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imliiiii institute, Bxford. 



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Oxford University Press Warehouse 
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THE Li K\, I— X 



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I. Three different LI King, or Ritual. Books, acknow- 

ledged in China. The recovery of the first two, 
and formation of the third, under the han 
Dynasty. i 

How Confucius spoke of the Lf. How Mencius spoke of 
them. Now there are three Lf King or three Rituals. State of 
the Lf books at the rise of the Han dynasty. Work of the 
emperors of Han in recovering the ancient books, i. Recovery 
of the t Lf. ii. King Hsien of Ho-iien, and his recovery of 
the J3u Lf. iii. Formation of the Lf JO. Council of b.c. 51. 
Condition in B.C. 26. Hlu 3hang and the two Tais. MS 
Yung and King Hsuan. 3hai Yung and his manusciiipt. Lf of 
the Greater Tai. 

II. Significance of the Chinese character called Lt. 

Meaning of the title Lt A3. Value of the Work . 9 

Lf is a symbol of religious import, and a symbol for the feeling 
of propriety. Translation of the title. The value of the 
Lt XT. The Lt Ki as one of the five King. 

III. Brief Notices of the different Books which make 

up the Collection 15 


1. KM Lt IS 

2. Than Kung 17 

3. Wang ATih 18 

4. Yuen Ling 20 

5. 3ang-)ze Wan 21 

6. Win Wang Shih-jze 22 

7. Lt Yun . 23 

8. Lt JOt 25 

9. ATiao Theh Sing 26 

10. Nei 3eh 26 

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ii. YU33o 27 

12. Ming Thang Wei 28 

13. Sang FQ Hsiao K\ 30 

14. Ta Jifwan 30 

15. Shao I 31 

16. Hsio It . . . " 32 

17. YoKi 32 

18. 3a K\ 34 

19. Sang TaKi 34 

20. K\ Fa 35 

21. K\ t 36 

22. I! Thung 37 

23. ling Kleh 38 

24. Ai Kung Win 39 

25. JTung-nf Yen Ktt 40 

26. Khung-jze Hsien Kii 41 

27. Fang K\ 41 

28. Aung Yung 42 

29. Piao JR 44 

30. 3ze t 45 

31. PSn Sang 46 

32. Win Sang 47 

33. Ffl Wa« . 48 

34. lien AT wan 48 

35. San Nien Wan 49 

36. Shan 1 50 

37. Thau Hfi 50 

38. Zu Hsing 51 

39. T3 Hsio 53 

40. Kwan t 54 

41. HwSn 1 55 

42. Hsiang Yin JCiu t 56 

43- Sh ® 1 56 

44- Yen t 57 

45. Phing 1 58 

46. Sang Ffl Sze Kih 59 


I. Km Lt or Summary or the Rules or Propriety. 

Section I. 

Part I 61 

» II 67 

»»I 73 

„ IV 83 

» V 90 

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Sectiox II. 

Part I 


» " IOQ 

.. I" • • „ 4 

II. The Than Kung. 

Section I. 

Part » ,20 

..II , 3 , 

»I» 147 

Section II. 

Part 1 161 

" H 173 

» In 187 

Appendix to Book II 202 

Plates I-VI after page 208. 

III. The Royal Regulations. 

Section I 2 oo 

>» II •••...... . 212 

i> '" ••••...... 222 

» I v 230 

>» V 240 

IV. Yueh Ling or Proceedings of Government in the 

different Months. 

Section I. 
Part I 249 

» II 257 

11 HI 262 

Section II. 
Part I 268 

» II 272 

1. HI 276 

Supplementary Section . 280 

Section III. 
Part I 2 8 3 

»i II 286 

11 III 291 

Section IV. 

Part I 296 

11 II 301 

I. HI 306 

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V. The Questions of 3Xng-jze. 

Section I 311 

» II 328 

VI. WAn Wang Shih-jze or King Wan as Son and Heir. 
Section I 343 

». II 353 

VII. The L! Yun or Ceremonial Usages ;— their Origin, 

Development, and Intention. 

Section I 364 

., II 372 

III 380 

„ iv 385 

VIII. The Lt Kh\ or Rites in the Formation of Character. 
Section I 394 

» II 404 

IX. The ATiao Theh SAng or the Single Victim at the 

Border Sacrifices. 

Section I 416 

» II 426 

»» "I 437 

X. The Nfei 3eh or the Pattern of the Family. 
Section I 449 

1. II 464 

Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Trans- 
lations of the Sacred Books of the East . . .481 

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I may be permitted to express my satisfaction that, with 
the two volumes of the Li K\ now published, I have done, 
so far as translation is concerned, all and more than all 
which I undertook to do on the Chinese Classics more than 
twenty-five years ago. When the first volume was pub- 
lished in 1861, my friend, the late Stanislas Julien, wrote to 
me, asking if I had duly considered the voluminousness of 
the Li ATI, and expressing his doubts whether I should be 
able to complete my undertaking. Having begun the task, 
however, I have pursued it to the end, working on with some 
unavoidable interruptions, and amidst not a few other 

The present is the first translation that has been published 
in any European language of the whole of the Li ATI. In 
1853 the late J. M. Callery published at the Imprimerie 
Royale, Turin, what he called 'LI Kl, ou Memorial des 
Rites, traduit pour la premiere fois du Chinois, et accom- 
pagne de Notes, de Commentaires, et du Texte Original.' 
But in fact the text which P. Callery adopted was only an 
expurgated edition, published by Fan 3ze-tang, a scholar 
of the Yuan dynasty, as commented on and annotated by 
A"au A"ih, whose well-known work appeared in 1711, the 
50th year of the Khang-hsi reign or period 1 . Callery has 
himself called attention to this in his introduction, and it is 
to be regretted that he did not indicate it in the title- 
page of his book. Fan's text omits entirely the 5th, 12th, 
13th, 19th, 28th, 31st, 32nd, 33rd, 34th, 35th, 37th, and 
39th Books in my translation, while of most of the others, 

* ■"* SS IB fl i± X £ fe %• for whicb CaUe, y •*— 

' Combinaison des Commentaires Ta Tsiien (le Grand Complet) et Chu (l'expli- 
cation), d'apres le sens original dn Memorial des rites.' Kin Xlh I 
has the alias of Aau Tan-lin (g_ jj&\ 

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' a good third ' has been expurgated. I do not think that 
Callery's version contains above one half of the LI ATi, as 
it is found in the great editions of the Thang and present 
dynasties. The latter of these was commanded in an 
imperial rescript in 1748, the 13th year of the ATAien-lung 
period. The committee charged with its execution con- 
sisted of 85 dignitaries and scholars, who used the previous 
labours of 244 authors, besides adding, on many of the 
most difficult passages, their own remarks and decisions, 
which are generally very valuable. 

My own version is based on a study of these two im- 
perial collections, and on an extensive compilation, made 
specially for my use by my Chinese friend and former 
helper, the graduate Wang Thao, gathered mostly from 
more recent writers of the last 250 years. The AVnen-lung 
editors make frequent reference to the work of ATAan Hao, 
which appeared in 1322 under the modest title of, ' A 
Collection of Remarks on the LI ATI V This acquired so 
great a celebrity under the Ming dynasty, that, as Callery 
tells us, an edict was issued in 1403 appointing it the 
standard for the interpretation of the Classic at the public 
examinations ; and this pre-eminence was accorded to it 
on to the .Oien-lung period. The whole of the LI K\ is 
given and expounded by Kten, excepting the 28th and 
39th Books, which had long been current as portions of 'The 
Four Books.' I may say that I have read over and over, 
and with much benefit, every sentence in his comments. 
Forming my own judgment on every passage, now agreeing 
with him and now differing, and frequently finding reason 
to attach a higher value to the views of the ATAien-lung 
editors, I must say that ' he deserves well ' of the LI ATI. 
His volumes are characterised by a painstaking study of 
the original text, and an honest attempt to exhibit the 
logical connexion of thought in its several parts. 

. — ' ■ - -■-■ ■ ■ ■ — -,..,— ^ 

' ffifl fB $k Wt- The author bM the allases for m ° of Kh0 T * 

(pf ;£). Yttn *wang (*S* jjj), and Tung Hui (]|J |g); the last, 
I suppose, from his having lived near the lake so called. 

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P. Callery's translation of his expurgated text is for the 
most part well executed, and his notes, of which I have 
often made use, are admirable. I have also enjoyed the 
benefit of the .more recent work, 'Cursus Litteraturae 
Sinicae,' by P. Angelo Zottoli, in whom the scholarship of 
the earlier Jesuit missionaries has revived. In his third 
volume, published at Shang-hai in 1880, there are good 
translations of the 1st, 5th, 10th, 20th, 21st, and 22nd 
Books ; while the 28th and 39th are in his second volume. 
In the Latin which he employs, according to the traditions 
of his church and what is still a practice of some scholars, 
he is able to be more brief in his renderings than Callery 
and myself, but perhaps not so satisfactory to readers 
generally. I also referred occasionally to Signor Carlo 
Puini's ' Li-Ki : Instituzioni, Usi e Costumanze della Cina 
antica ; Traduzione. Commento e Note (Fascicolo Primo ; 
Firenze, 1883).' 

The present translation is, as I said above, the first pub- 
lished in any European language of the whole of the Lt K\ ; 
but another had existed in manuscript for several years, — 
the work of Mr. Alexander Wylie, now unhappily, by loss 
of eye-sight and otherwise failing health, laid aside from his 
important Chinese labours. I was fortunate enough to 
obtain possession of this when I had got to the 35th Book 
in my own version, and, in carrying the sheets through 
the press, I have constantly made reference to it. It was 
written at an early period of Mr. Wylie's Chinese studies, 
and is not such as a Sinologist of his attainments and 
research would have produced later on. Still I have been 
glad to have it by me, though I may venture to say that, 
in construing the paragraphs and translating the cha- 
racters, I have not been indebted in a single instance to 
him or P. Callery. The first six Books, and portions of 
several others, had been written out, more than once, 
before I finally left China in 1873; but I began again at 
the beginning, early in 1883, in preparing the present 
version. I can hardly hope that, in translating so ex- 
tensive and peculiar a work, descriptive of customs and 

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things at so remote a period of time, and without the 
assistance of any Chinese graduate with whom I could 
have talked over complicated and perplexing paragraphs, 
I may not have fallen into some mistakes ; but I trust 
they will be found to be very few. My simple and only 
aim has been, first, to understand the text for myself, 
and then to render it in English, fairly and as well as 
I could in the time attain to, for my readers. 


July 10, 1885. 

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^ THE Lf Kl 





Three different Lt King, or Ritual Books, ac- 
knowledged in China. The recovery of the 
first two, and formation of the third, 
under the han dynasty. 

i. Confucius said, 'It is by the Odes that the mind is 
aroused ; by the Rules of Propriety that the character is 
How Confucius established ; from Music that the finish is 
spoke of the Lt. received 1 .' On another occasion he said, 
'Without the Rules of Propriety, respectfulness becomes 
laborious bustle; carefulness, timidity; boldness, insubor- 
dination; and straightforwardness, rudeness 1 .' 

These are two specimens of the manner in which Confu- 
cius expressed himself . about the Lt, the Rules of Propriety 
or Ceremonial Usages, recognised in his time. It is a 
natural inference from his language that there were Collec- 
tions of such Rules which could be read and studied ; but 
he does not expressly say so. 

The language of Mencius was more definite. In at least 
two passages of his works we find the usual form of quota- 
How Mencius tion LI Yd eh, 'The Ll says 2 ,' which, ac- 
spoke of them. cor dj n g to th e analogy of Shih Yueh, ' The 
Shih King, or Book of Poetry, says,' might be rendered, 

> Confucian Analects, Book VIII, 8 and 2. 

* Works of Mencius, II, Part it, 2. 5 ; HI, Part ii, 3. 3. 

[37] B 

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2 the l! rt. CH. I. 

' The Lt King says.' In another passage, he says to a Mr. 
ATing . K /*un, 'Have you not read the Lt 1 ?' It does not 
appear that Mencius was always referring to one and the 
same collection of L 1 ; but it is clear that in his time there 
were one or more such collections current and well known 
among his countrymen. 
There are now three Chinese classics into which the name 
„ .. Li enters: — the 1 Lt, the Kku Li, and the Lt 

Now there are . 

three L! King, K\, frequently styled, both by the Chinese 
or three Rituals. 4^^,^ and by sinologists, 'The Three 

Rituals 2 .' The first two are books of the Kku dynasty 
(B.C. 1133-325). The third, of which a complete trans- 
lation is given in the present work, may contain passages 
of an earlier date than either of the others ; but as a collec- 
tion in its present form, it does not go higher than the Han 
dynasty, and was not completed till our second century. It 
has, however, taken a higher position than, those others, and 
is ranked with the Shu, the Shih, the Yt, and the KAun 
K/tiCi, forming one of 'The Five King,' which are acknow- 
ledged as the books of greatest authority in China. Other 
considerations besides antiquity have given, we shall see, 
its eminence to the Li K\. 

2. The monuments of the ancient literature, with the 
exception, perhaps, of the Yt King, were in a condition of 
State of the Lt disorder and incompleteness at the rise of the 
b °tf ufeHaT 6 Han dynasty (b. c. 306). This was the case 
dynasty. especially with the t Lt and Afau Lt. They 
had suffered, with the other books, from the fires and pro- 
scription of the short-lived dynasty of KA'm, the founder of 
which was bent especially on their destruction* ; and during 
the closing centuries of A"4u, in all the period of 'The War- 
ring Kingdoms,' they had been variously mutilated by the 
contending princes*. 

1 Works of Mencius, III, ii, ». 2. 

' See Wylie's Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 4, and Mayers' Chinese Reader's 
Manual, p. 300. 

* Sie-mi Alien's Biographies, Book 61 (^ tt *(§)' p ' ^' ° tner 
-testimonies to the fact could be adduced. 

♦ Mencius V, ii, 2. 2. See also the note of Lift Hsin, appended to his 
catalogue of Li works, in the Imperial library of Han. 

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The sovereigns of Han undertook the task of gathering 
Work of the up and arranging the fragments of the ancient 
taSi H t£ books, and executed it well. In B.C. ai 3 
ancient books. Shih Hwang Ti of KAin had promulgated 
his edict forbidding any one to hide and keep in his posses- 
sion the old writings. This was repealed in B. c. 191 by the 
emperor Hui, so that it had been in existence only twenty- 
two years, during most of which, we may presume, it had been 
inoperative. Arrangements were also made to receive and 
preserve old tablets which might be presented 1 , and to take 
down in writing what scholars might be able to repeat. In 
B. c. 164, the emperor WSn ordered 'the Great Scholars' of 
his court to compile ' the Royal Ordinances,' the fifth of 
the Books in our Li ATI 2 . 

i. Internal evidence shows that when this treatise was 
Recovery of made, the I LI, or portions of it at least, 
the I Lt. na d been recovered ; and with this agrees the 
testimony of Sze-mi KMen, who was born perhaps in that 
very year 3 , and lived to between B. C. 90 and 80. In the 
61st Book of his Biographies, referred to in a note above, 
KAien says, ' Many of the scholars repeated (parts of) the 
Lt ; but no other of them so much as Kao Thang of Lu ; 
and now we have only the Shih LI, which he was able to 
recite.' In harmony with this statement of the great 
historian, is the first entry in Liu Hsin's Catalogue of LI 
books in the Imperial library of Han*: — '56 £iian or 
sections of LI in the old text, and 17 phi en in the (current) 
text (of the time) ;' forming, as is universally believed, the 
present 1 Lf, for which the Shih L! of ATAien is merely 
another name. 

That Kao Thang should have been able to dictate so much 
of the work will not be thought wonderful by those who 

1 Such was the 'Stone-Conduit Gallery,' which Mayers (Manual, p. 185) 
describes as a building erected by Hsiao Ho at A"/4ang-an for the reception of the 
records of the extinct A'Ain dynasty, about B.C. aoo, adding that 'in B.C. 51, the 
emperor Hsiian appointed a commission of scholars to assemble in this build- 
ing, and complete the revision of the classical writings.' But it had also been 
intended from the first as a repository for those writings as they were recovered. 

* See the General Mirror of History under that year. 

' Mayers puts his birth ' about B. c. 163,' and his death ' about 85.' 


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4 THE Lt kI. ch. I. 

are familiar with the power of memory displayed by many 
Chinese scholars even at the present day. The sections in 
the old text were found in the reign of the emperor Wu 
(B.C. 140-87), and came into the possession of his brother, 
known as. king Hsien of Ho-^ien. We do not know how 
much this mass of tablets added to the t Li, as we now 
have it, but they confirmed the genuineness of the portion 
obtained from Kao. 

ii. The recovery of the A'au Lt came not long after, and 
through the agency of the same king Hsien. No one did 
King Hsien of so much as he in the restoration of the ancient 
8t£££?ot 1'terature. By name Teh, and one of the four- 
the A'au Lt. teen sons of the emperor Afing (B. c. 156-141 ), 
he was appointed by his father, in B. c. 155, king of Ho-yfcien, 
which is still the name of one of the departments of ATih-li, 
and there he continued till his death, in 129, the patron of 
all literary men, and unceasingly pursuing his quest for 
old books dating from before the Kh\n dynasty. Multi- 
tudes came to him from all quarters, bringing to him the 
precious tablets which had been preserved in their families 
or found by them elsewhere. The originals he kept in his 
own library, and had a copy taken, which he gave to the 
donor with a valuable gift. We are indebted to him in 
this way for the preservation of the Tao Teh King, the 
works of Mencius, and other precious treasures ; but I have 
only to notice here his services in connexion with the Li 
books 1 . 

Some one 2 brought to him the tablets of the A'au Li, 
then called ATau K wan, 'The Official Book of ATau/ and 
purporting to contain a complete account of the organised 
government of the dynasty of ATau in six sections. The 
sixth section, however, which should have supplied a list 
of the officers in the department of the minister of Works, 

' See the account of king Hsien in the twenty third chapter of the Bio- 
graphies in the History of the first Han dynasty. Hsien was the king's 

posthumous title ( ISfc), denoting ' The Profound and Intelligent.' 

* The Catalogue of the Sui Dynasty's (A.D. 589-618) Imperial library says 
this was a scholar of the surname Lt (55)- I have been unable to trace the 
authority for the statement farther back. 

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with their functions, was wanting, and the king offered to 
pay iooo pieces of gold to any one who should supply the 
missing tablets, but in vain 1 . He presented the tablets 
which he had obtained at the court of his half-brother, the 
emperor Wu ; but the treasure remained uncared for in one 
of the imperial repositories till the next century ; when it 
came into the charge of Liu Hsin. Hsin replaced the 
missing portion from another old work, called KhioKung 
K% which Wylie renders by 'The Artificers' Record.' This 
has ever since continued to appear as the sixth section of 
the whole work, for the charge of which Hsin obtained the 
appointment of a special board of scholars, such as had 
from the first been entrusted with the care of the 1 Lf. 
The A"au Li is a constitutional and not a ritual work. 
The last entry in Hsin's Catalogue of Lt Books is : — 'The 
AT4u Kwan in six sections; and a treatise on the Kku 
Kwan in four sections.' That is the proper name for it. 
It was not called the Kku Li till the Thang dynasty 2 . 

iii. We come to the formation of the text of the Lt ATi, 
in which we are more particularly interested. We cannot 

Formation of speak of its recovery, for though parts of 

the L! ,tft. ^ h^ b een j n existence during the ATau 
dynasty, many of its Books cannot claim a higher anti- 
quity than the period of the Han. All that is known 
about the authorship of them all will be found in the 
notices which form the last chapter of this Introduction. 

After the entry in Liu Hsin's Catalogue about the re- 

' This is related in the Catalogue of the Sui dynasty. It could not be in 
Alien's sixty-first chapter of Biographies, because the A"au Kwan was not 
known, or, at least, not made public, in Alien's time. The Sui writers, no 
doubt, took it from some biography of the Han, which has escaped me. 

* A complete translation of the A"au Li appeared at Paris in 1851, the work 
of Edwani Biot, who had died himself before its publication, before his fiftieth 
year. According to a note in Callery's 'Memorial des Rites' (p. 191), the 
labour of its preparation hastened Biot's death. There are some errors in the 
version, but they are few. I have had occasion to refer to hundreds of passages 
in it, and always with an increasing admiration of the author's general resources 
and knowledge of Chinese. His early death was the greatest loss which the 
cause of sinology has sustained. His labours, chiefly on Chinese subjects, had 
been incessant from 1835. The perusal of them has often brought to my 
memory the words of Newton. ' If Mr. Cotes had lived, we should have known 
something.' Is there no sinologist who will now undertake a complete transla- 
tion of the 1 Li? 

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6 THE Li jrt. CH. t. 

covered text of the 1 Lt, there follows — '131 phi en of 
K%' that is, so many different records or treatises on 
the subject of Lt. These had also been collected by king 
Hsien, and ATu Hst's note about them is that they were 
'Treatises composed by the disciples of the seventy dis- 
ciples,' meaning by 'the seventy disciples' those of Con- 
fucius' followers who had been most in his society and 
profited most from his instructions. These 131 phien 
contained, no doubt, the germ of our Li JCi; but there 
they remained for about a century in the imperial re- 
positories, undigested and uncared for, and constantly 
having other treatises of a similar nature added to them. 

At last, in B.C. 51, the emperor Hsiian (b. c. 73-47) 
convoked a large assembly of Great Scholars to meet in 

Council of tne Stone-Conduit Gallery, and discuss the 
B.c.51. t ex t f the recovered classics 1 . A prominent 
member of this assembly, the president of it I suppose, 
was Liu Hsiang, himself a celebrated writer and a scion 
of the imperial house, who appears to have had the prin- 
cipal charge of all the repositories. Among the other 
members, and in special connexion with the Lt works, 
we find the name of Tai Shang, who will again come 
before us 2 . 

We do not know what the deliberations of the Great 
Scholars resulted in, but twenty-five years later the em- 
peror ATAang caused another search to be 
made throughout the empire for books that 
might hitherto have escaped notice; and, when it was 
completed, he ordered Hsiang to examine all the contents 
of the repositories, and collate the various copies of the 
classics. From this came the preparation of a catalogue ; 
and Hsiang dying at the age of seventy-two, in B. c. 9, 
before it was completed, the work was delegated to his 
third and youngest son Hsin. His catalogue we hap- 
pily possess. It mentions, in addition to the 1 Lt and 

1 See the Details in the General Mirror of History, under B. c. 51. 
* See the 58th Book of Biographies (^| J^j in the History of the first 
Han, and the Catalogue of the Sui Library. 

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Kkw Lt, 199 phien of Lf treatises. The resume - ap- 
pended to the Lt books in the Catalogue of the Sui 
Dynasty, omitting works mentioned by Hsin, and inserting 
two others, says that Hsiang had in his hands altogether 
a 14 phien. What was to be done with this mass of 
tablets, or the written copies made from them ? 

The most distinguished of the Lt scholars in the time 
of the emperors Hsiian and ATAang was a Hau 3 n a n g> the 
HSu Shang and author of the compilation called in Hsin's 
thetwoTiis. Catalogue KM Tai K\; and two of his 
disciples, Tai Teh and Tai Shang, cousins ', the name of 
the latter of whom has already been mentioned as a 
member of the council of B. c. 51, were also celebrated 
for their ability. Teh, the older of the two, and commonly 
called Ta Tai, or ' the Greater Tai,' while Hsiang was yet 
alive, digested the mass of phien, and in doing so reduced 
their number to 85. The younger, called Hsiao Tai, or 
'the Lesser T4i,' doing the same for his cousin's work, 
reduced it to 46 treatises. This second condensation of the 
LI documents met with general acceptance, and was styled 
the LI ATI. Shang himself wrote a work in twelve chapters, 
called ' A Discussion of the Doubts of Scholars about the 
LI ATI,' which, though now lost, was existing in the time 
of Sui. Through Kh\ko Zan and others, scholars of renown 
in their day, the redaction passed on to the well-known 
Ma Yung and Ma Yung (a.d. 79 -i 66), who added to 
AangHsuan. Shang's books the Yiieh Ling, the Ming 

1 Sinologists, without exception I believe, have called Shang a ' nephew ' of 
Teh, overlooking the way in which the relationship between them is expiessed 

in Chinese. Shang is always Teh's ffll J^ j£ -+*, and not simply JJ^ 

j^* -jr. Foreign students have overlooked the force of the phrase ^fc ,/Li 

and, more rally, aJP ^C J\s ^" e ^ ""d Shang's father had the same grand- 
father, and were themselves the sons of brothers. They were therefore what we 
call first cousins, and Teh and Shang were second cousins. The point is unim- 
portant, but it is well to be correct even in small matters. Not unimportant, 
however, is the error of Callery (Introduction, p. 6), who says, ' Le neveu, 
homme deprave, beaucoup plus adonnl aux plaisirs, qui l'etude, retrancha 
encore davantage et fixa le nombre des chapitres a 46.' No such stigma rests on 
the character of Tai Shang, and I am sure translators have reason to be grateful 
to him for condensing, as he did, the result of his cousin's labours. 

Digitized by 


8 THE hi Kt. 

CH. I. 

Thang Wei, and the Yo AT!, making their number in all 
forty-nine, though, according to the arrangement adopted 
in the present translation, they still amount only to forty- 
six. From Mi, again, it passed to his pupil A"5ng Hsuan 
(a.d. 127-200), in whom he was obliged to acknowledge 
a greater scholar than himself. 

Thus the LI K\ was formed. It is not necessary to 
pursue its history farther. Af£ng was the scholar df his 
age, and may be compared, in scholarship, with the later 
A"u Hsl. And he has been fortunate in the preservation 
of his works. He applied himself to all the three Rituals, 
and his labours on them all, the Kku Li, the 1 Li, and the 
LI ATI, remain. His commentaries on them are to be found 
in the great work of 'The Thirteen King' of the Thang 
dynasty. There they appear, followed by the glosses, illus- 
trations, and paraphrases of Khung Ying-ta. 

In A. D. 175, while A!"ang was yet alive, 3h&i Yung, a 

scholar and officer of many gifts, superintended the work 

3h&i Yung and of engraving on stone the text of all the 

his manusculpt. Confucian classics. Only fragments of that 
great manusculpt remain to the present day, but others of 
the same nature were subsequently made. We may feel 
assured that we have the text of the Li K\ and other old 
Chinese books, as it was 1800 years ago, more correctly 
than any existing manuscripts give us that of any works 
of the West, Semitic, or Greek, or Latin, of anything like 
equal antiquity. 

3. A few sentences on the Li of the Greater T4i will fitly 

close this chapter. He handed down his voluminous com- 

L! of the pilation to a Hsu Liang of Lang Yeh in the 

Greater Tai. present Shan-tung l , and in his family it was 
transmitted; but if any commentaries on it were pub- 
lished, there is no trace of them in history. As the shorter 
work of his cousin obtained a wide circulation, his fell into 
neglect, and, as ATu 1-jun says, was simply put upon the shelf. 
Still there appears in the Sui Catalogue these two entries : — 
'The Li K\ of Ta Tai, in 13 Sections,' and 'The Hsia 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 


Hsiao Kang, in i Section,' with a note by the editor 
that it was compiled by Ta Tai. This little tractate may, 
or may not, have been also included in one of the 13 
Sections. There are entries also about Ta T&i's work in 
the catalogues of the Thang and Sung dynasties, which 
have given rise to many discussions. Some of the Sung 
scholars even regarded it as a 14th King. In the large 
collection of 'Books of Han and Wei,' a portion of the 
LI of Ta Tai is still current, 39 Books in 10 Sections, 
including the fragment of the Hsia dynasty, of which a 
version, along with the text, was published in 1882 by 
Professor Douglas of King's College, under the title of 
•The Calendar of the Hsia Dynasty.' I have gone over 
all the portion in the Han and Wei Collection, and must 
pronounce it very inferior to the compilation of the Hsilo 
or Lesser Tai. This inferiority, and not the bulk, merely, 
was the reason why from the first it has been compara- 
tively little attended to. 


Significance of the Chinese Character called 
Lf. Meaning of the title Li Ai. Value of 
the Work. 

1. The Chinese character L! admits of a great variety 

of terms in translating a work where it abounds into any 

of our western languages. In order fully to apprehend its 

significance, we must try to get hold of the fundamental 

ideas which it was intended to convey. And these are two. 

First, when we consult the Shwo Wan, the oldest Chinese 

LI is a symbol dictionary, we find Lt defined as ' a step or 

of religious act; that whereby we serve spiritual beings 

import. an( j obtain happiness.' The character was to 

the author, Hsu Shan, an ideagram of religious import ; and 

we can see that he rightly interpreted the intention of its 

maker or makers. It consists of two elements, separately 

called k/iih and ll 1 . That on the left is the symbol, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

IO THE Li Ki. 

CH. If. 

determining the category of meaning to which the com- 
pound belongs. It was the earliest figure employed to 
indicate spiritual beings, and enters into characters de- 
noting spirits, sacrifices, and prayer 1 . That on the 
right, called 11, is phonetic, but even it is the symbol for 
'a vessel used in performing rites;' and if, as the Khang- 
hst dictionary seems to say, it was anciently used alone 
for the present compound, still the spiritual significance 
would attach to it, and the addition of the kAih to com- 
plete the character, whensoever it was made, shows that 
the makers considered the rites in which the vessel was 
used to possess in the first place a religious import. 

• Next, the character is used, in moral and philosophical 
disquisitions, to designate one of the primary constituents 
of human nature. Those, as set forth by Mencius, are 

L! is a symbol *° Uf » ' n0t ^ use ^ mto us ^ rom Without/ not 

for the feeling produced, that is, by any force of circum- 

o propney. stanceS) but 'belonging naturally to us, as 
our four limbs do.' They are benevolence (#an), righteous- 
ness (i), propriety (It), and understanding (ifeih). Our pos- 
session of the first is proved by the feeling of distress at 
the sight of suffering ; of the second, by our feelings of 
shame and dislike ; of the third, by our feelings of modesty 
and courtesy ; of the fourth, by our consciousness of ap- 
proving and disapproving 2 . 

Thus the character It, in the concrete application of it, 
denotes the manifestations, and in its imperative use, the 
rules, of propriety. This twofold symbolism of it — the 
religious and the moral — must be kept in mind in the study 
of our classic. A life ordered in harmony with it would 
realise the highest Chinese ideal, and surely a very high 
ideal, of human character. 

But never and nowhere has it been possible for men to 
maintain this high standard of living. In China and else- 
where the It have become, in the usages of society in its 
various relationships, matters of course, forms without the 

1 E.g. jjjfl (shan),£j£ (Af), fff C*A1). 
* Mencius, IL i, 6; VI, i, 6. J. 

Digitized by 



spirit, and hence we cannot always translate the character 
by the same term. It would be easy to add to the number 
of words, more or less synonymous, in French or English 
or any other Aryan language, which Callery has heaped 
together in the following passage: — 'Autant que possible, 
j'ai traduit Li par le mot Rite, dont le sens est susceptible 
a une grande Vendue ; mais il faut convenir que, suivant les 
circonstances ou il est employe^ il peut signifier — Ce>£- 
monial, Ceremonies, Pratiques ceVemoniales, L'etiquette, 
Politesse, Urbanity, Courtoisie, Honn6tete\ Bonnes manieres, 
Egards, Bonne education, Bienseance, Les formes, Les 
convenances, Savoir-vivre, Decorum, Defence, Dignity per- 
sonnelle, Morality de conduite, Ordre Social, Devoirs de 
Soci&e\ Lois Sociales, Devoirs, Droit, Morale, Lois hterar- 
chiques, Oifrande, Usages, CoutumesV I have made little 
use in my translation of the word Rite or Rites, which 
Callery says he had endeavoured to adhere to as much as 
possible, but I do not think I have allowed myself so much 
liberty in other terms in my English as he has done in his 
French. For the symbol in the title I have said ' Rules 
of Propriety or Ceremonial Usages.' 

a. The meaning of the title — Li K\ — need not take us 
so long. There is no occasion to say more on the signi- 
TransUtion of ficance of Lt ; the other character, K\, should 
the title. ^ave a plural force given to it. What unity 
belongs to the Books composing it arises from their being 
all, more or less, occupied with the subject of Lf. Each 
one, or at least each group, is complete in itself. Each is 
a K\ ; taken together, they are so many K\s. Only into 
the separate titles of seven of them, the 13th, 16th, 17th, 
1 8th, 19th, 27th, and 29th, does the name of K\ enter. 
That character is the symbol for 'the recording of things 
one by one,' and is often exchanged for another Ki a , in 
which the classifying element is sze, the symbol for 'a 
packet of cocoons,' the compound denoting the unwinding 

1 Introduction, p. 16. 

* The classifier of K\ in the title is ^" (yen), the symbol of words ; that of 


Digitized by 


14 THE hi Kl 

CH. II. 

Poccident, le besoin imp£rieux de sonder les mysteres du 
monde invisible.' 

The number of the K\ that are devoted to the subject 
of the mourning rites shows how great was the regard of 
the people for the departed members of their families. The 
solidarity of the family, and even the solidarity of the race, 
is a sentiment which has always been very strong among 
them. The doctrine of filial piety has also the prominence 
in several Books which we might expect. 

As to the philosophical and moral ideas which abound in 
the work, they are, as Callery says, ' in general, sound and 
profound.' The way in which they are presented is not 
unfrequently eccentric, and hedged about with absurd 
speculations on the course of material nature, but a pro- 
longed study of the most difficult passages will generally 
bring to light what Chinese scholars call a tao-11, a 
ground of reason or analogy, which interests and satisfies 
the mind. 

4. The position that came gradually to be accorded to 
the Li K\ as one of ' The Five King,' par excellence, 

The L! K\ as was a t"^ ute to ' ts intrinsic merit. It did 
one of the Fire not, like the ATau Li, treat of matters pecu- 
mg ' liar to one dynasty, but of matters important 
in all time ; nor like the 1 L i, of usages belonging to one or 
more of the official classes, but of those that concerned all 
men. The category of ' Five King ' was formed early, but 
the • Three Rituals ' were comprehended in it as of equal 
value, and formed one subdivision of it. So it was early in 
the Thang dynasty when the collection of ' The Thirteen 
King ' was issued ; but ere the close of that dynasty our 
classic had made good its eminence over the other two 
Rituals. In the 39th chapter of the Monographs of Thang, 
page 17, it is said, 'To the charge of each of the Five 
King two Great Scholars were appointed. The Yi of A'au, 
the Shang Shu, the Shih of Mao, the Khun KAiu, and the 
L! K\ are the Five King.' 

Digitized by 




Brief" Notices of the different Books which 
make up the collection. 

Book I. KhV Li. 

This first Book in the collection is also the longest, and 
has been divided because of its length into two Books. 
In this translation, however, it appears only as one Book 
in two Sections, which again are subdivided, after the 
A'Aien-lung editors, into five Parts and three Parts respec- 

The name ATAu Lt is taken from the first two characters 
in the first paragraph, and the first sentence, 'The ATAii L! 
says,' extends over all that follows to the end of the Book. 
P. Callery, indeed, puts only the first paragraph within in- 
verted commas, as if it alone were from the ATAu Lt, and 
the rest of the Book were by a different hand. He trans- 
lates the title by ' Rites Divers,' and to his first sentence, 
'Le Recueil des rites divers dit,' appends the fol- 
lowing note : — * This work, that for a very long time has 
been lost, was, so far as appears, one of those collections of 
proverbs and maxims with which philosophy has com- 
menced among nearly all peoples. Although the author 
does not say so, it is probable that this chapter and the 
next contain an analysis of that ancient collection, for the 
great unconnectedness which we find in it agrees well with 
the variety indicated by the title KAii Li.' My own 
inference from the text, however, is what I have stated 
above, that the Book is a transcript of the Khu Lt, and 
not merely a condensation of its contents, or a redaction 
of them by a different author. 

It is not easy to translate the title satisfactorily. Accord- 
ing to A'Sng Hsiian (or /(Tang Khang-/Mang), the earliest 
of all the great commentators on the Lt K\, 'The Book 
is named Khu Lt, because it contains matters relating 
to all the five ceremonial categories. What is' said in it 
about sacrifices belongs to the " auspicious ceremonies ; " 

Digitized by 


1 6 THE Li si. CH. HI. 

about the rites of mourning, and the loss or abandonment 
of one's state, to the " inauspicious ;" about the payment of 
tributary dues and appearances at the royal court, to " the 
rites of hospitality;" about weapons, chariots, and banners, 
" to those of war;" and about serving elders, reverencing 
the aged, giving offerings or presents, and the marriage of 
daughters, to the " festive ceremonies." ' On this view the 
title would mean ' Rules belonging to the different classes 
of ceremonies,' or, more concisely, the 'Rites Divers' of 
Callery; and Mr.Wyliehas called the Book 'The Universal 

But this rendering of the title does not suit the proper 
force of the character KA\i, which is the symbol of 'being 
beot or crooked,' and is used, with substantival meaning, 
for what is small and appears irregularly. Mention is 
made in Book XXVIII, ii, 23, of ' him who cultivates the 
shoots of goodness in his nature,' those ' shoots ' being 
expressed by this character Kh ii ; and in a note on the 
passage there I have quoted the words of the commentator 
Pai Lii : — ' Put a stone on a bamboo shoot, or where the 
shoot would show itself, and it will travel round the stone, 
and come out crookedly at its side.' Thus Kk\i is em- 
ployed for what is exhibited partially or in a small degree. 
Even ATang Hsiian on that passage explains it by 'very 
small matters ;' and the two ablest in my opinion of all the 
Chinese critics and commentators, Kb Hsi and Wu KA&ng 
(of the Yuan dynasty, A.D. 1249-1333), take our title to 
mean 'The minuter forms and smaller points of ceremony.' 
P. Zottoli is not to be blamed for following them, and 
styling the Book — ' Minutiores Ritus.' Still even this does 
not satisfy my own mind. Great rites are mentioned in 
the treatise as well as small ones. Principles of ceremony 
are enunciated as well as details. The contents are marked 
indeed by the ' unconnectedness ' which Callery mentions ; 
but a translator cannot help that. The Book may not be 
as to method all that we could wish, but we must make 
the best we can of it as it stands ; and I have ventured 
to call it 'A Summary of the Rules of Ceremony.' It 
occupies very properly the place at the beginning of the 

Digitized by 



collection, and is a good introduction to the treatises that 

Among the Lt books in Liu Hsin's Catalogue of the 
Imperial Library of Han, is a Treatise in nine .chapters 
(phi en), compiled by Hau 3hang, and called KAii Thai 
K\, or ' Record made in the KAii Tower.' The KAii 
Tower was the name of an educational building, where 
scholars met in the time of the emperor Hsuan to discuss 
questions about ceremonies and other matters connected 
with the ancient literature, and Hau 3hang (mentioned in 
the preceding chapter) kept a record of their proceedings. 
I should like to think that our KAii Lt is a portion of 
that KAii Thai K\, and am sorry not to be able to adduce 
Chinese authorities who take the same view. It would 
relieve us of the difficulty of accounting for the use of 
KAii in the title. 

Book II. Than Kung. 

The name Than Kung given to this Book is taken 
from the first paragraph in it, where the gentleman so 
denominated appears attending the mourning rites for an 
officer of the state of Lu. Nowhere else in the Treatise, 
however, is there any mention of him, or reference to him. 
There can be no reason but this, for calling it after him, 
that his surname and name occur at the commencement 
of it. He was a native, it is understood, of Lu ; but nothing 
more is known of him. 

The Than Kung, like the KAii Lt, is divided into two 
Books, which appear in this translation as two Sections of 
one Book. Each Section is subdivided into three Parts. 
The whole is chiefly occupied with the observances of the 
mourning rites. It is valuable because of the information 
which it gives about them, and the views prevailing at 
the time on the subject of death. It contains also many 
historical incidents about Confucius and others, which we 
are glad to possess. Some of the commentators, and 
especially the .Oien-lung editors, reject many of them 
[*7] C 

Digitized by 


1 8 THE Li *t. 

CH. ill. 

as legendary and fabulous. The whole Book is reduced 
to very small compass in the expurgated editions of the 
LI K\. We are glad, however, to have the incidents such 
as they .are. Who would not be sorry to want the ac- 
count of Confucius' death, which is given in I, ii, ao ? We 
seem, moreover, to understand him better from accounts 
which the Book contains of his intercourse with his disciples, 
and of their mourning for him. 

dze-yu \ an eminent member of his school, appears in 
the first paragraph much to his credit, and similarly after- 
wards on several occasions ; and this has made the KAien- 
lung editors throw out the suggestion that the Book was 
compiled by his disciples. It may have been so. 

Book III. Wang Km. 

According to Lu ATih (died A.D. 19a) 2 , the Wang A"ih, 
or * Royal Regulations,' was made by the Great Scholars 
of the time of the emperor Wan (b.C. 179-157), on the 
requisition of that sovereign 8 . It professes to give the 
regulations of the early kings on the classes of the feudal 
nobles and officers and their emoluments, on their sacri- 
fices, and their care for the aged. The emperor ordered 
it to be compiled after the death of ATia 1, a Great scholar 
and highly esteemed by the sovereign, which event must 
have taken place about B. C. 1 70, when ATia was only 
thirty-three. The Book is said to have contained, when 
it first appeared, an account of the royal progresses and 
of the altars and ceremonies of investiture, of which we 
do not now find any trace. Parts of it are taken from 
Mencius, from the Shu, and from the Commentaries of 
Kung-yang and 3o on the KAua KAid ; other parts again 
are not easily reconciled with those authorities. 

i ?n 

' See the 54th Book of the Biographies in the History of the Second Han 
* In B. c. 164. See the Mirror of History on that year. 

Digitized by 



The KMcn-lung editors deliver their judgment on it 
to the following effect: When it was made, the 1 LI 
must have appeared, but not the K&n Li. Hence the 
Banquet and Missions appear among the ' Six Subjects of 
Teaching,' and no mention is made of the minister of 
Religion, as one of the six great ministers, nor is anything 
said of the minister of War's management of the army. 
On a general view of it, many subjects are evidently based 
on Mencius, and whole paragraphs are borrowed from 
him. Nothing is said of the peculiar position of the son 
of Heaven, because in the Han dynasty, succeeding im- 
mediately to that of KAin, the emperor was to be dis- 
tinguished from, and not named along with, the feudal 
princes. In what is said about the reports of the Income 
and fixing the Expenditure, only the Grand ministers of 
Instruction, War, and Works are mentioned, because these 
were the three ducal ministers of the Han dynasty, and 
the ancient arrangements were represented so as to suit 
what had come into existence. That nothing is said about 
altars and investitures arose from Wan's having disregarded 
in that matter the advice of Hsin-yuan Phing 1 . It only 
shows how much the information of the compilers ex- 
ceeded that of Shu-sun Thung* and Sze-ma Hsiang-su 8 . 
The Book was received into the collection of the Li K\, 
because it was made at no great distance from antiquity. 
It is foolish in later scholars to weigh and measure every 
paragraph of it by its agreement or disagreement with 
Mencius and the ATau Li. 

This account of the Wang A!"ih must commend itself 
to unprejudiced readers. To myself, the most interesting 
thing in the Book is the information to be gathered from 
it about the existence of schools in the earliest times. 
We see at the very commencement of history in China a 

0T £M "*P" A TSo ' 8tic charlatan, honoured and followed for a few 
yean by the emperor Wan ; pat to death in B. C. 163. 

4s£ "^ jUL A sc h°l ar °f ^> m i was a counsellor afterwards of the 
first and second emperors of Han. 

■gl B| yjfl -fan. An officer and author. Died B. C. u6. 

C 2 

Digitized by 


20 THE Ll Kl. 


rudimentary education, out of which has come by gradual 
development the system of examinations of the present 

Book IV. Yueh Ling. 

The Yiieh Ling, or 'Proceedings of Government in the 
different Months,' appears in the .Oien-lung edition of the 
Lt K\ in six Sections ; but it has seemed to me more in 
harmony with the nature of the Book and more useful for 
the student to arrange it in four Sections, and each Section 
in three Parts, a Section thus comprehending a season 
of the year, and every month having a part to itself. 
There is also a short supplementary Section in the middle 
of the year, at the end of the sixth month, rendered neces- 
sary by the Taoist lines on which the different portions are 
put together. 

3hai Yung (a.d. 133-192) 1 and Wang Su a , somewhat 
later (in our third century), held that the Book was the 
work of the duke of Kku, and must be assigned to the 
eleventh or twelfth century B. c. But this view of its anti- 
quity may be said to be universally given up. Even 
Afang Hsiian saw in the second century that it was a 
compilation from the KAun Kh\<\ of Lii Pu-wei s , still 
foolishly said by many Chinese writers to have been the 
real father of the founder of the Kh'vn dynasty, and who 
died in B. C. 237. Lu Teh-ming*, writing in our seventh 
century, said, 'The Yiieh Ling was originally part of 
Lii's Khun Khih, from which some one subsequently 
compiled this Memoir.' The .Oien-lung editors unhesi- 
tatingly affirm this origin of the Yiieh Ling; as indeed 
no one, who has compared it with the work ascribed to 
Lii, can have any doubts on the matter. Of that work, 
Mayers says that 'it is a collection of quasi-historical 
notices, and, although nominally Lii's production, really 
compiled under his direction by an assemblage of scholars.' 

Digitized by 



Mayers adds, that on the completion of the work, Lii 
Pu-wei suspended 1000 pieces of gold at the gate of his 
palace, which he offered as a reward to any one who could 
suggest an improvement of it by adding or expunging a 
single character 1 . 

Such was the origin of the Yiieh Ling. We do not know 
who compiled it from the Kkun Kh\t of Lii, but it was 
first received into the LI K\ by Ma Yung. It can be 
explained only by noting the Khva peculiarities in the names 
of titles and other things. It is in itself full of interest, 
throwing light on the ancient ways and religious views, 
and showing how the latter more especially came to 
be corrupted by the intrusion among them of Taoistic 

The Book has sometimes been called ' A Calendar of the 
Months of Kku.' Callery translates the name Yiieh Ling 
by ' Attributs des Mois.' My own translation of it is 
after ATang Hsiian, who says, 'The Book is called Yiieh 
Ling, because it records the proceedings of Government in 
the twelve months of the year.' 

Book V. 3Ang-3ze WAn. 

This Book is named from the first three characters in 
it, meaning ' The Questions of 3&ng-jze.' Most of the 
different paragraphs or chapters in the two Sections of it 
commence in the same way. It is not found at all in 
the expurgated editions of the classic. 

3ang-jze, or Mr. 3&ng 2 , about fifty years younger than 
Confucius, was one of the chief disciples of his school, 
perhaps the ablest among them. He was distinguished 
for his filial piety, and straightforward, honest simplicity. 

1 Mayers' Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 146. The 1000 pieces of gold sus- 
pended at Lu's gate are probably only a variation of what has been related 
in the preceding chapter of what was done by king Hsien of llo-kiax towards 
the recovery of the missing Book of the A"au K wan. 

"€|* ^p ; his name was (Shan, %&), and that which he received in his 

matnrity, 8*e-yu (-^ Js^). 

Digitized by 


22 THE ii kL 


There is an interesting account of his death in Book II, i, 
Part i, 1 8. In the department of Liu Hsin's Catalogue, 
which contains ' Works of the Literati,' there are entered 
' 1 8 Treatises (phi en) of 3ang-jze,' but without any further 
specification of them. Ten of those treatises, or fragments 
of them, are found in the L! of the Greater Tai, but this 
Book is not among them, nor have I seen it anywhere 
ascribed to him as the writer of it. It must have been 
compiled, however, from memoranda left by him or some 
of his intimate disciples. The names of only two other 
disciples of the Master occur in it — those of 3 ze -y u an d 
Sze-hsia 1 . The reference to the disciples of the former in 
Section ii, 19, must be a note by the final compiler. The 
mention of Lao-jze or Lao Tan, and his views also, in 
Section ii, 22, 24, 28, strikes us as remarkable. 

If it were necessary to devise a name for the Book, I 
should propose — ' Questions of Casuistry on the subject of 
Ceremonial Rites.' 2,ang-$ze propounds difficulties that 
have struck him on various points of ceremony, especially 
in connexion with the rites of mourning ; and Confucius 
replies to them ingeniously and with much fertility. Some of 
the questions and answers, however, are but so much trifling. 
Khung Ying-ta says that only 3ang-$ze could have proposed 
the questions, and only Confucius have furnished the 
answers. He applies to the Book the description of the 
Yi in the third of the Appendixes to that classic, i, 40, 
as ' Speaking of the most complex phenomena under the 
sky, and having nothing in it to awaken dislike, and of the 
subtlest movements under the sky, and having nothing in it 
to produce confusion.' 

Book VI. WAN Wang Shih-3ze. 

No hint is given, nothing has been suggested, as to who 
was the compiler of this Book, which the ATAien-lung editors 
publish in two Sections. Its name is taken from the first 

Digitized by 



clause of the first paragraph, which treats of king Wan, the 
founder of the Aau dynasty, as he demeaned himself in his 
youth, when he was Shih-jze, or son and heir of his 
father. This is followed by a similar account of his son, 
who became king Wu ; and in paragraph 3 the writer goes 
on to the duke of ATau's training of king Kh&ng, the young 
son of Wu. In the last paragraph of the second Section, 
the subject of king Wan as prince is resumed. 

But the real subject-matter of the Book lies between 
those portions, and treats of three things. 

First ; Section i, paragraph 5 to the end, treats of the 
education and training of the eldest sons of the king and 
feudal .princes, and of the young men of brightest promise 
throughout the kingdom, chosen to study with these. We 
learn much from it as to the educational institutions and 
methods of ancient. times. 

Second; in Section ii, paragraphs 1 to 15, we have the 
duties of the Shu-jze, the head of an official Section, belong- 
ing to the department of the premier, whose special 
business was with the direction of the young noblemen 
of the royal and feudal courts in all matters belonging 
to their instruction. 

Third; from paragraph 17 to 23 of Section ii, we have 
an account of the various ceremonies or observances in 
the king's feasting and cherishing of the aged, and of 
his care that a similar course should be pursued by all 
the princes in their states. 

Book VII. LI Yun. 


L! Yun means, literally, 'The Conveyance of Rites.' 
P. Callery translates the name, not unsuccessfully, by 
' Phases du Ceremonial ;' but I prefer my own longer 
rendering of it, because it gives the reader a better idea of 
the contents of the Book. KSng Hsiian said it was called 
the Conveyance of Rites, because it records how the five 
Tis and three Kings made their several changes in them, 
and how the Yin and the Yang, or the twofold movement 

Digitized by 


24 THE l! kL CH. III. 

and operation of nature, produced them by their revolutions. 
The whole is difficult and deep ; and no other portion of the 
collection has tasked the ablest commentators more. The 
A"Aien-lung editors say that we have in the Book a grand 
expression of the importance of ceremonial usages, and 
that, if we are on our guard against a small Taoistic element 
in it, it is pure and without a flaw. That depraving element, 
they think, was introduced by the smaller Tai, who ignorantly 
thought he could make the Treatise appear to have a higher 
character by surreptitiously mixing it up with the fancies 
of Lao and Awang. But the Taoistic admixture is larger 
than they are willing to allow. 

Some have attributed the Book to 3ze-yu, who appears, 
in the first of its Sections, three times by his surname and 
name of Yen Yen, as the questioner of Confucius, and 
thereby giving occasion to the exposition of the sage's 
views; others attribute it to his disciples. The second 
Section commences with an utterance of Confucius without 
the prompting of any interlocutor ; and perhaps the com- 
piler meant that all the rest of the Treatise should be 
received as giving not only the Master's ideas, but also his 
words. Whoever made the Book as we now have it, it is 
one of the most valuable in the whole work. Hwang AT5n 
(in the end of the Sung dynasty) says of it, that notwith- 
standing the appearance, here and there, of Taoistic 
elements, it contains many admirable passages, and he 
instances what is said about creation or the processes of 
nature, in iii, 2; about government, in ii, 18; about man, 
in iii, i, 7 ; and about ceremonial usages, in iv, 6. 

But the Taoistic element runs through the whole Book, 
as it does through Book IV. There is an attempt to sew the 
fancies about numbers, colours, elements, and other things 
on to the common-sense and morality of Confucianism. 
But nevertheless, the Treatise bears important testimony 
to the sense of religion as the first and chief element 
of ceremonies, and to Its existence in the very earliest 

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Book VIII. LI Kat. 

Book VII, it was said, has been attributed to %zt-yi\. 
I have not seen this ascribed to anyone ; but it is certainly 
a sequel to the other, and may be considered as having 
proceeded from the same author. The more the two are 
studied together, the more likely will this appear. 

Callery has not attempted to translate the title, and says 
that the two characters composing it give the sense of 
' Utensils of Rites,' and have no plausible relation with 
the scope of • the Book in which there is no question in 
any way of the material employed either in sacrifices 
or in other ceremonies ; and he contends, therefore, that 
they should not be translated, but simply be considered 
as sounds 1 . 

But the rendering which I have given is in accordance 
with an acknowledged usage of the second character, Kh\. 
We read in the Confucian Analects, V, 3 : — ' 3ze-kung 
asked, " What do you say of me ? " The Master answered, 
" You are a vessel" " What vessel ? " "A sacrificial vessel 
of jade." ' The object of the Book is to show how ceremonial 
usages or rites go to form 'the vessel of honour,' 'the 
superior man,' who is equal to the most difficult and impor- 
tant services. ATSng Hsiian saw this clearly, and said, 'The 
Book was named Li Khx, because it records how cere- 
monies cause men to become perfect vessels.' ' The former 
Book shows the evolution of Rites ; this shows the use of 
them : ' — such was the dictum in A. D. 1 113 of Fang A'iieh, 
a commentator often quoted by Kh&a Hao and by the 
ATAien-lung editors. 

Throughout the Book it is mostly religious rites that are 
spoken of; especially as culminating in the worship of God. 
And nothing is more fully brought out than that all rites 
are valueless without truth and reverence. 

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26 THE Li si. ch. m. 

Book IX. Kiko Theh SAng. 

The name of the Book is made up of the three characters 
with which it commences, just as the Hebrew name for the 
Book of Genesis in our Sacred Scriptures is Beraishith 
(rVttJN^Q). From the meaning, however, of K1&.0 Theh 
Sang the reader is led to suppose that he will find the 
Treatise occupied principally with an account of the great 
Border Sacrifice. But it is not so. 

The main subject of the Book is sacrifice generally; and 
how that which is most valuable in it is the reverence and 
sincerity of the worshipper, finding its exhibition in the 
simplicity of his observances. In the preceding Book 
different conditions have been mentioned which are of 
special value in sacrifice and other ceremonies. Among 
them is the paucity of things (Section i, paragraph 8); 
and this consideration is most forcibly illustrated by ' the 
Single Victim' employed in the Border Sacrifice, the 
greatest of all ceremonies. At the same time various 
abuses of the ancient sincerity and simplicity are exposed 
and deplored. 

The ceremonies of capping and marriage are dealt with 
in the third Section ; and we are thankful for the informa- 
tion about them which it supplies. In the end the writer 
returns to the subject of sacrifices ; and differences in the 
different dynasties, from the time of Shun downwards, in 
the celebration of them are pointed out. 

The ATAien-lung editors say that this Book was originally 
one with the last, and 'was separated from it by some later 
hand.' I had come to the same conclusion before I noticed 
their judgment. Books VII, VIII, and IX must have 
formed, I think, at first one Treatise. 

Book X. Nfei 3eh. 

The title of this book, meaning ' The Pattern of the Family,' 
rendered by Callery, 'R6glements Interieurs,'approxi- 

Digitized by 



mates to a description of its contents more than most of 
the titles in the Lt ATI. It is not taken, moreover, from any 
part of the text near the commencement or elsewhere. It 
is difficult to understand why so little of it is retained 
in the expurgated editions, hardly more than a page of 
P. Callery's work being sufficient for it. 

ATang Hsiian says : — • The Book takes its name of N 6 i 
3 eh, because it records the rules for sons and daughters in 
serving their parents, and for sons and their wives in serv- 
ing her parents-in-law in the family-home. Among the 
other Treatises of the Lt ATI, it may be considered as giving 
the Rules for Children. And because the observances of 
the harem are worthy of imitation, it is called N 6 i 3 e h, " the 
Pattern of the Interior." ' ATu Hsi says, that ' it is a Book 
which was taught to the people in the ancient schools, an 
ancient Classic or Sacred Text' 

Because the name of 3ang~jze and a sentence from him 
occur, the AT^ien-lung editors are inclined to ascribe the 
authorship to his disciples ; but the premiss is too narrow 
to support such a conclusion. 

The position of the wife, as described in Section i, will 
appear to western readers very deplorable. Much in this 
part of the Treatise partakes of the exaggeration that is 
characteristic of Chinese views of the virtue of filial piety. 

The account in Section ii of the attention paid to the 
aged, and the nourishing of them, is interesting, but goes, as 
the thing itself did, too much into details. What is it to us 
at the present time how they made the fry, the bake, the 
delicacy, and the other dishes to tempt the palate and 
maintain the strength ? The observances in the relation of 
husband and wife, on the birth of a child, and the education 
and duties of the young of both sexes, which the Section 
goes on to detail, however, are not wanting in attraction. 

Book XI. Yu 3Ao. 

The name of the Book, Yii 3<t°> l3 taken from the first 
clause of the first paragraph. The two characters denote 
the pendants of the royal cap worn on great occasions, and 

Digitized by 


28 THE Li Kt 


on which beads of jade were strung. There were twelve 
of those pendants hanging down, before and behind, from 
the ends of the square or rectangular top of the cap, as 
in the cardinal cap which is the crest of Christ Church, 
Oxford. But we read nothing more of this cap or its 
pendants after the first paragraph; and the contents 
of all the three Sections of the Book are so various, that 
it is impossible to give an account of them in small 

A"ang Hsiian said that the Book was named Yii 3^°» 
because it recorded the dresses and caps worn by the son 
of Heaven ; but it is not confined to the king, but intro- 
duces rulers also and officers generally. It treats also of 
other matters besides dress, which it would be difficult to 
speak of in so many categories. Much, moreover, of the 
second Section seems to consist of disjecta membra, and 
the paragraphs are differently arranged by different editors. 
Here and there the careful reader will meet with senti- 
ments and sentences that will remain in his memory, as in 
reading Book I ; but he will only carry away a vague im- 
pression of the Book as a whole. 

Book XII. Ming Thang Wei. 

Readers will turn to this Book, as I did many years ago, 
expecting to find in it a full description of the Ming 
Thang, generally called by sinologists, 'The Brilliant 
Hall,' and 'The Hall of Light;' but they will find that 
the subject-matter is very different. I have here translated 
the name by ' the Hall of Distinction,' according to the 
meaning of it given in paragraph 5, taking 'distinction' 
in the sense of separation or discrimination. 

The Treatise commences with, but does not fairly de- 
scribe, the great scene in the life of the duke of K&vl, when 
as regent of the kingdom, he received all the feudal lords 
and the chiefs of the barbarous tribes at the capital, on 
occasion of a grand audience or durbar. The duke was 
the ancestor of the lords or marquises of the state of 

Digitized by 



L6, — part of the present province of Shan-tung. He was 
himself, indeed, invested with that fief by his nephew, king 
ATAang, though, remaining for reasons of state at the royal 
court, he never took possession of it in person, but sent 
his son Fo-kMn to do so in his room. Because of his 
great services in the establishment and consolidation of 
the new dynasty, however, various privileges were conferred 
on the rulers of LQ above the lords of other states. These 
are much exaggerated in the Book; and after the sixth 
paragraph, we hear no more of the Hall of Distinction. 
All that follows is occupied with the peculiar privileges 
said to have been claimed, and antiques reported to have 
been possessed, by the marquises of Lu. What is said has 
no historical value, and the whole Book is excluded from 
the expurgated editions. 

The ATAien-lung editors say that its author must have 
been an ignorant and vainglorious scholar of Lu in the 
end of the ATau dynasty. Some have imagined that it 
was handed on, with additions of his own, by Ma Yung 
to .fifing Hsiian; but the latter says nothing about the 
other in his brief prefatory note. 

The Hall of Distinction was a royal structure. Part of 
it was used as a temple, at the sacrifices in which peculiar 
honour was done to king Wan (The Shih, IV, i, 7). It 
was also used for purposes of audience, as on the occasion 
referred to in this Book; and governmental regulations 
were promulgated from it (Mencius, I, ii, 5). To this third 
use of it would belong the variqus references to it in 
Book IV of this collection. 

The principal Hall was in the capital ; but there were 
smaller ones with the same name at the four points where 
the kings halted in their tours of inspection to receive the 
feudal lords of the different quarters of the kingdom. It 
was one of these which Mencius had in his mind in the 
passage referred to above. 

In the 67th Book of the Lt of the Greater Tai there 
is a description of the building and its various parts ; and 
among the ' Books of ATau ' said to have been found in 
A. D. 279 in the grave of king Hsiang of Wei, the 55th 

Digitized by 


30 THE Lt zt. CH. III. 

chapter has the title of Ming Thang, but it is little more 
than a rifacimento of the first four paragraphs of this 
Book of the Li A"!. 

In Morrison's Chinese Dictionary, vol. i, p. 512, there 
is a ground-plan of the Hall according to a common repre- 
sentation of it by Chinese authorities. 

Book XIII. Sang FC HsiAo Kt. 

This ' Record of Smaller Points in connexion with the 
Dress of Mourning,' is the first of the many treatises in 
our collection, devoted expressly to the subject of the 
mourning rites, and especially of the dress worn by the 
mourners, according to the degree of their relationship. 
The expurgated editions do not give any part of it ; and 
it is difficult — I may say impossible — to trace any general 
plan on which the compiler, who is unknown, put the dif- 
ferent portions of it together. Occasionally two or three 
paragraphs follow one another on the same subject, and 
I have kept them together after the example of Khung 
Ying-ta ; but the different notices are put down as if at 
random, just as they occurred to the writer. 

ATu Hsi says that 3 ze_ hsia made a supplementary 
treatise to the nth Book of the 1 LI, and that we have 
here an explanation of many points in that Book. It is 
so ; and yet we may not be justified in concluding that 
this is a remnant of the production of 3ze-hsia. 

Book XIV. TA ATwan. 

This Book, ' the Great Treatise,' has been compared to 
the Hsi 3hze, the longest and most important of the 
Appendixes to the Yi King, which is also styled Ta ATwan. 

It is short, however, as compared with that other ; nor 
is it easy to understand, the subjects with which it deals 
being so different in the conceptions of Chinese and 
western minds. 'It treats,' said Khan Hsiang-tao (early 
in the Sung dynasty), 'of the greatest sacrifice,— that 

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bk. xv. INTRODUCTION. 3 1 

offered by the sovereign to all his ancestors; of the 
greatest instance of filial piety, — that of carrying back to 
his forefathers the title gained by the sacrificer ; of the 
greatest principle in the regulation of the family, — that 
expressed by the arrangement of the names of its members 
according to their relations to one another; and of the 
course of humanity as the greatest illustration of propriety 
and righteousness. On account of this it is called The 
Great Treatise.' 

From this summary of its contents the importance of 
the Book will be seen. We know nothing either of its 
author or of the date of its compilation. 

Book XV. ShAo 1. 

The Shao t, or 'Smaller Rules of Conduct,' is akin to 
much of the first Book in our collection, ' the Summary of 
the Rules of Ceremony.' Shao means 'few,' and often 
•few in years,' or 'young;' and hence some have thought 
that the subject of the Book is ' Rules for the Young.' So 
Callery, who gives for the title, 'Regies de Conduite 
des Jeunes Gens.' 

But the contents cannot be so restricted ; and since the 
time of ATiing Hsiian, shao has been taken by most 
Chinese commentators as equivalent to hsiao 1 , which 
occurs in the title of Book XIII. The difference between 
the two Chinese characters is not so great as that between 
these alphabetic exhibitions of their names. Lu Teh-ming 
says, ' Shao is here equivalent to hsiao ;' and ATang says, 
that the Book is named Shao 1 'because it records the 
small rules of demeanour at interviews and in bringing in 
the provisions for a feast.' But the observances described 
are very various, and enable us to form a life-like picture 
of manners in those early days. 

According to KiX Hsl, the Book was intended to be 
a branch of the smaller learning, or lessons for youth ; but 

1 ^» and yjv 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

32 THE Lt kL CH. III. 

was extended to a variety of subjects in daily life and the 
intercourses of society. When and by whom it was com- 
piled is not known. 

Book XVI. Hsio K\. 

The Hsio K 1, or 'Record of Studies,' is a treatise of 
very considerable interest and importance. A^ing-jze, 
whom Kb Hsi was accustomed to call his * Master,' con- 
sidered it to be, after Books XXVIII and XXXIX, the 
ATungYung and T 1 Hsio, the most correct and orthodox 
Book in the Lt ATI. 

The KAien-\\mg editors say that in paragraphs '4 and 
5 we have the institutions of the ancient kings for pur- 
poses of education ; in 6 to 19, the laws for teachers ; and 
in what follows, those for learners. The summary is on 
the whole correct, but the compiler (who is unknown) did 
not always keep his subjects distinct. In the three com- 
mencing paragraphs the importance of education to the 
moral well-being of the people is strikingly exhibited. 
The whole displays an amount of observation and a ma- 
turity of reflection on the subject, which cannot but be 
deemed remarkable. The information about ancient schools 
and higher institutions may be found in the earlier Books, 
but we are glad to have this repetition of it. 

Book XVII. Yo ATI. 

The Yo K\, or * Record of Music,' will be found to have 
more interest for general readers than most of the other 
Books of the LI. A*Mng-jze speaks of it in terms similar 
to those quoted from him in the preceding notice about 
the Hsio K \. That, so far as correctness and orthodoxy 
are concerned, is next to the ATung Yung and TA Hsio ; 
this is near to them. Its introduction into our collection 
is ascribed to Ma Yung. 

The old documents on music that had been recovered 
during the earlier Han dynasty, appear in Liu Hsin's 
Catalogue after those of the Li, amounting in all to 

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165 phi en, distributed in six collections. The first of 
these was the Yo K\, in 23 phien; the second, the K\ 
of Wang Yu 1 , in 24 phien. Khung Ying-ta, deriving his 
information from a note in Hsin's Catalogue and other 
sources, sums up what he has to say about this Book in 
the following way : — On the rise of the Han dynasty, the 
treatises of former times on music, as well as the practice 
of the art, were in a state of special dilapidation. In the 
time of the emperor Wu, his brother Teh, with the help 
of many scholars, copied out all that remained on the 
subject of music, and made a Yo K\, or ' Record of Music,' 
in 24 phien or books, which Wang Yu presented to the 
court in the time of the emperor KJ&ng (b. c. 32-7) ; but 
it was afterwards hardly heard of. When Liu Hsiang 
(died B. C. 9) examined the books in the Imperial library, 
he found a 'Record of Music' in 23 phien, different from 
that which Wang Yu had presented. Our present Yo K\ 
contains eleven of those phien, arranged with the names 
of their subjects. The other twelve are lost, though their 
names remain. 

Most of the present text is found in Sze-ma KMen's 
Monograph on Music ; and as he was so long before Liu 
Hsiang (K Men died between B. c. 90 and 80), the ATAien- 
lung editors suppose that it is one of the portions of 
.Oien's work, supplied by ATAu Shao-sun 2 , who was a 
contemporary of Hsiang. 

Kb Hsi had a great admiration of many passages in the 
Yo K\, and finds in them the germs of the views on the 
constitution of humanity, and on the action and inter- 
action of principle and passion, reason and force, . in the 
economy of what we call Providence, on which he delighted 
to dwell in his philosophical speculations. We expect 
from the title, as Hwang Kan-hsing (Ming dynasty) says, 
that music will be the chief subject of the Treatise, but 
everywhere we find ceremonial usages spoken of equally 
and in their relation to it ; for, according to the view of 
the author, the framework of society is built on the truth 

' BE 3j • ' fif d? %> •« w y lie ' 8 Notes - p- '4- 

[»7] D 

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underlying ceremonies, and music is the necessary expres- 
sion of satisfaction in the resulting beauty and harmony. 

Book XVIII. 3a K\. 

Book XVII is given nearly complete in the expurgated 
edition translated by Callery, while the 18th or * Miscel- 
laneous Records,' happily rendered by him by the one 
French word • Melanges,' is reduced to about a third of 
its length in the Chinese text. Notwithstanding its name 
of 'Miscellanies,' the greater part is occupied with the 
observances of the Mourning Rites. Interesting questions 
concerning them are discussed, and information is given 
on customs which we do not find in such detail elsewhere, 
— such, for instance, as those relating to the gifts of grave- 
clothes and other things for the burial of the dead. 
Towards the end other customs, besides those of the 
mourning rites, are introduced. It would be a mistake, 
however, to suppose that this is done to justify the name 
of Miscellaneous Records given to the whole. It is a 
peculiarity of many of the other Books that the writer, or 
writers, seem to get weary of confining themselves to one 
subject or even to a few subjects, and introduce entries of 
quite a different nature for no reason that we can discover 
but their arbitrary pleasure. 

The correctness and integrity of many paragraphs have 
been justly called in question. The authority of the Book 
does not rank high. It must be classed in this respect 
with the Than Kung. 

Book XIX. Sang TA Kt. 

Book XIII deals with smaller points in connexion with 
the dress of mourning ; Book XVIII, with miscellaneous 
points in mourning ; and this Book with the greater points, 
especially with the two dressings of the dead, the coffining, 
and the burial. Beginning with the preparations for death 
in the case of a ruler, a Great officer, or an ordinary officer, 
it goes methodically over all the observances at and after 
death, until the burial has taken place. It takes us into 

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the palace, the mansion, and the smaller official residence, 
and shows us what was done at the different steps that 
intervened between death and the committing of the coffin 
to the grave. Some of the observances differ in minor 
points from details in those other Books, and in the Than 
Kung or Book II ; but taking them all together, we get 
from them a wonderfully minute account of all the rites 
of mourning in ancient China. Wu A^ang says, 'This 
Book relates the greater rules observed in each event 
which it mentions.' It was not intended to supplement 
the information elsewhere given about smaller details ; and 
hence it is named 'The Greater Record of Mourning Rites.' 

Book XX. Ki FA. 

ATt Fa, so named from the first two characters in the 
Book, and meaning 'Laws or Rules of Sacrifices,' is the 
first of three treatises, all on the subject of sacrifices, that 
come together at this part of the collection of the LI. 
They were not, perhaps, the production of the same hand ; 
but the writer of this one evidently had before him the 
17th article in the first Part of the Narratives connected 
with the state of Lu, which form the second Section of 
' the Narratives of the States V That article contains an 
exposition of the subject of sacrifices by a ATen ATAin, in 
deprecation of a sacrifice ordered by • 3 an g Wan-£ang, 
who had been for about fifty years one of the ministers 
of Lu. 3ang died in B. C. 617. 

Difficulties attach to some of the historical statements 
in the Book, which cannot be cleared up from our want 
of sufficient documents. The whole consists of two Parts, 
— paragraphs 1-8, and paragraph 9. All the former is 
excluded from the expurgated editions ; but in it, as well 
as in the other, the sacrifices are mainly those to departed 
worthies. There is no idea of deprecation in them ; much 
less of atonement. They are expressions of gratitude, and 
commemorative of men whose laws and achievements were 

D 2 

Digitized by 


36 THE Lt kL CH. III. 

beneficial to their own times, and helped on the progress 
of civilisation, so that they would be beneficial also to 
all ages. 

In the conclusion, the sacrifices to the sun, moon, and 
other parts of nature appear ; and it is said that they were 
instituted because the action of those bodies contributed 
to promote the comfort and agency of men. So far those 
sacrifices were a species of nature-worship ; but the question 
arises whether they were not really offered to the spirits 
under whose guardianship those objects operated. 

Book XXI. Kt t. 

The K\ 1, or 'The Meaning of Sacrifices,' 'Sens des 
Sacrifices' in Callery, embraces a wider extent of sub- 
jects than the last Book. It treats first of the sacrifices 
to Heaven, and to the sun and moon in connexion with it, 
as well as of those in the ancestral temple, though the 
latter are the principal subject. The writer, whoever he was, 
goes fully into the preparations of the sacrificer, and the 
spirit of reverence in which the services should be conducted. 

No idea of deprecation or expiation is expressed as 
belonging to the sacrifices. It is said, indeed, in Section 
i, 18, that the sacrifice in the suburb of the capital was 
the great expression of gratitude to Heaven. 

In Section ii other subjects besides sacrifice are treated 
of. It commences with a remarkable conversation between 
Confucius and his disciple 3&i Wo, on the constitution of 
man, as comprehending both the Kwei and ShSn, the 
former name denoting the animal soul, which, with the 
bones and flesh, 'moulders below and becomes the dust 
of the fields ;' while the latter denotes the intelligent soul 
or spirit, which issues forth at death, and is displayed on 
high in a condition of glorious brightness. 

The ploughing of the special fields by the king and 
rulers of states, and the regulations for the nourishment 
of silkworms and the preparation of silk by their wives, 
are set forth, both operations being to provide the sacri- 
ficial grain and robes. 

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After this we have the views of 3&ng-jze and one of 
his disciples on filial piety, which subject again passes 
into the submission of the younger brother to the elder, 
and the respect to be paid generally by juniors to their 

Book XXII. Kl Thung. 

The ' Summary Account of Sacrifices ' is the last and 
longest, and, it may be added, the most interesting, of 
the treatises, specially on that subject. We find nothing 
in it, any more than in the others, of the idea of pro- 
pitiation ; but it gives many details of the purposes which 
the institution of sacrifices served in the Chinese state. 
The old commentators took the character Thung 1 in the 
sense of ' Root' or ' Origin 4 ,' and hence some English 
sinologists have named the book ' The Origin of Sacrifices,' 
and P. Zottoli gives for the title ' Sacrificii Princi- 
pium.' Callery calls it, better, *G£ne>alit£s sur les 
Sacrifices.' The very able commentator K/&n Hsiang- 
tao compares the Treatise to ' the large rope which controls 
the meshes of a net,' saying, that it commences with 
sacrifice as coming from the feeling of the heart, and 
ends with the display of its influence in the conduct of 

The concluding paragraph shows that it was written 
while the state of Lu still had an existence ; and if the 
whole Book proceeded from the same hand, it must have 
been composed some time after the death of Confucius 
and before the extinction of Lu, which was consummated 
by KM in B. C. 248. I think we may refer it to the fourth 
century B. c. 

The doctrine of Filial Piety occupies a prominent place 
in it Paragraph 13 and the ten that follow, on the con- 
nexion between sacrifice and the ten relationships of men, 
are specially instructive. The author writes forcibly and 
often subtilely; and can hardly do himself justice in the 

'ft '*• 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

38 THE Li K\. CH. III. 

expression of his ideas. What he says on the subject of 
Inscriptions towards the conclusion is interesting. He was 
a true Lu man, and his views on the sacrifices of his state 
are contrary to the standard of Chinese orthodoxy about 

Book XXIII. .King Kieh. 

King Kieh has been translated 'Explanations of the 
Classics,' and Callery gives for the title 'Sens G£ne>al 
des Livres Canoniques.' A slight attention to the 
few paragraphs which compose the Book, however, will 
satisfy the reader that these translations of the name are 
incorrect. No explanation is attempted of passages in 
the different. K in g. The true meaning of King Kieh 
was given by Hwang Khan in A.D. 538. 'Kieh,' he 
says, 'is to be taken in the sense of "separation" or 
"division;" and the Treatise describes the difference be- 
tween the subjects dealt with in the different King.' 

The Book, though ingenious, is not entitled tp much 
attention. The first two paragraphs, assigned to Con- 
fucius, could not have come from him. They assume 
that there were six King; but that enumeration of the 
ancient writings originated with the scholars of the Han 
dynasty. And among the six is the Khun KhiiX, the work 
of Confucius himself, which he compiled only a year or two 
before his death. It was for posterity, and not for him, 
to raise it to the rank of a King, and place it on the 
same level with the Shu, the Shih, and the Yt. It may 
be doubted, moreover, if there were ever a Yo King, or 
' Classic of Music.' Treatises on music, no doubt, existed 
under the Kau dynasty, but it does not appear that there 
was any collection of them made till the attempts that 
have been referred to in the introductory notice to Book 

Who the ingenious, but uncritical, compiler of the King 
Kieh was is unknown. 

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Book XXIV. Ai Kung WAn. 

'Questions of Duke Ai' is a translation of the three 
characters with which the Book commences, and which 
mean there 'Duke Ai asked;' and the title is so far 
descriptive of the contents of the Book, — two conversa- 
tions on ceremonies and the practice of government be- 
tween the marquis 3*ang of Lu, posthumously called duke 
Ai, and Confucius. The sage died in the sixteenth year of 
3iang's marquisate. As an old minister of the state, 
after he had retired from public life, he had a right of 
entrance to the court, which, we know, he sometimes 
exercised. He may have conversed with the marquis 
on the subjects discussed in this Treatise; but whether 
he held the particular conversations here related can 
only be determined by the consideration of their style 
and matter. I am myself disposed to question their 

There are other recensions of the Treatise. It forms the 
third of the Books in the current editions of ' the Li of the 
Greater Tai,' purporting to be the forty-first of those 
which were in his larger collection; and is the same as 
in our LI K% with hardly a variation. The second con- 
versation, again, appears as the fourth article in the col- 
lection called the 'Narratives of the School 1 / but with 
considerable and important variations, under the title of 
Ta Hw5n, 'The Grand Marriage.' The first conversa- 
tion is found also in the same collection, as part of the 
sixth article, called W5n Li, or 'Questions about Cere- 
monies.' There are also variations in it; but the questioner 
in both articles is duke Ai. 

The most remarkable passages of the Book are some 
paragraphs of the second conversation towards its conclu- 
sion. P. Callery translates Thien Tao, 'the Way of 
Heaven,' in paragraph 16, by 'LaV£rit£ Celeste,' and 

Digitized by 


40 THE Li kI. 


says in a note that Confucius speaks of this Tao in a way 
not unlike Lao-jze in the Tao Teh /Ting, adding that 
'these two fathers of Chinese philosophy had on this 
mysterious Being ideas nearly similar.' But a close ex- 
amination of the passage, which is itself remarkable, shows 
that this resemblance between it and passages of the Taoist 
classic does not exist. See my concluding note on the 
Book. If there were a Taoist semblance in the phrase- 
ology, it would make us refer the composition of the 
Treatise to the time of KMn or the early days of Han, 
when Taoism had taken a place in the national literature 
which it had not had under the dynasty of Kiu. 

Book XXV. ATung-nI Yen Kti. 

The title of this Book is taken from the four characters 
with which it commences. Confucius has returned from 
his attendance at the court of Lu, and is at home in his 
own house. Three of his disciples are sitting by him, and 
his conversation with them flows on till it has reached the 
subject of ceremonial usages. In reply to their questions, 
he discourses on it at length, diverging also to the subjects 
of music and the practice of government in connexion with 
ceremonies, in a familiar and practical manner. 

He appears in the title by his designation, or name as 
married, Afung-nt, which we find also two or three times 
in Book XXVIII, which is received as the composition of 
his grandson Khung K\, or 3 z e-sze. This Treatise, how- 
ever, is much shorter than that, and inferior to it. The 
commentator Wang of Shih-liang 1 , often quoted by JCAin 
H&o, says, that though this Treatise has a beginning and 
end, the style and ideas are so disjected and loose, that 
many of the utterances attributed to Confucius cannot be 
accepted as really his. 

l *M3.R- 

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bk. xxvn. INTRODUCTION. 41 

Book XXVI. Khung-3ze Hsien Kti. 

The title of this Book is akin to that of the last, the 
characters of that leading us to think of Confucius as having 
returned from court to 'his ease,' and those of this sug- 
gesting nothing of his immediate antecedents, but simply 
saying that he was ' at home and at leisure/ Instead of 
being called, as there, by his designation, he appears here 
as Khung-jze, ' the philosopher Khung,' or ' Mr. Khung.' 

The Book also relates a conversation, but only one 
disciple is present, and to him the Master discourses on 
the description of a sovereign as 'the parent of the people,' 
and on the virtue of the founders of the three dynasties of 
Hsia, Shang, and ATau, illustrating his views by quotations 
from the Book of Poetry. His language is sometimes 
strange and startling, while the ideas underlying it are 
subtle and ingenious. And the poetical quotations are 
inapplicable to the subjects in connexion with which they 
are introduced. If the commentator Wang could not 
adopt the speeches attributed to Confucius in the last 
Book as really his, much less can we receive those in 
this as such. 

From their internal analogies in form and sentiment, 
I suppose that the two Books were made by the same 
writer; but I have met with no guess even as to who 
he was. 

Book XXVII. Fang ATI. 

' The Dykes,' which is the meaning of the title of this 
Book, is suggestive of its subject-matter. We have in it 
the rules or usages of ceremony presented to us under the 
figure of dykes, dams, or barriers ; defensive structures made 
to secure what is inside them from escaping or dispersion, 
and to defend it against inundation or other injurious 
assault and invasion from without. The character, called 
fang, is used for the most part with verbal force, 'acting 
as a dyke or barrier ;' and it would often be difficult to say 

Digitized by 


42 THE Lt rt. CH. III. 

whether the writer was thinking of the particular institution 
or usage spoken of as fulfilling the purpose of defence 
against peril from within, or violence from without. 

