. Mercer, MD; and L. J. Barnum. An 
earlier CIS website ( recorded the 
Advisory Board members as being William F. Andrews and L. David Kendrick, and 
the Senior Fellows as including Joel-Frangois Dumont, Dr. Frangoise Thom, Dr. 
Stanley F. Jorgensen, Grant L. Mugge, Dr. Scott Powell, David S. Sullivan and 
Steven L. Schneider; Dr. Ada Bozeman was an Adjunct Scholar. To hear CIS Board 
member Joe Douglass claiming that the international drug trade and the 9/11 
terrorists were under Soviet influence, American MIA POWs in the Korean War were 
used as guinea pigs for Chinese biological weapons trials, scenarios for Soviet 
militaiy invasion of the US, etc. etc., download 
Joe%20Douglass%20Interview.mp3 - an amusing and instructive one-hour 
interview on US WIGB Christian talk radio from South Jersey. 

A close colleague of Viar's within both the CIS and SIF was Francis John 
McNamara who saw service in World War II in Asia before working in China after the 
war for the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration. "Returning to 
the US in 1948, McNamara went to work as a researcher for American Business 
Consultants, Inc., in New York City, a security firm and publisher of the 
anticommunist newsletter Counterattack. In January of 1950 he became editor of 
Counterattack where he remained until May of 1954. He then moved to Washington, 
D.C., to head the National Security Program of the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW). 
In 1958 he left the VFW to serve as a research analyst and consultant to the House 
Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC). In 1961 he became director of 
research at HUAC, and in 1962, its staff director. In 1970 he went to work for the 
Subversive Activities Control Board (SACB) where he served as executive secretary. 
[The SACB was an US Congressional body set up in 1950 under the McCarran 
Internal Security Act to investigate and force registration of groups deemed to be 
under Communist control]. In 1981 he became executive director of the Nathan Hale 
Foundation. He served as vice-chairman of the Security and Intelligence Foundation 
[of Arlington, Virginia] from 1987-90 and is a senior fellow at the Center for 
Intelligence Studies in Arlington, Virginia" - see 

A previous Chairman of the Security and Intelligence Foundation, publisher 
of the journal Nightwatch, was W. Raymond Wannall, former Assistant Director of 
the FBI in charge of the FBI's worldwide counter-intelligence and counter-terrorism 
programme, who was also the leading light behind the Nathan Hale Foundation - see 
footnotes 252 and 370, and Wannall's current biography online at http:// Dr Scott S. Powell, Senior Fellow at the 
CIS, was also a Senior Fellow at the Security and Intelligence Foundation from 1990 
to 2005 - see Viar's autobiography From 
Whence the Darkness records that Viar's job in the SIF was offered to him by General 
Richardson and that the SIF's office space was arranged by General Graham. 
Bearing in mind Richardson's involvement in both the CIS and SIF, Dumont's 
presence in the CIS and the publication by the CIS of Huyn's anti- Gorbachev book 
(see footnote 443), both the CIS and the SIF were probably amongst those groups 
referred to by Crozier when he wrote that the 61 continued "with old and new outlets 
in New York, Washington, Paris, Madrid and other places" (Crozier, pg 291). For 

other possible Washington outlets, see footnote 445. 

(443) The anti- Gorbachev campaign had been launched in 1988 by the official US 
Information Agency report to Congress, Soviet Active Measures in the Era of 
Glasnost, in which Herbert Romerstein played a significant part as Director of the 
US Information Agency's Office to Counter Soviet Active Measures and 
Disinformation from 1983 to 1989. Romerstein's own Soviet Active Measures and 
Propaganda: Influence Activities in the Gorbachev Era would be published in 1989 by 
the National Intelligence Book Center in Washington, D.C and Tugwell's Mackenzie 
Institute for the Study of Terrorism, Revolution, and Propaganda in Toronto, 
Canada. Horchem's contribution was published in 1989 by the Deutsches Strategie- 
Forum; the other two 61 publications were Gorbachev's Operation: A Common 
European House - Soviet Strategic Deception, Count Hans Huyn, Center for 
Intelligence Studies Reprint Series 2, Alexandria VA, USA, September 1990, and The 
Gorbachev Phenomenon: Peace and Secret War, Brian Crozier, Claridge Press, London 
1990, on which see Crozier, pgs 290-291. The same year. Canon Michael 
Bourdeaux, director of Keston Research, Oxford, would weigh in with Gorbachev, 
Glasnost and The Gospel, Hodder and Stoughton, 1990; Bourdeaux had been 
refused a visa by the Soviet authorities in October 1989 - see Guardian, 11/10/89. 
In June 1992, the USIA published a sequel to their 1988 Congressional report 
entitled Soviet Active Measures in the 'Post-Cold War" Era 1988-1991, "A Report 
Prepared at the Request of the United States House of Representatives' Committee 
on Appropriations", online at 
index. htm # Contents, which is a fascinating read. 

(444) Front for Apartheid in Newsday, 16/07/95. The article was reported by Dele 
Olojede in South Africa and Timothy M. Phelps in Washington, and written by 
Olojede - see the IFF annex below for the text and further details. 

(445) Interestingly, the IFF's creation in 1986 coincided with the closure after ten 
years of the London-based FARl, previous beneficiary of Dol/DMl funds. The IFF's 
major publication was the book Glasnost, New Thinking and the ANC-SACP Alliance: 
A Parting of Ways, a title which sums up the IFF's propaganda line; its regular 
publications included the journals laissez-faire and terra nova, OPPORTUNITIES 
Briefing (Eastern and Central Europe) and Perspectives (former Soviet Union). The 
IFF would also follow a hard anti-EU line with the research papers Sir Leon's Invisible 
Hand - Competition Enforcement in the EC and Culture Vultures - the EC's Imposition 
of Cultural Conformity. One author for the IFF's magazine terra nova would be 
Bilderberger Sir Frederic Bennett, from 1970 an associate of G. K. Young's in 
Kleinwort Benson, SIF and Unison, and from 1975 a companion of Crozier's in NAFF 
and FARl. 

According to the US Information Agency, the Director of the International 
Security Affairs section of the International Freedom Foundation was J. Michael 
Waller - see His 
biography online at states: 
"he was a member of the staff of the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. 
Senate, served on the White House Task Force on Central America, and has served 
as a consultant to the US Information Agency, the US Agency for International 
Development and the Office of the Secretary of Defense in support of operations in 
Afghanistan and Iraq. In 2006, he received a citation from the Director of the FBI for 
"exceptional service in the public interest"... He is a frequent lecturer and instructor 
in psychological and information operations for the US military and the intelligence 
community". In 1993, Waller was a founding co-editor of the magazine 
Demokratizatsiya - the Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization; an article celebrating 
the magazine's tenth anniversary stated: "The policy approach of the journal was 
also covered by the International Freedom Foundation and later by the American 

Foreign Policy Council, both of which assumed critical roles in editing and 
financing the journal" - see http://findarticles.coni/p/articles/nii_qa3996/ 
is_200301/ai_n9 183342. 

Waller is also a Professor at the Institute of World Politics, a "Graduate 
School of National Security and International Affairs" founded in Washington in 
1990 which started offering summer courses a year after the IFF's three intelligence 
conferences in 1991 and expanded to a year-round programme in 1994 - see Alongside Waller, the IWP Faculty brings together 
several friends of the IFF and longstanding contacts of Crozier's: the trio of 
Romerstein, deGraffenreid and Kraemer; although the IWP no longer lists Kraemer 
as a Faculty member, his biography can be found at 
facultylD.23/profile.asp. IWP Guest Lecturers have included three former CIA 
Directors - Schlesinger, Woolsey and Tenet - as well as Caspar Weinberger and 
Douglas J. Feith. 

Another body bringing together such friends is the Center for Security 

Policy (, where Waller is CSP Vice- 
President for Information Operations; the CSP "National Security Advisory Council" 
includes Midge Decter, deGraffenreid, Feith, Edwin Feulner, Kraemer, Richard Perle 
and Woolsey. As to the later careers of Crozier's American contacts, Kraemer would 
return to Congress after his spell under Reagan as Director of Arms Control at the 
National Security Council from 1981 to 1987, serving as Senior Staff Member for 
Defense and Foreign Policy at the House of Representatives from 1987 until 1989 
before attending the IFF's Washington intelligence conferences in late 1991. More 
recently, Kraemer served as Policy Advisor in the Office of the Secretary of Defense 
from 2001 to 2005. As for deGraffenreid, after working under Reagan as Senior 
Director of Intelligence Programs at the National Security Council from 1981 to 
1987, he would serve under Bush as Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Policy 
Support in the Department of Defense from 2001 to 2004, and then as Deputy 
National Counterintelligence Executive until 2005. 

(446) The IFF's German branch seems to have been largely a publication outlet; no 
other IFF Germany activities are known. The IFF would also spawn a British 
offshoot, IFF (UK), largely independent of its American parent and of little direct 
relevance to the Cercle or 61 - on which see Lobster 16, July 1988, pgs 18-19. 