The illustrations are numerous, and they are all given as 
if they came from the lips of Confucius himself ; but we 
cannot suppose that they were really from him. They are 
not in his style, and the reasonings are occasionally un- 
worthy of him. Many paragraphs carry on their front a 
protest against our receiving them as really his. Neverthe- 
less, the Book, though sometimes tedious, is on the whole 
interesting, and we like the idea of looking on the usages 
as * dykes.' We do not know to whom we are indebted for 
it. One of the famous brothers AAang of the Sung dynasty 
has said : — ' We do not know who wrote the Treatise. Since 
we find such expressions in it as "The Lun Yii says," it is 
plainly not to be ascribed to Confucius. Passages in the 
Han scholars, Aia 1 and Tung Aung-shu, are to the same 
effect as what we find here; and perhaps this memoir 
was their production.' 

Book XXVIII. Aung Yung. 

The Aung Yung would be pronounced, I think, by 
Chinese scholars to be the most valuable of all the Treatises 
in the L i K\ ; and from an early time it asserted a position 
peculiar to itself. Its place in the general collection of 
Ritual Treatises was acknowledged by Ma Yung and his 
disciple Aang Hsiian ; but in Liu Hsin's Catalogue of the 
Lt Books, we find an entry of ' Observations on the Aung 
Yung, in two phien;' so early was the work thought to 
be deserving of special treatment by itself. In the records 
of the Sui dynasty (a.d. 589-617), in the Catalogue of its 
Imperial library, there are the names of three other special 
works upon it, one of them by the emperor Wu (a. d. 50a- 
549) of the Liang dynasty. 

Later on, under the Sung dynasty, the Aung Yung, the 
Ta Hsio, or 'Great Learning,' which is also a portion of 
the Lt At, the Confucian Analects, or the Lun Yii, and the 
works of Mencius, were classed together as * The Four Books,' 

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which have since that time formed so important a division 
of Chinese literature ; and ' the /if ung Yung, in chapters 
and sentences, with a digest of commentaries on it,' was 
published by ATu Hsi early in A.D. 1189. About 125 years 
afterwards, the fourth emperor of the Yuan dynasty enacted 
that ATA's edition and views should be the text-book of the 
classic at the literary examinations. From that time merely 
the name of the Aung Yung was retained in editions of the 
Lt ATI, until the appearance of the Imperial edition of the 
whole collection in the ATAien-lung period of the present 
dynasty. There the text is given in two Sections according 
to the old division of it, with the ancient commentaries from 
the edition of * The Thirteen ATing ' of the Thang dynasty, 
followed at the end of each paragraph by the Commentary 

The authorship of the Aung Yung is ascribed to Khung AT!, 
better known as 3ze-sze, the grandson of Confucius. There 
is no statement to this effect, indeed, in the work itself; but 
the tradition need not be called in question. It certainly 
existed in the Khung family. The Book must have been 
written in the fifth century B.C., some time, I suppose, 
between 450 and 400. Since A. D. 1 267, the author has had 
a place in the temples of Confucius as one of ' The Four 
Assessors,' with the title of 'The Philosopher 3*e-sze, trans- 
mitter of the Sage.' I have seen his tomb-mound in the 
Confucian cemetery, outside the city of ATAii-fu in Shan- 
tung, in front of those of his father and grandfather. There 
is a statue of him on it, bearing the inscription, ' Duke (or 
Prince) of the State of 1.' 

It is not easy to translate the name of the Treatise, Aung 
Yung. It has been represented by 'Juste Milieu;' 
'Medium Constans vel Sempiternum;' 'LTn- 
variable Milieu;' 'The Constant Medium;' 'The 
Golden Medium;' 'The True Medium;' and other- 
wise. I called it, in 1861, 'The Doctrine of the 
Mean,' which I have now changed for 'The State of 
Equilibrium and Harmony,' the reasons for which 
will be found in the notes on the first chapter of the 
present version. 

Digitized by 


44 THE Lt zl. 


I do not here enter on an exhibition of the scope and 
value of the Book. It gives the best account that we have 
of the Confucian philosophy and morals, and will amply 
repay careful study, and hold its place not only in China, 
but in the wider sphere beyond it. The writer had an 
exaggerated conception of the sage ; but he deserves well 
of his own country and of the world. 

Book XXIX. PiAo K\. 

The character called Piao is the symbol for the outer 
garments, and is used to indicate whatever is external in 
opposition to what is internal ; the outside of things, what 
serves to mark them out and call attention to them. Hence 
comes its use in the sense which it bears in the title of this 
Book, for what serves as an example or model. Callery 
renders that title by ' Memoire sur l'Exemple ;' Wylie, 
by 'The Exemplar Record.' 

Piao is also used for the gnomon of a dial; and the 
ATAien-lung editors fix on this application of the character 
in explaining the name of the Book. 'Piao,' they say, 
' is the gnomon of a dial, by which the movement of the 
sun is measured ; it rises up in the centre, and all round is 
regulated by it. The Fang K\ shows men what they 
ought to be on their guard against; the Piao K\, what 
they should take as their pattern.' Then they add — ' Of 
patterns there is none so honourable as benevolence (or 
humanity proper), and to aid that there is righteousness, 
while, to complete it, there is sincerity or good faith, and 
reverence is that by which the quest for humanity is pur- 
sued.' This second sentence may be considered a summary 
of the contents of the Book, which they conclude by saying, 
they have divided into eight chapters after the example of 
the scholar Hwang ; meaning, I suppose, Hwang Khan, 
who has been already mentioned as having published his 
work on our classic in A. D. 538. 

That division into eight chapters lies on the face of the 
Treatise. We have eight paragraphs commencing with the 
characters which I have rendered by 'These were the words 

Digitized by 



of the Master;' and these are followed by a number of 
others, more or fewer as the case may be, in which the 
words of the Master ('The Master said') are adduced to 
substantiate what has been stated in that introductory 
passage. The arrangement is uniform, excepting in one 
instance to which I have called attention in a note, and 
suitably divides the whole into eight chapters. 

But no one supposes that ' the words of the Master ' are 
really those of Confucius, or were used by him in the con- 
nexion which is here given to them. They were invented 
by the author of the Treatise, or applied by him, to suit 
his own purpose ; and scholars object to many of them as 
contrary to the sentiments of the sage, and betraying a 
tendency to the views of Taoism. This appears, most 
strikingly perhaps, in the fifth chapter. On the statement, 
for instance, in paragraph 32, that the methods of Yin 
and TsTau were not equal to the correction of the errors 
produced by those of Shun and Hsia, the ^TAien-lung 
editors say : — ' How could these words have come from 
the mouth of the Master? The disciples of Lao-jze 
despised forms and prized the unadorned simplicity, com- 
mended what was ancient, and condemned all that was of 
their own time. In the beginning of the Han dynasty, the 
principles of Hwang and Lao were widely circulated ; 
students lost themselves in the stream of what they heard, 
could not decide upon its erroneousness, and ascribed it to 
the Master. Such cases were numerous, and even in several 
paragraphs of the Li Yun (Book VII) we seem to have some 
of them. What we find there was the utterance, probably, • 
of some disciple of Lao-jze.' 

No one, so far as I have noticed, has ventured to assign 
the authorship of this Book on example. I would identify 
him, myself, with the Kung-sun Ni-jze, to whom the next 
is ascribed. 

Book XXX. 3ze 1. 

It is a disappointment to the reader, when he finds after 
reading the title of this Book, that it has nothing to do with 
the Black Robes of which he expects it to be an account. 

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46 THE hi kL ch. hi. 

That phrase occurs in the second paragraph, in a note to 
which its origin is explained ; but the other name Hsiang 
Po, which is found in the same paragraph, might with equal 
appropriateness, or rather inappropriateness, have been 
adopted for the Treatise. 

It is really of the same nature as the preceding, and 
contains twenty-four paragraphs, all attributed to • the 
Master,' and each of which may be considered to afford 
a pattern for rulers and their people. It ought to form one 
Book with XXIX under the title of • Pattern Lessons.' I 
have pointed out in the notes some instances of the agree- 
ment in their style and phraseology, and the intelligent 
reader who consults the translation with reference to the 
Chinese text will discover more. L6 Teh-ming (early in 
the Thang dynasty) tells us, on the authority of Lift Hsien, 
that the 3 z e 1 was made by a Kung-sun Ni-jze. Lift 
Hsien was a distinguished scholar of the early Sung dynasty, 
and died about A. D. 500; but on what evidence he assigned 
the authorship of the Book to Kung-sun Ni-jze does not, 
in the present state of our knowledge, appear. The name of 
that individual is found twice in Lid Hsin's Catalogue, as be- 
longing to the learned school, and among 'the Miscellaneous 
writers,' with a note that he was * a disciple of the seventy 
disciples of the Master.' The first entry about him precedes 
that about Mencius, so that he must be referred to the 
closing period of the ATau dynasty, the third century B. C. 
He may, therefore, have been the author of 'The Black 
Robes,' and of the preceding Book as well, giving his own 
views, but attributing them, after the fashion of the time, to 
Confucius ; but, as the commentator Fang 1 (? Ming dynasty) 
observes : — * Many passages in the Book are made to 
resemble the sayings of a sage ; but the style is not good 
and the meaning is inferior.' 

Book XXXI. PAn Sang. 

This Book refers to a special case in connexion with the 
mourning rites, that of an individual who has been prevented, 
from taking part with the other relatives in the usual 

Digitized by 


bk. xxxii. INTRODUCTION. 47 

observances at the proper time. It might be that he was 
absent from the state, charged by his ruler with public 
business, or he might be in the same state but at a distance, 
and so occupied that he had been unable to take part in 
the mourning services. 

But they were too sacred to be entirely neglected, and 
we have here the rules applicable to such a case, in a variety 
of circumstances and different degrees of consanguinity. 
Some other matter, more or less analogous, is introduced 
towards the end. 

We have seen how the first of the • Three Rituals ' re- 
covered in the Han dynasty was seventeen Books that now 
form the 1 Li. A'Sng Hsiian supposed that the PSn Sang 
had been another Book of that collection, and was after- 
wards obtained from the tablets found in the village of Yen- 
ning in Lu. It has been decided, however, that the style 
determines it to be from another hand than the t Li. 

Here it is, and we have only to make the best of it that 
we can, without knowing who wrote it or when it came to 
light. The KAien-lung editors say : — ' Anciently, in cases 
of mourning for a year or shorter period even, officers left 
their charges and hurried to the rites. In consequence of 
the inconvenience arising from this, it was enacted that 
officers should leave their charge only on the death of a 
parent. It was found difficult, however, to enforce this. 
The rule is that a charge cannot be left, without leave asked 
and obtained.' 

Book XXXII. WAn Sang. 

The WSn Sang, or 'Questions about Mourning Rites,"' 
is a short Treatise, which derives its name from inquiries 
about the dressing of the corpse, the putting off the cap and 
replacing it by the cincture, and the use of the staff in 
mourning. Along with those inquiries there are accounts 
of some of the rites, condensed and imperfect. The Book 
should be read in connexion with the other Books of a 
similar character, especially XIII. 

Much cannot be said in favour of the style, or of the 

Digitized by 


48 THE hi kL 


satisfactoriness of the replies to the questions that are pro- 
pounded. The principal idea indeed in the mind of the 
author, whoever he was, was that the rites were the out- 
come of the natural feelings of men, and that mourning was 
a manifestation of filial piety. The most remarkable passage 
is that with which the Treatise concludes, that the use of 
the staff was not to be sought in any revelation from heaven 
or earth, but was simply from the good son's filial affection. 
The way in which the sentiment is expressed has often 
brought to my mind the question of the Apostle Paul about 
faith, in Romans x. 6-8. 


Like the last two Books and the two that follow, the Fu 
Wan is omitted in the expurgated editions. It is still 
shorter than the Wan Sang, and treats also of the mourn- 
ing rites, and specially of the dress in it, and changes in it, 
which naturally gave rise to questioning. 

The writer, or compiler, often quotes from what he calls 
the Aw an, a name which has sometimes been translated by 
'Tradition.' But the Chinese term, standing alone, may 
mean what is transmitted by writings, as well as what is 
handed down by oral communication. It is used several 
times in Mencius in the sense of ' Record ' and * Re- 
cords.' I have called it here 'The Directory of Mourn- 
ing.' Wu A'Aang says rightly that the Book is of the same 
character as XIII ; that the mourning rites were so many, 
and some of them so peculiar, that collisions between 
different rites must have been of frequent occurrence. The 
Fu Wan takes up several such cases and tells us how they 
were met satisfactorily, or, as we may think, unsatisfactorily. 

Book XXXIV. A"ien ATwan. 

The ATien ATwan is a Treatise on subsidiary points in 
the mourning rites. It is not easy to render the name 
happily in English. I have met with it as ' The Inter- 

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mediate Record.' /sf wan is the character spoken of in the 
preceding notice ; K i e n is the symbol for the space between 
two things, suggesting the idea of distinction or differ- 
ence. ATang Hsiian says that 'the name has reference to 
the distinctions suitably made in mourning, according as 
it was lighter or more important.' 

However we translate or explain the name, we find the 
Book occupied with the manifestations of grief in the bear- 
ing of the mourners ; in the modulation of their voices ; in 
their eating and drinking ; in their places ; in the texture of 
their dress ; and in the various changes which were made 
in it till it was finally put off. Some points in it are 
difficult to understand at this distance of time, and while 
we are still imperfectly acquainted with the mourning 
usages of the people at the present day. 

Book XXXV. San Nien WAn. 

The ' Questions about the Mourning for three years ' is 
occupied principally with the mourning for parents for that 
period, but it touches on all the other periods of mourning as 
well, explaining why one period differs in its duration from 
the others. 

Mourning, it is said, is the outcome of the relative feeling 
proper to man ; the materials of the dress, the duration of 
the rites, and other forms are from the ancient sages and 
legislators, to regulate and direct the expression of the 

What is said in paragraph 4 about the mourning of birds 
and beasts is interesting, but fantastical. Though the 
mourning for a parent is said to last for three years, the 
western reader is not to suppose that it continues to the 
end of that time, but simply that it extends into the third 
year. Virtually it terminates with the twenty-fifth month, 
and positively with the twenty-seventh. It is the eastern 
mode in speaking of time to say that it lasts for three years. 
Similarly, I have often been told that a child, evidently not 
more than six months, was two years old, when a little cross- 
questioning has brought out the fact that it had been born 
07] K 

Digitized by 


50 THE iA sl 


towards the end of the previous year, that it had lived in 
two years, and was, therefore, spoken of as two years old. 

Book XXXVI. ShAn 1. 

The Shan 1 is what we should expect from the name, a 
description of the dress so-called. It was the garment of 
undress, worn by all classes of the people, from the highest 
to the lowest, when they were at home and at ease. What 
distinguished it from other dresses was that in those the 
jacket or upper garment was in one piece, and the skirt or 
lower garment in another, whereas in this they were joined 
together, so that it could be put on and off with ease. 

In the AVzien-lung edition of the LI K\, chapter 29, 
second collection of Plates, there are pictures of the 
Shan 1, taken from Kb Hsi's 'Rules for the Family/ but 
they do not correspond with the description here. More 
accurate plates are to be found in a monograph on the 
subject by Yung ATiang, a senior licentiate of the present 
dynasty, which forms the 251st chapter in the ' Explana- 
tions of the Classics under the Imperial dynasty of ATAing.' 
The proper meaning of Shan 1 is 'The Deep Dress;' but 
the garment was also called 'The Long Dress,' which 
suits our nomenclature better ; and ' The Inner Dress,' when 
it was worn under another. 

The reasons assigned for fashioning it after the descrip- 
tion in paragraphs 3 and 4 are of course fanciful; but 
M. Callery is too severe on the unknown author, when he 
says : — ' On est tent^ de rire en voyant les rapprochements 
que 1'auteur cherche a £tablir entre la forme de cet habit 
et les principes les plus abstraits de la morale. Je suis 
porte' a croire que toutes ces allegories ont et6 imaginees 
apres coup ; car si elles avaient dirig6 la coupe primitive du 
Shan I, il faudrait dire que les ateliers des anciens tailleurs 
de la Chine 6taient des ecoles de mysticisme.' 

Book XXXVII. ThAu HO. 

The Thau Hu, or ' Pitching into a Jar,' gives the descrip- 
tion of a game, played anciently, and probably at the pre- 

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sent day also, at festal entertainments. It was a kind of 
archery, with darts instead of arrows, and the hand instead 
of a bow; 'the smallest,' as King says, ' of all the games 
of archery,' and yet lessons for the practice of virtue and 
for judging of character might be learned from it. It is 
interesting to us, however, simply as a game for amusement, 
and a sufficient idea of it may be gained from this Book. 

Two might play at it, or any number. The host and 
guest in the text are the representatives of two sides or 
parties. It was a contest at pitching darts into the mouth 
of a pot or vase, placed at a short distance from the players, 
— too short a distance, it appears to us. There was nothing 
peculiar in the form of the vase of which we have an account 
in paragraph 10. We are surprised to read the description 
of it in the late Dr. Williams' Syllabic Dictionary, under the 
character for H ti : — ' One ancient kind (of vase) was made 
with tubes on each side of the mouth, and a common game, 
called Thftu Hu, was to pitch reeds into the three orifices.' 
This would have been a different jar, and the game would 
have been different from that here described, and more 

The style of the Treatise is like that of the 1 Li, in the 
account of the contests of archery in Books VIII-XI, 
to which we have to refer to make out the meaning of 
several of the phrases. 

The Book should end with paragraph 10. The three 
paragraphs that follow seem to have been jotted down by 
the compiler from some memoranda that he found, that 
nothing might be lost which would throw light on the 

Then follows a paragraph, which may be pronounced 
unintelligible. The whole Book is excluded from the 
expurgated editions. 

Book XXXVIII. Zti Hsing. 

The Zu Hsing, or 'Conduct of the Scholar,' professes to 
be a discourse delivered to duke Ai of Lu on the character 
and style of life by which scholars, or men claiming to 

£ 2 

Digitized by 


52 THE Li tff. CH. ill* 

possess literary acquirements, ought to be, and were in a 
measure, distinguished. Even so far back, such a class of 
men there was in China. They had certain peculiarities of 
dress, some of which are alluded to in Odes of the Shih. The 
duke, however, had not been accustomed to think highly of 
them ; and struck by something in the dress of Confucius, 
he asks him if he wore the garb of a scholar. The sage 
disclaims this ; and being questioned further as to the con- 
duct of the scholar, he proceeds to dilate on that at great 
length, and with a remarkable magnificence of thought and 
diction. He pourtrayed to his ruler a man sans peur et 
sans reproche, strong in principle, of cultivated intelli- 
gence, and animated by the most generous, patriotic, and 
benevolent spirit. We are told in the conclusion that the 
effect on duke Ai was good and great. It made him a 
better man, and also made him think more highly of the 
class of scholars than he had done. The effect of the 
Book on many of the literati must have been great in the 
ages that have intervened, and must still be so. 

But did such a conversation really take place between 
the marquis of Lfl and the sage ? The general opinion of 
Chinese scholars is that it did not do so. Lii Ta-lin (of the 
eleventh century, and a contemporary of the brothers ATAang), 
as quoted by the ATAien-lung editors, while cordially approv- 
ing the sentiments, thinks the style too grandiloquent to allow 
of our ascribing it to Confucius. Another commentator of 
the Sung period, one of the Lis \ holds that the language is 
that of some ambitious scholar of the period of the Warring 
States, who wished to stir up the members of his order to a 
style of action worthy of it. P. Callery appends to his 
translation the following note : — ' In general, the maxims 
of this chapter are sufficiently profound to justify us in 
ascribing them to Confucius, in preference to so many 
other passages which the author of this work places to the 
credit of the great philosopher. We find nevertheless in it 
some ideas of which the really authentic works of Confucius 
do not offer any trace.' 

'3* J*. 

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BK. xxxix. INTRODUCTION. 53 

Book XXXIX. TA Hsio. 

Like the TsTung Yung (XXVIII), the Ta Hsio has 
long been published separately from the other Books of the 
Li Ki, and is now the first of the well-known 'Four Books.' 
As it appears in this translation, we follow the arrangement 
of the text given by the ATAien-lung editors from that in the 
Thirteen King published by Khung Ying-ta, who himself 
simply followed A"ang Hsiian. Early in the Sung dynasty 
the brothers JOang occupied themselves with the Treatise ; 
and thinking that errors had crept into the order of the 
paragraphs, and that portions were missing, made various 
alterations and additions. Kb Hst entered into their 
labours, and, as he thought, improved on them. It is now 
current in the Four Books, as he published it in 11 89, and 
the difference between his arrangement and the oldest one 
may be seen by comparing the translation in the first volume 
of my Chinese Classics and that in the present publication. 
Despite the difference of arrangement, the substance of the 
work is the same. 

There can be no doubt that the Ta Hsio is a genuine 
monument of the Confucian teaching, and gives us a suffi- 
cient idea of the methods and subjects in the great or 
higher schools of antiquity. The enthusiasm of M. 
Pauthier is not to be blamed when he says : — ' It is 
evident that the aim of the Chinese philosopher is to 
exhibit the duties of political government as the perfecting 
of self and the practice of virtue by all men.' 

Pauthier adopts fully the view of Kb, that the first 
chapter is a genuine relic of Confucius himself, for which 
view there really is no evidence. And he thinks also that 
all that follows should be attributed to the disciple, 
3&ng-jze, which is contrary to the evidence which the 
Treatise itself supplies. 

If it were necessary to assign an author for the work, I 
should adopt the opinion of Kik Kwei (A. D. 30-101), and 
assign it to Khung K\, the grandson of Confucius, and 
author of the Aung Yung. ' When Khung ATI,' said K ia, 

Digitized by 



THE Lt kI. CH. hi. 

'was still alive, and in straits, in Sung, being afraid that 
the lessons of the former sage (or sages) would become 
obscure, and the principles of the ancient Tis and Kings 
fall to the ground, he made the Ta Hsio as the warp of 
them, and the ATung Yung as the woof.' This would seem 
to have been the opinion of scholars in that early time, and 
the only difficulty in admitting it is that Kaag Hsiian does 
not mention it. Notwithstanding his silence, the conviction 
that Khung Kl wrote both treatises has become very strong 
in my mind. There is that agreement in the matter, 
method, and style of the two, which almost demands for 
them a common authorship. 

Book XL. Kwan 1. 

A fuller account of the ceremony of capping is obtained 
from portions of the ninth and other Books, where it comes 
in only incidentally, than from this Book in which we might 
expect from the title to find all the details of it brought 
together. But the object of the unknown writer was to 
glorify the rite as the great occasion when a youth stepped 
from his immaturity into all the privileges and responsibili- 
ties of a man, and to explain some of the usages by which 
it had been sought from the earliest times to mark its 
importance. This intention is indicated by the second 
character in the title called 1, which we have met with only 
once before in the name of a Book, — in K\ 1, ' the Meaning 
of Sacrifices,' the title of XXI. It is employed in the titles 
of this and the five Books that follow, and always with the 
same force of 'meaning,' 'signification,' 'ideas underlying 
the ceremony.' Callery renders correctly Kwan 1 by 
•Signification de la Prise du Chapeau Viril.' 

The Chinese cap of manhood always suggests the toga 
virilis of the Romans; but there was a difference between 
the institutions of the two peoples. The age for assuming 
the toga was fourteen; that for receiving the cap was 
twenty. The capped Chinese was still young, but he had 
grown to man's estate ; the gowned Roman might have 
reached puberty, but he was little more than a boy. 

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Until the student fully understands the object of the 
Treatise, the paragraphs seem intricate and heavy, and the 
work of translation is difficult. 

Book XLI. HwAn 1. 

After capping comes in natural order the ceremony of 
marriage ; and we are glad to have, in the first portion of 
this Book, so full an account of the objects contemplated 
in marriage, the way in which the ceremony was gone about, 
and the subsequent proceedings by which the union was 
declared to be established. 

The writer made much use of the chapters on marriage 
in the 1 Lf. Nothing is said of the age at which it was the 
rule for a young man to marry ; and this, we have seen, is 
put down, in other parts of this collection, as thirty. The 
same age is mentioned in the ATau LI, XIII, 55, on 
the duties of the marriage-contractor. But marriage, we 
may assume from the case of Confucius himself, actually 
took place earlier in ancient times, as it does now. The 
3ze\ or name of maturity, which was given at the capping, 
is commonly said to be the name taken at marriage, as in 
Morrison's Dictionary, I, i, page 637. 

The duties set forth in the Book, however, are not those 
of the young husband, but those of the wife, all comprised 
in the general virtue of ' obedience.' After the tenth para- 
graph, the author leaves the subject of marriage, and speaks 
of the different establishments of the king and queen and of 
their functions. So far what is said on these topics bears oh 
marriage as it sets forth, mystically, that union as analogous 
to the relations of heaven and earth, the sun and moon, and 
the masculine and feminine energies of nature ; and the 
response made by these to the conduct of the human 
parties in their wedded union. 


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56 THE Lt k\. ctf. III. 

Book XLII. Hsiang Yin Kits 1. 

Hsiang was anciently the name for the largest territorial 
division of the state. Under the dominion of ATau, from the 
hamlet of five families, through the lu, the ju, the tang, 
and the kku, we rise to the hsiang, nominally containing 
1 2,500 families, and presided over by a ' Great officer.' The 
royal domain contained six hsiang, and a feudal state 

In more than one of these territorial divisions, there were 
festive meetings at regular intervals, all said to be for the 
purpose of ' drinking.' There was feasting at them too, but 
the viands bore a small proportion to the liquor, called by 
the name of A"iu, which has generally been translated 
wine, though the grape had nothing to do with it, and 
whether it was distilled or merely fermented is a disputed 

The festivity described in this Book was at the true Hsiang 
meeting, celebrated once in three years, under the super- 
intendence of 'the Great officer' himself, when, in the 
principal school or college of the district, he assembled the 
gentlemen of accomplishments and virtue, and feasted them. 
His object was to select, especially from among the young 
men, those who were most likely to prove useful to the 
government in various departments of service. There was 
in the celebration the germ of the competitive examinations 
which have been for so long a characteristic feature of the 
Chinese nation. 

The writer had before him the sixth and seventh Books 
of the f LI on the same subject, or their equivalents. He 
brings out five things accomplished by the ceremony, all of 
a moral and social nature ; but in trying to explain the 
arrangements, he becomes allegorical or mystical, and some- 
times absurd. 

Book XLIII. She t 

There were various games or competitions of archery; 
at the royal court, at the feudal courts, at the meetings in 

Digitized by 



the country districts which form the subject of the last 
Book, and probably others of a less public and distinguished 
character. We have references in this Book to at least one 
of the archery trials at the royal court; to that at the 
feudal courts ; and to one presided over by Confucius him- 
self, of which it is difficult to assign the occasion. The 
object of the author is to show the attention paid to archery 
in ancient times, and how it was endeavoured to make it 
subservient to moral and educational purposes. 

He had before him the accounts of the archery for officers 
in Books VIII, IX, and X of the 1 LI; but he allows 
himself more scope, in his observations on them, than the 
authors of the two preceding Books, and explains several 
practices in his own way, — unsatisfactorily, as I have pointed 
out in my notes. 

Book XLIV. Yen 1. 

The Yen I, or ' Meaning of the Banquet,' is a fragment 
of only five paragraphs, which, moreover, are inartistically 
put together, the first having no connexion with the others. 
The Book should begin with paragraph 2, commencing : — 
' The meaning of the Banquet at the feudal courts was this.' 
It was of this banquet that the compiler intended to give 
his readers an idea. 

The greatest of all the ancient banquets was that 
which immediately followed the sacrifices in the an- 
cestral temple, given to all the kindred of the same sur- 
name as the ruler, and to which there are several references 
in the Shih King. Thang San-jhai (Ming dynasty) 
specifies four other occasions for the banquet besides this: — 
It might be given by a feudal prince, without any special 
occasion, — like that described in the second of the Praise 
Songs of Lu ; or to a high dignitary or Great officer, who 
had been engaged in the royal service, — like that in the 
Minor Odes of the Kingdom, iii, 3 ; or when a high digni- 
tary returned from a friendly mission, — like that also in the 
Minor Odes, i, 2 ; or when an officer came from one state 
to another on a friendly mission. Many other occasions, 

Digitized by 


58 THE Li jrf. 


however, can be imagined on which public banquets were 
appropriate and might be given. The usages at them 
would, for the most part, be of the same nature. 

The eleventh and twelfth chapters of the 1 LI are 
occupied with the ceremony of the banquet. The author 
of this Treatise quotes passages here and there from them, 
and appends his own explanation of their educational 
significance. Two lessons, he says, were especially illus- 
trated in them : — the right relations to be maintained 
between superiors and inferiors, and the distinction 
between the noble and the mean. 

Book XLV. Phing 1. 

The subject of the Phing I is the interchange of 
missions between the ancient feudal states. It was a 
rule of the kingdom that those states should by such 
interchange maintain a good understanding with one 
another, as a means of preventing both internal disturb- 
ances and aggression from without. P. Callery gives for 
the title: — 'Signification (du Rite) des Visites.' I 
have met with it rendered in English by ' The Theory of 
Embassies;' but the Phing was not an embassy on any 
great state occasion, nor was it requisite that it should be 
sent at stated intervals. It could not be long neglected 
between two states without risk to the good fellowship 
between them, but events might at any time occur in any 
one state which would call forth such an expression of 
friendly sympathy from others. 

A mission occasioned a very considerable expenditure to 
the receiving state, and the author, with amusing ingenuity, 
explains this as a device to teach the princes and their 
peoples to care little for such outlay in comparison with the 
maintenance of the custom and its ceremonies. 

Those visits are treated with all the necessary details in 
the 1 Lt, Books XV-XVIII ; and though the extracts from 
them are not many, we get from the author a sufficiently 
intelligible account of the nature of the missions and the 
way in which they were carried through. 

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bk. xlvi. INTRODUCTION. 59 

In paragraph n, however, he turns to another sub- 
ject, and writes at some length about archery, while the 
concluding paragraphs (12 and 13) give a conversation 
between Confucius and his disciple 3ze-kung on the reasons 
why jade is thought so much of. The three paragraphs 
have no connexion with those that precede on the subject 
of the missions ; and the question arises — Whence were they 
derived ? The previous paragraphs, taken from or based 
on the 1 Li, are found in one of the surviving Treatises of 
the larger collection of the Greater Tai, the thirty-sixth Book, 
called ATAao-sze, in consequence of which the ATAien-lung 
editors suggest that these concluding paragraphs were an 
addition made by his relative, Tai Shang. It may have been 
so, but we should not thereby be impressed with a high idea 
of the skill or judgment with which Shang executed his work. 

Book XLVI. Sang Fu Sze Km. 

This Book, with which the collection of the LI K\ con- 
cludes, is an attempt to explain the usages of the mourning 
rites, and especially of the dress, wherein they agree, and 
wherein they differ, by referring them to the four constitu- 
ents of man's nature, — love, righteousness, the sentiment of 
propriety, and knowledge, in harmony with the operations of 
heaven and earth in the course of nature. We do not know 
who was the author of it, but the A*Aien-lung editors contend 
that it could not have been in the original compilation of 
the Smaller Tai, and owes its place in the collection to 
A'ang Hsuan. 

The greater part of it is found in the thirty-ninth, or last 
but one 1 , of the Books still current as the Li of the Greater 
Tai; and another part in the 'Narratives of the School,' the 
third article in the sixth chapter of that collection 2 , the 
compilation of which in its present form is attributed to 
Wang Su in the first half of our third century. But this 
second fragment must have existed previously, else A'ang 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

6o THE Li jrf. 


himself could not have seen it. The argument of those 
editors, therefore, that some scholar, later than the Smaller 
Tai, must have incorporated it with what we find in the 
Greater Tai, adding a beginning and ending of his own, so 
as to form a Book like one of those of Tai Shang, and that 
A"ang thought it worth his while to preserve it as the last 
portion of Shang's collection, — this argument is inconclusive. 
The fragment may originally have formed part of Tai Teh's 
thirty-ninth Book or of some other, and the whole of this 
Book have been arranged, as we now have it by Shang 
himself, working, as he is reported to have done, on the 
compilation or digest of his cousin. However this be, the 
views in the Book are certainly ingenious and deserve to be 
read with care. 

A few lines in Callery's work are sufficient to translate 
all of the Book which is admitted into the expurgated 

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Section I. Part I. 

Ch. 1. i. The Summary of the Rules of Pro- 
priety says: — Always and in everything let there 
be reverence ; with the deportment grave as when 

On the names of the whole work and of this book, see the 
Introduction, pp. 9-12 and 15-17. 

Part I is occupied with general principles and statements about 
Propriety rather than with the detail of particular rules. It may 
be divided into seven chapters, containing in all thirty-one para- 

Ch. 1. i, tells how reverence and gravity, with careful speech, 
are essential in Propriety; and shows its importance to a com- 
munity or nation. 2. 2, specifies habits or tendencies incom- 
patible with Propriety. 3. 3-5, gives instances of Propriety in 
superior men, and directions for certain cases. 4. 6, 7, states the 
rules for sitting, standing, and a mission to another state. 5. 8-22, 
sets forth how indispensable Propriety is for the regulation of the 
individual and society, and that it marks in fact the distinction 
between men and brutes. 6, 23-26, indicates how the rules, 
unnecessary in the most ancient times, grew with the progress of 
society, and were its ornament and security. 7. 27-31, speaks 
of the different stages of life, as divided into decades from ten 
years to a hundred; and certain characteristics belonging to them. 

Digitized by 


62 THE U Ki. 

BK. I. 

one is thinking (deeply), and with speech composed 
and definite. This will make the people tranquil. 

2. 2. Pride should not be allowed to grow ; the 
desires should not be indulged ; the will should not 
be gratified to the full ; pleasure should not be 
carried to excess. 

3. 3. Men of talents and virtue can be familiar 
with others and yet respect them ; can stand in awe 
of others and yet love them. They love others and 
yet acknowledge the evil that is in them. They 
accumulate (wealth) and yet are able to part with 
it (to help the needy) ; they rest in what gives them 
satisfaction and yet can seek satisfaction elsewhere 
(when it is desirable to do so). 4. When you find 
wealth within your reach, do not (try to) get it by 
improper means ; when you meet with calamity, do 
not (try to) escape from it by improper means. Do 
not seek for victory in small contentions; do not 
seek for more than your proper share. 5. Do not 
positively affirm what you have doubts about ; and 
(when you have no doubts), do not let what you say 
appear (simply) as your own view *. 

4. 6. If a man be sitting, let him do so as a 
personator of the deceased 2 ; if he be standing, 
let him do so (reverently), as in sacrificing. 7. In 

1 The text in the second part of this sentence is not easily 
translated and interpreted. I have followed in my version the 
view of ATang, JSTu Hsl, and the JT/Hen-lung editors. Callery gives 
for the whole sentence, ' Ne donnez pas comme certain ce qui est 
douteux, mais exposez-le clairement sans arriere-pensee/ Zottoli's 
view of the meaning is probably the same as mine : ' Dubius rerum 
noli praesumere, sed sincerus ne tibi arroges.' 

1 On the personator of the deceased, see vol. iii, pp. 300, 301. 
According to the ritual of JT&u, the representatives of the dead 
always sat, and bore themselves with the utmost gravity. 

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SECT. I. PT. I. 

khv iA. 63 

(observing) the rules of propriety, what is right (for 
the time and in the circumstances) should be fol- 
lowed. In discharging a mission (to another state), 
its customs are to be observed. 

5. 8. They are the rules of propriety, that furnish 
the means of determining (the observances towards) 
relatives, as near and remote ; of settling points 
which may cause suspicion or doubt; of distinguishing 
where there should be agreement, and where differ- 
ence ; and of making clear what is right and what is 
wrong. 9. According to those rules, one should not 
(seek to) please others in an improper way, nor be 
lavish of his words. 10. According to them, one 
does not go beyond the definite measure, nor 
encroach on or despise others, nor is fond of (presum- 
ing) familiarities. 1 1. To cultivate one's person and 
fulfil one's words is called good conduct. When the 
conduct is (thus) ordered, and the words are accor- 
dant with the (right) course, we have the substance of 
the rules of propriety. 12. I have heard that it is 
in accordance with those rules that one should be 
chosen by others (as their model) ; I have not heard 
of his choosing them (to take him as such). I have 
heard in the same way of (scholars) coming to learn; 
I have not heard of (the master) going to teach. 
13. The course (of duty), virtue, benevolence, and 
righteousness cannot be fully carried out without 
the rules of propriety ; 14. nor are training and oral 
lessons for the rectification of manners complete ; 
15. nor can the clearing up of quarrels and discrim- 
inating in disputes be accomplished; 16. nor can 
(the duties between) ruler and minister, high and 
low, father and son, elder brother and younger, be 
determined; 17. nor can students for office and 

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64 the l! kI. 

BK. I. 

(other) learners, in serving their masters, have an 
attachment for them; 18. nor can majesty and 
dignity be shown in assigning the different places 
at court, in the government of the armies, and in 
discharging the duties of office so as to secure the 
operation of the laws ; 1 9. nor can there be the (proper) 
sincerity and gravity in presenting the offerings to 
spiritual Beings on occasions of supplication, thanks- 
giving, and the various sacrifices 1 . 20. Therefore 
the superior man is respectful and reverent, assiduous 
in his duties and not going beyond them, retiring 
and yielding ; — thus illustrating (the principle of) 
propriety. 21. The parrot can speak, and yet is 
nothing more than a bird ; the ape can speak, and 
yet is nothing more than a beast 2 . Here now is a 
man who observes no rules of propriety; is not his 
heart that of a beast ? But if (men were as) beasts, 
and without (the principle of) propriety, father and 
son might have the same mate. 22. Therefore, 
when the sages arose, they framed the rules of pro- 
priety in order to teach men, and cause them, by 

1 Four religious acts are here mentioned, in connexion with 
which the offerings to spiritual Beings were presented. What 
I have called 'various sacrifices' is in Chinese K\ sze. Wu 
Kh$xi% says : ' A"i means sacrificial offerings to the spirit (or spirits) 
of Earth, and sze those to the spirits of Heaven. Offerings to 
the manes of men are also covered by them when they are used 

2 We know that the parrot and some other birds can be taught 
to speak ; but I do not know that any animal has been taught to 
enunciate words even as these birds do. Williams (Diet. p. 809) 
thinks that the shang shang mentioned here may be the rhino- 
pithecus Roxellana of P. David, found in Sze-Mtian; but we 
have no account of it in Chinese works, so far as I know, that is 
not evidently fabulous. 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. PT. I. KHV LI. 65 

their possession of them, to make a distinction 
between themselves and brutes. 

6. 23. In the highest antiquity they prized (simply 
conferring) good ; in the time next to this, giving and 
repaying was the thing attended to 1 . And what the 
rules of propriety value is that reciprocity. If I give 
a gift and nothing comes in return, that is contrary 
to propriety ; if the thing comes to me, and I give 
nothing in return, that also is contrary to propriety. 

24. If a man observe the rules of propriety, he is in 
a condition of security ; if he do not, he is in one of 
danger. Hence there is the saying, ' The rules of 
propriety should by no means be left unlearned.' 

25. Propriety is seen in humbling one's self and 
giving honour to others. Even porters and pedlers 
are sure to display this giving honour (in some cases) ; 
how much more should the rich and noble do so (in 
all)! 26. When the rich and noble know to love 
propriety, they do not become proud nor dissolute. 
When the poor and mean know to love propriety, 
their minds do not become cowardly. 

7. 27. When one is ten years old, we call him a 
boy ; he goes (out) to school. When he is twenty, we 
call him a youth ; he is capped. When he is thirty, 
we say, ' He is at his maturity;' he has a wife a . When 

1 Compare with this paragraph the state of ' the highest antiquity' 
described in the Tao Teh King, chapters 18, 19, et al. 

2 When it is said that at thirty a man has a wife, the meaning 
must be that he ought not to reach that age without being married. 
Early marriages were the rule in ancient China, as they are now. 
Confucius was married when barely twenty. In the same way we 
are to understand the being in office at forty. A man might take 
office at thirty ; if he reached forty before he did so, there was 
something wrong in himself or others. 

[27] F 

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66 THE Li kL 

BE. !. 

he is forty, we say,' He is in his vigour;' he is employed 
in office. When he is fifty, we say, ' He is getting 
grey;' he can discharge all the duties of an officer. 
When he is sixty, we say, ' He is getting old ;' he gives 
directions and instructions. When he is seventy, we 
say, 'He is old;' he delegates his duties to others. 
At eighty or ninety, we say of him, 'He is very old.' 
When he is seven, we say that he is an object of 
pitying love. Such a child and one who is very old, 
though they may be chargeable with crime, are not 
subjected to punishment. At a hundred, he is called 
a centenarian, and has to be fed. 28. A great 
officer, when he is seventy, should resign (his charge 
of) affairs. 29. If he be not allowed to resign, there 
must be given him a stool and staff. When travelling 
on service, he must have the attendance of his wife 1 ; 
and when going to any other state, he will ride in 
an easy carriage 2 . 30. (In another state) he will 
style himself ' the old man ; ' in his own state, he will 
call himself by his name. 3 1 . When from another 
they ask (about his state), he must tell them of its 
(old) institutions 3 . 

1 Perhaps we should translate here in the plural — ' his women,' 
which would include his wife. 

* An 'easy carriage' was small. Its occupant sat in it, and 
did not stand. 

* It is supposed here that the foreign envoys first question the 
ruler, who then calls in the help of the aged minister. 

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SECT. I. PT. II. KHO lA. 67 

Part II. 

1. 1. In going to take counsel with an elder, one 
must carry a stool and a staff with him (for the elder's 
use). When the elder asks a question, to reply with- 
out acknowledging one's incompetency and (trying 
to) decline answering, is contrary to propriety 1 . 

2. 2. For all sons it is the rule : — in winter, to 
warm (the bed for their parents), and to cool it in 
summer; in the evening, to adjust everything (for 
their repose), and to inquire (about their health) in 
the morning ; and, when with their companions, not 
to quarrel. 

3. 3. Whenever a son, having received the three 
(first) gifts (of the ruler), declines (to use) the carriage 
and horses, the people of the hamlets and smaller dis- 
tricts, and of the larger districts and neighbourhoods, 
will proclaim him filial ; his brothers and relatives, 
both by consanguinity and affinity, will proclaim him 

Part II enters more into detail about the rules of Propriety. 
It has been divided into seven chapters, containing in all thirty-two 

Ch. 1. 1, speaks of a junior consulting an elder. 2. 2, describes 
services due from all sons to their parents. 3. 3, shows a filial 
son when raised to higher rank than his father. 4. 4-16, con- 
tains rules for a son in various circumstances, especially with 
reference to his father. 5. 17-26, gives the rules for younger 
men in their intercourse with their teachers and elders generally, 
and in various cases. 6. 27, is the rule for an officer in entering 
the gate of his ruler or coming out by it. 7. 28-32, deals with a 
host and visitor, and ceremonious visiting and intercourse generally. 

1 The reply of Tsang Shan to Confucius, as related in vol. iii, 
PP- 4 6 5» 4<>6, is commonly introduced in illustration of this second 

F 2 

Digitized by 


68 THE Li kL 

BK. I. 

loving ; his friends who are fellow-officers will pro- 
claim him virtuous ; and his friends who are his 
associates will proclaim him true 1 . 

4. 4. When he sees an intimate friend of his 
father, not to presume to go forward to him without 
being told to do so; nor to retire without being told; 
nor to address him without being questioned : — this 
is the conduct of a filial son. 5. A son, when he is 
going abroad, must inform (his parents where he is 
going); when he returns, he must present himself 
before them. Where he travels must be in some 
fixed (region) ; what he engages in must be some 
(reputable) occupation. 6. In ordinary conversa- 
tion (with his parents), he does not use the term 
' old ' (with reference to them) 2 . 7. He should serve 
one twice as old as himself as he serves his father, 
one ten years older than himself as an elder brother; 
with one five years older he should walk shoulder to 
shoulder, but (a little) behind him. 8. When five 
are sitting together, the eldest must have a different 
mat (by himself) s . 9. A son should not occupy the 
south-west corner of the apartment, nor sit in the 

1 The gifts of distinction, conferred by the sovereign on officers, 
ministers, and feudal princes, were nine in all; and the enume- 
rations of them are not always the same. The three intended here 
are the appointment to office, or rank ; the robes belonging to it ; 
and the chariot and horses. We must suppose that the rank 
placed the son higher than the father in social position, and that 
he declines the third gift from humility, — not to parade himself as 
superior to his father and others in his circle. 

9 Some understand the rule to be that the son is not to speak 
of himself as old ; but the meaning in the translation is the more 

' Four men were the proper complement for a mat ; the eldest 
of the five therefore was honoured with another mat for himself. 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. PT. II. J5TJ/0 Lt 69 

middle of the mat (which he occupies alone), nor 
walk in the middle of the road, nor stand in the 
middle of the doorway 1 . 10. He should not take 
the part of regulating the (quantity of) rice and 
other viands at an entertainment. 11. He should not 
act as personator of the dead at sacrifice 2 . 12. He 
should be (as if he were) hearing (his parents) when 
there is no voice from them, and as seeing them 
when they are not actually there. 13. He should not 
ascend a height, nor approach the verge of a depth ; 
he should not indulge in reckless reviling or derisive 
laughing. A filial son will not do things in the dark, 
nor attempt hazardous undertakings, fearing lest he 
disgrace his parents. 14. While his parents are 
alive, he will not promise a friend to die (with or 
for him) 8 , nor will he have wealth that he calls his 
own. 15. A son, while his parents are alive, will 
not wear a cap or (other) article of dress, with a 
white border 4 . 16. An orphan son, taking his 
father's place, will not wear a cap or (other article 
of) dress with a variegated border 6 . 

5. 1 7. A boy should never he allowed to see an 

1 The father is supposed to be alive; the south-west part of 
an apartment was held to be the most honourable, and must be 
reserved for him. So of the other things. 

* This was in the ancestral worship. A son, acting such a part, 
would have to receive the homage of his father. 

' I have known instances of Chinese agreeing to die with or for 
a friend, who wished to avenge a great wrong. See the covenant 
of the three heroes of the ' romance of the Three Kingdoms,' near 
the beginning. 

4 White was and is the colour worn in mourning. 

B The son here is the eldest son and heir ; even after the regular 
period of mourning is over, he continues to wear it in so far. The 
other sons were not required to do so. 

Digitized by 


70 THE Lt zt. 

BK. I. 

instance of deceit 1 . 18. A lad should not wear a 
jacket of fur nor the skirt*. He must stand straight 
and square, and not incline his head in hearing. 19. 
When an elder is holding him with the hand, he 
should hold the elder's hand with both his hands. 
When the elder has shifted his sword to his back 
and is speaking to him with the side of his face bent 
down, he should cover his mouth with his hand in 
answering 3 . 20. When he is following his teacher 4 , 
he should not quit the road to speak with another 
person. When he meets his teacher on the road, he 
should hasten forward to him, and stand with his 
hands joined across his breast. If the teacher speak to 
him, he will answer; if he do not, he will retire with 
hasty steps. 21. When, following an elder, they 
ascend a level height, he must keep his face towards 
the quarter to which the elder is looking. 22. When 
one has ascended the wall of a city, he should not 
point, nor call out 6 . 23. When he intends to go to 
a lodging-house, let it not be with the feeling that 
he must get whatever he asks for. 24. When about 
to go up to the hall (of a house), he must raise his 
voice. When outside the door there are two (pairs 

1 This maxim deserves to be specially noted. It will remind 
the reader of Juvenal's lines : — 

'Maxima debetur puero reverentia. Si quid 
Turpe paras, nee tu pueri contempseris annos.' 

8 To make him handy, and leave him free to execute any service 
required of him. 

9 The second sentence here is difficult to construe, and the 
critics differ much in dealing with it. Zottoli's version is— ' Si e 
dorso vel latere transverso ore (superior) eloquatur ei, tunc obducto 
ore respondebit.' 

* ' Teacher ' is here ' the one born before him,' denoting * an old 
man who teaches youth.' 

6 And thus make himself an object of general observation. 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. PT. II. KHV Lf. 71 

of) shoes 1 , if voices be heard, he enters ; if voices be 
not heard, he will not enter. 25. When about to 
enter the door, he must keep his eyes cast down. 
As he enters, he should (keep his hands raised as 
high as if he were) bearing the bar of the door. In 
looking down or up, he should not turn (his head). 
If the door were open, he should leave it open ; if 
it were shut, he should shut it again. If there be 
others (about) to enter after him, while he (turns to) 
shut the door, let him not do so hastily. 26. Let 
him not tread on the shoes (left outside the door), 
nor stride across the mat (in going to take his seat) ; 
but let him hold up his dress, and move hastily to 
his corner (of the mat). (When seated), he must be 
careful in answering or assenting. 

6. 27. A great officer or (other) officer should go 
out or in at the ruler's doors 2 , on the right of the 
middle post, without treading on the threshold. 

7. 28. Whenever (a host has received and) is 
entering with a guest, at every door he should 
give place to him. When the guest arrives at 
the innermost door (or that leading to the feast- 

1 It was the custom in China, as it still is in Japan, to take off 
the shoes, and leave them outside the door on entering an apart- 
ment This paragraph and the next tell us how a new-comer 
should not enter an apartment hastily, so as to take those already 
there by surprise. 

3 It is necessary to translate here in the plural. Anciently, as 
now, the palace, mansion, or public office was an aggregate of 
courts, with buildings in them, so that the visitor passed from one 
to another through a gateway, till he reached the inner court which 
conducted to the hall, behind which again were the family apart- 
ments. The royal palace had five courts and gates; that of a 
feudal lord had three. Each gate had its proper name. The 
whole assemblage of buildings was much deeper than it was wide. 

Digitized by 


72 THE hi art. 

BE. I. 

room), the host will ask to be allowed to enter 
first and arrange the mats. Having done this, he 
will come out to receive the guest, who will refuse 
firmly (to enter first). The host having made 
a low bow to him, they will enter (together). 
29. When they have entered the door, the host 
moves to the right, and the guest to the left, the 
former going to the steps on the east, and the 
latter to those on the west If the guest be of 
the lower rank, he goes to the steps of the host 
(as if to follow him up them). The host firmly 
declines this, and he returns to the other steps on 
the west 1 . 30. They then offer to each other the 
precedence in going up, but the host commences 
first, followed (immediately) by the other. They 
bring their feet together on every step, thus ascend- 
ing by successive paces. He who ascends by the 
steps on the east should move his right foot first, 
and the other at the western steps his left foot. 31. 
Outside the curtain or screen* (a visitor) should not 
walk with the formal hasty steps, nor above in the 
hall, nor when carrying the symbol of jade. Above, 
in the raised hall, the foot-prints should be along- 
side each other, but below it free and separate. In 
the apartment the elbows should not be held out 
like wings in bowing. 32. When two (equals) are 
sitting side by side, they do not have their elbows 
extended crosswise. One should not kneel in hand- 
ing anything to a (superior) standing, nor stand in 
handing it to him sitting. 

1 The host here is evidently of high dignity, living in a mansion. 

* The screen was in front of the raised hall, in the courtyard ; 
until they passed it visitors might not be in view of their host, and 
could feel at ease in their carriage and movements. 

Digitized by 


sect. i. pt. in. KHii hi. 73 

Part III. 

1. i. In all cases of (a lad's) carrying away the 
dirt that has been swept up from the presence of 
an elder, it is the rule that he (place) the brush on 
the basket, keeping his sleeve before it as he retires. 
The dust is not allowed to reach the elder, because 
he carries the basket with its mouth turned towards 
himself. 2. He carries the (elder's) mat in his arms 
like the cross-beam of a shadoof. 3. If it be a mat 

Part III continues to lay down the rules for various duties and 
classes of duties. It extends to sixty-seven paragraphs, which may 
be comprised in twenty-one chapters. 

Ch. 1. 1-4, describes a youth's ways in sweeping for an elder 
and in carrying and placing his mats. 2. 5-7, relates to host 
and guest. 3. 8-19, is about a youth, especially a pupil, in 
attendance on his elders. 4. 20-16, is about his ways in serving 
a superior. 5. 27-29, is about the shoes in visiting. 6. 30-39, 
gives rules about not interfering with people's private affairs, and 
avoiding, between male and female, what would cause suspicion. 

7. 40, is a message of congratulation to a friend on his marriage. 

8. 41, is about consideration for the poor and the old. 9. 42-46, 
gives rules for the naming of sons and daughters. 10. 47-51, 
describes the arrangement of the dishes, and the behaviour of the 
host and guests, at an entertainment 11. 52, we have a youth 
and his host eating together. 12. 53, shows how people, eating 
together, ought to behave. 13. 54-58, is about things to be 
avoided in eating. 14. 59, shows us host and guest at the 
close of the entertainment In 15. 60, we have a youth and elder 
drinking together. 16. 61, is about a gift from an elder. 
17. 62, shows how the kernel of a fruit given by an elder is to be 
dealt with in his presence. 18. 63, 64, relates to gifts at a feast 
from the ruler, and how they are to be used. 19. 65, is about a 
ruler asking an attendant to share in a feast. 20. 66, is about 
the use of chopsticks with soup. 21. 67, gives the rules for 
paring a melon for the ruler and others. 

Digitized by 


74 THE L{ tfl. BK. I. 

to sit on, he will ask in what direction (the elder) is 
going to turn his face ; if it be to sleep on, in what 
direction he is going to turn his feet. 4. If a mat 
face the south or the north, the seat on the west is 
accounted that of honour ; if it face the east or the 
west, the seat on the south. 

2. 5. Except in the case of guests who are there 
(simply) to eat and drink, in spreading the mats a 
space of ten cubits should be left between them 1 . 

6. When the host kneels to adjust the mats (of a 
visitor), the other should kneel and keep hold of 
them, declining (the honour) 2 . When the visitor 
(wishes to) remove one or more, the host should 
firmly decline to permit him to do so. When the 
visitor steps on his mats, (the host) takes his seat. 

7. If the host have not put some question, the visitor 
should not begin the conversation. 

3. 8. When (a pupil) is about to go to his mat, he 
should not look discomposed. With his two hands he 
should hold up his lower garment, so that the bottom 
of it may be a cubit from the ground. His clothes 
should not hang loosely about him, nor should there 
be any hurried movements of his feet. 9. If any 
writing or tablets of his master, or his lute or cithern 
be in the way, he should kneel down and remove 
them, taking care not to disarrange them. 10. 
When sitting and doing nothing, he should keep 
quite at the back (of his mat) ; when eating, quite 
at the front of it 3 . He should sit quietly and keep 

1 To allow space and freedom for gesticulation. 
' Two or more mats might be placed over each other in honour 
of the visitor. 

3 The dishes were placed before the mats. 

Digitized by 


sect. i. pt. in. khU rJ. 75 

a watch on his countenance. If there be any 
subject on which the elder has not touched, let 
him not introduce it irregularly. 1 1. Let him 
keep his deportment correct 1 , and listen respect- 
fully. Let him not appropriate (to himself) the 
words (of others), nor (repeat them) as (the echo 
does the) thunder. If he must (adduce proofs), let 
them be from antiquity, with an appeal to the 
ancient kings. 12. When sitting by his side, and 
the teacher puts a question, (the learner) should not 
reply till (the other) has finished. 13. When request- 
ing (instruction) on the subject of his studies, (the 
learner) should rise ; when requesting further infor- 
mation, he should rise. 14. When his father calls, 
(a youth) should not (merely) answer ' yes,' nor when 
his teacher calls. He should, with (a respectful) 
' yes,' immediately rise (and go to them). 15. When 
one is sitting in attendance on another whom he 
honours and reveres, he should not allow any part 
of his mat to keep them apart 2 , nor will he rise when 
he sees others (come in) of the same rank as himself. 
16. When the torches come, he should rise ; and also 
when the viands come in, or a visitor of superior 
rank 3 . 17. The torches should not (be allowed to 
burn) till their ends can be seen. 18. Before an 
honoured visitor we should not shout (even) at 

1 Here, and in some other places, we find the second per- 
sonal pronoun; as if the text were made up from different 
sources. I have translated, however, as if we had only the third 

* He should sit on the front of his mat, to be as near the other 
as possible. 

3 The torches were borne by boys. They were often changed, 
that the visitors might not be aware how the time was passing. 

Digitized by 


76 THE Li X\. 

BK. I. 

a dog. 19. When declining any food, one should 
not spit. 

4. 20. When one is sitting in attendance on 
another of superior character or rank, and that other 
yawns or stretches himself, or lays hold of his staff 
or shoes, or looks towards the sun to see if it be early 
or late, he should ask to be allowed to leave. 21. In 
the same position, if the superior man put a question 
on a new subject, he should rise up in giving his reply. 
22. Similarly, if there come some one saying (to the 
superior man), ' I wish, when you have a little 
leisure, to report to you,' he should withdraw to the 
left or right and wait. 23. Do not listen with the 
head inclined on one side, nor answer with a loud 
sharp voice, nor look with a dissolute leer, nor keep 
the body in a slouching position 1 . 24. Do not 
saunter about with a haughty gait, nor stand with 
one foot raised. Do not sit with your knees wide 
apart, nor sleep on your face. 25. Have your hair 
gathered up, and do not use any false hair 2 . 26. 
Let not the cap be laid aside ; nor the chest be bared, 
(even) when one is toiling hard ; nor let the lower 
garment be held up (even) in hot weather. 

5. 27. When (going to) sit in attendance on an 
elder, (a visitor) should not go up to the hall with 
his shoes on, nor should he presume to take them 
off in front of the steps. 28. (When any single 
visitor is leaving), he will go to his shoes, kneel 
down and take them up, and then move to one side. 
29. (When the visitors retire in a body) with their 

1 The style and form of 23-26 differ from the preceding. 
Perhaps they should form a paragraph by themselves. 
* Which women were accustomed to do. 

Digitized by 



kbO it 77 

faces towards the elder, (they stand) by the shoes, 
which they then, kneeling, remove (some distance), 
and, stooping down, put on 1 . 

6. 30. When two men are sitting or standing 
together, do not join them as a third. When two 
are standing together, another should not pass 
between them. 31. Male and female should not sit 
together (in the same apartment), nor have the same 
stand or rack for their clothes, nor use the same 
towel or comb, nor let their hands touch in giving 
and receiving. 32. A sister-in-law and brother-in- 
law do not interchange inquiries (about each other). 
None of the concubines in a house should be 
employed to wash the lower garment (of a son) 2 . 
23. Outside affairs should not be talked of inside 
the threshold (of the women's apartments), nor inside 
(or women's) affairs outside it. 34. When a young 
lady is promised in marriage, she wears the strings 
(hanging down to her neck) 3 ; and unless there be 
some great occasion, no (male) enters the door of 
her apartment*. 35. When a married aunt, or sister, 
or daughter returns home (on a visit), no brother (of 
the family) should sit with her on the same mat or 
eat with her from the same dish. (Even) the father 
and daughter should not occupy the same mat 8 . 36. 

1 The host would be seeing the visitors off, and therefore they 
would keep their faces towards him. 

* Concubines might be employed to wash clothes ; delicacy for- 
bade their washing the lower garments of the sons. 

3 Those strings were symbolic of the union with and subjection 
to her husband to which she was now pledged. 

4 Great sickness or death, or other great calamity, would be 
such an occasion. 

• This is pushing the rule to an extreme. The sentence is also 
(but wrongly) understood of father and son. 

Digitized by 


78 THE hi K\. 

BK. I. 

Male and female, without the intervention of the 
matchmaker, do not know each other's name. Unless 
the marriage presents have been received, there 
should be no communication nor affection between 
them. 37. Hence the day and month (of the mar- 
riage) should be announced to the ruler, and to the 
spirits (of ancestors) with purification and fasting ; and 
(the bridegroom) should make a feast, and invite 
(his friends) in the district and neighbourhood, and 
his fellow-officers : — thus giving its due importance 
to the separate position (of male and female). 38. 
One must not marry a wife of the same surname with 
himself. Hence, in buying a concubine, if he do not 
know her surname, he must consult the tortoise-shell 
about it 1 . 39. With the son of a widow, unless he 
be of acknowledged distinction, one should not 
associate himself as a friend. 

7. 40. When one congratulates (a friend) on his 
marrying, his messenger says, ' So and So has sent 
me. Having heard that you are having guests, he 
has sent me with this present.' 

8. 41. Goods and wealth are not to be expected 
from the poor in their discharge of the rules of pro- 
priety ; nor the display of sinews and strength frohi 
the old. 

9. 42. In giving a name to a son, it should not 
be that of a state, nor of a day or a month, nor 
of any hidden ailment, nor of a hill or river 2 . 43. 

1 Not to find out what her surname is, but to determine whether 
it be the same as that of the gentleman or not. 

* Such names were so common, thit if it became necessary to 
avoid them, as it might be, through the death of the party or on 
other grounds, it would be difficult and inconvenient to do so. 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. PT. III. KHU hi. 79 

Sons and daughters should have their (relative) ages 
distinguished 1 . 44. A son at twenty is capped, and 
receives his appellation*. 45. Before his father a 
son should be called by his name, and before his ruler 
a minister 3 . 46. When a daughter is promised in 
marriage, she assumes the hair-pin, and receives her 

10. 47. The rules for bringing in the dishes for 
an entertainment are the following : — The meat 
cooked on the bones is set on the left, and the 
sliced meat on the right ; the rice is placed on the 
left of the parties on the mat, and the soup on their 
right ; the minced and roasted meat are put outside 
(the chops and sliced meat), and the pickles and 
sauces inside ; the onions and steamed onions succeed 
to these, and the drink and syrups are on the right. 
When slices of dried and spiced meat are put down, 
where they are folded is turned to the left, and the 
ends of them to the right. 48. If a guest be of 
lower rank (than his entertainer), he should take up 
the rice 4 , rise and decline (the honour he is receiving). 
The host then rises and refuses to allow the guest 
(to retire). After this the guest will resume his seat. 
49. When the host leads on the guests to present an 
offering (to the father of cookery), they will begin 

1 As primus, prima; secundus, secunda, &c. 

* The appellation was thus the name given (at a family meeting) 
to a youth who had reached man's estate. Morrison (Diet. i. 627) 
calls it the name taken by men when they marry. Such a usage 
testifies to the early marriages in ancient China, as referred to in 
note 2, p. 65. 

* There might be some meaning in the appellation which would 
seem to place its bearer on the level of his father or his ruler. 

* The rice is called ' the principal article in a feast.' Hence 
the humbler guest takes it up, as symbolical of all the others. 

Digitized by 


8o THE hi Kt. 

BK. I. 

with the dishes which were first brought in. Going 
on from the meat cooked on the bones they will 
offer of all (the other dishes) 1 . 50. After they have 
eaten three times, the host will lead on the guests to 
take of the sliced meat, from which they will go on 
to all the other dishes. 51. A guest should not 
rinse his mouth with spirits till the host has gone 
over all the dishes. 

11. 52. When (a youth) is in attendance on an 
elder at a meal, if the host give anything to him 
with his own hand, he should bow to him and 
eat it. If he do not so give him anything, he 
should eat without bowing. 

12. 53. When eating with others from the same 
dishes, one should not try to eat (hastily) to 
satiety. When eating with them from the same dish 
of rice, one should not have to wash his hands 2 . 

13. 54. Do not roll the rice into a ball ; do not 
bolt down the various dishes; do not swill down 
(the soup). 55. Do not make a noise in eating; do 
not crunch the bones with the teeth ; do not put 
back fish you have been eating; do not throw 
the bones to the dogs ; do not snatch (at what 
you want). 56. Do not spread out the rice (to 
cool); do not use chopsticks in eating millet*. 

1 This paragraph refers to a practice something like our ' saying 
grace.' According to Khung Ying-ta, a little was taken from all 
the dishes, and placed on the ground about them as an offering to 
' the father of cookery.' 

2 As all ate from the same dish of rice without chopsticks or 
spoons, it was necessary they should try to keep their hands clean. 
Some say the ' washing ' was only a rubbing of the hands with 

* A spoon was the proper implement in eating millet. 

Digitized by 



jrffi) lJ. 8 i 

57. Do not (try to) gulp down soup with vegeta- 
bles in it, nor add condiments to it; do not keep 
picking the teeth, nor swill down the sauces. If a 
guest add condiments, the host will apologise for 
not having had the soup prepared better. If he 
swill down the sauces, the host will apologise for his 
poverty 1 . 58. Meat that is wet (and soft) may be 
divided with the teeth, but dried flesh cannot be so 
dealt with. Do not bolt roast meat in large pieces. 

14. 59. When they have done eating, the guests 
will kneel in front (of the mat), and (begin to) 
remove the (dishes) of rice and sauces to give 
them to the attendants. The host will then rise 
and decline this service from the guests, who will 
resume their seats. 

15. 60. If a youth is in attendance on, and 
drinking with, an elder, when the (cup of) spirits 
is brought to him, he rises, bows, and (goes to) 
receive it at the place where the spirit-vase is kept. 
The elder refuses (to allow him to do so), when he 
returns to the mat, and (is prepared) to drink. The 
elder (meantime) lifts (his cup) ; but until he has 
emptied it, the other does not presume to drink his. 

16. 61. When an elder offers a gift, neither a 
youth, nor one of mean condition, presumes to 
decline it. 

17. 62. When a fruit is given by the ruler and in 
his presence, if there be a kernel in it, (the receiver) 
should place it in his bosom 2 . 

1 The sauce should be too strong to be swallowed largely and 

* Lest he should seem to throw away anything given by the 

I>7] G 

Digitized by 


82 THE Lf Jft. 

BK. I. 

18. 63. When one is attending the ruler at a meal, 
and the ruler gives him anything that is left, if it be 
in a vessel that can be easily scoured, he does not 
transfer it (to another of his own) ; but from any 
other vessel he should so transfer it l . 

19. 64. Portions of (such) food should not be 
used as offerings (to the departed). A father should 
not use them in offering even to a (deceased) son, 
nor a husband in offering to a (deceased) wife 2 . 

20. 65. When one is attending an elder and (called 
to) share with him (at a feast), though the viands 
may be double (what is necessary), he should not 
(seek) to decline them. If he take his seat (only) as 
the companion of another (for whom it has been 
prepared), he should not decline them. 

21. 66. If the soup be made with vegetables, 
chopsticks should be used ; but not if there be no 

22. 67. He who pares a melon for the son of 
Heaven should divide it into four parts and then into 
eight, and cover them with a napkin of fine linen. 
For the ruler of a state, he should divide it into four 
parts, and cover them with a coarse napkin. To a 
great officer he should (present the four parts) un- 
covered. An inferior officer should receive it (simply) 
with the stalk cut away. A common man will deal 
with it with his teeth. 

1 A vessel of potter's ware or metal can be scoured, and the 
part which his mouth has touched be cleansed before the ruler 
uses it again. 

* The meaning of this paragraph is not clear. 

Digitized by 



KHV Ll. 8j? 

Part IV. 

1. 1. When his father or mother is ill, (a young 
man) who has been capped should not use his comb, 
nor walk with his elbows stuck out, nor speak on 
idle topics, nor take his lute or cithern in hand. He 
should not eat of (different) meats till his taste is 
changed, nor drink till his looks are changed 1 . He 
should not laugh so as to show his teeth, nor be 
angry till he breaks forth in reviling. When the ill- 
ness is gone, he may resume his former habits. 2. 
He who is sad and anxious should sit with his mat 

Part TV contains fifty-two paragraphs, which have been arranged 
in ten chapters, stating the rules to be observed in a variety of 

Ch. 1. 1, 2, treats of the ways of a young man who is sorrowful 
in consequence of the illness or death of a parent. 2. 3-26, 
treats of the rules in giving and receiving, and of messages con- 
nected therewith. The presentations mentioned are all from in- 
feriors to superiors. 3. 27, 28, does not lay down rules, but 
gives characteristics of the superior man, and the methods by 
which he preserves his friendships unbroken. 4. 29, 30, refers to 
the arrangement of the tablets in the ancestral temple, and to the 
personators of the dead. 5. 31, tells how one fasting should 
keep himself from being excited. 6. 32-34, sets forth cautions 
against excess in the demonstrations of mourning. 7. 35, 36, 
speaks of sorrowing for the dead and condoling with the living. 
8- 37> 38> gives counsels of prudence for one under the influence 
of sympathy and benevolent feeling. 9. 39-48, describes rules 
in connexion with mourning, burials, and some other occasions. 
10. 49-52, describes gradations in ceremonies and in the penal 
statutes ; and how a criminal who has been punished should never 
be permitted to be near the ruler. 

1 Does the rule about eating mean that the anxious son should 
restrict himself to a single dish of meat? 

G 2 

Digitized by 


84 THE L,t Kt. BK. I. 

spread apart from others ; he who is mourning (for 
a death) should sit on a single mat l . 

2. 3. When heavy rains have fallen, one should 
not present fish or tortoises (to a superior) 2 . 4. He 
who is presenting a bird should turn its head on one 
side ; if it be a tame bird, this need not be done. 5. 
He who is presenting a carriage and horses should 
carry in his hand (to the hall) the whip, and strap 
for mounting by 3 . 6. He who is presenting a suit 
of mail should carry the helmet (to the hall). He 
who is presenting a staff should hold it by its 
end 4 . 7. He who is presenting a captive should 
hold him by the right sleeve 8 . 8. He who is pre- 
senting grain unhulled should carry with him the left 
side of the account (of the quantity); if the hull be 
off, he should carry with him a measure-drum 6 . 
9. He who is presenting cooked food, should carry 
with him the sauce and pickles for it. 10. He who 
is presenting fields and tenements should carry with 
him the writings about them, and give them up 
(to the superior). 11. In every case of giving a 
bow to another, if it be bent, the (string of) sinew 
should be kept upwards ; laut if unbent, the horn. 

1 Grief is solitary. A mourner afflicts himself. 

1 Because the fish in such a case are so numerous as not to be 
valuable, or because the fish at the time of the rains are not clean. 
Other reasons for the rule have been assigned. 

* The whip and strap, carried up to the hall, represented the 
carriage and horses, left in the courtyard. 

* For convenience ; and because the end, going into the mud, 
was not so honourable. 

* So that he could not attempt any violence. 

* The account was in duplicate, on the same tablet. The right 
> was held to be the more honourable part. ' Drum ' was the name 

of the measure. 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. PT. IV. KHij Lt. 85 

(The giver) should with his right hand grasp the end 
of the bow, and keep his left under the middle of the 
back. The (parties, without regard to their rank 
as) high and low, (bow to each other) till the napkins 
(at their girdles) hang down (to the ground). If the 
host (wish to) bow (still lower), the other moves on 
one side to avoid the salutation. The host then 
takes the bow, standing on the left of the other. 
Putting his hand under that of the visitor, he lays 
hold of the middle of the back, having his face in the 
same direction as the other; and thus he receives 
(the bow). 12. He who is giving a sword should do 
so with the hilt on his left side 1 . 13. He who is 
giving a spear with one hook should do so with the 
metal end of the shaft in front, and the sharp edge 
behind. 14. He who is presenting one with two 
hooks, or one with a single hook and two sharp 
points, should do so with the blunt shaft in front. 
1 5. He who is giving a stool or a staff should, (first) 
wipe it. 16. He who is presenting a horse or a 
sheep should lead it with his right hand. 17. He 
who is presenting a dog should lead it with 
his left hand. 18. He who is carrying a bird (as 
his present of introduction) should do so with, the 
head to the left 2 . 19. For the ornamental covering 
of a lamb or a goose, an embroidered cloth should 
be used. 20. He who receives a pearl or a piece of 
jade should do so with, both his hands. 21. He who 
receives a bow or a sword should do so (having his 
hands covered) with his sleeves*. 22. He who has 

1 That the receiver may take it with his right hand. 
* Compare paragraph 4. In this case the bird was carried across 
the body of the donor with its head on his left. 
3 A different case from that in paragraph 11. It is supposed that 

Digitized by 


86 THE L? kI. 

BK. I. 

drunk from a cup of jade should not (go on to) shake 
it out 1 . 23. Whenever friendly messages are about 
to be sent, with the present of a sword or bow, or of 
(fruit, flesh, and other things, wrapped in) matting of 
rushes, with grass mats, and in baskets, round and 
square, (the messenger) has these things (carried 
with him, when he goes) to receive his commission, 
and deports himself as when he will be discharging 
it 2 . 24. Whenever one is charged with a mission by 
his ruler, after he has received from him his orders, 
and (heard all) he has to say, he should not remain 
over the night in his house. 25. When a message 
from the ruler comes (to a minister), the latter should 
go out and bow (to the bearer), in acknowledgment 
of the honour of it. When the messenger is about 
to return, (the other) must bow to him (again), and 
escort him outside the gate. 26. If (a minister) send 
a message to his ruler, he must wear his court-robes 
when he communicates it to the bearer ; and on his 
return, he must descend from the hall, to receive (the 
ruler's) commands. 

3. 27. To acquire extensive information and re- 
member retentively, while (at the same time) he is 
modest ; to do earnestly what is good, and not 
become weary in so doing : — these are the charac- 
teristics of him whom we call the superior man. 
28. A superior man does not accept everything by 
which another would express his joy in him, or his 
devotion to him 3 ; and thus he preserves their friendly 
intercourse unbroken. 

here the two things were presented together, and received as on a 

1 Because of the risk to a thing so valuable. 

* A rehearsal of what he would have to do. 

1 £. g., it is said, festive entertainments and gifts. 

Digitized by 



KHii Li. 87 

4. 29. A rule of propriety says, ' A superior man 
may carry his grandson in his arms, but not his son." 
This tells us that a grandson may be the personator 
of his deceased grandfather (at sacrifices), but a son 
cannot be so of his father 1 . 30. When a great 
officer or (other) officer sees one who is to person- 
ate the dead (on his way to the ancestral temple), 
he should dismount from his carriage to him. The 
ruler himself, when he recognises him, should do the 
same 2 . The personator (at the same time) must bow 
forward to the cross-bar. In mounting the carriage, 
he must use a stool. 

5. 31. One who is fasting (in preparation for a 
sacrifice) should neither listen to music nor condole 
with mourners 3 . 

6. 32. According to the rules for the period of 
mourning (for a father), (a son) should not emaciate 
himself till the bones appear, nor let his seeing and 
hearing be affected (by his privations). He should 
not go up to, nor descend from, the hall by the steps 
on the east (which his father used), nor go in or out 
by the path right opposite to the (centre of the) gate. 
33. According to the same rules, if he have a scab 
on his head, he should wash it ; if he have a sore on 
his body, he should bathe it. If he be ill, he should 
drink spirits, and eat flesh, returning to his former 

1 The tablets of a father and son should not be in the same 
line of shrines in the ancestral temple ; and the fact in the para- 
graph — hardly credible — seems to be mentioned as giving a reason 
for this. 

1 The personator had for the time the dignity of the deceased 
whom he represented. 

* The fasting and vigil extended to seven days, and were in- 
tended to prepare for the personating duty. What would distract 
the mind from this must be eschewed. 

Digitized by 


88 THE Li kI 

BK. I. 

(abstinence) when he is better. If he make himself 
unable to perform his mourning duties, that is like 
being unkind and unfilial. 34. If he be fifty, he 
should not allow himself to be reduced (by his 
abstinence) very much; and, if he be sixty, not at all. 
At seventy, he will only wear the unhemmed dress of 
sackcloth, and will drink and eat flesh, and occupy 
(the usual apartment) inside (his house). 

7. 35. Intercourse with the living (will be con- 
tinued) in the future ; intercourse with the dead 
(friend) was a thing of the past 1 . 36. He who knows 
the living should send (a message of) condolence; 
and he who knew the dead (a message also of his) 
grief. He who knows the living, and did not know 
the dead, will send his condolence without (that 
expression of) his grief; he who knew the dead, 
and does not know the living, will send the (expres- 
sion of) grief, but not go on to condole. 

8. 37. He who is condoling with one who has 
mourning rites in hand, and is not able to assist him 
with a gift, should put no question about his ex- 
penditure. He who is enquiring after another that is 
ill, and is not able to send (anything to him), should 

1 This gives the reasons for the directions in the next paragraph. 
We condole with the living — to console them ; for the dead, we 
have only to express our grief for our own loss. P. Zottoli's 
translation is : — ' Vivis computatur subsequens dies ; mortuo com- 
putatur praecedens dies ; ' and he says in a note : — ' Vivorum 
luctus incipit quarta a morte die, et praecedente die seu tenia fit 
mortui in feretram depositio ; luctus igitur et depositio, die inter- 
cipiuntur; haec precedit ille subsequetur.' This is after many 
critics, from AUng Khang-^ang downwards; but it does great 
violence to the text. I have followed the view of the A'Aien-lung 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. PT. IV. KH\) hi. 89 

not ask what he would like. He who sees (a travel- 
ler), and is not able to lodge him, should not ask 
where he is stopping. 38. He who would confer 
something on another should not say, ' Come and 
take it;' he who would give something (to a smaller 
man), should not ask him what he would like. 

9. 39. When one goes to a burying-ground, he 
should not get up on any of the graves. When 
assisting at an interment, one should (join in) hold- 
ing the rope attached to the coffin 1 . 40. In a house 
of mourning, one should not laugh. 41. In order to 
bow to another, one should leave his own place. 
42. When one sees at a distance a coffin with the 
corpse in it, he should not sing. When he enters 
among the mourners, he should not keep his arms 
stuck out. When eating (with others), he should 
not sigh. 43. When there are mourning rites in his 
neighbourhood, one should not accompany his pestle 
with his voice. When there is a body shrouded and 
coffined in his village, one should not sing in the 
lanes. 44. When going to a burying-ground, one 
should not sing, nor on the same day when he has 
wailed (with mourners). 45. When accompanying 
a funeral, one should not take a by-path. When 
taking part in the act of interment, one should not 
(try to) avoid mud or pools. When presenting him- 
self at any mourning rite, one should have a sad 
countenance. When holding the rope, one should 
not laugh. 46. When present on an occasion of joy, 
. one should not sigh. 47. When wearing his coat of 

1 The rope here may also be that, or one of those, attached to 
the low car on which the coffin was drawn to the gravi. Com- 
pare paragraph 45. 

Digitized by 


90 THE Lt Jfi. 

BK. I. 

mail and helmet, one's countenance should say, 
'Who dares meddle with me?' 48. Hence the 
superior man is careful to maintain the proper 
expression of his countenance before others. 

10. 49. Where the ruler of a state lays hold of the 
cross-bar, and bends forward to it, a great officer will 
descend from his carriage. Where a great officer 
lays hold of the bar and bends forward, another 
officer will descend. 50. The rules of ceremony do 
not go down to the common people 1 . 51. The penal 
statutes do not go up to great officers 2 . 52. Men 
who have suffered punishment should not (be 
allowed to) be by the side of the ruler 3 . 

1 Not that the common people are altogether freed from the 
rules. But their occupations are engrossing, and their means 
small. Much cannot be expected from them. 

* It may be necessary to punish them, but they should be be- 
yond requiring punishment. The application of it, moreover, will 
be modified by various considerations. But the regulation is not 

s To preserve the ruler from the contamination of their ex- 
ample, and the risk of their revenge. 

Part V. 

1. 1. A fighting chariot has no cross-board to 
assist its occupants in bowing ; in a war chariot the 

Part V contains forty-eight paragraphs, which may be arranged 
in ten chapters. 

Ch. 1. 1- 10, relates to carriages, especially to war chariots, and 
the use of them with their banners and other things in an expe- 
dition. 2. 10, gives the rules in avenging the deaths of a father, 
brother, and friend. 3. 11, shows the responsibility of ministers 
and officers generally in maintaining the defence and the cultivation 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. PT. V. 

JTfftJ ht. 91 

banner is fully displayed ; in a chariot of peace it is 
kept folded round the pole. 2. A recorder should 
carry with him in his carriage his implements for 
writing 1 ; his subordinates the (recorded) words (of 
former covenants and other documents). 3. When 
there is water in front, the flag with the green bird* 
on it should be displayed. 4. When there is (a 
cloud of) dust in front, that with the screaming kites. 
5. For chariots and horsemen, that with wild geese in 
flight 3 . 6. For a body of troops, that with a tiger's 
(skin). 7. For a beast of prey, that with a leopard's 
(skin). 8. On the march the (banner with the) Red 
Bird should be in front ; that with the Dark Warrior 
behind ; that with the Azure Dragon on the left ; 
and that with the White Tiger on the right; that 

of their country. 4. 12-14, relates to sacrifices, — the sacrificers, 
their robes, the victims, &c. 5. 15-21, gives rules about avoiding 
the mention of certain names. 6. 22-27, > s on the subject of 
divination, — of divining, especially, about the days for contemplated 
undertakings. 7. 28-33, describes the yoking the horses to a 
ruler's chariot, his taking his seat, and other points. 8. 34, 35, 
is about the strap which the driver handed to parties who wished 
to mount the carriage. 9. 36, gives three prohibitive rules: 
— about a visitor's carriage; a woman riding in a carriage; and 
dogs and horses. 10. 37-48, relates various rules about driving 
out, for the ruler and people generally. 

1 The original character denotes what is now used for ' pencils ;' 
but the ordinary pencil had not yet been invented. 

* Some kind of water-bird. 

' A flock of geese maintains a regular order in flying, and was 
used to symbolise lines of chariots and horsemen. Khung Ying-td 
observes that chariots were used in the field before cavalry, and 
that the mention of horsemen here looks like the close of the Aau 
dynasty. One of the earliest instances of riding on horseback is 
in the 3o JEwan under the year b.c. 517. 

Digitized by 


92 THE Li K\. 

BK. I. 

with the Pointer of the Northern Bushel should be 
reared aloft (in the centre of the host) : — all to excite 
and direct the fury (of the troops) 1 . 9. There are 
rules for advancing and retreating ; there are the 
various arrangements on the left and the right, each 
with its (proper) officer to look after it. 

2. .10. With the enemy who has slain his father, 
one should not live under the same heaven. With 
the enemy who has slain his brother, one should 
never have his sword to seek (to deal vengeance). 
With the enemy who has slain his intimate friend, 
one should not live in the same state (without seek- 
ing to slay him). 

3. 11. Many ramparts in the country round and 
near (a capital) are a disgrace to its high ministers 
and great officers 8 . Where the wide and open 
country is greatly neglected and uncultivated, it 
is a disgrace to the officers (in charge of it). 

4. 1 2. When taking part in a sacrifice, one should 
not show indifference. 13. When sacrificial robes 
are worn out, they should be burnt : sacrificial vessels 
in the same condition should be buried, as should 
the tortoise-shell and divining stalks, and a victim 
that has died. 14. All who take part with the ruler 
in a sacrifice must themselves remove the stands 
(of their offerings). 

1 ' The Red Bird ' was the name of the seven constellations of 
the southern quarter of the Zodiac ; ' the Dark Warrior ' embraced 
those of the northern ; ' the Azure Dragon,' those of the eastern ; 
and ' the Tiger,' those of the western. These flags would show 
the direction of the march, and seem to suggest that all heaven 
was watching the progress of the expedition. 

2 As showing that they had not been able to keep invaders at 
a distance. 

Digitized by 


sect. i. pt. v. khU Li. 93 

5. 15. When the ceremony of wailing is over 1 , a 
son should no longer speak of his deceased father 
by his name. The rules do not require the avoiding 
of names merely similar in sound to those not to be 
spoken. When (a parent had) a double name, the 
avoiding of either term (used singly) is not required. 
16. While his parents (are alive), and a son is able 
to serve them, he should not utter the names of his 
grandparents ; when he can no longer serve his 
parents (through their death), he need not avoid 
the names of his grandparents. 17. Names that 
would not be spoken (in his own family) need not be 
avoided (by a great officer) before his ruler ; in the 
great officer's, however, the names proper to be sup- 
pressed by the ruler should not be spoken. 18. In 
(reading) the books of poetry and history, there need 
be no avoiding of names, nor in writing compositions. 
19. In the ancestral temple there is no such avoid- 
ing. 20. Even in his presence, a minister need not 
avoid the names improper to be spoken by the ruler's 
wife. The names to be avoided by a wife need not 
be unspoken outside the door of the harem. The 
names of parties for whom mourning is worn (only) 
nine months or five months are not avoided 2 . 21. 
When one is crossing the boundaries (of a state), he 
should ask what are its prohibitory laws ; when he 
has fairly entered it, he should ask about its customs ; 
before entering the door (of a house), he should ask 
about the names to be avoided in it. 

1 After the burial. Till then they would not allow themselves to 
think of the departed as dead. 

3 As, in the first place, for uncles ; and in the second, for cousins 
and grand-uncles. 

Digitized by 


94 the l! rt. 

BK. I. 

6. 22. External undertakings should be com- 
menced on the odd days, and internal on the even 1 . 
23. In all cases of divining about a day, whether by 
the tortoise-shell or the stalks, if it be beyond 
the decade, it is said, ' on such and such a distant 
day,' and if within the decade, ' on such and such a 
near day.' For matters of mourning a distant day 
is preferred ; for festive matters a near day 2 . 24. It 
is said, ' For the day we depend on thee, O great 
Tortoise-shell, which dost give the regular indications; 
we depend on you, O great Divining Stalks, which 
give the regular indications.' 25. Divination by the 
shell or the stalks should not go beyond three times. 
26. The shell and the stalks should not be both 
used on the same subject 3 . 27. Divination by the 
shell is called pu ; by the stalks, shih. The two 
were the methods by which the ancient sage kings 
made the people believe in seasons and days, revere 
spiritual beings, stand in awe of their laws and orders; 
the methods (also) by which they made them deter- 
mine their perplexities and settle their misgivings. 
Hence it is said, ' If you doubted, and have consulted 
the stalks, you need not (any longer) think that you 
will do wrong. If the day (be clearly indicated), 
boldly do on it (what you desire to do).' 

7. 28. When the ruler's carriage is about to have 
the horses put to it, the driver should stand before 

1 The odd days are called ' strong,' as belonging to the category 
of y ang ; the even days ' weak,' as of the category of yin. 

* ' A distant day' gave a longer period for cherishing the 
memory of the departed; 'a near day' was desired for festive 
celebrations, because at them the feeling of ' respect ' was supposed 
to predominate. 

* To reverse by the one the indication of the other. 

Digitized by 


SECT. 1. PT. V. 

khV it. 95 

them, whip in hand. 29. When they are yoked, he 
will inspect the linch pin, and report that the carriage 
is ready. 30. (Coming out again), he should shake 
the dust from his clothes, and mount on the right side, 
taking hold of the second strap 1 . He should (then) 
kneel in the carriage 2 . 31. Holding his whip, and 
taking the reins separately, he will drive the horses on 
five paces, and then stop. 32. When the ruler comes 
out and approaches the carriage, the driver should 
take all the reins in one hand, and (with the other) 
hand the strap to him. The attendants should then 
retire out of the way. 33. They should follow 
quickly as the carriage drives on. When it reaches 
the great gate, the ruler will lay his hand on that of 
the driver (that he may drive gently), and, looking 
round, will order the warrior for the seat on the right 
to come into the carriage 3 . In passing through the 
gates (of a city) or village, and crossing the water- 
channels, the pace must be reduced to a walk. 

8. 34. In all cases it is the rule for the driver to 
hand the strap (to the person about to mount the 
carriage). If the driver be of lower rank (than him- 
self) that other receives it. If this be not the case, 
he should not do so 4 . 35. If the driver be of the 
lower rank, the other should (still) lay his own 

1 In a carriage the ruler occupied the seat on the left side ; the 
driver avoided this by mounting on the right side. Each carriage 
was furnished with two straps to assist in mounting ; but the use 
of one was confined to the chief occupant 

1 But only till the ruler had taken his seat. 

$ This spearman occupied the seat on the right ; and took his 
place as they were about to pass out of the palace precincts. 

4 That is, I suppose, he wishes the driver to let go the strap that 
he may take hold of it himself. 

Digitized by 


96 the Lt jrt. bk. i. 

hand on his (as if to stop him). If this be not the 
case (and the driver will insist on handing it), the 
other should take hold of the strap below (the 
driver's hand). 

9. 36. A guest's carriage does not enter the great 
gate ; a woman does not stand up in her carriage ; 
dogs and horses are not taken up to the hall 1 . 

10. 37. Hence 2 , the ruler bows forward to his 
cross-board to (an old man of) yellow hair ; he 
dismounts (and walks on foot) past the places of 
his high nobles (in the audience court) 3 . He does 
not gallop the horses of his carriage in the capital ; 
and should bow forward on entering a village. 38. 
When called by the ruler's order, though through a 
man of low rank, a great officer, or (other) officer, 
must meet him in person. 39. A man in armour 
does not bow, he makes an obeisance indeed, but it 
is a restrained obeisance. 40. When the carriage 
of a deceased ruler is following at his interment, the 
place on the left should be vacant. When (any of 
his ministers on other occasions) are riding in (any of) 
the ruler's carriages, they do not presume to leave the 
seat on the left vacant, but he who occupies it should 
bend forward to the cross-board 4 . 41. A charioteer 

1 The carriage halted outside in testimony of the guest's respect. 
A man stood up in the carriage; a woman, as weaker, did not 
do so. For horses, see the rules in Part IV, 5. Dogs were too 
insignificant to be taken up. 

* We do not see the connexion indicated by the ' hence.' 

* Leaving the palace, he walks past those places to his carriage. 
Returning, he dismounts before he comes to them. 

* The first sentence of this paragraph has in the original only 
four characters; as P. Zottoli happily renders them in Latin, 
'Fausti currus vacante sinistra;' but they form a complete 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. PT. V. KH\j ht 97 

driving a woman should keep his left hand advanced 
(with the reins in it), and his right hand behind him 1 . 
42. When driving the ruler of a state, (the charioteer) 
should have his right hand advanced, with the left 
kept behind and the head bent down. 43. The 
ruler of a state should not ride in a one-wheeled 
carriage 2 . In his carriage one should not cough 
loudly, nor point with his hand in an irregular way. 
44. Standing (in his carriage) one should look (for- 
ward only) to the distance of five revolutions of the 
wheels. Bending forward, he should (do so only till 
he) sees the tails of the horses. He should not turn 
his head round beyond the (line of the) naves. 45. 
In the (streets of the) capital one should touch the 
horses gently with the brush-end of the switch. He 
should not urge them to their speed. The dust 
should not fly beyond the ruts. 46. The ruler of a 
state should bend towards the cross-board when he 
meets a sacrificial victim, and dismount (in passing) 
the ancestral temple. A great officer or (other) 
officer should descend (when he comes to) the ruler's 
gate, and bend forward to the ruler's horses 3 . 47. 

sentence. The left seat was that of the ruler in life, and was now 
left vacant for his spirit Khung Ying-ta calls the carriage in 
question, 'the Soul Carriage' (hwan £(i). A ruler had five 
different styles of carriage, all of which might be used on occa- 
sions of state ; as in the second sentence. 

1 The woman was on the driver's left, and they were thus turned 
from each other as much as possible. 

1 Common so long ago as now, but considered as beneath a 
ruler's dignity. So, Wang Tao. See also the Khang-hsi dictionary 
under -^J- (if). 

* The text says that the ruler should dismount before a victim, 
and bow before the temple. The verbal characters have been 
misplaced, as is proved by a passage of the commentary on the 

[»7] H 

Digitized by 


98 THE hi K\. BK. I. 

(A minister) riding in one of the ruler's carriages 
must wear his court robes. He should have the 
whip in the carriage with him, (but not use it). He 
should not presume to have the strap handed to him. 
In his place on the left, he should bow forward to 
the cross-board. 48. (An officer) walking the ruler's 
horses should do so in the middle of the road. If 
he trample on their forage, he should be punished, 
and also if he look at their teeth, (and go on to 
calculate their age). 

Official Book of K&vl, where one part is quoted. The A'Aien-lung 
editors approve of the alteration made in the version above. 

Digitized by 


SECT. II. PT. I. JTffl) Ll. 99 

Section II. Part I. 

1. i. When a thing is carried with both hands, it 
should be held on a level with the heart ; when 
with one hand, on a level with the girdle. 2. An 
article belonging to the son of Heaven should be held 
higher than the heart ; one belonging to a ruler of a 
state, on a level with it ; one belonging to a Great 
officer, lower than it; and one belonging to an (inferior) 

This Part I contains thirty-three paragraphs, which have been 
arranged in sixteen chapters. 

Ch. 1. 1-5, describes the manner of carrying things belonging 
to superiors, and standing before them. 2. 6, relates to the not 
calling certain parties by their names. 3. 7, 8, to designations 
of themselves to be avoided or used by certain other parties. 
4. 9, prescribes modesty in answering questions. 5. 10, it, 
gives rules about the practice of ceremonies in another state. 
6. 12, is a rule for an orphan son. 7. 13, 14, is for a son in 
mourning for his father, and other points. 8. 15-17, describes 
certain offences to be punished, and things to be avoided in the 
palace; and in private. 9. 18, shows us a superior man in 
building, preparing for sacrifice, and cognate matters ; 10. 19-21, 
a great or other officer, leaving his own state to go to another, and 
in that other ; 11. 22, 23, officers in interviews with one another 
and with rulers. 12. 24-26, gives the rules for the spring 

hunting ; for bad years ; and for the personal ornaments of a ruler, 
and the music of officers. 13. 27, is about the reply of an 
officer to a question of his ruler; 14. 28, about a great officer 
leaving his stale on his own business. 15. 29, tells how parties 
entreat a ruler, and others, not to abandon the state. 16. 30-33, 
gives rules relating to the king : his appellations, designations of 
himself, &c. 

H 2 

Digitized by 



BK. I. 

ofificer should be carried lower still. 3. When one 
is holding an article belonging to his lord, though it 
may be light, he should seem unable to sustain it. 
In the case of a piece of silk, or a rank-symbol of 
jade, square or round, he should keep his left hand 
over it. He should not lift his feet in walking, 
but trail his heels like the wheels of a carriage. 4. 
(A minister) should stand (with his back) curved in 
the manner of a sounding-stone 1 , and his girdle-pen- 
dants hanging down. Where his lord has his pen- 
dants hanging at his side, his should be hanging 
down in front ; where his lord has them hanging in 
front, his should descend to the ground. 5. When 
one is holding any symbol of jade (to present it), if 
it be on a mat, he leaves it so exposed ; if there be 
no mat, he covers it with (the sleeve of) his outer 
robe 2 . 

2. 6. The ruler of a state should not call by their 
names his highest ministers, nor the two noble ladies 
of her surname, who accompanied his wife to the 
harem 8 . A Great officer should not call in that way 
an officer who had been employed by his father, nor 

1 The sounding-stone which the writer had in mind could not 
have been so curved as it is ordinarily represented to be in 
pictures, or the minister must have carried himself as Scott in 
his ' Fortunes of Nigel,' ch. 10, describes Andrew the Scrivener. 

2 P. Zottoli translates this paragraph by: — 'Deferens gemmas, 
si eae habent sustentaculum, tunc apertam indues di- 
ploidem; si non habent sustentaculum, tunc clausam.' 
The text is not easily construed; and the commentaries, very 
diffuse, are yet not clear. 

' When a feudal prince married, two other states, of the same 
surname as the bride, sent each a daughter of their ruling house 
to accompany her to the new harem. These are ' the noble ladies ' 
intended here. 

Digitized by 


SECT. 11. PT. I. 

KHU Lt. lOI 

the niece and younger sister of his wife (members of 
his harem) \ (Another) officer should not call by 
name the steward of his family, nor his principal 

3. 7. The son of a Great officer (of the king, him- 
self equal to) a ruler, should not presume to speak of 
himself as ' I, the little son 3 .' The son of a Great 
officer or (other) officer (of a state) should not pre- 
sume to speak of himself as 'I, the inheriting son, 
so-and-so 4 .' They should not so presume to speak 
of themselves as their heir-sons do. 8. When his 
ruler wishes an officer to take a place at an archery 
(meeting), and he is unable to do so, he should 
decline on the ground of being ill, and say, ' I, so- 
and-so, am suffering from carrying firewood 5 .' 

4. 9. When one, in attendance on a superior man, 
replies to a question without looking round to see 
(if any other be going to answer), this is contrary to 

5. 10. A superior man 7 , in his practice of cere- 

1 The bride (what we may call the three brides in the preceding 
note) was accompanied by a niece and a younger sister to the 

* This would be the younger sister of the wife, called in the text 
' the oldest concubine.' 

8 So the young king styled himself during mourning. 
4 The proper style for the orphan son of such officer was, ' I, the 
sorrowing son.' 

* Mencius on one occasion (I. ii. 2. 1) thus excused himself for 
not going to court. The son of a peasant or poor person might 
speak so; others, of higher position, adopted the style in mock 

* The action of 3ze-lu in Analects 9, 5. 4, is referred to as an 
instance in point of this violation of rule. 

7 The ' superior man ' here must be an officer, probably the 

Digitized by 


102 THE lA JfJ. 

UK. I. 

monies (in another state), should not seek to change 
his (old) customs. His ceremonies in sacrifice, his 
dress during the period of mourning, and his positions 
in the wailing and weeping, will all be according to 
the fashions of his former (state). He will carefully 
study its rules, and carry them exactly into practice. 
1 1. (But) if he (or his descendants) have been away 
from the state for three generations, and if his dignity 
and emoluments be (still) reckoned to him (or his 
representative) at the court, and his outgoings and 
incomings are announced to the state, and if his 
brothers or cousins and other members of his house 
be still there, he should (continue to) send back word 
about himself to the representative of his ancestor. 
(Even) after the three generations, if his dignity and 
emoluments be not reckoned to him in the court, 
and his outgoings and incomings are (no longer) 
announced in the state, it is only on the day of his 
elevation (to official rank) that he should follow the 
ways of his new state. 

6. 1 2. A superior man, when left an orphan, will 
not change his name. Nor will he in such a case, if 
he suddenly become noble, frame an honorary title 
for his father 1 . 

7. 13. When occupied with the duties of mourning, 
and before the interment of (a parent), (a son) 
should study the ceremonies of mourning ; and after 

head of a clan or family. Does not the spirit of this chapter still 
appear in the unwillingness of emigrants from China to forget their 
country's ways, and learn those of other countries ? 

1 The honorary title properly belonged to men of position, and 
was intended as a condensed expression of their character and 
deeds. A son in the position described would be in danger of 
styling his father from his own new standpoint. 

Digitized by 



khO iA. io- 

the interment, those of sacrifice. When the mourn- 
ing is over, let him resume his usual ways, and study 
the pieces of music. 14. When occupied with the 
duties of mourning, one should not speak of music. 
When sacrificing, one should not speak of what is 
inauspicious. In the ruler's court, parties should not 
speak of wives and daughters. 

8. 15. For one to have to dust his (collection of) 
written tablets, or adjust them before the ruler, is 
a punishable offence ; and so also is it to have the 
divining stalks turned upside down or the tortoise- 
shell turned on one side, before him 1 . 16. One 
should not enter the ruler's gate, (carrying with 
him) a tortoise-shell or divining stalks, a stool or a 
staff, mats or (sun-)shades, or having his upper and 
lower garments both of white or in a single robe 
of fine or coarse hempen cloth 2 . Nor should he 
do so in rush sandals, or with the skirts of his 
lower garment tucked in at his waist, or in the 
cap worn in the shorter periods of mourning. Nor, 
unless announcement of it has been made (and per- 
mission given), can one take in the square tablets with 
the written (lists of articles for a funeral), or the 
frayed sackcloth, or the coffin and its furniture 3 . 1 7. 
Public affairs should not be privately discussed. 

9. 18. When a superior man, (high in rank), is about 
to engage in building, the ancestral temple should 

*. These things indicated a want of due preparation and care. 

* All these things were, for various reasons, considered in- 

* A death had in this case occurred in the palace, and the things 
mentioned were all necessary to prepare for the interment; but 
still they could not be taken in without permission asked and 

Digitized by 


104 THE Li Kt. 

bk. T. 

have his first attention, the stables and arsenal the 
next, and the residences the last. In all preparations 
of things by (the head of) a clan, the vessels of 
sacrifice should have the first place; the victims 
supplied from his revenue, the next ; and the vessels 
for use at meals, the last. Those who have no 
revenue from lands do not provide vessels for 
sacrifice. Those who have such revenue first pre- 
pare their sacrificial dresses. A superior man, 
though poor, will not sell his vessels of sacrifice ; 
though suffering from cold, he will not wear his 
sacrificial robes ; in building a house, he will not 
cut down the trees on his grave-mounds. 

10. 19. A Great or other officer, leaving his state 1 , 
should not take his vessels of sacrifice with him 
across the boundary. The former will leave his 
vessels for the time with another Great officer, and 
the latter his with another officer. 20. A Great or 
other officer, leaving his state 2 , on crossing the 
boundary, should prepare a place for an altar, and 
wail there, looking in the direction of the state. 
He should wear his upper garment and lower, and 
his cap, all of white ; remove his (ornamental) collar, 
wear shoes of untanned leather, have a covering of 
white (dog's-fur) for his cross-board, and leave his 
horses' manes undressed. He should not trim his nails 
or beard, nor make an offering at his (spare) meals. 
He should not say to any one that he is not chargeable 
with guilt, nor have any of his women approach him. 
After three months he will return to his usual dress. 
21. When a Great or other officer has an interview 
with the ruler of the state (to whom he has been sent), 

1 And expecting to return. * This is in case of exile. 

Digitized by 



JTffO Lt. I05 

if the ruler be condoling with him on the toils of his 
journey, he should withdraw on one side to avoid 
(the honour), and then bow twice with his head to 
the ground. If the ruler meet him (outside the 
gate) and bow to him, he should withdraw on one 
side to avoid (the honour), and not presume to return 
the bow. 

11. 22. When Great or other officers are having 
interviews with one another, though they may not be 
equal in rank, if the host reverence (the greater 
worth of) the guest, he should first bow to him ; and 
if the guest reverence the (greater worth of the) 
host, he should first bow. 23. In all cases but 
visits of condolence on occasion of a death, and 
seeing the ruler of one's state, the parties should be 
sure to return the bow, each of the other. When 
a Great officer has an interview with the ruler. of 
(another) state, the ruler should bow in acknowledg- 
ment of the honour (of the message he brings) ; when 
an officer has an interview with a Great officer (of 
that state), the latter should bow to him in the same 
way. When two meet for the first time in their own 
state, (on the return of one from some mission), the 
other, as host, should bow in acknowledgment (of 
the service). A ruler does not bow to a (simple) 
officer; but if it be one of a different state, he should 
bow to his bow. A Great officer should return the 
bow of any one of his officers, however mean may be 
his rank. Males and females do (? not) bow to one 
another 1 . 

1 The text says that they do bow to one another; but it is 
evident that .ffang Khang-A'Aang understood it as saying the very 
opposite. Lu Teh-ming had seen a copy which had the character 
for ' not.' 

Digitized by 


I06 THE Li jcf. 

BK. I. 

12. 24. The ruler of a state, in the spring hunting, 
will not surround a marshy thicket, nor will Great 
officers try to surprise a whole herd, nor will (other) 
officers take young animals or eggs. 25. In bad 
years, when the grain of the season is not coming to 
maturity, the ruler at his meals will not make the 
(usual) offering of the lungs', nor will his horses be 
fed on grain. His special road will not be kept clean 
and swept 2 , nor even at sacrifices will his musical 
instruments be suspended on their stands. Great 
officers will not eat the large grained millet ; and 
(other) officers will not have music (even) at their 
drinkings. 26. Without some (sad) cause, a ruler will 
not let the gems (pendent from his girdle) leave his 
person, nor a Great officer remove his music-stand, 
nor an (inferior) officer his lutes. 

13. 27. When an officer presents anything to the 
ruler of his state, and another day the ruler asks 
him, ' Where did you get that ?' he will bow twice 
with his head to the ground, and afterwards reply 3 . 

14. 28. When a Great officer wishes to go beyond 
the boundaries (of the state) on private business, 
he must ask leave, and on his return must present 
some offering. An (inferior) officer in similar cir- 

1 The offering here intended was to ' the father of cookery ; ' 
see the first note on p. 80. Such offering, under the A"au dynasty, 
was of the lungs of the animal which formed the principal dish. 
It was not now offered, because it was not now on the ground, 
even the ruler not indulging himself in such a time of scarcity. 

* The road was left uncared for that vegetables might be grown 
on it, available to the poor at such a time. 

' The offering must have been rare and valuable. The officer 
had turned aside at the time of presenting it to avoid any com- 
pliment from his ruler. 

Digitized by 



khv l1. 107 

cumstances, must (also) ask leave, and when he comes 
back, must announce his return. If the ruler condole 
with them on their toils, they should bow. If he 
ask about their journey, they should bow, and after- 
wards reply. 

15. 29. When the ruler of a state (is proposing 
to) leave it, they should (try to) stop him, saying, 
' Why are you leaving the altars of the spirits of the 
land and grain?' (In the similar case of) a Great 
officer, they should say, ' Why are you leaving your 
ancestral temple?' In that of an (inferior) officer, 
they should say, ' Why are you leaving the graves 
(of your ancestors)?' A ruler should die for his 
altars; a Great officer, with the host (he commands); 
an inferior officer, for his charge. 

16. 30. As ruling over all, under the sky, (the 
king) is called 'The son of Heaven 1 .' As receiv- 
ing at court the feudal princes, assigning (to all) their 
different offices, giving out (the laws and ordinances 
of) the government, and employing the services of 
the able, he styles himself, ' I, the one man 2 .' 31. 
When he ascends by the eastern steps, and presides 
at a sacrifice, if it be personal to himself and 
his family 3 , his style is, ' I, so-and-so, the filial 
king;' if it be external to himself*, 'I, so-and-so, 
the inheriting king.' When he visits the feudal 
princes*, and sends to make announcement (of his 

1 Meaning, ' Heaven-sonned ; constituted by Heaven its son, 
its firstborn.' 

* An expression of humility as used by himself, ' I, who am but 
a man ; ' as used of him, ' He who is the one man.' 

• In the ancestral temple. 

* At the great sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. 

• On his tours of inspection. 

Digitized by 


io8 the l! kL 

BK. I. 

presence) to the spirits (of their hills and streams), 
it is said, ' Here is he, so-and-so, who is king by (the 
grace of) Heaven.' 32. His death is announced in 
the words, 'The king by (the grace of) Heaven 
has fallen 1 .' In calling back (his spirit), they say, 
'Return, O son of Heaven 2 .' When announce- 
ment is made (to all the states) of the mourning for 
him, it is said, 'The king by (the grace of) 
Heaven has gone far on high 8 .' When his 
place is given to him in the ancestral temple, and his 
spirit- tablet is set up, he is styled on it, ' the god 4 .' 
33. The son of Heaven, while he has not left off his 
mourning, calls himself, ' I, the little child.' While 
alive, he is so styled ; and if he die (during that 
time), he continues to be so designated. 

1 A great landslip from a mountain is called pang, which I have 
rendered ' has fallen.' Like such a disaster was the death of the 

* This ancient practice of calling the dead back is still preserved 
in China ; and by the people generally. There are many references 
to it in subsequent Books. 

s The body and animal soul went downward, and were in the 
grave ; the intelligent soul (called ' the soul and spirit,' ' the essential 
breath ') went far on high. Such is the philosophical account of 
death ; more natural is the simple style of the text. 

* The spirit-tablet was a rectangular piece of wood, in the case 
of a king, a cubit and two inches long, supposed to be a resting- 
place for the spirit at the religious services in the temple. ATang 
says that the deceased king was now treated as ' a heavenly 
spirit,' — he was now deified. P. Zottoli translates the character 
here — Tl — by imperator; but there was in those times no 
'emperor' in China. 

Digitized by 



Part II. 

1. 1. The son of Heaven has his queen, his help- 
mates, his women of family, and his ladies of honour. 
(These) constituted his wife and concubines 1 . 

2. 2. The son of Heaven appoints the officers of 
Heaven's institution 8 , the precedence among them 
belonging to the six grandees: — the Grand-governor; 
the Grand-minister of the ancestral temple ; the 
Grand-historiographer; the Grand-minister of prayers; 
the Grand-minister of justice; and the Grand-diviner. 
These are the guardians and superintendents of 
the six departments of the statutes. 3. The five 
(administrative) officers of the son of Heaven are: — 
the minister of instruction ; the minister of war; the 

Part II consists of twenty-one paragraphs, which are distributed 
in eight chapters. 

Ch. 1. 1, describes the members of the royal harem. 2. 2-6, 
relates to the various ministers and officers appointed by the king, 
with their departments and duties. 3. 7-10, gives the names 
and tides, applied to, and used by, the chiefs of regions, provinces, 
and of the barbarous tribes. 4. n-16, is about audiences, 
meetings, and covenants, and the designations of the princes and 
others in various circumstances. 5. 17, is about the demeanour 
of the king and others. 6. 18, 19, is about the inmates of the 
harems, and how they designated themselves. 7. 20, is about 
the practice of sons or daughters, and various officers, in desig- 
nating themselves. 8. 21, is about certain things that should 
not be said of the king, of princes, and of superior men. 

1 See the very different translation of this paragraph by P. Zot- 
toli in his Cursus, iii. p. 653. It is confessed out of place here, 
should belong to paragraph 18, and is otherwise incomplete. 

* So described, as 'Powers that be ordained' by the will of 
Heaven, equally with the king, though under him these grandees 
are not all in the ATau Kwan. 

Digitized by 


IIO THE Li Jft. 

BK. I. 

minister of works ; the minister of offices ; and the 
minister of crime. These preside over the multi- 
tude in (each of) their five charges. 4. The six 
treasuries of the son of Heaven are under the charge 
of the superintendent of the land ; the superintendent 
of the woods ; the superintendent of the waters ; the 
superintendent of the grass ; the superintendent of 
articles of employment ; and the superintendent of 
wares. These preside over the six departments of 
their charges. 5. The six manufactures of the son 
of Heaven are under the care of (the superintendents 
of) the workers in earth ; the workers in metal ; the 
workers in stone ; the workers in wood ; the workers 
in (the skins of) animals ; and the workers in twigs. 
These preside over the six departments of stores. 
6. When the five officers give in their contributions, 
they are said to ' present their offerings 1 .' 

3. 7. Chief among the five officers are the presi- 
dents 2 , to whom belong the oversight of quarters (of 
the kingdom). In any message from them trans- 
mitted to the son of Heaven, they are styled 
'ministers of the son of Heaven.' If they are 
of the same surname as he, he styles them 'paternal 
uncles;' if of a different surname, 'maternal 
uncles.' To the feudal princes, they designate 
themselves, 'the ancients of the son of Heaven.' 
Outside (their own states), they are styled ' duke ;' 
in their states, 'ruler.' 8. The head prince in each 

1 Who are the five officers here ? Those of paragraph 3 ? or 
the feudal dukes, marquises, earls, counts, and barons? Both 
views have their advocates. The next paragraph favours the 
second view. 

. * Such presidents were the dukes of ATau and Shao, at the com- 
mencement of the A'au dynasty. 

Digitized by 



KHV lA. Ill 

of the nine provinces, on entering the state of the 
son of Heaven, is styled 'pastor.' If he be of the 
same surname as himself, the son of Heaven calls 
him 'my paternal uncle;' if he be of a different 
surname, 'my maternal uncle.' Outside (his own 
state) he is called 'marquis;' in it, ' ruler.' 9. The 
(chiefs) among (the wild tribes of) the I on the east, 
the Ti on the north, the ^ung on the west, and the 
M a n on the south, however great (their territories), 
are called 'counts.' In his own territories each one 
calls himself, 'the unworthy one;' outside them, 'the 
king's ancient.' 10. Any of the princelets of their 
various tracts 1 , on entering the state of the son of 
Heaven, is styled, 'Such and such a person.' 
Outside it he is called 'count,' and calls himself 
'the solitary.' 

4. 11. When the son of Heaven stands with his 
back to the screen with axe-head figures on it, and 
the princes present themselves before him with their 
faces to the north, this is called £in (the autumnal 
audience). When he stands at the (usual) point (of 
reception) between the door and the screen, and the 
dukes have their faces towards the east, and the 
feudal princes theirs towards the west, this is called 
Khko (the spring audience) 2 . 12. When feudal 
princes see one another at a place and time not 
agreed on beforehand, the interview is called ' a 
meeting.' When they do so in some open place 
agreed on beforehand, it is called 'an assembly.' 

1 It is held, and I think correctly, that these princelets were the 
chiefs of the wild tribes. 

* There were other audiences called by different names at the 
other two seasons. 

Digitized by 


112 THE Lt k\. 

BE. I. 

When one prince sends a great officer to ask about 
another, it is called 'a message of friendly 
inquiry.' When there is a binding to mutual faith, 
it is called 'a solemn declaration.' When they 
use a victim, it is called 'a covenant.' 13. When 
a feudal prince is about to be introduced to the son 
of Heaven, he is announced as 'your subject so- 
and-so, prince of such-and-such a state.' 
He speaks of himself to the people as 'the man of 
little virtue.' 14. If he be in mourning (for his 
father), he is styled 'the rightful eldest son, an 
orphan ;' if he be taking part at a sacrifice in his an- 
cestral temple, 'the filial son, the prince of such- 
and-such a state, the prince so-and-so.' If it be 
another sacrifice elsewhere, the style is, 'so-and-so, 
prince of such-and-such a state, the distant 
descendant.' 15. His death is described by the 
character hung (disappeared). In calling back (his 
spirit), they say, ' Return, sir so-and-so.' When 
he has been interred and (his son) is presented to 
the son of Heaven, the interview, (though special), is 
said to be 'of the same kind as the usual inter- 
views.' The honorary title given to him is (also) 
said to be 'after the usual fashion.' 16. When 
one prince sends a message to another, the messenger 
speaks of himself as 'the ancient of my poor 

5. 17. The demeanour of the son of Heaven 
should be characterised by majesty ; of the princes, 
by gravity ; of the Great officers, by a regulated com- 
posure ; of (inferior) officers, by an easy alertness ; 
and of the common people, by simplicity and 

6. 1 8. The partner of the son of Heaven is called 

Digitized by 


SECT. II. PT. II. KH V lA. 113 

'the queen;' of a feudal prince, ' the helpmate;' of 
a Great officer,' the attendant;' of an (inferior) officer, 
'the serving woman;' and of a common man, 'the 
mate 1 .' 19. A duke and (one of) the feudal princes 
had their helpmate, and their honourable women, 
(which) were their mates and concubines. The 
helpmate called herself, before the son of Heaven, 
'the aged servant;' and before the prince (of 
another state), 'the small and unworthy ruler.' 
To her own ruler she called herself 'the small 
maid.' From the honourable women downwards, 
(each member of the harem) called herself 'your 

7. 20. To their parents, sons and daughters called 
themselves by their names. A Great officer of 
any of the states, entering the state of the son of 
Heaven, was called ' the officer of such-and-such (a 
state),' and styled himself ' your subsidiary minister.' 
Outside (his own state), he was called 'sir;' and in 
that state, ' the ancient of our poor ruler.' A mes- 
senger (to any state) called himself 'so-and-so.' 

8. 21. The son of Heaven should not be spoken 
of as 'going out (of his state) 2 .' A feudal prince 
should not be called by his name, while alive. (When 
either of these things is done), it is because the 
superior man 3 will not show regard for wickedness. 
A prince who loses his territory is named, and also 
one who extinguishes (another state ruled by) lords 
of the same surname as himself. 

1 Here should come in paragraph 1. 

* All the states are his. Wherever he may flee, he is still in 
what is his own land. 

3 This ' superior man ' would be an upright and impartial his- 
toriographer, superior to the conventions of his order. 

07] I 

Digitized by 


ii4 THE L & **• BK - J > 

Part III. 

1. i. According to the rules of propriety for a 
minister, he should not remonstrate with his ruler 
openly. If he have thrice remonstrated and is still 
not listened to, he should leave (his service). In the 
service of his parents by a son, if he have thrice re- 
monstrated and is still not listened to, he should 
follow (his remonstrance) with loud crying and tears. 
2. When a ruler is ill, and has to drink medicine, the 
minister first tastes it. The same is the rule for a 
son and an ailing parent. The physic of a doctor, 
in whose family medicine has not been practised for 
three generations at least, should not be taken. 

2. 3. In comparing (different) men, we can only 
do so when their (circumstances and conditions) are 
of the same class. 

Part III contains twenty paragraphs, which may be comprised 
in eleven chapters. 

Ch. 1.' 1, 2, contains the rules for a minister and a son in re- 
monstrating with a ruler or parent ; and also in seeing about their 
medicine when ill. 2. 3, gives the rule in making comparisons. 
3. 4, 5, gives the rules to be observed in asking about the age and 
wealth of different parties from the king downwards. 4. 6-10, 

is about sacrifices : those of different parties, the sacrificial names 
of different victims, &c. 5. n, 12, gives the terms in which 
the deaths of different men, and of animals, are described. 6. 
i3> *4» gives the names of near relatives, when they are sacrificed 
to, and when they are alive. 7. 15, tells how different parties 
should look at others. 8. 16, 17, is about executing a ruler's 
orders, and things to be avoided in the conduct of business. 
9. 18, is about great entertainments. 10. 19, is about presents 
of introduction. 11. 20, contains the language used in sending 
daughters to different harems. 

Digitized by 



KHij lJ. 115 

3. 4. When one asks about the years of the son 
of Heaven, the reply should be — ' I have heard 
that he has begun to wear a robe so many 
feet long 1 / To a similar question about the ruler 
of a state, the reply should be — 'He is able 
to attend to the services in the ancestral 
temple, and at the altars of the spirits of 
the land and grain,' if he be grown up ; and, 
if he be still young, 'He is not yet able to at- 
tend to the services in the ancestral temple, 
and at the altars of the spirits of the land 
and grain.' To a question about the son of a 
Great officer, the reply, if he be grown up, should 
be — 'He is able to drive;' and, if he be still 
young, 'He is not yet able to drive.' To a 
question about the son of an (ordinary) officer, the 
reply, if he be grown up, should be — 'He can 
manage the conveying of a salutation or a 
message;' and, if he be still young, 'He cannot yet 
manage such a thing.' To a question about the 
son of a common man, the reply, if he be grown up, 
should be — 'He is able to carry (a bundle of) 
firewood;' and, if he be still young, 'He is not 
yet able to carry (such a bundle).' 5. When 
one asks about the wealth of the ruler of a state, the 
reply should be given by telling the extent of his 
territory, and the productions of its hills and lakes. 
To a similar question about a Great officer, it should 
be said, 'He has the lands allotted to him, 
and is supported by the labour (of his people). 
He needs not to borrow the vessels or 
dresses for his sacrificial occasions.' To the 

1 This would seem to imply that the king was still young. 

I 2 

Digitized by 


Il6 THE Lt k\. BK. I. 

same question about an (ordinary) officer, the reply 
should be by giving the number of his carriages ; and 
to one about a common man, by telling the number 
of the animals that he keeps. 

4. 6. The son of Heaven sacrifices (or presents 
oblations) to Heaven and Earth ' ; to the (spirits pre- 
siding over the) four quarters ; to (the spirits of) the 
hills and rivers ; and offers the five sacrifices of the 
house, — all in the course of the year. The feudal 
princes present oblations, each to (the spirit presiding 
over) his own quarter; to (the spirits of) its hills and 
rivers ; and offer the five sacrifices of the house, — all 
in the course of the year. Great officers present the 
oblations of the five sacrifices of the house, — all in the 
course of the year. (Other) officers present oblations 
to their ancestors 2 . 7. There should be no presuming 
to resume any sacrifice which has been abolished (by 
proper authority) 3 , nor to abolish any which has been 
so established. A sacrifice which it is not proper to 
offer, and which yet is offered, is called a licentious 
sacrifice. A licentious sacrifice brings no blessing. 
8. The son of Heaven uses an ox of one colour, pure 
and unmixed ; a feudal prince, a fatted ox ; a Great 
officer, an ox selected for the occasion ; an (ordinary) 
officer, a sheep or a pig. 9. The son of an inferior 

1 There were various sacrifices to Heaven and also to Earth. 
The great ones were — that to Heaven at the winter solstice, and 
that to Earth at the summer solstice. But all the sacrifices to 
Heaven and Earth were confined to the king. 

J The king offered all the sacrifices in this paragraph. The 
other parties only those here assigned to them, and the sacrifices 
allowed to others of inferior rank. The five sacrifices of the house 
will come before the reader in Book IV and elsewhere. 

3 The ' proper authority ' would be the statutes of each dynasty. 

Digitized by 


SECT. II. PT. III. JPHi) Lt. 117 

member of the harem cannot offer the sacrifice (to 
his grandfather or father) ; if (for some reason) he 
have to do so, he must report it to the honoured son, 
(the head of the family). 10. According to the rules 
for all sacrifices in the ancestral temple, the ox is 
called 'the creature with the large foot;' the 
pig, 'the hard bristles;' a sucking-pig, 'the fat- 
ling;' a sheep, 'the soft hair;' a cock, 'the loud 
voice;' a dog, 'the soup offering;' a pheasant, 
'the wide toes;' a hare, 'the clear seer;' the 
stalks of dried flesh, ' the exactly cut oblations;' 
dried fish, ' the well-considered oblation;' fresh 
fish, 'the straight oblation.' Water is called 
'the pure cleanser;' spirits, 'the clear cup;' 
millet, 'the fragrant mass;' the large-grained 
millet, 'the fragrant (grain);' the sacrificial millet, 
'the bright grain;' paddy, 'the admirable 
vegetable ;' scallions, ' the rich roots ;' salt, ' the 
saline, briny substance ;' jade, 'the admirable 
jade;' and silks, ' the exact silks.' 

5. 1 1. The death of the son of Heaven is expressed 
by pang (has fallen) ; of a feudal prince, by hung 
(has crashed); of a Great officer, by ju (has ended); 
of an (ordinary) officer, by pu lu (is now unsalaried); 
and of a common man, by sze (has deceased). (The 
corpse) on the couch is called shih (the laid-out) ; 
when it is put into the coffin, that is called £iu 
(being in the long home). 12. (The death of) a 
winged fowl is expressed by hsiang (has fallen 
down); that of a quadruped, by jhze (is disorgan- 
ised). Death from an enemy in fight is called ping 
(is slain by the sword). 

6. 13. In sacrificing to them, a grandfather is 

Digitized by 


Il8 THE hi kI. 

BK. I. 

called 'the sovereign grandfather;' a grand- 
mother, 'the sovereign grandmother;' a father, 
'the sovereign father;' a mother, 'the sove- 
reign mother;' a husband, ' the sovereign 
pattern.' 14. While (they are) alive, the names 
of father (fu), mother (mu), and wife {khi) are 
used; when they are dead, those of 'the completed 
one (khao),' 'the corresponding one (pi),' and 'the 
honoured one (pin).' Death in old age is called 'a 
finished course (ju) ;' an early death, 'being un- 
salaried (pu lu).' 

7. 15. The son of Heaven does not look at a person 
above his collar or below his girdle ; the ruler of a 
state looks at him a little lower (than the collar) ; a 
Great officer, on a line with his heart; and an ordinary 
officer, not from beyond a distance of five paces. 
In all cases looks directed above to the face denote 
pride, and below the girdle grief; directed askance, 
they denote villainy. 

8. 16. When the ruler orders (any special business) 
from a Great officer or (other) officer, he should 
assiduously discharge it ; in their offices speak- 
ing (only) of the official business ; in the treasury, 
of treasury business ; in the arsenals, of arsenal 
business; and in the court, of court business. 17. 
At court there should be no speaking about dogs 
and horses. When the audience is over, and one 
looks about him, if he be not attracted by some 
strange thing, he must have strange thoughts in his 
mind. When one keeps looking about him after the 
business of the court is over, a superior man will 
pronounce him uncultivated. At court the conver- 
sation should be according to the rules of propriety ; 

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KHV Lt. 119 

every question should be so proposed, and every 
answer so returned. 

9. 18. For great entertainments 1 there should be 
no consulting the tortoise-shell, and no great display 
of wealth. 

10. 19. By way of presents of introduction, the 
son of Heaven uses spirits of black millet; feudal 
princes, their symbols of jade ; a high minister, a 
lamb; a Great officer, a goose ; an (ordinary) officer, 
a pheasant; a common man, a duck. Lads should 
bring their article, and withdraw. In the open 
country, in the army, they do not use such pre- 
sents ; — a tassel from a horse's breast, an archer's 
armlet, or an arrow may serve the purpose. For 
such presents women use the fruits ofthehovenia 
dulcis, or of the hazel tree, strings of dried meat, 
jujube dates, and chestnuts. 

11. 20. In presenting a daughter for (the harem 
of) the son of Heaven it is said, ' This is to com- 
plete the providers of sons for you;' for that 
of the ruler of a state, 'This is to complete 
the providers of your spirits and sauces;' 
for that of a Great officer, 'This is to complete 
the number of those who sprinkle and sweep 
for you.' 

1 Instead of ' for great entertainments,' P. Zottoli has 'summo 
sacrificio;' but the iTAien-lung editors decide in favour of the 
meaning which I have followed. 

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Section I. Part I. 

i. At the mourning rites for Kung-1 Aung-jze, 
Than Kung (was there), wearing the mourning 
cincture for the head. A*ung-jze had passed over 
his grandson, and appointed one of his (younger) 
sons as his successor (and head of the family). 
Than Kung said (to himself), 'How is this ? I 
never heard of such a thing;' and he hurried to 
3ze-fu Po-jze at the right of the door, and said, 
'How is it that A"ung-jze passed over his grand- 
son, and made a (younger) son his successor ? ' 
Po-jze replied, ' A'ung-jze perhaps has done in this, 
like others, according to the way of antiquity. 
Anciently, king Wan passed over his eldest son 
Yi-khao, and appointed king Wu ; and the count 
of Wei passed over his grandson Tun, and made 
Yen, his (own) younger brother, his successor. 
A'ung-jze perhaps did also in this according to the 
way of antiquity.' 3 ze_ y u asked Confucius (about 
the matter), and he said, ' Nay, (the rule is to) 
appoint the grandson 1 .' 

On the name and divisions of this Book, see the Introduction, 
pp. 17, 1 8. 

1 Important as showing the rule of succession to position and 
property. We must suppose that the younger son, who had been 
made the head of the family, was by a different mother, and one 
whose position was inferior to that of the son, the proper heir 
who was dead. Of course the succession should have descended 

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2. In serving his father, (a son) should conceal (his 
faults), and not openly or strongly remonstrate with 
him about them ; should in every possible way wait 
on and nourish him, without being tied to definite 
rules; should serve him laboriously till his death, 
and then complete the mourning for him for three 
years. In serving his ruler, (a minister) should 
remonstrate with him openly and strongly (about his 
faults), and make no concealment (of them) ; should 
in every possible way wait on and nourish him, but 
according to definite rules ; should serve him labori- 
ously till his death, and should then wear mourning 
for him according to rule for three years. In serv- 
ing his master, (a learner) should have nothing to do 
with openly reproving him or with concealing (his 
faults) ; should in every possible way wait upon and 
serve him, without being tied to definite rules ; should 
serve him laboriously till his death, and mourn for 
him in heart for three years 1 . 

3. Ki Wu-jze had built a house, at the bottom of 
the western steps of which was the grave of the Tu 
family. (The head of that) asked leave to bury 
(some member of his house) in it, and leave was 
granted to him to do so. (Accordingly) he entered 
the house (with the coffin), but did not dare to wail 
(in the usual fashion). Wu-jze said to him, ' To 
bury in the same grave was not the way of antiquity. 
It was begun by the duke of A'au, and has not been 

in the line of the rightful heir. Po-jze evaded the point of Than 
Kung's question ; but Confucius did not hesitate to speak out the 
truth. On other matters which the paragraph might suggest we 
need not enter. 

1 On differences in the services rendered to a parent, a ruler, 
and a master or instructor. 

Digitized by 


122 THE Li K\. 

bk. IT. 

changed since. I have granted you the great thing, 
and why should I not grant the less ?' (With this) he 
ordered him to wail 1 . 

4. When 3ze-shang's mother died, and he did not 
perform any mourning rites for her, the disciples of 
(his father) 3 ze_sz e asked him, saying, ' Did your 
predecessor, the superior man, observe mourning for 
his divorced mother ?' ' Yes,' was the reply. (And the 
disciples went on), 'Why do you not make Pai also 
observe the mourning rites (for his mother) ?' 3 z e-sze 
said, 'My progenitor, a superior man, never failed in 
pursuing the right path. When a generous course 
was possible, he took it and behaved generously ; 
and when it was proper to restrain his generosity, he 
restrained it. But how can I attain to that ? While 
she was my wife, she was Pii's mother ; but when she 
ceased to be my wife, she was no longer his mother.' 
It was in this way that the Khung family came not 
to observe mourning for a divorced mother ; the 
practice began from 3 z e-sze 2 . 

5. Confucius said, 'When (the mourner) bows to 
(the visitor), and then lays his forehead to the ground, 

1 This Wu-jze was a great-grandson of K\ Yu, the third son 
(by an inferior wife) of duke Awang of Lu (b.c. 693-662), and the 
ancestor of the AT-sun, one of the three famous families of Lu. It 
would appear that he had appropriated to himself the burying- 
ground of the Tu family. 

* 3ze-shang, by name, Pai, was the son of 3ze-sze, and great- 
grandson of Confucius. What is related here is important as 
bearing on the question whether Confucius divorced his wife or 
not. If I am correct in translating the original text by ' your pre- 
decessor, the superior man,' in the singular and not in the plural, 
and supposing that it refers to Confucius, the paragraph has been 
erroneously supposed to favour the view that he did divorce his 

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this shows the predominance of courtesy. When he 
lays his forehead to the ground, and then bows (to 
his visitor), this shows the extreme degree of his 
sorrow. In the three years' mourning, I follow the 
extreme (demonstration) 1 .' 

6. When Confucius had succeeded in burying (his 
mother) in the same grave (with his father) at Fang, 
he said, ' I have heard that the ancients made graves 
(only), and raised no mound over them. But I am 
a man, who will be (travelling) east, west, south, and 
north. I cannot do without something by which I 
can remember (the place).' On this, he (resolved to) 
raise a mound (over the grave) four feet high. He 
then first returned, leaving the disciples behind. A 
great rain came on ; and when they rejoined him, 
he asked them what had made them so late. ' The 
earth slipped,' they said, ' from the grave at Fang.' 
They told him this thrice without his giving them 
any answer. He then wept freely, and said, ' I 
have heard that the ancients did not need to repair 
their graves.' 

7. Confucius was wailing for 3ze-lu in his court- 
yard. When any came to condole with him, he bowed 
to them. When the wailing was over, he made the 
messenger come in, and asked him all about (3ze-lu's 
death). ' They have made him into pickle,' said the 

1 In the former case the mourner first thought of his visitor ; in 
the latter, of his dead and his own loss. The bow was made with 
the hands clasped, and held very low, the head being bowed down 
to them. They were then opened, and placed forward on the 
ground, on each side of the body, while the head was stretched 
forward between them, and the forehead made to touch the ground. 
In the second case the process was reversed. 

Digitized by 


124 THE L f **• 

BK. II. 

messenger ; and forthwith Confucius ordered the 
pickle (in the house) to be thrown away 1 . 

8. 3^ng-jze said, ' When the grass is old 2 on the 
grave of a friend, we no (longer) wail for him.' 

9. 3 z e-sze said, 'On the third day of "mourning, 
when the body is put into the coffin, (a son) should 
exercise sincerity and good faith in regard to every- 
thing that is placed with it, so that there shall be no 
occasion for repentance 3 . In the third month when 
the body is interred, he should do the same in regard 
to everything that is placed with the coffin in the 
grave, and for the same reason. Three years are 
considered as the extreme limit of mourning ; but 
though (his parents) are out of sight, a son does not 
forget them. Hence a superior man will have a life- 
long grief, but not one morning's trouble (from with- 
out) ; and thus on the anniversary of a parent's 
death, he does not listen to music* 

10. Confucius, being quite young when he was left 
fatherless, did not know (his father's) grave. (After- 
wards) he had (his mother's) body coffined in the 
street of Wu-fu. Those who saw it all thought that 
it was to be interred there, so carefully was (every- 
thing done), but it was (only) the coffining. By in- 
quiring of the mother of Man-fu of 3&u» he succeeded 

1 Sze-1& had died in peculiar circumstances in the state of Wei, 
through his hasty boldness, in b.c. 480. It was according to rule 
that the Master should wail for him. The order about the pickled 
meat was natural in the circumstances. 

* The characters in the text imply that a year had passed since 
the friend's death. 

' The graveclothes and coverlet. The things placed in the 
grave with the coffin were many, and will by-and-by come before 
the reader at length. 

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in burying it in the same grave (with his father) at 
Fang 1 . 

11. When there are mourning rites in the neigh- 
bourhood, one should not accompany his pestle with 
his voice 2 . When there is a body shrouded and 
coffined in his village, one should not sing in the 
lanes 2 . For a mourning cap the ends of the ties 
should not hang down. 

12. (In the time of Shun) of Yii they used earthen- 
ware coffins 3 ; under the sovereigns of Hsia, they 
surrounded these with an enclosure of bricks. The 
people of Yin used wooden coffins, the outer and 
inner. They of A'au added the surrounding cur- 
tains and the feathery ornaments. The people of 
A'au buried those who died between 16 and 19 in the 
coffins of Yin ; those who died between 1 2 and 1 5 or 
between 8 and 1 1 in the brick enclosures of Hsia ; and 
those who died (still younger), for whom no mourn- 
ing is worn, in the earthenware enclosures of the 
time of the lord of Yii. 

13. Under the sovereigns of Hsia they preferred 
what was black. On great occasions (of mourning), 
for preparing the body and putting it into the coffin, 
they used the dusk ; for the business of war, they 
used black horses in their chariots ; and the victims 
which they used were black. Under the Yin 
dynasty they preferred what was white. On occa- 

1 This paragraph is generally discredited. The A'Aien-lung 
editors say it is not to be relied on. 

* These two rules are in Book I, i. Pt. iv, 43, page 89. 

* In a still earlier time, according to the third Appendix of the 
Yt (vol. xvi, p. 385), they merely covered the body on the ground 
with faggots. 

Digitized by 


126 THE L{ Kt 

BK. II. 

sions of mourning, for coffining the body, they used 
the midday ; for the business of war they used white 
horses ; and their victims were white. Under the 
Aau dynasty they preferred what was red. On 
occasions of mourning, they coffined the body at 
sunrise ; for the business of war they used red 
horses, with black manes and tails ; and their 
victims were red. 

14. When the mother of duke Mu of Lu 1 died, he 
sent to ask 2 what (ceremonies) he should 
observe. 3& n g-J ze said, ' I have heard from my father 
that the sorrow declared in the weeping and wailing, 
the feelings expressed in the robe of sackcloth with 
even or with frayed edges, and the food of rice made 
thick or in congee, extend from the son of Heaven 
to all. But the tent-like covering (for the coffin) is 
of (linen) cloth in Wei, and of silk in Lu.' 

15. Duke Hsien of 3in, intending to put to death 
his heir-son Shan-shang, another son, K/mng-r, said 
to the latter, 'Why should you not tell what is in 
your mind to the duke ? ' The heir-son said, ' I 
cannot do so. The ruler is happy with the lady Ki 
of Li. I should (only) wound his heart.' ' Then,' 
continued the other, ' Why not go away ? ' The heir- 
son replied, ' I cannot do so. The ruler says that I 
wish to murder him. Is there any state where the 
(sacredness) of a father is not recognised ? Where 
should I go to obviate this charge ?' (At the same 
time) he sent a man to take leave (for him) of Hu 

1 Duke Mu was marquis of Lu from b.c. 409 to 376. 
1 This was not the disciple of Confucius, but his son, also 
named Shan like him; but the characters for the names are 


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Tu, with the message, ' I was wrong in not thinking 
(more) of your words, my old friend, and that neglect 
is occasioning my death. Though I do not presume 
to grudge dying, yet our ruler is old, and his 
(favourite) son is (quite) young. Many difficulties 
are threatening the state, and you, old Sir, do not 
come forth (from your retirement), and consult for 
(the good of) our ruler. If you will come forth and 
do this, I will die (with the feeling that I) have re- 
ceived a (great) favour from you.' He (then) bowed 
twice, laying his head to the ground, after which he 
died (by his own hand). On this account he became 
(known in history as) ' the Reverential Heir-son 1 .' 

1 6. There was a man of Lu, who, after performing 
in the morning the ceremony which introduced the 
25th month of his mourning, began to sing in the 
evening. ^ze-\d laughed at him, (but) the Master 
said, ' Yu, will you never have done with your finding 
fault with people ? The mourning for three years is 
indeed long.' When 3ze-lu went out, the Master 
said, ' Would he still have had to wait long ? In 
another month (he might have sung, and) it would 
have been well.' 

1 7. Duke Awang of Lu fought a battle with the 
men of Sung at Shang-Miu. Hsien Pan-fu was driv- 
ing, and Pu Kwo was spearman on the right. The 
horses got frightened, and the carriage was broken, 
so that the duke felldown 2 . They handed the strap 

1 The marquis of 3in, who is known to us as duke Hsien, ruled 
from b.c. 676 to 651. Infatuated by his love for a barbarian 
captive from among the Li, he behaved recklessly and unnaturally 
to his children already grown up. One very tragical event is the 
subject of this paragraph. 

1 The text would seem to say here that the army of the duke 

Digitized by 


128 THE Li kL 

BK. II. 

of a relief chariot (that drove up) to him, when he 
said, ' I did not consult the tortoise-shell (about 
the movement).' Hsien Pan-fu said, 'On no other 
occasion did such a disaster occur ; that it has oc- 
curred to-day is owing to my want of courage.' 
Forthwith he died (in the fight). When the groom 
was bathing the horses, a random arrow was found 
(in one of them), sticking in the flesh under the 
flank ; and (on learning this), the duke said, ' It 
was not his fault ;' and he conferred on him an 
honorary name. The practice of giving such 
names to (ordinary) officers began from this. 

1 8. 3ang-jze was lying in his chamber very ill. 
Yo-^ang 3ze-££un was sitting by the side of the 
couch ; 3& n g Yuan and 3& n g Shan were sitting at 
(their father's) feet ; and there was a lad sitting in 
a corner holding a torch, who said, ' How beauti- 
fully coloured and bright ! Is it not the mat of a 
Great officer?' ^ze-Mun (tried to) stop him, but 
3ang-jze had heard him, and in a tone of alarm called 
him, when he repeated what he had said. ' Yes,' said 
3ang-jze, ' it was the gift of A'i-sun, and I have not 
been able to change it. Get up, Yuan, and change 
the mat.' 3*ng Yuan said, ' Your illness is extreme. 
It cannot now be changed. If you happily survive 
till the morning, I will ask your leave and reverently 
change it.' 3&ng-jze said, ' Your love of me is not 
equal to his. A superior man loves another on 
grounds of virtue ; a little man's love of another is 
seen in his indulgence of him. What do I seek for ? 

was defeated; but the victory was with the duke. See the 3° 
Awan, under b.c. 684, and there was a different reading, to which Lu 
Teh-ming refers on the passage, that leaves us free to translate as 
I have done. 

Digitized by 



I want for nothing but to die in the correct way.' 
They then raised him up, and changed the mat. 
When he was replaced on the new one, before he 
could compose himself, he expired. 

19. When (a father) has just died, (the son) should 
appear quite overcome, and as if he were at his wits' 
end ; when the corpse has been put into the coffin, 
he should cast quick and sorrowful glances around, 
as if he were seeking for something and could not 
find it; when the interment has taken place, he should 
look alarmed and restless, as if he were looking for 
some one who does not arrive ; at the end of the first 
year's mourning, he should look sad and disappointed ; 
and at the end of the second year's, he should have 
a vague and unreliant look. 

20. The practice in A'u-lii of calling the (spirits of 
the dead 1 ) back with arrows took its rise from the 
battle of Shang-hsing 2 . That in Lfi. of the women 
making their visits of condolence (simply) with a band 
of sackcloth round their hair took its rise from the 
defeat at Hu-thai 3 . 

21. At the mourning for her mother-in-law, the 
Master instructed (his niece), the wife of Nan-kung 
Thao 4 , about the way in which she should tie up 
her hair with sackcloth, saying, ' Do not make it 
very high, nor very broad. Have the hair-pin of 
hazel-wood, and the hair-knots (hanging down) 
eight inches.' 

22. Mang Hsien-jze, after the service which ended 

1 See p. 108, par. 32 ; p. 112, par. 15 ; and often, farther on. 

* In b. c. 638. See the 3o ATwan of that year. 
' See in the 3° A/wan, under b. c. 569. 

* This must have been the Nan Yung of the Analects, V, i, 2. 

[27] K 

Digitized by 


I3O THE Lt kI. bk. 11, 

the mourning rites, had his instruments of music 
hung on their stands, but did not use them; and 
when he might have approached the inmates of his 
harem, he did not enter it. The Master said, ' Hsien- 
jze is a degree above other men 1 .' 

23. Confucius, after the service at the close of 
the one year's mourning, in five days more (began 
to) handle his lute, but brought no perfect sounds 
from it; in ten days he played on the organ and 
sang to it 2 . 

24. Yu-jze, it appears, after the service of the same 
period of mourning, wore shoes of (white) silk, and 
had ribbons of (white) silk for his cap-strings*. 

1 The sacrificial service on the final putting off of the mourning 
dress, and to which reference is here made, was called than 
(fljft). It will come several times before us hereafter. It is 
celebrated at the end of the ' three years' mourning ' for a parent ; 
that is, at the end of twenty-seven months from the death : see the 
Introduction, p. 49. Wang Su of the Wei dynasty contended that 
the mourning was put off at the end of twenty-five months, and the 
editors of the Khang-hsi dictionary rather approve of his decision : 
see their note under the character than. I do not think the con- 
troversy as to the exact time when the mourning ceased can be 
entirely cleared up. Confucius praised Hsien-jze, because he 
could not forget his grief, when the outward sign of it was put off. 

1 The sacrificial service here is called by a different name from 
than ; it is hsiang (jffi) ; and in mourning for parents there was 
'the small hsiang,' at the end of the first year, and 'the great 
hsiang,' at the end of the second. The character here probably 
denotes the mourning for one year, which is not continued beyond 
that time. Music was not used during any of the period of 
mourning; and it is doing violence to the text to take hsiang 
here as equivalent to than. 

3 In condemnation of Yu-$ze (see Analects, I, 2), as quick to 
forget his grief. 

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25. There are three deaths on which no condolence 
should be offered : — from cowardice ; from being 
crushed (through heedlessness); and from drowning 1 . 

26. When 3ze-lu might have ended his mourning 
for his eldest sister, he still did not do so. Confucius 
said to him, ' Why do you not leave off your mourn- 
ing?' He replied, * I have but few brothers, and I 
cannot bear to do so.' Confucius said, ' When the 
ancient kings framed their rules, (they might have 
said that) they could not bear (to cease mourning) 
even for (ordinary) men on the roads.' When 3 z e-lu 
heard this, he forthwith left off his mourning. 

27. Thai-kung was invested with his state, (and 
had his capital) in Ying-i^iu ; but for five genera- 
tions (his descendants, the marquises of KM) were all 
taken back and buried in Aau. A superior man 
has said, ' For music, we use that of him from whom 
we sprang ; in ceremonies, we do not forget him to 
whom we trace our root.' The ancients had a saying, 
that a fox, when dying.adjusts its head in the direction 
of the mound (where it was whelped) ; manifesting 
thereby (how it shares in the feeling of) humanity. 

28. When the mother of Po-yii died, he kept on 
wailing for her after the year. Confucius heard him, 
and said, ' Who is it that is thus wailing ?' The dis- 
ciples said, ' It is Li.' The Master said, 'Ah! (such 
a demonstration) is excessive.' When Po-yii heard 
it, he forthwith gave up wailing 2 . 

1 The third death here must be supplemented, as I have done 
the second. 

' Compare paragraph 4, and the note on it. Lf, designated 
Po-ytl, was the son of Confucius, and it has been supposed that his 
mother had been divorced, so that his protracted wailing for her gave 

K 2 

Digitized by 


132 THE l! Jet. 

BK. II. 

29. Shun was buried in the wilderness of 3^ an g- 
wu, and it would thus appear that the three ladies of 
his harem were not buried in the same grave with 
him \ Ki Wu-jze said, ' Burying (husband and wife) 
in the same grave appears to have originated with 
the duke of K&uJ 

Part II. 

1. At the mourning rites for 3ang-jze, his body was 
washed in the cook-room 2 . 

2. During the mourning for nine months* one 
should suspend his (musical) studies. Some one 
has said, ' It is permissible during that time to 
croon over the words (of the pieces).' 

3. When 3 ze *^ an g was M, he called (his son), 
Shan-hsiang, and addressed him, saying, ' We speak 
of the end of a superior man, and of the death of 

occasion to the rebuke of his father. But while his father was 
alive, a son did not wail for his mother beyond the year. The 
passage does not prove that Confucius had divorced his wife, but 
the contrary ; though he might have shown more sympathy with 
his son's sorrow. 

1 From the first part of the Shu King we know that Shun 
married the two daughters of Yao. The mention of ' three ' wives 
here has greatly perplexed the commentators. Where 3hang-wu 
was is also much disputed. 

3 The proper place for the operation was the principal chamber. 
There is only conjecture to account for the different place in the 
case of 3&ng-jze. 

' In relationships of the third degree : as by a man for a married 
aunt or sister, a brother's wife, a first cousin, &c ; by a wife, for her 
husband's grand-parents, uncles, Ac. ; by a married woman, for her 
uncle and uncle's wife, a spinster aunt, brothers, sisters, &c. See 
Appendix at the end of this Book. 

Digitized by 



a small man. I am to-day, perhaps, drawing near to 
my end (as a superior man).' 

4. 3&ng-jze said, ' May not what remains in the 
cupboard suffice to set down (as the offerings) by (the 
corpse of) one who has just died ?' 

5. 3& n g-jze said, ' Not to have places (for wailing) 
in cases of the five months' mourning 1 is a rule which 
sprang from the ways in small lanes.' When 3ze- 
sze wailed for his sister-in-law, he made such places, 
and his wife took the lead in the stamping. When 
Shan-hsiang wailed for Yen-sze, he also did the 

6. Anciently, (all) caps were (made) with the seams 
going up and down them ; now the (mourning cap) 
is made with the seams going round. Hence to 
have the mourning cap different from that worn on 
felicitous occasions is not the way of antiquity 2 . 

7. 3& n g-J z e said to 3ze-sze, ' KM, when I was en- 
gaged in the mourning for my parents, no water or 
other liquid entered my mouth for seven days.' 
3ze-sze said, ' With regard to the rules of ceremony 
framed by the ancient kings, those who would go 
beyond them should stoop down to them, and those 
who do not reach them should stand on tip-toe to do 
so. Hence, when a superior man is engaged in 
mourning for his parents, no water or other liquid 

1 In relationships of the fourth degree: as by a man for his 
grand-uncle and his wife, a spinster grand-aunt, a second cousin, 
&c. ; by a wife for her husband's aunt, brother or sister, &c. ; by a 
married woman, for her spinster aunt, married sister, &c. See 

* This paragraph does not seem to contain any lessons of 
censure or approval, but simply to relate a fact. 

Digitized by 


134 the l! kL 

BK. II. 

enters his mouth for three days, and with the aid of 
his staff he is still able to rise.' 

8. 3& n g-J ze sa id> ' If, in cases coming under the five 
months' mourning, none be worn when the death is 
not heard of till after the lapse of that time, then 
when brethren are far apart there would be no 
wearing of mourning for them at all; and would 
this be right?' 

9. On the mourning rites for Po-kao, before the 
messenger from Confucius could arrive, .Zan-jze had 
taken it on him, as his substitute, to present a parcel 
of silks and a team of four horses. Confucius said, 
' Strange ! He has only made me fail in showing my 
sincerity in the case of Po-kao V 

10. Po-kao died in Wei, and news of the event 
was sent to Confucius. He said, ' Where shall I 
wail for him ? For brethren, I wail in the ancestral 
temple ; for a friend of my father, outside the gate 
of the temple ; for a teacher, in my chamber ; for a 
friend, outside the door of the chamber ; for an ac- 
quaintance, in the open country, (some distance off). 
(To wail) in the open country would in this case be 
too slight (an expression of grief), and to do so in 
the bed-chamber would be too great a one. But it 
was by 3hze that he was introduced to me. I will 
wail for him in 3hze's.' Accordingly he ordered 
3ze-kung to act as presiding mourner on the occa- 

1 We know almost nothing of the Po-kao (the eldest son, Kao) 
here. From the next paragraph it does not appear that his in- 
timacy with Confucius had been great. Zan-jze had taken too 
much on himself. Perhaps the gift was too great, and sympathy 
cannot well be expressed by proxy. The parcel of silks contained 
five pieces. 

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sion, saying to him, ' Bow to those who come because 
you have a wailing in your house, but do not bow to 
those who come (simply) because they knew Po- 

11. 33ng-jze said, ' When one during his mourning 
rites falls ill, and has to eat meat and drink spirits, 
there must be added the strengthening flavours from 
vegetables and trees;' meaning thereby ginger and 

1 2. When 3ze-hsia was mourning for his son, he 
lost his eyesight. 3& n g-J ze went to condole with 
him, and said, ' I have heard that when a friend loses 
his eyesight, we should wail for him.' Thereupon he 
wailed, and 3ze-hsia also wailed, and said, ' O Hea- 
ven, and I have no guilt f ' 3 an g-J ze was an g r y> an d 
said, ' Shang, how can you say that you have no 

' I and you served the Master between the Kb and 
the Sze 1 ; and (after his death) you retired, and 
grew old in the neighbourhood of the Western Ho, 
where you made the people compare you with the 
Master. This was one offence. 

' When you mourned for your parents, you did so 
in such a way that the people heard nothing of it. 
This was a second offence. 

' When you mourned for your son, you did it in 
such a way that you have lost your eyesight. This 
is a third offence. And how do you say that you 
have no guilt ?' 

1 These were two streams of Lu, near which was the home of 
Confucius. I thought of this passage when I crossed at least one 
of them on my way to ATM-fu, ' the city of Confucius,' about twelve 
years ago. 

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1 36 THE Li zt. BK. h. 

3ze-hsia threw down his staff", and bowed, saying, 
1 1 was wrong, I was wrong. It is a long time since 
I left the herd, and lived apart here.' 

1 3. When a man stops during the daytime in his 
inner (chamber), it is allowable to come and ask 
about his illness. When he stops outside during 
the night, it is allowable to come and condole with 
him. Hence a superior man, except for some great 
cause 1 , does not pass the night outside (his chamber) ; 
and unless he is carrying out a fast or is ill, he does 
not day and night stop inside. 

14. When Kao 3 ze "kao was engaged with the 
mourning for his parents, his tears flowed (silently) 
like blood for three years, and he never (laughed) so 
as to show his teeth. -Superior men considered that 
he did a difficult thing. 

15. It is better not to wear mourning at all than 
not to have it of the proper materials and fashion. 
When wearing the sackcloth with the edges even (for 
a mother), one should not sit unevenly or to one side, 
nor should he do any toilsome labour, (even) in the 
nine months' mourning 2 . 

16. When Confucius went to Wei, he found the 
mourning rites going on for a man with whom he had 
formerly lodged. Entering the house, he wailed for 
him bitterly ; and when he came out, he told 3 ze_ 
kung to take out the outside horses of his carriage, 
and present them as his gift. 3 ze_ kung said, ' At 
the mourning for any of your disciples, you have 

1 ' A great cause : ' — such as danger from enemies, or death 
and the consequent mourning, which, especially in the case of a 
father's death, required the son thus to ' afflict himself.' 

* The whole of this paragraph seems overstrained and trivial. 

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never taken out those horses (for such a purpose) ; 
is it not excessive to do so for a man with whom you 
(merely) lodged ? ' The Master said, ' I entered a 
little ago, and wailed for him ; and I found (the 
mourner) so dissolved in grief that my tears flowed 
(with his). I should hate it, if those tears were not 
(properly) followed. Do it, my child 1 ,' 

17. When Confucius was in Wei, there was (a 
son) following his (father's) coffin to the grave. 
After Confucius had looked at him, he said, ' How 
admirably did he manage this mourning rite ! He 
is fit to be a pattern. Remember it, my little chil- 
dren.' 3 z e-kung said, ' What did you, Master, see 
in him so admirable ?' 'He went,' was the reply, 
'as if he were full of eager affection. He came 
back (looking) as if he were in doubt.' ' Would 
it not have been better, if he had come back hastily, 
to present the offering of repose ? ' The Master said, 
' Remember it, my children. I have not been able 
to attain to it.' 

18. At the mourning rites for Yen Yiian, some 
of the flesh of the sacrifice at the end of (? two) 
years was sent to Confucius, who went out and 
received it. On re-entering he played on his lute, 
and afterwards ate it 2 . 

19. Confucius was standing (once) with his dis- 

1 We are willing to believe this paragraph, because it shows how 
the depths of Confucius' sympathy could be stirred in him. He 
was not in general easily moved. 

* This paragraph has occasioned a good deal of discussion. 
The text does not make it clear whether the sacrifice was that at 
the end of one, or that at the end of two years. Why did Con- 
fucius play on his lute ? and was he right in doing so ? 

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j 38 the l! kL 

BK. II. 

ciples, having his hands joined across his breast, 
and the right hand uppermost. They also all 
placed their right hands uppermost. He said to 
them, ' You do so from your wish to imitate me, 
but I place my hands so, because I am mourning 
for an elder sister.' On this they all placed their 
left hands uppermost (according to the usual 

20. Confucius rose early (one day), and with his 
hands behind him, and trailing his staff, moved 
slowly about near the door, singing — 

' The great mountain must crumble ; 
The strong beam must break ; 
The wise man must wither away like a plant' 

Having thus sung, he entered and sat down oppo- 
site the door. 3 ze "kung had heard him, and said, 
' If the great mountain crumble, to what shall I 
look up ? If the strong beam break, (on what 
shall I lean) ' ? If the wise man wither like a 
plant, whom shall I imitate ? The Master, I am 
afraid, is going to be ill.' He then hastened into 
the house. The Master said, '3^ze, what makes 
you so late ? Under the sovereigns of Hsia, the 
body was dressed and coffined at the top of the 
steps on the east, so that it was where the de- 
ceased used to go up (as master of the house). 
The people of Yin performed the same ceremony 
between the two pillars, so that the steps for the 
host were on one side of the corpse, and those for 

1 The original of this supplement has dropt out of the text. It 
is found in the * Narratives of the School ; ' and in a Corean edition 

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the guest on the other. The people of A"au per- 
form it at the top of the western steps, treating the 
deceased as if he were a guest. I am a man 
(descended from the house) of Yin', and last 
night I dreamt that I was sitting with the offer- 
ings to the dead by my side between the two 
pillars. Intelligent kings do not arise ; and what one 
under heaven is able to take me as his Master ? 
I apprehend I am about to die.' With this he 
took to his bed, was ill for seven days, and died. 

21. At the mourning rites for Confucius, the 
disciples were in perplexity as to what dress they 
should wear. 3 ze_ kung said, ' Formerly, when the 
Master was mourning for Yen Yuan, he acted in 
other respects as if he were mourning for a son, 
but wore no mourning dress. He did the same 
in the case of 3ze-\b. Let us mourn for the 
Master, as if we were mourning for a father, but 
wear no mourning dress 2 .' 

22. At the mourning for Confucius, Kung-hs! A^ih 
made the ornaments of commemoration. As the 
adornments of the coffin, there were the wall-like 
curtains, the fan-like screens, and the cords at its sides, 
after the manner of A"au. There were the flags with 
their toothed edges, after the manner of Yin ; and 
there were the flag-staffs bound with white silk, and 

1 It is well known that the Khung family was a branch of the 
ducal house of Sung, the lords of which were the representatives 
of the royal house of Shang. The Khungs were obliged to flee 
from Sung, and take refuge in Lu in the time of the great-grand- 
father of Confucius. 

* It is doubtful whether this advice was entirely followed as 
regards the matter of the dress. 

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I4O THE Li xt. BK. II. 

long streamers pendent from them, after the manner 
of Hsia 1 . 

23. At the mourning for 3ze-£ang, Kang-ming t 
made the ornaments of commemoration. There was 
a tent-like pall, made of plain silk of a carnation 
colour, with clusters of ants at the four corners, (as 
if he had been) an officer of Yin 2 . 

24. 3 ze "hsia asked Confucius, saying, 'How should 
(a son) conduct himself with reference to the man 
who has killed his father or mother ? ' The Master 
said, ' He should sleep on straw, with his shield for a 
pillow ; he should not take office ; he must be deter- 
mined not to live with the slayer under the same 
heaven. If he meet with him in the market-place 
or the court, he should not have to go back for his 
weapon, but (instantly) fight with him.' 

' Allow me to ask,' said (the other), ' how one 
should do with reference to the man who has slain 
his brother?' ' He may take office,' was the reply, 
' but not in the same state with the slayer ; if he be 
sent on a mission by his ruler's orders, though he 
may then meet with the man, he should not fight 
with him.' 

' And how should one do,' continued 3ze-hsia, ' in 
the case of a man who has slain one of his paternal 
cousins ?' Confucius said, ' He should not take the 
lead (in the avenging). If he whom it chiefly con- 
cerns is able to do that, he should support him from 
behind, with his weapon in his hand.' 

1 See the full description of a coffin and hearse with all its 
ornaments in Book XIX. 

1 In honour of the Master, though Z$ze-izng himself could not 
claim to be descended from the kings of Yin. 

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25. At the mourning rites for Confucius, his dis- 
ciples all wore their head-bands of sackcloth, when 
they went out For one of their own number, they 
wore them in the house (when condoling), but not 
when they went out. 

26. Keeping (the ground about) their graves clear 
of grass was not a practice of antiquity 1 . 

27. 3ze-lu said, ' I heard the Master say that in 
the rites of mourning, exceeding grief with deficient 
rites is better than little demonstration of grief with 
superabounding rites ; and that in those of sacrifice, 
exceeding reverence with deficient rites is better 
than an excess of rites with but little reverence.' 

28. 3« m g - J ze having gone on a visit of condolence 
to Fu-hsia, the chief mourner had already presented 
the sacrifice of departure, and removed the offerings. 
He caused the bier, however, to be pushed back to 
its former place, and made the women come down 
(again), after which (the visitor) went through his 
ceremony. The disciples who accompanied 3& n g- 
3ze asked him if this proceeding were according to 
rule, and he said, ' The sacrifice at starting is an un- 
important matter. And why might he not bring (the 
bier) back, and let it rest (for a while)?' 

The disciples further asked the same question of 
3ze-yu, who said, ' The rice and precious shell are 
put into the mouth of the corpse under the window 
(of the western chamber) ; the slighter dressing is 

1 Some would interpret this sentence as if it were — ' changing 
the grave' (^ and not Mf); but the £%ien-lung editors say 
that this practice, originating in geomancy, arose in the time of 
3in, and was unknown during the Han dynasty. 

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142 THE Lt Jff. BK. II. 

done inside the door, and the more complete one at 
(the top of) the eastern steps ; the coffining takes 
place at the guests' place ; the sacrifice at starting in 
the courtyard ; and the interment at the grave. The 
proceedings go on in this way to what is more re- 
mote, and hence in the details of mourning there is 
a constant advance and no receding.' When 3& n g~ 
jze heard of this reply, he said, ' This is a much better 
account than I gave of the going forth to offer the 
sacrifice of departure.' 

29. 3& n g-J z e went on a visit of condolence, wear- 
ing his fur robe over the silk one, while 3 z e-y u went, 
wearing the silk one over his fur. 3&ng-jze, pointing 
to him, and calling the attention of others, said, 
' That man has the reputation of being well versed 
in ceremonies, how is it that he comes to condole 
with his silk robe displayed over his fur one ? ' (By- 
and-by), when the chief mourner had finished the 
slighter dressing of the corpse, he bared his breast 
and tied up his hair with sackcloth, on which 3ze-yu 
hastened out, and (soon) came back, wearing his fur 
robe over the silk, and with a girdle of sackcloth. 
3&ng-jze on this said, ' I was wrong, I was wrong. 
That man was right.' 

30. When 3 z e-hsia was introduced (to the Master) 
after he had put off the mourning (for his parents), a 
lute was given to him. He tried to tune it, but 
could hardly do so ; he touched it, but brought no 
melody from it. He rose up and said, 'I have not 
yet forgotten my grief. The ancient kings framed 
the rules of ceremony, and I dare not go beyond 
them?' When a lute was given to 3 z e-^ang in the 
same circumstances, he tried to tune it, and easily 

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did so; he touched it, and brought melody from 
it. He rose up and said, ' The ancient kings 
framed the rules of ceremony, and I do not dare 
not to come up to them.' 

31. At the mourning rites for Hui-jze, who had 
been minister of Crime, 3 ze_ y u (went to condole), 
wearing for him a robe of sackcloth, and a head- 
band made of the product of the male plant. 
Wan-jze (the brother of Hui-jze), wishing to de- 
cline the honour, said, ' You condescended to be 
the associate of my younger brother, and now 
further condescend to wear this mourning ; I ven- 
ture to decline the honour.' 3 ze_ y u sa 'd. 'It is 
in rule ;' on which Wan-jze returned and continued 
his wailing. 3 z e-yu then hastened and took his 
place among the officers (of the family); but 
WSn-jze also declined this honour, and said, ' You 
condescended to be the associate of my younger 
brother, and now further condescend to wear for 
him this mourning, and to come and take part 
in the mourning rites ; I venture to decline the 
honour.' 3 ze_ y u sa id, 'I ^> e S firmly to request you 
to allow me (to remain here).' 