(447) Crozier at this time was starting his memoirs; his account of the IFF 
conference was published in the National Review in January 1992 and can be found 
at http://frndarticles.eom/p/articles/mi_ml282/is_nl_v44/ai_11836256. 

(448) According to German Wikipedia, Huyn withdrew from public life after the 
death of his wife in 2004. 

(449) Earlier in 1991, Horchem had helped to prop up the allied war effort during 
the first Iraq War by resurrecting the "threat" of international terrorism; during an 
interview for the British Channel 4 television programme Dispatches on 30th 
January 1991, he warned that over one thousand Iraqi hitmen lurked in every 
corner of Europe. His Bonn Institute for Terrorism Research would close in 1993, the 
year he published his memoirs, Auch Spione iverden pensioniert (Even spies retire 
sometime), E.S. Mittler 85 Sohn, Herford, Berlin and Bonn. Rolf Tophoven, 
Horchem's deputy in the Bonn institute, would go on to found the Essen-based 
Institut fur Terrorismusforschung und Sicherheitspolitik (Institute for Terrorism 
Research and Security Policy, IFTUS) in 2003 and become a notable terrorism 
commentator in Germany today. 

(450) In the late 1990s, Dumont would write for the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung, 
contributing to the HSS bi-monthly Politische Studien (Political Studies) no 351 of 

January-February 1997, a special issue devoted to "New Threats to State Security"; 
Dumont's article on "The Evolution of Terrorism" quoted abundantly from Horchem. 
CIS Senior Fellows Dumont and Dr. Frangoise Thom of the Sorbonne would later 
attend a conference of intelligence experts devoted to the theme of preventive war, 
held at the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung's conference centre in Wildbad-Kreuth on 27-28th 
May 2003. In June 2008, Dumont would be founding Vice-President of the European 
Security and Defence Press Association ESDPA (APESD in French) - see, and http://www. which feature former CIS Senior Fellow Frangoise Thom. Dumont also 
contributes to the site which advertises the 
APESD; Dumont is a regular writer on intelligence matters for the magazine Defense 
published by the Association of Former Auditors of the IHEDN - for the July/ August 
2007 issue which includes four pieces from Dumont, see, which also carries an 
article by Laurent Leger, listed as another former Auditor of the IHEDN. It is not 
clear whether this Laurent Leger is the same person as the Bakchich editor who 
alleged UIMM funding of the lED (see footnote 440). 


1989 text taken from: 

GroupWatch: Profiles of U.S. Private Organizations and Churches, was 
compiled by the Interhemispheric Resource Center, Box 2178, Silver City, 
NM 88062. Check when each article was last updated as much material is no 
longer current. This material is provided as a source for historic 

National Strategy Information Center 
Acronym/Code: NSIC 
Updated: 8/89 



The NSIC is a right-wing think tank for military strategy. It has a 

history of working with hard-line, anti-Soviet groups promoting an 

aggressive U.S. foreign policy. (10) 

In a 1961 article in the Military Review on the subject of political 

warfare, Frank Bamett wrote, "Political warfare in short, is warfare—not 

public relations. It is one part persuasion and two parts deception. It 

embraces diverse forms of coercion and violence including strikes and 

riots, economic sanctions, subsidies for guerrilla or proxy warfare and, 

when necessary, kidnapping or assassination of enemy elites. 

"The aim of political warfare... is to discredit, displace, and neutralize 

an opponent, to destroy a competing ideology, and to reduce the adherents 

to political impotence. It is to make one's own values prevail by working 

the levers of power, as well as by using persuasion. "(22) 

In 1962, Frank Bamett founded NSIC. Among its founding directors, 

officers and advisers were such stalwart right-wing figures as beer baron 

and funder of many ultra-rightist organizations Joseph Coors; Prescott 

Bush, Jr. , brother of President George Bush; Frank Shakespeare, chairman 

of the conservative think tank, the Heritage Fdn; and William Casey, 

former director of the CIA. (1,1 1,29) 

The stated purpose of NSIC is to "encourage a civilmilitary partnership" 

to keep the public informed on issues surrrounding national defense. A 

properly informed public, the NSIC believes, will support "A viable U.S. 

defense system capable of protecting the nation's vital interests and 

assisting allies and other free nations determined to maintain their core 

values of freedom and independence."(12) One of the goals of NSIC is "to 

train young American labor leaders in the critical issues-philosophy, 

military, and political— that divide the free world from the Communist 

States. "(10) The group focuses its efforts on business, labor, 

professional and military groups; academic and mass media; governmental 

schools; and colleges and universities. (12) 


Between 1973 and 1981, Richard Scaife donated a total of $6 million to the 

NSIC from the Carthage Fdn, the Sarah Scaife Fdn, and the Trust for the 

Grandchildren of Sarah Mellon Scaife. (1) In 1985 the John M. Olin Fdn 

gave the Washington office of NSIC three grants: $107,320 for support for 

an advisory committee for European democracy; $41,300 for support for a 

book by Abram Shulsky on American intelligence and national security; and 

$20,000 to support educational programs on the nature of totalitarian 
regimes. (3) In the same year, the NY office received the following 
grants: $10,000 from the Adolph Coors Fdn for programs and publications on 
national security; $35,000 for work on the history of Soviet intelligence, 
$30,000 for research and writing on detente, and $15,000 support for a 
conference at the Center for European Strategy from the Winston Salem Fdn; 
$5,000 of general support from the Samuel Roberts Nobel Fdn; and from the 
W. W. Smith Charitable Trust $260,000 for operating support and $70,000 
for a Consortium for the Study of Intelligence which examines the 
intelligence networks of various nations. (3) 

In 1986, the Washington office of NSIC received $41,000 from the John M. 
Olin Fdn to support the book by Abram Shulsky on American intelligence and 
national security, and $152,000 from the Lynde and Harry Bradley Fdn to 
support a program on national defense and intelligence. (4) In 1986, the 
N. Y. office received $15,000 from the Smith Richardson Fdn, $5,000 from 
the TRW Fdn, and $175,000 from the Sarah Scaife Fdn for general operating 
support. (4) 

In 1981-1982, the NSIC received a grant from the U.S. Information Agency 
to study the feasibility of an Intl Youth Year conference. (2) 
The organization lists its 1989 budget as $1,600,000. (12) 


The NSIC worked with the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD) as a 
lobbyist for the preservation of containment militarism, a policy 
demanding a strong U.S. military build-up and presence throughout the 
world. The CPD saw the Soviet Union as a powerful evil force with the goal 
of world domination. (10) In order to be more effective in its work with 
the CPD, NSIC opened a full-scale office in Washington DC in 1976 to 
interact with the White House and the Pentagon, to work with Trade 
Associations, and to inform the public of the concepts and plans of the 
CPD. (10) In setting up the DC office, Bamett worked directly with 
ultra-hawk Eugene V. Rostow of the CPD. Bamett brought Rostow onto the 
NSIC board. (10) 

The NSIC Washington office, run by Roy Godson, has spent the decade of the 
1980s developing a nine volume agenda for U.S. foreign policy, with a 
special focus on low intensity warfare and intelligence. (28,29) According 
to NSIC's literature the purpose of NSIC's Consortium for the Study of 
Intelligence (CSI) is to encourage colleges and universities to offer 
in-depth programs of study on intelligence; to promote the development of 
a U.S. theory of intelligence and define its place in American national 
security policy; to encourage research into the intelligence process; and 
to study the tensions between intelligence activities and the democratic 
process and values of our society. (31) 

Subjects of the volumes include: The Elements of Intelligence; Analysis 
and Estimates; Counterintelligence; Covert Action; Clandestine Collection; 
Domestic Intelligence; and Intelligence and Policy. (31) 
The production of each volume of the series was preceeded by a conference 
or symposium of invited guests where the substance of the volume was 
developed. Attendees at the conferences became defacto important players 
in the activities of the think tank. The CIA, the military intelligence 
divisions, and the executive branches of government were well represented 
at all of the gatherings. (28,30,31) The second volume in the series. 
Intelligence Requirements for the 1980's: Analysis and Estimates, was 
published in 1980. It attempts to teach people how to evaluate the quality 
of and analyze intelligence information received from agents. (30) Among 
those present at the 1979 colloquium that developed the substance of this 
volume were such intelligence luminaries as Richard V. Allen of the Natl 
Security Council; William Colby, former head of the CIA; Dr. Ray S. Cline, 

former deputy director of the CIA; Dr. Fred C. Ikle, former director of 

the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency; Mr. Morris Liebman, chairman of 

the American Bar Association; and from the NSIC, Dr. Roy Godson and Frank 

R. Bamett. (30) 

The subject of the 1981 conference was clandestine collection which led to 

the 1982 volume on the subject. This document claims that U.S. 