Wan-jze then returned, and supporting the right- 
ful son to take his position with his face to the 
south, said, 'You condescended to be the associate 
of my younger brother, and now you further con- 
descend to wear this mourning for him, and to 
come and take part in the rites; dare Hu but 
return to his (proper) place ? ' 3 ze_ y u on this 
hastened to take his position among the guests 1 . 

1 The object of 3 ze -y u ' n a 'l the movements detailed here is 
supposed to have been to correct some irregularity in the pro- 

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144 THE L * K ^- bk - "• 

32. At the mourning rites for the general Wan- 
jze, when the first year's mourning was at an end, 
there came a man from Yiieh 1 on a visit of con- 
dolence. The chief mourner, wearing the long robe 
(assumed on the completion of the first year's mourn- 
ing), and the cap worn before that, wailed for him 
in the ancestral temple, with the tears running from 
his eyes and the rheum from his nose. 3 ze *y u saw 
it, and said, ' The son of the general Wan is not far 
from being (a master of ceremonies). In his obser- 
vances at this time, for which there is no special rule, 
his proceeding is correct.' 

33. The giving of the name in childhood 2 , of the 
designation at the capping, of the title of elder uncle 
or younger uncle at fifty, and of the honorary title 
after death, was the practice of the A"au dynasty. 

The wearing of the sackcloth head-bands and 
girdles, to express the real (feeling of the heart); the 
d'gg^g a n °l e m the middle of the apartment (over 
which) to wash (the corpse) ; taking down the (tiles 
of the) furnace, and placing them at the feet (of it) 3 ; 
and at the interment pulling down (part of the wall 
on the west of the door of) the ancestral temple, so 
as to pass by the upper side (of the altar to the spirit) 

ceedings on the occasion. ^Tang Hsiian thinks that Wan-jze was 
supporting a grandson, instead of Hu, his deceased brother's 
rightful son, to be the principal mourner, and consequently to 
succeed Hui-jze as his representative and successor. Hui-jze and 
Wan-jze (called Mei-mSu) were of the state of Wei. 

1 A distant state, south of Wu, on the seaboard. 

1 Three months after birth. 

8 To show the deceased had no more occasion for food, and to 
keep the feet straight, so that the shoes might be put on at the 
dressing of the corpse. 

Digitized by 



of the way, and Issue by the great gate ; — these were 
the practices of the Yin dynasty, and the learners (in 
the school of Confucius) followed them. 

34. When the mother of 3ze-liu died, (his younger 
brother) 3ze-shih asked for the means (to provide 
what was necessary for the mourning rites). 3 ze_ 
liu said, ' How shall we get them ?' ' Let us sell 
(the concubines), the mothers of our half-brothers,' 
said the other. ' How can we sell the mothers of 
other men to bury our mother?' was the reply; * that 
cannot be done.' 

After the burial, 3ze-shih wished to take what re- 
mained of the money and other things contributed 
towards their expenses, to provide sacrificial vessels ; 
but 3ze-liti said, ' Neither can that be done. I have 
heard that a superior man will not enrich his family 
by means of his mourning. Let us distribute it 
among the poor of our brethren.' 

35. A superior man said, ' He who has given 
counsel to another about his army should die with 
it when it is defeated. He who has given counsel 
about the country or its capital should perish with it 
when it comes into peril.' 

36. Kung-shti Wan-jze ascended the mound of 
Hsia, with KM Po-yli following him. Wan-jze said, 
' How pleasant is this mound ! I should like to be 
buried here when I die.' Ku Po-ytt said,' You may 
find pleasure in such a thought, but allow me (to go 
home) before (you say any more about it) 1 .' 

37. There was a man of Pien who wept like a 

1 Was there anything more than a joke in this reply of Po-yti ? 
The commentators make it out to be a reproof of Wan-jze for 
wishing to appropriate for his grave the pleasant ground of another. 
[27] L 

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146 THE Li xi. BK. II. 

child on the death of his mother. Confucius said, 
' This is grief indeed, but it would be difficult to con- 
tinue it. Now the rules of ceremony require to be 
handed down, and to be perpetuated. Hence the 
wailing and leaping are subject to fixed regulations.' 

38. When the mother of Shu-sun Wu-shu died, and 
the slighter dressing had been completed, the bearers 
went out at the door (of the apartment) with the 
corpse. When he had himself gone out at the door, 
he bared his arms, throwing down also his cap, and 
binding his hair with sackcloth. 3 ze_ y u sa id (in 
<lerision), ' He knows the rules 1 !' 

39. (When a ruler was ill), the high chamberlain 
supported him on the right, and the assigner of posi- 
tions at audiences did so on the left. When he died 
these two officers lifted (the corpse) 2 . 

40. There are the husband of a maternal cousin 
and the wife of a maternal uncle ; — that these two 
should wear mourning for each other has not been 
said by any superior man. Some one says, ' If they 
have eaten together from the same fireplace, the three 
months' mourning 8 should be worn.' 

41. It is desirable that affairs of mourning should 
be gone about with urgency, and festive affairs in a 

1 He should have made his preparations before, and not have 
had to throw down his cap on the ground. 

* The text of this paragraph would make the assisting parties to 
be the chief diviner and the chief archer. The translation is 
according to an emendation of it from the K&w Lt. 

* Worn in relationships of the fifth degree : as by a man for his 
great-grand-uncle and his wife, a spinster great-grand-aunt, the son 
of a mother's brother or sister, &c. ; by a wife for her husband's 
great-great-grand-parents, &c. See Appendix. 

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leisurely way. Hence, though affairs of mourning 
require urgency, they should not go beyond the 
prescribed rules ; and though festive affairs may be 
delayed, they should not be transacted negligently. 
Hurry therefore (in the former) becomes rudeness, 
and too much ease (in the latter) shows a small man. 
The superior man will conduct himself in them as 
they severally require. 

42. A superior man is ashamed 1 to prepare 
(beforehand) all that he may require in discharging 
his mourning rites. What can be made in one or 
two days, he does not prepare (beforehand). 

43. The mourning worn for the son of a brother 
should be the same as for one's own son : the object 
being to bring him still nearer to one's self. An 
elder brother's wife and his younger brother do not 
wear mourning for each other : the object being to 
maintain the distance between them. Slight mourn- 
ing is worn for an aunt, and an elder or younger 
sister, (when they have been married) ; the reason 
being that there are those who received them from 
us, and will render to them the full measure of 

Part III. 

1. When (the Master) was eating by the side of 
one who had mourning rites in hand, he never ate to 
the full. 

2. 3&ng-jze was standing with (another) visitor by 
the side of the door (of their house of entertainment), 
when a companion (of the other) came hurrying out. 

1 Lest he should seem not to be wishing individuals to live. long. 

L 2 

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148 THE hi Kt. 

BK. II. 

' Where are you going ?' said 3&ng-jze; and the man 
replied, ' My father is dead, and I am going to wail 
for him in the lane.' ' Return to your apartment,' 
was the reply, ' and wail for him there.' (The man 
did so), and 3&ng-jze made him a visit of condolence, 
standing with his face to the north. 

3. Confucius said, ' In dealing with the dead, if 
we treat them as if they were entirely dead, that 
would show a want of affection, and should not be 
done ; or, if we treat them as if they were entirely 
alive, that would show a want of wisdom, and should 
not be done. On this account the vessels of bamboo 
(used in connexion with the burial of the dead) are 
not fit for actual use ; those of earthenware cannot 
be used to wash in ; those of wood are incapable of 
being carved; the lutes are strung, but not evenly; 
the pandean pipes are complete, but not in tune ; the 
bells and musical stones are there, but they have no 
stands. They are called vessels to the eye of fancy; 
that is, (the dead) are thus treated as if they were 
spiritual intelligences 1 .' 

1 The .Oien-lung editors say on this : — ' To serve the dead as 
he served the living is the highest reach of a son's feeling. But 
there is a difference, it is to be presumed, between the ways of 
spirits and those of men. In the offerings put down immediately 
after death, there is an approach to treating the deceased as if he 
were still a (living) man. But at the burial the treatment of him 
approaches to that due to a (disembodied) spirit. Therefore the 
dealing with the dead may be spoken of generally as something 
between that due to a man and that due to a spirit, — a manifestation 
of the utmost respect without any familiar liberty.' We should 
like to have something still more definite. Evidently the subject 
was difficult to those editors, versed in all Chinese lore, and not 
distracted by views from foreign habits and ways of thinking. 
How much more difficult must it be for a foreigner to place 

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4. Yu-jze asked 3&ng-jze if he had ever questioned 
the Master about (an officer's) losing his place. ' I 
heard from him,' was the reply, ' that the officer in 
such a case should wish to become poor quickly, 
(just as) we should wish to decay away quickly 
when we have .died.' Yu-jze said, 'These are not 
the words of a superior man.' 'I heard them 
from the Master,' returned 3& n gi z e. Yu-jze re- 
peated that they were not the words of a superior 
man, and the other affirmed that both he and 
3ze-yu had heard them. ' Yes, yes,' said Yu-jze, 
' but the Master must have spoken them with a 
special reference.' 3ang-jze reported Yu-jze's words 
to 3ze-yu, who said, 'How very like his words are 
to those of the Master ! Formerly, when the Master 
was staying in Sung, he saw that Hwan, the 
minister of War, had been for three years having 
a stone coffin made for himself without its being 
finished, and said, "What extravagance! It would 
be better that when dead he should quickly de- 
cay away." It was with reference to Hwan, the 
minister of War, that he said, "We should wish to 
decay away quickly when we die." When Nan- 
kung A"ing-shu returned (to the state), he made 
it a point to carry his treasures with him in his 
carriage when he went to court, on which the 
Master said, "Such an amount of property! It 
would have been better for him, when he lost his 
office, to make haste to become poor." It was with 
reference to Nan-kung Alng-shu that he said that 

himself 'en rapport' with the thoughts and ways of men, so far 
removed from him in time and in mental training 1 The subject 
of these vessels, which yet were no vessels, will come up again. 

Digitized by 


15O THE Lt Kt. 

BK. II. 

" We should work to become poor quickly, when 
we have lost office."' 

3&ng-jze reported these words of 3ze-yu to Yu-jze, 
who said, ' Yes, I did say that these were not the 
words of the Master.' When the other asked him 
how he knew it, he said, ' The Master made an 
ordinance in Aung-ta that the inner coffin should be 
four inches thick, and the outer five. By this I knew 
that he did not wish that the dead should decay 
away quickly. And formerly, when he had lost the 
office of minister of Crime in Lu, and was about to 
go to A'ing, he first sent 3ze-hsi4 there, and after- 
wards J?an Yu. By this, I knew that he did not wish 
to become poor quickly 1 .' 

5. When ATwang-jze of Kh&w died, announcement 
of the event was sent to Lu. They did not want to 
wail for him there, but duke Mu 2 called Hsien-jze, and 
consulted him. He said, ' In old times, no messages 
from Great officers, not even such as were accom- 
panied by a bundle of pieces of dried meat, went out 
beyond the boundaries of their states. Though it 
had been wished to wail for them, how could it have 
been done ? Nowadays the Great officers share in 
the measures of government throughout the middle 
states. Though it may be wished not to wail for 
one, how can it be avoided ? I have heard, more- 
over, that there are two grounds for the wailing ; one 
from love, and one from fear.' The duke said, ' Very 
well; but how is the thing to be managed in this 

1 Confucius sent those two disciples, that he might get their 
report of ATing (or Khh), and know whether he might himself go 
and take office there as he wished to do. 

* b. c. 4°9-3 77- 

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case ?' Hsien-jze said, ' I would ask you to wail for 
him in the temple of (a family of) a different surname ;' 
and hereon the duke and he wailed for Awang-jze in 
(the temple of) the Hsien family. 

6. A!ung Hsien said to Sing-fie, 'Under the 
sovereigns of the Hsia dynasty, they used (at burials) 
the vessels which were such only to the eye of fancy, 
intimating to the people that (the dead) had no know- 
ledge. Under the Yin they used the (ordinary) 
sacrificial vessels, intimating to the people that (the 
dead) had knowledge. Under the Aau we use both, 
intimating to the people that the thing is doubtful* 
3ang-jze replied, ' It is not so ! What are vessels 
(only) to the eye of fancy are for the shades (of the 
departed) ; the vessels of sacrifice are those of men ; 
how should those ancients have treated their parents 
as if they were dead?' 

7. An elder brother of Kung-shu Mu, by the same 
mother but a different father, having died, he asked 
*$ze-yu (whether he should go into mourning for him), 
and was answered, ' Perhaps you should do so for 
the period of nine months.' 

A brother, similarly related to Tl 1, having died, 
he consulted 3 ze ~hsia in the same way, and was 
answered, ' I have not heard anything about it before, 
but the people of Lu wear the one year's mourning 
in such a case.' Ti t did so, and the present practice 
of wearing that mourning arose from his question 1 . 

8. When 3 ze_szes mother died in Wei, Liu Zo 
said to him, ' You, Sir, are the descendant of a sage. 

1 Confucius gives a decision against mourning at all in such a 
case, excepting it were exceptional,— in the ' Narratives of the 
School,' chapter io, article i. 

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152 THE Lt El BK. n. 

From all quarters they look to you for an example 
in ceremonies ; let me advise you to be careful in the 
matter.' 3ze _ sze said, 'Of what have I to be careful? 
I have heard that when there are certain ceremonies 
to be observed, and he has not the necessary means 
for them, a superior man does not observe them, and 
that neither does he do so, when there are the cere- 
monies, and he has the means, but the time is not 
suitable; of what have I to be careful 1 ?' 

9. Hsien-jze So said, ' I have heard that the 
ancients made no diminution (in the degrees of mourn- 
ing on any other ground) ; but mourned for every 
one above and below them according to his relation- 
ship. Thus Wan, the earl of Thang, wore the year's 
mourning for Mang-hu, who was his uncle, and the 
same for Mang Phi, whose uncle he was.' 

10. Hau Mu said, ' I heard Hsien-jze say about 
the rites of mourning, that (a son) should certainly 
think deeply and long about them all, and that (for 
instance) in buying the coffin he should see that, in- 
side and outside, it be (equally) well completed. 
When I die, let it be so also with me 2 .' 

11. 3&ng-jze said, ' Until the corpse has its orna- 
ments put on it, they curtain off the hall ; and after 
the slighter dressing the curtain is removed.' Aung- 
liang-jze said, ' Husband and wife are at first all in 

1 3ze-sze'8 mother, after his father's death, had married again 
into the Shu family of Wei. What mourning was Qze-sze now to 
wear for her ? Liu Zo seems to have apprehended that he would 
be carried away by his feelings and would do more than was 
according to rule in such a case. Sze-sze's reply to him is not at 
all explicit. 

1 This record is supposed to be intended to ridicule Hau Mu 
for troubling himself as he did. 

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confusion 1 , and therefore the hall is curtained off. 
After the slighter dressing, the curtain is removed.' 

12. With regard to the offerings to the dead at 
the time of the slighter dressing, 3ze-yu said that they 
should be placed on the east (of the corpse). 3 an g- 
jze said, 'They should be placed on the west, on 
the mat there at the time of the dressing.' The 
placing the offerings on the west at the time of the 
slighter dressing was an error of the later times 

1 3. Hsien-jze said, ' To have the mourning robe 
of coarse dolichos cloth, and the lower garment of 
fine linen with a wide texture, was not (die way of) 

14. When 3ze-phu died, the wailers called out his 
name Mieh*. 3 ze_ kao said, ' So rude and unculti- 
vated are they !' On this they changed their style. 

15. At the mourning rites for the mother of Tu 
Khfaa no one was employed in the house to assist 
(the son in the ceremonies), which was accounted a 
careless omission. 

16. The Master said, 'As soon as a death occurs, 
(the members of the family) should change their lamb- 
skin furs and dark-coloured caps, though they may 
do nothing more.' The Master did not pay a visit 
of condolence in these articles of dress. 

i 7. 3 ze *y u asked about the articles to be provided 
for the mourning rites, and the Master said,' ' They 
should be according to the means of the family.' 

' Settling places for the waiters, &c. But this explanation is 
deemed unsatisfactory. 

2 The name was used only in calling the spirit back immediately 
after death ; the wailing was a subsequent thing. 

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i§4 THE L i *!• «• "• 

3ze-yu urged, ' How can a family that has means and 
one that has not have things done in the same way ?' 
'Where there are means,' was the reply, 'let there be 
no exceeding the prescribed rites. If there be a want 
of means, let the body be lightly covered from head to 
foot, and forthwith buried, the coffin being simply let 
down by means of ropes. Who in such a case will- 
blame the procedure?' 

1 8. Pan, superintendent of officers' registries, in- 
formed 3ze-yu of his wish to dress his dead on the 
couch. ' You may,' said 3ze-yu. When Hsien-jze 
heard of this, he said, ' How arrogant is the old 
gentleman! He takes it on himself to allow men in 
what is the proper rule V 

19. At the burial of his wife, duke Hsiang of 
Sung 2 placed (in the grave) a hundred jars of 
vinegar and pickles. 3& n g*J ze sa id, 'They are called 
" vessels only to the eye of fancy," and yet he filled 

20. After the mourning rites for Mang Hsien-jze, 
the chief minister of his family made his subordinates 
return their money-offerings to all the donors. The 
Master said that such a thing was allowable. 

21. About the reading of the list of the material 
contributions (towards the service of a funeral), 3 an g- 

1 On death, the body was lifted from the couch, and laid on the 
ground. When there was no response to the recalling of the 
spirit, it was returned to the couch and dressed. A practice seems 
to have arisen of slightly dressing it on the ground, which Pin 
did not wish to follow. 3ze~yu ought to have told him that his 
proposal was according to rule ; whereas he expressed his permis- 
sion of it, — a piece of arrogance, which Hsien-jze condemned. 

' Hsiang died in b. c. 637. 

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jze said, ' It is not an ancient practice; it is a second 
announcement (to the departed) 1 !' 

22. When .Oang-jze Kao was lying ill, A^ing 1 
went in to see him, and asked his (parting) commands, 
saying, ' Your disease, Sir, is severe. If it should 
go on to be the great illness, what are we to do ? ' 
3ze-klo said, ' I have heard that in life we should be 
of use to others, and in death should do them no 
harm. Although I may have been of no use to 
others during my life, shall I do them any harm by 
my death ? When I am dead, choose a piece of 
barren ground, and bury me there.' 

23. 3 ze ~h s & asked the Master (how one should 
deport himself) during the mourning for the ruler's 
mother or wife, (and the reply was), ' In sitting and 
stopping with others, in his conversation, and when 
eating and drinking, he should appear to be at ease 2 .' 

24. When a stranger-visitor arrived, and had no- 
where to lodge, the Master would say, ' While he 
is alive, let him lodge with me. Should he die, I 
will see to his coffining 8 .' 

25. Kwo-jze Kao* said, 'Burying means hiding 

1 The contributions had been announced by the bier, as if to 
the departed, and a record of them made. To read the list, as is 
here supposed, as the procession was about to set forth, was a 
vain-glorious proceeding, which 3&ng-}ze thus derided. 

* The supplements in this paragraph are from the ' Narratives 
of the School' Some contend that the whole should be read as 
what 3ze-hsi& said, and that the Master gave him no reply, dis- 
approving of his sentiments. 

3 This paragraph, like the preceding, appears in rather a dif- 
ferent form in the ' Narratives of the School.' 

* Kwo-jze Kio was the same as the .Oang-jze Kio of par. 23. 
Kwo was the surname, and A^ang the posthumous title. It is 
difficult to decide between Kwo-jze Klo and Kwo &ze-bJLo. 

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156 THE lAst. 

BK. II. 

away ; and that hiding (of the body) is from a wish 
that men should not see it. Hence there are the 
clothes sufficient for an elegant covering ; the 
coffin all round about the clothes ; the shell all 
round about the coffin; and the earth all round 
about the shell. And shall we farther raise a 
mound over the grave and plant it with trees?' 

26. At the mourning for Confucius, there came 
a man from Yen to see (what was done), and 
lodged at 3 z e-hsia's. 3 z e-hsia said to him, ' If it 
had been for the sage's conducting a burial, (there 
would have been something worthy to see); but 
what is there to see in our burying of the sage ? 
Formerly the Master made some remarks to me, 
saying, " I have seen some mounds made like a raised 
hall; others like a dyke on a river's bank; others 
like the roof of a large house ; and others in the 
shape of an axe-head." We have followed the axe- 
shape, making what is called the horse-mane mound. 
In one day we thrice shifted the frame-boards, and 
completed the mound. I hope we have carried out 
the wish of the Master.' 

27. Women (in mourning) do not (change) the 
girdle made of dolichos fibre. 

28. When new offerings (of grain or fruits) are 
presented (beside the body in the coffin), they should 
be (abundant), like the offerings on the first day of 
the moon. 

29. When the interment has taken place, every- 
one should make a change in his mourning dress. 

30. The gutters of the tent-like frame over the 
coffin should be like the double gutters of a house. 

31. When a ruler succeeds to his state, he makes 

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his coffin, and thereafter varnishes it once a year, 
keeping it deposited away. 

32. Calling the departed back ; plugging the teeth 
open; keeping the feet straight; filling the mouth; 
dressing the corpse ; and curtaining the hall : — 
these things are set about together. The uncles 
and elder cousins give their charges to those who 
are to communicate the death (to friends). 

33. The (soul of a deceased) ruler is called back 
in his smaller chambers, and the large chamber ; in 
the smaller ancestral temples and in the great one ; 
and at the gate leading to the court of the external 
audience, and in the suburbs all round. 

34. Why do they leave the offerings of the mourn- 
ing rites uncovered ? May they do so with the flesh 
of sacrifice * ? 

35. When the coffining has taken place, in ten days 
after, provision should be made for the materials (for 
the shell), and for the vessels to the eye of fancy. 

36. The morning offerings should be set forth 
(beside the body) at sunrise ; the evening when the 
sun is about to set. 

37. In mourning for a parent, there is no restric- 
tion to (set) times for wailing. If one be sent on a 
mission, he must announce his return (to the spirits 
of his departed). 

38. After the twelfth month of mourning, the 
(inner) garment should be of white silk, with a yellow 

1 This short paragraph is difficult to construe. The A%ien-Iung 
editors seem to approve of another interpretation of it ; but even 
that is not without its difficulties. The flesh of sacrifice, it is said, 
left uncovered, would become unfit for use or to be sold. 

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158 THE Li Zt. 3JC.ii. 

lining, and having the collar and the edges of the 
cuffs of a light purple. The waist-band should be of 
dolichos cloth ; the shoes of hempen string, without 
the usual ornaments at the points ; and the ear-plugs 
of horn. The lining of the deer's-fur (for winter) 
should be made broader and with longer cuffs, and a 
robe of thin silk may be worn over it 1 . 

39. When (a parent's) corpse has been coffined, if 
the son hear of mourning going on for a cousin at 
a distance, he must go (to condole), though the 
relationship would only require the three months' 
mourning. If the mourning be for a neighbour, who 
is not a relative, he does not go. 

At (the mourning) for an acquaintance, he must 
pay visits of condolence to all his brethren, though 
they might not have lived with him. * 

40. The coffin of the son of Heaven is fourfold. 
The hides of a water-buffalo and a rhinoceros, over- 
lapping each other, (form the first), three inches in 
thickness. Then there is a coffin of I wood 2 , and 
there are two of the Rottlera. The four are all 
complete enclosures. The bands for the (composite) 
coffin are (five) ; two straight, and three cross ; with 
a double wedge under each band (where it is on 
the edge). 

1 The outer sackcloth remained unchanged; but inside it was 
now worn this robe of white silk, a good deal ornamented. Inside 
this and over the deer's-fur in winter might be worn another robe 
of thin silk, through which the fur was seen. Inside the fur was 
what we should call the shirt, always worn. 

8 Tracing the 1 tree, through the dictionaries from synonym 
to synonym, we come at last to identify it with the ' white aspen ;' 
whether correctly or not I do not know. 

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The shell is of cypress wood, in pieces six cubits 
long, from the trunk near the root. 

41. When the son of Heaven is wailing for a feu- 
dal prince, he wears the bird's-(head) cap 1 , a headband 
of sackcloth, and black robes. Some one says, ' He 
employs an officer to wail for him.' While so en- 
gaged, he has no music at his meals. 

42. When the son of Heaven is put into his coffin 
it is surrounded with boards plastered over, and (rests 
on the hearse), on whose shafts are painted dragons, 
so as to form a (kind of) shell. Then over the coffin 
is placed a pall with the axe-heads figured on it 
This being done, it forms a plastered house. Such 
is the rule for (the coffining of) the son of Heaven*. 

43. It is only at the mourning rites for the son of 
Heaven that the feudal princes are arranged for the 
wailing according to their different surnames. 

44. Duke Ai of Lti eulogised Khung KAiti in the 
words, ' Heaven has not left the old man, and there 
is no one to assist me in my place. Oh ! Alas ! 
Ni-fu 3 !' 

45. When a state had lost a large tract of terri- 

1 This cap, it is said, was of leather, of the dark colour of a 
male sparrow's head. Hence its name. 

* See Book XIX. 

' Confucius' death took place on the 18th of the fourth month 
of duke Ai's 16th year, B.C. 479. The eulogy is given somewhat 
differently in the 3o ATwan under that year: 'Compassionate 
Heaven vouchsafes me no comfort, and has not left me the aged 
man, to support me, the One man, on my seat. Dispirited I am, 
and full of distress. Woe is me 1 Alas 1 O Nt-ffl. There is no 
one now to be a rule to me I ' Kh\& was Confucius' name, and 
JTung-ni his designation ! After this eulogy, Nf-fu was for a time 
his posthumous title. 

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l6o THE Ll k\. 

be. H. 

tory with its cities, the highest and other ministers, 
and the Great and other officers, all wailed in the 
grand ancestral temple, in mourning caps, for three 
days ; and the ruler (for the same time) had no full 
meal with music. Some one says, ' The ruler has 
his full meals and music, but wails at the altar to the 
spirit of the land.' 

46. Confucius disliked those who wailed in the 
open fields 1 . 

47. (A son) who has not been in office should not 
presume to give away anything belonging to the 
family. If he should have to do so a , he ought to have 
the order of his father or elder brother for the act. 

48. When the (ordinary) officers 3 are all entered, 
then (the chief mourner and all the others) fall to their 
leaping, morning and evening. 

49. After the service on the conclusion of the 
twenty-fourth month of mourning, the plain white 
cap is assumed. In that month the service on 
leaving off mourning is performed, and after another 
month (the mourners) may take to their music*. 

50. The ruler may confer on any officer the 
small curtain (as a pall for his father's coffin). 

1 It was the rule to mourn in the open country for an acquaint- 
ance. See p. 134. There must have been some irregularity in 
the practice adverted to. 

1 That is, supposing him to have been in office; though some 
suppose that the necessity might arise, even in the case of a son 
who had not been in office. 

' Of course the higher officers must also be there. This refers 
to the mourning rites for a ruler. 

* See the note on page 130. It is difficult, notwithstanding all 
the references to it, to say definitely in what month the than 
sacrifice was performed. 

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Section II. Part I. 

i. (At the funeral of) a ruler's eldest son by his 
acknowledged wife, who has died under age, there 
are three (small) carriages (with the flesh of sacri- 
fice to be put in the grave). At that of an eldest 
son by one of his concubines, dying under age, 
there is one such carriage ; as at the funeral of the 
eldest rightful son of a Great officer in the same 
circumstances \ 

2. At the mourning rites for a feudal lord, his 
chief officers who had received their appointments 
directly from him, carried their staffs. 

3. When a Great officer of a state was about to 
be buried, its ruler (went to) condole with (his son) 
in the hall where the coffin was. When it was 

1 This refers to a strange custom which was practised at the 
burial of men of rank, or of others who were treated as such, as 
in the cases here. ' The carriages employed in it,' says Ying-ta, 
' were very small. When the funeral car was about to set off from 
the temple, and all to be done at the grave was arranged, they 
took portions of the bodies which had supplied the offerings put 
down by the coffin, broke them in small pieces, wrapped them up, 
and placed them in these carriages, to be conveyed after the car. 
At the grave the little bundles were placed one by one, inside the 
outer shell at its four corners.' The number of these small car- 
riages varied according to the rank of the deceased. We shall 
find the practice mentioned again and again. It is not easy for a 
foreigner fully to understand it, and I have found great haziness in 
the attempts of native scholars to explain it. ' The eldest sons ' 
would have died between sixteen and nineteen. 

[*7] M 

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1 62 THE Lt K\. 

BE. II. 

being taken out, he ordered some one to draw the 
(bier-carriage) for him. This moved on for three 
paces and stopped ; in all for three times ; after which 
the ruler retired. The same proceeding was gone 
through, when the bier entered the ancestral temple, 
and also at the place of (special) grief 1 . 

4. Men of fifty, who had no carriage, did not 
make visits of condolence beyond the boundaries 
(of their states). 

5. When K\ Wu-jze was lying ill in his chamber, 
Alao Ku entered and appeared before him without 
taking off the mourning with its even edges (which 
he happened to wear). ' This practice,' said he, ' has 
nearly fallen into disuse. But it is only at the 
gate of the ruler that an officer should take off 
such mourning as I have on.' Wu-jze replied, 
' Is it not good that you should act thus 2 ? A 
superior man illustrates the smallest points (of 

At the mourning rites for Wu-jze, 3& n g Tien 
leant against his gate and sang 3 . 

6. If a Great officer pay a visit of condolence 

1 Where visitors had been lodged during the mourning rites, 
outside the great gate. 

1 Wu-j|ze was the posthumous title of Ai-sun Suh, the prin- 
cipal minister of Lu in the time of duke Hsiang (b. c. 572-543). 
He was arrogant, and made other officers pay to him the same 
observances as to the ruler ; but he was constrained to express his 
approval of the bold rectitude of KMko. 

* This is added by the writer, and implies a condemnation of 
Sang Tien, who did not know how to temper his censure of the 
minister, as ATiao Ku had done. But there must be an error in 
the passage. Tien (the father of 3&ng Shin) could have been 
but a boy whsn Wu-jze died. 

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(to an ordinary officer), and he arrive when (the 
latter) is occupied with the business of the occasion, 
an apology is made (for not coming to the gate to 
receive him). 

7. When one has paid a visit of condolence, he 
should not on the same day show manifestations 
of joy *. 

8. A wife should not go beyond the boundaries 
of the state on a visit of condolence. 

9. On the day when he has made a visit of con- 
dolence, one should not drink spirits nor eat flesh. 

10. When one pays a visit of condolence, and 
the arrangements for the funeral are going on, he 
should take hold of the ropes (attached to the car). 
Those who follow to the grave should take hold 
of those attached to the coffin. 

11. During the mourning rites, if the ruler send 
a message of condolence, there must be some one 
to acknowledge it, by bowing to the messenger. 
A friend, or neighbour, or even a temporary resi- 
dent in the house, may perform the duty. The 
message is announced in the words : — ' Our un- 
worthy ruler wishes to take part in your (sad) 
business.' The chief mourner responds : — ' We ac- 
knowledge your presence with his message V 

12. When a ruler meets a bier on the way, he 
must send some one to present his condolences (to 
the chief mourner). 

1 Or it may be, 'should not have music;' toning one of the 
characters differently. 

* It is supposed that the deceased had left no son to preside 
at the mourning rites. 

M 2 

Digitized by 


164 THE hi kI. 

BK. II. 

13. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, 
a son by an inferior wife should not receive the 
condolences \ 

14. On the death of his wife's brother who was 
the successor of their father, (the husband) should 
wail for him in (the court of) the principal chamber 2 . 
He should appoint his (own) son to preside (on the 
occasion). With breast unbared and wearing the 
cincture instead of the cap, he wails and leaps. When 
he enters on the right side of the gate, he should 
make some one stand outside it, to inform comers 
of the occasion of the wailing ; and those who were 
intimate (with the deceased) will enter and wail. 
If his own father be in the house, the wailing 
should take place (before) his wife's chamber. If 
(the deceased) were not the successor of his father, 
the wailing should take place before a different 

15. If a man have the coffin of a parent in his 
hall, and hear of mourning going on for a cousin 
of the same surname at a distance, he wails for 
him in a side apartment If there be no such 
apartment, he should wail in the court on the right 
of the gate. If the deceased's body be in the same 
state, he should go to the place, and wail for him 

16. When 3ze-^ang died, 3&ng-jze was in mourn- 
ing for his mother, and went in his mourning dress 

1 But if there be no son by the wife proper, the oldest son by 
an inferior wife may receive the condolences. See the A'Aien-lung 
editors in loc. 

1 For some reason or other he has not gone to the house of the 
deceased, to wail for him there. 

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to wail for him. Some one said, 'That dress of 
sackcloth with its even edges is not proper for 
a visit of condolence.' S^ng-pe replied, 'Am I 
condoling (with the living) ?' 

1 7. At the mourning rites for Yu Zo, duke Tao l 
came to condole. 3 ze_ y u received him, and intro- 
duced him by (the steps on) the left *. 

18. When the news was sent from KhS. of the 
mourning for the king's daughter who had been 
married to the marquis, duke A"wang of Lu wore 
the nine months' mourning for her. Some have 
said, ' She was married from Lu ■ ; therefore he wore 
the same mourning for her as for a sister of his 
own.' Others have said, 'She was his mother's 
mother, and therefore he wore it.' 

19. At the mourning rites for duke Hsien of 3»n. 
duke Mu of A^in sent a messenger to present his 
condolences to Hsien's son Khung-r (who was then 
an exile), and to add this message : — ' I have heard 
that a time like this is specially adapted to the 

1 b.c. 467-431. Yu Zo had been a disciple of Confucius, and 
here we find the greater follower of the sage, 3ze-yu, present and 
assisting at the mourning rites for him. 

* That is, the prince went up to the hall by the steps on the 
east, set apart for the use of the master and father of the house. 
But the ruler was master everywhere in his state, as the king was 
in his kingdom. An error prevailed on this matter, and 3ze-yu 
took the opportunity to correct it. 

* That is, she had gone from the royal court to Lu, and been 
married thence under the superintendence of the marquis of that 
state, who also was of the royal surname. This was a usual 
practice in the marriage of kings' daughters; and it was on this 
account the lord of the officiating state wore mourning for them. 
The relationship assigned in the next clause is wrong; and so 
would have been the mourning mentioned, if it had been correct. 

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1 66 the lJ kI. 

RK. II. 

losing of a state, or the gaining of a state. Though 
you, my son, are quiet here, in sorrow and in 
mourning, your exile should not be allowed to con- 
tinue long, and the opportunity should not be lost. 
Think of it and take your measures, my young son.' 
Kh\mg-r reported the words to his maternal uncle 
Fan, who said, ' My son, decline the proffer. An exile 
as you are, nothing precious remains to you ; but 
a loving regard for your father is to be considered 
precious. How shall the death of a father be told ? 
And if you take advantage of it to seek your own 
profit, who under heaven will be able to give a 
good account of your conduct ? Decline the proffer, 
my son.' 

On this the prince replied to his visitor : — ' The 
ruler has kindly (sent you) to condole with his 
exiled servant My person in banishment, and my 
father dead, so that I cannot take any share in the 
sad services of wailing and weeping for him ; — this 
has awakened the sympathy of the ruler. But how 
shall the death of a father be described ? Shall 
I presume (on occasion of it) to think of any other 
thing, and prove myself unworthy of your ruler's 
righteous regard ?' With this he laid his head to 
the ground, but did not bow (to the visitor) ; wailed 
and then arose, and after he had risen did not enter 
into any private conversation with him. 

3ze-hsien reported the execution of his commis- 
sion to duke Mu, who said, ' Truly virtuous is this 
prince KAung-r. In laying his forehead on the 
ground and not bowing (to the messenger), he 
acknowledged that he was not his father's successor, 
and therefore he did not complete the giving of 
thanks. In wailing before he rose, he showed how 

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he loved his father. In having no private con- 
versation after he arose, he showed how he put 
from him the thought of gain V 

20. The keeping the curtain up before the coffin 
with the corpse in it was not a custom of antiquity. 
It originated with the wailing of Alng Alang for 
Mu-po *. 

21. The rites of mourning are the extreme 
expression of grief and sorrow. The graduated 
reduction of that expression in accordance with the 
natural changes (of time and feeling) was made by 
the superior men, mindful of those to whom we 
owe our being s . 

22. Calling (the soul) back is the way in which 
love receives its consummation, and has in it the 
mind which is expressed by prayer. The looking 
for it to return from the dark region is a way of 
seeking for it among the spiritual beings. The 
turning the face to the north springs from the idea 
of its being in the dark region. 

23. Bowing to the (condoling) visitor, and laying 
the forehead on the ground are the most painful 
demonstrations of grief and sorrow. The laying 
the forehead in the ground is the greatest expres- 
sion of the pain (from the bereavement). 

1 Fully to understand this paragraph, one must know more 
particulars of the history of KAung-r, and his relations with his 
father and the duke of KMn, than can be given here in a note. 
He became the ablest of the five chiefs of the KAun Ajiiu period. 

9 This was a prudish action of the young widow, but it changed 
an old custom and introduced a new one. 

* This has respect to the modifications adopted in regulating 
the mourning rites for parents. 

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1 68 THE Lt Kl. 

BK. II. 

24. Filling the mouth with rice uncooked and fine 
shells arises from a feeling which cannot bear that 
it should be empty. The idea is not that of giving 
food ; and therefore these fine things are used. 

25. The inscription 1 forms a banner to the eye 
of fancy. Because (the person of) the deceased 
can no longer be distinguished, therefore (the son) 
by this flag maintains the remembrance of him. 
From his love for him he makes this record. His 
reverence for him finds in this its utmost expression. 

26. The first tablet for the spirit (with this in- 
scription on it) serves the same purpose as that 
(subsequently) placed in the temple, at the conclu- 
sion of the mourning rites. Under the Yin dynasty 
the former was still kept. Under the K&u, it was 
removed l . 

27. The offerings to the unburied dead are placed 
in plain unornamented vessels, because the hearts 

* This inscription contained the surname, name, and rank of 
the deceased. It was at first written, I suppose, on a strip of silk, 
and fastened up under the eaves above the steps on the east In 
the meantime a tablet of wood called Khxxag, the first character 
in the next paragraph, and for which I have given ' The first 
tablet for the spirit,' was prepared. The inscription was trans- 
ferred to it, and it was set up on or by the coffin, now having the 
body in it, and by and by it was removed to the east of the coffin 
pit, where it remained till after the interment. 

The observances in this paragraph and the next remain substan- 
tially the same at the present day. ' The bier,' writes Wang ThSo, 
' is placed in the apartment, and the tablet with the inscription, as a 
resting-place for the spirit, is set up, while the offerings are set 
forth near it morning and evening. After the interment this tablet 
is burned, and the permanent tablet (jjjljj i ) is made, before which 
the offerings are presented at the family sacrifices from generation to 
generation. Thus " the dead are served as the living have been." ' 

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of the living are full of unaffected sorrow. It is 
only in the sacrifices (subsequent to the interment), 
that the principal mourner does his utmost (in the 
way of ornament). Does he know that the spirit 
will enjoy (his offerings) ? He is guided only by 
his pure and reverent heart. 

28. Beating the breast (by the women), and leap- 
ing (by the men) are extreme expressions of grief. 
But the number of such acts is limited. There are 
graduated rules for them. 

29. Baring the shoulders and binding up the hair 
(with the band of sackcloth) are changes, (showing) 
the excited feeling which is a change in the grief. 
The removal of the (usual) ornaments and elegancies 
(of dress) has manifold expression, but this baring 
of the shoulders and the sackcloth band are the 
chief. But now the shoulders are quite bared, and 
anon they are covered (with a thin garment) ; — 
marking gradations in the grief. 

30. At the interment they used the cap of plain 
white (silk), and the headband of dolichos fibre ; 
thinking these more suitable for their intercourse 
with (the departed) now in their spirit -state. The 
feeling of reverence had now arisen. The people 
of K§m use the pi en cap at interments; those of 
Yin used the hsU 1 . 

1 The 'Three Rituals Explained* (H f| M M )' ch> 2 3 8 ' 
give the figures of these caps thus : — 

The hstt Tf Y77 The P ien WW 

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1 70 THE ii jet. BK. II. 

31. The gruel of the chief mourner (the son), 
the presiding wife \ and the steward of the family 
(of a Great officer) is taken by them at the order of 
the ruler lest they should get ill. 

32. On returning (from the grave) to wail, (the 
son) should ascend the hall (of the ancestral temple) ; 
— returning to the place where (the deceased) per- 
formed his rites. The presiding wife should enter 
the chamber; — returning to the place where he 
received his nourishment. 

33. Condolences should be presented (to the son) 
when he returns (from the grave) and is wailing, 
at which time his grief is at its height He has 
returned, and (his father) is not to be seen ; he feels 
that he has lost him. (His grief is) then most 
intense. Under the Yin, they presented condo- 
lences immediately at the grave ; under the A'au, 
when the son had returned and was wailing. Con- 
fucius said, ' Yin was too blunt ; I follow K&a.' 

34. To bury on the north (of the city), and with 
the head (of the dead) turned to the north, was the 
common practice of the three dynasties : — because 
(the dead) go to the dark region. 

35. When the coffin has been let down into the 
grave, the chief mourner presents the (ruler's) gifts 
(to the dead in the grave 2 ), and the officer of prayer 
(returns beforehand) to give notice of the sacrifice of 
repose s to him who is to personate the departed. 

' This would be the wife of the deceased, or the wife of his son. 

2 These were some rolls of purplish silks, sent by the ruler as 
his parting gifts, when the hearse-car reached the city gate on its 
way to the grave. 

* Where was the spirit of the departed now ? The bones and 

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36. When he has returned and wailed, the chief 
mourner with the (proper) officer inspects the victim. 
(In the meantime other) officers have set out a stool 
and mat with the necessary offerings on the left of 
the grave 1 . They return, and at midday the sacri- 
fice of repose is offered K 

37. The sacrifice is offered on the day of inter- 
ment; they cannot bear that the departed should 
be left a single day (without a place to rest in). 

38. On that day the offerings, (previously) set 
forth (by the coffin), are exchanged for the sacrifice 
of repose. The (continuous) wailing is ended, and 
they say, ' The business is finished.' 

39. On that day the sacrifices of mourning 
were exchanged for one of joy. The next day 
the service of placing the spirit-tablet of the 
departed next to that of his grandfather was 

40. The change to an auspicious sacrifice took 
place on that day, and the placing the tablet in its 
place on the day succeeding : — (the son) was unable 

flesh had returned to the dust, but the soul-spirit might be any- 
where (£J| ^ ^ #f ^ ^ [ = 3g\). To afford it a rest- 
ing-place, the permanent tablet was now put in the shrine, and 
this sacrifice of repose (Jft [ = 4r] ^J£) was offered, so that the 
son might be able to think that his father was never far from him. 
For a father of course the personator was a male; for a mother, 
a female ; but there are doubts on this point 

1 For the spirit of the ground. 

* If the grave were too far distant to allow all this to be trans- 
acted before midday, then the sacrifice was performed in the 
chamber where the coffin had rested. So says Wang Thao on the 
authority of Zan Yl-shang (fa. fig jg\ 

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172 THE U Art. 

BK. II. 

to bear that (the spirit of the departed) should be a 
single day without a resting-place. 

41. Under the Yin, the tablet was put in its place 
on the change of the mourning at the end of twelve 
months ; under the AUu, when the (continuous) 
wailing was over. Confucius approved the practice 
of Yin. 

42. When a ruler went to the mourning rites for 
a minister, he took with him a sorcerer with a peach- 
wand, an officer of prayer with his reed-(brush), and 
a lance-bearer, — disliking (the presence of death), 
and to make his appearance different from (what it 
was at any affair of) life 1 . In the mourning rites it 
is death that is dealt with, and the ancient kings 
felt it difficult to speak of this 2 . 

43. The ceremony in the mourning rites of (the 
coffined corpse) appearing in the court (of the ances- 
tral temple) is in accordance with the filial heart of the 
deceased. He is (supposed to be) grieved at leaving 
his chamber, and therefore he is brought to the 
temple of his fathers, and then (the coffin) goes on 
its way. 

Under the Yin, the body was thus presented and 
then coffined in the temple ; under the A'au the 
interment followed immediately after its presenta- 
tion (in the coffin). 

44. Confucius said, ' He who made the vessels 

1 When visiting a minister when alive, the ruler was accom- 
panied by the lance-bearer, but not by those other officers ; — there 
was the difference between life and death. 

* 1 suspect that the sorcerer and exorcist were ancient super- 
stitions, not established by the former kings, but with which they 
did not care to interfere by saying anything about them. 

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which are so (only) in imagination, knew the prin- 
ciples underlying the mourning rites. They were 
complete (to all appearance), and yet could not be 
used. Alas! if for the dead they had used the 
vessels of the living, would there not have been 
a danger of this leading to the interment of the 
living with the dead?' 

45. They were called 'vessels in imagination,' 
(the dead) being thus treated as spiritual intelli- 
gences. From of old there were the carriages of 
clay and the figures of straw, — in accordance with 
the idea in these vessels in imagination. Confucius 
said that the making of the straw figures was good, 
and that the making of the (wooden) automaton was 
not benevolent. — Was there not a danger of its 
leading to the use of (living) men ? 

Part II. 

1. Duke Mu 1 asked 3 ze_ sze whether it was the 
way of antiquity for a retired officer still to wear the 
mourning for his old ruler. ' Princes of old,' was the 
reply, 'advanced men and dismissed them equally 
according to the rules of propriety ; and hence there 
was that rule about still wearing mourning for the 
old ruler. But nowadays princes advance men as 
if they were going to take them on their knees, and 
dismiss them as if they were going to push them into 
an abyss. Is it not good if (men so treated) do not 
head rebellion ? How should there be the observ- 
ance of that rule about still wearing mourning (for 
old rulers) ?' 

1 Of Lfl, b.c. 409-377. 

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174 THE L * K< 1- 

BK. II. 

2. At the mourning rites for duke Tao 1 , Ki 
A'do-jze asked Mang Alng-jze what they should 
eat (to show their grief) for the ruler. Alng-jze 
replied, ' To eat gruel is the general rule for all the 
kingdom.' (The other said), ' It is known through- 
out the four quarters that we three ministers 2 have 
not been able to live in harmony with the ducal 
house. I could by an effort make myself emaciated ; 
but would it not make men doubt whether I was 
doing so in sincerity ? I will eat rice as usual.' 

3. When Sze-thu ATing-jze of Wei died, 3ze-hs& 
made a visit of condolence (to his house) ; and, 
though the chief mourner had not completed the 
slight dressing (of the corpse), he went in the head- 
band and robe of mourning. 3 ze_ y u P a i°" a similar 
visit ; and, when the chief mourner had completed 
the slight dressing, he went out, put on the bands, 
returned and wailed. 3 ze "hsia said to him, ' Did 
you ever hear (that) that (was the proper method to 
observe) ?' 'I heard the Master say,' was the reply, 
' that until the chief mourner had changed his dress, 
one should not assume the mourning bands 3 .' 

4. 3 an g-J z e said, 'An-jze may be said to have 
known well the rules of propriety ; — he was humble 
and reverent' Yu Zo said, 'An-jze wore the same 
(robe of) fox-fur for thirty years. (At the burial of 

1 b.c. 467-43 x > 

9 The heads of the .Aung-sun, Shu-sun, and iH-sun families ; 
whose power Confucius had tried in vain to break. 

* In this case 3ze-yu was correct, according to rule, following 
the example of the chief mourner. Sze-thu was a name of office, 
— the ministry of Instruction ; but it had become in this case the 
family name ; from some ancestor of ATing-jze, who had been 
minister of Instruction. 

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his father), he had only one small carriage (with the 
offerings to be put into the grave 1 ) ; and he returned 
immediately from the grave (without showing the 
usual attentions to his guests). The ruler of a state 
has seven bundles of the offerings, and seven such 
small carriages for them, and a Great officer five. 
How can it be said that An-jze knew propriety?' 
3&ng-jze replied, ' When a state is not well governed, 
the superior man is ashamed to observe all cere- 
monies to the full. Where there is extravagance 
in the administration of the state, he shows an 
example of economy. If the administration be 
economical, he shows an example of (the strict) 
observance of all rules.' 

5. On the death of the mother of Kwo A'ao-jze, 
he asked 3ze-£ang, saying, ' At the interment, when 
(all) are at the grave, what should be the places of 
the men and of the women ?' fae-fang said, 'At 
the mourning rites for Sze-thu Alng-jze, when the 
Master directed the ceremonies, the men stood with 
their faces to the west and the women stood with 
theirs to the east' 'Ah!' said the other, 'that 
will not do;' adding, 'All will be here to see these 
mourning rites of mine. Do you take the sole 
charge of them. Let the guests be the guests, 
while I (alone) act as the host Let the women 
take their places behind the men, and all have their 
faces towards the west 2 .' 

1 See the note on paragraph 1, page 161. An-jze was the chief 
minister of Kh\. 

* ' The master ' here would seem to be Confucius ; and yet he 
died before Sze-thu A'ing-jze. There are other difficulties in parts 
of the paragraph. 

Digitized by 


176 THE Li JcJ. 

BK. IT. 

6. At the mourning for Mu-po (her husband), 
Alng A*iang wailed for him in the daytime, and at 
that for Wan-po (her son), she wailed for him both 
in the daytime and the night. Confucius said, 
'She knows the rules of propriety 1 .' 

At the mourning for Wan-po, Alng Jdang (once) 
put her hand on the couch (where his body lay), and 
without wailing said, ' Formerly, when I had this 
son, I thought that he would be a man of worth. 
(But) I never went with him to the court (to see his 
conduct there) ; and now that he is dead, of all his 
friends, the other ministers, there is no one that has 
shed tears for him, while the members of his harem 
all wail till they lose their voices. This son must 
have committed many lapses in his observance of 
the rules of propriety ! ' 

7. When the mother of AH Khang-jze died, (her 
body was laid out with) her private clothes dis- 
played. A"ing Alang (Khang-jze's grand-uncle's 
wife) said, 'A wife does not dare to see her hus- 
band's parents without the ornament (of her upper 
robes) ; and there will be the guests from all 
quarters coming ; — why are her under-clothes 
displayed here ?' With this she ordered them 
to be removed. 

8. Yu-jze and 3 z e-yu were standing together 
when they saw (a mourner) giving all a child's 
demonstrations of affection. Yu-jze said, ' I have 
never understood this leaping in mourning, and. 
have long wished to do away with it. The sincere 
feeling (of sorrow) which appears here is right, (and 

1 It is said, ' She mourned for her husband according to pro- 
priety ; for her son according to her feelings.' 

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should be sufficient).' 3 ze_ y u replied, ' In the rules 
of propriety, there are some intended to lessen the 
(display of) feeling, and there are others which 
purposely introduce things (to excite it). To give 
direct vent to the feeling and act it out as by a 
short cut is the way of the rude ^ung and Tl. 
The method of the rules is not so. When a man 
rejoices, he looks pleased ; when pleased, he thereon 
sings ; when singing, he sways himself about ; sway- 
ing himself about, he proceeds to dancing; from 
dancing, he gets into a state of wild excitement 1 ; 
that excitement goes on to distress ; distress ex- 
presses itself in sighing; sighing is followed by 
beating the breast; and beating the breast by 
leaping. The observances to regulate all this are 
what are called the rules of propriety. 

'When a man dies, there arises a feeling of 
disgust (at the corpse). Its impotency goes on 
to make us revolt from it On this account, there 
is the wrapping it in the shroud, and there are the 
curtains, plumes (and other ornaments of the coffin), 
to preserve men from that feeling of disgust. Im- 
mediately after death, the dried flesh and pickled 
meats are set out (by the side of the corpse). 
When the interment is about to take place, there 
are the things sent and offered (at the grave) ; and 
after the interment, there is the food presented (in 
the sacrifices of repose). The dead have never 
been seen to partake of these things. But from 

1 Evidently there is a lacuna in the text here ; there should be 
some mention of stamping. Many of the critics have seen this, 
especially the AT^ien-lung editors ; and various additions have been 
proposed by way of correction and supplement. 
[37] N 

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I78 THE Li Kl. 

BK. II. 

the highest ages to the present they have never 
been neglected ; — all to cause men not to revolt 
(from their dead). Thus it is that what you blame 
in the rules of propriety is really nothing that is 
wrong in them.' 

9. Wu made an incursion into A^an, destroying 
the (places of) sacrifice, and putting to death those 
who were suffering from a pestilence (which pre- 
vailed). When the army retired, and had left the 
territory, Phi, the Grand-administrator of JCJt&n, was 
sent to the army (of Wti). Fu A^ai (king of Wft) 
said to his internuncius I, ' This fellow has much to 
say. Let us ask him a question.' (Then, turning 
to the visitor), he said, ' A campaign must have 
a name. What name do men give to this expedi- 
tion?' The Grand-administrator said, 'Anciently, 
armies in their incursions and attacks did not hew 
down (trees about the) places of sacrifice ; did not 
slay sufferers from pestilence ; did not make captives 
of those whose hair was turning. But now, have 
not you in this campaign slain the sufferers from 
pestilence ? Do they not call it the sick-killing 
expedition ?' The king rejoined, ' If we give back 
your territory, and return our captives, what will 
you call it ? ' The reply was, ' O ruler and king, 
you came and punished the offences of our poor 
state. If the result of the campaign be that you 
now compassionate and forgive it, will the campaign 
be without its (proper) name 1 ?' 

1 This incursion must be that mentioned in the 3<> ATwan under 
b. c. 494. Various corruptions and disruptions of the text of the 
paragraph have to be rectified, however; and the interpretation is 
otherwise difficult. 

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10. Yen Ting 1 deported himself skilfully during 
his mourning. Immediately after the death (of his 
father), he looked grave and restless, as if he were 
seeking for something, and could not find it. When 
the coffining had taken place, he looked expectant, 
as if he were following some one and could not get 
up with him. After the interment he looked sad, 
and as if, not getting his father to return (with him), 
he would wait for him 2 . 

11. j$ asked, saying, 'The Book of His- 
tory says, that Kao 3 un g for three years did not 
speak ; and that when he did his words were re- 
ceived with joy 8 . Was it so ?' Aung-nl replied, 
' Why should it not have been so ? Anciently, on 
the demise of the son of Heaven, the king, his heir, 
left everything to the chief minister for three years.' 

12. When ATih Tao-jze died 4 , before he was 
buried, duke Phing was (one day) drinking along 
with the music-master Kwang and LI Thiao. The 
bells struck up ; and when Tu Khwai, who was 
coming in from outside, heard them, he said, 'Where 
is the music ?' Being told that it was in the (princi- 
pal) apartment, he entered it ; and having ascended 
the steps one by one, he poured out a cup of spirits, 
and said, ' Kwang, drink this.' He then poured out 
another, and said, ' Thiao, drink this.' He poured 
out a third cup ; and kneeling in the hall, with his 
face to the north, he drank it himself, went down 
the steps, and hurried out. 

1 An officer of LA. 

' Compare above, paragraph 17, p. 137 et aL 
' See vol. iii, p. 113. The Shu is not quoted exactly. 
* This was in b. c. 533. JTih Tao-jze was a great officer of 3in. 
See the story in the 3o .Swan under that year. 

N 2 

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180 THE ii ri. 

BK. II. 

Duke Phing called him in again, and said, 
' Khwai, just now I thought you had something 
in mind to enlighten me about, and therefore I did 
not speak to you. Why did you give the cup to 
Kwang?' 'On the days (A'ii-)jze and (A'l-)mao,' 
was the reply, ' there should be no music ; and now 
JCih. Tao-jze is (in his coffin) in his hall, and this 
should be a great jze or mao day. Kwang is the 
grand music-master, and did not remind you of this. 
It was on this account that I made him drink.' 

'And why did you give a cup to Thiao?' Tu 
Khwai said, ' Thiao is your lordship's favourite 
officer; and for this drinking and eating he forgot 
the fault you were committing. It was on this 
account I made him drink.' 

' And why did you drink a cup yourself?' Khwai 
replied, ' I am (only) the cook ; and neglecting my 
(proper work of) supplying you with knives and 
spoons, I also presumed to take my part in showing 
my knowledge of what should be prohibited. It 
was on this account that I drank a cup myself.' 

Duke Phing said, ' I also have been in fault. Pour . 
out a cup and give it to me.' Tu Khwai then 
rinsed the cup, and presented it. The duke said to 
the attendants, 'When I die, you must take care 
that this cup is not lost' Down to the present day, 
(at feasts in 3in), when the cups have been presented 
all round, they then raise up this cup, and say, ' It is 
that which Tu presented.' 

13. When Kung-shu Wan-jze died, his son Shu 
begged the ruler (of the state) to fix his honorary 
title, saying, 'The sun and moon have brought the 
time ; — we are about to bury him. I beg that you 
will fix the title, for which we shall change his name.' 

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The ruler said, ' Formerly when our state of Wei 
was suffering from a severe famine, your father had 
gruel made, and gave it to the famishing ; — was not 
this a proof of how kind he was ? Moreover, in a 
time of trouble 1 , he protected me at the risk of his 
own life ; — was not this a proof of how faithful he 
was ? And while he administered the government 
of Wei, he so maintained the regulations for the 
different classes, and conducted its intercourse with 
the neighbouring states all round, that its altars sus- 
tained no disgrace ; — was not this a proof of how 
accomplished he was ? Therefore let us call him 
"The Faithful, Kind, and Accomplished.'" 

14. Shih Tai-^ung died, leaving no son by his 
wife proper, and six sons by concubines. The 
tortoise-shell being consulted as to which of 
them should be the fathers successor, it was said 
that by their bathing and wearing of their girdle- 
pendants the indication would be given. Five 
of them accordingly bathed and put on the 
girdle-pendants with their gems. Shih KM-pe, 
however, said, 'Whoever, being engaged with the 
mourning rites for a parent, bathed his head or 
his body, and put on his girdle-pendants ? ' and he 
declined to do either, and this was considered to be 
the indication. The people of Wei considered that 
the tortoise-shell had shown a (true) knowledge. 

15. Khan 3ze -k\x having died in Wei, his wife and 
the principal officer of the family consulted together 

1 This was in b. c. 51*. Twice in the Analects (XIV, 14, 19) 
Kung-shuh Wan-jze, ' Kung-shu, the accomplished,' is mentioned. 
Whether he received the long honorary title given in the conclusion 
of this paragraph is considered doubtful. 

Digitized by 


1 82 THE hi jrf. 

BK. II. 

about burying some living persons (to follow him). 
When they had decided to do so, (his brother), KA&ii 
3ze-khang arrived 1 , and they informed him about 
their plan, saying, ' When the master was ill, (he was 
far away) and there was no provision for his nourish- 
ment in the lower world ; let us bury some persons 
alive (to supply it).' 3 z e-khang said, ' To bury living 
persons (for the sake of the dead) is contrary to what 
is proper. Nevertheless, in the event of his being 
ill, and requiring to be nourished, who are so fit for 
that purpose as his wife and steward ? If the thing 
can be done without, I wish it to be so. If it cannot 
be done without, I wish you two to be the parties for 
it.' On this the proposal was not carried into effect. 

1 6. 3ze-lu said, ' Alas for the poor ! While (their 
parents) are alive, they have not the means to 
nourish them ; and when they are dead, they have 
not the means to perform the mourning rites for 
them.' Confucius said, ' Bean soup, and water to 
drink, while the parents are made happy, may be 
pronounced filial piety. If (a son) can only wrap 
the body round from head to foot, and inter it 
immediately, without a shell, that being all which his 
means allow, he may be said to discharge (all) the 
rites of mourning.' 

17. Duke Hsien of Wei having (been obliged to) 
flee from the state, when he returned 8 , and had 

1 Kh&n 3ze-khang was one of the disciples of Confucius, 
mentioned in the Analects I, 10; VII, 25. It is difficult to follow 
the reasoning of the wife and steward in justification of their 

1 Duke Hsien fled from Wei in b.c 559, and returned to it 
in 547- 

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reached the suburbs (of the capital), he was about 
to grant certain towns and lands to those who had 
attended him in his exile before entering. Liu 
Awang said, 'If all had (remained at home) to 
guard the altars for you, who would have been able 
to follow you with halter and bridle ? And if all had 
followed you, who would have guarded the altars ? 
Your lordship has now returned to the state, and 
will it not be wrong for you to show a partial feel- 
ing?' The intended allotment did not take place. 

18. There was the grand historiographer of Wei, 
called Liu A"wang, lying ill. The duke said 1 , 'If 
the illness prove fatal, though I may be engaged at 
the time in sacrificing, you must let me know.' (It 
happened accordingly, and, on hearing the news), 
the duke bowed twice, laying his head to the 
ground, and begged permission from the personator 
of the dead, saying, ' There was the minister Liu 
A'wang, — not a minister of mine (merely), but a 
minister of the altars of the state. I have heard 
that he is dead, and beg leave to go (to his house).' 
On this, without putting off" his robes, he went ; and 
on the occasion presented them as his contribution 
(to the mourning rites). He also gave the deceased 
the towns of A^iu-shih and Hsien-fan-shih by a 
writing of assignment which was put into the coffin, 
containing the words : — ' For the myriads of his 
descendants, to hold from generation to generation 
without change.' 

19. When Kf&n Kan-hsl was lying ill, he assem- 
bled his brethren, and charged his son 3 un "^» 

1 The same duke Hsien of Wei. Khka HSo and others con- 
demn his action in this case. Readers may not agree with them. 

Digitized by 


184 THE ii jrf. 

BK. 11. 

saying, 'When I am dead, you must make my coffin 
large, and make my two concubines lie in it with 
me, one on each side.' When he died, his son said, 
'To bury the living with the dead is contrary to 
propriety; how much more must it be so to bury 
them in the same coffin 1 ' Accordingly he did not 
put the two ladies to death. 

20. Kxmg Sui died in Kkxxi ; and on the next 
day, which was Zan-wu, the sacrifice of the previous 
day was notwithstanding repeated (in the capital of 
Lu). When the pantomimes entered, however, 
they put away their flutes. Kvmg-tA said, ' It was 
contrary to rule. When a high minister dies, the 
sacrifice of the day before should not be repeated 1 .' 

21. When the mother of Ki Khang-jze died, 
Kung-shu Zo was still young. After the dressing 2 , 
Pan asked leave to let the coffin down into the 
grave by a mechanical contrivance. They were 
about to accede, when Kung-iien K\k said, ' No. 
According to the early practice in Lu, the ducal 
house used (for this purpose) the arrangement look- 
ing like large stone pillars, and the three families 
that like large wooden columns. Pan, you would, in 
the case of another man's mother, make trial of 
your ingenuity ; — could you not in the case of your 
own mother do so ? Would that distress you ? 
Bah !' They did not allow him to carry out his 
plan 8 . 

1 See this incident in the Chinese Classics, V, i, pp. 301, 302, 
where the account of it is discussed in a note. 

* This must be the greater dressing. 

3 Pan and Zo were probably the same man ; but we know that 
Pan lived at a later period. The incident in this paragraph there- 
fore is doubted. 

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22. During the fight at Lang 1 , Kung-shu Zu-san 
saw (many of) the men, carrying their clubs on their 
shoulders, entering behind the shelter of the small 
wall, and said, ' Although the services required of 
them are distressing, and the burdens laid on them 
heavy, (they ought to fight); but though our 
superiors do not form (good) plans, it is not right 
that soldiers should not be prepared to die. This 
is what I say.' On this along with Wang t, a youth, 
(the son) of a neighbour, he went forward, and both 
of them met their death. 

The people of Lu wished to bury the lad Wang I 
not as one who had died prematurely, and asked 
A!ung-nl about the point. He said, 'As he was 
able to bear his shield and spear in the defence 
of our altars, may you not do as you wish, and bury 
him as one who has not died prematurely ?' 

23. When 3 z e-lu was going away from Lu, he 
said to Yen Yuan, 'What have you to send me 
away with?' ' I have heard,' was the reply, 'that, 
when one is leaving his state, he wails at the graves 
(of his fathers), and then takes his journey, while on 
his return to it, he does not wail, but goes to look at 
the graves, and (then) enters (the city).' He then 
said to 3 z e-l u » ' And what have you to leave with 
me here ?' ' I have heard,' was the reply, ' that, 
when you pass by a grave, you should bow forward 
to the cross-bar, and, when you pass a place of 
sacrifice, you should dismount.' 

24. Shang Yang, director of Works (in Khil), and 

1 The fight at Lang is mentioned in the Khun Kh\h under 
b. c. 484. 3o's description of the battle gives the incident men- 
tioned here, but somewhat differentlj. 

Digitized by 


1 86 THE Lt jrt. 

bk. ir. 

Kh&n. KhSrkS. l were pursuing the army of Wu, and 
came up with it. The latter said to Shang Yang, 
' It is the king's 2 business. It will be well for you 
to take your bow in hand.' He did so, and J£M-£l 
told him to shoot, which he did, killing a man, and 
returning immediately the bow to its case. They 
came up with the enemy again, and being told as 
before to shoot, he killed other two men ; whenever 
he killed a man, he covered his eyes. Then stopping 
the chariot, he said, ' I have no place at the 
audiences ; nor do I take part in the feasts. The 
death of three men will be sufficient for me to 
report/ Confucius said, 'Amidst his killing of men, 
he was still observant of the rules of propriety V 

25. The princes were engaged in an invasion 
of JCA'm, when duke Hwan of ^hao died at their 
meeting 4 . The others asked leave to (see) the 
plugging of his teeth with the jade, and they were 
made to enshroud (his corpse) 5 . 

Duke Hsiang being in attendance at the court of 
A"ing, king Khang died 6 . The people of King 
said to him, ' We must beg you to cover (the corpse 

1 Khi-IA was a son of the king of Khh, and afterwards became 
king Phing. Kht, in b. c. 534, reduced Kh&n to be a dependency 
of itself, and put it under Kh\-k\, who became known as Kfft-R 
of ATAan. 

1 'The king's business;' that is, the business of the count of 
Kh% who had usurped the title of king. 

* It is not easy to discover the point of Confucius' reply. Even 
3ze-lu questioned him about it (as related in the Narratives of the 
School), and got an answer which does not make it any clearer. 

4 InB.c. 578. 

* Probably by the marquis of 3in— duke Wan — as 'lord of 
Meetings and Covenants.' 

* InB.c. 545. 

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with your gift of a robe).' The men of Lu (who 
were with him) said, ' The thing is contrary to pro- 
priety.' TheyofA^u, however, obliged him to do what 
they asked ; and he first employed a sorcerer with 
his reed-brush to brush (and purify) the bier. The 
people of -King then regretted what they had done 1 . 

26. At the mourning rites for duke Kh&ng of 
Thang 2 , 3ze-shu A'ing-shu was sent (from Lu) on a 
mission of condolence, and to present a letter (from 
duke Ai), 3 z ^-fu Hui-po being assistant-commis- 
sioner. When they arrived at the suburbs (of the 
capital of Thang), because it was the anniversary of 
the death of t-po, (Hui-po's uncle), Alng-shu hesi- 
tated to enter the city. Hui-po, however, said, ' We 
are on government business, and should not for the 
private affair of my uncle's (death) neglect the duke's 
affairs.' They forthwith entered. 

Part III. 

1. Duke Ai sent a message of condolence to 
Khwai Shang, and the messenger met him (on the 
way to the grave). They withdrew to the way-side, 
where Khwai drew the figure of his house, (with 
the coffin in it), and there received the condolences 8 . 

3ang-jze said, ' Khwai Shang's knowledge of the 

1 .ATing was another name for Khh. Duke Hsiang went from 
LA in b. c. 545 ; and it was in the spring of the next year, probably, 
that the incident occurred. The sorcerer and his reed-brush were 
used when a ruler went to the mourning for a minister (see Part i. 
4a), so that Khto. intending to humiliate Lu was itself humiliated. 

* Duke A^ang of Thing died in b.c 539. 

* This must have been a case for which the rule is given in 
Parti. 1 a. 

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1 88 THE Lf *i. 

BK. II. 

rules of ceremony was not equal to that of the wife 
of Khi Liang. When duke fell on KiX by 
surprise at Thui, Khi Liang met his death. His 
wife met his bier on the way, and wailed for him 
bitterly. Duke Kv/zng sent a person to convey 
his condolences to her ; but she said, ' If his lord- 
ship's officer had been guilty of any offence, then his 
body should have been exposed in the court or the 
market-place, and his wife and concubines appre- 
hended. If he were not chargeable with any offence, 
there is the poor cottage of his father. This is not 
the place where the ruler should demean himself to 
send me a message 1 .' 

2. At the mourning rites for his young son Tun, 
duke Ai wished to employ the (elm-juice) sprinklers, 
and asked Yu Zo about the matter, who said that it 
might be done, for his three ministers even used them. 
Yen Liu said, ' For the son of Heaven dragons are 
painted on (the shafts of) the funeral carriage, and 
the boards surrounding the coffin, like the shell, have 
a covering over them. For the feudal princes there 
is a similar carriage (without the painted dragons), 
and the covering above. (In both cases) they pre- 
pare the elm-juice, and therefore employ sprinklers. 
The three ministers, not employing (such a carriage), 
and yet employing the sprinklers, thus appropriate 
a ceremony which is not suitable for them ; and why 
should your lordship imitate them 2 ? ' 

1 See the 3<> A"wan, under b. c. 550, the twenty-third year of 
duke Hsiang. The name of the place in the text (To, read Thui 
by A3Lng Hstian) seems to be a mistake. See the Khang-hsi 
dictionary on the character To (3§). 

' There is a good deal of difficulty and difference of opinion in 

Digitized by 


SECT. II. PT. ill. THE THAN KUNG. 1 89 

3. After the death of the mother of (his son, who 
became) duke Tao, duke Ai wore for her the one 
year's mourning with its unfrayed edges. Yu Zo 
asked him, if it was in rule for him to wear that 
mourning for a concubine. ' Can I help it ?' replied 
the duke. ' The people of Lu will have it that she 
was my wife.' 

4. When Al 3ze-kao buried his wife, some injury 
was done to the standing corn, which Shan-hsiang 
told him of, begging him to make the damage good. 
3ze-kao said, 'The Ming has not blamed me for 
this, and my friends have not cast me off. I am 
here the commandant of the city. To buy (in this 
manner a right of) way in order to bury (my dead) 
would be a precedent difficult to follow V 

5. When one receives no salary for the official 
duties which he performs 2 , and what the ruler sends 
to him is called ' an offering,' while the messenger 
charged with it uses the style of ' our unworthy ruler ;' 
if such an one leave the state, and afterwards the 
ruler dies, he does not wear mourning for him. 

6. At the sacrifice of Repose a personator of the 

the interpretation of this paragraph. According to the common 
view, the funeral carriage used by the king and princes was very 
heavy, and difficult to drag along. To ease its transit, a juice was 
prepared from the elm bark, and sprinkled on the ground to make 
it slippery. But this practice was because of the heaviness of the 
carriage ; and was not required in the case of lighter conveyances. 

1 This Kl 3ze-kio was K&o KAii, one of the disciples of Con* 
fucius. Shan-hsiang was the son of 3ze-£ang ; see paragraph 3, 
page 132. 

1 Such was 3ze-sze in Lu, and Mencius in Kh\. They were 
'guests,' not ministers. Declining salary, they avoided the ob- 
ligations incurred by receiving it 

Digitized by 


I90 THE Lf Jrf. BK. II. 

dead is appointed, and a stool, with a mat and 
viands on it, is placed (for him). When the wail- 
ing is over, the name of the deceased is avoided. 
The service of him as living is over, and that for 
him in his ghostly state has begun. When the 
wailing is over, the cook, with a bell having a 
wooden clapper, issues an order throughout the 
palace, saying, ' Give up disusing the names of the 
former rulers, and henceforth disuse (only) the name 
of him who is newly deceased.' This was done from 
the door leading to the chambers to the outer gate. 

7. When a name was composed of two characters 
they were not avoided when used singly. The 
name of the Master's mother was Afang-3ai. 
When he used 3&»» he did not at the same time 
use A'ang; nor 3&i. when he used A'ang. 

8. When any sad disaster occurred to an army, 
(the ruler) in plain white robes wailed for it outside 
the Khu gate 1 . A carriage conveying the news 
of such disaster carried no cover for buff-coats nor 
case for bows. 

9. When the (shrine-)apartment of his father was 
burned, (the ruler) wailed for it three days. Hence 
it is said, ' The new temple took fire ;' and also, 
' There was a wailing for three days V 

10. In passing by the side of mount Thai, Con- 
fucius came on a woman who was wailing bitterly 
by a grave. The Master bowed forward to the 
cross-bar, and hastened to her; and then sent 

1 The Khu (arsenal or treasury gate) was the second of the 
palace gates, and near the ancestral temple. Hence the position 
selected for the wailing. 

3 See the A7ron JiTM, under b. c. 588. 

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3ze-lu to question her. ' Your wailing,' said he, ' is 
altogether like that of one who has suffered sorrow 
upon sorrow.' She replied, ' It is so. Formerly, 
my husband's father was killed here by a tiger. 
My husband was also killed (by another), and now 
my son has died in the same way.' The Master said, 
* Why do you not leave the place ?' The answer 
was, 'There is no oppressive government here.' 
The Master then said (to the disciples), ' Remember 
this, my little children. Oppressive government is 
more terrible than tigers.' 

11. In Lu there was one A"au Fang 1 , to whom 
duke Ai went, carrying an introductory present, 
and requesting an interview, which, however, the 
other refused. The duke said, ' I must give it up 
then.' And he sent a messenger with the following 
questions : — ' (Shun), the lord of Yii, had not shown 
his good faith to the people, and yet they put con- 
fidence in him. The sovereign of Hsia had not 
shown his reverence for the people, and yet the 
people revered him: — what shall I exhibit that I 
may obtain such things from the people ?' The 
reply was : — ' Ruins and graves express no mourn- 
fulness to the people, and yet the people mourn 
(amidst them). The altars of the spirits of the land 
and grain and the ancestral temples express no 
reverence to the people, and yet the people revere 
them. The kings of Yin made their solemn pro- 
clamations, and yet the people began to rebel ; 
those of A'au made their covenants, and the people 
began to distrust them. If there be not. the heart 

1 This K&a Fang must have been a worthy who had withdrawn 
from public life. 

Digitized by 


192 THE LI Kt. 

BK. II. 

observant of righteousness, self-consecration, good 
faith, sincerity, and guilelessness, though a ruler 
may try to knit the people firmly to him, will not 
all bonds between them be dissolved ?' 

12. While mourning (for a father), one should 
not be concerned about (the discomfort of) his own 
resting-place \ nor, in emaciating himself, should he 
do so to the endangering of his life. He should 
not be the former; — he has to be concerned that 
(his father's spirit-tablet) is not (yet) in the temple. 
He should not do the latter, lest (his father) should 
thereby have no posterity. 

13. A'l-jze of Yen-ling 8 had gone to KM; and his 
eldest son having died, on the way back (to Wu), he 
buried him between Ying and Po. Confucius (after- 
wards) said, ' -ATi-jze was the one man in Wu most 
versed in the rules of propriety, so I went and saw his 
manner of interment. The grave was not so deep as 
to reach the water-springs. The grave-clothes were 
such as (the deceased) had ordinarily worn. After 
the interment, he raised a mound over the grave of 
dimensions sufficient to cover it, and high enough 
for the hand to be easily placed on it. When 
the mound was completed, he bared his left arm; 

1 Referring, I think, to the discomfort of the mourning shed. 
But other interpretations of the paragraph are to be found in 
Khin Hao's work, and elsewhere. 

* This iSTT-gze is better known as ffi Ki (^ j^Q, a brother 
of the ruler of Wu. Having declined the state of Wu, he lived 
in the principality of Yen-ling. He visited the northern states 
Lu, Kh\ t 3in, and the others, in b.c. 515; and his savings and 
doings in them are very famous. He was a good man and able, 
whom Confucius could appreciate. Ying and Po were two places 
in Kh\. 

Digitized by 



and, moving to the right, he went round it 
thrice, crying out, " That the bones and flesh should 
return again to the earth is what is appointed. But 
the soul in its energy can go everywhere; it can 
go everywhere." And with this he went on his 
way.' Confucius (also) said, 'Was not A^ze of 
Yen-ling's observance of the rules of ceremony in 
accordance with (the idea of them) ?' 

14. At the mourning rites for the duke Khao of 
A'u-lii 1 , the ruler of Hsii sent Yung Ati with a 
message of condolence, and with the articles to fill 
the mouth of the deceased. ' My unworthy ruler,' 
said he, 'hath sent me to kneel and put the jade 
for a marquis which he has presented into your 
(deceased) ruler's mouth. Please allow me to kneel 
and do so.' The officers of A*u replied, 'When 
any of the princes has deigned to send or come to 
our poor city, the observances have been kept ac- 
cording to their nature, whether simple and easy, 
or troublesome and more difficult ; but such a blend- 
ing of the easy and troublesome as in your case, 
we have not known.' Yung ATii replied, ' I have 
heard that in the service of his ruler one should 
not forget that ruler, nor be oblivious of his an- 
cestral (rules). Formerly, our ruler, king Afti, in his 
warlike operations towards the west, in which he 
crossed the Ho, everywhere used this style of 
speech. I am a plain, blunt man, and do not 
presume to forget his example 2 .' 

1 KMo should probably be Ting. Duke KhSo lived after the 
period of the Ita Kh\t, during which the power of Hstt had 
been entirely broken. 

* Here was Yung ATtl, merely a Great officer, wishing to do 
what only a prince could do, according to the rules of propriety. 
07] O 

Digitized by 


1 94 the l! kI. BK. II. 

15. When the mother of $ze-sze died in Wei, - 
and news of the event was brought to him, he 
wailed in the ancestral temple. His disciples came 
to him and said, ' Your mother is dead, after marry- 
ing into another family * ; why do you wail for her 
in the temple of the Khung family?' He replied, 

' I am wrong, I am wrong.' And thereon he wailed 
in one of the smaller apartments of his house. 

16. When the son of Heaven died, three days 
afterwards, the officers of prayer 2 were the first to 
assume mourning. In five days the heads of official 
departments did so ; in seven days both males and 
females throughout the royal domain ; and in three 
months all in the kingdom. 

The foresters examined the trees about the various 
altars, and cut down those which they thought suit- 
able for the coffins and shell. If these did not 
come up to what was required, the sacrifices were 
abolished, and the men had their throats cut 8 . 

1 7. During a great dearth in Khi, Kkitn Ao had 
food prepared on the roads, to wait the approach 
of hungry people and give to them. (One day), 
there came a famished man, looking as if he could 

He defends himself on the ground that the lords of Hstl claimed 
the title of King. The language of the officers of ATu shows that 
they were embarrassed by his mission. 

* ' Literally, ' The mother of the Shu family is dead,' but the 
interpretation of the text is disputed. The A"Aien-lung editors 
and many others question the genuineness of the whole paragraph. 
* The officers of prayer were divided into five classes ; the first 
and third of which are intended here. See the Official Book of 
Kin, ch. 25. 

a Great efforts are made to explain away this last sentence. 

Digitized by 



hardly see, his face covered with his sleeve, and 
dragging his feet together. A^ien Ao, carrying 
with his left hand some rice, and holding some 
drink with the other, said to him, ' Poor man ! come 
and eat.' The man, opening his eyes with a stare, 
and looking at him, said, ' It was because I would 
not eat " Poor man come here's" food, that I am 
come to this state.' Khx&n. Ao immediately apo- 
logised for his words, but the man after all would 
not take the food and died. 

When 3&ng-jze heard the circumstances, he said, 
' Was it not a small matter ? When the other ex- 
pressed his pity as he did, the man might have 
gone away. When he apologised, the man might 
have taken the food.' 

1 8. In the time of duke Ting of A'u-lii 1 , there 
occurred the case of a man killing his father. The 
officers reported it ; when the duke, with an appear- 
ance of dismay, left his mat and said, ' This is the 
crime of unworthy me ! ' He added, ' I have learned 
how to decide on such a charge. When a minister 
kills his ruler, all who are in office with him should 
kill him without mercy. When a son kills his father, 
all who are in the house with him should kill him 
without mercy. The man should be killed ; his 
house should be destroyed ; the whole place should 
be laid under water and reduced to a swamp. And 
his ruler should let a month elapse before he raises 
a cup to his lips.' 

1 This duke Ting became ruler of Kb in b.c. 613. Some 
interpret the paragraph as if it said that all the officers, as well as 
the whole family of a regicide or parricide, should be killed with 
him. But that cannot be, and need not be, the meaning. 

O 2 

Digitized by 


196 THE Li zt. BK. II. 

19. (The ruler of)3>n having congratulated Wan- 
jze on the completion of his residence, the Great 
officers of the state went to the house-warming 1 . 
Kang Lao said, ' How elegant it is, and lofty ! How 
elegant and splendid! Here will you have your 
songs! Here will you have your wailings! Here 
will you assemble the representatives of the great 
families of the state!' Wan-jze replied, ' If I can 
have my songs here, and my wailings, and assemble 
here the representatives of the great families of the 
state, (it will be enough). I will then (only) seek 
to preserve my waist and neck to follow the former 
Great officers of my family to the Nine Plains.' He 
then bowed twice, laying his head also on the 

A superior man will say (of the two), that the 
one was skilful in the expression of his praise and 
the other in his prayer. 