intelligence gathering is far inferior to that of the Soviet Union and 

sets out the U.S. intelligence needs. (3 1) Notable figures attending this 

colloquium included: Dr. Ray Cline of the Center for Strategic and Intl 

Studies; Lt. Gen. Daniel Graham, former director of the Defense 

Intelligence Agency; Dr. Edward Luttwak, ultra-hawk and expert on 

terrorism; and Dr. Richard Pipes, former chief Sovietologist at the Natl 

Security Council. (10,31) 

In 1983, the NSIC, the Natl Defense University, and the Natl Security 

Studies Program of Georgetown co-sponsored a symposium on "The Role of 

Special Operations in U.S. Strategy for the 1980s. "(21) Col. Oliver North, 

of Iran-Contra fame, attended as a representative of the National Security 

Council. (21) Edward N. Luttwak and Amaud de Borchgrave, editor of the 

Unification Church-owned Washington Times, were present representing the 

Center for Strategic and Intl Studies. (21) Margo D. B. Carlisle, staff 

director of the U.S. Senate Republican Conference Committee, was also 

present. Carlisle, a former aide to Sen. James McClure, attended the 1980 

World AntiCommunist League (WACL) conference and has been connected with 

WACL activities in Central America. (8) The CIA was represented by a 

number of people, including former assoc deputy director Theodore 

Shackley. The intelligence agencies of the military-e specially the Defense 

Intelligence Agency, formerly headed by Gen. Daniel Graham-attended in 

number. (10,21) 

In its 1984 book. Special Operations in U.S. Strategy, the NSIC showed a 

shift in strategy from containment militarism to one promoting low 

intensity conflict operations. The new strategy stresses the need for 

fulfilling U.S. objectives through "special operations." According to the 

strategy, the "special operations" are to be coordinated with the private 

sector in the countries where these operations are located, and call for 

the use of psychological techniques and operations. (11) 

The NSIC strategies, according to an analysis by the Political Research 

Associates of Boston, advocate a U.S. policy of low-intensity conflict."In 

practice it is an endless, ongoing, permanent form of paramilitary action 

against governments and political movements that assert independence from 

U.S. domination. "(29) Other criticisms of these volumes have ranged from 

calling them "authoritarian" to "a political blueprint for a police 

state. "(29) 

On Godson's recommendation, the NSIC paid Arturo Cruz, Sr. of the 

directorate of the Nicaraguan contras $40,000 to serve as a research 

fellow for six months. (2) 

Roy Godson was a key figure in Anglo-American trade union relations, 

organizing "educational visits" for British trade unionists to visit the 

U.S. during the Reagan administration. (14) The trips were organized under 

the auspices of the Labour Desk of the U.S. Youth Council and the Intl 

Labor Program of Georgetown University. The purpose of the trips was "to 

broaden international education about Western democratic values." A 

typical trip included a visit to the naval base at Norfolk, a meeting with 

former ambassador to the United Nations (Reagan administration) Jeane 

Kirkpatrick, talks on defense at the National Security Council (former 

operational base of Col. Oliver North) and talks at the NSIC. The trips 

were financed by the Reagan administration. (14) 

Government Connections: 

Frank Shakespeare was a United States Information Agency director and a 

director of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. (15) During the Reagan 

administration he served as ambassador to Portugal from 1985 to 1987, and 

after that as ambassador to the Vatican. (15) 

William Casey was CIA director in the Reagan administration, served as 

chair of the Securities and Exchange Commission from 1971 to 1973, and as 

Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs from February 1973 to March 

1974. (1,23) 

Roy Godson served as a consultant to the President's Foreign Intelligence 

Advisory Board~a group of private citizens that oversees intelligence 

operations—in the Reagan administration. (2) Eugene V. Rostow was one of 

the architects of the containment militarism policy of the Reagan 

administration. He served as President Reagan's head of the Arms Control 

and Disarmament Agency. (10) 

Richard Pipes served as a National Security adviser to President Ronald 

Reagan and was a major figure in the Committee on the Present Danger. (1) 

Hon. Antonin Scalia, justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, is listed as a 

member of the Consortium for the Study of Intelligence. (13) 

Margo D. B. Carlisle was an aide to Sen. James McClure (RID). (8) Margo 

Carlisle attended the 1980 WACL conference and is was involved in the 

"repackaging" of Roberto D'Aubuisson, the founder and former head of the 

ARENA party in El Salvador. (8) 

Admiral Thomas Moorer was head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and a member 

of Team B, a group assembled in the mid 1970s by then-CIA director George 

Bush to study the Soviet danger. The Team B laid the foundation for the 

revitalization of the Committee on the Present Danger. (1,10) 

Private Connections: 

Frank Bamett was a prominent member of the Committee on the Present 

Danger, an anti-Soviet group advocating a strong U.S. military and a 

policy of containment militarism. (10) Before founding NSIC, Bamett was 

the director of research for the ultra-right Smith-Richardson Fdn and a 

program director of the Institute for American Strategy. (22) 

William Casey served as pres and chairman of the exec committee of the 

International Rescue Committee (IRC), a private voluntary organization 

that helps refugees from totalitarian oppression. (24) The IRC worked with 

the CIA in Vietnam and cooperates with the U.S. government on programs in 

El Salvador. (25) 

Prescott Bush, Jr. , a former director of the NSIC, is brother to 

President George Bush. He is a member of the Knights of Malta, a 

conservative lay Catholic group and has been involved with Americares, a 

right-wing private organization that receives grants from the U.S. Agency 

for International Development in Central America. (15) 

Henry Fowler, former NSIC director, was co-chair of the Committee on the 

Present Danger until 1988. Fowler was Secretary of the Treasury under 

President Harry Truman. (1) 

Admiral Thomas Moorer, former NSIC director, served on the national 

advisory board of Accuracy in Media, a right-wing media group that 

promotes conservative causes and monitors the teaching of college 

professors. (6,7) Moorer has been on the board of the American Security 

Council, an ultra-hawk organization that works on Congress to effect an 

anti-Soviet foreign policy. ASC runs the powerful lobby, the Coalition for 

Peace Through Strength, which has more than 190 Congressional members. 

(9,33) He also served on the board of Western Goals, a group that focused 

on national security and gathered information on suspected communist 

symphthizers. (8) 

Frank Shakespeare, former director of NSIC, is chairman of The Heritage 

Fdn, a conservative think tank that played an important role in policy 

development in the Reagan administration. (10) He is also a member of the 
Knights of Malta and the American Catholic Committee (ACC). The ACC is a 
group that tried to undercut the U.S. bishops' pastoral on the economy. 

"Joseph Coors," wrote Al Weinrub in the Labor Report on Central 
America,"has used the power of the Coors financial dynasty not only to 
provide support to the contras, but to set a right-wing political agenda 
in the U.S. .."(16) Coors was the chair of the Rocky Mountain region 
Reagan/Bush campaign in 1984. (17) He provided financial backing for 
Accuracy in Media, a media support group for the right wing. (17) He also 
supported various groups organized by New Right tactician Paul Weyrich 
including the Catholic Center, a religious group that sent conservative 
"truth squads" to organize workshops in cities with liberal bishops, and 
the Free Congress Fdn, a group dedicated to electing conservatives to 
Congress. (18,19) Coors and Weyrich combined efforts again in founding the 
conservative think tank, the Heritage Fdn. (19) Coors money has also 
supported right-wing religious groups including the Church League of 
America, Fellowship of Christian Athletes, the Moral Majority, and Campus 
Crusade for Christ. (19) Coors supported Lt. Gen. John Singlaub's U.S. 
Council for World Freedom (USCWF), the U.S. chapter of the World 
Anti-Communist League. USCWF and the Nicaraguan Refugee Fund, (another 
Coor's cause) played major roles in funding the Nicaraguan contras. (19) 
Both Joseph Coors and his wife Holly were on the 1982-1983 board of the 
Council for Natl Policy. (20) 

Roy Godson is the Director of the International Labor program at 
Georgetown University and was deeply involved in the Iran-Contra Affair. 
He was a contact person and middle-man in fundraising for Lt. Col. Oliver 
North's network to supply the contras. He connected Terry Slease, attorney 
for Richard Scaife (wealthy right-wing philanthropist and NSIC donor), 
with North, and was present at meetings between National Security 
AdviserBud McFarland, North and Slease. (2) Godson was a representative of 
the Intl Youth Conference which was one of the organizations used to 
channel funds to the Nicaraguan contras. He also was indirectly connected, 
through Slease, with the Institute for North-South Issues, a group funded 
by the National Endowment for Democracy, that served as a channel for 
contra funds. Godson also served as a contact between the private contra 
network and Edward Feulner, president of Heritage Fdn. Heritage served as 
a pass-through for INSI of a $100,000 donation to the Nicaraguan 
opposition. (2) Godson serves on the board of the League for Industrial 
Democracy, a neoconservative organization working with labor groups in the 
U.S. (26) He is also on the board of the Coalition for a Democratic 
Majority, a quasi-governmental group that works primarily within the ranks 
of Congress to implement an anticommunist, pro-military agenda. (10,27) 
Ray Cline served on the board of NSIC's Consortium for the Study of 
Intelligence. Cline is a former deputy director of the CIA, and has been 
involved with Major General John Singlaub's U.S. Council for World 
Freedom, the U.S. branch of the World Anti-Communist League. (8) 
Lt. Gen. Daniel Graham is on the board of the U.S. Council for World 
Freedom. He is founder and chairman of the pro-SDI lobby group. High 
Frontier, and was on the 1982-1983 board of the Council for Natl Policy. 
Graham has also been involved with CAUSA, the political arm of the 
Unification Church (UC) and the American Freedom Coalition, another 
Christian political offshoot of the UC. (8,20,32) 

Richard Pipes was a member of the Coalition for a Democratic Majority and 
a founding member of the Committee on the Present Danger. (10) 


Political Research Associates of Boston note that lowintensity warfare as 

defined by the NSIC is low intensity only from a U.S. government 
perspective where high-intensity warfare means nuclear war. (29) 


U.S. Address: 150 East 58th St, New York, NY 10155 and 1730 Rhode Island 

Ave, NW, Suite 601, Washington DC, 20036. 


Frank R. Bamett and Morris Liebman, co-founders. (2) Frank R. Bamett, 
president; Roy Godson, director of the Washington DC office. (5) Others 
listed as officers in 1984 were: Dorothy Nicolosi, vice pres and 
treasurer, Paul E. Feffer, intl vice pres. Rear Admiral William C. Mott 
(ret. ), vice pres and general counsel, Hugh F. McGowan, Jr. , sec, and 
Omer Pace, asst sec and asst tres. (1 1) 

Directors listed in 1984 were: Karl R. Bendetsen, former chairman and CEO 
of Champion Intl Corp; D. Tennant Bryan, chairman of the board of Media 
General, Inc; Prescott S. Bush, Jr, senior vice pres and director of 
Johnson & Higgins; Richard C. Ham; Morris I. Liebman, Sidley & Austin; 
John Norton Moore; Admiral Thomas H. Moorer (ret. ); Jerald C. Newman, 
pres and CEO of The Bowery Savings Bank; Robert H. Parsley, Butler, 
Binion, Rice, Cook and Knapp; Frank Shakespeare, vice chairman of RKO 
General, Inc; Charles E. Stevenson, pres Denver West; James L. Winokur, 
chairman of Air Tool Parts and Service Co; Major General Richard A. Yudkin 
(ret. ), senior vice pres (ret. ) of Owens-Coming Fiberglas Corp. (11) 
The 1984 Advisory Council members were: Issac L. Auerbach, Vice Admiral M. 
G. Bayne (ret. ), Allyn R. Bell, Jr, Joseph Coors, Henry H. Fowler, John 
W. Hanes, Jr, Admiral Means Johnston (ret. ), R. Daniel McMichael, Rear 
Admiral David L. Martineau (ret. ), Chuck Mau, Vice Admiral J. P. Moorer 
(ret. ), Dillard Munford, Lloyd Noble, Harry A. Poth, Jr, Adolph W. 
Schmidt, Frederick Seitz, Laurence H. Silberman, Arthur Spitzer, John A. 
Sutro, Albert L. Weeks, Dee Workman, Evelle J. Younger, Admiral Elmo R. 
Zumwalt, Jr (ret. ). (1 1) 

The conferences and symposiums sponsored by NSIC play an important part in 
the development of the organization's strategy recommendations and 
publications. Personnel from NSIC who attended the 1983 symposium,"The 
Role of Special Operations in U.S. Strategy for the 1980s," were: Frank 
Bamett, president; Sara A. Begley, research asst for the Council on 
Economics and Natl Security; Dr. Roy Godson, director of the DC office; 
Robert A. Silano, exec dir of the Council on Economics and Natl Security; 
and B. Hugh Tovar, research assoc. 


1. John Saloma III, Ominous Politics (New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and 
Giroux, 1984). 

2. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra 
Affair, Appendix B, Vol. 12, 1987. 

3. Foundation Grants Index, Recipients, 1987. 4. Foundation Grants Index, 
Recipients, 1988. 

5. Phone conversation with Mr. Lovelace of NSIC, Washington DC, Aug 10, 

6. Saul Landau,"Dress Rehersal For a Red Scare," The Nation, Apr 5, 1986. 

7. Accuracy In Media brochure, undated. 

8. Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, Inside the League: The Shocking 
Expose of How Terrorists, Nazis, and Latin American Death Squads Have 
Infiltrated the World Anti-Communist League (New York, NY: Dodd, Mead & 
Co, 1986). 

9. Peace Through Strength, American Security Council report, undated. 

received Dec 15, 1988. 

10. Jerry Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis: The Committee on the Present Danger 
and the Politics of Containment Militarism (Boston, MA: South End Press, 

11. Special Operations in U.S. Strategy, NSIC, 1984. 

12. The Encyclopedia of Associations, 23rd edition, 1989. 

13. Letterhead from the Consortium for the Study of Intelligence, undated. 
14. "Anglo-American Union Exchanges Linked to Irangate Scandal," Tribune, 
Sep 30, 1988. 

15. Penny Lemoux,"Who's Who? The Knights of Malta Know," National 
Catholic Reporter, May 5, 1989. 

16. Al Weinrub,"Coors Brews More Than Beer," Labor Report On Central 
America, Sep/Oct 1985. 

17. Michael Massing,"The Rise and Decline of Accuracy," The Nation, Sep 
13, 1986. 

18. Penny Lemoux,"A Reverence for Fundamentalism," The Nation, Apr 17, 

19. The New Right Humanitarians (Albuquerque, NM: The Resource Center, 

20. List of the board of directors of The Council for National Policy, 

21. Participant list from the "Symposium on the Role of Special Operations 
in U.S. Strategy for the 1980s," March 4-5, 1983. 

22. Frank R. Bamett,"A Proposal for Political Warfare," Military Review, 
Mar 1961. 

23. Profile of William J. Casey, completed in Oct 1974. Received from 
Political Research Associates, Aug 1989. 

24. Intl Rescue Commisstion Annual Report, 1986. 

25. AIFLD: Agents as Organizers (Albuquerque, NM: The Resource Center, 

26. Letter from the League for Industrial Democracy, July 1989. 

27. Coalition for a Democratic Majority letterhead, July 1989. 

28. Conversation with Chip Berlet of Political Research Associates, Aug 

29. "The Coors Extended Family," Political Research Associates, 1989. 

30. Roy Godson, editor, excerpts from Intelligence Requirements for the 
1980's: Analysis and Estimates, NSIC, 1980. 

3 1 . Roy Godson, editor, excerpts from Intelligence Requirements for the 
1980's: Clandestine Collection, NSIC, 1982. 

32. Phone conversation with the natl office of the American Freedom 
Coalition, Sep 9, 1988. 

33. Peace Through Strength, American Security Council report, undated, 
received Dec 15, 1988. 

The underlying cites for this profile are now kept at Political Research 
Associates, (617) 666-5300. END OF WEB ARTICLE 


Taken from 

Editors'Note.Front for Apartheid, appeared inNewsday, Sunday, July 16, 1995. The article was 
reported by Dele Olojede in South Africa and Timothy M. Phelps in Washington. The article 
concerns a Washington think-tank called the International Freedom Foundation that had branches in 
Johannesburg, South Africa and London, England. The International Freedom Foundation was 
actually a front for intelligence operators who worked on psycho-political operations to prolong 
apartheid. People involved included United States Department of State Officials, United States 
Congressmen, and US Intelligence agents. The article says "jobs" for South African intelligence 
provided at least half of the total IFF revenue, and South African military intelligence would send 
fees from the "jobs" directly to the IFF Washington office. 

The article is a limited hangout that doesn't mention the South African Institute of International 
Affairs, The Royal Institute of International Affairs, or the Council on Foreign Relations. The article 
has a picture of Secretary of State George Shultz shaking hands with Oliver Tambo, the late exiled 
leader of ANC, at the State Department in 1987. The article mentions that people like Henry 
Kissinger were invited to International Freedom Foundation seminars to deliver keynote speeches. 
Among those in attendance was former CIA director William Colby. Shultz, Kissinger and Colby 
were members of the Council on Foreign Relations. The article talks about Americans who were on 
the board of Directors of the IFF, and who worked for the IFF in South Africa. Nearly every man 
mentioned was a United States Intelligence agent at one time or another. Do former United States 
intelligence agents, continuing working as agents even after they become elected government 
officials, or are appointed to the US Department of State? 