20. The dog kept by JCung-ni having died, he 
employed 3 ze "kung to bury it, saying, ' I have 
heard that a worn-out curtain should not be thrown 
away, but may be used to bury a horse in ; and 
that a worn-out umbrella should not be thrown 
away, but may be used to bury a dog in. I am 
poor and have no umbrella. In putting the dog 
into the grave, you can use my mat ; and do not 

1 It is doubtful how this first sentence should be translated. 
Most naturally we should render Hsien-wan-jze of 3'n having 
completed his house, but binomial honorary titles were not yet 
known ; and the view seems to be correct that this Wan-gze was 
JTao Wu, a well-known minister of 3'n. The ' Nine Plains' below 
must have been the name of a burying-place used by the officers 
of 3in- There seems to be an error in the name in the text, 
which is given correctly in paragraph 25. 

Digitized by 



let its head get buried in the earth. When one 
of the horses of the ruler's carriage dies, it is buried 
in a curtain (in good condition) V 

21. When the mother of A'l-sun died, duke Ai 
paid a visit of condolence to him. (Soon after) 
3ang-jze and 3 ze_ kung arrived for the same pur- 
pose ; but the porter declined to admit them, be- 
cause the ruler was present. On this they went 
into the stable, and adjusted their dress more fully. 
(Shortly) they entered the house, 3 z e-^ un g S oin S 
first *. The porter said to him, ' I have already 
announced your arrival ;' and when 3&ng-jze followed, 
he moved on one side for him. They passed on to 
the inner place for the droppings from the roof, the 
Great officers all moving out of their way, and the 
duke descending a step and bowing to them. A 
superior man has said about the case, ' So it is when 
the toilet is complete! Immediately its influence 
extends far V 

22. A man-at-arms at the Yang gate (of the 
capital of Sung) having died, 3 z e-han, the super- 
intendent of Works, went to (his house), and wailed 
for him bitterly. The men of 3 m who were in 
Sung as spies returned, and reported the thing to 

1 The concluding sentence is found also in the ' Narratives of 
the School,' and may have been added to the rest by the compiler 
of this Than Kung. We are not prepared for the instance which 
Confucius gives of his poverty; but perhaps we like him better 
for keeping a dog, and seeing after its burial. 

1 Because he was older than 3*ng-jze- 

* This concluding sentence is much objected to ; seeming, as it 
does, to attribute to their toilet what was due to the respectful 
demeanour of the two worthies, and their established reputation. 
But the text must stand as it is. 

Digitized by 


198 THE Li Ki. bk. 11. 

the marquis of 3in, saying, ' A man-at-arms at the 
Yang gate having died, 3 ze- han wailed for him 
bitterly, and the people were pleased ; (Sung), we 
apprehend, cannot be attacked (with success)/ 

When Confucius heard of the circumstances, he 
said, ' Skilfully did those men do their duty as spies 
in Sung. It is said in the Book of Poetry, — 

"If there was any mourning among the people, 
I did my utmost to help them." 
Though there had been other enemies besides 3in» 
what state under the sky could have withstood one 
(in the condition of Sung) 1 ?' 

23. At the mourning rites for duke Awang of Lu, 
when the interment was over, (the new ruler) did 
not enter the outer gate with his girdle of dolichos 
cloth. The ordinary and Great officers, when they 
had finished their wailing, also did not enter in 
their sackcloth 2 . 

24. There was an old acquaintance of Confucius, 
called Yiian Zang. When his mother died, the 
Master assisted him in preparing the shell for the 
coffin. Yiian (then) got up on the wood, and said, 
' It is long since I sang to anything;' and (with 
this he struck the wood), singing : — 

* It is marked like a wild cat's head ; 
It is(smooth)asa younglady's hand which you hold.' 

The Master, however, made as if he did not hear, 
and passed by him. 

1 The whole narrative here is doubted. See the Shih, I. iii. 
Ode 10. 4. The reading of the poem, but not the meaning, is 
different from the text The application is far-fetched 

* The time was one of great disorder; there may have been 
reasons for the violations of propriety, which we do not know. 

Digitized by 


SECT. II. PT. ill. THE THAN KUNG. 1 99 

The disciples who were with him said, ' Can you 
not have done with him ?' 'I have heard,' was the 
reply, ' that relations should not forget their relation- 
ship, nor old acquaintances their friendship V 

25. Aao Wan-jze and Shu-yii were looking about 
them at the Nine Plains *, when Wan-jze said, 'If 
these dead could arise, with whom would I associate 
myself?' Shu-yii asked, 'Would it be with Yang 
Khu-fu 8 ?' 'He managed by his course,' was the 
reply, ' to concentrate in himself all the power of 
3in, and yet he did not die a natural death. His 
wisdom does not deserve to be commended.' 

'Would it be with uncle Fan*?' Wan-jze said, 
'When he saw gain in prospect, he did not think 
of his ruler ; his virtue does not deserve to be 
commended 4 . I think I would follow Wu-jze of 
Sui 8 . While seeking the advantage of his ruler, he 
did not forget himself; and while consulting for 
his own advantage, he was not forgetful of his 

The people of 3in thought that Wan-jze knew 
men. He carried himself in a retiring way, as if 
he could not bear even his clothes. His speech 

1 We have another instance of Confucius's relations with Yuan 
ifang in the Analects, XIV, 46. He was evidently ' queer,' with a 
sort of craze. It gives one a new idea of Confucius to find his 
interest in, and kindly feeling for, such a man. 

a See paragraph 19 and note. 

* Master of duke Hsiang b.c. 627-621, and an important 
minister afterwards. 

4 See in paragraph 19, Part i. But scant measure is dealt here 
to ' uncle Fan.' 

* Wu-jze of Sui had an eventful life, and played an important 
part in the affairs of 3 m ar »d Khm in his time. See a fine testi- 
mony to him in the 3o ATwan, under b. c. 546. 

Digitized by 


200 THE ii Kt. 

bk. II. 

was low and stuttering, as if he could not get his 
words out. The officers whom he advanced to 
responsible charges in the depositories of 3in were 
more than seventy. During his life, he had no 
contentions with any of them about gain, and when 
dying he required nothing from them for his sons. 

26. Shu-^ung Phi instructed (his son) 3 ze "^ m 
(in the rules of ceremony) ; and when he died, $ze~ 
liu's wife, who was a plain, blunt woman, wore for 
him the one year's mourning and the headband 
with its two ends tied together. (Phi's brother), 
Shu-^ung A'^ien spoke to 3 ze_uu about it, and 
requested that she should wear the three months 
mourning and the simple headband ; saying, ' For- 
merly, when I was mourning for my aunts and 
sisters, I wore this mourning, and no one forbade 
it.' When he withdrew, however, (3ze-liu) made his 
wife wear the three months' mourning and the 
simple headband \ 

27. There was a man of Kkkng, who did not go 
into mourning on the death of his elder brother. 
Hearing, however, that 3 z e-kao was about to be- 
come governor of the city, he forthwith did so. 
The people of KkUng said, ' The silkworm spins 

1 Shu-£ung Ph! was the first of a branch of the Shu-sun clan, 
descended from the ruling house of IA The object of the para- 
graph seems to be to show, that 3ze-liu's wife, though a plain simple 
woman, was taught what to do, by her native feeling and sense, 
in a matter of ceremony, more correctly than the two gentlemen, 
mere men of the world, her husband and his uncle. The para- 
graph, however, is not skilfully constructed, nor quite clear, .ffang 
HsOan thought that 3ze-liu was Phi's son, which, the iTAien-lung 
editors say, some think a mistake, They do not give definitely 
their own opinion. 

Digitized by 



its cocoons, but the crab supplies the box for them ; 
the bee has its cap, but the cicada supplies the 
strings for it His elder brother died, but it was 
3ze-kao who made the mourning for him V 

28. When Yo A"ang, 3ze-/£/4un's mother, died, he 
was five days without eating. He then said, ' I am 
sorry for it. Since in the case of my mothers 
death, I could not eat according to my feelings, 
on what occasion shall I be able to do so ?' 

29. In a year of drought duke Mu 2 called to 
him Hsien-jze, and asked him about it. ' Heaven,' 
said he, 'has not sent down rain for a long time. 
I wish to expose a deformed person in the sun (to 
move its pity), what do you say to my doing so ?' 
'Heaven, indeed,' was the reply, 'does not send 
down rain ; but would it not be an improper act of 
cruelty, on that account to expose the diseased son 
of some one in the sun ?' 

' Well then,' (said the duke), ' I wish to expose 
in the sun a witch ; what do you say to that ?' 
Hsien-jze said, ' Heaven, indeed, does not send down 
rain ; but would it not be wide of the mark to hope 
anything from (the suffering of) a foolish woman, 
and by means of that to seek for rain 8 ?' 

1 The 3ze-k4o here was the same as Kdo KA&i ; see the note 
on paragraph 4. The incident here shows the influence of his 
well-known character. He is the crab whose shell forms a box for 
the cocoons, and the cicada whose antennae form the strings for 
the cap. 

* ' Duke Mu and Hsien-jze ; ' see Section I. Part iii. 5. 

* In the 3° Awan, under b. c. 639, duke Hst of Lu makes a 
proposal about exposing a deformed person and a witch like that 
which is recorded here. Nothing is said, however, about changing 
the site of the market. Reference is made, however, to that 

Digitized by 


202 THE Ll Kt. 

' What do you say then to my moving the market- 
place elsewhere ? ' The answer was, ' When the 
son of Heaven dies, the market is held in the 
lanes for seven days ; and it is held in them for 
three days, when the ruler of a state dies. It will 
perhaps be a proper measure to move it there on 
account of the present distress.' 

30. Confucius said, ' The people of Wei, in bury- 
ing husband and wife together (in the same grave 
and shell), leave a space between the coffins. The 
people of Lu, in doing the same, place them together ; 
— which is the better way. 


The reader will have been struck by the many refer- 
ences in the Than Kung to the degrees and dress of 
mourning; and no other subject occupies so prominent 
a place in many of the books of the Li K\ that follow. 
It is thought well, therefore, to introduce here, by way of 
appendix to it, the following passage from a very valuable 
paper on ' Marriage, Affinity, and Inheritance in China,' 
contributed, on February 8th, 1853, to the China Branch 
of the Royal Asiatic Society, by Mr. W. H. Medhurst, jun., 
now Sir Walter H. Medhurst. The information and sub- 
joined illustrative tables were taken by him mainly from 
the Ritual and Penal Code of China, a preliminary 
chapter of which is devoted to the subject of ' The Dress 
of Mourning : ' — 

' The ideas of the Chinese as to nearness of kin, whether by 

practice in a work of Tung Afung-shu (second century, b. a), of 
which Wang Thao ventures to give a geomantic explanation. 
The narrative in the text is probably taken from the 3o ATwan, 
the compiler having forgotten the time and parties in the earlier 

Digitized by 



blood or marriage, differ widely from our own. They divide 
relationships into two classes, N£i kMn (jJj %$) and 
W&i yin {$\> |J|), terms analogous to our " consanguinity" 
and "affinity," but conveying, nevertheless, other associa- 
tions than those which we attach to these words. The 
former (N£i kk\n) comprehends all kindred derived from 
common stock with the individual, but only by descent 
through the male line; the latter (Wai yin) includes 
what the Chinese designate mu tang (-^r ^), kh\ tang 
(H H), and nii tang (;£ ^), three terms best trans- 
lated, perhaps, by "mother's kin," "wife's kin," and "daugh- 
ter's kin," and understood by them to mean a mother's rela- 
tives, relatives of females received into one's kindred by 
marriage, and members of families into which one's kins- 
women marry. Thus, for example, a first cousin twice 
removed, lineally descended from the same great-great- 
grandfather through the male line, is a n£\-kh\n relative; 
but a mother's parents, wife's sister, and a sister's husband 
or child, are all equally wai-yin kindred. The principle 
on which the distinction is drawn appears to be, that a 
woman alienates herself from her own kin on marriage, and 
becomes a part of the stock on which she is grafted ; and 
it will be necessary to keep this principle distinctly in 
mind in perusing any further remarks that may be made, 
as otherwise it will be found impossible to reconcile the 
many apparent contradictions in the theory and practice 
of the Chinese Code. 

' The indication of the prohibited degrees (in marriage) 
depends then upon a peculiar genealogical disposition of 
the several members of a family with respect to the 
mourning worn for deceased relatives; and this I shall 
now proceed to explain. The Ritual prescribes five dif- 
ferent kinds of mourning, called wu fa (3l jjjli), to be 
worn for all relatives within a definite proximity of degree, 
graduating the character of the habit in proportion to 
the nearness of kin. These habits are designated by cer- 
tain names, which by a species of metonymy come to be 

Digitized by 


204 THE Li Ki. 

applied to the relationships themselves, and are used some- 
what as we apply the terms " ist degree," " 2nd degree," and 
so on ; and plans, similar to our genealogical tables, are 
laid down, showing the specific habit suitable for each 
kinsman. The principal one of these tables, that for a 
married or unmarried man, comprises cousins twice re- 
moved, that is, derived by lineal descent from a common 
great-great-grandfather, that ancestor himself, and all rela- 
tives included within the two lines of descent from him to 
them ; below the individual, it comprehends his own de- 
scendants (in the male line) as far as great-great-grand- 
children, his brother's as far as great-grandchildren, his 
cousin's as far as grandchildren, and the children of his 
cousin once removed. In this table n£i-£^in relation- 
ships will alone be found ; mourning is worn for very few 
of the wai-yin, and these, though actually, that is, in our 
eyes, ties of consanguinity, and deserving far more con- 
sideration than many for which a deeper habit is pre- 
scribed, are classed among the very lowest degrees of 

'Six tables are given in the Ritual to which the five 
habits are common ; they prescribe the mourning to be 
worn by 

ist, A man for his kinsmen and kinswomen ; 

2nd, A wife for her husband's kinsfolk ; 

3rd, A married female for her own kinsfolk ; 

4th, A man for his mother's kinsfolk ; 

5th, A man for his wife's kinsfolk ; 

6th, A concubine for her master's kinsfolk. 

' A seventh table is given, exhibiting the mourning to be 
worn for step-fathers and fathers by adoption, and for step- 
and foster-mothers, &c. ; but I have not thought it neces- 
sary to encumber my paper by wandering into so remote 
a portion of the field. 

' To render these details more easily comprehensible, I 
shall class the relationships in each table under their 
appropriate degrees of mourning, and leave the reader to 
examine the tables at his leisure. It need only be borne 

Digitized by 



in mind, that, excepting where otherwise specified, the 
relationship indicated is male, and only by descent through 
the male line, as, for example, that by "cousin" a father's 
brother's son alone is meant, and not a father's sister's son 
or daughter. 

' The five kinds of mourning, the names of which serve, 
as has been said, to indicate the degrees of relationship to 
which they belong, are : — 

ist, A"an-jui (j|/f ^), nominally worn for three years, 

really for twenty-seven months ; 
and, 3ze-jui (^ ^), worn for one year, for five months, 

or for three months ; 
3rd, Ta-kung (^ 3^f), worn for nine months ; 
4th, Hsiao-kung (yj\ 3^f), worn for five months; 
5th, Sze-ma (^§[ ffi), worn for three months. 

' The character of each habit, and the relatives for whom 
it is worn, are prescribed as follows : — 

' ist, ATan-jui indicates relationships of the first degree. 
The prescribed habit for it is composed of the coarsest 
hempen fabric, and left unhemmed at the borders. It is 
worn : — 

' By a man, for his parents ; by a wife, for her husband, 
and husband's parents ; and by a concubine, for her 

'and, 3ze-jui indicates relationships of the second de- 
gree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of coarse 
hempen fabric, with hemmed borders. It is worn for one 
year : — 

' By a man, for his grandparents ; uncle ; uncle's wife ; 
spinster aunt ; brother ; spinster sister ; wife ; son (of wife 
or concubine) ; daughter-in-law (wife of first-born); nephew; 
spinster niece ; grandson (first-born son of first-born) ; by 
a wife, for her husband's nephew, and husband's spinster 
niece ; by a married woman, for her parents, and grand- 
parents ; and by a concubine, for her master's wife ; her 
master's parents ; her master's sons (by wife or other con- 
cubine), and for sons. It is worn for five months : — 

Digitized by 


206 THE Ll tff. 

' By a man, for his great-grandparents ; and by a mar- 
ried woman, for her great-grandparents. It is worn for 
three months :— 

' By a man, for his great-great-grandparents ; and by 
a married woman, for her great-great-grandparents. 

'3rd, Ta-kung indicates relationships of the third de- 
gree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of coarse 
cotton fabric '. It is worn : — 

' By a man, for his married aunt ; married sister ; brother's 
wife ; first cousin ; spinster first cousin ; daughter-in-law 
(wife of a younger son, or of a son of a concubine) ; 
nephew's wife ; married niece ; and grandson (son of a 
younger son, or of a concubine's son) ; by a wife, for 
her husband's grandparents; husband's uncle; husband's 
daughter-in-law (wife of a younger son, or of a concu- 
bine's son) ; husband's nephew's wife ; husband's married 
niece ; and grandson ; by a married woman, for her 
uncle ; uncle's wife ; spinster aunt ; brother ; sister ; 
nephew ; spinster niece ; and by a concubine, for her 

'4th, Hsiao-kung indicates relationships of the fourth 
degree. The habit prescribed for it is composed of rather 
coarse cotton fabric. It is worn : — 

* By a man, for his grand-uncle ; grand-uncle's wife ; 
spinster grand-aunt ; father's first cousin ; father's first 
cousin's wife ; father's spinster first cousin ; married female 
first cousin ; first cousin once removed ; spinster female 
first cousin once removed ; second cousin ; spinster female 
second cousin ; grand-daughter-in-law (wife of first-born 
of first-born son); grand-nephew; spinster grand-niece; 
mother's parents ; mother's brother ; mother's 

1 In the very brief account of this preliminary chapter in the Penal Code, 
given by Sir George Staunton, in his translation of the Code (page lxxv), he 
gives for the material 'coarse' linen cloth. The Chinese character is simply 
' cloth.' I suppose the material originally was linen ; but since the use of 
cotton, both of native and foreign manufacture, has increased in China, it is 
often substituted for linen. I have seen some mourners wearing linen, and 
others wearing cotton. 

Digitized by 



sister 1 ; by a wife, for her husband's aunt; husband's 
brother ; husband's brother's wife ; husband's sister ; hus- 
band's second cousin; spinster female second cousin of 
husband ; husband's grand-nephew ; and spinster grand- 
niece of husband ; by a married woman, for her spin- 
ster aunt ; married sister ; first cousin ; and married 
niece; and by a concubine, for her master's grand- 

' 5th, S ze-m a indicates relationships of the fifth degree. 
The prescribed dress for it is composed of rather fine 
cotton cloth. It is worn : — 

4 By a man, for his great-grand-uncle ; great-grand- 
uncle's wife; spinster great-grand-aunt; married grand- 
aunt ; grandfather's first cousin ; grandfather's first cousin's 
wife ; spinster first cousin of grandfather ; married female 
first cousin of father ; father's first cousin once removed ; 
wife of father's first cousin once removed ; father's spinster 
first cousin once removed ; first cousin's wife ; married 
female first cousin once removed ; first cousin twice re- 
moved ; spinster first cousin twice removed ; married 
female second cousin ; second cousin once removed ; spin- 
ster second cousin once removed ; grand-daughter-in-law 
(wife of son of a younger son, or of son of a concubine) ; 
grand-nephew's wife ; married grand-niece ; third cousin ; 
spinster third cousin ; great-grandson ; great-grand-nephew ; 
spinster great-grand-niece ; great-great-grandson; aunt's 
son; mother's brother's son; mother's sister's son; 
wife's parents; son-in-law; daughter's child : by 
a wife, for her husband's great-great -grand-parents ; hus- 
band's great-grand-parents ; husband's grand-uncle ; hus- 
band's spinster grand-aunt ; father-in-law's first cousin ; 
father-in-law's first cousin's wife ; spinster first cousin of 
father-in-law; female first cousin of husband; husband's 
second cousin's wife ; married female second cousin of hus- 
band ; husband's second cousin once removed ; husband's 

1 These names and others farther on, printed with spaced letters, all belong 
to the W&i-yin relationships. 

Digitized by 


208 THE Lt Ki. 

spinster second cousin once removed ; grand-daughter-in- 
law (wife of own or a concubine's grandson) ; husband's 
grand-nephew's wife ; husband's married grand-niece ; hus- 
band's third cousin ; spinster third cousin of husband ; great- 
grandson ; great-grand-daughter-in-law ; husband's great- 
grand-nephew ; spinster great-grand-niece of husband; and 
great-great-grandson : and by a married woman, for 
her grand-uncle ; spinster grand-aunt ; father's first cousin ; 
spinster first cousin of father ; spinster first cousin ; second 
cousin ; spinster second cousin.' 

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Digitized by 


TABLE No. 1. 

Mourning worn Dy a Man for hit Kintmen and Kintvxnptn. 

Digitized by 


(t month*.) 

Orftgrmnd unci* mad Wift. 

Hrand *nel? an-( Wt/«. 


(1 jaut 




H-l,.t §M 
(1 j«*r) 

(1 >«. j 

3n.J CvwWf 



[1 y**r.< 

Orrat-gmtH-ir;, '• <,.j», 



■ i 



9 m*ntA«. 




F*lktr't lit C.»(ii:l D^ 

t*ek»in o>*» 


In 1 Canii* 

tVift of lit 
rem o ved. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by VjOOQlC 

Digitized by 


TABLE No. 2. 

Mourning worn by a Wife for her Husbands Kinsfolk. 

rvMwnt (fonalo.) 


JhUtewTf 2nd ftwtto. 

/T*u*aiwf« 3rd C'MUriH. 

JZaubuii'* Omntf-aKiU. 

AmIm^i JVtMT. 




J/Mtewf ■ Orww J -irity. 

fr*nd-m o Unr. 

Nntimmfi Onmt-fnmt. 


Ujwr.) ^' 

g»tt— if» 0rtt*fr w *4 «i*t 



Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by VjOOQlC 

Digitized by 


TABLE No. 8. 

Mourning worn by a married female 
for her own KinefoOt. 

Digitized by VjOOQ I.C 

Digitized by 


TABLE No. 4. 
Mourning urorn by a Man for hit MoUttt'i Kintfotk. 

JTrtMrt VKW^^mft 


^ritaf* fVOTb. 

JMfcrt A«te. 


****•$ MM* tm. 


««WI »!<>»'» »«■ 

Sm> qflMbjrt U tall 

tt*U*<i turn', t»ml i 

M****! MnO**t Orm*d-*~. 


flWi Wjfcr 1 . »f«.« ... 

b, Ik. 1Mb*, ** „ ^ ,^^ 


Digitized by VjOOQlC 

miff* Ottmmftnmtt 

Afourniiv irorn by a .Man /or fti» Wifi't Kim/oUt. 

ww> no** mtm. 

Wlftt HUmH »imn. 



#*VW Mmkm*t Pwwrt. 

#Vr*f Br*tar Mrf *'<*. 

tm 1. Irnrn. 


ryyi <wi»i»* w. 

OnyUfr-a OH. 

Mi WuiwiMv, M* Mt WW* 

Mm Ml fli— * |ml Mto by OsmghHr 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 


TABLE No. 6. 

Mourning worn by o OmmMiw for Ktr MoOoft Kimtfolk. 

KUU* S.M jtUmt %i */LW. 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

Digitized by 



Section I. 

i. According to the regulations of emolument 
and rank framed by the kings, there were the 
duke ; the marquis ; the earl ; the count ; and the 
baron*: — in all, five gradations (of rank). There 
were (also), in the feudal states, Great officers* of 
the highest grade, — the ministers ; and Great officers 
of the lowest grade; officers of the highest, the 
middle, and the lowest grades : — in all, five grada- 
tions (of office). 

2. The territory of the son of Heaven amounted 
to I coo It square; that of a duke or marquis to 
500 11 square ; that of an earl to 70 It square ; and 
that of a count or baron to 50 It square*. (Lords) 
who could not number 50 It square, were not 

1 See the Introduction, chapter iii, pages 18-20. 

1 Most sinologists have adopted these names for the Chinese 
terms. Gallery says, ' Les dues, les marquis, Ies comtes, les 
vicomtes, et les barons.' See the note on Mencius, V, i, 2, 3, for 
the meaning given to the different terms. 

3 ' Great officers ' are in Chinese Ta Fu, ' Great Sustainers.' The 
character fu (^) is different from that for ' officer,' which follows. 
The latter is called shih ( -j^), often translated ' scholar,' and is 
' the designation of one having a special charge.' Callery generally 
retains the Chinese name Ta Fu, which I have not liked to do. 

4 A It is made up of 360 paces. At present 27-8 1!= 10 English 
miles, and one geographical 11=1458-53 English feet. The terri- 
tories were not squares, but when properly measured, ' taking the 
length with the breadth,' were equal to so many It square. The 
Chinese term rendered 'territory' is here (Jfl), meaning 'fields;' 
but it is not to be supposed that that term merely denotes ' ground 
that could be cultivated,' as some of the commentators maintain. 

07] r 

Digitized by 


2IO THE Li Kt. 

BK. in. 

admitted directly to (the audiences of) the son of 
Heaven. Their territories were called 'attached,' 
being joined to those of one of the other princes. 

3. The territory assigned to each of the ducal 
ministers of the son of Heaven was equal to that 
of a duke or marquis ; that of each of his high 
ministers was equal to that of an earl ; that of his 
Great officers to the territory of a count or baron ; 
and that of his officers of the chief grade to an 
attached territory. 

4. According to the regulations, the fields of the 
husbandmen were in portions of a hundred acres \ 
According to the different qualities of those acres, 
when they were of the highest quality, a farmer 
supported nine individuals ; where they were of the 
next, eight ; and so on, seven, six, and five. The 
pay of the common people, who were employed in 
government offices 2 , was regulated in harmony with 
these distinctions among the husbandmen. 

5. The officers of the lowest grade in the feudal 
states had an emolument equal to that of the hus- 
bandmen whose fields were of the highest quality ; 
equal to what they would have made by tilling the 
fields. Those of the middle grade had double that 
of the lowest grade ; and those of the highest grade 
double that of the middle. A Great officer of the 
lowest grade had double that of an officer of the 
highest. A high minister had four times that of 

1 The mau is much less than an English acre, measuring only 
733§ square yards. An English acre is rather more than 6 mau. 

* But held their appointments only from the Head of their 
department, and were removable by him at pleasure, having no 
commission from the king, or from the ruler of the state in which 
they were. 

Digitized by 



a Great officer; and the ruler had ten times that 
of a high minister. In a state of the second class, 
the emolument of a minister was three times that of 
a Great officer ; and that of the ruler ten times that 
of a minister. In small states, a high minister had 
twice as much as a Great officer ; and the ruler ten 
times as much as a minister. 

6. The highest minister, in a state of the second 
class, ranked with the one of the middle grade in 
a great state; the second, with the one of the 
lowest grade ; and the lowest, with a Great officer 
of the highest grade. The highest minister in a 
small state ranked with the lowest of a great state ; 
the second, with the highest Great officer of the 
other ; and the lowest, with one of the lower grade. 

7. Where there were officers of the middle grade 
and of the lowest, the number in each was three 
times that in the grade above it \ 

8. Of the nine provinces embracing all within 
the four seas 2 , a province was iooo 11 square, and 
there were established in it 30 states of 100 ll 
(square) each ; 60 of 70 11; 120 of 50 11: — in all, 
210 states. The famous hills and great meres were 
not included in the investitures s . The rest of the 

1 Some of the critics think that this sentence is out of place, 
and really belongs to paragraph 5 of next section. As the text 
stands, and simple as it appears, it is not easy to construe. 

8 The expression ' the four seas ' must have originated from an 
erroneous idea that the country was an insular square, with a sea 
or ocean on each side. The explanation of it in the R Ya as 
denoting the country surrounded by ' The 9 1, the 8 Tf, the 
7 Znng, and the 6 Man,' was an attempt to reconcile the early 
error with the more accurate knowledge acquired in the course of 
time. But the name of ' seas' cannot be got over. 

' That is, these hills and meres were still held to belong to all 

P 2 

Digitized by 


2T2 THE ij kI. BK. Iir. 

ground formed attached territories and unoccupied 
lands of the eight provinces (apart from that which 
formed the royal domain), each contained (the above) 
210 states 1 . 

9. Within the domain 2 of the son of Heaven 
there were 9 states of 100 11 square; 21 of 70 11; 
and 63 of 50 11: — in all, 93 states. The famous 
hills and great meres were not assigned 8 . The 
rest of the ground served to endow the officers, and 
to form unoccupied lands. 

10. In all, in the nine provinces, there were 1773 
states, not counting in (the lands of) the officers of 
the chief grade of the son of Heaven, nor the 
attached territories in the feudal states. 

Section II. 

1. (The contributions from) the first hundred 11 
(square) of the son of Heaven served to supply (the 
needs of) the (various) public offices ; (those from the 
rest of) the thousand 11 were for his own special use*. 

2. Beyond his thousand ll, chiefs of regions were 
appointed. Five states formed a union, which had 

the people, and all had a right to the game on the hills and the 
fish of the waters. The princes could not deny to any the right 
of access to them ; though I suppose they could levy a tax on 
what they caught 

1 This statement must be in a great degree imaginary, suppos- 
ing, as it does, that the provinces were all of the same size. They 
were not so; nor are the eighteen provinces of the present day so. 

* The character in the text here is different from that usually 
employed to denote the royal domain. 

' The term is different from the 'invested' of the previous 
paragraph. The tenures in the royal domain were not hereditary. 

4 Such seems to be the view of the ifAien-lung editors. Callery 
translates the paragraph substantially as I have done. 

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a President Ten formed a combination, which had 
a Leader. Thirty formed a confederation, which 
had a Director. Two hundred and ten formed a 
province, which had a Chief. In the eight provinces 
there were eight Chiefs, fifty-six Directors, one 
hundred and sixty-eight Leaders, and three hundred 
and thirty-six Presidents. The eight Chiefs, with 
those under them, were all under the two Ancients 
of the son of Heaven. They divided all under 
the sky between them, one having charge of the 
regions on the left and the other of those on the 
right, and were called the two (Great) Chiefs \ 

3. All within the thousand ll (of the royal domain) 
was called the Tien (or field Tenure). Outside that 
domain there were the 3hai (or service territories) 
and the Liu (or territory for banished persons). 

4. The son of Heaven had three dukes 2 , nine 
high ministers 8 , twenty-seven Great officers, and 
eighty-one officers of the chief grade. 

5. In a great state there were three high ministers 3 , 
all appointed by the son of Heaven; five Great 

1 Of these two great chiefs, we have an instance in the dukes of K&u 
and Shfio, at the rise of the A'au dynasty, the former having under 
his jurisdiction all the states west of the Shen river, and the other, all 
east of it. But in general, this constitution of the kingdom is imaginary. 

* Compare the Shu V, xx. The three dukes (Kung) were the 
Grand Tutor, Grand Assistant, and Grand Guardian. The nine 
ministers were the Prime Minister, the Ministers of Instruction, 
Religion, War, Crime, and Works, with the Junior Tutor, Junior 
Assistant, and Junior Guardian added. The six ministers exist 
still, substantially, in the six Boards. The titles of the three Kung 
and their Juniors also still exist. 

• These appear to have been the Ministers of Instruction, War, and 
Works. The first had also the duties of Premier, the second those 
of minister of Religion, and the third those of minister of Crime. 

Digitized by 



THE Lt Kl BK. lit. 

officers of the lower grade ; and twenty-seven officers 
of the highest grade. In a state of the second class 
there were three high ministers, two appointed by 
the son of Heaven and one by the ruler ; five Great 
officers of the lower grade ; and twenty-seven officers 
of the highest grade. In a small state there were 
two high ministers, both appointed by the ruler ; 
five Great officers of the lower grade ; and twenty- 
seven officers of the highest grade. 

6. The son of Heaven employed his Great officers 
as the Three Inspectors, — to inspect the states under 
the Chiefs of Regions 1 . For each state there were 
three Inspectors. 

7. Within the domain of the son of Heaven the 
princes enjoyed their allowances; outside it they 
had their inheritances 2 . 

8. According to the regulations, any one of the 
three ducal ministers might wear one additional sym 
bol of distinction, — that of the descending dragon 3 . 

1 The A'Aien-lung editors think that this was a department first 
appointed by the Han dynasty, and that the compilers of this Book 
took for it the name of ' the Three Inspectors,' from king Wu's 
appointment of his three brothers to watch the proceedings of the 
son of the last sovereign of Yin, in order to give it an air of 
antiquity. Was it the origin of the existing Censorate ? 

* Outside the royal domain, the feudal states were all hereditary. 
This is a fact of all early Chinese history. In the domain itself 
the territories were appanages rather than states. Yet they were 
in some sense hereditary too. The descendants of all who had 
served the country well, were not to be left unprovided for. 
Compare Mencius I, ii, 5, 3. 

* See the Shih, Part I, xv, Ode 6. 1, with the note in my 
edition of ' the Chinese Classics.' The old symbols of distinction 
gave rise to ' the Insignia of Civil and Military Officers ' of the 
present dynasty, called Xiu phin (fa jJJ). See Williams' 
Dictionary, p. 698. This paragraph is in the expurgated edition 

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But if such an addition were made (to his eight 
symbols), it must be by special grant There were 
only nine symbols (in all). The ruler of a state of 
the second class wore only seven of them, and the 
ruler of a small state only five. 

9. The high minister of a great state could not 
wear more than three of the symbols, and the 
ministers below him only two. The high ministers 
of a small state, and Great officers of the lowest 
class, wore only one. 

10. The rule was that the abilities of all put 
into offices over the people should first be discussed. 
After they had been discussed with discrimination, 
the men were employed. When they had been 
(proved) in the conduct of affairs, their rank was 
assigned ; and when their position was (thus) fixed, 
they received salary. 

11. It was in the court that rank was conferred, 
the (already existing) officers being (thus) associated 
in the act 1 . It was in the market-place that 
punishment was inflicted ; the multitude being (thus) 
associated in casting the criminals off. H ence, neither 
the ruler, nor (the head of) a clan, would keep a criminal 
who had been punished about him ; a Great officer 
would not maintain him ; nor would an officer, meet- 

of the LI At, used by Callery, and he gives for it, unfortunately, 
the following version : — * II est de regie que les trois ministres 
(qui d'habitude n'appartiennent qu'au 8 e ordre de dignitaires), en 
montant un degi6 portent l'habit des dragons en broderie. Si, apres 
cela, il y a lieu de leur accorder de nouvelles recompenses, on leur 
donne des objets de valeur, car on ne va pas au dela du 9* ordre.' 

1 The presence of the officers generally would be a safeguard 
against error in the appointments, as they would know the 

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216 the l! jri. BK. III. 

ing him on the road, speak to him. Such men were 
sent away to one of the four quarters, according to 
the sentence on each. They were not allowed to have 
anything to do with affairs of government, to show 
that there was no object in allowing them to live 1 . 

12. In their relation to the son of Heaven, the 
feudal princes were required to send every year a 
minor mission to the court, and every three years 
a greater mission ; once in five years they had to 
appear there in person. 

13. The son of Heaven, every five years, made a 
tour of Inspection through the fiefs*. 

14. In the second month of the year, he visited 
those on the East, going to the honoured mountain 
of Tai. There he burnt a (great) pile of wood, and 
announced his arrival to Heaven ; and with looks 
directed to them, sacrificed to the hills and rivers. 
He gave audience to the princes ; inquired out those 
who were 100 years old, and went to see them : 
ordered the Grand music-master to bring him the 
poems (current in the different states) 3 , that he might 
see the manners of the people ; ordered the superin- 
tendents of markets to present (lists of prices), that 
he might see what the people liked and disliked, and 
whether they were set on extravagance and loved 

1 It has been said that these were rules of the Yin or Shang 
dynasty. The A^ien-lung editors maintain that they were followed 
by all the three feudal dynasties. 

* Compare vol. hi, pp. 39, 40. 

' These would include ballads and songs. Perhaps 'Grand 
music -master' should be in the plural, meaning those officers of 
each state. Probably these would have given them to the king's 
Grand music-master. 

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what was bad ; he ordered the superintendent of 
rites to examine the seasons and months, and fix 
the days, and to make uniform the standard tubes, 
the various ceremonies, the (instruments of) music, 
all measures, and (the fashions of) clothes. (What- 
ever was wrong in fhese) was rectified. 

15. Where any of the spirits of the hills and 
rivers had been unattended to, it was held to be an 
act of irreverence, and the irreverent ruler was de- 
prived of a part of his territory. Where there had 
been neglect of the proper order in the observances 
of the ancestral temple, it was held to show a want 
of filial piety, and the rank of the unfilial ruler was 
reduced. Where any ceremony had been altered, 
or any instrument of music changed, it was held 
to be an instance of disobedience, and the disobe- 
dient ruler was banished. Where the statutory 
measures and the (fashion of) clothes had been 
changed, it was held to be rebellion, and the rebel- 
lious ruler was taken off. The ruler who had done 
good service for the people, and shown them an 
example of virtue, received an addition to his 
territory and rank. 

16. In the seventh month, (the son of Heaven) con- 
tinued his tour, going to the south, to the mountain 
of that quarter 1 , observing the same ceremonies as in 
the east In the eighth month, he went on to the 
west, to the mountain of that quarter 2 , observing the 

1 Mount Hang; in the present district of Hang-shan, dept. 
II&ng-Hu, Hu-nan. 
* Mount Hwa; in the present district of Hwa-yin, dept. Thung- 

M.u, Shen-hsi. 

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2l8 THE LJ Jet. 


same ceremonies as in the south. In the eleventh 
month, he went on to the north, to the mountain of 
that quarter 1 , observing the same ceremonies as in 
the west. (When all was done), he returned (to the 
capital), repaired (to the ancestral temple) and offered 
a bull in each of the fanes, from that of his (high) 
ancestor to that of his father 2 . 

17. When the son of Heaven was about to go 
forth, he sacrificed specially, but with the usual 
forms, to God, offered the 1 sacrifice at the altar 
of the earth, and the >Jh&o in the fane of his 
father*. When one of the feudal princes was 
about to go forth, he offered the t sacrifice to the 
spirits of the land, and the 3h&o in the fane of 
his father. 

18. When the son of Heaven received the feudal 
princes, and there was no special affair on hand, it 
was (simply) called an audience. They examined 
their ceremonies, rectified their punishments, and 
made uniform what they considered virtuous; thus 
giving honour to the son of Heaven 4 . 

19. When the son of Heaven gave (an instrument 
of) music to a duke or marquis, the presentation was 

1 Mount Hang; in the present district of A"M-yang, dept. 
Ting-*au, A~ih-lf. 

* I have followed here the view of Khung Ying-ta\ It seems to 
me that all the seven fanes of the son of Heaven were under 
one roof, or composed one great building, called *the Ancestral 
Temple.' See p. 224. 

' The meaning of the names of the different sacrifices here is 
little more than guessed at. 

4 The second sentence of this paragraph is variously under- 

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SECT. It. 



preceded by a note from the signal box 1 ; when 
giving one to an earl, count, or baron, the presenta- 
tion was preceded by shaking the hand-drum. 
When the bow and arrows were conferred on a 
prince, ■ he could proceed to execute the royal 
justice. When the hatchet and battle-axe were 
conferred, he could proceed to inflict death. When 
a large libation-cup was conferred, he could make the 
spirits from the black millet for himself. When this 
cup was not conferred, he had to depend for those 
spirits (as a gift) from the son of Heaven. 

20. When the son of Heaven ordered a prince to 
institute instruction, he proceeded to build his schools ; 
the children's 2 , to the south of his palace, on the 
left of it; that for adults, in the suburbs. (The 
college of) the son of Heaven was called (the palace 
of) Bright Harmony, (and had a circlet of water). 
(That of) the princes was called the Palace with its 
semicircle of water. 

1 A representation of the signal box is here given (1). The 
note was made by turning the upright handle, which then struck 
on some arrangement inside. The hand-drum is also repre- 
sented (2). It was merely a sort of rattle ; only that the noise was 



made by the two little balls striking against the ends of the drum. 
It is constantly seen and heard in the streets of Chinese cities 
at the present day, in the hands of pedlers and others. 

2 That is, the children of the princes ; but an impulse was thus 
given to the education of children of lower degree. 

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220 THE hi kL 


21. When the son of Heaven was about to go 
forth on a punitive expedition, he sacrificed specially, 
but with the usual forms, to God ; offered the 1 sacri- 
fice at the altar of the Earth, and the 3 n ^° m 
the fane of his father. He offered sacrifice also to 
the Father of War (on arriving) at the state which 
was the object of the expedition. He had received 
his charge from his ancestors, and the complete (plan) 
for the execution of it in the college. He went forth 
accordingly, and seized the criminals ; and on his 
return he set forth in the college his offerings, and 
announced (to his ancestors) how he had questioned 
(his prisoners), and cut off the ears (of the slain) 1 . 

22. When the son of Heaven and the princes had 
no (special) business in hand, they had three huntings* 
in the year. The first object in them was to supply 
the sacrificial dishes with dried flesh ; the second, to 
provide for guests and visitors ; and the third, to 
supply the ruler's kitchen. 

23. Not to hunt when there was no (special) 
business in the way was deemed an act of irrever- 
ence 3 . To hunt without observing the rules (for 
hunting) was deemed cruelty to the creatures of 

24. The son of Heaven did not entirely surround 
(the hunting ground) 4 ; and a feudal prince did not 

1 Compare paragraph 17, and vol. iii, pp. 392, 393. 

1 The huntings were in spring, summer, and winter, for each of 
which there was its proper name. In autumn the labours of the 
field forbade hunting. 

* Irreverence, in not making provision for sacrifices ; disrespect, 
in not providing properly for guests. 

4 He left one opening for the game. This paragraph contains 
some of the rules for hunting. 

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take a (whole) herd by surprise. When the son 
of Heaven had done killing, his large flag was 
lowered; and when the princes had done, their 
smaller flag. When the Great officers had done, the 
auxiliary carriages were stopped 1 ; and after this, the 
common people fell a hunting (for themselves). 

25. When the otter sacrificed its fish 2 , the foresters 
entered the meres and dams. When the wolf 
sacrificed its prey, the hunting commenced. When 
the dove changed into a hawk, they set their nets, 
large and small. When the plants and trees began 
to drop their leaves, they entered the hills and forests 
(with the axe). Until the insects had all withdrawn 
into their burrows, they did not fire the fields. They 
did not take fawns nor eggs. They did not kill 
pregnant animals, nor those which had not attained to 
their full growth. They did not throw down nests 8 . 

26. The chief minister determined the expendi- 
ture of the states, and it was the rule that he should 
do so at the close of the year. When the five kinds 
of grain had all been gathered in, he then determined 
the expenditure ; — according to the size of each terri- 
tory, as large or small, and the returns of the year, as 
abundant or poor. On the average of thirty years 
he determined the expenditure, regulating the out- 
going by the income. 

1 These were light carriages used in driving and keeping the 
game together. 

* See the next Book, where all these regulations are. separately 

1 The Chinese have a reputation for being callous in the in- 
fliction of punishment and witnessing suffering ; and I think they 
are so. But these rules were designed evidently to foster kindness 
and sympathy. 

Digitized by 


222 THE Li Jft. 


27. A tenth of the (year's) expenditure was for 
sacrifices. During the three years of the mourning 
rites (for parents), the king did not sacrifice (in 
person), excepting to Heaven, Earth, and the Spirits 
of the land and grain ; and when he went to transact 
any business, the ropes (for his chariot) were made 
of hemp (and not of silk) 1 . A tithe of three years' 
expenditure was allowed for the rites of mourning. 
When there was not sufficient for the rites of sacrifice 
and mourning, it was owing to lavish waste ; when 
there was more than enough, the state was described 
as affluent. In sacrifices there should be no extrava- 
gance in good years, and no niggardliness in bad. 

28. If in a state there was not accumulated (a 
surplus) sufficient for nine years, its condition was 
called one of insufficiency ; if there was not enough 
for six years, one of urgency. If there was not a 
surplus sufficient for three years, the state could not 
continue. The husbandry of three years was held to 
give an overplus of food sufficient for one year ; that 
of nine years, an overplus sufficient for three years. 
Going through thirty years (in this way), though there 
might be bad years, drought, and inundations, the 
people would have no lack or be reduced to (eating 
merely) vegetables, and then the son of Heaven 
would every day have full meals and music at them. 

Section III. 

1. The son of Heaven was encoffined on the 
seventh day (after his death), and interred in the 
seventh month. The prince of a state was en- 

1 Such is the meaning of the text here given by the JTAien-lung 
editors. It is found also in the Khang-hsf dictionary, under the 
character ^|, called in this usage hwo. 

Digitized by 



coffined on the fifth day, and interred in the fifth 
month. A Great officer, (other) officers, and the 
common people were encoffined on the third day, 
and interred in the third month. The mourning 
rites of three years (for parents) extended from the 
son of Heaven to all. 

2. The common people let the coffin down into 
the grave by ropes, and did not suspend the interment 
because of rain. They raised no mound, nor planted 
trees over the grave. That no other business should 
interfere with the rites of mourning was a thing ex- 
tending from the son of Heaven to the common 

3. In the mourning rites they followed (the rank 
of) the dead ; in sacrificing to them, that of the 
living. A son by a concubine did not (preside at) 
the sacrifices 1 . 

4. (The ancestral temple of) the son of Heaven 
embraced seven fanes (or smaller temples) ; three on 
the left and three on the right, and that of his great 
ancestor (fronting the south) : — in all, seven. (The 
temple of) the prince of a state embraced five such 
fanes : those of two on the left, and two on the right, 
and that of his great ancestor : — in all, five. Great 
officers had three fanes : — one on the left, one on 
the right, and that of his great ancestor : — in all, 
three. Other officers had (only) one. The common 
people presented their offerings in their (principal) 
apartment 2 . 

1 Even though he might attain to higher rank than the son of 
the wife proper, who represented their father. 

* The technical terms (as they may be called) in the text make 
it impossible to translate this paragraph concisely, so as to make it 
intelligible to a foreign reader unacquainted with the significance of 

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bk. nr. 

5. The sacrifices in the ancestral temples of the 
son of Heaven and the feudal princes were that of 

those terms. The following ground-plan of an ancestral temple of 
a king of iTau is given in the plates of die KMea-lxmg edition 
of the LI Kl : — after Kb Hsf. I introduce it here with some 

Grand Ancestor 

King Wan 

King Wu 

Great Grandfather 




Entering at the gate on the south, we have, fronting us, at the 
northern end, the fane of the grand ancestor to whom, in the 
distant past, the family traced its line. South of his fane, on the 
right and left, were two fanes dedicated to kings Wan and Wfi, 
father and son, the joint founders of the dynasty. The four 
below them, two on each side, were dedicated to the four kings 
preceding the reigning king, the sacrificer. At the back of each 
fane was a comparatively dark apartment, called AAin (jg£)> 
where the spirit tablet was kept during the intervals between the 

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spring, called Yo ; that of summer, called Tl ; that of 
autumn, called KAang; and that of winter, called 
ATA&ng 1 . 

6. The son of Heaven sacrificed to Heaven and 
Earth ; the. princes of the states, to the (spirits of the) 
land and grain; Great officers offered the five 
sacrifices (of the house). The son of Heaven sacri- 
ficed to all the famous hills and great streams under 
the sky, the five mountains 2 receiving (sacrificial) 
honours like the honours paid (at court) to the three 
ducal ministers, and the four rivers 2 honours like those 
paid to the princes of states ; the princes sacrificed 
to the famous hills and great streams which were in 
their own territories. 

7. The son of Heaven and the feudal lords sacri- 
ficed to the ancient princes who had no successors to 

sacrifices. When a sacrifice was offered, the tablet was brought 
out and placed in the centre of a screen, in the middle of the fane. 
As the line lengthened, while the tablets of the grand ancestor 
and joint ancestors always remained untouched, on a death and 
accession, the tablet of the next oldest occupant was removed 
and placed in a general apartment for the keeping of all such 
tablets, and that of the newly deceased king was placed in the 
father's fane, and the other three were shifted up, care being 
always taken that the tablet of a son should never follow that of 
his father on the same side. The number of the lower fanes was 
maintained, as a rule, at four. Those on the east were called K&o 
(KS)i an ^ on * e west Mu (f^), the names in the text here. 
See the Chinese Classics, I, pp. 266, 267, and the note there. 

1 The names of some of these sacrifices and their order are 
sometimes given differently. 

' For four of these mountains, see pages 217, 218, notes. The 
fifth was that of the centre, mount Sung, in the present district 
of Sung, department Ho-nan, Ho-nan. The four rivers were the 
ATiang, the IlwSi, the Ho, and the Kl. 
C»7] Q 

Digitized by 


226 THE Li Jti. 


preside over the sacrifices to them, and whose pos- 
sessions now formed part of the royal domain or of 
their respective states. 

8. The son of Heaven offered the spring sacrifice 
apart and by itself alone, but his sacrifices of all 
the other seasons were conducted on a greater scale 
in the fane of the high ancestor. The princes of 
the states who offered the spring sacrifice omitted 
that of the summer ; those who offered that of the 
summer omitted that of the autumn; those who 
sacrificed in autumn did not do so in winter; and those 
who sacrificed in winter did not do so in spring 1 . 

In spring they offered the sacrifice of the season 
by itself apart; in summer, in the fane of the 
high ancestor 2 ; in autumn and winter both the 
sacrifices were there associated together. 

9. In sacrificing at the altars to the spirits of the 
land and grain, the son of Heaven used in each 
case a bull, a ram, and a boar ; the princes, (only) 
a ram and a boar. Great and other officers, at 
the sacrifices in their ancestral temples, if they had 
lands, sacrificed an animal ; and, if they had no lands, 
they only presented fruits. The common people, in 
the spring, presented scallions ; in summer, wheat ; 
in autumn, millet; and in winter, rice unhulled. The 
scallions were set forth with eggs ; the wheat with 

1 The princes who omitted one sacrifice in the year would 
probably be absent in that season, attending at the royal court. 
They paid that attendance in turns from the several quarters. 

* If in this summer service the seasonal and the sacrifice in the 
fane of the high sacrifice were associated together, the rule for the 
princes was the same as for the king. There was the ordinary 
associate sacrifice, and 'the great;' about which the discussions 
and different views have been endless. 

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fish; the millet with a sucking-pig; and the rice 
with a goose. 

10. Of the bulls used in sacrificing to Heaven 
and Earth, the horns were (not larger than) a cocoon 
or a chestnut 1 . Those of the one used in the ances- 
tral temple could be grasped with the hand ; those of 
the ox used for (feasting) guests were a foot long. 

Without sufficient cause, a prince did not kill an 
ox, nor a Great officer a sheep, nor another officer 
a dog or a pig, nor a common person eat delicate 

The various provisions (at a feast) did not go 
beyond the sacrificial victims killed ; the private 
clothes were not superior to the robes of sacrifice ; 
the house and its apartments did not surpass the 
ancestral temple. 

n. Anciently, the public fields were cultivated by 
the united labours of the farmers around them, from 
the produce of whose private fields nothing was levied. 
A rent was charged for the stances in the market- 
places, but wares were not taxed. Travellers were 
examined at the different passes, but no duties were 
levied from them. Into the forests and plains at 
the foot of mountains the people went without hin- 
drance at the proper seasons. None of the produce 
was levied from the fields assigned to the younger 
sons of a family, nor from the holy fields. Only 
three days' labour was required (by the state) from 
the people in the course of a year. Fields and resi- 
dences in the hamlets, (when once assigned), could 

1 The victims must all have been young animals; 'to show,' 
says Wang Thio, • that the sincerity of the worshipper Ts the 
chief thing in the view of Heaven.' 

Q 2 

Digitized by 


2 28 THE Li kI. 

BK. ill. 

not be sold. Ground set apart for graves could not 
be sought (for any other purpose) 1 . 

1 2. The minister of Works with his (various) in- 
struments measured the ground for the settlements 
of the people. About the hills and rivers, the oozy 
ground and the meres, he determined the periods of 
the four seasons. He measured the distances of one 
spot from another, and commenced his operations in 
employing the labour of the people. In all his em- 
ployment of them, he imposed (only) the tasks of old 
men (on the able-bodied), and gave (to the old) the 
food-allowance of the able-bodied. 

13. In all their settlements, the bodily capacities 
of the people are sure to be according to the sky 
and earthly influences, as cold or hot, dry or moist 
Where the valleys are wide and the rivers large, the 
ground was differently laid out ; and the people born 
in them had different customs. Their temperaments, 

1 Compare Mencius III, i, 3, 6-9, et al. ; II, i, 5, 2-4 ; I, i, 3, 
3, 4 ; III, i, 3, 15-17; with the notes. I give here also the note 
of P. Callery on the first sentence of this paragraph : — ' Sous les 
trois premieres dynasties, epoque eloignee ou il y avait peu de 
terrains cultive's dans l'empire, le gouvernement conce'dait les terres 
incultes par Carre's equilateres ayant 900 mfiu, ou arpents, 
de superficie. Ces Carre's, qu'on nommait 3 in g ($r)> d'apres 
leur analogie de trace' avec le caractere 3i n g. " a well," e*taient 
di vise's en neuf Carre's egaux de 100 mau chacun, au moyen de 
deux lignes me*dianes que deux autres lignes coupaient a angle 
droit a des distances egales. D r&ultait de cette intersection de 
lignes une sorte de damier de trois cases de c6te*, ayant huit Carre's 
sur la circonfe*rence, et un carre* au milieu. Les huit Carre's du 
pourtour devenaient la proprie"te" de huit colons; mais celui du 
centre e"tait un champ de reserve dont la culture restait bien a 
la charge des huit voisins, mais dont les produits appartenaient 
a 1'empereur.' 

Digitized by 



as hard or soft, light or grave, slow or rapid, were 
made uniform by different measures; their prefer- 
ences as to flavours were differently harmonised ; 
their implements were differently made ; their clothes 
were differently fashioned, but always suitably. Their 
training was varied, without changing their customs; 
and the governmental arrangements were uniform, 
without changing the suitability (in each case). 

14. The people of those five regions — the Middle 
states, and the Zung, I, (and other wild tribes round 
them) — had all their several natures, which they could 
not be made to alter. The tribes on the east were 
called I. They had their hair unbound, and tattooed 
their bodies. Some of them ate their food without 
its being cooked. Those on the south were called 
Man. They tattooed their foreheads, and had their 
feet turned in towards each other. Some of them 
(also) ate their food without its being cooked. 
Those on the west were called Zung. They had 
their hair unbound, and wore skins. Some of them 
did not eat grain-food. Those on the north were 
called Tl. They wore skins of animals and birds, 
and dwelt in caves. Some of them also did not eat 

The people of the Middle states, and of those f , 
Man, Zung, and Tl, all had their dwellings, where 
they lived at ease ; their flavours which they preferred ; 
the clothes suitable for them ; their proper implements 
for use; and their vessels which they prepared in 
abundance. In those five regions, the languages of 
the people were not mutually intelligible, and their 
likings and desires were different. To make what 
was in their minds apprehended, and to communicate 
their likings and desires, (there were officers), — in the 

Digitized by 


23O THE Lt Kt. 


east, called transmitters ; in the south, representa- 
tionists ; in the west, Tl-tls 1 ; and in the north, 

15. In settling the people, the ground was mea- 
sured for the formation of towns, and then measured 
again in smaller portions for the allotments of the 
people. When the division of the ground, the cities, 
and the allotments were thus fixed in adaptation to 
one another, so that there was no ground unoccu- 
pied, and none of the people left to wander about 
idle, economical arrangements were made about food ; 
and its proper business appointed for each season. 
Then the people had rest in their dwellings, did joy- 
fully what they had to do, exhorted one another 
to labour, honoured their rulers, and loved their 
superiors. This having been secured, there ensued 
the institution of schools. 

Section IV. 

1. The minister of Instruction defined and set 
forth the six ceremonial observances 2 : — to direct and 
control the nature of the people ; clearly illustrated 
the seven lessons (of morality) 3 to stimulate their 
virtue ; inculcated uniformity in the eight objects of 
government 2 , to guard against all excess ; taught the 

1 I cannot translate Ti-tt. It was the name of a region 
(Williams says, ' near the Koko-nor '), the people of which had a 
reputation for singing. 

2 See the last paragraph of these Regulations, at the end of 
next Section. 

* It has become the rule, apparently with all sinologists, to call the 
minister in the text here, Sze Thu, by the name of ' The minister 

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sameness of the course (of duty) and virtue, to assi- 
milate manners ; nourished the aged, to secure the 
completion of filial piety ; showed pity to orphans and 
solitaries, to reach those who had been bereaved; 
exalted men of talents and worth, to give honour to 
virtue ; and dealt summarily with the unworthy, to 
discountenance wickedness. 

2. He commanded that, throughout the districts 1 , 
there should be marked and pointed out to him 
those who were disobedient to his lessons. (This 
having been done), the aged men were all assembled 
in the school 2 , and on a good day archery was prac- 
tised and places were given according to merit. (At 
the same time) there was a feast, when places were 
given according to age. The Grand minister of 
Instruction' conducted thither the eminent scholars 
of the state and along with them superintended the 

of Instruction.' Gallery describes him as ' Le ministre qui a 
dans ses attributions l'instruction publique et les rites.' And this 
is correct according to the account of his functions here, in the 
Kba Li, and in the Shu (V, xx, 8) ; but the characters (HJ ^|) 
simply denote 'superintendent of the multitudes.' This, then, 
was the conception anciently of what government had to do for 
the multitudes, — to teach them all moral and social duties, how to 
discharge their obligations to men living and dead, and to spiritual 
beings. The name is now applied to the president and vice- 
president of the board of Revenue. 

1 That is, the six districts embraced in the royal domain, each 
nominally containing 12,500 families. 

2 The great school of the district. The aged men would be 
good officers retired from duty, and others of known worth. 

' Here we have ' the Grand minister of Instruction ; ' and it 
may be thought we should translate the name in the first paragraph 
in the plural. No doubt, where there is no specification of ' the 
grand,' it means the board or department of Education. 

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232 THE ht K\. BK. HI. 

If those (who had been reported to him) did not 
(now) change, he gave orders that they who were 
noted as continuing disobedient in the districts on 
the left should be removed to those on the right, 
and those noted on the right to the districts on the 
left. Then another examination was held in the same 
way, and those who had not changed were removed 
to the nearest outlying territory. Still continuing 
unchanged, they were removed, after a similar trial, 
to the more distant territory. There they were again 
examined and tried, and if still found defective, they 
were cast out to a remote region, and for all their 
lives excluded from distinction. 

3. Orders were given that, throughout the districts, 
the youths who were decided on as of promising ability 
should have their names passed up to the minister of 
Instruction, when they were called ' select scholars.' 
He then decided which of them gave still greater 
promise, and promoted them to the (great) college 1 , 
where they were called 4 eminent scholars 2 .' Those 
who were brought to the notice of the minister were 
exempted from services in the districts ; and those 
who were promoted to the (great) school, from all 
services under his own department, and (by and by) 
were called ' complete scholars V 

4. The (board for) the direction of Music gave 
all honour to its four subjects of instruction 3 , and 

1 This would be the college at the capital. 

* Have we not in these the prototypes of the ' Flowering 
Talents' (Hsiu 3hai ^ 7J-) and 'Promoted Men' (KlX Zan 
£jfc \) of to-day? 

* In the text these are called ' the four Arts' and ' the four Teach- 
ings ; ' but the different phrases seem to have the same meaning. 

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arranged the lessons in them, following closely the 
poems, histories, ceremonies, and music of the former 
kings, in order to complete its scholars. The spring 
and autumn were devoted to teaching the ceremonies 
and music; the winter and summer to the poems and 
histories 1 . The eldest son of the king and his other 
sons, the eldest sons of all the feudal princes, the 
sons, by their wives proper, of the high ministers, 
Great officers, and officers of the highest grade, and 
the eminent and select scholars from (all) the states, 
all repaired (to their instruction), entering the schools 
according to their years. 

5. When the time drew near for their quitting the 
college, the smaller and greater assistants 2 , and the 
inferior director of the board, put down those who had 
not attended to their instructions, and reported them 
to the Grand director, who in turn reported them to 
the king. The king ordered the three ducal minis- 
ters, his nine (other) ministers, the Great officers, and 
the (other) officers, all to enter the school (and 
hold an examination). If this did not produce the 
necessary change ; the king in person inspected the 
school ; and if this also failed, for three days he took 
no full meal nor had music, after which the (culprits) 
were cast out to the remote regions. Sending them 
to those of the west was called ' a (temporary) expul- 

1 The .Oien-lung editors say that ' in spring and autumn the 
temperature is equable and the bodily spirits good, well adapted 
for the practice of ceremonies and moving in time to the music, 
whereas the long days of summer and long nights of winter are 
better adapted for the tasks of learning the poems and histories.' 

* The smaller assistants of the Grand director of Music were 
eighteen, and the greater four. See the X&u Lf, XVII, 21. Their 
functions are described in XXII, 45-53. 

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234 THE L * «*• 


sion;' to the east, 4 a temporary exile.' But all their 
lives they were excluded from distinction. 

6. The Grand director of Music, having fully con- 
sidered who were the most promising of the ' com- 
pleted scholars,' reported them to the king, after which 
they were advanced to be under the minister of War, 
and called ' scholars ready for employment 1 .' • 

7. The minister of War gave discriminating con- 
sideration (to the scholars thus submitted to him), 
with a view to determine the offices for which their 
abilities fitted them. He then reported his decisions 
concerning the best and ablest of them to the king, 
to have that judgment fixed a . When it was, they 
were put into offices. After they had discharged the 
duties of these, rank was given them ; and, their 
positions being thus fixed, they received salary. 

8. When a Great officer was dismissed as incom- 
petent from his duties, he was not (again) employed 
in any office to the end of his life. At his death, he 
was buried as an (ordinary) officer. 

1 Exactly the name to the candidates of to-day who have suc- 
ceeded at the triennial examinations at the capital ; ' the Metro- 
politan Graduates,' as Mayers (page 72) calls them. 

* It is strange to find the minister of War performing the services 
here mentioned, and only these. The ITAien-lung editors say that 
the compilers of this Book had not seen the J£&u Lf nor the Shu. 
It has been seen in the Introduction, pages 4, 5, how the Kin Li 
came to light in the reign of Wu, perhaps fifty years after this Book 
was made, and even then did not take its place among the other 
restored monuments till the time of Liu Hsin. To make the 
duties here ascribed to the minister of War (literally, ' Master of 
Horse,' f|J fii) appear less anomalous, Aling and other com- 
mentators quote from the Shu (V, xx, 14) only a part of the 
account of his functions. 

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9. If any expedition of war were contemplated, 
orders were given to the Grand minister of Instruc- 
tion to teach the scholars the management of the 
chariot and the wearing of the coat of mail. 

10. In the case of all who professed any particular 
art, respect was had to their strength. If they were 
to go to a distant quarter, they had to display their 
arms and legs, and their skill in archery and charioteer- 
ing was tested. All who professed particular arts 
for the service of their superiors, such as prayer- 
makers, writers, archers, carriage-drivers, doctors, 
diviners, and artizans, — all who professed particular 
arts for the service of their superiors, were not 
allowed to practise any other thing, or to change 
their offices ; and when they left their districts, they 
did not take rank with officers. Those who did 
service in families (also), when they left their districts, 
did not take rank with officers. 

11. The minister of Crime adapted the punish- 
ments (to the offences for which they were inflicted), 
and made the laws clear in order to deal with criminal 
charges and litigations. He required, the three re- 
ferences as to its justice (before the infliction of a 
capital punishment) 1 . If a party had the intention, 
but there were not evidence of the deed, the charge 
was not listened to. Where a case appeared as 
doubtful, it was lightly dealt with ; where it might be 
pardoned, it was (still) gravely considered. 

12. In all determining on the application of any 
of the five punishments 2 , it was required to decide 

' See the tfau U, XXXVII, 45, 46. 

2 Branding ; cutting off the nose ; cutting off the feet j cas- 
tration ; death. See vol. iii, p. 40. 

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236 THE Lt Xl. BK. III. 

according to the judgment of Heaven. Inadvertent 
and redeemable offences were determined by (the cir- 
cumstances of) each particular case 1 . 

13. When hearing a case requiring the applica- 
tion of any of the five punishments, (the judge) was 
required to have respect to the affection between 
father and son 2 , or the righteousness between ruler 
and minister 3 (which might have been in the mind 
of the defendant), to balance his own judgment He 
must consider the gravity or lightness (of the offence), 
and carefully try to fathom the capacity (of the 
offender) as shallow or deep, to determine the exact 
character (of his guilt). He must exert his intelli- 
gence to the utmost, and give the fullest play to his 
generous and loving feeling, to arrive at his final judg- 
ment. If the criminal charge appeared to him doubt- 
ful, he was to take the multitude into consultation 
with him ; and if they also doubted, he was to pardon 
the defendant. At the same time he was to examine 
analogous cases, great and small, and then give his 

14. The evidence in a criminal case having thus 
been all taken and judgment given, the clerk reported 
it all to the director (of the district), who heard it 
and reported it to the Grand minister of Crime. He 
also heard it in the outer court 4 , and then reported it 
to the king, who ordered the three ducal ministers, 

1 Vol. iii, pp. 260-263. The compilers in this part evidently 
had some parts of the Shu before them. 

1 Which might make either party conceal the guilt of the other. 

* Which might in a similar way affect the evidence. 

* The text says, ' Under the Zizyphus trees.' These were 
planted in the outer court of audience, and under them the dif- 
ferent ministers of the court had their places. 

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with the minister and director, again to hear it. 
When they had (once more) reported it to the king, 
he considered it with the three mitigating conditions 1 , 
and then only determined the punishment. 

15. In all inflictions of punishments and fines, even 
light offenders (that were not doubtful) were not 
forgiven. Punishment may be compared to the body. 
The body is a complete thing ; when once completed, 
there cannot be any subsequent change in it 2 . Hence 
the wise man will do his utmost (in deciding on all 
these inflictions). 

16. Splitting words so as to break (the force of) 
the laws ; confounding names so as to change what 
had been definitely settled ; practising corrupt ways 
so as to throw government into confusion : all guilty 
of these things were put to death. Using licentious 
music ; strange garments ; wonderful contrivances 
and extraordinary implements, thus raising doubts 
among the multitudes : all who used or formed such 
things were put to death. Those who were persis- 
tent in hypocritical conduct and disputatious in hypo- 
critical speeches ; who studied what was wrong, and 
went on to do so more and more, and whoever in- 
creasingly followed what was wrong so as to bewilder 
the multitudes : these were put to death. Those 

1 Callery gives for this, 'qui pardonne trois fois.' The con- 
ditions were — ignorance, mistake, forgetfulness. 

* There is here a play upon the homophonous names of dif- 
ferent Chinese characters, often employed, as will be pointed out, 
in the Lt K\, and in which the scholars of Han set an example to 
future times. Callery frames a French example of the reasoning 
that results from it: 'Un saint est un ceint; or, la ceinture 
signifiant au figure" la continence, il s'ensuit que la vertu de con- 
tinence est essentielle a la sainted I ' 

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238 THE Lt jrf. 


who gave false reports about (appearances of) spirits, 
about seasons and days, about consultings of the 
tortoise-shell and stalks, so as to perplex the multi- 
tudes : these were put to death. These four classes 
were taken off, and no defence listened to. 

17. All who had charge of the prohibitions for the 
regulation of the multitudes 1 did not forgive trans- 
gressions of them. 

Those who had rank-tokens, the long or the 
round, and gilt libation-cups were not allowed to sell 
them in the market-places ; nor were any allowed 
to sell robes or chariots, the gift of the king; or 
vessels of an ancestral temple ; or victims for sacri- 
fice ; or instruments of war ; or vessels which were 
not according to the prescribed measurements ; or 
chariots of war which were not according to 
the same; or cloth or silk, fine or coarse, not 
according to the prescribed quality, or broader or 
narrower than the proper rule ; or of the illegitimate 
colours, confusing those that were correct 2 ; or cloth, 
embroidered or figured ; or vessels made with 
pearls or jade ; or clothes, or food, or drink, (in any 
way extravagant) ; or grain which was not in season, 
or fruit which was unripe ; or wood which was not 
fit for the axe ; or birds, beasts, fishes, or reptiles, 
which were not fit to be killed. At the frontier gates, 
those in charge of the prohibitions, examined travel- 
lers, forbidding such as wore strange clothes, and 
taking note of such as spoke a strange language. 

18. The Grand recorder had the superintendence of 

1 These would be, especially, the superintendents of the markets. 
* The five correct colours were — black, carnation, azure, white, 
and yellow. 

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ceremonies. He was in charge of the tablets of record, 
and brought before the king what (names) were to 
be avoided 1 , and what days were unfavourable (for 
the doing of particular affairs) 1 . The son of Heaven 
received his admonitions with reverence 2 . 

19. (The office of) the accountants 8 prepared the 
complete accounts of the year to be submitted to the 
son of Heaven which were reverently received by 
the chief minister. The Grand director of Music, 
the Grand minister of Crime, and the (chief) superin- 
tendent of the markets, these three officers, followed 
with the completed accounts of their departments to 
be submitted to the son of Heaven. The Grand 
minister of Instruction, the Grand minister of War, 
and the Grand minister of Works, reverently received 
the completed accounts of their several departments 
from their various subordinates, and examined them, 
then presenting them to the son of Heaven. Those 
subordinates then reverently received them after 
being so examined and adjudicated on. This being 
done, the aged were feasted and the royal sympathy 
shown to the husbandmen. The business of the 
year was concluded, and the expenditure of the states 
was determined. 

1 See pages 93, 180, et al. 

2 Some of the functions here belonged to the assistant re- 
corder, according to the Il&u LI, but the two were of the same 

' This office was under the board of the chief minister, and con- 
sisted of sixty-two men of different grades under the Aau dynasty 
(the K&u Lt, I, 38 ; their duties are described in Book VI). It is , 
not easy to understand all the text of the rest of the paragraph, 
about the final settlement of the accounts of the year. 

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24O THE Li Jrt. BK. III. 

Section V. 

1. In nourishing the aged, (Shun), the lord of Yii, 
used the ceremonies of the drinking entertainment ; 
the sovereigns of Hsia, those at entertainments (after) 
a reverent sacrifice or offering 1 ; the men of Yin, 
those of a (substantial) feast ; and the men of A"au 
cultivated and used all the three. 

2. Those of fifty years received their nourishment 
in the (schools of the) districts ; those of sixty, theirs in 
the (smaller school of the) state; and those of seventy, 
theirs in the college. This rule extended to the 
feudal states. An old man of eighty made his ac- 
knowledgment for the ruler's message, by kneeling 
once and bringing his head twice to the ground. The 
blind did the same. An old man of ninety employed 
another to receive (the message and gift for him). 

3. For those of fifty the grain was (fine and) 
different (from that used by younger men). For 
those of sixty, flesh was kept in store. For those of 
seventy, there was a second service of savoury meat. 
For those of eighty, there was a constant supply 
of delicacies. For those of ninety, food and drink 
were never out of their chambers. Wherever they 
wandered (to another place), it was required that 
savoury meat and drink should follow them. 

1 The commentators make this to have been a Barmecide 
feast, merely to show respect for the age ; and Callery, after them, 
gives for the text : ' La dynastie des Hsia faisait servir un repas 
qu'on ne mangeait point.' But Ying-t&'s authorities adduced to 
support this view do not appear to me to bear it out. See the 
commencing chapter of Book X, Section ii, where all this about 
nourishing the aged is repeated. 

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4. After sixty, (the coffin and other things for the 
mourning rites) were seen to be in readiness, (once) 
in the year ; after seventy, once in the season ; after 
eighty, once in the month ; and after ninety, every 
day they were kept in good repair. But the band- 
ages, sheet, and coverlets and cases (for the corpse) 
were prepared after death. 

5. At fifty, one begins to decay ; at sixty, he does 
not feel satisfied unless he eats flesh ; at seventy, he 
does not feel warm unless he wears silk ; at eighty, 
he does not feel warm unless there be some one (to 
sleep) with him ; and at ninety, he does not feel 
warm even with that. 

6. At fifty, one kept his staff always in his hand in 
his family ; at sixty, in his district ; at seventy, in 
the city ; at eighty, (an officer) did so in the court. If 
the son of Heaven wished to put questions to (an 
officer) of ninety, he went to his house, and had rich 
food carried after him. 

7. At seventy, (an officer) did not wait till the 
court was over (before he retired) ; at eighty, he 
reported every month (to the ruler's messenger) that 
he was still alive ; at ninety, he (had delicate food 
sent) regularly to him every day. 

8. At fifty, a (common) man was not employed in 
services requiring strength ; at sixty, he was dis- 
charged from bearing arms along with others; at 
seventy, he was exempted from the business of 
receiving guests and visitors ; and at eighty, he 
was free from the abstinences and other rites of 

9. When one was fifty, he received the rank (of a 
07] R 

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242 THE l! Jet. 


Great oflficer) 1 ; at sixty, he did not go in person to 
the college ; at seventy, he retired from the service of 
the government ; and in mourning, he used only the 
dress of sackcloth (without adopting the privations 
of the mourning rites). 

10. (Shun), the lord of Yii, nourished the aged 
(who had retired from the service) of the state in 
(the school called) the higher hsiang, and the aged 
of the common people (and officers who had not 
obtained rank) in (the school called) the lower hsiang. 
The sovereigns of Hsia nourished the former in (the 
school called) the hsii on the east, and the latter in 
(that called) the hsii on the west. The men of Yin 
nourished the former in the school of the right, and 
the latter in that of the left. The men of A'au 
entertained the former in (the school called) the 
eastern ^iao, and the latter in (what corresponded 
to) the hsiang of Yii. This was in the suburb of 
the capital on the west 2 . 

ii. The lord of Yii wore the hwang cap in sacri- 

1 See Book X, Section ii, i. This was, say the A'Aien-lung 
editors, a lesson against forwardness in seeking office and rank, 
as retirement at seventy was a lesson against cleaving to these 
too long. 

* It is wearisome to try and thread one's way through the dis- 
cussions about the schools, called by all these different names. 
One thing is plain, that there were the lower schools which boys 
entered when they were eight, and the higher schools into which 
they passed from these. But in this paragraph these institutions 
are mentioned not in connexion with education, but as they were 
made available for the assembling and cherishing of the aged. 
They served various purposes. A school-room with us may do 
the same, occasionally; it was the rule in ancient China that the 
young should be taught and the old ministered to in the same 

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firing (in the ancestral temple), and the white robes 
in nourishing the aged. The sovereigns of Hsia 
used the shau cap in sacrificing, and the upper and 
lower dark garments of undress in nourishing the 
aged. During the Yin, they used the hsii cap in 
sacrificing, and the upper and lower garments, both 
of white thin silk, in nourishing the aged. During 
the Aciu dynasty, they used the mien cap in sacrific- 
ing, and the dark-coloured upper and lower garments 
in nourishing the aged. 

12. The kings of the three dynasties 1 , in nourishing 
the old, always had the years of those connected 
with them brought to their notice. Where (an 
officer) was eighty, one of his sons was free from all 
duties of government service ; where he was ninety, 
all the members of his family were set free from 
them. In cases of parties who were disabled or ill, 
and where the attendance of others was required to 
wait upon them, one man was discharged from those 
duties (for the purpose). Parties mourning for their 
parents had a discharge for three years. Those 
mourning for one year or nine months had a dis- 
charge for three months. Where an officer was 
about to move to another state, he was discharged 
from service for three months beforehand. When 
one came from another state, he was not required to 
take active service for a round year. 

13. One who, while quite young, lost his father 
was called an orphan ; an old man who had lost his 
sons was called a solitary. An old man who had 
lost his wife was called a pitiable (widower) ; an old 
woman who had lost her husband was called a poor 

1 Hsia, Shang or Yin, and iSfau. 
R 2 

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244 THE L * *!• 


(widow). These four classes were the most forlorn 
of Heaven's people, and had none to whom to tell 
their wants; they all received regular allowances. 

14. The dumb, the deaf, the lame, such as had 
lost a member, pigmies, and mechanics, were all fed 
according to what work they were able to do. 

15. On the roads, men took the right side and 
women the left ; carriages kept in the middle. A man 
kept behind another who had a father's years ; he 
followed one who might be his elder brother more 
closely, but still keeping behind, as geese fly after 
one another in a row. Friends did not pass by one 
another, when going the same way. (In the case of 
an old and a young man, carrying burdens,) both were 
borne by the younger ; and if the two were too heavy 
for one, he took the heavier. A man with grey hair 
was not allowed to carry anything, though he might 
do it with one hand. 

16. An officer of superior rank, of the age of sixty 
or seventy, did not walk on foot. A common man, 
at that age, did not go without flesh to eat. 

1 7. A Great officer, (having land of his own), was 
not permitted to borrow the vessels for sacrifice ; nor 
to make vessels for his own private use before he 
had made those for sacrifice. 

18. A space of one 11 square contained fields 
amounting to 900 mau 1 . Ten ll square were equal 
to 100 spaces of one li square, and contained 90,000 
mau. A hundred It square were equal to 100 spaces 
of ten 11 square, and contained 9,000,000 mau. A 

1 See note as to the size of the mi u on page 218. 

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thousand It square were equal to ioo spaces of ioo 
It square, and contained 900,000,000 mau. 

19. From mount Hang 1 to the southernmost point 
of the Ho was hardly 1000 It. From that point to 
the Kizng was hardly 1000 It. From the Alang 
to mount Hang in the south was more than 1000 
It. From the Ho on the east to the eastern sea was 
more than 1000 It. From the Ho on the east to the 
same river on the west was hardly 1000 It ; and from 
that to the Moving Sands 2 was more than 1000 It. 
(The kingdom) did not pass the Moving Sands on 
the west, nor mount Hang on the south. On the 
east it did not pass the eastern sea, nor on the north 
did it pass (the other) mount Hang. All within 
the four seas, taking the length with the breadth, 
made up a space of 3000 It square, and contained 
eighty trillions of mau 8 . 

20. A space of 100 It square contained ground to 
the amount of 9,000,000 mau. Hills and mounds, 
forests and thickets, rivers and marshes, ditches and 
canals, city walls and suburbs, houses, roads, and 

1 See notes on pages 217, 218. I have said below '(the other) 
mount Hang ; ' but the names, or characters for the names, of the 
two mountains are different in Chinese. 

* What is now called the desert of Gobi. 

* As it is in the text =80 x 10000 x 1 00000 x 10000 x 1 00000 
miu. A translator, if I may speak of others from my own ex- 
perience, is much perplexed in following and verifying the calcu- 
lations in this and the other paragraphs before and after it. The 
A'-iien-lung editors and Wang Th&o use many pages in pointing 
out the errors of earlier commentators, and establishing the cor- 
rect results according to their own views, and I have thought 
it well to content myself with simply giving a translation of 
the text. 

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246 THE I,f Ki. 


lanes took up one third of it, leaving 6,000,000 

21. Anciently, according to the cubit of Kku, eight 
cubits formed a pace. Now, according to the same, 
six cubits and four inches make a pace. One hundred 
ancient mau were equal to 146 of the present day 
and thirty paces. One hundred ancient 11 were equal 
to 121 of the present day, sixty paces, four cubits, 
two inches and two-tenths. 

22. A space of 1000 11 square contained 100 
spaces of 100 11 square each. I n this were constituted 
thirty states of 100 11 square, leaving what would 
have been enough for other seventy of the same 
size. There were also constituted sixty states of 70 
ll square, twenty-nine of 100 11 square, and forty 
spaces of 10 ll square ; leaving enough for forty 
states of 100 ll square, and sixty spaces of 10 ll 
square. There were also constituted a hundred and 
twenty states of 50 ll square, and thirty of 100 ll 
square, leaving enough for ten of the same size, and 
sixty spaces of 10 ll square. 

The famous hills and great meres were not included 
in the fiefs; and what remained was assigned for 
attached territories and unoccupied lands. Those 
unappropriated lands were taken to reward any of 
the princes of acknowledged merit, and what was 
cut off from some others (because of their demerit) 
became unappropriated land. 

23. The territory of the son of Heaven, amount- 
ing to 1000 11 square, contained 100 spaces of 100 11 
square each. There were constituted nine appanages 
of 100 ll square, leaving ninety-one spaces of the 
same size. There were also constituted twenty-one 

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appanages of 70 ll square, ten of 1 00 11, and twenty- 
nine spaces of 10 li square; leaving enough for 
eighty of 100 11 square, and seventy-one of 10 11. 
There were further constituted sixty-three appanages 
of 50 11 square, fifteen of 100 11, and seventy-five 
spaces of 10 It, while there still remained enough for 
sixty-four appanages of 100 ll square, and ninety-six 
spaces of 10 11 each. 