A list of some of the people mentioned in the story with locations and dates of intelligence service 

SHULTZ GEORGE P (Council on Foreign Relations Member) Panama 1984, Grenada 1984, Libya 

KISSINGER, HENRY A (Council on Foreign Relations member ) South Africa 1969-1977, 
Philippines 1972, Indonesia 1975, Angola 1976, Britain 1976, Chile 1976,China 1989-1997 

COLBY WILLIAM EGAN (Council on Foreign Relations member) Norway 1944-1952, Sweden 
1951-1953, Italy 1953-1958, Vietnam 1959-1971, Indonesia 1963-1965, Chile 1970-1973, Japan 
1985, Singapore 1985 


SELLARS, DUNCAN W (Chairman IFF, 1993) South Africa 1986, Nicaragua 1988 

ABRAMOFF JACK South Africa 1983 

KEYES ALAN L India 1979-1980, Zimbabwe 1980-1981 

BURTON DAN L (R-IN) Mozambique 1986 

HELMS JESSE A (R-NC) Argentina 1975-1976, Taiwan 1975, Chile 1976-1986, Panama 1977, 
Guatemala 1981, Mozambique 1986 , South Africa 1986 

WILLIAMSON CRAIG South Africa 1980-1998 

DE KLERK F W South Africa 1986-1996 

BOOYSE WIM South Africa 1993 

YUILL MARTIN South Africa 1983-1988 

CRYSTAL RUSSELL South Africa 1983-1985 

LEVENTHAL TODD United States Information Agency 


PARKER JAY A South Africa 1984-1985 

The description of the International Freedom Foundation printed in the 1993 Encyclopedia of 
Associations reads, 


200 G. St. NE, Ste, 300. Phone: (202) 546-5788 

Washington, DC 20002. Duncan Sellars, Chm. 

Founded 1986. Staff: 20 Nonmembership. Works to foster individual freedom throughout the world by 
engaging in activities which promote the development of free and open societies based on the 
principles of free enterprise, while recognizing and respecting the sovereignty and cultural heritage 
of nations. Believes that freedom of though and expression, and free association without government 
interference, is essential to human dignity and without protection from violent coercion, liberty and 
prosperity are impossible. Works to demonstrate the benefits of a "parliamentary" democracy" and 
expose the "failures " of a "people 's democracy, " which the group says, is often referred to as a 
system of "freedom" but is actually a guise for totalitarianism. Considers totalitarian systems to be 
the "enemies of freedom" and a threat to the security of the West. Encourages and mobilizes support 
of indigenous democratic movements. Organizes forums for dialogue and discussion on issues of 
human rights and free enterprise. Sponsors seminars, fellowships, and international exchanges; 
maintains speakers' bureau. Telecommunications Services: Fax (202) 546-5488. " 

"Publications Angola Peace Monitor, monthly Covers developments in the Angolan peace process ■ 
Price: $105/year. ISSN; 1045-0513 Circulation 2000. Advertising: not accepted. Freedom Bulletin, 
monthly. Newsletter, includes feature articles on major foreign policy issues. Price: $24/year in U.S. 
$30/y ear outside of U.S. ISSN: 0897-5086 Circulation: 221000. i Advertising: accepted. ■ Freedom 
Bulletin - UK Edition, 6/year. Newsletter including articles on foreign policy issues from British and 
European perspectives Price: $10/year; £8 /year in United Kingdom. Circulation 6000. ■ Freedom 
Bulletin - Republic of South Africa Edition, monthly. Newsletter including features on developments 
in South Africa. Price: $20/ year in U.S.; R45/year in South Africa. Circulation: 6000. Advertising: 
not accepted. ■ InterAmerican OPPORTUNITIES Briefing, bimonthly. Newsletter; includes business 
activity and economic reform in Latin America. Price: $105 /year. ISSN: 1055-9299. ■ Laissezfaire, 
quarterly Journal on European affairs and European-Third World relations; includes book reviews. 
Price: $30/yearin U.S.; £lO/year in United Kingdom. Circulation: 6000. Advertising; accepted. 
OPPORTUNITIES Briefing, bimonthly. Newsletter; includes free market trends and business 
opportunities in Eastern Europe. Price: $105/year. ISSN: 0960-5088. Advertising: not accepted. ■ 
Soviet Perspectives, monthly. Guide to economic reform and business opportunities in the Soviet 
Union. Price $225/year ISSN: 1055-1042. ■ Sub-Sahara Monitor, monthly. Newsletter ; includes 
political and economic issues, periodic country reports, aid and trade briefs, investment analysis, 
and book reviews. Price: $105/year. ISSN: 1018-1520. ■ terra nova, quarterly. Journal containing 
scholarly articles on foreign policy issues, as related to free market economic and political thought; 
includes book reviews. Price: $24/year. ISSN: 1056-8018. Circulation: 7000. ■ Also publishes 
monographs, posters, and reports produces videotapes. " 

If the International Freedom Foundation is a front for Intelligence organizations do their publications 
contain information telling intelligence agents what to do? 

Why didn't Newsday connect the International Freedom Foundation to the Council on Foreign 
Relations? Did the Truth and Reconciliation Commission investigate the Council on Foreign 
Relations/Royal Institute of International Affairs/South African Institute of International Affairs role 
in creating the racial tension, hatred and genocide in South Africa? If they did, what were their 
findings? If they did not, don't you think it is about time they did? 

The Newsday article follows: 

NEWSDAY Sunday July 16, 1995 Front for Apartheid Washington-based think tank said to be part 
of ruse to prolong power This article was reported by Dele Olojede in South Africa and Timothy M. 
Phelps in Washington, and was written by Olojede. 

Then Secretary of State [CFR member] George Shultz shakes hands with Oliver Tambo, the late 

exiled leader of ANC, at State Department in 1987. 

Johannesburg, South Africa A respectable Washington foundation, which drew into its web 
prominent Republican and conservative figures like Sen.. Jesse Helms and other members of 
Congress, was actually a front organization bankrolled by South Africa's last white rulers to prolong 
apartheid, a Newsday investigation has shown. 

The International Freedom Foundation, founded in 1986 seemingly as a conservative think tank, was 
in fact part of an elaborate intelligence gathering operation, and was designed to be an instrument for 
"political warfare" against apartheid's foes, according to former senior South African spy Craig 
Williamson. The South Africans spent up to $ 1 .5 million a year through 1 992 to underwrite 
"Operation Babushka," as the IFF project was known. 

The current South African National Defence Force officially confirmed that the IFF was its dummy 

"The International Freedom Foundation was a former SA Defence Force project," Army Col. John 
Rolt, a military spokesman, said in a terse response to an inquiry. A member of the IFF"s 
international board of directors also conceded Friday that at least half of the foundation's funds came 
from projects undertaken on behalf of South Africa's military intelligence, although he refused to say 
what these projects were except that many of them were directed against Nelson Mandela's African 
National Congress. 

A three-month Newsday investigation determined that one of the project's broad objectives was to try 
to reverse the apartheid regime's pariah status in Western political circles. More specifically, the IFF 
sought to portray the ANC as a tool of Soviet communism, thus undercutting the movement's growing 
international acceptance as the govemment-in-waiting of a future multiracial South Africa. 

"We decided that, the only level we were going to be accepted was when it came to the Soviets and 
their surrogates, so our strategy was to paint the ANC as communist surrogates," said Williamson, 
formerly a senior operative in South Africa's military intelligence, who helped direct Babushka. "The 
more we could present ourselves as anti-communists, the more people looked at us with respect. 
People you could hardly believe cooperated with us politically when it came to the Soviets." 

The South Africans found willing, though possibly unwitting, allies in influential Republican 
politicians, conservative intellectuals and activists. Sen. Jesse Helms, now chairman of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee, served as chairman of the editorial advisory board for the foundation's 
publications. Through a spokesman. Helms said that he did not know anything about the foundation. 

"Helms has never heard of the International Freedom Foundation, was not chairman of their advisory 
board and never authorized his name to be used by IFF in any way shape or form. We never had any 
relationship with them," Mere Thiessen, a Helms spokesman, said. 

Rep. Dan Burton, who was the ranking Republican on the House subcommittee on Africa, and Rep. 
Robert Doman were active in IFF projects, frequently serving on its delegations to international 
forums. Alan Keyes, currently a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, also served as 
adviser. (He did not return a call seeking comment.) The Washington lobbyist and former movie 
producer Jack Abramoff, and rising conservative stars like Duncan Sellers, helped run the foundation. 

All those contacted denied knowing that it was controlled and funded by the South African regime. 

Although there are strong indications that U.S. laws may have been broken some IFF officials have 
admitted in interviews that they knew that South African military intelligence money helped pay for 
the foundation's activities in Washington there is no clear evidence that the politicians associated 
with IFF either took campaign contributions or otherwise directly benefited financially from the 
foundation . 

Under U.S. law, anyone who represents a foreign government or acts under its orders, direction or 
control, has to register with the Justice Department as a foreign agent. Asked if a "think-tank" sup up 
and supported by a foreign government has to register, a Justice official said, "If the foreign 
[government] has some say in what they are doing and, obviously, if they are funding it they probably 
do then they probably do have to register." Violation of the law carries a fine up to $10,000 and a 
prison term of up to five years. 

Several key figures involved in the IFF and contacted by Newsday denied any knowledge that the 
foundation was a front for the political agenda of a foreign government. Duncan Sellers, now a 
Virginia businessman, said, "This is nothing I ever knew about. It's something that I would have 
resigned over or closed the foundation over. I would have put a stop to it." 

"The Congressman didn't know anything about it," said a spokesman for Doman, Paul Morrell. "This 
is all news to him if it is true." Morrell described Doman's impression of the IFF as simply "pro- 
freedom, pro-democracy, pro-Reagan." 

Phillip Crane, another U.S. representative listed as an IFF editorial adviser, joined the board in 1987 
at the request of Abramoff, said an aide, and by 1990 had quit. "He never attended a board meeting 
that he can recall," said the aide. Bob Foster. "He had no idea that any such situation [intelligence 
connections] existed." 

Williamson said that the operation was deliberately constructed so that many of the people would not 
know they were involved with a foreign government. "That was the beauty of the whole things guys 
pushing what they believed," he said. Helms for example, voted against virtually every punitive 
measure ever contemplated against South Africa's white minority government, however mild. And 
Burton was nearly hysterical in arguing against sanctions that a large bipartisan majority passed in 
1986 over President Ronald Reagan's veto, at one point warning that "there will be blood running in 
the streets" as a result. 

But in some cases, such as Abramoffs, the relationship with the South African security apparatus was 
more than merely coincidental, according to Williamson and others. A former chief of intelligence, 
now retired, said emphatically that the South African military helped finance Abramoffs 1988 movie 
"Red Scorpion." The movie was a sympathetic portrayal of an anti-communist African guerrilla 
commander loosely based on Jones Savimbi, the Angolan rebel leader allied to both Washington and 
Pretoria. Williamson also said the production of "Red Scorpion" was "funded by our guys," who in 
addition provided military trucks and equipment -as well as extras . 

Abramoff reacted with anger when told of the allegations Friday, saying his movie was funded by 
private investors and had nothing to do with the South African government. "This is outrageous," he 

Details of South Africa's intelligence operations in the last years of apartheid have begun to rapidly 
emerge with the imminent establishment of a Truth Commission by the Mandela government. The 
commission will elicit confessions of "dirty tricks" by apartheid's foot soldiers and their 
Commanders, in exchange for immunity from prosecution. Williamson, for instance, recently 
revealed that he was involved in the assassination of Ruth First, wife of the ANC and South African 
Communist Party leader Joe Slovo, and other anti -apartheid activists. 

In South African government thinking, the IFF represented a far more subtle approach to defeating 
the anti -apartheid movement. Officials said the plan was to get away from the traditional allies of 
Pretoria, the fringe right in the United States and Europe, "some of whom were to the right of 
Ghengis Khan," said one senior intelligence official. Instead, they settled for a front staffed with 
mainstream conservatives who did not necessarily know who was pulling the strings. 

"They ran their own organization, but we steered them, that was the point," Williamson said. 

"They were very good, those guys, eh?" said Vic McPheerson, a police colonel who ran security 
branch operations and participated in the 1982 bombing of the ANC office in London. "They were 
not just good in intelligence, but in political warfare." 

Starting in 1986, when Reagan failed to override comprehensive U.S. economic sanctions, the South 
African government began casting about for ways to survive in an international environment more 
hostile to apartheid than ever. A very senior official in South African military intelligence, to whom 
IFF handlers reported at the time, said the operation cost his unit between $1 million and $1.5 million 
a year. The retired general said the funds represented almost all of the IFF's annual operating budget, 
although the foundation gained such legitimacy that it began to attract funding from individuals and 
groups in the United States. 

On at least one occasion, the IFF had trouble accounting for its money. It was unable to comply in 
1989 with a New York State requirement that it provide an accountant's opinion confirming that its 
financial statements "present fairly the financial position of the organization." It was eventually 

barred, in January, 1991, from soliciting funds from New York. According to financial records 
provided by Jeff Pandin, the foundation's last executive director in Washington, IFF revenue in 1992 
dropped by half of the preceding year's, to $1.6 million. It just so happened that President Frederik 
W. de Klerk ended secret South African funding for the foundation in 1992, in response to pressure 
from Mandela to demonstrate that he was not complicit in "Third Force" activities. Pandin expressed 
shock that much of the organization's money had been coming from clandestine South African 
sources. "I worked for the IFF from Day One to Day End," he said. "This is complete news to me." 
He said he once had met Williamson when he was in Mozambique, but was unaware of any official 

On the surface, the IFF's headquarters was in north-east Washington, D.C., , at 200 G Street, next 
door to the Free Congress Foundation, another conservative institution. From that base, it launched 
campaigns against communist sympathizers and perceived enemies of the free market. It broadly 
supported Reaganism, and its principal officers ran with the Ollie North crowd. But it always paid 
special attention to ANC. When Mandela made his first visit to the United States in 1990, following 
his release from prison, the IFF placed advertisements in local papers designed to dampen public 
enthusiasm for Mandela. One ad in the Miami Herald portrayed Mandela as an ally and defender of 
Cuba's Fidel Castro. The city's large Cuban community was so agitated that a ceremony to present 
Mandela with keys to the city was scrapped. 

The IFF published several journals and bulletins, in Washington and in its offices in Europe and 
Johannesburg. One of its contributors was Jay Parker, an African-American who was a paid public 
relations agent of successive apartheid regimes throughout the 1970s and 1980s. People like Henry 
Kissinger were invited to IFF seminars to deliver keynote speeches. The foundation brought together 
the together the world's top intelligence experts at a 1991 conference in Potsdam, Germany, to mull 
over the changing uses of intelligence in the post-Cold War world. Among those in attendance was 
former CIA director William Colby and a retired senior KGB general, Oleg Kalugin. The IFF also 
waged a major but not surprisingly futile campaign for U.S. retention of the Panama Canal. But its 
main purpose was always to serve the ultimate goals of the South African government, according to 
those who helped nudge it in that direction. The former senior South African military intelligence 
official said he traveled to the United States and Canada in 1988 as a guest of the IFF. But the real 
reason for his trip, he said, was to try to strengthen South African intelligence operations on the 
ground, at diplomatic posts and the North American offices of Satour, the country's tourism 
promotion agency. 

"I was surprised at the kind of access the IFF operation provided us," said Wim Booyse, who went by 
the title of Senior Research fellow at the Johannesburg office of the IFF. Booyse said when he visited 
Washington In 1987 to attend IFF -sponsored seminars, part of the propaganda training he and other 
visitors received came from a disinformation specialist at the United States Information Service, an 
official he identified as Todd Leventhal. Leventhal said in response that he remembered meeting with 
Booyse and possibyly a few other IFF people, but gave no formal talk and talked to them only about 
countering disinformation, not spreading it 

Far from being a mere branch of the IFF, the Johannesburg office was in fact the nerve center of IFF 
operations worldwide. According to Martin Yuill, who served as administrator of the "branch," he 
began to realize that perhaps Johannesburg was not just a branch office after all, since it was always 
deciding how much money the other offices. Including the Washington headquarters, should have. "I 
guess one would have to conclude that that was the case," he said. 

Although he insisted that the IFF was no clandestine operation, Russell Crystal who ran the 
Johannesburg office, said it was vital to the foundation. He said Friday in an interview that "jobs" for 
South African intelligence provided at least half of total IFF revenue, and that he sometimes asked 
military intelligence to send the fees from these "jobs" directly to the Washington office of the IFF. 

"The military intelligence, there were certain things they wanted done ~ tackling the ANC as a 
terrorist-communist organization," Crystal said. "The projects we did for them, they paid for. " He 
added that it was not impossible that South Africa accounted for far more than his estimated 50 
percent, of IFF revenues. 

As an example of this "tackling," Crystal cited the targeting of Oliver Tambo, whenever the late 
exiled leader of the ANC traveled around the world. Once, when Tambo visited with George Shultz, 
then-secretary of state, the IFF arranged for demonstrators to drape tires around their necks to protest 

the "necklace" killings of suspect ed government informers in black townships in South Africa. 

"The advantage of the IFF was that it pilloried the ANC," said Williamson. "The sort of general 
western view of the ANC up until 1990 was a box of matches [violence] and Soviet-supporting ~ 
slavishly was the word we latched on. That was backed up with writings, intellectual inputs. It was a 
matter of undercutting ANC credibility." 

By 1993, the IFF effectively shut down after de Klerk pulled the plug on many politically motivated 
clandestine operations. But the IFF did not go down before one final parting shot. 

In January that year, the foundation financed a investigation into alleged human rights abuses during 
the 1980's at ANC guerrilla camps in Angola. Bob Douglas, a South African lawyer, concluded there 
was evidence of torture and other abuses, forcing the ANC to acknowledge some abuses. Douglas 
said Friday he did not believe that the IFF worked for military intelligence. "I did a professional job 
for which I charged professional fees," he said crossly. "I did my job of work, I finished my work, 
and had nothing to do with it since then." 