24. The officers of the lowest grade in the feudal 
states received salary sufficient to feed nine indivi- 
duals ; those of the second grade, enough to feed 
eighteen ; and those of the highest, enough for 
thirty-six. A Great officer could feed 72 individuals ; 
a minister, 288 ; and the ruler, 2880. 

In a state of the second class, a minister could feed 
216 ; and the ruler, 2160. 

A minister of a small state could feed 144 indivi- 
duals ; and the ruler, 1440. 

In a state of the second class, the minister 
who was appointed by its ruler received the same 
emolument as the minister of a small state. 

25. The Great officers of the son of Heaven acted 
as ' the three inspectors.' When they were inspect- 
ing a state, their salary was equal to one of its minis- 
ters, and their rank was that of a ruler of a state of 
the second class. Their salaries were derived from 
the territories under the chiefs of regions 1 . 

26. The chiefs of regions, on occasion of their ap- 
pearing at the court of the son of Heaven, had cities 
assigned them for purification 2 within his domain like 
those of his officers of the chief grade. 

1 See page 212, paragraph 2, and note 1, page 213. 

s The text says, ' Cities for bathing and washing the hair ; ' 

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248 THE Li jrf. 


27. The (appointed) heir-sons 1 of the feudal princes 
inherited their states. Great officers (in the royal 
domain) did not inherit their rank. They were em- 
ployed as their ability and character were recognised, 
and received rank as their merit was proved. Till 
their rank was conferred (by the king), (the princes) 
were in the position of his officers of the chief 
grade, and so they ruled their states. The Great 
officers of the states did not inherit their rank and 

28. The six ceremonial observances were : — cap- 
ping; marrying; mourning rites; sacrifices; feasts; 
and interviews. The seven lessons (of morality) 
were : — (the duties between) father and son ; elder 
brother and younger ; husband and wife ; ruler and 
minister ; old and young ; friend and friend ; host 
and guest. The eight objects of government 
were : — food and drink ; clothes ; business (or, the 
profession) ; maintenance of distinctions ; measures 
of length ; measures of capacity ; and definitely as- 
signed rules 2 . 

but preparing by mental exercises for appearing before the king 
is also intimated by the phrase. 

1 A son, generally the eldest son by the wife proper, had to be 
recognised by the king before he could be sure of succeeding to 
his father. 

8 See page 230, paragraph 1. 

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Section I. Part I. 

i. In the first month of spring the sun is in Shih, 
the star culminating at dusk being 3han, and that 
culminating at dawn Wei 1 . 

2. Its days are £ia and yl 2 . 

1 In this month the conjunction of the sun and moon took 
place in Shih or a Markab Pegasi. 3han is a constellation 
embracing Betelguese, Bellatrix, Rigel, y, 8, *, {, ij, of Orion ; and 
Wei is «, p, of Scorpio. Shih is called in the text Ying Shih, 
'the Building Shih/ because this month was the proper time at 
which to commence building. 

* ATii and yf are the first two of the ' ten heavenly stems,' 
which are combined with the • twelve earthly branches,' to form 
the sixty binomial terms of ' the cycle of sixty,' that was devised 
in a remote antiquity for the registration of successive days, and 
was subsequently used also in the registration of successive years. 
The origin of the cycle and of the names of its terms is thus far 
shrouded in mystery; and also the application of those terms to 
the various purposes of divination. The five pairs of the stems 
correspond, in the jargon of mysterious speculation, to the five 
elements of wood, fire, earth, metal, and water, and, as will be 
seen in this Book, to the seasons of spring, summer, the inter- 
mediate centre, autumn, and winter. Whether there be anything 
more in this short notice than a declaration of this fact, or any 
indication of the suitableness of 'the days' for certain 'under- 
takings' in them, as even the AJ4ien-lung editors seem to think, 
I cannot say. 

Digitized by 


2£0 THE Li kL BK. IV. 

3. Its divine ruler is Thai Hao, and the (attend- 
ing) spirit is Kau-mang 1 . 

4. Its creatures are the scaly 2 . 

5. Its musical note is Amo, and its pitch-tube is the 
Thfii 3hau 3 . 

6. Its number is eight 4 ; its taste is sour; its smell 
is rank. 

1 ThSi HSo, 'the Grandly Bright,' is what is called 'the 
dynastic designation' of Fu-hst and his line. By the time 
that the observances described in this Book had come into use, 
Fu-hsi and other early personages had been deified (*^j*), and 
were supposed to preside over the seasons of the year. To him 
as the earliest of them was assigned the presidency of the spring, 
and the element of wood, the phenomena of vegetation being 
then most striking. He was the ' divine ruler ' of the spring, and 
sacrificed to in its months; and at the sacrifices there was asso- 
ciated with him, as assessor, an inferior personage called Kau- 
mang (literally, ' curling fronds and spikelets '), said to have been 
a son of ShSo HSo, another mythical sovereign, founder of the 
line of -ffin Thien (^ ^ J^). But ShSo Hao was sepa- 
rated from ThSi Hao by more than 1000 years. The association 
at these sacrifices in the spring months of two personages so 
distant in time from each other as Fu-hst and Kau-mang, shows 
how slowly and irregularly the process of deification and these 
sacrifices had grown up. 

! The character for which I have given ' creatures ' is often 
translated by 'insects;' but fishes, having scales, must form a 
large portion of what are here intended. 'The seven (zodiacal) con- 
stellations of the east,' says Wu Kf&ng, ' make up the Azure 
Dragon, and hence all moving creatures that have scales belong 
to (the element of) wood.' 

* Kiols the name of the third of the five musical notes of the 
Chinese scale, corresponding to our B (?); and ThSi 3hSu is the 
name of one of the twelve tubes by which, from a very early date, 
music was regulated. The Thii 3hiu, or ' Great Pipe,' was the 
second of the tubes that give the ' six upper musical accords.' 

4 The 'number' of wood is three, which added to five, the 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. PT. I. THE Yt)EH LING. 25 1 

7. Its sacrifice is that at the door 1 , and of the parts 
of the victim the spleen has the foremost place 1 . 

8. The east winds resolve the cold. Creatures 
that have been torpid during the winter begin to 
move. The fishes rise up to the ice. Otters sacri- 
fice fish. The wild geese make their appearance 2 . 

9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on 
the left of the Khmg Yang(Fane) ; rides in the carriage 
with the phoenix (bells), drawn by the azure-dragon 
(horses), and carrying the green flag ; wears the green 

' number ' of earth, gives eight, the ' number ' of the months of 
spring ; but this, to me at least, is only a jargon. 

1 This was one of the sacrifices of the house ; see paragraph 6, 
page 116, and especially the seventh paragraph of Book XX. As 
the door is the place of exodus, it was the proper place for this 
sacrifice in the spring, when all the energies of nature begin to 
be displayed afresh. Among the five viscera, — the heart, the liver, 
the spleen, the lungs, and the kidneys,— the spleen corresponds to the 
element of earth, and therefore it was made prominent in this 
service, in the season when the earth seems to open its womb 
beneath the growing warmth of the year. 

* These are all phenomena of the spring. The third of them is 
differently expressed in Hwai-nan 3ze. the Taoist grandson of the 
founder of the Han dynasty (see Book V of his works), and in the 
Hsia Hsiao Ki.n%, showing that this text of the Li K\ was taken 
from Lu Pu-wei, if the whole Book were not written by him. 
They read "^ |S/j? ^ ^fC, which Professor Douglas renders, 
' Fish mount (to the surface of) the water, bearing on their backs 
pieces of ice.' But the meaning of the longer text is simply what 
I have given. Ying-ta says, ' Fishes, during the intense cold of 
winter, lie close at the bottom of the water, attracted by the greater 
warmth of the earth ; but, when the sun's influence is felt, they rise 
and swim near to the ice.' ^ $|C =' with their backs near to the 
ice.' What is said about the otter is simply a superstitious mis- 
interpretation of its habit of eating only a small part of its prey, and 
leaving the rest on the bank. The geese come from the south on 
the way to their quarters during the warmer season in the north. 

Digitized by 



THE hi Ki. 

BK. IV. 

robes, and the (pieces of) green jade (on his cap and 
at his girdle pendant). He eats wheat and mutton. 
The vessels which he uses are slightly carved, (to re- 
semble) the shooting forth (of plants) 1 . 

1 The KMng Yang (' Green and Bright ') was one of the principal 
divisions in the Hall of Distinction of Book XII. We must 
suppose that the sovereign went there (among other purposes) to 
give out the first day of the month, and did so in the apartment 
indicated, and in the style and robes and ornaments of the text, 
in the first month of spring. The ancient Shun, it is said, set the 
example of the carriage with bells, whose tinkling was supposed 
to resemble the notes of the lwan, a bird at which we can only 
guess, and which has been called the phoenix, and the argus 
pheasant Horses above eight feet high were called dragon 
steeds. The predominating green colour suits the season and 
month ; but what made wheat and mutton then peculiarly suitable 
for the royal mat, I do not know the fancies of Taoism sufficiently 
to be able to understand. 

In the plates to the ATAien-lung edition of our classic, the follow- 
ing rude ground-plan of the structure is given to illustrate the 
various references to it in this Book: — 



vo -qiuouiqjoi 




-tpuomipti . 











p 6th month. 

5th month. 


4th month, m 

/ \ 

i ^ 

' \ 

Digitized by 



10. In this month there takes place the inaugura- 
tion of spring. Three days before this ceremony, the 
Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, saying, 
' On such and such a day is the inauguration of the 
spring. The energies of the season are fully seen in 
wood.' On this the son of H eaven devotes himself to 
self-purification, and on the day he leads in person 
the three ducal ministers, his nine high ministers, 
the feudal princes (who are at court), and his Great 
officers, to meet the spring in the eastern suburb 1 ; 

The building is made to consist of nine large apartments or halls ; 
three fronting the different points of the compass, and one in the 
centre ; making nine in all. That in the centre was called ' The 
Grand Apartment of the Grand Fane ; ' south from it was ' The 
Ming Thang Grand Fane ; ' on the east ' The Ktimg Yang Grand 
Fane ; ' on the west ' The 3ung Yang Grand Fane ; ' and on the 
north ' The Hsiian Thang Grand Fane.' 

In the second month of the seasons, the king went the round of 
the Grand Fanes. The four corner apartments were divided into 
two each, each one being named from the Grand Fane on the left 
or right of which it was. Commencing with the half on the left of 
the KAiag Yang Fane, the king made the circuit of all the others 
and of the Fanes, returning to the other half on the right of the 
Hstian Thang Fane in the twelfth month. The Grand Apartment 
in the centre was devoted to the imaginary season of the centre, 
between the sixth and seventh months, or the end of summer and 
beginning of autumn. 

1 We are not told what the ceremonies in the inauguration of 
the spring were. The phrase li Mun (^f Sp) is the name of 
the first of the twenty-four terms into which the Chinese year is 
divided, dating now from the sun's being in the fifteenth degree of 
Aquarius. Kang Hstian thought that the meeting of the spring 
in the eastern suburb was by a sacrifice to the first of ' the five 
planetary gods,' corresponding to Jupiter, 'the Azure Ti, called 
Ling-wei-jang ' (||| Jjfc -|ijj). But where he found that name, 
and what is its significance, is a mystery; and the whole doctrine 

Digitized by 


254 THE L * *rt- 

BK. IV. 

and on their return, he rewards them all in the 
court 1 . 

ii. He charges his assistants 2 to disseminate 
(lessons of) virtue, and harmonise the governmental 
orders, to give effect to the expressions of his satis- 
faction and bestow his favours ; down to the millions 
of the people. Those expressions and gifts there- 
upon proceed, every one in proper (degree and 

12. He also orders the Grand recorder to guard 
the statutes and maintain the laws, and (especially) 
to observe the motions in the heavens of the sun and 
moon, and of the zodiacal stars in which the conjunc- 
tions of these bodies take place, so that there should 
be no error as to where they rest and what they pass 
over ; that there should be no failure in the record of 
all these things, according to the regular practice 
of early times. 

13. In this month the son of Heaven on the first 
(hsin) 3 day prays to God for a good year; and 
afterwards, the day of the first conjunction of the 
sun and moon having been chosen, with the handle 
and share of the plough in the carriage, placed be- 
tween the man-at-arms who is its third occupant and 
the driver, he conducts his three ducal ministers, his 
nine high ministers, the feudal princes and his Great 
officers, all with their own hands to plough the field of 

of five planetary TJs is held to be heresy, and certainly does not 

come from the five King. 

1 This rewarding, it is understood, was that mentioned in paia- 

graph 15, p. 217. 

* These assistants are supposed to be the ' three ducal ministers.' 
' This took and takes place on the first hsin (^fe) day, the first 

day commencing with that character, the eighth of the ' stems.' 

Digitized by 



God. The son of Heaven turns up three furrows, each 
of the ducal ministers five, and the other ministers and 
feudal princes nine 1 . When they return, he takes in 
his hand a cup in the great chamber, all the others 
being in attendance on him and the Great officers, 
and says, ' Drink this cup of comfort after your toil.' 

14. In this month the vapours of heaven descend 
and those of the earth ascend. Heaven and earth are 
in harmonious co-operation. All plants bud and grow. 

1 5. The king gives orders to set forward the busi- 
ness of husbandry. The inspectors of the fields are 
ordered to reside in the lands having an eastward 
exposure, and (see that) all repair the marches and 
divisions (of the ground), and mark out clearly the 
paths and ditches. They must skilfully survey the 
mounds and rising grounds, the slopes and defiles, the 
plains and marshes, determining what the different 
lands are suitable for, and where the different grains 
will grow best. They must thus instruct and lead on 
the people, themselves also engaging in the tasks. 
The business of the fields being thus ordered, the 
guiding line is first put in requisition, and the hus- 
bandry is carried on without error 2 . 

16. In this month orders are given to the chief 
director of Music to enter the college, and practise the 
dances (with his pupils) 3 . 

1 The services described here are still performed, in substance, 
by the emperors of China and their representatives throughout the 
provinces. The field is generally called ' the imperial field,' through 
error. The grain produced by it was employed in the sacrifices 
or religious services of which God (Shang Tl) was the object, and 
hence arose the denomination. 

1 Compare vol. iii, pp. 320-322, 370-373. 

3 ' The chief director of Music ' would be the same as the Ta 

Digitized by 


256 THE l! k\. 

BK. IV. 

1 7. The canons of sacrifice are examined and set 
forth, and orders are given to sacrifice to the hills 
and forests, the streams and meres, care being taken 
not to use any female victims 1 . 

18. Prohibitions are issued against cutting down 

19. Nests should not be thrown down ; unformed 
insects should not be killed, nor creatures in the 
womb, nor very young creatures, nor birds just 
taking to the wing, nor fawns, nor should eggs be 

20. No congregating of multitudes should be 
allowed, and no setting about the rearing of fortifi- 
cations and walls 2 . 

2 1 . Skeletons should be covered up, and bones with 
the flesh attached to them buried. 

22. In this month no warlike operations should be 
undertaken ; the undertaking of such is sure to be 
followed by calamities from Heaven. The not under- 
taking warlike operations means that they should not 
commence on our side 8 . 

Sze Yo of the K&u Lt, Book XXII. There were dances of war 
(wan), and dances of peace (wan); but neither is in the text. 
But either term may include both classes of dancing. Caller}' 
translates by ' faire des Evolutions.' 

1 Not to destroy the life unborn. At ' the great sacrifices,' those 
to Heaven and Earth, and in the ancestral temple, only male 
victims were used, females being deemed ' unclean.' The host of 
minor sacrifices is intended here. 

* Such operations would interfere with the labours of husbandry. 

5 War is specially out of time in the genial season of spring ; 
but a state, when attacked, must, and might, defend itself even 

Digitized by 



23. No change in the ways of heaven is allowed ; 
nor any extinction of the principles of earth ; nor any 
confounding of the bonds of men 1 . 

24. If in the first month of spring the govern- 
mental proceedings proper to summer were carried 
out, the rain would fall unseasonably, plants and trees 
would decay prematurely, and the states would be 
kept in continual fear. If the proceedings proper to 
autumn were carried out, there would be great pesti- 
lence among the people; boisterous winds would 
work their violence ; rain would descend in torrents ; 
orach, fescue, darnel, and southernwood would grow 
up together. If the proceedings proper to winter 
were carried out, pools of water would produce their 
destructive effects, snow and frost would prove very 
injurious, and the first sown seeds would not enter 
the ground 2 . 

Part II. 

1. In the second month of spring, the sun is in 
Khwei, the star culminating at dusk being Hu, and 
that culminating at dawn A'ien-hsing 8 . 

2. Its days are £ia and yl. Its divine ruler is 
Thai Hao, the attending spirit is Kau-mang. Its 

1 Compare what is said in the fifth Appendix to the Yt King, 
paragraph 4 (vol xvi, pp. 423, 424). The next paragraph is the 
sequel of this. 

3 Such government would be comparable to the inversion of 
the seasons in the course of nature. Compare Proverbs xxvi. 1. 

3 The constellation Khwei contains (Mirac), 8, «, {, ft, v, w of 
Andromeda, and some stars of Pisces. Hu or Hu A'ih contains 
i, t, 17, k, of Canis Major; and i, », of Argo; and A'ien-hsing 
», £, v, p, <r, of Sagittarius' head. 
[27] * S 

Digitized by 


258 THE l! kL 

BK. IV. 

creatures are the scaly. Its musical note is A'io, and 
its pitch-tube is the Kit -ATung 1 . 

3. Its number is eight ; its taste is sour ; its smell 
is rank. Its sacrifice is that at the door, and of the 
parts of the victim the spleen has the foremost 

4. The rain begins to fall 2 . The peach tree begins 
to blossom. The oriole sings. Hawks are trans- 
formed into doves 3 . 

5. The son of Heaven occupies the Kh\ng Yang 
Grand Fane 4 ; rides in the carriage with the phoenix 
bells, drawn by the azure dragon-(horses), and bear- 
ing the green flag. He is dressed in the green 
robes, and wears the azure gems. He eats wheat 

1 K'\& A'ung, 'the double tube,' is the second tube of the six 
lower accords. 

* Literally, • There commence the rains.' • The rains ' is now 
the name of the second of the twenty-four terms (February 15 to 
March 4). 

' This is the converse of the phenomenon in page 277, para- 
graph 3. Both are absurd, but the natural rendering in the 
translation is the view of King, Ying-ti, KSo Yu (the glossarist 
of HwSi-nan 3 ze )i an d the ATAien-lung editors. Seeking for the 
actual phenomenon which gave rise to the superstitious fancy, 
Professor Douglas renders the corresponding sentence of the Hsia" 
JSTang by ' hawks become crested hawks,' and thinks that the 
notice is based on the appearance of the hawks when ' the rearing 
instinct becomes excessive, and birds of prey become excited.' 
It may be so, but this meaning cannot be brought out of the text, 
and should not be presented as that of the writer of the Book. 

* See the note on p. 252. The three apartments (two of them 
subdivided) on the east of the Hall of Distinction, all received the 
general designation of A'Aing Yang, 'the Green and Bright,' as 
characteristic of the season of Spring. It was now the second 
month of that season, and the king takes his place in the principal 
or central apartment, ' the Grand Fane.' 

Digitized by 



and mutton. The vessels which he uses are slightly 
carved, (to resemble) the bursting forth (of nature). 

6. In this month, they keep both the young buds 
and those more advanced from being disturbed ; they 
nourish both the young animals and those not fully 
grown ; they especially watch over all orphans. 

7. The fortunate day is chosen, and orders are 
given to the people to sacrifice at their altars to the 
spirits of the ground 1 . 

8. Orders are given to the (proper) officers to 
examine the prisons; to remove fetters and hand- 
cuffs; that there shall be no unregulated infliction of 
the bastinado; and that efforts shall be made to 
stop criminal actions and litigations. 

9. In this month the swallow makes its appear- 
ance 2 . On the day of its arrival, the son of Heaven 
sacrifices to the first match-maker with a bull, a ram, 
and a boar. He goes to do so in person, with his 
queen and help-mates, attended by his nine ladies of 
honour. Peculiar courtesy is shown to those whom 
he has (lately) approached. Bow-cases have been 
brought, and a bow and arrows are given to each 
before (the altar of) the first match-maker. 

10. In this month day and night are equal 3 . 
Thunder utters its voice, and the lightning begins 

1 The sacrifice here was not that to Earth, which it was com- 
petent to the king alone to offer; nor to the spirits of the territories 
of the different states. It was offered by the people generally to 
the spirits presiding over their fields. 

* The swallow is ' the dark-coloured bird,' of the third sacrificial 
ode of the Shang dynasty; see vol. iii, p. 307. 

3 The vernal equinox. 


Digitized by 


260 THE L! Kt. 

BK. IV. 

to be seen. Insects in their burrows are all in 
motion, opening their doors and beginning to come 

ii. Three days before the thunder 1 , a bell with a 
wooden tongue is sounded, to give notice to all the 
people. ' The thunder,' it is said, ' is about to utter 
its voice. If any of you be not careful of your be- 
haviour, you shall bring forth children incomplete ; 
there are sure to be evils and calamities.' 

1 2. At the equinox they make uniform the mea- 
sures of length and capacity ; the weight of 30 
catties, the steelyard, and the weight of 1 20 catties. 
They correct the peck and bushel, the steelyard 
weights and the bushel-scraper 2 . 

13. In this month few of the husbandmen remain 
in their houses in the towns. They repair, however, 
their gates and doors, both of wood and wattles; and 
put their sleeping apartments and temples all in good 
repair. No great labours, which would interfere with 
the work of husbandry, should be undertaken 3 . 

14. In this month (the fishermen) should not let 
the streams and meres run dry, nor drain off all the 
water from the dams and ponds, (in order to catch 
all the fish), nor should (the hunters) fire the hills and 

1 We are not told how they knew this third day. 

8 A catty (Ain) at present = i&lb. avoirdupois. The £Mn, 
or 30 catties, = 4olbs. av. ; and the shih, or 120 catties, = 160 lbs. 
av. ; see Williams' Commercial Guide, pp. 278-231. The tau (or 
peck, in use in the market) contains 10 catties of dry, cleaned rice, 
and measures 316 cubic jhun, or inches; and the hu, or bushel, 
= 5 tau. The bushel-scraper is a piece of wood or roller used to 
level the top of the hu. But see Williams, pp. 281, 282. 

* Compare vol. iii, pp. 368-373. 

Digitized by 



15. The son of Heaven at this time offers a lamb 
(to the ruler of cold), and opens the (reservoirs of) 
ice. Before (using it generally), they offer some in 
their principal apartment or in the ancestral temple 1 . 

16. On the first ting day* orders are given to the 
chief director of Music to exhibit the civil dances and 
unfold the offerings of vegetables s (to the inventor 
of music). The son of Heaven, at the head of the 
three ducal ministers, his nine high ministers, the 
feudal princes (at court), and his Great officers, goes 
in person to see the ceremony. On the second ting 2 
day orders are given again to the same chief to enter 
the college, and practise music (with his pupils). 

17. In this month at the (smaller) services of 
supplication* they do not use victims. They use 
offerings of jade, square and round, and instead (of 
victims) skins and pieces of silk. 

18. If in this second month of spring the govern- 
mental proceedings proper to autumn were observed, 

1 Compare vol. Hi, page 445. Where there was an ancestral 
temple, the ice would be presented there. The people who had 
no such temple might present it before the spirit-tablets of their 
deceased in their principal apartment, where these were set up. 

* The fourth and fourteenth cycle days. 

' The offerings were small and scanty in this month, fruits not 
yet being ready for such a use. Cress and tussel-pondweed are 
mentioned among the vegetables which were presented on th : s 

* The received text here means not ' services of supplication,' 
but sacrifices. That which I have adopted is found in Qh&i Yung, 
and is approved by the JSTAien-lung editors. It is a necessary 
alteration, for in paragraphs 9 and 1 5 we have instances of victims 
used this month at sacrifices. The change in the text is not great 
in Chinese, the character jfjff for jjjjj. 

Digitized by 


262 THE hi Kl 


there would be great floods in the states ; cold airs 
would be constantly coming ; and plundering attacks 
would be frequent. I f those of winter were observed , 
the warm and genial airs would be insufficient ; the 
wheat would not ripen ; and raids and strifes would 
be rife among the people. If those of summer were 
observed, there would be great droughts among the 
people ; the hot airs would come too early ; and cater- 
pillars and other insects would harm the grain x . 

Part III. 

1. In the last month of spring, the sun is in Wei, 
the constellation culminating at dusk being A'^ih- 
hsing, and that culminating at dawn A^ien-niu 2 . 

2. Its days are £i& and yi. Its divine ruler is 
Thai Hao, and the attending spirit is Kau-mang. 
Its creatures are the scaly. Its musical note is 
the Kio, and its pitch-tube is the Ku Hsien 8 . Its 
number is eight. Its taste is sour. Its smell is 

3. Its sacrifice is that at the door, and of the parts 
of the victim the spleen has the foremost place. 

1 Before this and the corresponding paragraphs in the Parts of 
the Book that follow, we must always understand paragraph 23 of 
the last Part, of which these concluding paragraphs are supposed 
to be the natural sequence. 

* Wei is the seventeenth of the twenty-eight Chinese constel- 
lations (longitude in 1800, 44 8' if) corresponding to Musca 
borealis. ATAih-hsing is understood to be a (Alphard) of Hydra, 
and small stars near it. A'Aien-niu corresponds to certain stars 
((, ft, v) in the neck of Aquila. 

* Ku Hsien, 'the lady bathes,' is the third of the tubes that 
give the six upper musical accords. 

Digitized by 



4. The Elaeococca begins to flower 1 . Moles are 
transformed into quails*. Rainbows begin to appear. 
Duckweed begins to grow. 

5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on 
the right of the .Af^ing Yang (Fane) ; rides in the 
carriage with the phoenix bells, drawn by the azure 
dragon-(horses), and bearing the green flag. He is 
dressed in the green robes, and wears the azure gems. 
He eats wheat and mutton. The vessels which he 
uses are slightly carved, (to resemble) the bursting 
forth (of nature). 

6. In this month the son of Heaven presents 
robes yellow as the young leaves of the mulberry 
tree to the ancient divine ruler (and his queen)*. 

7. Orders are given to the officer in charge of the 
boats to turn a boat bottom up. Five times he does 
so, and five times he turns it back again, after which 
he reports that it is ready for the son of Heaven, who 

1 This would probably be the Elaeococca vernicia, or Aleu- 
rites cordata. 

* This statement, perhaps, arose from seeing quails running 
about among the mole-hills. The ATAien-lung editors say that the 
quails fly at night, and in the day keep hidden among the grass ; 
but they seem to admit the transformation. Professor Douglas 
explains the error from a want of recognition of the migration of 

* Gallery translates this by : — ' L'empereur offre de la belle 
jaune de ce*re*ales (aux empereurs anciens et modernes qui l'ont 
pre'ce'de'),' following a different reading for the article offered. The 
general view is what I have followed. The offering is supposed to 
have been in connexion with a sacrifice preparatory to the silkworm 
season. The rearing of silkworms was due, it was supposed, to 
Hst-ling, the wife of the Yellow Tt. He is the ' Ancient Tf ' intended 
here, I suppose. The name is not to be taken as in the plural. 
See the Khang-hsi dictionary on the character ihii ($)). 

Digitized by 


264 THE hi kL 

BK. IV. 

then gets into it for the first time (this spring). He 
offers a snouted sturgeon (which he has caught) in 
the rear apartment of the ancestral temple, and also 
prays that the wheat may yield its produce 1 . 

8. In this month the influences of life and growth 
are fully developed ; and the warm and genial airs 
diffuse themselves. The crooked shoots are all put 
forth, and the buds are unfolded. Things do not 
admit of being restrained. 

9. The son of Heaven spreads his goodness abroad, 
and carries out his kindly promptings. He gives 
orders to the proper officers to distribute from his 
granaries and vaults, giving their contents to the poor 
and friendless, and to relieve the needy and destitute ; 
and to open his treasuries and storehouses, and to 
send abroad through all the nation the silks and 
other articles for presents, thus stimulating the princes 
of states to encourage the resort to them of famous 
scholars and show courtesy to men of ability and 

10. In this month, he charges the superintendents 
of works, saying, ' The rains of the season will be 
coming down, and the waters beneath will be swell- 
ing up. Go in order over the states and visit the towns, 
inspecting everywhere the low and level grounds. 
Put the dykes and dams in good repair, clear the 
ditches and larger channels, and open all paths, 
allowing no obstruction to exist.' 

1 The five times repeated inspection of the boat does seem 
rather ridiculous. We must regard the king's taking to the boat 
as an encouragement to the fishermen, as his ploughing was to the 
husbandmen. The long-snouted sturgeon has always been called 
' the royal sturgeon.' How the praying for a good wheat harvest 
seems to be connected with this ceremony I do not know. 

Digitized by 


sect. I. PT. in. THE YtlEH LING. 265 

11. The nets used in hunting animals and birds, 
hand nets, archers' disguises, and injurious baits 
should not (in this month) issue from (any of) the 
nine gates 1 . 

12. In this month orders are given to the foresters 
throughout the country not to allow the cutting down 
of the mulberry trees and silk-worm oaks. About 
these the cooing doves clap their wings, and the crested 
birds light on them 2 . The trays and baskets with the 
stands (for the worms and cocoons) are got ready. 
The queen, after vigil and fasting, goes in person to 
the eastern fields to work on the mulberry trees. 
She orders the wives and younger women (of the 
palace) not to wear their ornamental dresses, and to 
suspend their woman's-work, thus stimulating them to 
attend to their business with the worms. When this 
has been completed, she apportions the cocoons, 
weighs out (afterwards) the silk, on which they go to 
work, to supply the robes for the solstitial and other 
great religious services, and for use in the ancestral 
temple. Not one is allowed to be idle. 

13. In this month orders are given to the chiefs of 
works, to charge the workmen of their various depart- 
ments to inspect the materials in the five store- 
houses : — those of iron and other metals ; of skins 

1 ' On each side of the wall of the royal city,' says Lu Tien 
(early in the Sung dynasty), ' there were three gates.' Wu ATAang 
says, * The three gates on the south were the chief gates. 
Generally, such things as are mentioned here might issue from the 
other gates, but not from these ; but in this month they could not 
issue from any of the nine.' Other explanations of 'the nine 
gates' have been attempted. The 'baits' (or medicines) were 
used to attract and to stupefy. 

2 Perhaps the hoopoe. 

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266 THE Li K.\. 

BK. IV. 

and hides and sinews ; of horn and ivory ; of feathers, 
arrows and wood (for bows) ; and of grease, glue, 
cinnabar, and varnish. (They are to see) that all these 
things be good. The workmen then labour at their 
several tasks. (The chiefs) inspect their work, and 
daily give them their orders. They must not produce 
anything contrary to what the time requires ; nor 
can they practise a licentious ingenuity, which would 
dissipate the minds of their superiors. 

14. In the end of this month a fortunate day is 
chosen for a grand concert of music. The son of 
Heaven, at the head of the three ducal ministers, the 
nine high ministers, the feudal princes (at court), and 
his great officers, goes in person to witness it 

15. In this month they collect the large, heavy 
bulls, and fiery stallions, and send them forth to the 
females in the pasture grounds. They number and 
make a list of the animals fit for victims, with the 
foals and calves. 

16. Orders are given for the ceremonies against 
pestilence throughout the city ; at the nine gates 
(also) animals are torn in pieces in deprecation (of 
the danger) : — to secure the full development of the 
(healthy) airs of the spring 1 . 

17. If, in this last month of spring, the governmental 

1 Compare Analects X, 10, 2. The ceremonies there referred 
to were the same as those here, carried out in the villages and, 
indeed, throughout the land. Diseases prevailing were attributed 
by superstition to the action of evil spirits, and ridiculous measures 
adopted to drive them away. Confucius and others, even the 
government itself, gave countenance to these, seeing, perhaps, that 
in connexion with them the natural causes of disease would be in 
a measure dispelled. 

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proceedings proper to winter were observed, cold airs 
would constantly be prevailing ; all plants and trees 
would decay ; and in the states there would be great 
terrors. If those proper to summer were observed, 
many of the people would suffer from pestilential 
diseases; the seasonable rains would not fall; and no 
produce would be derived from the mountains and 
heights. If those proper to autumn were observed, 
the sky would be full of moisture and gloom ; exces- 
sive rains would fall early ; and warlike movements 
would be everywhere arising. 

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268 THE lA Kt. 

BK. IV. 

Section II. Part I. 

i. In the first month of summer, the sun is in Pi ; 
the constellation culminating at dusk being Yt, and 
that culminating at dawn Wu-ntt \ 

2. Its days are ping and ting 2 . 

3. Its divine ruler is Yen Tt, and the (attending) 
spirit is Afu-yung 8 . 

4. Its creatures are the feathered. 

5. Its musical note is Alh, and its pitch-tube is the 
JCung Ltt*. 

6. Its number is seven 6 . Its taste is acrid. Its 
smell is that of things burning. 

1 PI is the name for the Hyades, or, more exactly, of six stars 
in Hyades, with n and v of Taurus; it is the nineteenth of the 
Chinese constellations. Yt is crater. Wu-ntt is not so well 
identified. Williams says that it is 'a star near the middle of 
Capricorn,' but others say in Hercules. The R Yi makes it the 
same as Hstt-ntt (^f| ~%£). Probably it was a star in the con- 
stellation Nil of Aquarius. 

* The third and fourth stem characters of the cycle. 

3 Yen Tt ('the blazing Tt*) is the dynastic designation of Shan 
Nang, generally placed next to Fu-hst in Chinese chronology, and 
whose date cannot be assigned later than the thirty-first century 
b.c. A'u-yung in one account is placed before Fu-hst; in a 
second, as one of the ministers of Hwang Tt ; and in a third, as a 
son of A^wan-hstt (b.c 2510-2433). He was 'the Director of 
Fire,' and had the presidency of summer. 

4 Kih is the fourth of the notes of the Chinese scale, and 
A'ung Ltt (' the middle Spine') the third of the tubes that give the 
six lower accords. 

* The number of fire is 2, which + 5, that of earth, = 7. 

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7. Its sacrifice is that at the furnace 1 ; and of 
the parts of the victim the lungs have the foremost 

8. The green frogs croak. Earth-worms come 
forth. The royal melons grow 2 . The sow-thistle 
is in seed. 

9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on 
the left of the Ming Thang (Grand Fane) ; rides in the 
vermilion carriage, drawn by the red horses with 
black tails, and bearing the red flag. He is dressed 
in the red robes, and wears the carnation jade. He 
eats beans and fowls. The vessels which he uses 
are tall, (to resemble) the large growth (of things). 

10. In this month there takes place the inaugura- 
tion of summer. Three days before this ceremony, 
the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, say- 
ing, ' On such-and-such a day is the inauguration of 
summer. The energies of the season are most fully 
seen in fire.' On this the son of Heaven devotes 
himself to self-purification ; and on the day, at the 
head of the three ducal ministers, the nine high 
ministers, and his Great officers, he proceeds to meet 
the summer in the southern suburbs. On their re- 
turn, rewards are distributed. He grants to the 
feudal princes (an increase of) territory. Congra- 
tulations and gifts proceed, and all are joyful and 

11. Orders are also given to the chief master of 

1 It was natural that they should sacrifice here in the summer. 
* The lungs ' is the fourth of the five viscera, and ' metal' the fourth 
of the five elements ; but ' fire subdues metal.' This is supposed 
to account for the prominence given to the lungs in this sacrifice. 

* According to Williams this is the ' common cucumber.' 

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27O THE Lt xt. 

BK. IV. 

music to teach the practice of ceremonies and music 

12. Orders are given to the Grand Peace-main- 
tainer 1 to recommend men of eminence, allow the 
worthy and good to have free course and bring for- 
ward the tall and large. His conferring of rank and 
regulation of emolument must be in accordance with 
the position (of the individual). 

13. In this month what is long should be encou- 
raged to grow longer, and what is high to grow higher. 
There should be no injuring or overthrowing of any- 
thing ; no commencing of works in earth ; no sending 
forth of great multitudes (on expeditions); no cutting 
down of large trees. 

14. In this month the son of Heaven begins to 
wear thin dolichos cloth. 

15. Orders are given to the foresters throughout 
the country to go forth over the fields and plains, 
and, for the son of Heaven, to encourage the hus- 
bandmen, and stimulate them to work, and not let 
the season slip by unimproved. 

Orders are (also) given to the minister of Instruc- 
tion to travel in order through the districts to the 
borders, ^charging the husbandmen to work vigorously, 
and not to rest in the towns. 

16. In this month they chase away wild animals 
to prevent them from doing harm to any of the 

1 The * Grand Peace-maintainer ' (^ Jjjj") was a tide under 
the Khm dynasty, and instituted by it, of the Minister of War. 
The functions of the latter, as described in the last Book, page 234, 
are in harmony with what is said here. The occurrence of the 
name bears out the attributing of this Book to Lu" Pu-wei. 

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(growing) grain ; but they should not have a great 

1 7. When the husbandmen present (the first-fruits 
of) their wheat, the son of Heaven tastes it along with 
some pork, first offering a portion in the apartment 
behind (the hall of the) ancestral temple. 

18. In this month they collect and store up the 
various medicinal herbs. Delicate herbs (now) die ; 
it is the harvest time (even) of the wheat. They 
decide cases for which the punishments are light; 
they make short work of small crimes, and liberate 
those who are in prison for slight offences 1 . 

19. When the work with the silk-worms is over, 
the queen presents her cocoons ; and the tithe-tax of 
cocoons generally is collected, according to the num- 
ber of mulberry trees ; for noble and mean, for old 
and young there is one law. The object is with 
such cocoons to provide materials for the robes to 
be used at the sacrifices in the suburbs and in the 
ancestral temple. 

20. In this month the son of Heaven (entertains 
his ministers and princes) with strong drink and with 
(much) observance of ceremony and with music 2 . 

1 There does not appear to be any connexion between the first 
sentence of this paragraph and the remainder of it. The medicinal 
herbs are collected while all their vigour is in them. For the 
things in the second sentence the 'summer heats' make a pre- 
mature harvest; and this seems to lead to the third topic, — the 
saving those charged with slight offences from the effects of that 
heat in confinement. 

* The JTAien-lung editors have a note here, which is worth 
quoting, to the effect that as the great solstitial sacrifices and the 
seasonal sacrifices of the ancestral temple do not appear in this 
Book, the drinking here was at court entertainments. 

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2 72 THE lA kI. 

BK. IV. 

21. If, in this first month of summer, the proceedings 
proper to autumn were observed, pitiless rains would 
be frequent ; the five esculent plants 1 would not grow 
large, and in all the borders people would have to 
enter the places of shelter. If those proper to winter 
were observed, all plants and trees would wither 
early, and afterwards there would be great floods, 
destroying city and suburban walls. If those proper 
to spring were observed, there would be the calamity 
of locusts, violent winds would come, and plants in 
flower would not go on to seed. 

Part II. 

i . In the second month of summer the sun is in the 
eastern 3ing, the constellation culminating at dusk 
being Khang, and that culminating at dawn Wei*. 

2. Its days are ping and ting. Its divine ruler 
is Yen Tt, and the (attending) spirit is Khh-yung. 
Its creatures are the feathered. Its musical note is 
.ATih, and its pitch-tube is Sui Pin 3 . 

3. Its number is seven. Its taste is acrid. Its 
smell is that of things burning. Its sacrifice is that 
at the furnace ; and of the parts of the victim the 
lungs have the foremost place. 

4. The (period of) slighter heat arrives ; the pray- 
ing mantis is produced ; the shrike begins to give its 
notes ; the mocking-bird ceases to sing 4 . 

1 Hemp or flax, millet, rice, bearded grain, and pulse. 

1 3>ng comprehends y, «, {, X, p, v, Gemini ; Khang, 1, k, X, p, p, 
Virgo; and Wei corresponds to a, Aquarius, and *, 6, Pegasus. 

3 Sui Pin, 'the flourishing Guest,' is the fourth of the tubes 
that give the six upper musical accords. 

* This is here ' the inverted Tongue.' The Khang-hsi dictionary 

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5. The son of Heaven occupies the Ming Thang 
Grand Fane ; rides in the vermilion carriage, drawn 
by the red horses with black tails, and bearing the 
red flag. He is dressed in the red robes, and wears 
the carnation gems. He eats beans and fowls. The 
vessels which he uses are tall, (to resemble) the large 
growth (of things). 

6. They encourage the (continued) growth of what 
is strong and beautiful 1 . 

7. In this month orders are given to the music- 
masters to put in repair the hand-drums, smaller 
drums, and large drums ; to adjust the lutes, large 
and small, the double flutes, and the pan-pipes; to 
teach the holding of the shields, pole-axes, lances, and 
plumes ; to tune the organs, large and small, with 
their pipes and tongues ; and to put in order the bells, 
sonorous stones, the instrument to give the symbol 
for commencing, and the stopper 2 . 

8. Orders are given to the (proper) officers to pray 
for the people and offer sacrifice to the (spirits of the) 
hills, streams, and all springs. (After that) comes 
the great summer sacrifice for rain to God, when all 

says it is the same as ' the hundred Tongues ; ' the Chinese 

1 Kb Hst would remove this paragraph to the thirteenth of the 
last Part. It seems to me to be in its proper place. 

1 See vol. iii, p. 324. The stopper is represented thus : — 

It was made to sound by a metal rod drawn along the spinous 
back. I have seen a similar instrument, used for the same purpose, 
brought from Madras. 

[*7] T 

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274 THE L * *!• 

BK. IV. 

the instruments of music are employed. Then orders 
are given throughout all the districts to sacrifice to 
the various princes, high ministers, and officers who 
benefited the people ; praying that there may be a 
good harvest of grain 1 . 

9, The husbandmen present (the first-fruits of) 
their millet; and in this month the son of Heaven 
partakes of it along with pullets, and with cherries 
set forth beside them, first offering a portion in the 
apartment behind the ancestral temple. 

10. The people are forbidden to cut down the 
indigo plant to use it in dyeing 2 , 

ii. Or to burn wood for charcoal, or to bleach 
cloth in the sun. 

1 2. The gates of cities and villages should not be 
shut 3 , nor should vexatious inquiries be instituted at 
the barrier gates or in the markets. 

1 The first and last of the three sacrificial services in the para- 
graph were subsidiary to the second, the great praying for rain to 
God by the sovereign ; the motive is not mentioned in the text, but 
only he could conduct a service to God. Callery renders: — 
'En meme temps 1'empereur invoque le ciel avec grand apparat 
(afin d'obtenir de la pluie), et cette ceremonie est accompagnee de 
grande musique.' All Chinese commentators admit that the per- 
former was the sovereign. iTang Khang-Mang says: 'For this 
sacrifice to God, they made an altar (or altars) by the side of the 
(grand altar in the) southern suburb, and sacrificed to the five essen- 
tial (or elemental) gods with the former rulers as their assessors.' 
But the JfAien-lung editors insist on the text's having * God,' and not 
' five gods,' and that the correct view is that the sacrifice was to the 
one God dwelling in the bright sky, or, as Williams renders the 
phrase, ' the Shang Tt of the glorious heaven.' 

* The plant would not yet be fully fit for use. 

' Every facility should be afforded for the circulation of air 
during the summer heats. 

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1 3. Leniency should be shown to prisoners charged 
(even) with great crimes, and their allowance of food 
be increased 1 . 

14. Impregnated mares are collected in herds by 
themselves, and the fiery stallions are tied up. The 
rules for the rearing of horses are given out. 

15. In this month the longest day arrives. The 
influences in nature of darkness and decay and those 
of brightness and growth struggle together; the 
tendencies to death and life are divided*. Superior 
men give themselves to vigil and fasting. They keep 
retired in their houses, avoid all violent exercise, 
restrain their indulgence in music and beautiful sights, 
eschew the society of their wives, make their diet 
spare, use no piquant condiments, keep their desires 
under rule, and maintain their spirits free from excite- 
ment The various magistrates keep things quiet 
and inflict no punishments s ; — to bring about that 
state of settled quiet in which the influence of dark- 
ness and decay shall obtain its full development 

16. Deer shed their horns. Cicadas begin to sing. 
The midsummer herb is produced. The tree hibis- 
cus flowers 4 . 

17. In this month fires should not be lighted (out 
of doors) in the southern regions (of the country). 

1 The leniency would be seen in the lightening of their fetters for 
one thing, — in consequenceof the exhaustion produced by the season. 

1 Decay begins to set in, while growth and vigour seek to 
maintain their hold. 

' The JKiien-lung editors approve a reading here, which means, 
instead of ' no punishments,' ' no rash or hurried action.' 

* The ' tree hibiscus ' is the ' hibiscus syriacus.' The ' half-sum- 
mer herb ' is medicinal. It is ' white, with round seeds, and of a 
hot and pungent taste.' 

T 2 

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276 THE Li kI. BK. iv. 

18. People may live in buildings high and bright. 
They may enjoy distant prospects. They may 
ascend hills and heights. They may occupy towers 
and lofty pavilions 1 . 

19. If, in the second month of summer, the govern- 
mental proceedings of winter were observed, hail and 
cold would injure the grain ; the roads would not be 
passable ; and violent assaults of war would come. 
If the proceedings proper to spring were observed, 
the grains would be late in ripening ; all kinds of 
locusts would continually be appearing ; and there 
would be famine in the states. If those proper to 
autumn were observed, herbs and plants would drop 
their leaves ; fruits would ripen prematurely; and the 
people would be consumed by pestilence. 

Part III. 

1. In the third month of summer the sun is in 
Liu, the constellation culminating at dusk being 
Kwo, and that culminating at dawn Khwei 2 . 

2. Its days are ping and ting. Its divine ruler is 
Yen Tl, and the (assisting) spirit is AT^u-yung. Its 
musical note is A"ih, and its pitch-tube is Lin 
A""ung 8 . 

1 At the beginning of this paragraph there should be — ' In this 

* Liu comprehends 8, f, {, 17, 0, p, a, and a Hydrse; Hwo is the 
same as Hsin, the fifth of the Chinese zodiacal constellations 
comprehending Antares, <r, r, and two c. 3584, 3587, Scorpio; 
Khwei (as stated above, p. 257) comprehends /3 (Mirac), 8, * , ( , m, 
r, w of Andromeda, and some stars of Pisces. 

' The fourth of the tubes that give the six lower musical 

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3. Its number is seven. Its taste is acrid. Its 
smell is that of things burning. Its sacrifice is that 
at the furnace ; and of the parts of the victim the lungs 
have the foremost place. 

4. Gentle winds begin to blow. The cricket takes 
its place in the walls. (Young) hawks learn to prac- 
tise (the ways of their parents) 1 . Decaying grass 
becomes fire-flies. 

5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment 
on the right of the Ming Thang (Fane) ; rides in 
the vermilion carriage, drawn by the red horses 
with black tails, and bearing the red flag. He is 
dressed in the red robes, and wears the carnation 
gems. He eats beans and fowls. The vessels 
which he uses are tall, (to resemble) the large 
growth (of things). 

6. Orders are given to the master of the Fishermen 
to attack the alligator, to take the gavial, to present 
the tortoise, and to take the great turtle 2 . 

7. Orders are given to the superintendent of the 
Meres to collect and send in the rushes available 
for use. 

8. In this month orders are given to the four 

1 Compare what is said about hawks in paragraph 4, page 258. 
'Here,' says Wang Thao, 'we have the turtle-doves trans- 
formed back to hawks, showing that the former notice was 
metaphorical.' What is said about the fire-flies is, of course, a 
mistaken fancy. 

* The first of these animals — the £i£o — is, probably, the alli- 
gator or crocodile; it was taken only after a struggle or fight. 
The second — the tho — had a skin used in making drums ; and its 
flesh, as well as that of the fourth — the yuan — was used in making 

Digitized by 


278 THE Lt Kt. 

BK. IV. 

inspectors 1 to make a great collection over all the 
districts of the different kinds of fodder to nourish 
the sacrificial victims; and to require all the people to 
do their utmost towards this end ; — to supply what is 
necessary for (the worship of) God (who dwells in) 
the great Heaven, and for the spirits of the famous 
hills, great streams, and four quarters, and for the 
sacrifices to the Intelligences of the ancestral temple, 
and at the altars to the spirits of the land and 
grain ; that prayer may be made for blessing to the 

9. In this month orders are given by the officers 
of women's (work), on the subject of dyeing *. (They 
are to see) that the white and black, the black and 
green, the green and carnation, the carnation and 
white be all according to the ancient rules, without 
error or change ; and that their black, yellow, azure, 
and carnation be all genuine and good, without any 
presumptuous attempts at imposition. These furnish 
the materials for the robes used at the sacrifices in 
the suburbs and the ancestral temple ; for flags and 
their ornaments ; and for marking the different 
degrees of rank as high or low. 

10. In this month the trees are luxuriant ; and 
orders are given to the foresters to go among the 
hills and examine the trees, and see that the people 
do not cut any down or lop their branches 8 . 

1 Of hills, forests, rivers, and meres. 

* We find full details of the number and duties of the super- 
intendents of women's work, with its tailoring, dyeing, and other 
things, in the Kin Li, Books I and- VII. 

' The JSTAien-lung editors say that this was to let the process of 
growth have its full course; and, besides, that wood cut down in 
spring and summer will be found full of insects. 

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1 1. There should not be any work in earth 1 (now) 
undertaken; nor any assembling of the princes of the 
states ; nor any military movements, causing general 
excitement. There should be no undertaking of (such) 
great affairs, which will disturb the nourishing growth 
that is proceeding, nor any issuing of orders to be 
hereafter carried into effect. All these things will 
interfere with the business of husbandry, (which is 
specially dear to) the Spirits 8 . The floods are now 
great and overflow the roads ; husbandry (dear to) 
the Spirits has to take in hand its various tasks. 
The curse of Heaven will come on the undertaking 
of great affairs (at this time). 

1 Such as building walls and fortifications, or laying out the 

* The text is — ' will interfere with the business of Shan Nang 
(ftfj f $ J| ^ Ipf.).' How is it that 'husbandry' has here the 
epithet of Shan, or 'spiritual,' 'mysterious,' applied to it? The 
Aj5ien-lung editors say: — ' 3hii Yung (our second century) makes 
Shin Nang to be Yen Tt (the divine ruler of the summer). JZUng 
made the name to be that of " the spirit of the ground." Kio Yu 
(second century) took it as a name for the minister of Husbandry. 
To some extent each of these views might be admitted, but none 
of them is very certain. Looking carefully at the text it simply 
says that no great undertakings should be allowed to interfere 
with husbandry. That it does not plainly say husbandry, but 
calls it the Shan husbandry, is from a sense of its importance, and 
therefore making it out to be Spirit-sanctioned. Heaven produced 
the people, and the grain to nourish them; is not sowing and 
reaping the business of Heaven? When a ruler knows this, he 
feels that he is under the inspection of Heaven in his reverent 
regard of the people, and the importance which he attaches to 
husbandry. He will not dare lightly to use the people's strength, 
so as to offend against Heaven.' I have tried to bring out their 
view in my version. 

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280 THE l! kI. 

BK. IV. 

12. In this month the ground lies steaming and 
wet beneath the heats, for great rains are (also) con- 
tinually coming. They burn the grass lying cut upon 
the ground 1 and bring the water over it. This is as 
effectual to kill the roots as hot water would be ; and 
the grass thus serves to manure the fields of grain and 
hemp, and to fatten the ground which has been but 
just marked out for cultivation. 

13. If, in the last month of summer, the govern- 
mental proceedings proper to spring were observed, 
the produce of grain would be scanty and fail ; in the 
states there would be many colds and coughs ; and 
the people would remove to other places. If the 
proceedings proper to autumn were observed, even 
the high grounds would be flooded ; the grain that 
had been sown would not ripen ; and there would be 
many miscarriages among women. If those proper 
to winter were observed, the winds and cold would 
come out of season ; the hawks and falcons would 
prematurely attack their prey ; and all along the four 
borders people would enter their places of shelter. 

Supplementary Section. 

1 . Right in the middle (between Heaven and Earth, 
and the other elements) is earth. 

2. Its days are wu and ki. 

3. Its divine ruler is Hwang Tl ; and the (attend- 
ing) spirit is Hau-thu. 

1 Compare what is said on the duties of those who cut the grass, 
as is here assumed to be done, in the Kin Li, Book XXXVII, 
paragraphs 8o, 81 ($j| ^). 

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THE Y()EH LING. 28l 

4. Its creature is that without any natural cover- 
ing but the skin. 

5. Its musical note is Aung, and its pitch- 
tube gives the £ung note from the tube Hwang 

6. Its number is five. Its taste is sweet. Its smell 
is fragrant. 

7. Its sacrifice is that of the middle court ; and of 
the parts of the victim the heart has the foremost 

8. The son of Heaven occupies the Grand apart- 
ment of the Grand fane ; rides in the great carriage 
drawn by the yellow horses with black tails, and bear- 
ing the yellow flag ; is clothed in the yellow robes, 
and wears the yellow gems. He eats panicled 
millet and beef. The vessels which he uses are 
round, (and made to resemble) the capacity (of the 
earth) 1 . 

1 I have called this a supplementary section. It is dropt in, in 
all its brevity, without mention of any proceedings of government, 
between the end of summer and the beginning of autumn. It has 
all the appearance of an after-thought, suggested by the super- 
stitious fancies of the compiler. Callery says on it : — 

' This passage can only be comprehended by help of the in- 
timate affinities which Chinese philosophers have attributed to the 
different beings of nature. According to them, the four seasons 
are related to the four cardinal points : spring to the east, summer 
to the south, autumn to the west, and winter to the north. Each 
of the cardinal points is related to an element : the east to wood, 
the south to fire, the west to metal, and the north to water. But 
as there is a fifth element, that of earth, and the four cardinal 
points have no reason for being distinguished as they are, but 
that there is a point in the middle between them, which is still the 
earth, it follows from this that the earth ought to have its place in 
the midst of the four seasons, that is, at the point of separation 

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282 the l! rt. 

BK. IV. 

between summer and autumn. Here a difficulty presented itself. 
The bamboo flutes to which the Chinese months are referred being 
but twelve, where shall be found the musical affinities of the earth ? 
But the Chinese philosopher did not find himself embarrassed. 
See how he reasoned. The sound of the first flute, that is, of the 
longest and largest, is the strongest and most grave, and, like 
a bass, harmonizes with all the other sounds more acute. So the 
earth, likewise, is the most important of all the elements; it extends 
towards all the cardinal points, and intervenes in the products of 
each season. Hence the earth ought to correspond to the sound 
of the first flute ! These affinities extend to colours, tastes, and a 
crowd of other categories.' 

The iMien-lung editors say : — 

* Speaking from the standpoint of Heaven, then the earth is in 
the midst of Heaven; that is, (the element of) earth. Speaking 
from the standpoint of the Earth, then wood, fire, metal, and water 
are all supported on it. The manner in which the way of Earth is 
affected by that of Heaven cannot be described by reference to 
one point, or one month. Speaking from the standpoint of the 
heavenly stems, then wu and it occupy the middle places, and 
are between the stems for fire and metal, to convey the system of 
mutual production. Speaking from the standpoint of the " earthly 
branches," the Man, hsu, kh&u, and wi occupy the corners of 
the four points ; wood, fire, metal, and water, all turn to earth. 
This is what the idea of reciprocal ending, and that of elemental 
flourishing, arise from. This may be exhibited in the several 
points, and reckoned by the periods of days. The talk about the 
elements takes many directions, but the underlying principle comes 
to be the same 1 ' 

I shall be glad if my readers can understand this. 

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SICT. 111. PT. I. THE Yt)EH LING. 283 

Section III. Part I. 

1. In the first month of autumn, the sun is in Yl ; 
the constellation culminating at dusk being A"ien- 
hsing, and that culminating at dawn Pi 1 . 

2. Its days are kang and hsin. 

3. Its divine ruler is Shao Hao, and the (attend- 
ing) spirit is Zu-shau 2 . 

4. Its creatures are, the hairy. 

5. Its musical note is Shang; its pitch-tube is 
t 3eh s . 

6. Its number is nine. Its taste is bitter. Its 
smell is rank. 

7. Its sacrifice is that at the gate; and of the 
parts of the victim the liver has the foremost place. 

8. Cool winds come ; the white dew descends 4 ; 
the cicada of the cold chirps 6 . (Young) hawks at this 

1 Yl corresponds to Crater. .AJIen-hsing comprehends stars in 
Sagittarius (see page 257). PI corresponds to the Hyades. 

1 Shao Hao follows Hwang Ti, whose eldest son he was, as the 
fourth in the list of the five Ti, or divine rulers (b. c. 2594). His 
capital was at JOtt-fau, the city of Confucius; and I have seen, 
at a little distance from it, perhaps the only pyramid in China, 
which is in memory of him, and said to be on or near his grave. 
His personal appellation is iSTin-thien ( ^ ^), or Thien-Jin, 
the element to which he and his reign are assigned being tin, or 
metal. Zu-shau was one of his sons. 

* 1 3eh, ' the equalization of the Laws,' is the tube giving the 
fifth of the upper musical accords. 

* White dew is a name for hoar-frost. 

* This cicada (Williams thinks the cicada viridis) is called 

Digitized by 


284 THE Lt Ki. BK. tv. 

time sacrifice birds, as the first step they take to kill- 
ing (and eating) them 1 . 

9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on 
the left of the 3ung-£ang (Fane) ; rides in the war 
chariot, drawn by the white horses with black manes, 
and bearing the white flag. He is clothed in the 
white robes, and wears the white jade. He eats 
hemp-seeds and dog's flesh. The vessels which he 
uses are rectangular, and going on to be deep 2 . 

10. In this month there takes place the inaugura- 
tion of autumn. Three days before the ceremony, 
the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, say- 
ing, ' On such-and-such a day is the inauguration of 
the autumn. The character of the season is fully 
seen in metal.' On this the son of Heaven devotes 
himself to self-adjustment; and on the day he leads 
in person the three ducal ministers, the nine high 
ministers, the princes of states (at court), and his 
Great officers, to meet the autumn in the western 
suburb, and on their return he rewards the general- 
in-chief, and the military officers in the court. 

1 1 . The son of Heaven also orders the leaders and 
commanders to choose men and sharpen weapons, to 
select and exercise those of distinguished merit, and 

' the dumb.' Now it begins to chirp. Its colour is ' green and 

1 Compare what is said about the otter, page 251. 

* 3ung-£ang is made out to mean, ' all bright,' and the apart- 
ment was on the west ; with mystical reference to the maturity and 
gathering of all things in the autumn, or season of the west. The 
vessels were rectangular, having sharp corners in harmony with the 
sharp weapons made of metal, to which element the season of 
autumn is referred; and they were deep, to resemble the deep 
bosom of the earth, to which things now begin to return. 

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to give their entire trust only to men whose services 
have been proved ; — thereby to correct all un- 
righteousness. (He instructs them also) to make 
enquiries about and punish the oppressive and inso- 
lent; — thereby making it clear whom he loves and 
whom he hates, and giving effect to (the wishes of) 
the people, even the most distant from court. 

12. In this month orders are given to the proper 
officers to revise the laws and ordinances, to put the 
prisons in good repair, to provide handcuffs and 
fetters, to repress and stop villainy, to maintain a 
watch against crime and wickedness, and to do their 
endeavour to capture criminals. Orders are (also) 
given to the managers (of prisons) to look at wounds, 
examine sores, inspect broken members, and judge 
particularly of dislocations. The determination of 
cases, both criminal and civil, must be correct and 
just Heaven and earth now begin to be severe ; — 
there should be no excess in copying that severity, 
or in the opposite indulgence 1 . 

13. In this month the husbandmen present their 
grain. The son of Heaven tastes it, while still new, 
first offering some in the apartment at the back of the 
ancestral temple. 

14. Orders are given to all the officers to begin 
their collecting and storing the contributions (from 

1 For this last sentence Callery has : — ' (Ce mois-ci) la nature 
commencant a devenir rigoureuse, on ne doit pas augmenter (ses 
rigeurs par l'application de chatiments trop severes).' Wang ThSo 
takes an opposite view. I think I have got the thought that was 
in the compiler's mind. See the note of the A^ien-lung editors 
with reference to the advocacy of it by commentators of ' the Brief 
Calendar of HsiaV 

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286 THE L! ft. BK. IV. 

the husbandmen); to finish the embankments and 
dykes ; to look to the dams and fillings up in pre- 
paration for the floods, and also to refit all houses ; 
to strengthen walls and enclosures ; and to repair 
city and suburban walls. 

1 5. In this month there should be no investing of 
princes, and no appointment of great ministers. 
There should be no dismemberment of any territory, 
no sending out on any great commission, and no 
issuing of great presents. 

16. If, in this first month of autumn, the proceedings 
of government proper to winter were observed, then 
the dark and gloomy influence (of nature) would 
greatly prevail ; the shelly insects would destroy the 
grain ; and warlike operations would be called for. 
If the proceedings proper to spring were observed, 
there would be droughts in the states ; the bright and 
growing influence would return ; and the five kinds 
of grain would not yield their fruit If the proceed- 
ings proper to summer were observed, there would 
be many calamities from fire in the states ; the cold 
and the heat would be subject to no rule ; and there 
would be many fevers among the people. 

Part II. 

1. In the second month of autumn the sun is in 
A"io, the constellation culminating at dusk being 
A^ien-niu, and that culminating at dawn3ze-hsl'. 

2. Its days are £ang and hsin. Its divine ruler 

1 K'xo corresponds to a (Spica) and f of Virgo; A^ien-nifl 
(see on page 262) to certain stars in the neck of Aquila; and 
3ze-hsi is said to be X Orion. 

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is Shao Hio, and the (attending) spirit is Zu- 
shau. Its insects are the hairy. Its musical note is 
Shang, and its pitch-tube is Nan Ltt 1 . 

3. Its number is nine. Its taste is bitter. Its 
smell is rank. Its sacrifice is that of the gate ; and 
of the parts of the victim the liver has the foremost 

4 Sudden and violent winds come. The wild 
geese arrive 2 . The swallows return (whence they 
came) 2 . Tribes of birds store up provisions (for 
the future) 3 . 

5. The son of Heaven occupies the 3ung-£ang 
Grand Fane ; rides in the war chariot, drawn by 
the white horses with black manes, and bearing 
the white flag. He is clothed in the white robes, 
and wears the white gems. He eats hemp-seed and 
dog's flesh. The vessels which he uses are rectan- 
gular or cornered, and rather deep. 

6. In this month they take especial care of the 

1 Nan Ltt, ' the southern spine,' is the tube that gives the fifth of 
the lower musical accords. 

* The wild geese are now returning to their winter quarters, 
from which they had come in the first month of spring ; see page 
251. So with the swallows, who had appeared in the second 
month of spring; see page 259. 

* This sentence is hardly translatable or intelligible. Some 
would read as in paragraph 95 of 'the Brief Calendar of Hsia' 
(ft ifal J§L S Ml)> trans ' ate< ^ by Professor Douglas: 'The red 
birds (i. e. fire-flies) devour the white birds (i. e. mosquitoes),' which 
he ingeniously supports by a reference to the habits of the fire-fly 
from Chambers' Encyclopaedia. But his translation of hsiu by 
'devour' is inadmissible. Wang Thio says that this view is 
'chisseling.' ' Sparrows and other birds,' he says, ' now collect 
seeds of grapes and trees, and store them in their nests and holes 
against the time of rain and snow.' 

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288 the l! rf. 

BK. IV. 

decaying and old ; give them stools and staves, 
and distribute supplies of congee for food. 

7. Orders are given to the superintendent of robes 
to have ready the upper and lower dresses with their 
various ornaments. For the figures and embroidery 
on them there are fixed patterns. Their size, length, 
and dimensions must all be according to the old 
examples. For the caps and girdles (also) there are 
regular rules. 

8. Orders are given to the proper officers to revise 
with strict accuracy (the laws about) the various 
punishments. Beheading** and (the other) capital 
executions must be according to (the crimes) without 
excess or defect. Excess or defect out of such propor- 
tion will bring on itself the judgment (of Heaven). 

9. In this month orders are given to the officers 
of slaughter and prayer to go round among the 
victims for sacrifice, seeing that they are entire and 
complete, examining their fodder and grain, inspect- 
ing their condition as fat or thin, and judging of 
their looks. They must arrange them according to 
their classes. In measuring their size, and looking 
at the length (of their horns), they must have them 
according to the (assigned) measures. When all 
these points are as they ought to be, God will accept 
the sacrifices 1 . 

10. The son of Heaven performs the ceremonies 
against pestilence, to secure development for the 
(healthy) airs of autumn. 

11. He eats the hemp-seed (which is now pre- 

1 JiT&ng says here : ' And if God accept them, of course there is 
no other spirit that will not do so.' 

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sented) along with dog's flesh, first offering some in 
the apartment at the back of the ancestral temple. 

12. In this month it is allowable to rear city and 
suburban walls, to establish cities and towns, to dig 
underground passages and grain-pits, and to repair 
granaries, round and square. 

1 3. Orders are given to the proper officers to be 
urgent with the people, and (to finish) receiving their 
contributions and storing them. They should do 
their best to accumulate (large) stores of vegetables 
and other things. 

14. They should (also) stimulate the wheat-sowing. 
(The husbandmen) should not be allowed to miss 
the proper time for the operation. Any who do so 
shall be punished without fail. 

15. In this month day and night are equal. The 
thunder begins to restrain its voice. Insects stop 
up the entrances to their burrows. The influence 
to decay and death gradually increases. That of 
brightness and growth daily diminishes. The waters 
begin to dry up. 

16. At the equinox, they make uniform the mea- 
sures of length and capacity; equalise the steel- 
yards and their weights ; rectify the weights of 30 
and 1 20 catties ; and adjust the pecks and bushels. 

17. In this month they regulate and reduce the 
charges at the frontier gates and in the markets, to 
encourage the resort of both regular and travelling 
traders, and the receipt of goods and money ; for the 
convenience of the business of the people. When 
merchants and others collect from all quarters, and 
come from the most distant parts, then the resources 
(of the government) do not fail. There is no want 

07] ' U 

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2gO THE hi zt. 

BE. IV. 

of means for its use ; and all things proceed pros- 

1 8. In commencing great undertakings, there 
should be no opposition to the great periods (for 
them) as defined (by the motion of the sun). They 
must be conformed to the times (as thereby marked 
out), and particular attention paid to the nature of 
each 1 . 

19. If in this second month of autumn the proceed- 
ings proper to spring were observed, the autumnal 

1 Callery translates this paragraph by : ' Toute personne ayant 
une chose importante a accomplir ne doit pas se mettre en oppo- 
sition avec les grands principes (yin etyang); il doit se con- 
former au temps (propre a agir ; mais il doit aussi) Men examiner 
la nature m6me de rentreprise.' He appends to this the following 
note: — 'Les deux principes yin et yang auxquels se rapportent 
tous les Stres, ayant tour-a-tour la predominance dans certaines 
e*poques de l'ann^e, le temps convenable pour une chose quel- 
conque est celui auquel pre*domine le principe dont cette chose 
depend par son affinite* naturelle. Ainsi, par exemple, les travaux 
de terrassement et de construction conviennent en automne, parce 
que le principe yin dont ils dependent est en progres pendant 
l'automne. Ne*anmoins, de ce que cette epoque de l'annee est 
favorable sous ce point de vue, il ne s'ensuit pas que toute entre- 
prise de construction faite en automne soit avantageuse en elle- 
meme ; une foule de circonstances peuvent la rendre ruineuse, et 
c'est a 1'entrepreneur de bien l'examiner, abstraction faite de la 

The text rendered by Callery, Mes deux principes (yin et 
yang),' is simply ta shu, 'the grand numbers,' the meaning of 
which I have endeavoured to bring out by the supplements in my 
version. The yin and yang are not mentioned in the text of the 
paragraph. They are simply a binomial phrase for the course of 
nature, with special reference to the weather and its conditions, 
as regulated by the action of the sun on the earth in the course of 
the seasons. 

Digitized by 



rains would not fall ; plants and trees would blossom; 
and in the states there would be alarms. If those 
proper to summer were observed, there would be 
droughts in the states ; insects would not retire to 
their burrows ; and the five grains would begin to 
grow again. I f those proper to winter were observed, 
calamities springing from (unseasonable) winds would 
be constantly arising ; the thunder now silent would 
be heard before its time; and plants and trees 
would die prematurely. 

Part III. 

1. In the last month of autumn the sun is in Fang, 
the constellation culminating at dusk being Hsu 1 , and 
that culminating at dawn Liu. 

2. Its days are kang and hsin. Its divine ruler 
is Shao Hao, and the (attending) spirit is 3u-shau. 
Its creatures are the hairy. Its musical note is 
Shang, and its pitch-tube is Wu Yl 2 . 

3. Its number is nine. Its taste is bitter. Its 
smell is rank. Its sacrifice is that at the gate ; 
and of the parts of the victim the liver has the fore- 
most place. 

4. The wild geese come,' (and abide) like guests 8 . 

1 Fang comprehends j3, i, «■, p Scorpio. Hsti corresponds to 
Aquarius ; and Liu comprehends i, «, C, 7, 6, p, <r, <f> Hydra. 

* Wu Yt, 'the unwearied,' is the tube giving the sixth upper 
musical accord. 

8 The addition of guests here is a difficulty. It is said on the 
previous month that 'the wild geese come;' are these here the 
same as those, or are they others, — the younger birds, as some 
suppose, which had waited after the former, and still found it 
necessary to remain on their passage to recruit their strength ? 

U 2 

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292 THE hi K.\. 

BK. IV. 

Small birds enter the great water and become 
mollusks 1 . Chrysanthemums show their yellow 
flowers. The kh§\ sacrifice larger animals, and 
kill (and devour) the smaller 2 . 

5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on 
the right of the 3ung-£ang (Fane) ; rides in the war 
chariot, drawn by the white horses with black manes, 
and bearing the white flags ; is dressed in the white 
robes, and wears the white jade. He eats hemp- 
seeds and dog's flesh. The vessels which he uses 
are rectangular, cornered, and rather deep. 

6. In this month the orders are renewed and 

1 Professor Douglas has made it more than probable that the 
'small birds' here are sand-pipers. What is said about them, 
however, will not admit of his version, that they * go into the sea 
or lakes for crustaceae.' His ' crustaceae ' should be ' mollusks.' 
According to all rules of Chinese composition, what he renders 
'for' must be taken verbally, =' to become.' It is not merely 
the Chinese ' commentators,' who consider the sentence to mean, 
' Sparrows go into the sea and become crustaceae (? mollusks) ; ' it 
is what the text says. It is indeed an absurd statement, but a 
translator is not responsible for that. The ATAien-lung editors observe 
that there is no mention here of the little birds being ' transformed,' 
as in the paragraph about the 'hawks' on page 258, and hence 
they argue that we cannot understand the notice here meta- 
phorically. They accept the fact (?). The marine Ko, which is men- 
tioned here, as figured in the plates of the Pin 3hao Kang-mu, 
is the Calyptroida Trochita. 

8 Compare what is said about the otter, page 251. Professor 
Douglas argues that the khi\ is the polecat. But this identi- 
fication cannot yet be received as certain. The kA&i is 'dog- 
footed,' ' hunts in troops/ and has ' a voice like that of the dog.' 
In Japanese plates it is not at all like ' the polecat.' An English 
naturalist, to whom I submitted a Japanese work illustrative of the 
Shih King, many years ago, has written over the khii, 'a wild 
dog or wolf.' 

Digitized by 


SECT. III. PT. ill. THE Yt)EH LING. 293 

strictly enjoined, charging the various officers (to 
see) that noble and mean all exert themselves in the 
work of ingathering, in harmony with the storing of 
heaven and earth. They must not allow anything to 
remain out in the fields. 

7. Orders are also given to the chief minister, after 
the fruits of husbandry have all been gathered in, to 
take in hand the registers of the produce of the 
different grains (from all the country), and to store 
up the produce that has been gathered from the acres 
of God in the granary of the spirits ; doing this with 
the utmost reverence and correctness 1 . 

8. In this month the hoar-frost begins to fall; and 
all labours cease (for a season). 

9. Orders are given to the proper officers, saying, 
' The cold airs are all coming, and the people will not 
be able to endure them. Let all enter within their 
houses (for a time).' 

10. On the first ting day orders are given to the 
chief Director of music to enter the college, and 
to practise (with his pupils) on the wind instruments. 

11. In this month an announcement is made to the 
son of Heaven that the victims for the great sacrifice 
to God, and the autumnal sacrifice in the ancestral 
temple 2 are fit and ready. 

1 ' This,' says Hsu Sze-jang (Ming dynasty), ' is the great rule 
of making provision for the sustenance of men and for serving 
spiritual beings, — two things demanding the utmost inward rever- 
ence and outward reverential vigour.' I suppose that the 'spirit- 
granary' contained the grain for all governmental sacrifices, as 
well as that gathered from 'the acres of God,' and to be used 
specially in sacrifices to Him. 

* This paragraph gives great trouble to the JTAien-lung editors ; 
but we need not enter on their discussions. 

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294 THE L * **• 

BK. IV. 

1 2. The princes of the states are assembled, and 
orders given to the officers of the various districts 
(in the royal domain). They receive the first days 
of the months for the coming year 1 , and the laws for 
the taxation of the people by the princes, both light 
and heavy, and the amount of the regular contribu- 
tion to the government, which is determined by the 
distance of the territories and the nature of their 
several productions. The object of this is to provide 
what is necessary for the suburban sacrifices and those 
in the ancestral temple. No private considerations 
are allowed to have place in this. 

13. In this month the son of Heaven, by means of 
hunting, teaches how to use the five weapons of war, 
and the rules for the management of horses. 

14. Orders are given to the charioteers and the 
seven (classes of) grooms 2 to see to the yoking of the 
several teams, to set up in the carriages the flags and 
various banners 3 , to assign the carriages according to 
the rank (of those who were to occupy them), and to 
arrange and set up the screens outside (the royal 
tent). The minister of Instruction, with his baton 

1 This last month of autumn, the ninth from the first month of 
spring, was the last month of the year with the dynasty of 3hin, 
when it was high time to give out the calendar for the months of 
the next year. 

1 The sovereign's horses were divided into six classes> and 
every class had its own grooms, with one among them who had 
the superintendence of the rest. See a narrative in the 3o J&Twan, 
under the eighteenth year of duke Jfh&ng. 

* Two of these insignia are mentioned in the text; — the 3ing, 
which was only a pennant, and the Kio, a large banner with a 
tortoise and serpent intertwined. No doubt the meaning is, ' the 
various banners.' 

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stuck in his girdle, addresses all before him with his 
face to the north. 

15. Then the son of Heaven, in his martial orna- 
ments, with his bow in one hand, and the arrows under 
the armpit of the other, proceeds to hunt. (Finally), 
he gives orders to the superintendent of Sacrifices, to 
offer some of the captured game to (the spirits of) the 
four quarters. 

1 6. In this month the plants and trees become 
yellow and their leaves fall, on which the branches 
are cut down to make charcoal. 

17. Insects in their burrows all try to push deeper, 
and from within plaster up the entrances. In accord- 
ance with (the season), they hurry on the decision and 
punishment of criminal cases, wishing not to leave 
them any longer undealt with. Theycall in emoluments 
that have been assigned incorrectly, and minister to 
those whose means are insufficient for their wants. 

18. In this month the son of Heaven eats dog's 
flesh and rice, first presenting some in the apartment 
at the back of the ancestral temple. 

19. If, in this last month of autumn, the proceed- 
ings proper to summer were observed, there would 
be great floods in the states ; the winter stores would 
be injured and damaged ; there would be many colds 
and catarrhs among the people. If those proper to 
winter were observed, there would be many thieves 
and robbers in the states ; the borders would be un- 
quiet ; and portions of territory would be torn from 
the rest. If those proper to spring were observed, 
the warm airs would come ; the energies of the people 
would be relaxed and languid ; and the troops would 
be kept moving about 

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296 the l! ri. bk. iv. 

Section IV. Part I. 

1. In the first month of winter the sun is in Wei, 
the constellation culminating at dusk being Wei, 
and the constellation culminating at dawn A'^ih- 
hsing 1 . 

2. Its days are the £an and kwei. 

3. Its divine ruler is Awan-hsil, and the (attend- 
ing) spirit is Hsuan-ming 2 . 

4. Its creatures are the shell-covered. 

5. Its musical note is Yii, and its pitch-tube is 
Ying A'ung 8 . 

6. Its number is six. Its taste is salt Its smell 
is that of things that are rotten. 

7. Its sacrifice is that at (the altar of) the path, and 

1 ^ e ' (J^§) comprehends «, p Scorpio; Wei (^, as on 
page 272) corresponds to stars in Aquarius and Pegasus. Khih 
H sing (as on p. 262) corresponds to stars in Hydra. 

9 ATwan-hsfl is the dynastic designation of the grandson of 
Hwang Tl, the commencement of whose reign is assigned in 
B.C. 2510. He is known also by the personal designation of K&o- 
yang, from the name of his second capital. Among the elements 
his reign is assigned to water, and thence to the north ; and hence 
the designation of his minister as Hslian-ming, 'the dark and 
mysterious,' who was called Hsiu (ffi) and Hst (j5ft), and 
is said to have been a son of Sh&o Hio. 

• Yd is the fifth of the notes of the scale; and Ying Aung, 
' the responsive tube,' the name of the last of the tubes giving the 
six lower musical accords. 

Digitized by 



among the parts of the victim the kidneys have the 
foremost place 1 . 

8. Water begins to congeal. The earth begins to 
be penetrated by the cold. Pheasants enter the great 
water and become large mollusks*. Rainbows are 
hidden and do not appear. 

9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on 
the left of the Hsiian Thang (Fane); rides in the 
dark -coloured carriage, drawn by the iron black 
horses, and bearing the dark-coloured flag ; is dressed 
in the black robes, and wears the dark-coloured jade. 
He eats millet and sucking-pig. The vessels which 
he uses are large and rather deep. 

10. In this month there takes place the inaugura- 
tion of winter. Three days before this ceremony, 
the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, say- 
ing, ' On such-and-such a day is the inauguration of 
winter. The character of the season is fully seen in 

1 This altar was outside the gate leading to the ancestral temple, 
on the west of it. Many say that here was the ' well ' supplying 
the water used for the temple, and would read jang {$$■) for 
hsing (fj). 

* The 'great water' here is said in the 'Narratives of the States' 
(Book XV) to be the Hwii. The k h a n is said to be a large species of 
the ko, into which small birds are transformed (p. 292). Of course 
the transmutation of the pheasants into these is absurd. Professor 
Douglas has found in a Chinese Encyclopaedia a statement that 
Man is sometimes an equivalent of pbu lu (^ Sh, 'sweet 
flags and rushes.' The lfl, however, is sometimes read Id, and 
said to have the same sound and meaning as jj&&, 'a spiral 
univalve;' but the great objection to Professor Douglas' view 
is the meaning he puts on the j^, as pointed out on p. 292. 
The text cannot be construed as he proposes. 

Digitized by 


298 THE l! Kt. 

BK. IV. 

water.' On this the son of Heaven devotes himself 
to self-adjustment ; and on the day of the inaugura- 
tion he leads in person the three ducal ministers, the 
nine high ministers, and his Great officers to meet the 
winter in the northern suburbs. On his return he 
rewards (the descendants of) those who died in the 
service (of the kingdom), and shows his compassion 
to orphans and widows. 

11. In this month orders are given to the Grand 
recorder to smear with blood the tortoise-shells and 
divining stalks 1 , and by interpreting the indications 
of the former and examining the figures formed by 
the latter, to determine the good and evil of their 
intimations. (In this way) all flattery and partizan- 
ship in the interpretation of them (will become clear), 
and the crime of the operators be brought home. 
No concealment or deceit will be allowed. 

12. In this month the son of Heaven sets the 
example of wearing furs. 

1 3. Orders are issued to the proper officers in the 
words : — ' The airs of heaven are ascended on high, 
and those of earth have descended beneath. There 
is no intercommunion of heaven and earth. All is 
shut up and winter is completely formed.' 

14. Orders are given to all the officers to cover up 
carefully the stores (of their departments). The 
minister of Instruction is also ordered to go round 
(among the people and see) that they have formed 
their stores, and that nothing is left ungathered. 

15. The city and suburban walls are put in good 

1 See in Mencius, I, 7, 4, on the consecration of a bell by 
smearing parts of it with blood. 

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repair ; the gates of towns and villages are looked 
after ; bolts and nuts are put to rights ; locks and keys 
are carefully attended to; the field-boundaries are 
strengthened ; the frontiers are well secured ; impor- 
tant defiles are thoroughly defended ; passes and 
bridges are carefully seen after; and narrow ways 
and cross-paths are shut up. 

16. The rules for mourning are revised ; the dis- 
tinctions of the upper and lower garments are defined ; 
the thickness of the inner and outer coffins is decided 
on; with the size, height and other dimensions of 
graves. The measures for all these things are 
assigned, with the degrees and differences in them 
according to rank. 

1 7. In this month orders are given to the chief 
Director of works to prepare a memorial on the work 
of the artificers; setting forth especially the sacrificial 
vessels with the measures and capacity (of them and 
all others), and seeing that there be no licentious in- 
genuity in the workmanship which might introduce an 
element of dissipation into the minds of superiors ; 
and making the suitability of the article the first con- 
sideration. Every article should have its maker's 
name engraved on it, for the determination of its 
genuineness. When the production is not what it 
ought to be, the artificer should be held guilty and 
an end be thus put to deception. 

18. In this month there is the great festivity when 
they drink together, and each of the stands bears 
half its animal roasted 1 . 

1 Wang Th&o understands this paragraph as meaning that at 
this season all, both high and low, feast in expression and 
augmentation of their joy. The characters will bear this inter- 

Digitized by 



THE Li *L BK. IV. 

19. The son of Heaven prays for (a blessing on) 
the coming year to the Honoured ones of heaven ; 
sacrifices with an ox, a ram, and a boar at the public 
altar to the spirits of the land, and at the gates of 
towns and villages; offers the sacrifice three days 
after the winter solstice with the spoils of the chase 
to all ancestors, and at the five (household) sacrifices ; 
— thus cheering the husbandmen and helping them 
to rest from their toils 1 . 

20. The son of Heaven orders his leaders and 
commanders to give instruction on military opera- 

pretation. The £ang, of the text however, has also the meaning 
which appears in the translation ; though on that view the state- 
ment is not so general. See the 'Narratives of the States,' I, 
ii. 8. 

1 The most common view seems to be that we have here the 
various parts of one sacrificial service, three days after the winter 
solstice, called && (^g), in the time of Aau, and 14 (j^j), in 
that of Khm. While the son of Heaven performed these services, 
it must have been at different places in the capital I suppose, 
analogous and modified services were celebrated generally through- 
out the kingdom. 

There is no agreement as to who are intended by ' the Honoured 
ones of heaven.' Many hold that they are 'the six Honoured ones,' 
to whom Shun is said to have sacrificed in the second part of the 
Shu King. But the -Oien-lung editors contend that the want of 
' six ' is a fatal objection to this view. Kao Yu, supposing the six 
Honoured ones to be meant, argued that ' heaven, earth, and the 
four seasons ' were intended by them, — those seasons co-operating 
with heaven and earth in the production of all things; but the 
same editors show, from the passages in the Shu, that heaven can 
in no sense be included among the six Honoured ones. They 
do not say, however, who or what is intended by the designation in 
the text The Id in the paragraph is taken in a pregnant sense, 
as if it were lieh (^, and not JjS), meaning ' to sacrifice with 
the spoils of the chase.' 

Digitized by 



tions, and to exercise (the soldiers) in archery and 
chariot-driving, and in trials of strength. 

21. In this month orders are given to the super- 
intendent of waters and the master of fishermen to 
collect the revenues from rivers, springs, ponds, and 
meres, taking care not to encroach in any way on any 
among the myriads of the people, so as to awaken a 
feeling of dissatisfaction in them against the son of 
Heaven. If they do this, they shall be punished for 
their guilt without forgiveness. 

22. If, in the first month of winter, the proceed- 
ings of government' proper to spring were observed, 
the cold that shuts up all beneath it would not do so 
tightly ; the vapours of the earth would rise up and 
go abroad ; many of the people would wander away 
and disappear. If those proper to summer were ob- 
served, there would be many violent winds in the 
states ; winter itself would not be cold ; and insects 
would come forth again from their burrows. If those 
proper to autumn were observed, the snow and hoar- 
frost would come unseasonably ; small military affairs 
would constantly be arising ; and incursions and loss 
of territory would occur. 

Part II. 

1. In the second month of winter the sun is in 
Tau, the constellation culminating at dusk being the 
eastern Pi, and that culminating at dawn Aan 1 . 

1 T&u comprehends f, X, /», a-, r, <f> of Sagittarius ; the eastern 
Pt, the fourteenth of the Chinese constellations, consists of Algenib 
or y Pegasus, and a of Andromeda; Kixi is the last of the con- 
stellations, and contains 0, y, d, and « of Corvus. 

Digitized by 


302 THE Lf kL BK. iv. 

2. Its days are san and kwei. Its divine ruler is 
A'wan-hsii, and the (attending) spirit is Hstian-ming. 
Its creatures are the shell-covered. Its musical note 
is Yii, and its pitch-tube is Hwang Kung 1 . 

3. Its number is six. Its taste is salt. Its smell is 
that of things that are rotten. Its sacrifice is that at 
(the altar of) the path, and of the parts of the victim 
the kidneys have the foremost place. 

4. The ice becomes more strong. The earth 
begins to crack or split The night bird ceases to 
sing. Tigers begin to pair*. 

5. The son of Heaven occupies the Grand Fane 
Hstian Thang ; rides in the dark-coloured carriage, 
drawn by the iron black horses, and bearing the dark- 
Coloured flag. He is dressed in the black robes, and 
wears the dark-coloured gems of jade. He eats 
millet and sucking-pig. The vessels which he uses 
are large and rather deep. 

6. All things relating to the dead are revised and 
regulated 8 . 

7. Orders are given to the proper officer to the 
following effect*: — 'There should nothing be done irt 

1 See page 281, paragraph 5. 

9 ' The earth begins to crack ; ' some say from the increasing 
intensity of the cold ; others from the warmth which has begun to 
return. The returning warmth is indicated by the undivided line 
with which Fii, the hexagram of the eleventh month, commences — 

= = . ' The night bird ' sings during the night till the dawn ; 

' a hill bird, like a fowl.' 

* See paragraph 16, page 299. The paragraph may be inad- 
vertently introduced here. 

* ' The proper officer ' here is said to be ' the minister of Instruc- 
tion,' or ' the officer of the People.' 

Digitized by 



works of earth ; care should be taken not to expose 
anything that is covered, nor to throw open apart- 
ments and houses, and rouse the masses to action ; 
—that all may be kept securely shut up. (Otherwise) 
the genial influences of earth will find vent, which 
might be called a throwing open of the house of 
heaven and earth. In this case all insects would 
die ; and the people be sure to fall ill from pesti- 
lence, and various losses would ensue.' This charge 
is said to be giving full development to the (idea 
of the) month. 

8. In this month orders are given to the Director 
of the eunuchs to issue afresh the orders for the 
palace, to examine all the doors, inner and outer, and 
look carefully after all the apartments. They must 
be kept strictly shut. All woman's-work must be 
diminished, and none of an extravagant nature per- 
mitted. Though noble and nearly related friends 
should come to visit the inmates, they must all be 

9. Orders are given to the Grand superintendent 
of the preparation of liquors to see that the rice 
and other glutinous grains are all complete ; that the 
leaven-cakes are in season; that the soaking and 
heating are cleanly conducted; that the water be 
fragrant ; that the vessels of pottery be good ; and 
that the regulation of the fire be right. These six 
things have all to be attended to, and the Grand 
superintendent has the inspection of them, to secure 
that there be no error or mistake. 

10. The son of Heaven issues orders to the 
proper officers to pray and sacrifice to (the spirits 
presiding over) the four seas, the great rivers (with 

Digitized by 


304 the l! rt. 

BK. IV. 

their) famous sources, the deep tarns, and the meres, 
(all) wells and springs 1 . 

ii. In this month, if the husbandmen have any 
productions in the fields, which they have not stored 
or collected, or if there be any horses, oxen or other 
animals, which have been left at large, any one may 
take them without its being inquired into. 

12. If there be those who are able to take from 
the hills and forests, marshes and meres, edible fruits 2 , 
or to capture game by hunting, the wardens and 
foresters should give them the necessary information 
and guidance. If there be among them those who 
encroach on or rob the others, they should be 
punished without fail. 

13. In this month the shortest day arrives. The 
principle of darkness and decay (in nature) struggles 
with that of brightness and growth 8 . The elements 
of life begin to move. Superior men give them- 
selves to self-adjustment and fasting. They keep re- 
tired in their houses. They wish to be at rest in their 

1 Winter is the season in which the element of water pre- 
dominates, and it was in virtue of this that the dynasty of 3hin 
professed to rule. The Khwan-lun mountains (Koulkun), between 
the desert of Gobi and Thibet, are the source of the Hwang Ho ; 
Yflan-min, the source of the Aiang ; Thung-po, that of the Hwai ; 
the At grew out of the Yen, rising from the hill of Wang-wU. 
See Chinese Classics, vol. iii, pp. 127-140. 

1 Hazel-nuts and chestnuts are given as examples of the former ; 
and the water-caltrops and Euryale ferox, or 'cock's head,' of 
the latter. 

3 This description of the month is well illustrated by the lines of 

Fu, the hexagram of it referred to above, — 55 =5; the lowest line 

representing the principle of light and growth, which just found 
readmission in the year, and is seeking to develop itself. 

Digitized by 



persons; put away all indulgence in music and beauti- 
ful sights ; repress their various desires ; give repose 
to their bodies and all mental excitements. They 
wish all affairs to be quiet, while they wait for the 
settlement of those principles of darkness and decay, 
and brightness and growth. 

14. Rice begins to grow. The broom-sedge rises 
up vigorously 1 . Worms curl 2 . The moose-deer 
shed their horns 3 . The springs of water are (all) in 

1 5. When the shortest day has arrived, they fell 
trees, and carry away bamboos, (especially) the small 
species suitable for arrows. 

16. In this month offices in which there is no 
business may be closed, and vessels for which there 
is no use may be removed. 

1 7. They plaster (and repair) the pillars and gate- 
ways (of the palace), and the courtyard (within), and 
also doors and other gateways ; rebuilding (also all) 
prisons, to co-operate with the tendency of nature 
to shut up and secure (the genial influences at this 

18. If in this second month of winter the proceed- 
ings of government proper to summer were observed, 

1 This is called by Dr. Williams ' a species of iris.' The roots 
are made into brooms. 

* This is a fancy. The commentators say that the worms curl 
and twist, with their heads turned downwards, as if seeking to 
return to the warmth beneath the surface. 

* The shedding of the horns in winter shows that the mt here, 
(Jj|), is a species of the elk or moose-deer, and different from 
the lu (J$3,), which sheds its horns in the sixth month. The mi 
is described as being fond of the water, and as large as a small ox. 

[37] X 

Digitized by 


306 THE iA eL 

BK. IV. 

there would be droughts in the states ; vapours and 
fogs would shed abroad their gloom, and thunder 
would utter its voice. If those proper to autumn 
were observed, the weather would be rainy and 
slushy ; melons and gourds would not attain their 
full growth ; and there would be great wars in the 
states. If those proper to spring were observed, 
locusts would work their harm ; the springs would all 
become dry ; and many of the people would suffer 
from leprosy and foul ulcers. 

Part III. 

i. In the third month of winter the sun is in Wu- 
nii, the constellation culminating at dusk being Liu, 
and that culminating at dawn Tt 1 . 

2. Its days are san and kwei. Its divine ruler 
is Awan-hsu, and the (attendant) spirit is Hslian- 
ming. Its creatures are the shell-covered. Its 
musical note is Yii, and its pitch-tube is Ta Lii". 

3. Its number is six. Its taste is salt. Its smell 
is that of things that are rotten. Its sacrifice is that 
at (the altar of) the path ; and the part of the victim 
occupying the foremost place is the kidneys. 

4. The wild geese go northwards. The magpie 
begins to build. The (cock) pheasant crows 8 . Hens 

1 Wfl-nu, as in paragraph 1, page 268. Liu corresponds to a, 
P, y, 1 in the head of Aries ; Tt, to a, 0, d, s p, » Libra. 

1 Td Lti is the first of the tubes giving the six lower musical 

* As is said in the Shih, II, v, 3, 5 : — 

'Crows the pheasant at the dawn, 
And his mate is to him drawn.' 

Digitized by 


SECT. IV. PT. ill. THE YUEH LING. 307 

5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on 
the right of the Hstian Thang (Fane) ; rides in the 
dark-coloured carriage, drawn by the iron-black horses, 
and bearing the dark-coloured flag. He is dressed 
in the black robes, and wears the dark-coloured gems 
of jade. He eats millet and sucking-pig. The vessels 
which he uses are large and rather deep. 

6. He issues orders to the proper officers to insti- 
tute on a great scale all ceremonies against pestilence, 
to have (animals) torn in pieces on all sides, and 
(then) to send forth the ox of earth, to escort away 
the (injurious) airs of the cold 1 . 

7. Birds of prey fly high and rapidly 2 . 

8. They now offer sacrifices all round to (the spirits 
of) the hills and rivers, to the great ministers of the 
(ancient) deified sovereigns, and to the spirits of 
heaven (and earth) 8 . 

9. In this month orders are given to the master of 
the Fishermen to commence the fishers' work. The 
son of Heaven goes in person (to look on). He 
partakes of the fish caught, first presenting some in 
the apartment at the back of the ancestral temple 4 . 

1 Compare par. 16, p. 266. The ' ox of earth ' is still seen in China. 

1 This evidently is one of the natural phenomena of the season, 
and should belong to paragraph 4. The translation of the first 
two characters by ' Birds of prey ' is sufficiently close and exact. 

* The ATAien-Iung editors point out the difficulties in explaining 
the three sacrifices here referred to, and seem to think they were 
practices of Khin, about which we have little information. ' The 
great ministers of the TI' in the second member were probably 
those mentioned at the commencement of each season. They 
supplement the concluding member, as I have done, from La's 
Bun JTAiu. 

4 Compare paragraphs 7, p. 263; 17, p. 271. In paragraph 7, 

x 2 

Digitized by 


308 THE Li Ki. 

BK. IV. 

10. The ice is now abundant ; thick and strong to 
the bottom of the waters and meres. Orders are 
given to collect it, which is done, and it is carried 
into (the ice-houses). 

ii. Orders are given to make announcement to 
the people to bring forth their seed of the five grains. 
The husbandmen are ordered to reckon up the pairs 
which they can furnish for the ploughing ; to repair 
the handles and shares of their ploughs ; and to pro- 
vide all the other instruments for the fields. 

1 2. Orders are given to the chief director of Music 
to institute a grand concert of wind instruments ; and 
with this (the music of the year) is closed 1 . 

13. Orders are given to the four Inspectors* to 
collect and arrange the faggots to supply the wood 
and torches for the suburban sacrifices, those in the 
ancestral temple, and all others. 

14. In this month the sun has gone through all his 
mansions ; the moon has completed the number of 
her conjunctions ; the stars return to (their places) 
in the heavens. The exact length (of the year) is 
nearly completed, and the year will soon begin again. 
(It is said), ' Attend to the business of your husband- 
men. Let them not be employed on anything else.' 

15. The son of Heaven, along with his ducal and 

p. 263, the sovereign gets himself into a boat, a thing now impos- 
sible through the ice. Fish are in their prime condition in winter 
and spring. 

1 Compare paragraph 16, p. 261, et al. Wind instruments 
were supposed to suit the quiet and meditativeness of autumn and 
winter, better than the drums and dances of the other seasons. 

* * The four Inspectors.' Compare paragraph 8, p. 277. Some 
read thien (J£J) for sze (|5|)> 'Inspectors of the fields.' 

Digitized by 



other high ministers and his Great officers, revises 
the statutes for the states, and discusses the proceed- 
ings of the different seasons ; to be prepared with 
what is suitable for the ensuing year. 

16. Orders are given to the Grand recorder to 
make a list of the princes of the states according to 
the positions severally assigned to them 1 , and of the 
victims required from them to supply the offerings 
for the worship of God dwelling in the great heaven, 
and at the altars of (the spirits of) the land and grain. 
Orders were also given to the states ruled by princes 
of the royal surname to supply the fodder and grain 
for the (victims used in the worship of the) ancestral 
temple. Orders are given, moreover, to the chief 
minister to make a list of (the appanages of) the 
various high ministers and Great officers, with the 
amount of the land assigned to the common people, 
and assess them with the victims which they are 
to contribute to furnish for the sacrifices to (the 
spirits presiding over) the hills, forests, and famous 
streams. All the people under the sky, within the 
nine provinces, must, without exception, do their 
utmost to contribute to the sacrifices: — to God dwell- 
ing in the great heaven ; at the altars of the (spirits 
of the) land and grain ; in the ancestral temple and 
the apartment at the back of it ; and of the hills, 
forests, and famous streams. 

17. If, in the last month of winter, the governmental 
proceedings proper to autumn were observed, the 
white dews would descend too early ; the shelly crea- 

1 As being of the same surname as the royal house, or otherwise; 
the degree of their rank ; the size of their territory. 

Digitized by 


3IO THE Li Kl. BK. IV. 

tures would appear in monstrous forms 1 ; throughout 
the four borders people would have to seek their 
places of shelter. If those proper to spring were 
observed, women with child and young children would 
suffer many disasters ; throughout the states there 
would be many cases of obstinate disease ; fate would 
appear to be adverse. If those proper to summer 
were observed, floods would work their ruin in the 
states ; the seasonable snow would not fall, the ice 
would melt, and the cold disappear. 

1 This is the proper force of the characters. Wang ThSo inter- 
prets them as meaning that the creatures would bore through dykes 
and boats, so that the former would let the water through and the 
latter sink. 

Digitized by 



Section I. 

i. 32- n g-J z e asked, ' If a ruler dies and a son 
and heir is born (immediately after), what course 
should be adopted?' 

Confucius said, ' The high nobles 2 , Great officers 
and (other) officers, following the chief (minister), 
who takes charge of the government for the time, 
(should collect) at the south of the western steps, 
with their faces towards the north 3 . (Then) the 
Grand officer of prayer, in his court robes and cap, 
bearing in his hands a bundle of rolls of silk, will 
go up to the topmost step, and (there), without 
ascending the hall, will order the wailing to cease. 
Mournfully clearing his voice three times 4 , he will 
make announcement (to the spirit of the deceased 
ruler), saying, " The son of such and such a lady has 
been born. I venture to announce the fact." He 
will then go up, and place the silks on a stool on the 
east of the body in the coffin 8 , wail, and descend. 
All the relatives of the deceased who are there (at 
the mourning), the high nobles, the Great and other 

1 See the introduction, pp. 21, 22. 

8 These were also ministers; see paragraph 4, page 213. 

3 The usual place was at the eastern steps. 

4 To call the attention of the spirit of the deceased. 

• The rolls of silk were, I suppose, the introductory present 
proper on an interview with a superior. 

Digitized by 


312 THE Lf Jtt. BK. V. 

officers, (with the women) in the apartments, all will 
wail, but without the leaping. When this burst of 
sorrow is over, they will return to their (proper) 
places, and proceed forthwith to set forth the mourn- 
ing offerings to the dead. The minor minister will 
ascend, and take away the bundle of silks 1 . 

2. ' On the third day, all the relatives, high nobles, 
Great and other officers, should take their places as 
before, with their faces to the north. The Grand 
minister, the Grand master of the ancestral temple, 
and the Grand officer of prayer, should all be in their 
court-robes and caps. The master for the child 8 
will carry the child in his arms on a mat of sackcloth. 
The officer of prayer will precede, followed by the 
child, and the minister and master of the temple will 
come after. Thus they will enter the door (of the 
apartment where the coffin is), when the wailers 
will cease. The child has been brought up by the 
western steps 8 , and is held in front of the coffin with 
his face to the north, while the officer of prayer stands 
at the south-east corner of it. Mournfully clearing his 
voice three times, he will say, " So and So, the son of 
such and such a lady, and we, his servants, who follow 
him, presume to appear before you." The boy is 
(then made) to do obeisance, with his forehead on 
the ground, and to wail. The officer of prayer, the 
minister, the officer of the temple, all the relatives, 
the high nobles, with the Great and other officers, 

1 And bury it in the court between the two flights of stairs. 

* Thus early is it made to appear that the child is put under a 
master; P. Zottoli translates the name by ' secundus magister.' 

3 The child had been brought by the master from the women's 
apartments, and carried to the court, that he might thus go up 
again to the hall by these steps. 



will wail and leap 1 , leaping three times with each burst 
of grief. (Those who had gone up to the hall then) 
descend, and go back to their proper places on the 
east ; where all bare the left arm and shoulder. The 
son (in the arms of his bearer is made) to leap, and 
(the women) in the apartments also leap. Thrice 
they will do so, leaping three times each time. (The 
bearer for the son) will cover up his sackcloth 2 , walk 
with a staff, (ascend and) set forth the offerings by 
the dead, and then quit the scene. The Grand 
minister will charge the officer of prayer and the 
recorder to announce the name all round, at the five 
altars of the house, and at those (to the spirits) of 
the hills and streams V 

3. 3&ng-ize asked, ' If the son and heir have been 
born after the burial (of the) ruler, what course should 
be followed ?' 

Confucius said, 'The Grand minister and the Grand 
master of the ancestral temple will follow the Grand 
officer of prayer, and announce the fact before the 
spirit tablet (of the deceased ruler) 4 . Three months 
after they will give the name in the same place, and 
announce it all round 5 , and also at the altars to (the 

1 A most expressive indication of the sorrow proper to the occasion. 

* The breast and shoulder of the child had also been bared. 

' The ' five household altars' are those at which the sacrifices were 
offered in the palace or house, often mentioned in the last Book. 

4 The characters of the text, ' in the shrine temple of the father,' 
denote the special shrine or smaller temple assigned to the father 
in the great ancestral temple; but that was not assigned till after all 
the rites of mourning were over. The characters here denote the 
spirit tablet which had been before the burial set up over the 
coffin, and which was now removed to a rear apartment. P. Zot- 
toli simply has 'coram tabella.' 

I At the courts of the sovereign and of the other princes. 

Digitized by 


314 THE lA Ki. BK. Vi 

spirits of) the land and grain, in the ancestral temple, 
and (at the altars of) the hills and streams.' 

4. Confucius said, 'When princes of states are 
about to go to the (court of the) son of Heaven, they 
must announce (their departure) before (the shrine 
of) their grandfather, and lay their offerings in that of 
their father 1 . They then put on the court cap, and 
go forth to hold their own court. (At this) they 
charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to an- 
nounce (their departure) to the (spirits of the) land 
and grain, in the ancestral temple, and at the (altars 
of the) hills and rivers. They then give (the business 
of) the state in charge to the five (subordinate) 
officers 2 , and take their journey, presenting the 
offerings to the spirits of the road* as they set 
forth. All the announcements should be completed 
in five days. To go beyond this in making them 
is contrary to rule. In every one of them they use 
a victim and silks. On the return (of the princes) 
there are the same observances.' 

5. 'When princes of states are about to visit one 
another, they must announce (their departure) before 

1 The characters here are the same as in the preceding para- 
graph, but here they have their usual force. Announcement and 
offerings were made at both shrines. 

* The most likely opinion is that these five officers were — two 
belonging to the department of the minister of Instruction, two to 
that of the minister of Works, and one to that of the minister of 
War. On them, for reasons which we may not be able to give, 
devolved on such occasions the superintendence of the state. 

' There seems to be no doubt of the meaning here, but this 
significance of •& is not given in the Khang-hsi dictionary. 
The more common term is IfB . 

Digitized by 



the shrine of their father 1 . They will then put on 
their court robes, and go forth to hold their own court. 
(At this) they charge the officer of prayer and the 
recorder to announce (their departure) at the five 
shrines in the ancestral temple, and at the altars of 
the hills and rivers which they will pass. They then 
give (the business of) the state in charge to the five 
officers, and take their journey, presenting the offer- 
ings to the spirits of the road as they set forth. 
When they return, they will announce (the fact) in 
person to their grandfather and father 1 , and will 
charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to 
make announcement of it at the altars where they 
announced (their departure). (When this has been 
done), they enter and give audience in the court.' 

6. 3^ n g-J z e asked, ' If the funerals of both parents 2 
take place together, what course is adopted ? Which 
is first and which last ?' 

Confucius said, ' The rule is that the burying of 
the less important (mother) should have the prece- 
dence, and that of the more important (father) follow, 
while the offerings to them are set down in the 
opposite order. From the opening of the apartment 
and conveying out the coffin (of the mother) till its 
interment no offerings are put down ; when the 
coffin is on the route to the grave, there is no wail- 
ing at the regular place for that ceremony. When 
they return from this interment, they set down the 
offerings (to the father), and afterwards announce 
(to his spirit) when the removal of his coffin will take 

1 There would seem to be an omission in the former of these 
sentences of the announcement to the grandfathers. 
* Or grandparents. 

Digitized by 


316 THE Li *i. «. V. 

place, and proceed to arrange for the interment It 
is the rule that the sacrifice of repose should first be 
offered to the more important (father), and afterwards 
to the less important (mother).' 

7. Confucius said 1 , ' The eldest son, even though 
seventy, should never be without a wife to take her 
part in presiding at the funeral rites. If there be 
no such eldest son, the rites may be performed with- 
out a presiding wife.' 

8. 3^ng-jze asked, ' It has been proposed to invest 
a son with the cap, and the investors have arrived, 
and after exchanging bows and courtesies (with the 
master of the house), have entered. If then news 
should come that the death of some relative has oc- 
curred, for whom a year's mourning or that of nine 
months must be worn, what should be done ?' 

Confucius said, ' If the death has taken place 
within (the circle of the same surname), the ceremony 
should be given up 8 ; but if without (that circle), it 
will go on, but the sweet wine will not be presented 
to the youth. The viands will be removed and the 
place swept, after which he will go to his proper posi- 
tion and wail. If the investors have not yet arrived, 
the capping will be given up (for the time) s . 

9. ' If the arrangements for the capping have been 

1 The words of Confucius are here, as in some other paragraphs, 
not preceded by the formula, ' 3&ng-jze asked.' Some say this is 
an omission, intentional or unintentional, of the compiler. Some 
commentators deride the judgment (see especially Ho A!ung-yu), 
holding it unworthy of Confucius. 

1 Because then a festal and a mourning service would come 
together in the ancestral temple. 

* The investors may have previously heard of the death, and 
not kept their appointment. 

Digitized by 



made, but before the day arrives, an occasion for the 
one year's mourning, or for that of nine months, or 
five months, have arrived, the youth shall be capped 
in his mourning dress.' 

10. 'When all mourning is over, may a son conti- 
nue to wear the cap which he has hitherto worn 1 ?' 

Confucius said, ' When the son of Heaven gives to 
the (young) prince of a state or a Great officer his 
robes and the cap proper to each in the grand ances- 
tral temple, the youth on his return home will set 
forth his offering (in his own ancestral temple), wear- 
ing the robes that have been given to him, and here 
he will drink the cup of capping (as if) offered by 
his father 2 , without the cup of wine at the ceremony. 

ii. i When a son is (thus) capped after his father's 
death, he is considered to be properly capped ; he 
will sweep the ground, and sacrifice at his father's 
shrine. This being done, he will present himself 
before his uncles, and then offer the proper courtesies 
to the investors.' 

12. 3& n g-J ze asked, 'Under what circumstances 
is it that at sacrifice they do not carry out the prac- 
tice of all drinking to one another ?' 

Confucius said, ' I have heard that at the close of 
the one year's mourning, the principal concerned in it 

1 Till he was capped, a youth wore nothing on his head. But 
in the case supposed the youth's time for capping had arrived; 
and he had assumed a cap without the ceremony. 

8 When a father gave orders to his son about his capping or 
marriage, he gave him a cup of ordinary wine. The sweet wine 
was given to the youth by a friend or friends who had invested 
him with the cap. The real answer to 3& n g-jze's question is in 
paragraph n. 

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3l8 THE Li zl. BK. v. 

sacrifices in his inner garment of soft silk, and there 
is not that drinking all round. The cup is set down 
beside the guests, but they do not take it up. This is 
the rule. Formerly duke Aao of Lu \ while in that 
silken garment, took the cup and sent it all round, 
but it was against the rule; and duke Hao 2 , at the 
end of the second year's mourning, put down the 
cup presented to him, and did not send it all round, 
but this also was against the rule.' 

1 3. 3& n gi ze asked, ' In a case (of the) mourning 
for nine months, can (the principal) take part in con- 
tributing to the offerings (to the dead of others) ?' 

Confucius said, ' Why speak only of (the mourn- 
ing for) nine months ? In all cases from (the mourn- 
ing for) three years downwards, it may be done. 
This is the rule.' 

3&ng-jze said, ' Would not this be making the 
mourning of little importance, and attaching (undue) 
importance to mutual helpfulness ?' 

Confucius said, ' This is not what I mean. When 
there is mourning for the son of Heaven or the 
prince of a state, (all) who wear the sackcloth with 
the jagged edges (will contribute to) the offerings. 
At the mourning of a Great officer, (all) who wear 
the sackcloth with the even edges will do so. At 
the mourning of an ordinary officer, his associates 
and friends will do so. If all these be not sufficient, 
they may receive contributions from all who should 
mourn for nine months downwards ; and if these be 
still insufficient, they will repeat the process 3 .' 

1 b.c. 541-510. 

1 b. c. 795-769. This is going a long way back. 

* On this paragraph P. Zottoli says: — '3ang-gze petit an 

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14. 3^ n g-J z e asked, ' In a case of the mourning for 
five months, may (the principal) take part in the 
other sacrifices (of mourning) l ?' 

Confucius said, ' Why speak only of the mourning 
for five months ? In all cases from the mourning for 
three years downwards, (the principals) take part in 
those sacrifices.' 

3ang-jze said, ' Would not this be making the 
mourning of litde importance, and giving (undue) 
importance to the sacrifices ?' 

Confucius said, ' In the mourning sacrifices for 
the son of Heaven and the prince of a state, none 
but those who wear the sackcloth with the jagged 
edges take part in them. In those for a Great 
officer, they who wear the sackcloth with the even 
edges do so. In those for another officer, if the 
participants be insufficient, they add to them from 
their brethren who should wear mourning for nine 
months downwards.' 

15. 3ang-jze asked, 'When acquaintances are in 
mourning, may they participate in one another's 
sacrifices ?' 

Confucius said, ' When wearing the three months' 
mourning, one has no occasion to sacrifice (in his own 
ancestral temple), and how should he assist another 
man (out of his own line) ?' 

aliquis in novem mensium luctu constitutus possit adjuvare alterius 
funestae familiae oblationem. Confucius intelligit de adjuvanda 
proprii funeris oblatione.' There appears to be a similar misun- 
derstanding between the two in the next paragraph. 

1 Khung Ying-ti makes this out to be the sacrifices of repose, 
and at the end of the wailing. I think the reference is more 

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320 THE Lt Jft. 

bk. v. 

1 6. 3&ng-jze asked, 'When one has put off his 
mourning, may he take part in contributing to the 
offerings (for the dead of another) ?' 

Confucius said, ' To take part in the offerings (to 
another's dead), on putting off one's own sackcloth, 
is contrary to the rule. Possibly, he may perform 
the part of assisting him in receiving visitors.' 

1 7. 3 an g"J ze asked, ' According to the rules for 
marriages, the presents have been received and a 
fortunate day has been fixed ; — if then the father or 
mother of the young lady die, what course should 
be adopted ?' 

Confucius said, ' The son-in-law will send some one 
to condole ; and if it be his father or mother that has 
died, the family of the lady will in the same way send 
some to present their condolences. If the father 
have died, (the messenger) will name the (other) 
father (as having sent him); if the mother, he will 
name the (other) mother. If both parents be dead 
(on both sides), he will name the oldest uncle and his 
wife. When the son-in-law has buried (his dead), 
his oldest uncle will offer a release from the engage- 
ment to the lady, saying, " My son, being occupied 
with the mourning for his father or mother, and not 
having obtained the right to be reckoned among your 
brethren, has employed me to offer a release from 
the engagement." (In this case) it is the rule for the 
lady to agree to the message and not presume to 
(insist on) the marriage (taking place immediately). 
When the son-in-law has concluded his mourning, the 
parents of the lady will send and request (the fulfil- 
ment of the engagement). The son-in-law will not 
(immediately come to) carry her (to his house), but 
afterwards she will be married to him ; this is the 

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rule. If it be the father or mother of the lady who 
died, the son-in-law will follow a similar course 1 .' 

18. 3&ng-J z e asked, 'The son-in-law has met the 
lady in person, and she is on the way with him : — if 
(then) his father or mother die, what course should 
be adopted ? ' 

Confucius said, ' The lady will change her dress 2 ; 
and in the long linen robe 3 , with the cincture of white 
silk round her hair, will hasten to be present at the 
mourning rites. If, while she is on the way, it be her 
own father or mother who dies, she will return 4 .' 

19. 'If the son-in-law have met the lady in person, 
and before she has arrived at his house, there occur 
a death requiring the year's or the nine months' 
mourning, what course should be adopted ?' 

Confucius said, ' Before the gentleman enters, he 
will change his dress in a place outside. The lady 
will enter and change her dress in a place inside. 
They will then go to the proper positions and wail.' 

3ang-jze asked, ' When the mourning is ended, will 
they not resume the marriage ceremonies?' 

1 Is the final marriage of the lady to the original betrothed 
' son-in-law,' or bridegroom as we should say ; or to another, that 
she may not pass the proper time for her marrying? Khung 
Ying-td, and other old commentators, advocate the latter view. 
Others, and especially the A%en-lung editors, maintain the former; 
and I have indicated in the version my agreement with them. 
There are difficulties with the text ; but Confucius would hardly 
have sanctioned the other course. 

* At the house of him who was now her husband. 

' This, called ' the deep garment,' had the body and skirt sown 
together. See Book XXXIV. 

4 This would be done, it is said, by Hsii Sze-jhang (Ming 
dynasty), to allow play to her filial piety, but she would live at the 
house of ' the son-in-law.' 

[27] Y 

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322 THE Lt *!. BK. v. 

Confucius said, ' It is the rule, that when the time 
of sacrifice has been allowed to pass by, it is not then 
offered. Why in this case should they go back to 
what must have taken place previously?' 

20. Confucius said, ' The family that has married 
a daughter away, does not extinguish its candles for 
three nights, thinking of the separation that has taken 
place. The family that has received the (new) wife 
for three days has no music ; thinking her bridegroom 
is now in the place of his parents 1 . After three 
months she presents herself in the ancestral temple, 
and is styled " The new wife that has come." A day 
is chosen for her to sacrifice at the shrine of her 
father-in-law ; expressing the idea of her being (now) 
the established wife.' 

21. 3&ng-jze asked, 'If the lady die before she has 
presented herself in the ancestral temple, what course 
should be adopted?' 

Confucius said, '(Her coffin) should not be removed 
to the ancestral temple, nor should (her tablet) be 
placed next to that of her mother-in-law. The hus- 
band should not carry the staff ; nor wear the shoes 
of straw ; nor have a (special) place (for wailing). 
She should be taken back, and buried among her 
kindred of her own family ; — showing that she had 
not become the established wife.' 

22. 3&ng-jze asked, ' The fortunate day has been 
fixed for taking the lady (to her new home), and she 
dies (in the meantime) : — what should be done?' 

Confucius said, ' The son-in-law will come to con- 
dole, wearing the one year's mourning, which he will 

1 This and the statements that follow suppose that the bride- 
groom's parents are dead. 

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lay aside when the interment has taken place. If it 
be the husband who dies, a similar course will be 
followed on the other side.' 

23. 3& n gi ze asked, ' Is it according to rule that at 
the mourning rites there should be two (performing 
the part of) the orphan son (and heir, receiving 
visitors) 1 , or that at a temple-shrine there should be 
two spirit-tablets ? ' 

Confucius said, ' In heaven there are not two suns ; 
in a country there are not two kings 2 ; in the seasonal 
sacrifices, and those to Heaven and Earth 8 , there are 
not two who occupy the highest place of honour. I 
do not know that what you ask about is according to 
rule. Formerly duke Hwan of Khl\ going frequently 
to war, made fictitious tablets and took them with him 
on his expeditions, depositing them on his return in 
the ancestral temple 6 . The practice of having two 
tablets in a temple-shrine originated from duke Hwan. 
As to two (playing the part of the) orphan son, it 
may be thus explained : — Formerly, on occasion of a 
visit to Lu by duke Ling of Wei, the mourning rites 
of KS. Hwan-jze were in progress. The ruler of 
Wei requested leave to offer his condolences. Duke 
Al (of Lu)« declined (the ceremony), but could not 

1 The Chinese characters mean simply ' two orphans.' Neither 
Khang-hsi nor any English-Chinese dictionary explains the peculiar 
use of the term here ; nor is Confucius' explanation satisfactory, or 
to the point. 

9 Compare paragraphs 5, 8, III, iii, pages 224-226. 

" See the « Doctrine of the Mean/ 19, 6, Chinese Classics, vol. i. 

4 b.c. 685-643. 

1 Literally ' the temple-shrine of his grandfather ; ' but I think 
the name must have the general meaning I have given. 

' It has been shown that the ruler of Wei here could not be 

Y 2 

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324 THE Lt *t. 

BK. V. 

enforce his refusal. He therefore acted as the 
principal (mourner), and the visitor came in to con- 
dole with him. Khang-jze stood on the right of the 
gate with his face to the north. The duke, after the 
usual bows and courtesies, ascended by the steps on 
the east with his face towards the west. The visitor 
ascended by those on the west, and paid his condo- 
lences. The duke bowed ceremoniously to him, and 
then rose up and wailed, while Khang-jze bowed with 
his forehead to the ground, in the position where he 
was. The superintending officers made no attempt 
to put the thing to rights. The having two now 
acting as the orphan son arose from the error of K\ 

24. 3&ng-jze asked, 'Anciently when an army went 
on an expedition, was it not first necessary to carry 
with it the spirit-tablets that had been removed from 
their shrines 1 ?' 

Confucius said, ' When the son of Heaven went on 
his tours of Inspection, he took (one of) those tablets 
along with him, conveying it in the carriage of Rever- 
ence, thus intimating how it was felt necessary to 
have with him that object of honour 2 . The practice 

duke Ling. He must have been duke Khh. But this error dis- 
credits the view of the statement having come from Confucius. 

1 See note 2 and plan of the royal ancestral temple of K&a 
on pages 223-225. 

1 This, it is said, was the tablet of the royal ancestor which had 
been last removed from its shrine, and placed in the shrine-house 
for all such removed tablets. The carriage of Reverence was the 
'metal-guilt' carriage of the king, second to that adorned with 
jade, in which he rode to sacrifice. Zottoli renders : — ' Imperator 
perlustrans custodita, cum translating delubri tabella peragrabat, 
imposita super casti curru, significatum necessariam praesentiam 

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now-a-days of taking the tablets of the seven temple- 
shrines along with them on an expedition is an error. 
No shrine in all the seven (of the king), or in the five 
of the prince of a state, ought to be (left) empty. A 
shrine can only be so left without its tablet, when 
the son of Heaven has died, or the prince of a state 
deceased, or left his state, or when all the tablets are 
brought together at the united sacrifice, in the shrine- 
temple of the highest ancestor. I heard the follow- 
ing statement from Lao Tan 1 : — " On the death of the 
son of Heaven, or of the prince of a state, it is the rule 
that the officer of prayer should take the tablets from 
all the other shrines and deposit them in that of the 
high ancestor*. When the wailing was over, and 
the business (of placing the tablet of the deceased in 
its shrine) was completed, then every other tablet was 
restored to its shrine. When a ruler abandoned his 
state, it was the rule that the Grand minister should 
take the tablets from all the shrines and follow him. 
When there was the united sacrifice in the shrine of 
the high ancestor, the officer of prayer met (and re- 
ceived) the tablets from the four shrines. When they 
were taken from their shrines or carried back to them 
all were required to keep out of the way." So said 
Lao Tan.' 

1 This was, most probably, LSo-jze, though some of the com- 
mentators deny it .fang says : ' LAo Tan, the title of old for men 
of longevity, was a contemporary of Confucius ;' and Khkn HSo 
quotes a note on this from Wang of Shih-liang, that ' This was not 
the author of the " Five thousand words," ' i. e. of the T4 o Te h 

• While the special sacrifices and other funeral rites were going 
on, the other sacrifices, which belonged to a different category of 
rites, were suspended. 

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326 THE Li kL BJC v. 

25. 3&ng-jze asked, 'Anciendy, when they marched 
on an expedition, and carried no displaced tablets 
with them, what did they make their chief con- 
sideration ?' 

Confucius said, ' They made the instructions from 
the tablet their chief consideration 1 .' 

' What does that mean?' asked the other. 

Confucius said, ' When the son of Heaven or the 
prince of a state was about to go forth, he would, 
with gifts of silk, skins, and jade-tokens, announce his 
purpose at the shrines of his grandfather and father. 
He then took those gifts with him, conveying them 
on the march in the carriage of Reverence. At every 
stage (of the march), he would place offerings of 
food by them, and afterwards occupy the station. 
On returning, they would make announcement (at 
the same shrines), and when they had set forth (again) 
their offerings, they would collect the silk and jade, 
and bury them between the steps (leading) up to the 
fane of the high ancestor ; after which they left the 
temple. This was how they made the instructions 
they received their chief consideration.' 

26. 3ze-yu asked, ' Is it the rule to mourn for a 
foster-mother 2 as for a mother?' 

1 Zottoli gives for this phrase simply 'adhaerebant numini,' 
subjoining no note on it. The parties spoken of put down their 
offerings before the shrines, announcing that they were about to 
undertake such an expedition ; and taking it for granted that their 
progenitors approved of their object, proceeded to carry it out, as 
if they had received a charge from them to do so, carrying the 
offerings with them in token of that charge from the spirits in the 
tablets of the shrines. This view is distinctly set forth by Hwang 
Khan (end of early Sung dynasty) and others. 

2 This foster-mother was not what we call 'a nurse;' but a lady 

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Confucius said, ' It is not the rule. Anciently, 
outside the palace, a boy had his master, and at 
home his foster-mother ; they were those whom the 
ruler employed to teach his son ; — what ground should 
these be for wearing mourning for them ? Formerly 
duke Aao of Lu having lost his mother when he 
was little, had a foster-mother, who was good ; and 
when she died, he could not bear (not) to mourn for 
her, and wished to do so. The proper officer on hearing 
of it, said, " According to the ancient rule, there is no 
mourning for a foster-mother. If you wear this 
mourning, you will act contrary to that ancient rule, 
and introduce confusion into the laws of the state. 
If you will after all do it, then we will put it on re- 
cord, and transmit the act to the future ; — will not that 
be undesirable ? " The duke said, " Anciently the 
son of Heaven, when unoccupied and at ease, wore the 
soft inner garment, assumed after the year's mourning, 
and the cap." The duke could not bear not to wear 
mourning, and on this he mourned for his foster- 
mother in this garb. The mourning for a foster- 
mother originated with duke Aao of Lu 1 .' 

of the harem to whom the care of an orphan boy was entrusted ; — it 
may have been after he ceased to be suckled. The reasoning of 
Confucius goes on the assumption that mourning should be worn 
only in cases of consanguinity or affinity ; and it may be inferred 
from this that concubinage was not the most ancient rule in 

1 See the eleventh article in the forty-third chapter of the ' Nar- 
ratives of the School,' where a similar, probably the same, con- 
versation, with some variations, is found. The duke of Lu in it, 
however, is not ATio, but H4o; see paragraph 12, page 315. 

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328 THE Lt tfi. bk. v. 

Section II. 

i. 3&ng-jze asked, 'The princes are assembled in 
a body to appear before the son of Heaven ; they 
have entered the gate, but are not able to go through 
with the rites (of audience) ; — how many occurrences 
will make these be discontinued ?' 

Confucius said, ' Four.' ' May I ask what they are ? ' 
said the other. The reply was : — ' The grand ancestral 
temple taking fire ; an eclipse of the sun ; funeral 
rites of the queen ; their robes all unsightly through 
soaking rain. If, when the princes are all there, an 
eclipse of the sun take place, they follow the son of 
Heaven to save it ' ; each one dressed in the colour 
of his quarter, and with the weapon proper to it 2 . 
If there be a fire in the grand ancestral temple, they 
follow him to extinguish it without those robes and 

2. 3^ n gi ze said, ' Princes are visiting one another. 
(The strangers) have entered the gate after the 
customary bowings and courtesies, but they are not 
able to go through with the rites (of audience); — 
how many occurrences will make these be discon- 
tinued ?' 

Confucius said, ' Six ;' and, in answer to the ques- 

1 The phenomenon of an eclipse suggested the idea of some 
enemy or adverse influence devouring the sun's disk. 

* The colour appropriate to the east was green, and the weapon 
the spear with two hooks ; the colour of the south was red, and 
the weapon the spear with one hook and two points ; the colour 
of the west was white, and the weapon the bow ; the colour of the 
north was black, and the weapon the shield; the colour of the 
centre was yellow, and the weapon the drum. 

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tion as to what they were, replied : — ' The death of 
the son of Heaven; the grand ancestral temple 
taking fire ; an eclipse of the sun ; the funeral rites of 
the queen or of the princess of the state ; and their 
robes' all unsightly through soaking rain.' 

3. 3& n g-jze said, ' At the seasonal sacrifices of the 
son of Heaven, at those to Heaven and Earth, and 
at (any of) the five sacrifices of the house, after the 
vessels, round and square, with their contents have 
been set forth, if there occur the death of the son of 
Heaven or mourning rites for the queen, what should 
be done?' 

Confucius said, * The sacrifice should be stopped.' 
The other asked, ' If, during the sacrifice, there occur 
an eclipse of the sun, or the grand ancestral temple 
take fire, what should be done ?' The reply was, 
' The steps of the sacrifice should be hurried on. If 
the victim have arrived, but has not yet been slain, 
the sacrifice should be discontinued. 

4. 'When the son of Heaven has died and is not 
yet coffined, the sacrifices of the house are not 
offered. When he is coffined, they are resumed ; but 
at any one of them the representative of the dead 
takes (only) three mouthfuls (of the food), and is not 
urged (to take more). He is then presented with a 
cup, but does not respond by presenting another, 
and there is an end (of the ceremony). From the 
removal of the coffin to the return (from the burial) 
and the subsequent wailing, those sacrifices (again) 
cease. After the burial they are offered, but when 
the officer of prayer has finished the cup presented 
to him, they stop.' 

5. 3ang-jze asked, 'At the sacrifices to the spirits 

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330 THE ii jrf. 

BK. V. 

of the land and grain proper to the feudal princes, if, 
after the stands and vessels, with their contents, have 
been arranged, news arrive of the death of the son of 
Heaven or of the mourning rites for his queen, or if 
the ruler die or there be mourning rites for his con- 
sort, what should be done ?' 

Confucius said, ' The sacrifice should be discon- 
tinued. From the ruler's death to the coffining, and 
from the removal of the coffin to the return (from 
the burial) and the (subsequent) wailing, they will 
follow the example set by the son of Heaven 1 .' 

6. 3&ng-sze asked, * At the sacrifices of a Great 
officer 2 , when the tripods and stands have been 
arranged, and the dishes of bamboo and wood, with 
their contents, have been set forth, but they are not 
able to go through with the rites, how many occur- 
rences will cause them to be discontinued ?' 

Confucius said, ' Nine ;' and when asked what they 
were, he added : — ' The death of the son of Heaven; 
funeral rites for his queen ; the death of the ruler (of 
the state) ; funeral rites for his consort ; the ruler's 
grand ancestral temple taking fire ; an eclipse of the 
sun; (a call to) the three years' mourning; to that of 
one year; or to that of nine months. In all these 
cases the sacrifice should be given up. If the 
mourning be merely for relatives by affinity, from 
all degrees of it up to the twelve months, the sacri- 
fice will go on. At one where the mourning is 
worn for twelve months, the representative of the 
dead, after entering, will take (only) three mouthfuls 
(of the food), and not be urged to take (any more). 

1 As given in the preceding paragraphs. 
* In his ancestral temple. 

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He will be presented with a cup, but will not respond 
by presenting one in return, and there will be an 
end (of the ceremony). Where the mourning is for 
nine months, after he has presented the responsive 
cup, the thing will end. Where it is for five or for 
three months, it will not end till all the observances 
in the apartment are gone through. What distin- 
guishes the proceedings of an ordinary officer is, 
that he does not sacrifice when wearing the three 
months' mourning. He sacrifices, however, if the 
dead to whom he does so had no relationship with 
him requiring him to wear mourning.' 

7. 3a n g-jze asked, * May one, wearing the three 
years' mourning for a parent, go to condole with 
others ?' 

Confucius said, ' On the completion of the first of 
the three years, one should not be seen standing with 
others, or going along in a crowd. With a superior 
man the use of ceremonies is to give proper and 
elegant expression to the feelings. Would it not be 
an empty form 1 to go and condole and wail with 
others, while wearing the three years' mourning?' 

8. 3^ng-jze asked, ' If a Great officer or ordinary 
officer be in mourning for a parent* he may put it 
off 3 ; and if he be in mourning for his ruler, under 
what conditions will he put that off ?' 

Confucius said, ' If he have the mourning for his 

1 How could he, occupied with his own sorrow, offer anything 
but an empty form of condolence to others? 

• Literally ' private mourning/ as below ; but evidently the 
master and disciple both had the mourning for a parent in 

' On his having to go into mourning for his ruler. 

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}32 THE Lt Jtt. 

BK. V. 

ruler on his person, he will not venture to wear any- 
private mourning ; — what putting off" can there be ? 
In this case, even if the time be passed (for any 
observances which the private mourning would re- 
quire), he will not put it off. When the mourning 
for the ruler is put off, he will then perform the 
great sacrifices (of his private mourning) 1 . This 
is the rule.' 

9. 3&ng-jze asked, ' But is it allowable thus to give 
up all the mourning rites for a parent through this 
keeping on of the mourning (for a ruler)?' 

Confucius said, 'According to the ceremonies as 
determined by the ancient kings, it is the rule that 
when the time has passed (for the observance of any 
ceremony), there should be no attempt to perform it. 
It is not that one could not keep from not putting 
off the mourning ; but the evil would be in his going 
beyond the definite statute. Therefore it is that a 
superior man does not offer a sacrifice, when the 
proper time for doing so has passed.' 

10. 3ang-jze said, 'If, when the ruler has died, and 
is now lying in his coffin, the minister be called to 
the funeral rites for his father or mother, what course 
will he pursue ?' 

Confucius said, ' He should go home and remain 
there; going indeed to the ruler's for the great 

1 That is, the rightful son and heir may then perform the sacri- 
fice marking the close of the first year's mourning for a parent, 
and that marking the close of the second year's mourning in the 
month after. But ATian H&o argues that it was only the rightful 
son who could thus go back and offer the sacrifices proper to the 
mourning rites for parents, and that the other sons could not do 
so. This is the case underlying the next paragraph. 

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services (to the departed), but not for those of 
every morning and evening 1 .' 

11. (3ang-jze asked), 'If, when they have begun 
to remove the coffin, the minister be called to the 
funeral rites for his father or mother, how should 
he do?' 

Confucius said, ' He should go home and wail, 
and then return and accompany the funeral of the 

12. 'If,' said (3ang-3ze), 'before the ruler has 
been coffined, a minister be called to the funeral 
rites for his father or mother, what should be 
his course ? ' 

Confucius said, ' He should go home, and have the 
deceased put into the coffin, returning (then) to the 
ruler's. On occasion of the great services, he will 
go home, but not for those of every morning and 
evening. In the case of a Great officer, the chief 
servant of the household will attend to matters ; in 
the case of an ordinary officer, a son or grandson. 
When there are the great services at the ruler's, the 
wife of the Great officer will also go there, but not 
for those of every morning and evening.' 

13. One in a low position should not pronounce 
the eulogy of another in a high, nor a younger man 
that of one older than himself. In the case of the 
son of Heaven, they refer to Heaven as giving his 

1 It has been seen that morning and evening offerings to the 
dead were placed near the coffin. On the first and fifteenth of 
the month these were on a great scale, and with special ob- 
servances, — at the new and full moon. They were ' the great 
services.' The practice still continues. 

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334 THE L * **• »*• v. 

eulogy. It is not the rule for princes of states to 
deliver the eulogy of one another \ 

14. 3&ng-jze asked, ' When a ruler goes across the 
boundary of his own state, he takes with him his inner 
coffin as a precaution for the preparations against the 
three years' (mourning rites) forhim*. I f he die(abroad), 
what are the proceedings on his being brought back ?' 

Confucius said, 'The clothes to be put on him 
after the coffining having been provided, the son in 
the linen cap, with the sackcloth band round it, 
wearing coarse sackcloth and the shoes of straw, and 
carrying a staff, will enter by the opening made in 
the wall of the apartment for the coffin, having as- 
cended by the western steps. If the slighter dressing 
(preparatory to the coffining) have still (to be made), 
the son will follow the bier without a cap, enter by 
the gate, and ascend by the steps on the east There 
is one and the same rule for a ruler, a Great officer, 
and an ordinary officer.' 

15. 3& n g-J ze asked, ' If one is occupied in drawing 
(the carriage with the bier on it) at the funeral rites 
of his ruler, and is then called to the funeral rites of 
his father or mother, what should he do ?' 

1 The eulogy has in China for more than a thousand years taken 
the form of inscriptions on tombs and sacrificial compositions ; of 
which there are many elegant and eloquent specimens. It should 
be summed up in the honorary tide. Truth, however, might require 
that that should be the reverse of eulogistic; and perhaps this led 
to its being conferred, as a rule, by one superior in rank and 
position. The honorary tide of a deceased sovereign was first 
proclaimed at the great sacrifice to Heaven at the winter solstice ; 
and hence it is referred to in the text as coming from Heaven I 

1 That is, I think, simply, ' as a precaution against his dying 
while abroad.' Zottoli renders : — ' Regulus excedens confinia, ut 
in tres annos praecaveatur, habit sandapilam sequacem.' 

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Confucius said, ' He should complete what he is 
engaged in ; and when the coffin has been let down 
into the grave, return home, without waiting for the 
departure of the (ruler's) son.' 

1 6. 3&ng-jze asked, ' If one, occupied with the 
funeral rites of a parent, has (assisted in) drawing 
the bier to the path (to the grave), and there hear 
of the death of his ruler, what should he do ?' 

Confucius said, ' He should complete the burial ; 
and, when the coffin has been let down, he should 
change his dress, and go to (the ruler's).' 

1 7. 3 an g-J ze asked, * If the eldest son by the 
proper wife be (only) an officer, and a son by a 
secondary wife be a Great officer, how will the latter 
proceed in his sacrificing ?' 

Confucius said, ' He will sacrifice, with the victims 
belonging to his higher rank, in the house of the 
eldest son. The officer of prayer will say, " So 
and So, the filial son, in behalf of So and So, the 
attendant son, presents his regular offering 1 .'" 

18. 'If the eldest son, now the head of the family, 
be residing, in consequence of some charge of guilt, 
in another state, and a son by a secondary wife be a 
Great officer, when (the latter) is offering a sacrifice 
(for the other), the officer of prayer will say, " So 

1 Here two things were in collision. The oldest son by the 
proper wife was the representative of the father, and only he could 
preside at the service in the ancestral temple of the family. But 
here an inferior son has been advanced to a higher rank than his 
older brother. As a Great officer he is entitled to have three 
shrine temples ; but it would be contrary to the solidarity of the 
family for him to erect an ancestral temple for himself. The 
difficulty is met in the way described, the sacrifice being ascribed 
to the elder brother, as head of the family. 

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336 the l! *t. BK. v. 

and So, the filial son, employs the attendant son, So 
and So, to perform for him the regular service." 
(In this case, however), the principal in this vicarious 
service will not conduct the sacrifice so as to see that 
the spirit of the deceased is satisfied to the full ; nor 
send die cup round among all who are present, nor 
receive the blessing (at the close) ; nor lay on the 
ground the portions of the sacrifice as thank-offer- 
ings; nor have with him (the wife of the elder 
brother) who should appear before the spirit-tablet 
of her mother-in-law, the wife of the deceased. He 
will put down the cup before the (principal) guests, 
but they will put it down (in another place), and not 
send it round. He will not send to them portions 
of the flesh. In his address to the guests (at the 
beginning of the service), he will say, " My honoured 
brother, the honoured son (of our father), being in 
another state, has employed me, So and So, to make 
announcement to you 1 ."' 

i 9. 3& n g-3 z e asked, ' If the eldest son have gone 
and is in another state, while a son by a secondary 

1 This paragraph continues the case in the preceding, with the 
additional circumstances that the head of the family is a fugitive 
from it, and that the sacrifice referred to in it is performed by the 
inferior brother remaining in the state, in lieu of him. It is 
difficult to translate without amplification so as to be intelligible, 
because of what may be called the technical terms in it The five 
points in which the service was deficient, different from what it 
would have been, if performed by the proper brother, are given in 
the reverse order of their regular occurrence ; whether designedly 
or not, we cannot tell. For that portion of the paragraph P. Zottoli 
gives: — * Sed vicarius dominus vacabit satisfactionis sacrificio; 
vacabit universali propinatione; vacabit benedictione; vacabit 
consternationis sacrificio; vacabit copulatione;' append- 
ing a note to explain the terms. 

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wife, and without rank, remains at home, may the 
latter offer the sacrifice ?' 

Confucius said, ' Yes, certainly.' ' And how will 
he sacrifice ?' ' He will rear an altar in front of 
the (family-)grave, and there he will sacrifice at the 
different seasons. If the oldest son die, he will 
announce the event at the grave, and afterwards 
sacrifice in the house, calling himself, however, only 
by his name, and abstaining from the epithet " filial." 
This abstinence will cease after his death.' The 
disciples of 3ze-yu, in the case of sons by inferior 
wives sacrificing, held that this practice was in 
accordance with what was right. Those of them 
who sacrifice now-a-days do not ground their prac- 
tice on this principle of right ; — they have no truth- 
ful ground for their sacrifices 1 . 

20. 3 an gi ze asked, ' Is it necessary that there 
should be a representative of the dead in sacrifice ? 
or may he be dispensed with as when the satisfying 
offerings are made to the dead ?' 

Confucius said, 'In sacrificing to a full-grown man 
for whom there have been the funeral rites, there 
must be such a representative, who should be a 
grandson; and if the grandson be too young, some 
one must be employed to carry him in his arms. If 
there be no grandson, some one of the same sur- 
name should be selected for the occasion. In 
sacrificing to one who has died prematurely, there 
are (only) the satisfying offerings, for he was not 

1 These last two sentences evidently should not be ascribed to 
Confucius. It was only after his death that 3ze-yu would have a 
school of his own. They must have been written moreover after 
the death of 3ze-yu. 

07] Z 

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338 the l! kI. bk. v. 

full-grown. To sacrifice to a full-grown man, for 
whom there have been the funeral rites without a 
representative, would be to treat him as if he had 
died prematurely.' 

21. Confucius said, 'There is the offering of satis- 
faction made in the dark chamber, and that made in 
the brighter place.' 

3ang-jze answered with a question, ' But to one 
who has died prematurely there is not made a com- 
plete sacrifice; what do you mean by speaking of 
two satisfying offerings, the dark and the bright ?' 

Confucius said, ' When the oldest son, who would 
take the father's place, dies prematurely, no brother 
by an inferior wife can be his successor. At the 
auspicious sacrifice to him 1 , there is a single bullock ; 
but the service being to one who died prematurely, 
there is no presentation (of the lungs), no stand with 
the heart and tongue, no dark-coloured spirits 2 , no 
announcement of the nourishment being completed. 
This is what is called the dark satisfying offering. 
In regard to all others who have died prematurely 
and have left no offspring, the sacrifice is offered to 
them in the house of the oldest son, where the apart- 
ment is most light, with the vases in the chamber on 
the east. This is what is called the bright satisfying 

22. 3&ng-«ze asked, 'At a burial, when the bier 
has been drawn to the path (leading to the place), if 
there happen an eclipse of the sun, is any change 
made or not ?' 

1 The first auspicious sacrifice took place when the ceremoay 
of wailing was over. 
* A name for water. 

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Confucius said, ' Formerly, along with Lao Tan 1 , 
I was assisting at a burial in the village of 
Hsiang, and when we had got to the path, the sun 
was eclipsed. Lao Tan said to me, " Kfixb, let the 
bier be stopped on the left of the road 2 ; and then 
let us wail and wait till the eclipse pass away. When 
it is light again, we will proceed." He said that this 
was the rule. When we had returned and completed 
the burial, I said to him, " In the progress of a bier 
there should be no returning. When there is an 
eclipse of the sun, we do not know whether it will pass 
away quickly or not, would it not have been better 
to go on ?" Lao Tan said, "When the prince of a 
state is going to the court of the son of Heaven, he 
travels while he can see the sun. At sun-down he 
halts, and presents his offerings (to the spirit of the 
way). When a Great officer is on a mission, he 
travels while he can see the sun, and at sun-down 
he halts. Now a bier does not set forth in the early 
morning, nor does it rest anywhere at night ; but 
those who travel by star-light are only criminals 
and those who are hastening to the funeral rites of 
a parent. When there is an eclipse of the sun, 
how do we know that we shall not see the stars ? 
And moreover, a superior man, in his performance 
of rites, will not expose his relatives to the risk of 
distress or evil." This is what I heard from Lao 

23. 3 an g*3 ze asked, 'In the case of one dying 
where he is stopping, when discharging a mission for 

1 This was Lao-jze, ' the old master.' It seems better to keep 
Lao as if it had been the surname. See paragraph 24, p. 325. 
8 The east of the road. Graves were north of the towns. 

Z 2 

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34-0 the l! k1. BK. v. 

his ruler, the rules say 1 that, (if he die) in a govern- 
ment hotel his spirit shall be recalled ; but not, (if he 
die) in a private one 8 . But to whatever state a com- 
missioner may be sent, the lodging which may be 
assigned to him by the proper officer becomes a 
public hotel ; — what is the meaning of his spirit not 
being recalled, (if he die) in a private one ?' 

Confucius said, 'You have asked well. The houses 
of a high minister, a Great officer, or an ordinary 
officer, may be called private hotels. The govern- 
ment hotel, and any other which the government 
may appoint, may be called a public hotel. In 
this you have the meaning of that saying that the 
spirit is recalled at a public hotel.' 

24. 3& n g-jze asked, ' Children dying prematurely, 
between eight and eleven, should be buried in 
the garden in a brick grave, and carried thither 
on a contrivance serving the purpose of a car- 
riage, the place being near ; but now if the grave 
is chosen at a distance, what do you say about 
their being buried there ?' 

Confucius said, 'I have heard this account from 
Lao Tan: — "Formerly," he said, "the recorder 
Yi had a son who died thus prematurely, and the 
grave was distant. The duke of Shao said to 
him, ' Why not shroud and coffin him in your 
palace ?' The recorder said, ' Dare I do so ? ' The 

1 Where these rules are to be found I do not know. 

* I use ' hotel ' here in the French meaning of the term. We 
mast suppose that ' the private hotel ' about which 3&ng- jze asked 
was one to which the commissioner had gone without the in- 
structions of the state ; and, as the iOien-lung editors say, ' the 
rites were therefore so far diminished.' 

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duke of Shao spoke about it to the duke of Aau, 
who said, ' Why may it not be done ? ' and the 
recorder did it. The practice of coffins for boys 
who have died so prematurely, and shrouding them, 
began with the recorder YI."' 

25. 3^ng-jze asked, 'A minister or a Great officer 
is about to act the part of a personator of the dead 
for his ruler. If, when he has received (orders) to 
pass the night in solemn vigil, there occur in his 
own family an occasion for him to wear the robe 
of hemmed sackcloth, what should he do ?' 

Confucius said, ' The rule is for him to leave (his 
house) and lodge in a state hotel, and wait till (the 
ruler's) business is accomplished.' 

26. Confucius said,' When one who has represented 
the dead comes forth in the (officer's) leathern cap, 
or the (Great officer's) tasseled cap (which he has 
worn), ministers, Great officers, and other officers, all 
will descend from their carriages (when his passes). 
He will bow forward to them, and he will also have 
a forerunner (to notify his approach).' 

27. 3 ze_ hsia asked, 'There is such a thing as no 
longer declining military service, after the wailing in 
the three years' mourning has come to an end. Is 
this the rule ? or was it at first required by the 
officers (of the state) ?' 

Confucius said, ' Under the sovereigns of Hsia, as 
soon as the coffining in the three years' mourning 
was completed, they resigned all their public duties. 
Under Yin they did so as soon as the interment was 
over. Is not this the meaning of what we find in 
the record, that " the ruler does not take from men 
their affection to their parents, nor do men take 
from their parents their filial duty ?"' 

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342 the l! jrt. 

BK. V. 

28. 3 z e-hsi4 asked, ' Is then not declining military 
service (during mourning) to be condemned ? ' 

Confucius said, ' I heard from Lao Tan that duke 
Po-£4in engaged once in such service, when there was 
occasion for it ; but I do not know if I should allow 
it in those who seek (by it) their own advantage 
during the period of the three years' mourning 1 .' 

1 Fo-kAin was the son of the duke of Kin, and the first marquis 
of Lu. The time of his entering on the rule of that state was a 
very critical one in the kingdom ; and though it was then, it would 
appear, the period of his mourning for his mother's death, he 
discharged his public duty in the time of his own grief. 

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Section I. 

i. Thus did king Wan act when he was eldest son 
and heir : — Thrice a day he made a visit in due form 
to king Ki. When the cock first crowed he dressed 
himself, and going to the outside of the bedroom, 
asked one of the servants of the interior who was 
in attendance how the king was and if he were well. 
When told that he was well, the prince was glad. 
At midday he repeated the visit in the same way ; 
and so he did again in the evening 2 . If the king 
were not so well as usual, the servant would tell the 
prince, and then his sorrow appeared in his counte- 
nance, and his walk was affected and disturbed. 
When king Ki took his food again, Wan recovered 
his former appearance. When the food went up (to 
the king), he would examine it and see if it were 
cold and hot as it ought to be 8 . When it came 
down, he asked of what dishes the king had eaten. 
He gave orders to the cook that none of the dishes 
should go up again, and withdrew on receiving the 
cook's assurance accordingly 4 . 

1 See the introduction, pages 22, 23. 

2 It was the duty of a son to wait on his father twice a day, — at 
morning and night. King Wan showed his filial duty by pajing 
king K\ a third visit. 

9 According to the season. 

* According to the ordinary dates in Chinese chronology, ling 

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344 THE L ^ *i' BK - VJ !* 

2. King Wu acted according to the example (of 
Wan), not presuming to go (in anything) beyond it. 
When king Wan was ill, Wu nursed him without 
taking off his cap or girdle. When king Wan took 
a meal, he also took a meal ; and when king Wan 
took a second, he did the same. It was not till after 
twelve days that he intermitted his attentions. 

King Wan said to Wu, 'What have you been 
dreaming ?' 'I dreamt,' was the reply, ' that God 
gave me nine ling ?' 'And what do you think was 
the meaning?' King Wu said, 'There are nine states 
in the west; — may it not mean that you will yet 
bring them all under your happy sway ?' Wan 
said, ' That was not the meaning. Anciently they 
called a year ling. The age is also called ling. 
I am ioo ; and you are 90. I give you three 
years.' King Wan was 97 when he died, and 
king Wu was 93 x . 
' 3. King Kfckng, being quite young, could not per- 
form his part at the eastern steps 2 . The duke of 
A'au acted as regent, trod those steps, and adminis- 

Wan was born in b. c. 1258, and named A'Aang (S). King Ki 
died in 1185, when he was in his seventy-fourth year. 

1 It is difficult to understand and interpret the latter half of this 
paragraph. The JOien-lung editors say that, according to the 
ordinary accounts, king Wu was born when Wan was fifteen 
years old, and there was an elder son, Yf-kh£o, who died pre- 
maturely ; whereas king Wu died at 93, leaving his son Sung 
(king Kh&ag) only seven years old. ' Wan,' they said, ' must 
have married very early, and Wu very late.' They say also that 
they cannot understand the text that Wan gave to his son ' three 
years,' &c, and suppose that some erroneous tradition has here 
been introduced. 

1 The king received his nobles at the top of the eastern steps. 
The phrase =' in the government of the kingdom.' 

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tered the government He illustrated the rules for 
the behaviour of a young heir in his treatment of 
Po-M'm, that king Kfi&ng might thereby know the 
courses to be pursued by father and son, ruler and 
minister, old and young. When he committed an 
error, the duke punished Po-^in. This was the 
way in which he showed king .Oang his duty as the 
son and heir. 

4. So much on the way in which king Wan acted 
as son and heir. 

5. In teaching the heir-sons (of the king and 
feudal princes), and young men (chosen from their 
aptitude) for learning 1 , the subjects were different at 
different seasons. In spring and summer they were 
taught the use of the shield and spear ; in autumn 
and winter that of the feather and flute : — all in the 
eastern school. The inferior directors of Music 2 
taught the use of the shield aided by the great 
assistants. The flute masters taught the use of 
the spear, aided by the subdirectors, while the 
assistants regulated by the drum (the chanting of) 
the Nan 3 . 

In spring they recited (the pieces), and in summer 

1 These ' scholars/ no doubt, were those of whose selection for 
the higher instruction we have an account in the fourth and other 
paragraphs of Section IV, Book III. 

1 These are mentioned in the ' Royal Regulations,' though the 
title does not occur in the K&u Lt. They are supposed to be the 
same as its ' music masters ' (Yo Sze, Book XXII). 

8 This clause about the 'drum' is perplexing to a translator. 
It destroys the symmetry of the paragraph. What we are to 
understand by the 'Nan' is also much disputed. I suppose the 
term should embrace the two Nan, or two first Books of the Shih, 
Part I. Compare the Shih II, vi, 4. 4. 

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346 the l! jrf. 

BK. VI. 

they played on the guitar, — being taught by the 
grand master in the Hall of the Blind 1 . In autumn 
they learned ceremonies, — being instructed by the 
masters of ceremonies. In winter they read the 
book of History, — being instructed by the guardians 
of it. Ceremonies were taught in the Hall of the 
Blind ; the book in the upper school. 

1 The names of these different schools are also very perplexing ; 
and I here give a note about them by Liu Khang of our eleventh 
century. ' Under the Ki\x dynasty they had its own schools and 
those of the three former dynasties ; four buildings, all erected in 
proximity to one another. Most in the centre was the Pi Yung 
of A'au itself. On the north of it was the school of Shun (the lord 
Yu) ; on the east that of Hsia ; and on the west that of Shang. 
Those who were learning the use (in dancing) of the shield and 
spear, and of the plume and flute, went to the eastern school; those 
who were learning ceremonies went to that of Shang ; and those 
who were learning history, to that of Shun. In the PI Yung the 
son of Heaven nourished the old, sent forth his armies, matured 
his plans, received prisoners, and practised archery. When he 
came to the Pi Yung, they came from all the other three schools, 
and stood round the encircling water to look at him. There 
were also schools on the plan of Shun — the hsiang (j^E) — in 
the large districts (the ^J, containing 12500 families); others 
on the plan of Hsia — the hstl (J§*) — in the AT&u, or smaller dis- 
tricts (the ^p|, containing 2500 families); and others still on 
the plan of Shang— the hsiao (^) — in the Tang ($j|), or 
those still smaller (containing 500 famines). These were all 
schools for young boys. The most promising scholars (in the 
family schools) were removed to the hsiang; the best in the 
hsiang, again to the hstl; and the best in the hstt, to the hsiao. 
The best in these were removed finally to the great school (or 
college) in the suburbs (of the capital).' Such is the account 
of Liu ATiiang. Other scholars differ from him in some points ; 
but there is a general agreement as to the existence of a system 
of graduated training. 

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6. All the rules about sacrificial offerings 1 and at 
the nourishing of the old begging them to speak 
(their wise counsels)* and the conversation at general 
reunions, were taught by the lower directors of Music 
in the eastern school. 

7. The Grand director of Music taught how to 
brandish the shield and axe. He also delivered the 
graduated rules relating to conversations and the 
charges about begging the old to speak. The Grand 
perfecter (of Instruction) 8 discussed all about (these 
matters) in the eastern school. 

8. Whenever a pupil was sitting with the Grand 
completer (of Instruction), there was required to be 
between them the width of three mats. He might put 
questions to him ; and when he had finished, sit back 
on the mat near to the wall. While the instructor 
had not finished all he had to say on any one point, he 
did not ask about another. 

9. In all the schools, the officer (in charge), in 
spring set forth offerings to the master who first 
taught (the subjects) ; and in autumn and winter he 
did the same*. 

10. In every case of the first establishment of a 
school the offerings must be set forth to the earlier 

1 Probably, not sacrifices in general, but offerings to sages, dis- 
tinguished old men, &c. 

1 This asking the old men to speak was a part of the festal 
nourishment of them. 

* I do not think this officer appears in the lists of the AHu Li. 
He seems to be named as giving the finishing touch to the 
training of the young princes. 

* No mention is made of summer ; but, no doubt, there were 
then the same observances as in the other seasons, — a tribute to 
the merit of the past, and a stimulus to the students. 

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348 THE Lt rt. bk. vi. 

sages and the earlier teachers ; and in the doing of 
this, pieces of silk must be used. 

ii. In all the cases of setting forth the offerings, it 
was required to have the accompaniments (of dancing 
and singing). When there were any events of engross- 
ing interest in a state (at the time), these were omitted. 

12. When there was the accompaniment of music 
on a great scale, they proceeded immediately to feast 
the aged. 

13. At all examinations in the suburban schools, 
the rule was to select the best and mark out the 
most talented. The pupils might be advanced for 
their virtue, or commended for something they had 
accomplished, or distinguished for their eloquence 1 . 
Those who had studied minor arts were encouraged 
and told to expect a second examination*. If they 
(then) had one of the three things (above mentioned), 
they were advanced to a higher grade, according to 
their several orders, and were styled ' Men of the 
schools.' They were (still, however,) kept out of the 
royal college 3 , and could not receive the cup from the 
vase restricted to the superior students. 

14. On the first establishment of schools (in 
any state), when the instruments of music were 

1 See paragraphs 2-4, pp. 231-233. 

* These minor arts, it is understood, were such as medicine 
and divination. 

* The name for this college here perhaps indicates that on 
reaching it, all from the other schools were ' on the same level.' 
The youths would appear to have passed into it with a festive 
ceremony. The 'suburban schools' were those in the note on 
p. 346, with the addition of the 'Eastern ATiao* (j|£ J||£), which 
it is not easy to distinguish from ' the eastern school,' already 

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completed 1 , offerings of silk were set forth; and 
afterwards those of vegetables 2 . But there was no 
dancing and (consequently) no giving out of the spears 
and other things used in it They simply retired 
and received visitors in the eastern school. Only 
one cup was passed round. The ceremony might 
pass without (parade of) attendants or conversation. 

1 5. (All these things) belonged to the education 
of the young princes. 

16. In the education of the crown princes adopted 
by the founders of the three dynasties the subjects 
were the rules of propriety and music. Music served 
to give the interior cultivation ; the rules to give the 
external. The two, operating reciprocally within, 
had their outward manifestation, and the result was 
a peaceful serenity, — reverence of inward feeling and 
mild elegance of manners. 

17. The Grand tutor and the assistant tutor were 
appointed for their training, to make them acquainted 
with the duties of father and son, and of ruler and 
minister. The former made himself perfectly master 
of those duties in order to exhibit them ; the latter 
guided the princes to observe the virtuous ways of 
the other and fully instructed him about them. The 
Grand tutor went before them, and the assistant came 

1 'Were completed,' should be, according to Khang-Mang, 
' were consecrated.' For the character in the text he would sub- 
stitute that which we find in Mencius, I, i, 7, 4, applied to the 
consecration of a bell. Compare vol. iii, p. 323. 

1 The ordinary offerings (see above, paragraph 9); but now a 
sequel to the offerings of silk. These two offerings, it is under- 
stood, were in the school on the west (the hsiang), and thence 
the parties Officiating adjourned to that on the east (the hsu). 

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350 THE Li jrf. BK. vi. 

after them. In the palace was the guardian, outside 
it was the master ; and thus by this training and 
instruction the virtue (of the princes) was completed. 
The master taught them by means of occurring 
things, and made them understand what was virtuous. 
The guardian watched over their persons, and was 
as a stay and wings to them, leading them in the 
right way. The history says, ' Under the dynasties of 
Yii, Hsia, Shang, and A'au, there were the master, 
the guardian, the I, and the Kh&ng, and there were 
appointed the four aides and the three ducal minis- 
ters. That these offices should all be filled was not so 
necessary as that there should be the men for them ;' 
— showing how the object was to employ the able 1 . 

1 8. When we speak of 'a superior man' we intend 
chiefly his virtue. The virtue perfect and his instruc- 
tions honoured; his instructions honoured and the 
(various) officers correct; the officers correct and 
order maintained in the state : — these things give 
the ideal of a ruler*. 

1 The ATAien-lung editors seem to say that ' the Grand tutor * 
and ' the assistant tutor,' who had the charge of the young prince 
from his infancy, must have been ladies of the harem ; so that, in 
fact, the government of a ruler's household was regulated after 
the model of the government of the state in his maturer years. 
There are no materials to illustrate the duties of the ministers who 
are called ' the 1 and the Kh&ag.' 

* Wu JOang thinks that the first three characters here should 
be translated — ' The superior man (A'ttn-jze) says ; ' a sequel to 
' The history says ' of the preceding paragraph. He then pro- 
poses to suppress one of the virtues (fi§[) that follow. But the 
structure of the whole will not admit this way of dealing with it. 
There is a play on the characters rendered ' a superior man ' and 
' a ruler,' — Kun-jze (^" -^-) and Kfln (^") ; like our English 
' a noble man ' and ' a noble,' ' a princely man ' and ' a prince.' 

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19. A!ung-nt said, ' Formerly, when the duke of 
A"au was administering the government, he did so 
while he (continued to) go up by the eastern steps. 
He (also) set forth the rules for a crown prince in 
(his dealing with) Po-£-4in, and it was thus that he 
secured the excellence of king Kkkng. I have 
heard it said, " A minister will sacrifice himself to 
benefit his ruler, and how much more will he swerve 
from the ordinary course to secure his excellence ! " 
This was what the duke of A'au did with ease and 

20. ' Therefore he who knows how to show him- 
self what a son should be can afterwards show him- 
self what a father should be ; he who knows how to 
show himself what a minister should be can after- 
wards show himself what a ruler should be ; he who 
knows how to serve others can afterwards employ 
them. King KJ&ng, being quite young, could not 
discharge the duties of the government. He had 
no means of learning how to show himself what 
the crown prince should be 1 . On this account the 
rules for a crown prince were exhibited in (the treat- 
ment of) To-Min, and he was made to live with the 
young king that the latter might thus understand all 
that was right between father and son, ruler and 
minister, elders and youngers V 

1 His father being dead. 

1 With reference to this paragraph, which, he thinks, appears 
here as from Confucius, Wu JCA&ng says : — ' When king Wu 
died, AT/iang was quite young. (His uncles of) Kwan and 3ha1 
sent their reports abroad, and the people of Yin planned their 
rebellion. Then the duke of Ki\x left the capital, and dwelt in 
the east, and Po-Min went to his jurisdiction, and defeated the 
people of Hsu and the Zung. Three years afterwards the duke of 

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352 THE Lt Kt. BK. VI. 

21. Take the case of the sovereign and his 
son and heir. Looked at from the standpoint of 
affection, the former is father ; from that of honour, 
he is ruler. If the son can give the affection due to 
the father, and the honour due to the ruler, here- 
after he will (be fit to) be the lord of all under the 
sky. On this account the training of crown princes 
ought to be most carefully attended to. 

22. It is only in the case of the crown prince that 
by the doing of one thing three excellent things are 
realised ; and it is with reference to his taking his 
place in the schools according to his age that this is 
spoken. Thus it is that when he takes his place in 
them in this way, the people observing it, one will 
say, ' He is to be our ruler, how is it that he gives 
place to us in the matter of years ?' and it will be 
replied, ' While his father is alive, it is the rule that 

ATau returned, took the regency and made his expedition to the 
east, — it was impossible for A*Aang and Po-iAin to be always 
together. Perhaps the duke made them keep so, while king Wft 
was alive ; and the account in the text was an erroneous tradition.' 
To this the ATAien-lung editors reply : — ' Immediately on the death 
of king Wu, the duke of ATau must have adopted the method 
described in the text Thai Kung was Grand master; the duke 
of Shao, Grand guardian ; and the duke of A"au himself Grand 
tutor. They, no doubt, made Po-kMn, Aun .Oan, Ltt Ki, Wang- 
sun Mau, and others associate with the young king. In the 
winter of his first year, the duke removed to the eastern capital, 
while the other two continued in their places, and Yo-AAha was 
daily with K/iing, and there was no change in the rules for a son 
and heir. Next year happened the storm which changed the king's 
views about the duke, who returned to the court. The third year 
saw the removal of the people of Yen, and Po-Min proceeded to 
his jurisdiction in Lu. But by this time king ATAang's virtue and 
ability were matured. Wu's objections to the ordinary view of the 
text are without foundation.' 

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he should do so.' Thus all will understand the right 
course as between father and son. A second will 
make the same remark, and put the same question ; 
and it will be replied, ' While the ruler is alive, it is 
the rule that he should do so;' and thus all will 
understand the righteousness that should obtain 
between ruler and minister. To a third putting the 
same question it will be said, ' He is giving to his 
elders what is due to their age;' and thus all will 
understand the observances that should rule between 
young and old. Therefore, while his father is alive, 
he is but a son ; and, while his ruler is alive, he may be 
called merely a minister. Occupying aright the posi- 
tion of son and minister is the way in which he shows 
the honour due to a ruler and the affection due to a 
father. He is thus taught the duties between father 
and son, between ruler and minister, between old 
and young ; and when he has become master of all 
these, the state will be well governed. The saying, 
' Music's Director the foundation lays ; 
The Master this doth to perfection raise. 
Let him but once the great and good be taught, 
And all the states are to correctness brought,' 
finds its application in the case of the heir-son. 