Also see: 
and the lengthy August 2008 article The wrecking crew by Thomas Frank, online 


NB: I have not integrated print sources published after this book was last revised in 
1993-1994. The most important later print sources not integrated here are a series 
of articles in British newspapers on Jonathan Aitken, Julian Amery and the post- 
Crozier Cercle in the late 1990s, Robert Hutchinson's 1997 book on Opus Dei, Paul 
Lashmar and James Oliver's 1998 book on the IRD, Stephen Dorril's 2001 book on 
M16 which (amongst many other things) describes M16's pre-war and wartime 
relationship with Habsburg, and David Rockefeller's 2002 memoirs detailing the 
early days of the Pesenti group - there may well be other sources of which 1 am 


Anderson and Anderson, Inside the League, Dodd, Mead 85 Co, New York 1986. 

Bacelon, Jacques, La Repuhlique de la Fraude, Jacques Grancher editeur, Paris 

Bale, Jeffrey M., Right-wing terrorists and the Extra-parliamentary Left in post-World 
War n Europe: Collusion or Manipulation?, Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32/ 1987, and 
Lobster 18, October 1989. 

Bellant, Russ, Old Nazis, the New Right and the Reagan Administration, Political 
Research Associates (678 Massachusetts Avenue, Suite 205, Cambridge, MA 02139, 
USA), 1988. 

Benjamin, Mico and Dethy, Jean-Michel, L'Ordre Noir, Editions Pierre de Meyere, 
Brussels 1977. 

Blackstock, Nelson, Cointelpro, Anchor/ Pathfinder Press, New York 1988. 

Bloch, Jonathan and Fitzgerald, Patrick, British Intelligence and Covert Action, 
Brandon Press, Dingle 1983. 

Bouffioux, Michel, Pour - sous la plage, des paves, thesis for Faculty of Philosophy 
and Arts of the ULB, Brussels 1987. 

Bourdrel, Philippe, La Cagoule - 30 ans de complots. Editions J'ai Lu, Albin Michel, 
Paris 1970. 

Boyer, Jean-Frangois, LEmpire Moon, La Decouverte, Paris 1986. 

Brewaeys, Philippe and Deliege, Jean-Frederick, De Bonvoisin et Cie, EPO, Brussels 

Campbell, Duncan and Connor, Steve, On the Record - Surveillance, computers and 
privacy, Michael Joseph, London 1986. 

Cavendish, Anthony, Inside Intelligence, Collins, London 1990. 

Christie, Stuart, Stefano delle Chiaie - portrait of a black terrorist. Anarchy 
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Christie, Stuart, The Investigative Researcher's Handbook, BCM Refract, London no 

Churchill, Ward, and Vander Wall, Jim, Agents of Repression: the FBI's secret wars 
against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement, South End Press, 
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Churchill, Ward, and Vander Wall, Jim, The Cointelpro Papers - Documents from the 
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Clark, Alan, Diaries, Phoenix Books, London 1994. 

Cooley, John K., Unholy Wars, Pluto, London, 1999; second edition. Penguin India, 

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Crozier, Brian, Free Agent - the unseen war 1941 - 1991, Harper-Collins, London 

Deacon, Richard, The Truth Twisters, McDonald, London 1987\Futura, London 1988 
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De Bende Tapes - see under Various authors. 

De Bock, Walter, Les plus belles annees d'une generation - I'Ordre Nouveau en 
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Die Contra Connection - see under Various authors. 

Dirtywork 1 - see under Various authors. 

Dorril, Stephen, A Who's Who of the British Secret State, Lobster Special, June 1989. 

Dorril, Stephen and Ramsay, Robin, In a Common Cause - the Anti-Com.munist 
Crusade in Britain 1945-60, Lobster 19, May 1990. 

Dorril, Stephen and Ramsay, Robin, Sm.ear! Wilson and the Secret State, Fourth 
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Dumont, Serge, Aginter-Presse et la Belgique, annex in his Les m.ercenaires, EPO, 
Berchem 1983, pgs 174-179. 

Dupont, Gilbert and Ponsaers, Paul, Les tueurs, EPO, Berchem, 1988. 

Engelmann, Bernt, Hotel Bilderberg, Steidl, Gottingen 1991. 

Eringer, Robert, The Global Manipulators, Pentacle, Bristol 1980. 

Faligot, Roger, Guerre spedale en Europe, Flammarion, Paris 1980. 

Faligot, Roger and Krop, Pascal, La Piscine - les sendees secrets frangais 1944-84, 
Seuil, Paris 1985 (page numbers refer to this version); La Piscine, Blackwell, Oxford 

Fallon, Ivan, Billionaire - the Life and Times of Sir Goldsmith, Hutchinson, 
London 1991. 

Fletcher, Richard, British Propaganda since WW2: a case study. Media Culture and 
Society, Vol. 4 1982. 

Foot, Paul, Who fram.ed Colin Wallace?, Pan, London 1990. 

Freemantle, Brian, CIA, Futura, London 1984. 

Ganser, Daniele, Terrorism, in Western Europe: An Approach to NATO's Secret Stay- 
Behind Armies, Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations, Winter- 
Spring 2005. 

Gemballa, Gero, Geheimgefdhrlich - Verfassungschutz, BND, MAD, Stasi, PapyRossa 
Verlag, Koln 1990, pgs 148-151. 

Gijsels, Hugo, LEnquete - 20 annees de destabilisation en Belgique, I^Sl Longue Vue, 
Brussels 1990 (original Flemish title: De Bende et Cie, Kritak, Leuven 1989). 

Gijsels, Hugo, Het Leugenpaleis van VdB, Kritak, Leuven 1990. 

Gijsels, Hugo, Netwerk Gladio, Kritak, Leuven 1991. 

Gladio - see under Various authors. 

Gonsalez-Mata, Les vrais maitres du monde, Grasset, Paris 1979. 

Haquin, Rene, Des taupes dans I'extreme droite - la Surete de I'Etat et le WNP, EPO, 
Berchem undated. 

Haykal, Mohammed, Iran - the Untold Story, Pantheon, New York, 1982. 

Heigl, Frank P. and Saupe, Jiirgen, Operation Eva - die Affdre Langemann, Konkret, 
Hamburg 1982. 

Herman, Edward and O'Sullivan, Gerry, The "Terrorism" Industry, Pantheon Books, 
New York 1989. 

Hirsch, Kurt, Rechts von der Union, Knesebeck und Schuler, Munich 1989. 

Hohne, Heinz and Zolling, Hermann, The General was a spy. Pan, London 1973. 

Hollingsworth, Mark and Norton-Taylor, Richard, Blacklist - the inside story of 
political vetting, Hogarth Press, London 1988. 

Holroyd, Fred with Burbridge, Nick, War without Honour, Medium (la Clumber St., 
Hull HU5 3RH), 1989. 

Howarth, Patrick, Undercover - the men and women of the SOE, Arrow, London 1990. 

IGfM - see under Various authors. 

Klaus, Thomas, Der Messias mit dem Hakenkreuz, Verlagswerkstatt, Leutkirch 1991. 

Knight, Derrick, Beyond the Pale, London 1982. 

Laurent, Frederic, L'Orchestre Noir, Stock, Paris 1978. 

Leigh, David, The Wilson Plot, Heinemann, London 1988. 

Les Tueries du Brabant - see under Various authors. 

Le Vaillant, Yvon, Sainte Mafia, Mercure de France, Paris 1971. 

LExtreme Droite et I'Etat - see under Various authors. 

Manz, George Martin, The Lie Machine, Top Secret, Number 1/89 (Postfach 270324, 
5000 Koln 1, West Germany). 

Marks, John, The Search for the Manchurian Candidate, Allen Lane, London 1979. 

Mungo, Aldo ("Michel de Frocourt"), Enquetes et Reportages - Renifleurs: la verite, 
Phebus, Brussels, March 1985. 

Naylor, R.T., Hot Money and the Politics of Debt, Unwin, London 1987. 

Norton-Taylor, Richard, In Defence of the Realm?, Civil Liberties Trust, London 1990. 

Pean, Pierre, Affaires Africaines, Fayard, Paris 1983. 

Pean, Pierre, V, Fayard, Paris 1984. 

Penrose and Courtiour, The Pencourt File, Seeker and Warburg, London 1978. 

Hncher, Chapman, The Truth about Dirty Tricks, Sidgwick 85 Jackson, London 1990. 

Prouty, Col. L. Fletcher, The Secret Team, Ballantine, New York 1974. 

Ramsay, Robin and Dorril, Stephen, Wilson, MIS and the rise of Thatcher, Lobster 11, 
April 1986. 

Raw, Charles, The Money Changers, Harvill (HarperCollins), London, 1992. 

Rees, Mervyn and Day, Chris, Muldergate - the story of the Info Scandal, Macmillan, 
London and South Africa, 1980. 

Reeve, Gillian and Smith, Joan, Offence of the Realm., CND Publications (22/24 
Underwood St, London Nl), 1986. 

Retinger, Joseph, Joseph Retinger - Memoirs of an Eminence Grise, ed. J. Pomian, 
Sussex University Press, London 1972. 

Rimbaud, Christiane, Pinay, Perrin, Paris 1990. 

Roth, Jiirgen and Ender, Bemdt, Geschafte und Verbrechen der Politmafia, IBDK 
Verlag, Berlin 1987. 

Roth, Jiirgen, Die Mitternachtregierung, Rasch und Rohring Verlag, Hamburg 1990. 

Saunders, Frances Stonor, Who Paid the Piper? The CIA and the cultural Cold War, 
Granta, London, 1999. 

Schnuffelstaat Schiveiz - see Various authors. 

Sick, Gaiy, October Surprise, I. B. Tauris, London 1991. 

Smith, Lynn, Covert British Propaganda: IRD 1947-77, Millenium, Journal of 
International Studies, No.l, 1980. 

Snepp, Frank, Decent Interval, Penguin, London 1980. 

Spiegel-Buch - see Various authors. 

Stevenson, Sir William, Intrepid's Last Case, Michael Joseph, London 1984. 

Stewart- Smith, D. G., No Vision Here - non-military warfare in Britain (foreword by 
Julian Amery), Foreign Affairs Publishing Company, Richmond 1966. 

Thomas, Gordon, Journey into Madness, Corgi, London 1989. 

The Great White Hoax - see Various authors. 

Toczek, Nick, The Bigger Tory Vote, AK Press (3 Balmoral Place, Stirling, Scotland 
FK8 2RD), 1991. 

Unheimliche Patrioten - see Various authors. 

Valentine, Douglas, The Phoenix Program, Avon, New York 1992. 

Van Bosbeke, Andre, Opus Dei en Belgique, EPO, Berchem, 1986. 

Van der Hjl, Kees, Een Amerikaans plan voor Europa, achtergronden van de EEG, 
SUA, Amsterdam 1978. 

Van Doorslaer, Rudy and Verhoeyen, Etienne, L'Assassinat de Julien Lahaut - une 
histoire de I'anticommunisme en Belgique, EPO, Berchem 1987. 

Various authors, De Bende Tapes, Kritak, Antwerp 1990. 

Various authors. Die Contra Connection, Konkret Verlag, Hamburg 1988. 

Various authors, Dirtyivork 1: the CIA in Western Europe, ed. Agee, Philip and Wolf, 
Louis, Zed Press, London 1978. 

Various authors, Gladio, EPO, Brussels/ Berchem 1991. 

Various authors (IFF), Intelligence and the New World Order (proceedings of 
Assessing U.S. Intelligence Needs for the 1990s, a series of seminars held in 

September and October 1991 in Washington D.C. and National Intelligence Agencies 
in the period of European Partnership, a conference held on November 15, 1991 in 
Schloss Cecilienhof, Potsdam, Federal Republic of Germany), International Freedom 
Foundation German Branch, 1992. 

Various authors, Les Tueries du Brabant, introd. Jean Mottard and Rene Haquin, 
Editions Complexe, Brussels 1990. 

Various authors, L'Extreme Droite et I'Etat, EPO, Berchem undated. 

Various authors, Propagandisten des Krieges, Hintermdnner der Contra: 
"Internationale Gesellschaft fur Menschenrechte" (IGfM), Arbeitskreis Nicaragua, 
Edition Nahua (Postfach 101320, 5600 Wuppertal 1, West Germany), 3rd edition 

Various authors, Schnuffelstaat Schiveiz, Komitee Schluss mit dem Schniiffelstaat, 
Limmat Verlag, Zurich 1990. 

Various authors, Spiegel-Buch - Uberlebensgross Herr Strauss, Rowohlt Taschenbuch 
Verlag, Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1980. 

Various authors. The Great White Hoax - South Africa's international propaganda 
machine, Africa Bureau, London 1977. 

Various authors, Unheimliche Patrioten, Limmat Verlag, Zurich 1979. 

Verhoeyen, Etienne and Uytterhaegen, Frank, De Kreeft met de zwarte Scharen, 
Frans Masereelfonds, Gent, 1982. 

Verrier, Anthony, Through the Looking Glass - British Foreign Policy in the Age of 
Illusions, Jonathan Cape, London 1983. 

Walraff, Giinter, Die Aufdeckung einer Verschivorung, Kiepenheuer und Witsch, Koln 

Walsh, Michael, The Secret World of Opus Dei, Grafton, London 1989. 

Willan, Philip, Puppetmasters - the political ixse of terrorism in Italy, Constable, London 

Willems, Jan, VdB - un citoyen au-dessus de tout soupgon, EPO, Berchem undated. 

Winter, Gordon, Inside BOSS, Penguin, London 1981. 

Winter, Gordon, Inside BOSS and After, Lobster 18, October 1989. 

Winter, Gordon, Vindication is a dish still edible when cold, Lobster 48, Winter 2004. 

Woodward, Bob, Veil, Headline, London 1988. 

Wolton, Thierry, Les ecuries de la Vieme, Grasset, Paris 1989. 

Wright, Peter, Spycatcher, Heinemann, Australia 1987. 

Yallop, David, In God's Name, Corgi, London 1987. 

Young European Federalists, Mobilmachung - Die Habsburger Front, Bonn and Berlin 

Young, George Kennedy, Subversion and the British Riposte, Ossian, Glasgow 1984. 

Zangrandi, Inchiesta sul SIFAR, Editori Riuniti, Italy 1972. 


Celsius (Mantrant, BP 2128, 1000 Bruxelles 1, Belgium), numbers 12, 14, 15, 16, 
17, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 34, 39, 52. 

Covert Action Information Bulletin, no. 7 (December 1979 - January 1980); no 10 
(August-September 1980). 

Fiche & Fouine, (Comite En finir avec I'Etat fouineur, rue de la Borde 11, 1018 
Lausanne, Switzerland), number 1, February 1990. 

Lobster (214 Westboume Avenue, Hull HU5 3JB, UK) numbers 3 (1984), 4 (1984), 11 
(Ramsay and Dorril, 4/86), 14 (9/87), 16 (7/88), 17 (11/88), 18 (10/89), 19 (5/90), 
22 (1991), and Lobster Special Issues, A Who's Who of the British Secret State, 
Stephen Dorril, June 1989, and The Clandestine Caucus - anti-socialist campaigns 
and operations in the British Labour Movement since the war, Robin Ramsay, undated 
(c. 2000). 

State Researchno. 1, October 1977, and no. 7, August/ September 1978 (nos. 1-7 
published in Review of Security and the State 1978, Julian Friedmann, London 
1978); nos. 8-13 published in Review of Security and the State 1979, Julian 
Friedmann, London 1979; State Research no. 15 (Dec 1979 - Jan 1980), no. 16 
(February- March 1980), no. 17 (April-May 1980), no. 22 (Februaiy-March 1981). 

Top Secret, Number 1/89 (Postfach 270324, 5000 Koln 1, West Germany). 


City Limits, 14/8/86. 

Daily Mail, 22/12/76. 

Daily Mirror, 14/ 12/90. 

Daily Telegraph, 20/11/86. 

DeMorgen, 1-12/7/89 

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 30/3/85. 

Guardian, 20, 21, 31/12/76, 27/1/78, 7/6/78, 6/5/80, 3/10/80, 18/12/81, 
11/2/83, 30/4/83, 8/10/83, 21, 22, 28/2/85, 26/11/85, 26/6/87, 2/10/89, 
11/10/89, 14+15/12/89, 26/7/91, 24-5/8/91. 

International Herald Tribune, 15/9/58 (republished in the IHT on 15/9/08), 

L'Espresso, 17/12/74. 

Le Monde, 24/2/78, 21/3/85. 

LeSoir, 4/9/91. 

Le Vif/L'Express, 19/5/89. 

Leveller, 64/1981. 

Liberation, 9/10/75, 9-10 + 11/4/76. 

Liberies, 14/2/91, and 9, 10, 11, 13-15, 17, 18, 19 and 20-22/4/91. 

Moscow Literary Gazette, 6/3/85. 

iVew Statesman, 15/2/80, 27/2/81, 29/5/87. 

iVeu; Yor/c Times, 18/4/85. 

Observer, 3/2/74, 29/1/78, 7/12/86, 2/10/88, 29/1/89, 9/12/90, 16/12/90, 
10/2/91, 24/2/91, 2/2/92, 17/5/92. 

Private Eye, 7/1/77. 

Spiegel, 9/1980, 10/1980, 32/1980, 34/1980, 35/1980, 36/1980, 41/1980, 
36/1981, 32/1982, 37/1982, 9/1983, 44/1983, 41/1984, 42/1984, 51/1984, 

Stem, 7/4/76, 8/1978. 

Siiddeutsche Zeitung, 24-25/10/87. 

Sunday Times, 7/10/84. 

Sunday Telegraph, 13/12/87. 

Tageszeitung, 24/1/87, 16/3/87, 13/5/87, 18/5/87, 20/5/87, 22/5/87, 6/6/87, 
12/6/87, 3/7/87. 

Telegraph, 20/11/86. 

Telemoustique, 27/6/91. 

Time Out, 27/6-3/7/75, 20-26/6/75, 29/8-4/9/75, 5-11/9/75. 

Tribune, 2/9/83, 9/9/83. 

Vrij Nederland, 25/01/92.