23. So much for the duke of A'iu's going up by 
the eastern steps. 

Section II. 

1. The Shu-jze 1 , who had the direction of the 
(other) members of the royal and princely families, 

1 See Book XLIV, paragraph 1, and note. The Shu-jze or JTu- 

jze belonged to the department of the Sze-ma. They were two, — 

Great officers of the third grade; and under them thirty assistants, 

— officers and employes. The superintendents of the Lists in next 

[27] A a 

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THE L! kI. BK. vi. 

inculcated on them filial piety and fraternal duty, 
harmony and friendship, and kindly consideration ; 
illustrating the righteousness that should prevail 
between father and son, and the order to be observed 
between elders and juniors. 

2. When they appeared at court, if it were at a 
reception in the innermost (courtyard of the palace), 
they took their places, facing the east, those of the 
most honourable rank among them, as ministers, being 
to the north (of the others) ; but they were arranged 
according to their age. If it were a reception in the 
outer (and second courtyard), they were arranged 
according to their offices ; — (as in the former case), 
by the superintendents of the official lists. 

3. When they were in the ancestral temple, they 
took their places as at the reception in the outer (and 
second courtyard); and the superintendent of the 
temple 1 assigned his business to each according to 
rank and office. In their ascending (to the hall), 
partaking of what had been left (by the personator 
of the dead), presenting (the cup to him), and receiv- 
ing it (from him) 2 , the eldest son by the wife took 
the precedence. The proceedings were regulated 
by the Shu-jze. Although one might have received 
three of the gifts of distinction, he did not take pre- 
cedence of an uncle or elder cousin. 

4. At the funeral rites for rulers, they were ar- 
ranged according to the character of their mourning- 
paragraph belonged to the same department; — also two of the 
same rank as the Shu-jze, and under them sixty-eight others. The 
functions of both are described in the A'du Lf, Book XXXI. 

1 See the ASu Lt, Book XXVII. 

' These ceremonies do not appear to be mentioned here in the 
-order of their occurrence. 

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dress in the fineness or coarseness of the material. 
In case of such rites among themselves, the same 
order was observed, the principal mourner, however, 
always taking precedence of all others. 

5. If the ruler were feasting with his kindred, then 
all of a different kindred were received as guests. 
The cook acted as master of the ceremonies 1 . 
The ruler took place among his uncles and cousins 
according to age. Each generation of kindred took 
a lower place as it was a degree removed from the 

6. When with the army, the kindred guarded 
the spirit-tablets that had been brought from their 
shrines. If any public duties called the ruler beyond 
the limits of the state, those officers of the kindred 
employed the members of it, who had not other 
duties, to guard the ancestral temple and the apart- 
ments of the palace, the eldest sons by the proper 
wives guarding the temple of the Grand ancestor; 
the various uncles, the most honoured temple-shrines 
and apartments ; the other sons and grandsons, the 
inferior shrines and apartments. 

7. All descended from any of the five rulers to 
whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, even those 
who were now classed among the common people, 
were required to announce the events of capping and 
marriage, so long as the temple-shrine of the (Grand 
ancestor) had not been removed. Their deaths had 
to be announced ; and also their sacrifices during the 

1 We have here an instance of the important part which the 
cook played in the establishments of the kings and princes of those 
days; see vol. iii, pp. 356, 422. The ruler was too dignified to 
drink with the guests. 

a a 2 

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356 THE Lt kI 

BK. VI. 

period of mourning. In the relations of the kin- 
dred among themselves, the proper officers punished 
any neglect of the regulations for condoling and 
not condoling, leaving off and not leaving off the 
cap (in mourning). There were the correct rules 
for the mourning gifts of articles, money, robes, and 
jade to put into the mouth (of the deceased). 

8. When one of the ruler's kindred was found 
guilty of a capital offence, he was hanged by some 
one of the foresters' department. If the punish- 
ment for his offence were corporal infliction or 
dismemberment, it was also handed over to the same 
department No one of the ruler's kindred was 
punished with castration. 

When the trial was concluded, the proper officer 
reported the sentence to the ruler. If the penalty 
were death, he would say, ' The offence of So and So 
is a capital crime.' If the penalty were less, he 
would say, 'The offence of So and So has received a 
lighter sentence.' The ruler would say, 'Let the 
sentence be remitted for another;' and the officer 
would say, ' That is the sentence.' This was 
repeated till the third time, when the officer would 
make no answer, but hurry off and put the execution 
into the hands of the appointed forester. Still the 
ruler would send some one after him, and say, 'Yes, 
but grant forgiveness,' to which there would be the 
reply, ' It is too late.' When the execution was 
reported to the ruler, he put on white clothes, and 
did not have a full meal or music, thus changing his 
usual habits. Though the kinsman might be within 
the degree for which there should be mourning rites, 
the ruler did not wear mourning, but wailed for him 
himself (in some family of a different surname). 

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9. That the ruler's kindred appeared at the recep- 
tion in the innermost (court) showed how (the ruler) 
would honour the relatives of his own surname. 
That they took places according to their age, even 
those among them of high rank, showed the relation 
to be maintained between father and son. That they 
took places at the reception in the outer court accord- 
ing to their offices, showed how (the ruler) would 
show that they formed one body with (the officers of) 
other surnames 1 . 

10. Their taking their places in the ancestral 
temple according to rank served to exalt the sense 
of virtue. That the superintendent of the temple 
assigned to them their several services according to 
their offices was a tribute of honour to worth. That 
the eldest son by the proper wife was employed to 
ascend, take precedence in partaking of what had 
been left, and in receiving the cup, was to do honour 
to their ancestor 2 . 

11. That the distinctions at the funeral rites were 
arranged according to the fineness or coarseness of 
their mourning robes was not to take from any one 
the degree of his relationship 3 . 

12. The ruler, when feasting with his kindred, 
took his place among them according to age, and 
thus development was given to filial piety and 
fraternal duty. That each generation took a lower 
place as it was removed a degree from the parent- 
stem showed the graduation of affection among 

1 See paragraph 2, above. * See paragraph 3, above. 

* See paragraph 4, above. 4 See paragraph g, above. 

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358 the l! rt. 

BK. VI. 

13. The guard maintained during war over the 
spirit-tablets in the army showed the deep sense of 
filial piety and love. When the eldest son by the pro- 
per wife guarded the temple of the Grand ancestor, 
honour was done to the temple by the most honoured, 
and the rule as between ruler and minister was 
exhibited. When the uncles guarded the most 
honoured shrines and apartments, and the cousins 
those that were inferior, the principles of subordina- 
tion and deference were displayed K 

14. That the descendants of the five rulers, to 
whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, were 
required, so long as the shrine of the Grand ancestor 
had not been removed, to announce their cappings 
and marriages, and their death was also required to 
be announced, showed how kinship was to be kept 
in mind 2 . While the kinship was yet maintained, 
that some were classed among the common people 
showed how mean position followed on want of 
ability. The reverent observance of condoling, wail- 
ing, and of presenting contributions to the funeral 
rites in articles and money, was the way taken to 
maintain harmony and friendliness 8 . 

15. Anciently, when the duties of these officers 
of the royal or princely kindred were well 
discharged, there was a constant model for the 
regions and states ; and when this model was 
maintained, all knew to what to direct their views 
and aims*. 

1 See paragraph 6, above. * See paragraph 12, above. 

• See paragraph 7, above. 

4 This paragraph is evidently out of place, and should follow the 

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16. When any of the ruler's kindred were guilty 
of offences, notwithstanding their kinship, they were 
not allowed to transgress with impunity, but the 
proper officers had their methods of dealing with 
them : — this showed the regard cherished for the 
people. That the offender was punished in secret 1 , 
and not associated with common people, showed 
(the ruler's) concern for his brethren. That he 
offered no condolence, wore no mourning, and wailed 
for the criminal in the temple of a different surname, 
showed how he kept aloof from him as having 
disgraced their ancestors. That he wore white, occu- 
pied a chamber outside, and did not listen to music, 
was a private mourning for him, and showed how 
the feeling of kinship was not extinguished. That 
one of the ruler's kindred was not subjected to 
castration, showed how he shrank from cutting off 
the perpetuation of their family. 

17. When the son of Heaven was about to visit 
the college, the drum was beaten at early dawn to 
arouse all (the students). When all were come 
together, the son of Heaven then arrived and or- 
dered the proper officers to discharge their business, 
proceeding in the regular order, and sacrificing 
to the former masters and former sages. When 

next. Some of the critics endeavour very ingeniously to account 
for its having been designedly placed where it stands. 

1 This refers to the statement in paragraph 8, that members of 
the ruler's kindred, instead of being executed or exposed in the 
court or market-place, were handed over to be dealt with in the 
country, by the foresters' department. On that department and 
the duties and members of it, see the K&a Li, Book I, 11; IV, 

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360 the l1 kI. 

BK. VI. 

they reported to him that everything had been 
done, he then began to go to the nourishing (of 
the aged). 

18. Proceeding to the school on the east, he 
unfolded and set forth the offerings to the aged of 
former times, and immediately afterwards arranged 
the mats and places for the three (classes of the) old, 
and the five (classes of the) experienced, for all the 
aged (indeed who were present) 1 . 

19. He (then) went to look at the food and 
examine the liquor. When the delicacies for the 
nourishment of the aged were all ready, he caused 
the song to be raised (as a signal for the aged to 
come). After this he retired ; and thus it was that 
he provided for (the aged) his filial nourishment 

20. When (the aged) had returned (to their seats 
after partaking of the feast), the musicians went up 
and sang the A^ing Miao 2 , after which there was 

1 There is great difference of opinion about ' the three old' and 
' the five experienced.' A common view is that the former name 
denotes the old men of 80, 90, and 100 ; which appears to have 
been first propounded by Tu Yfl (a. d. 222-284). The A'-iien-lung 
editors speak contemptuously of it, and ask what analogous division 
is to be made of the five classes of the experienced. Callery has 
a note on the paragraph, to the effect that there were two old men, 
one called 'the san-lao,' and the other 'the wft-kang.' The 
emperor of the A'-iien-lung period, he tells us, because of the great 
age at which he had himself arrived, wished to restore the ancient prac- 
tices in honour of old age. His proposal, however, was so vigorously 
opposed in council, especially by a Chinese minister, that he was 
obliged to abandon it. 'Many volumes,' he says, 'have been 
written on the origin and meaning of the denominations in the 
text, but nothing certain is known on the subject.' 

* ' A^ing Miao ' is the name of the first of ' The Sacrificial 
Odes of JEau;' see vol. iii, pp. 313, 314. 

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conversation to bring out fully its meaning. They 
spoke of the duties between father and son, ruler 
and minister, elders and juniors. This union (of 
the conversation) with the highest description of 
virtue in the piece constituted the greatest feature 
of the ceremony. 

21. Below (in the court-yard), the flute-players 
played the tune of the Hsiang 1 , while the Ta-wu 
was danced, all uniting in the grand concert accord- 
ing to their parts, giving full development to the 
spirit (of the music), and stimulating the sense of 
virtue. The positions of ruler and minister, and the 
gradations of noble and mean were correctly ex- 
hibited, and the respective duties of high and low 
took their proper course. 

22. The officers having announced that the music 
was over, the king then charged the dukes, marquises, 
earls, counts, and barons, with all the officers, saying, 
' Return, and nourish the aged and the young 2 in 
your eastern schools.' Thus did he end (the cere- 
mony) with (the manifestation of) benevolence. 

23. The above statements show how the sage 
(sovereign) bore in mind the various steps (of this 
ceremony) 8 . He anxiously thought of it as its great- 
ness deserved ; his love for the aged was blended 

1 ' Hsiang ' was the name of a piece of music played to the 
dance Ta-wu, in memory of the kings Wan and WO. It is 
hardly possible to give any more detailed description either of the 
piece or of the dance. 

* * The young ' is supposed to be an interpolation. 

* This sentence is difficult. Callery translates it : — ' En vue de 
tout cela l'empereur vertueux repasse dans sa mdmoire ce que (les 
anciens) ont fait (pour honorer la vieillessc, afin de les imiter).' 

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362 THE Li K\. 

BK. VI. 

with reverence ; he carried the thing through with 
attention to propriety ; he adorned it with his filial 
nourishing; he connected with it the exhibition of 
the legitimate distinctions (of rank); and concluded 
it with (the manifestation of) benevolence. In this 
way the ancients, in the exhibition of this one 
ceremony, made all know how complete was their 
virtue. Among them, when they undertook any 
great affair, they were sure to carry it through care- 
fully from beginning to end, so that it was impossible 
for any not to understand them. As it is said in the 
Yiieh Ming 1 , 'The thoughts from first to last 
should be fixed on (this) learning.' 

24. The Record of (king Wan's) son and heir says, 
• Morning and evening he went to the outside of the 
door of the great chamber, and asked the attendant 
of the interior whether his father were well, and 
how he was. If told that he was well, his joy 
appeared in his countenance. If his father were 
not so well, the attendant would tell him so, and then 
his sorrow and anxiety appeared, and his demeanour 
was disturbed. When the attendant told him that 
his father was better, he resumed his former appear- 
ance. Morning and evening when the food went up, 
he would examine it and see if it were hot or cold as 
it ought to be. When it came down, he asked what 
his father had eaten. He made it a point to know 
what viands went in, and to give his orders to the 
cook ; and then he retired. 

' If the attendant reported that his father was ill, 
then he himself fasted and waited on him in his dark- 
coloured dress. He inspected with reverence the 

1 See the ' Charge to Yueh,' in vol. Hi, p. 117. 

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food prepared by the cook, and tasted himself the 
medicine for the patient. If his father ate well of 
the food, then he was able to eat. If his father ate 
but little, then he could not take a full meal. When 
his father had recovered, then he resumed his former 
ways 1 / 

1 This is evidently an unskilful reproduction of the first para- 
graph of Section i. We try in vain to discover why the compiler 
inserted it here. 

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Section I. 

i. Formerly A'ung-nl was present as one of the 
guests at the A'a sacrifice 2 ; and when it was over, 
he went out and walked backwards and forwards on 
the terrace over the gate of Proclamations 3 , looking 
sad and sighing. What made him sigh was the 
state of Lu *. Yen Yen was by his side, and said to 
him, ' Master, what are you sighing about ?' Con- 
fucius replied, ' I never saw the practice of the 
Grand course*, and the eminent men of the three 
dynasties 6 ; but I have my object (in harmony with 

2. 'When the Grand course was pursued, a public 
and common spirit ruled all under the sky; they 

1 See the introduction, pages 23, 24. 

* Offered in the end of the year, in thanksgiving for all the crops 
that had been reaped. See in Book IX, ii, paragraphs 9, 10. 

' The gateway where illustrated copies of the laws and punish- 
ments were suspended. It belonged of right only to the royal 
palace, but it was among the things which Lu had usurped, or was 
privileged to use. 

4 As usurping royal rites, and in disorder. 

* This sounds Taoistic. It is explained of the time of the five T f s . 

* The founders of the Hsi&, Shang, and Af£u, and their great 

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THE Li YUN. 365 

chose 1 men of talents, virtue, and ability; their 
words were sincere, and what they cultivated was 
harmony. Thus men did not love their parents 
only, nor treat as children only their own sons. A 
competent provision was secured for the aged till 
their death, employment for the able-bodied, and 
the means of growing up to the young. They 
showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, 
childless men, and those who were disabled by 
disease, so that they were all sufficiently maintained. 
Males had their proper work, and females had their 
homes. (They accumulated) articles (of value), dis- 
liking that they should be thrown away upon the 
ground, but not wishing to keep them for their own 
gratification 2 . (They laboured) with their strength, 
disliking that it should not be exerted, but not ex- 
erting it (only) with a view to their own advantage*. 
In this way (selfish) schemings were repressed 
and found no development. Robbers, filchers, and 

1 'They chose;' who are intended by the 'they?' Shall we 
find them in the 'all under the sky' of the preceding clause? 
Callery has : — ' Sous le grand regne de la vertu, l'empire e"tait la 
chose publique. On choisissait pour le gouverneur les hommes 
e"minents,' &c. Khung Ying-ta explains the clause by ' They made 
no hereditary princes.' Perhaps it would be well to translate 
passively, — ' Men of virtue and ability were chosen (to govern).' 
The writer has before him the Taoistic period of the primitive 
simplicity, when there was no necessity for organised government 
as in after ages. 

* It is rather difficult to construe and translate these two sen- 
tences. Callery gives for them, not very successfully: — 'Quant 
auz objets matenels, ceux qu'on n'aimait pas, on les abandonnait 
(aux personnes qui en avaient besoin), sans les mettre en reserve 
pour soi. Les choses dont on e"tait capable, on regardait corame 
fort mauvais de ne pas les faire, lors mSme que ce n'^tait pas 
pour soi.' 

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366 THE Li JCt. BK. VII. 

rebellious traitors did not show themselves, and 
hence the outer doors remained open, and were 
not shut. This was (the period of) what we call 
the Grand Union. 

3. ' Now that the Grand course has fallen into 
disuse and obscurity, the kingdom is a family inherit- 
ance. Every one loves (above all others) his own 
parents and cherishes (as) children (only) his own 
sons. People accumulate articles and exert their 
strength for their own advantage. Great men 
imagine it is the rule that their states should 
descend in their own families. Their object is to 
make the walls of their cities and suburbs strong 
and their ditches and moats secure. The rules of 
propriety and of what is right are regarded as the 
threads by which they seek to maintain in its correct- 
ness the relation between ruler and minister ; in its 
generous regard that between father and son ; in 
its harmony that between elder brother and younger; 
and in a community of sentiment that between hus- 
band and wife ; and in accordance with them they 
frame buildings and measures; lay out the fields 
and hamlets (for the dwellings of the husbandmen) ; 
adjudge the superiority to men of valour and know- 
ledge ; and regulate their achievements with a view 
to their own advantage. Thus it is that (selfish) 
schemes and enterprises are constantly taking their 
rise, and recourse is had to arms ; and thus it was 
(also) that Yu, Thang, Wan and Wu, king A^ang, 
and the duke of Aau obtained their distinction. Of 
these six great men every one was very attentive to 
the rules of propriety, thus to secure the display of 
righteousness, the realisation of sincerity, the exhibi- 
tion of errors, the exemplification of benevolence, and 

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THE Li YUN. $67 

the discussion of courtesy, showing the people all the 
normal virtues. Any rulers who did not follow this 
course were driven away by those who possessed 
power and position, and all regarded them as 
pests. This is the period of what we call Small 
Tranquillity V 

4. Yen Yen again asked, 'Are the rules of Pro- 
priety indeed of such urgent importance ?' Con- 
fucius said, 'It was by those rules that the ancient 
kings sought to represent the ways of Heaven, and 
to regulate the feelings of men. Therefore he who 
neglects or violates them may be (spoken of) as 
dead, and he who observes them, as alive. It is 
said in the Book of Poetry, 

" Look at a rat — how small its limbs and fine ! 

Then mark the course that scorns the proper line. 

Propriety's neglect may well provoke 

A wish the man would quickly court death's stroke 2 ." 
Therefore those rules are rooted in heaven, have 
their correspondencies in earth, and are appli- 
cable to spiritual beings. They extend to funeral 
rites, sacrifices, archery, chariot-driving, capping, 
marriage, audiences, and friendly missions. Thus 
the sages made known these rules, and it became 
possible for the kingdom, with its states and clans, 
to reach its correct condition.' 

5. Yen Yen again asked, 'May I be allowed to 
hear, Master, the full account that you would give of 

1 The Taoism in this and the preceding paragraph is evident, and 
we need not be surprised that Wang of Shih-liang should say that 
they ought not to be ascribed to Confucius. The A'liien-lung 
editors try to weaken the force of his judgment by a theory of 
misplaced tablets and spurious additions to the text. 

8 The Shih, I, iv, 8 ; metrical version, page 99. 

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368 the l} rt. bk. vii. 

these rules ?' Confucius said, ' I wished to see the 
ways of Hsia, and for that purpose went to KM. 
But it was not able to attest my words, though I 
found there " The seasons of Hsia." I wished to 
see the ways of Yin, and for that purpose went to 
Sung. But it was not able to attest my words, 
though I found there "The Khwan -AT^ien." In 
this way I got to see the meanings in the 
Khwan Kh'izn, and the different steps in the 
seasons of Hsia 1 . 

6. 'At the first use of ceremonies, they began with 
meat and drink. They roasted millet and pieces of 
pork 2 ; they excavated the ground in the form of a 
jar, and scooped the water from it with their two 
hands ; they fashioned a handle of clay, and struck 
with it an earthen drum. (Simple as these arrange- 
ments were), they yet seemed to be able to express 
by them their reverence for Spiritual Beings. 

7. '(By-and-by) s , when one died, they went upon 

1 Compare with this paragraph the ninth in the third Book of the 
Analects. In that Confucius tells of his visits to Khi and Sung; 
but says nothing of his finding any book or fragment of a book in 
either, dwelling instead on the insufficiency of their records. ' The 
seasons of Hsid,' which it is said here ' he got in Kh\' is sup- 
posed to be the ' small calendar of Hsii,' preserved by the Greater 
T&i, and 'the Khwan A^ien' to have been the 'Kwei 3hang 
Yf ,' attributed by many to the Shang dynasty. But all this is very 

* In an unartificial manner, we are told, ' by placing them on 
heated stones.' It is only the last sentence of the paragraph 
which makes us think that the previous parts have anything to do 
with sacrifice or religion. 

* Khung Ying-tS thinks that this describes the practices of the 
period of 'the five Tis.' The north is the quarter of darkness 
and decay, the south that of brightness and life. ' The paragraph 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. THE Li YUN. 369 

the housetop, and called out his name in a prolonged 
note, saying, " Come back, So and So." After this 
they filled the mouth (of the dead) with uncooked 
rice, and (set forth as offerings to him) packets 
of raw flesh. Thus they looked up to heaven 
(whither the spirit was gone), and buried (the body) 
in the earth. The body and the animal soul go 
downwards ; and the intelligent spirit is on high. 
Thus (also) the dead are placed with their heads to 
the north, while the living look towards the south. 
In all these matters the earliest practice is followed. 

8. ' Formerly the ancient kings 1 had no houses. 
In winter they lived in caves which they had ex- 
cavated, and in summer in nests which they had 
framed. They knew not yet the transforming power 
of fire, but ate the fruits of plants and trees, and the 
flesh of birds and beasts, drinking their blood, and 
swallowing (also) the hair and feathers. They knew 
not yet the use of flax and silk, but clothed them- 
selves with feathers and skins. 

9. ' The later sages then arose, and men (learned) 
to take advantage of the benefits of fire. They 
moulded the metals and fashioned clay, so as to rear 
towers with structures on them, and houses with 
windows and doors. They toasted, grilled, boiled, 
and roasted. They produced must and sauces. 
They dealt with the flax and silk so as to form linen 
and silken fabrics. They were thus able to nourish 
the living, and to make offerings to the dead ; to serve 

teaches us,' says Hsu Shih-jang, ' that the burial and other mourn- 
ing ceremonies were not inventions of later sages, but grew from 
the natural feelings and sorrow of the earliest men.' 

1 This was, says A'ang, 'the time of the highest antiquity;' 'the 
time,' says Ying-tS, ' before the five Tts.' 
[27] B b 

Digitized by 


370 the l! jcJ. 


the spirits of the departed and God 1 . In all these 
things we follow the example of that early time. 

10. ' Thus it is that the dark-coloured liquor is in 
the apartment (where the representative of the 
dead is entertained) 2 ; that the vessel of must is near 
its (entrance) door ; that the reddish liquor fs in the 
hall ; and the clear, in the (court) below. The victims 
(also) are displayed, and the tripods and stands are 
prepared. The lutes and citherns are put in their 
places, with the flutes, sonorous stones, bells, and 
drums. The prayers (of the principal in the sacrifice 
to the spirits) and the benedictions (of the represen- 
tatives of the departed) are carefully framed. The 

1 According to Ying-ta, ' this is descriptive of the times of 
Shan Nang in middle antiquity, of the five Tts, and of the 
three kings.' This would extend it over a very long space of 
time. When it is said that men in their advancing civilisation were 
able to serve the spirits of the departed and God, the peculiarity 
of style by which those spirits (literally, the Kwei Shan) are 
placed before God (Shang Tl) does not fail to attract the notice of 
the student. The explanation of it was given ingeniously, and 
I believe correctly, by Dr. Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, 
page 78), who says, ' it was done, probably, in order to distinguish 
the one from the other, and to prevent the reader from imagining 
that the Kwei Shans belonged to the Shang Tl, which mistake 
might have occurred had the characters been differently arranged.' 
I translate the last sentence in the present tense, the speaker 
having, I think, his own times in mind. 

2 The ' dafk-coloured ' liquor was water, which was employed in 
the earliest times, before there was any preparation of liquor made 
from grain, either by fermentation or distillation, and the use of it 
was continued in the subsequent times of which this paragraph 
speaks, in honour of the practice of antiquity; and is continued, 
probably, to the present day. The other liquors are mentioned in 
the order of their invention, following one another in the historical 
line of their discovery, the older always having a nearer and 
more honourable place. 

Digitized by 


sect. r. THE 1,1 YUN. 371 

object of all the ceremonies is to bring down the 
spirits from above, even their ancestors 1 ; serving 
(also) to rectify the relations between ruler and 
ministers; to maintain the generous feeling between 
father and son, and the harmony between elder and 
younger brother ; to adjust the relations between 
high and low ; and to give their proper places to 
husband and wife. The whole may be said to 
secure the blessing of Heaven. 

11. 'They proceed to their invocations, using in 
each the appropriate terms. The dark-coloured 
liquor is employed in (every) sacrifice. The blood 
with the hair and feathers (of the victim) is pre- 
sented. The flesh, uncooked, is set forth on the 
stands 2 . The bones with the flesh on them are 
sodden ; and rush mats and coarse cloth are placed 
underneath and over the vases and cups. The robes 
of dyed silk are put on. The must and clarified 
liquor are presented. The flesh, roasted and grilled, 
is brought forward 3 . The ruler and his wife take 
alternate parts in presenting these offerings, all 
being done to please the souls of the departed, and 
constituting a union (of the living) with the dis- 
embodied and unseen. 

1 Dr. Medhurst rendered this — 'to bring down the Shins of 
the upper world, together with the manes of their first ancestors.' 
In giving to the two phrases one and the same reference I am 
following Ying-t^ and others. 

* The last three observances were in imitation of what was done 
in the earliest antiquity. 

* In these six things the ways of 'middle antiquity' were ob- 
served. The whole paragraph is descriptive of a sacrifice in the 
ancestral temple under iTau, where an effort was made to repro- 
duce all sacrificial customs from the earliest times. 

B b 2 

Digitized by 


372 THE hi kI. BK. vir. 

1 2. ' These services having been completed, they 
retire, and cook again all that was insufficiently done. 
The dogs, pigs, bullocks, and sheep are dismembered. 
The shorter dishes (round and square), the taller 
ones of bamboo and wood, and the soup vessels are 
all filled. There are the prayers which express the 
filial piety (of the worshipper), and the benediction 
announcing the favour (of his ancestors). This 
may be called the greatest omen of prosperity ; and 
in this the ceremony obtains its grand completion 1 .' 

Section II. 

i. Confucius said, ' Ah ! Alas ! I look at the ways 
of Kku. (The kings) Yu 2 and Li 3 corrupted them 
indeed, but if I leave Lu, where shall I go (to find 
them better) ? The border sacrifice of Lu, (however,) 
and (the association with it of) the founder of the line 
(of Kk\x) is contrary to propriety; — how have (the 
institutions of) the duke of A'au fallen into decay* ! 
At the border sacrifice in Kki, Yii was the assessor, 
and at that in Sung, Hsieh ; but these were observ- 

1 This last paragraph appears to me to give a very condensed 
account of the banquet to a ruler's kindred, with which a service 
in the ancestral temple concluded. Paragraphs io, n, 12 are all 
descriptive of the parts of such a service. Compare the accounts 
of it in the Shih II, vi, ode 5, and other pieces. 

J b.c. 781-771. 3 b.c. 878-828. 

* That the sacrificial ceremonies of Lu were in many things 
corrupted in Lu in the time of Confucius is plain to the reader 
of the Analects. How the corruption first began is a subject 
of endless controversy. It seems to be established that special 
privileges were granted in this respect to the duke of Aau and his 
son, Yo-khin. Guarded at first and innocent, encroachments 
were made by successive princes, as the vigour of the royal 
authority declined; and by-and-by as those princes became them- 

Digitized by 



the hi yun. 373 

ances of the sons of Heaven, preserved (in those 
states by their descendants). The rule is that (only) 
the son of Heaven sacrifices to heaven and earth, 
and the princes of states sacrifice at the altars to the 
spirits of the land and grain.' 

2. When no change is presumptuously made from 
the constant practice from the oldest times between 
the prayer and blessing (at the beginning of the 
sacrifice) 1 and the benediction (at the end of it) 1 , 
we have what might be called a great and happy 

3. For the words of prayer and blessing and 
those of benediction to be kept hidden away by the 
officers of prayer of the ancestral temple, and the 
sorcerers and recorders, is a violation of the rules of 
propriety. This may be called keeping a state in 
darkness 2 . 

selves more and more weak, their ministers followed in their wake, 
and usurped the same ceremonies in their own services. 

The commentators throw little light on the special corruption 
selected here for condemnation by Confucius. I have interpreted 
it by the analogy of the cases of Kh\ and Sung. The lords of 
those states were descended from the sovereigns of Hsii and 
Shang respectively, and were invested with them at the rise of the 
AHu dynasty, that they might continue in them the sacrifices of 
their royal ancestors. They did so not as the lords of Kh\ and 
Sung, but as representing the lines of Hsia and Shang. But the 
case was different with the lords of Lu, belonging to the time of 
Aau, but not representing it. Its kings were still reigning. 
Whether the words of Confucius should be extended over all the 
paragraph is a doubtful point 

1 See paragraph 1 2 of the last section. 

a In this way new forms of prayer and benediction came into 
use, and the old forms were forgotten. The sorcerers; see 
page 172, paragraph 42. 

Digitized by 


374 THE L * **• 

BK. vir. 

4. (The use of) the ^an cup (of Hsia) and the 
£ia cup (of Yin), and (the pledging in them) be- 
tween the representative of the dead and the ruler 
are contrary to propriety; — these things constitute 
' a usurping ruler 1 .' 

5. (For ministers and Great officers to) keep the 
cap with pendents and the leathern cap, or military 
weapons, in their own houses is contrary to propriety. 
To do so constitutes ' restraint of the ruler V 

6. For Great officers to maintain a full staff of 
employes, to have so many sacrificial vessels that 
they do not need to borrow any ; and have singers 
and musical instruments all complete, is contrary to 
propriety. For them to do so leads to ' disorder in 
a state 3 .' 

7. Thus, one sustaining office under the ruler is 
called a minister, and one sustaining office under the 
head of a clan is called a servant. Either of these, 
who is in mourning for a parent, or has newly 
married, is not sent on any mission for a year*. 

1 It would be of little use to give representations of those cups, 
as they are ordinarily figured. Only in Kh\, Sung, and Lu could 
they be used with any degree of propriety. In the times referred 
to in these paragraphs they were used by other states ; which was 
an act of usurpation. 

* Certain styles of these caps were peculiar to the king, and of 
course could not be used by inferiors. Others might be used by 
them, but were kept in public offices, and given out when required. 
Sometimes they were conferred by special giftj but none could 
make them for themselves. 

* A Great officer, if he had land, might have a ruler or steward, 
to whom everything was entrusted; and he might have some 
sacrificial vessels, but not a complete set. He did not have music 
at his sacrifices, unless it were by special permission. 

* Compare Deuteronomy xxiv. 5. 

Digitized by 


sect. ii. the l1. yun. 375 

To enter court in decayed robes, or to live pro- 
miscuously with his servants, taking place among 
them according to age : — all these things are 
contrary to propriety. Where we have them, we 
have what is called ' ruler and minister sharing 
the state.' 

8. Thus, the son of Heaven has his domain 
that he may settle there his sons and grand- 
sons ; and the feudal princes have their states ; and 
Great officers their appanages that they may do 
the same for theirs. This constitutes ' the statutory 

9. Thus, when the son of Heaven goes to visit a 
feudal prince, the rule is that he shall lodge in the 
ancestral temple, and that he do not enter it without 
having with him all the rules to be observed. If 
he act otherwise, we have an instance of ' The son 
of Heaven perverting the laws, and throwing the 
regulations into confusion.' A prince, unless it be 
to ask about the sick or to condole with a mourner, 
does not enter the house of a minister. If he act 
otherwise, we have the case of ' ruler and minister 
playing with each other.' 

10. Therefore, ceremonies form a great instrument 
in the hands of a ruler. It is by them that he re- 
solves what is doubtful and brings to light what is 
abstruse ; that he conducts his intercourse with 
spiritual beings, examines all statutory arrangements, 
and distinguishes benevolence from righteousness; 
it is by them, in short, that government is rightly 
ordered, and his own tranquillity secured. 

11. When government is not correct, the ruler's 
seat is insecure. When the ruler's seat is insecure, 

Digitized by 


376 THE Li kL 


the great ministers revolt, and smaller ones begin 
pilfering. Punishments (then) are made severe, and 
manners deteriorate. Thus the laws become irre- 
gular, and the rules of ceremony uncertain. When 
these are uncertain, officers do not perform their 
duties ; and when punishments become severe, and 
manners deteriorate, the people do not turn (to what 
is right). We have that condition which may be 
described as ' an infirm state.' 

12. In this way government is the means by which 
the ruler keeps and protects his person, and therefore 
it must have a fundamental connection with Heaven. 
This uses a variety of ways in sending down the in- 
timations of Its will. As learned from the altars 
of the land, these are (receptivity and docility) im- 
parted to the earth. As learned from the ancestral 
temple, they are benevolence and righteousness. 
As learned from the altars of the hills and streams, 
they are movement and activity. As learned from 
the five sacrifices of the house, they are the statutes 
(of their various spirits). It is in this way that the 
sage rulers made provision for the safe keeping of 
their persons \ 

1 On this paragraph M. Callery has the following note : — ' Tres 
difficile a comprendre dans nos idees, ce passage offre un sens 
tout simple et naturel aux Chinois, dont la bizarre meUphysique 
va chercher dans la nature une analogie essentielle entre les 
accidents divers des 6tres, et les phenomenes rationnels ou psycho- 
logiques. Ainsi, suivant les philosophes Chinois, tant anciens 
que modernes, la socie'te' pre"sente des inegalites dans ses classes 
d'individus, comme la terre presente a sa surface des montagnes 
et des valines ; telle loi provoque Taction et le mouvement, comme 
les rivieres pleines de poissons et les montagnes couvertes de 
forets sont des foyers de vie et de developpement ; telle autre loi 

Digitized by 


SECT. II. THE Li YUN. 377 

13. Hence the sage forms a ternion with Heaven 
and Earth, and stands side by side with spiritual 
beings, in order to the right ordering of government. 
Taking his place on the ground of the principles in- 
herent in them, he devised ceremonies in their order ; 
calling them to the happy exercise of that in which 

impose des obligations humanitaires, comme les temples inspirent 
la pie*te* filiale envers les ancStres, ou le respect envers les Dieux. 
Ces analogies sont quelquefois pousse*es jusqu'au dernier ridicule; 
mais les Chinois ne les trouvent jamais force'es, et semblent faire 
tres peu de cas de la logique Europdenne, qui ne les admire pas.' 

The .Oien-lung editors say on it: — 'Hsi&o (^) gives the 
idea of distribution. All the principles under the sky are simply 
expressive of the mind of the one Heaven. Heaven is everywhere, 
and its distributions from which we see its ordinations are also 
everywhere. Kh'ien (y£), 'great and originating,' contains all 
the meaning belonging to the name Heaven. Earth (i&) obe- 
diently receives the influences of heaven. Consequently, when we 
see how earth supports all things, we know how the ordination of 
Heaven has descended on it. Heaven is the author of all things. 
It produced men, and men go on to produce one another, in 
succession. From this we see that every man has his ancestor, 
and know how the ordination of Heaven has descended on the 
ancestral temple. Hills and streams are also the productions of 
Heaven, but every one of them is also able to produce other 
things ; and when we see their productiveness, we know that the 
ordination of Heaven to that effect has descended on them. The 
productive power of Heaven is distributed in the five elements, and 
their results, which are most important to men, are exhibited in the 
five sacrifices of the house, so that we see those results in these, 
and know that the ordination of Heaven has descended on them. 
Now the ancestral temples, the hills and streams, and those five 
altars of the house, are all distributed on the earth, but in reality 
have their root in Heaven. And so it is that the sages after the 
pattern of Heaven made their ordinations; and their filial piety 
and righteousness, and all the duties enjoined by them, effective, 
though unseen, secure the issues of government' 

Digitized by 


378 the Li rf. bk. vir. 

they find pleasure, he secured the success of the 
government of the people. 

14. Heaven produces the seasons. Earth pro- 
duces all the sources of wealth. Man is begotten by 
his father, and instructed by his teacher. The ruler 
correctly uses these four agencies, and therefore he 
stands in the place where there is no error 1 . 

15. Hence the ruler is he to whose brightness men 
look ; he does not seek to brighten men. It is he 
whom men support; he does not seek to support 
men. It is he whom men serve ; he does not seek 
to serve men. If the ruler were to seek to brighten 
men, he would fall into errors. If he were to seek 
to nourish men, he would be unequal to the task. 
If he were to seek to serve men, he would be giving 
up his position. Therefore the people imitate the 
ruler, and we have their self-government; they 
nourish their ruler, and they find their security in 
doing so; they serve the ruler, and find their dis- 
tinction in doing so. Thus it is by the universal 
application of the rules of propriety, that the lot and 
duty (of different classes) are fixed ; thus it is that 
men, (acting contrary to those rules,) would all have 
to account death a boon, and life an evil. 

16. Therefore (the ruler), making use of the 
wisdom of others, will put away the cunning to 
which that wisdom might lead him ; using their 
courage, he will (in the same way) put away 

1 ' If the ruler,' says Khung Ying-ti, ' were to undertake to do 
all the work of these agencies himself, he would commit many 
errors. Employing them according to the natural operation of 
each, the work is easily performed, and without error.' 

Digitized by 


SECT. M. THE lA YUN. 379 

passion; and using their benevolence, he will put 
away covetousness 1 . 

17. Therefore, when calamity comes on a state, 
for the ruler to die for its altars is to be regarded as 
right ; but for a Great officer to die for the ancestral 
temple is to be regarded as a change (of the duty 
required from him)*. 

18. Therefore when it is said that (the ruler being) 
a sage can look on all under the sky as one family, 
and on all in the Middle states as one man, this does 
not mean that he will do so on premeditation and 
purpose. He must know men's feelings, lay open to 
them what they consider right, show clearly to them 
what is advantageous, and comprehend what are 
their calamities. Being so furnished, he is then able 
to effect the thing. 

19. What are the feelings of men? They are joy, 
anger, sadness, fear, love, disliking, and liking. 
These seven feelings belong to men without their 
learning them. What are ' the things which men 
consider right ?' Kindness on the part of the father, 
and filial duty on that of the son ; gentleness on the 
part of the elder brother, and obedience on that of 

* I have here followed the A'Aien-lung editors in preference to 
ATang Khang-Mang and others. The latter consider that the 
cunning, passion, and covetousness are those of the men whom 
the ruler employs, — vices generally found along with the good 
qualities belonging to them. 

* It is not easy to see the ground of the reprehension of the 
devotion of a Great officer which is here implied. ' The care of the 
state is a trust committed to the ruler by the sovereign,— he 
should die in maintaining it. An officer has services to discharge, 
and not trusts to maintain. When the services can no longer be 
discharged, he may leave them and save himself ' (?). 

Digitized by 


380 THE L} *t. BK. vir. 

the younger ; righteousness on the part of the hus- 
band, and submission on that of the wife ; kindness 
on the part of elders, and deference on that of 
juniors ; with benevolence on the part of the ruler, 
and loyalty on that of the minister; — these ten 
are the things which men consider to be right. 
Truthfulness in speech and the cultivation of harmony 
constitute what are called ' the things advantageous 
to men.' Quarrels, plundering, and murders are 
' the things disastrous to men.' Hence, when a sage 
(ruler) would regulate the seven feelings of men, 
cultivate the ten virtues that are right ; promote 
truthfulness of speech, and the maintenance of har- 
mony ; show his value for kindly consideration and 
complaisant courtesy; and put away quarrelling and 
plundering, if he neglect the rules of propriety, how 
shall he succeed ? 

20. The things which men greatly desire are com- 
prehended in meat and drink and sexual pleasure ; 
those which they greatly dislike are comprehended 
in death, exile, poverty, and suffering. Thus liking 
and disliking are the great elements in men's minds. 
But men keep them hidden in their minds, where 
they cannot be fathomed or measured. The good 
and the bad of them being in their minds, and no 
outward manifestation of them being visible, if it be 
wished to determine these qualities in one uniform 
way, how can it be done without the use of the rules 
of propriety (implied in the ceremonial usages) ? 

Section III. 

1. Man is (the product of) the attributes of 
Heaven and Earth, (by) the interaction of the dual 

Digitized by 


SECT. in. THE Li YUN. 381 

forces of nature, the union of the animal and 
intelligent (souls), and the finest subtile matter of 
the five elements'. 

2. Heaven exercises the control of the strong and 
light force, and hangs out the sun and stars. Earth 
exercises the control of the dark and weaker force, 
and gives vent to it in the hills and streams. The 
five elements are distributed through the four 
seasons, and it is by their harmonious action that 
the moon is produced, which therefore keeps waxing 
for fifteen days and waning for fifteen 2 . 

1 Callery's translation of this paragraph is the following: — 
' L'homme emane, (pour le moral), de la vertu du Ciel et de la 
Terre ; (pour le physique il emane) de la combinaison des (deux 
principes) Yin et Yang; (pour la partie spirituelle, il emane) 
de la reunion des esprits et des Dieux ; et pour la forme qui lui 
est propre, il emane de l'essence la plus subtile des cinq elements.' 
To this he subjoins the following note : — ' II m'est difficile de 
croire que les Chinois eux-m6mes aient jamais rien compris a 
ces theories androgen^siques, dont tout le mente git dans le vague 
de 1'enonceV The .Oien-lung editors say : — ' The characteristic 
attributes of Heaven and Earth are blended and hid in the two 
forces of nature; and this is called the truth that is unlimited. 
If we speak of those forces in their fundamental character, we call 
them the Yin and Yang. If we speak of them as they develop 
their power, we call them Kwei and Shan. If we speak of 
them as they become substantial, we call them the five elements. 
And this is what is called the essence of what is meant by the 
second and fifth lines of the Khien hexagram,' &c. &c. 

* Callery says here : — ' C'est toujours l'application de la theorie 
des affinit£s naturelles dont nous avons parld (see note, p. 281) et 
dont il importe de bien se pen^trer lorsqu'on veut comprendre 
quelque chose aux dissertations philosophiques des Chinois.' But 
after the student has done his best to get hold of the theory, he 
will often be baffled in trying to follow the applications of it. For 
example, I cannot get hold of what is said here about the genesis 
of the moon. Much of the next four paragraphs is very obscure. 

Digitized by 


382 the l! k\. bk. vn. 

3. The five elements in their movements alter- 
nately displace and exhaust one another. Each one 
of them, in the revolving course of the twelve months 
of the four seasons, comes to be in its turn the 
fundamental one for the time. 

4. The five notes of harmony, with their six upper 
musical accords, and the twelve pitch-tubes, come 
each, in their revolutions among themselves, to be 
the first note of the scale." • • 

5. The five flavours, with the six condiments, and 
the twelve articles of diet, come each one, in their 
revolutions (in the course of the year), to give its 
character to the food. 

6. The five colours, with the six elegant figures, 
which they form on the two robes, come each one, 
in their revolutions among themselves, to give the 
character of the dress that is worn. 

7. Therefore Man is the heart and mind of 
Heaven and Earth, and the visible embodiment of 
the five elements. He lives in the enjoyment of all 
flavours, the discriminating of all notes (of harmony), 
and the enrobing of all colours 1 . 

A little light seems to flash on them from parts of different 
sections of Book IV, but it is neither bright nor steady. 

1 For this paragraph M. Callery gives : — ' L'homme est done 
le cceur du Ciel et de la Terre, la fine essence des cinq elements, 
et vit en mangeant des choses sapides, en distinguant les sons, et 
en s'habillant de diffe'rentes couleurs (contrairement a la brute, dont 
les gouts sont grossiers, et les instincts sans raison).' Of course 
the first predicate about man, and, we might almost say, the second 
also, are metaphorical. ' La fine essence ' is not a correct trans- 
lation of the text in the second predicate, the Chinese character 
so rendered is different from the two characters in paragraph 1. 
On the former predicate Hsiang An-shih (Sung dynasty) says : — 

Digitized by 


SECT. Hi. THE L! YUN. 383 

8. Thus it was that when the sages would make 
rules (for men), they felt it necessary to find the origin 
(of all things) in heaven and earth ; to make the two 
forces (of nature) the commencement (of all) ; to use 
the four seasons as the handle (of their arrange- 
ments) ; to adopt the sun and stars as the recorders 
(of time), the moon as the measurer (of work to be 
done), the spirits breathing (in nature) as associates 1 , 
the five elements as giving substance (to things), 
rules of propriety and righteousness as (their) instru- 
ments, the feelings of men as the field (to be 
cultivated), and the four intelligent creatures as 
domestic animals (to be reared) 2 . 

9. The origin of all things being found in heaven 
and earth, they could be taken in hand, one after 
the other. The commencement of these being 
found in the two forces (of nature), their character 
and tendencies could be observed. The four 
seasons being used as a handle, (the people) could 
be stimulated to the business (of each). The sun 
and stars being constituted the measures of time, 

' The heart of Heaven and Earth is simply benevolence. The 
perfect benevolence of Heaven and Earth is lodged in man. 
Given the human body, and forthwith there is the benevolent 
heart. Hence it is said (Mencius VII, ii, 16), " Man is bene- 
volence ; " " Benevolence is the heart of man." Moreover, the heart 
of Heaven and Earth is seen in the very idea of life, so that the 
heart (or kernel) of all fruits is called zan (^) or benevolence, 

which is again a name for man (^ 7^ ^ fy).' 

1 Callery has for this : — ' Les Esprits et les Dieux pour com- 
pagnons ; ' Medhurst, ' the Kwei Shins, as the associates.' K&ng 
and Khung say that by Kwei Shan are to be understood 'the 
hills and streams of last section/ paragraph 1 2, for ' those help the 
respiration of the earth.' 
* See paragraph 10. 

Digitized by 


384 THE hi jrf. BK. VII. 

that business could be laid out in order. The moon 
being taken as the measure (of work to be done), 
that work could be accomplished successfully. The 
spirits breathing (in nature) being considered as 
associates, what is done will be maintained perma- 
nently. The five elements being considered as 
giving substance (to things), what has been done 
could be repeated. Rules of propriety and righteous- 
ness being viewed as the instruments, whatever was 
' done would be completed. The feelings of men 
being the field to be cultivated, men would look up 
(to the sages) as to their lords. The four intelligent 
creatures being made to become domestic animals, 
there would be constant sources of food and drink. 

10. What were the four intelligent creatures 1 ? 
They were the KM-lin, the phoenix, the tortoise, 
and the dragon. When the dragon becomes a 
domestic animal, (all other) fishes and the sturgeon do 
not lie hidden from men (in the mud). When the 
phoenix becomes so, the birds do not fly from them 
in terror. When the A^i-lin does so, the beasts 
do not scamper away. When the tortoise does so, 
the feelings of men take no erroneous course. 

1 Callery calls these four creatures ' le cerf, l'aigle, la tortue, et 
le dragon;' and says: — 'D'apres la mythologie historique des 
Chinois, ces quatre animaux ne se montrent sur la terre que sous 
le regne des etnpereurs d'une vertu extraordinaire. Alors, la plus 
grande paix regne dans l'univers ; tous les hommes sont heureux ; 
personne ne manque de rien : — C'est l'Sge d'or, moins les idees 
poe"tiques des Grecs et des Latins.' All the four excepting the 
tortoise are fabulous animals, and even Confucius believed in 
them (Ana. IX, 8). The lesson drawn from the text by many 
is that men's goodness is the pledge of, and the way to, all 

Digitized by 



THE Lt Tim. 385 

Section IV. 

1. The ancient kings made use of the stalks and 
the tortoise-shell ; arranged their sacrifices ; buried 
their offerings of silk ; recited their words of suppli- 
cation and benediction ; and made their statutes and 
measures. In this way arose the ceremonial usages 
of the states, the official departments with their 
administrators, each separate business with its own 
duties, and the .rules of ceremony in their orderly 

2. Thus it was that the ancient kings-were troubled 
lest the ceremonial usages should not be generally 
understood by all below them. They therefore 
sacrificed to God in the suburb (of the capital), and 
thus the place of heaven was established. They 
sacrificed at the altar of the earth inside the capital, 
and thus they intimated the benefits derived from 
the earth. Their sacrifices in the ancestral temple 
gave their fundamental place to the sentiments of 
humanity. Those at the altars of the hills and 
streams served to mark their intercourse with the 
spirits breathing (in nature). Their five sacrifices (of 
the house) were a recognition of the various business 
which was to be done. 

For the same reason, there are the officers of 
prayer in the ancestral temple ; the three ducal 
ministers in the court ; and the three classes of old 
.men in the college. In front of the king there were 
the sorcerers, and behind him the recorders; the 
diviners by the tortoise-shell and by the stalks, the 
blind musicians and their helpers were all on his left 
and right. He himself was in the centre. His 
[»7] c c 

Digitized by 


386 the l! art. bk. vh. 

mind had nothing to do, but to maintain what was 
entirely correct 

3. By means of the ceremonies performed in the 
suburb, all the spirits receive their offices. By 
means of those performed at the altar of the earth, 
all the things yielded (by the earth) receive their 
fullest development By means of those in the 
ancestral temple, the services of filial duty and of 
kindly affection come to be discharged. By means 
of those at the five sacrifices of the house, the laws 
and rules of life are correctly exhibited. Hence 
when the ideas in these sacrifices in the suburb, at 
the altar of the earth, in the ancestral temple, at the 
altars of the hills and streams, and of the five sacri- 
fices of the house are fully apprehended, the cere- 
monies used are found to be lodged in them 1 . 

4. From all this it follows that rules of ceremony 
must be traced to their origin in the Grand Unity*. 

1 ATang explains 'all the spirits' in the first sentence of this 
paragraph by ' all the constellations.' Khung agrees with him. 
ATian Hao (Yuan dynasty) explains it of ' wind, rain, cold, and 
heat.' The -ATAien-lung editors say that the two explanations must 
be united. But why are these phenomena described as all or 
'the hundred spirits?' Is it by personification? or a kind of 
pantheism ? 

* Medhurst translated this name by ' the Supreme One ; ' Cal- 
lery, as I do, by ' la Grande UniteY adding in parentheses, ' prin- 
cipe de toutes choses.' Does the name denote what we are to 
consider an Immaterial Being, acting with wisdom, intention, and 
goodness ? Medhurst came to this conclusion. He says : — ' Thai 
Yf (H^ — ■) must mean the Supreme One, or the infinitely great 
and undivided one. Bearing in mind also that this paragraph 
follows another in which Ti (*S*)i the ruling Power, is honoured 
with the highest adoration, and that this ruling Power is the same 

Digitized by 


SECT. IV. THE lA YUN. 387 

This separated and became heaven and earth. It 
revolved and became the dual force (in nature). 

with the being here called the Supreme One, there can be no doubt 
that the reference in the whole passage is to the Almighty One 
who rules over all things' (Dissertation on the Theology of the 
Chinese, p. 85). He goes on to say that 'the Critical Com- 
mentary makes this still more plain by saying that this Supreme 
One is the source of all others, and that he existed before the 
powers of nature were divided, and before the myriad things were 
produced, the one only being. The operations ascribed to him of 
dividing heaven and earth, of revolving light and darkness, of 
changing the four seasons, and of appointing the various Kwei 
Shins to their several offices, are all indicative of that omnipotent 
power which must be ascribed to him alone.' But the operations 
referred to in this last sentence are mentioned in the text, not as 
performed by the Supreme One, but as undergone by the Grand 
Unity. And, moreover, ' the Critical Commentary ' yields a testi- 
mony different from what Dr. Medhurst supposed. Khung Ying-tt 
says ; — ' The name Thai Yt means the original vapoury matter of 
chaos, before the separation of heaven and earth H^ — • jjH ^ 

*& % fr> WL ttiL <1 70 H) > ' and tbm is notong in an y 
of the other commentators contrary to this. But the concluding 

sentence of the paragraph, that ' The law and authority (of all the 

lessons in the rules of ceremony) is in Heaven,' seems to me to 

imply ' a recognition (indistinct it may be) of a Power or Being 

anterior to and independent of the Grand Unity.' Wu AMng 

says: — 'The character Thien (Heaven) is used to cover the five 

things — the Grand Unity, heaven and earth, the (dual force of) Yin 

and Yang, the four seasons, and the Kwei Shan.' The attempt, 

apparent in the whole treatise, to give Taoistic views a place in the 

old philosophy of the nation, is prominent here. Medhurst is 

not correct in saying that the Tf (*S*) in paragraph 2 is the same 

as the Thai Yt in this paragraph, but It, or rather He, is the same 

as the Thien (^) with which it concludes. The earliest Chinese 

adopted Thien or Heaven as the name for the supreme Power, 

which arose in their minds on the contemplation of the order of 

nature, and the principles of love and righteousness developed 

in the constitution of man and the course of providence, and 

C C 2 

Digitized by 


388 the iA si 


It changed and became the four seasons. It was dis- 
tributed and became the breathings (thrilling in the 
universal frame). Its (lessons) transmitted (to men) 
are called its orders ; the law and authority of them 
is in Heaven. 

5. While the rules of ceremony have their origin 
in heaven, the movement of them reaches to earth. 
The distribution of them extends to all the business 
(of life). They change with the seasons ; they agree 
in reference to the (variations of) lot and condition. 
In regard to man, they serve to nurture (his nature). 
They are practised by means of offerings, acts of 
strength, words and postures of courtesy, in eating 
and drinking, in the observances of capping, mar- 
riage, mourning, sacrificing, archery, chariot-driving, 
audiences, and friendly missions. 

6. Thus propriety and righteousness are the great 
elements for man's (character); it is by means of 
them that his speech is the expression of truth and 
his intercourse (with others) the promotion of har- 
mony ; they are (like) the union of the cuticle and 
cutis, and the binding together of the muscles and 
bones in strengthening (the body). They constitute 
the great methods by which we nourish the living, 

proceeded to devise the personal name of Tt or God, as the 
appellation of this ; and neither Taoism, nor any other form of 
materialistic philosophising, has succeeded in eradicating the pre- 
cious inheritance of those two terms from the mind of peasant or 

Callery has misconstrued the paragraph by making ' Les 
Rites,' or the ' toutes choses ' of his gloss, the subject of all the 
predicates in it : — • Les rites ont pour origine essentielle la Grande 
Unite" (principe de toutes choses). lis se divisent ensuite, les 
uns pour le Ciel, les autres pour la Terre,' &c. 

Digitized by 


SBCT. IV. THE Ll YUN. 389 

bury the dead, and serve the spirits of the de- 
parted. They supply the channels by which we can 
apprehend the ways of Heaven and act as the feelings 
of men require. 1 1 was on this account that the sages 
knew that the rules of ceremony could not be dis- 
pensed with, while the ruin of states, the destruction 
of families, and the perishing of individuals are 
always preceded by their abandonment of the rules 
of propriety. 

7. Therefore the rules of propriety are for man 
what the yeast is for liquor '. The superior man by 
(his use of them) becomes better and greater. The 
small man by his neglect of them becomes meaner 
and worse. 

8. Therefore the sage kings cultivated and 
fashioned the lever of righteousness and the order- 
ing of ceremonial usages, in order to regulate the 
feelings of men. Those feelings were the field (to 
be cultivated by) the sage kings. They fashioned 
the rules of ceremony to plough it. They set forth 
the principles of righteousness with which to plant it 
They instituted the lessons of the school to weed 
it. They made love the fundamental subject by 
which to gather all its fruits, and they employed 
the training in music to give repose (to the minds 
of learners). 

1 On this comparison Callery says : — ' Ce que les Chinois 
appellent du vin (vj§) n'e"tant une autre chose qu'une eau de vie 
de grains obtenue par la distillation, plus il y a de ferment dans 
la maceration primitive, plus la fermentation vineuse est forte, et 
plus il y a d'alcool quand on la passe par l'alambic. De la cette 
comparison entre le degre 1 d'urbanit^ chez le sage et le degre" de 
force dans le vin.' 

Digitized by 


390 the l! kI. BK. VII. 

9. Thus, rules of ceremony are the embodied ex- 
pression of what is right. If an observance stand 
the test of being judged by the standard of what is 
right, although it may not have been among the 
usages of the ancient kings, it may be adopted on 
the ground of its being right. 

10. (The idea of) right makes the distinction be- 
tween things, and serves to regulate (the manifest- 
ation of) humanity. When it is found in anything 
and its relation to humanity has been discussed, 
the possessor of it will be strong. 

11. Humanity is the root of right, and the em- 
bodying of deferential consideration. The possessor 
of it is honoured. 

1 2. Therefore to govern a state without the rules 
of propriety would be to plough a field without a 
share. To make those rules without laying their 
foundation in right would be to plough the ground 
and not sow the seed. To think to practise the right 
without enforcing it in the school would be to sow 
the seed and not weed the plants. To enforce the 
lessons in the schools, and insist on their agreement 
with humanity, would be to weed and not to reap. 
To insist on the agreement of the lessons with 
humanity, and not give repose to (the minds of) the 
learners by music, would be to reap, and not eat (the 
product). To supply the repose of music and not pro- 
ceed to the result of deferential consideration would 
be to eat the product and get no fattening from it. 

1 3. When the four limbs are all well proportioned, 
and the skin is smooth and full, the individual is in 
good condition. When there is generous affection 
between father and son, harmony between brothers, 

Digitized by 



and happy union between husband and wife, the 
family is in good condition. When the great minis- 
ters are observant of the laws, the smaller ministers 
pure, officers and their duties kept in their regular 
relations and the ruler and his ministers are correctly 
helpful to one another, the state is in good condition. 
When the son of Heaven moves in his virtue as a 
chariot, with music as his driver, while all the princes 
conduct their mutual intercourse according to the 
rules of propriety, the Great officers maintain the 
order between them according to the laws, inferior 
officers complete one another by their good faith, and 
the common people guard one another with a spirit of 
harmony, all under the sky is in good condition. 
All this produces what we call (the state of) great 
mutual consideration (and harmony). 

14. This great mutual consideration and harmony 
would ensure the constant nourishment of the living, 
the burial of the dead, and the service of the spirits 
(of the departed). However greatly things might 
accumulate, there would be no entanglement among 
them. They would move on together without error, 
and the smallest matters would proceed without 
failure. However deep some might be, they would 
be comprehended. However thick and close their 
array, there would be spaces between them. They 
would follow one another without coming into contact. 
They would move about without doing any hurt to 
one another. This would be the perfection of such 
a state of mutual harmony. 

15. Therefore the clear understanding of this 
state will lead to the securing of safety in the midst 
of danger. Hence the different usages of ceremony, 

Digitized by 


392 THE li Xt, 


and the maintenance of them in their relative pro- 
portions as many or few, are means of keeping hold 
of the feelings of men, and of uniting (high and low, 
and saving them from) peril. 

1 6. The sage kings showed their sense of this 
state of harmony in the following way : — They did 
not make the occupants of the hills (remove and) 
live by the streams, nor the occupants of the islands 
(remove and live) in the plains ; and thus the (people) 
complained of no hardship. They used water, fire, 
metal, wood, and the different articles of food and 
drink, each in its proper season. They promoted 
the marriages of men and women, and distributed 
rank and office, according to the years and virtues of 
the parties. They employed the people with due 
regard to their duties and wishes. Thus it was that 
there were no plagues of flood, drought, or insects, 
and the people did not suffer from bad grass or famine, 
from untimely deaths or irregular births. On account 
of all this heaven did not grudge its methods ; earth 
did not grudge its treasures; men did not grudge 
(the regulation of) their feelings. Heaven sent down 
its fattening dews 1 ; earth sent forth its springs of 
sweet wine 1 ; hills produced implements and chariots*; 
the Ho sent forth the horse with the map (on his 

1 K&o Yf in his Filial Miscellanies, Book III, art 9, contends 
that these are only different names for the same phenomenon. 
Few readers will agree with him, though the language means 
no more than that ' the dews were abundant, and the water of the 
springs delicious.' 

* There must have been some legend which would have ex- 
plained this language, but I have not succeeded in finding any 
trace of it. 

Digitized by 


SRCT. IV. THE hi YUN. 393 

back) 1 . Phoenixes and JCM-\ins were among the 
trees of the suburbs, tortoises and dragons in the 
ponds of the palaces, while the other birds and beasts 
could be seen at a glance in their nests and breeding 
places. All this resulted from no other cause but 
that the ancient kings were able to fashion their 
ceremonial usages so as to convey the underlying 
ideas of right, and embody their truthfulness so as to 
secure the universal and mutual harmony. This was 
the realisation of it. 

1 The famous ' River Map ' from which, it has been fabled, 
Fu-hst fashioned his eight trigrams. See vol. xvi, pp. 14-16. 

Digitized by 




Section I. 

i. The rules of propriety serve as instruments to 
form men's characters, and they are therefore pre- 
pared on a great scale. Being so, the value of them 
is very high. They remove from a man all per- 
versity, and increase what is beautiful in his nature. 
They make him correct, when employed in the 
ordering of himself; they ensure for him free course, 
when employed towards others. They are to 
him what their outer coating is to bamboos, and 
what its heart is to a pine or cypress 2 . These two 
are the best of all the productions of the (vegetable) 
world. They endure through all the four seasons, 
without altering a branch or changing a leaf. The 
superior man observes these rules of propriety, so 
that all in a wider circle are harmonious with him, 
and those in his narrower circle have no dissatisfac- 
tions with him. Men acknowledge and are affected 
by his goodness, and spirits enjoy his virtue. 

2. The rules as instituted by the ancient kings 
had their radical element and their outward and 

1 See the introductory notice, p. 25. 

* The author evidently knew the different conditions of their 
structure on which the growth and vigour of Endogens (the mono- 
cotyledonous plants) and Exogens (dicotyledons) respectively 

Digitized by 


sect. i. the l! zhI. 395 

elegant form. A true heart and good faith are their 
radical element. The characteristics of each accord- 
ing to the idea of what is right in it are its outward 
and elegant form. Without the radical element, they 
could not have been established ; without the 
elegant form, they could not have been put in 
practice 1 . 

3. (The things used in performing) the rites should 
be suitable to the season, taken from the resources 
supplied by the ground, in accordance with (the re- 
quirements of) the spirits 2 , and agreeable to the 
minds of men ; — according to the characteristics of 
all things. Thus each season has its productions, 
each soil its appropriate produce, each sense its 
peculiar power, and each thing its advantageousness. 
Therefore what any season does not produce, what 
any soil does not nourish, will not be used by a 
superior man in performing his rites, nor be enjoyed 
by the spirits. If mountaineers were to (seek to) 
use fish and turtles in their rites, or the dwellers 

1 Callery gives for this short paragraph : — ' Les rites e'tablis par 
les anciens rois ont leur essence intimd et leur dehors ; la droiture 
est l'essence des rites ; leur accord patent avec la raison en est le 
dehors. Sans essence, ils ne peuvent exister; sans dehors ils ne 
peuvent fonctionner.' He appends a long note on the difficulty 
of translation occasioned by the character ~fr (wan), which he 
renders by 'le dehors,' and I by 'the outward, elegant form;' and 
concludes by saying, ' Traduise mieux qui pourra.' I can only say 
that I have done the best I could (at the time) with this and 
every other paragraph. 

* Khung Ying-ta says here that 'the spirits were men who, 
when alive, had done good service, and were therefore sacrificed to 
when dead. From which it follows that what was agreeable to the 
minds of men would be in accordance with (the requirements of) 
the spirits.' 

Digitized by 


396 the l! k\. BK. vhi. 

near lakes, deer and pigs, the superior man would 
say of them that they did not know (the nature of) 
those usages. 

4. Therefore it is necessary to take the estab- 
lished revenues of a state as the great rule for its 
ceremonial (expenditure). Important for the deter- 
mination of this is the size of its territory. The 
amount of the offerings (also) should have regard to 
the character of the year as good or bad. In this 
way, though the harvest of a year may be very 
defective, the masses will not be afraid, and the 
ceremonies as appointed by the superiors will be 
economically regulated. 

5. In (judging of) rites the time 1 should be the 
great consideration. (Their relation to) natural 
duties, their material substance, their appropriate- 
ness to circumstances, and their proportioning are 
all secondary. 

Yao's resignation of the throne to Shun, and 
Shun's resignation of it to Yii ; Thang's dethrone- 
ment of A'ieh ; and the overthrow of Kku by Wan 
and Wu : — all these are to be judged of by the time. 
As the Book of Poetry says, 
' It was not that he was in haste to gratify his 
wishes ; 
It was to show the filial duty that had come down 
to him.' 

1 ' The time ' comes about by the ordering of heaven. The 
instances given of it are all great events in the changing of 
dynasties. But such changes can hardly be regarded as rites. 
Perhaps the writer thought that the abdication in some cases, and 
the violent dethroning in others, were precedents, which might be 
regarded as having that character. For the quotation from the 
Shih, which is not very happy, see Part III, ode 10, 2. 

Digitized by 



the l! jrffi. 397 

The sacrifices to heaven and earth ; the services of 
the ancestral temple ; the courses for father and son ; 
and the righteousness between ruler and minister : — 
these are to be judged of as natural duties. 

The services at the altars of the land and grain 
and of the hills and streams ; and the sacrifices to 
spirits : — these are to be judged of by the material 
substance of the offerings. The use of the funeral 
rites and sacrifices ; and the reciprocities of host and 
guest : — these are to be judged of by their appro- 
priateness to circumstances. 

Sacrificing with a lamb and a sucking pig, by the 
multitude of officers, when yet there was enough ; 
and sacrificing with an ox, a ram, and a boar, when 
yet there was nothing to spare : — in these we have 
an instance of the proportioning. 

6. The princes set great store by the tortoise, and 
consider their jade-tokens as the insignia of their 
rank, while the (chiefs of) clans have not the tor- 
toises that are so precious, nor the jade-tokens to 
keep (by themselves), nor the towered gateways : — 
these (also) are instances of the proportioning. 

7. In some ceremonial usages the multitude of 
things formed the mark of distinction. The son of 
Heaven had 7 shrines in his ancestral temple ; the 
prince of a state, 5 ; Great officers, 3 ; and other 
officers, 1. The dishes of the son of Heaven on 
stands were 26; of a duke, 16; of another prince, 
12 ; of a Great officer of the upper class, 8 ; of one 
of the lower class, 6. To a prince there were given 
7 attendants and 7 oxen ; and to a Great officer, 5 
of each. The son of Heaven sat on 5 mats placed 
over one another ; a prince, on 3 ; and a Great officer, 

Digitized by 


398 THE l1 iri. 

hx. vm. 

on 2. When the son of Heaven died, he was buried 
after 7 months, in a fivefold coffin, with 8 plumes ; 
a prince was buried after 5 months, in a threefold 
coffin, with 6 plumes ; a Great officer after 3 months, 
in a twofold coffin, with 4 plumes. In these cases, the 
multitude of things was the mark of distinction 1 . 

8. In other usages, the paucity of things formed 
the mark of distinction. To the son of Heaven 
there were given no attendants *, and he sacrificed 
to Heaven with a single victim ; when he visited the 
princes (on his tours of inspection), he was feasted 
with a single bullock. When princes went to the 
courts of one another, fragrant spirits were used in 
libations, and there were no dishes on stands, either 
of wood or bamboo. At friendly missions by Great 
officers, the ceremonial offerings were slices of dried 
meat and pickles. The son of Heaven declared 
himself satisfied after 1 dish ; a prince, after 2 ; a 
Great officer and other officers, after 3 ; while no 
limit was set to the eating of people who lived by 
their labour. (The horses of) the Great carriage had 
1 ornamental tassel at their breast-bands ; those of 
the other carriages had 7 (pieces of) jade for rank- 
tokens ; and libation cups were presented singly ; as 
also the tiger-shaped and yellow cups. In sacrificing 
to spirits a single mat was used ; when princes were 
giving audience to their ministers, they (bowed to) the 
Great officers one by one, but to all the other officers 

' The different views in attempting to verify all the numbers 
and other points in the specifications here are endless. 

1 The attendants waited on the visitors. But the son of Heaven 
was iord of all under the sky. He was at home everywhere ; and 
could not be received as a visitor. 

Digitized by 


sect. i. The lA kh\. 399 

together. In these cases the fewness of the things 
formed the mark of distinction. 

9. In others, greatness of size formed the mark. 
The dimensions of palaces and apartments ; the 
measurements of dishes and (other) articles ; the 
thickness of the inner and outer coffins ; the great- 
ness of eminences and mounds l : — these were cases 
in which the greatness of size was the mark. 

10. In others, smallness of size formed the mark. 
At the sacrifices of the ancestral temple, the highest 
in rank presented a cup (of spirits to the represent- 
ative of the dead), and the low, a san (containing five 
times as much): (at some other sacrifices), the 
honourable took a AAih (containing 3 cups), and the 
low a horn (containing 4). (At the feasts of vis- 
counts and barons), when the vase went round 5 
times, outside the door was the earthenware fau (of 
supply), and inside, the hti; while the ruler's vase 
was an earthenware wu : — these were cases in which 
the smallness of size was the mark of distinction 8 . 

11. In others, the height formed the mark of 

1 Both these names refer, probably, to mounds raised over the 
dead. Those over the emperors of the Ming dynasty, about 
midway between Peking and the Great Wall, and that over Con- 
fucius at A"M-fu in Shan-tung, are the best specimens of these 
which I have seen. 

* It is difficult to explain fully and verify all the statements in 
this paragraph, for want of evidence. The unit in them is the 
shang (^f*), or 'pint/ now = 1-031 litre; the cup, (jio, |j^) 
contained one shang; the £Aih (fjjjp), three; the £i6 (^)> 
four; and the san (||J£). five. The hu (^) contained one 
'stone' (35), = 10-310 litre; and the wu (fl|J[) = 51*55. The 
size of the f&u yyff) is unknown. 

Digitized by 


4-00 THE l! jA. bk. vm. 

distinction. The hall of the son of Heaven was 
ascended by 9 steps 1 ; that of a prince, by 7 ; that 
of a Great officer, by 5 ; and that of an ordinary 
officer, by 3. The son of Heaven and the princes 
had (also) the towered gateway. In these cases 
height was the mark. 

12. In others, the lowness formed the mark. In 
sacrificing, the highest reverence was not shown on 
the raised altar, but on the ground beneath, which 
had been swept. The vases of the son of Heaven 
and the princes were set on a .tray without feet 2 ; 
those of Great and other officers on one with feet 
(3 inches high). In these cases the lowness was the 
mark of distinction. 

13. In others, ornament formed the mark. The 
son of Heaven wore his upper robe with the dragons 
figured on it ; princes, the lower robe with the axes 
embroidered on it ; Great officers, their lower robe 
with the symbol of distinction; and other officers, 
the dark-coloured upper robe, and the lower one red. 
The cap of the son of Heaven had 12 pendents 
of jade beads set on strings hanging down of red 
and green silk; that of princes, 9; that of Great 
officers of the highest grade, 7 ; and if they were 
of the lowest grade, 5 ; and that of other officers, 3. 
In these cases the ornament was the mark of 

14. In others, plainness formed the mark. Acts 
of the greatest reverence admit of no ornament. 

1 This literally is 'nine cubits;' each step, it is said, was a 
cubit high. 

* This tray was four cubits long, two cubits four inches wide, 
and five inches deep. 

Digitized by 



THE Lt KH\. 4OI 

The relatives of a father do not put themselves into 
postures (like other visitors). The Grand jade-token 
has no engraving on it. The Grand soup has no 
condiments. The Grand carriage is plain, and the 
mats in it are of rushes. The goblet with the 
victim-ox carved on it is covered with a plain white 
cloth. The ladle is made of white-veined wood. 
These are cases in which plainness is the mark. 

15. Confucius said, ' Ceremonial usages should be 
most carefully considered.' This is the meaning of 
the remark that 'while usages are different, the 
relations between them as many or few should be 
maintained 1 .' His words had reference to the pro- 
portioning of rites. 

16. That in the (instituting of) rites the multi- 
tude of things was considered a mark of distinction, 
arose from the minds (of the framers) being directed 
outwards. The energy (of nature) shoots forth and 
is displayed everywhere in all things, with a great 
discriminating control over their vast multitude. In 
•such a case, how could they keep from making 
multitude a mark of distinction in rites ? Hence the 
superior men, (the framers), rejoiced in displaying 
(their discrimination). 

But that in (the instituting of) rites the paucity 
of things was (also) considered a mark of distinction, 
arose from the minds (of the framers) being directed 
inwards. Extreme as is the energy (of nature) in 
production, it is exquisite and minute. When we 
look at all the things under the sky, they do not 

1 See page 392, paragraph 15. We may conclude that the Lf 
Yun was compiled and published before the Lf KM; or it maybe 
that the sentences common to them both had long been in use. 
[a 7 ] D d 

Digitized by 


402 THE L! Xt. 


seem to be in proportion to that energy. In such a 
case, how could they keep from considering paucity 
a mark of distinction ? Hence the superior men, 
(the framers), watched carefully over the solitude (of 
their own thoughts) 1 . 

1 7. The ancient sages (thus) gave honour to what 
was internal, and sought pleasure in what was ex- 
ternal ; found a mark of distinction in paucity, and 
one of what was admirable in multitude ; and there- 
fore in the ceremonial usages instituted by the 
ancient kings we should look neither for multitude 
nor for paucity, but for the due relative proportion. 

1 8. Therefore, when a man of rank uses a large 
victim in sacrifice, we say he acts according to pro- 
priety, but when an ordinary officer does so, we say 
he commits an act of usurpation. 

19. Kwan A'ung had his sacrificial dishes of grain 
carved, and red bands to his cap ; fashioned hills on 
the capitals of his pillars, and pondweed on the small 
pillars above the beams * ; — the superior man con- 
sidered it wild extravagance. 

20. An Phing-/£ung, in sacrificing to his father, 
used a sucking-pig which did not fill the dish, and 
went to court in an (old) washed robe and cap : — 
the superior man considered it was niggardliness 3 . 

1 Callery thinks that the theory about rites underlying this 
paragraph is ' eminemment obscure.' One difficulty with me is to 
discover any connection between its parts and what is said in 
paragraphs 7 and 8 about the ' multitude and paucity of rites.' 

* See the Analects, V, xvii, and the note there. In that passage 
the extravagance is charged on the 3»ng Wan-Jung of para- 
graph 93. 

3 An Phing-fang was a Great officer of KM, and ought not to 
have been so niggardly. 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. THE hi KBt. 403 

2 1. Therefore the superior man thinks it necessary 
to use the utmost care in his practice of ceremonies. 
They are the bond that holds the multitudes together ; 
and if the bond be removed, those multitudes fall 
into confusion. Confucius said, ' If I fight, I over- 
come ; when I sacrifice, I receive blessing 1 .' He 
said so, because he had the right way (of doing 

22. A superior man will say 2 , 'The object in sacri- 
fices is not to pray ; the time of them should not be 
hastened on ; a great apparatus is not required at 
them ; ornamental matters are not to be approved ; 
the victims need not be fat and large ; a profusion 
of the other offerings is not to be admired/ 

23. Confucius said, ' How can it be said that 3 an g 
Wan->£ung was acquainted with the rules of propriety? 
When Hsia Fu-Mf went right in the teeth of sacri- 
ficial order 8 , he did not stop him, (nor could he 

1 It is understood that the ' I ' is not used by Confucius of 
himself, but as personating one who knew the true nature of 
ceremonial usages. See the language again in the next Book, 
Sect, i, 22 ; it is found also in the • Narratives of the School.' 

* ATAan Hio remarks that the compiler of the Book intends 
himself by ' the superior man.' Thus the compiler delivers his own 
judgment in an indirect way. Most of what he says will be 
admitted. It is to the general effect that simple offerings and 
sincere worship are acceptable, more acceptable than rich offerings 
and a formal service. But is he right in saying that in sacrificing 
we should not ' pray ? ' So long as men feel their own weakness 
and needs, they will not fail to pray at their religious services. 
So it has been in China in all the past as much as elsewhere. 

* Hsia Fu-Mi was the keeper, or minister in charge, of the 
ancestral temple of Lu, and contemporary with 3 aI) g Wan-Aung 
during the marquisates of JETwang, Wan, and Hsi. He introduced 
at least one great irregularity in the ancestral temple, placing the 

D d 2 

Digitized by 


404 THE lA kI. BK. viii. 

prevent) his burning a pile of firewood in sacrificing 
to the spirit of the furnace. Now that sacrifice is 
paid to an old wife. The materials for it might be 
contained in a tub, and the vase is the (common) 

Section II. 

1. The rules of propriety may be compared to the 
human body. When the parts of one's body are 
not complete, the beholder 1 will call him 'An im- 
perfect man ;' and so a rule which has been made 
unsuitably may be denominated ' incomplete.' 

Some ceremonies are great, and some small; some 
are manifest, and some minute. The great should 
not be diminished, nor the small increased. The 
manifest should not be hidden, nor the minute made 
great. But while the important rules are 300, and 
the smaller rules 3000, the result to which they all 
lead is one and the same 2 . No one can enter an 
apartment but by the door. 

2. A superior man in his observance of the rules, 
where he does his utmost and uses the greatest care, 
is extreme in his reverence and the manifestation of 
sincerity. Where they excite admiration and an 

tablet of Hst above that of Wan ; and Wan-£ung made no pro- 
test. Of the other irregularity mentioned in the text we have not 
much information ; and I need not try to explain it. It seems to 
me that it must have been greater than the other. 

1 The text has here ' the superior man,' for which Callery has 
' au dire du sage.' 

J See Book XXVIII, ii, paragraph 38. What the 300 and 3000 
rules are is very much disputed. The ' one and the same result ' 
is, according to most, 'reverence and sincerity;' according to 
some, ' suitability.' 

Digitized by 


SECT. II. THE Li KU\. 405 

elegant attractiveness, there is (still) that manifesta- 
tion of sincerity. 

3. A superior man, in his consideration of the rules, 
finds those which are carried directly into practice ; 
those in which one has to bend and make some 
modification ; those which are regular and the same 
for all classes; those which are diminished in a certain 
order ; those in which (a kind of) transplantation 
takes place, and (the ceremony) is distributed ; those 
in which individuals are pushed forward and take 
part in the rules of a higher grade ; those in which 
there are ornamental imitations (of natural objects) ; 
those in which the ornamental imitations are not 
carried out so fully ; and those where appropriation 
(of higher observances) is not deemed usurpation 1 . 

4. The usages of the three dynasties had one and 
the same object, and the people all observed them. 
In such matters as colour, whether it should be white 
or dark, Hsia instituted and Yin adopted (its choice, 
or did not do so) 2 . 

5. Under the A'au dynasty the representatives of 

1 Nine peculiarities in ceremonial usages are here indicated. 
It would be possible to illustrate them fully after the most 
approved commentators ; but there would be little advantage in 
thus recalling the past which has for the most part passed away, — 
even in China. 

* Callery takes a different view of the second sentence in this 
paragraph, and translates it : — ' (Si quelque chose a subi des modi- 
fications, ce n'a 6t6 que) la couleur blanche ou la couleur verte 
(caracte"ristique de telle ou telle autre dynastie ; en dehors de ces 
choses peu importantes, pour tout ce qui est essentiel) la dynastie 
des Yin s'est scrupuleusement conformed a ce qui a e"te" e"tabli par 
les Hsil' His view of the whole paragraph, however, comes to 
much the same as mine. 

Digitized by 


406 THE Lt k\. BK. Vlll. 

the dead sat Their monitors and cup-suppliers 
observed no regular rules. The usages were the 
same (as those of Yin), and the underlying principle 
was one. Under the Hsia dynasty, the personators 
had stood till the sacrifice was ended, (whereas) 
under Yin they sat. Under A'au, when the cup went 
round among all, there were six personators 1 . 3«* n g- 
jze said, ' The usages of A'au might be compared to 
those of a subscription club 2 .' 

6. A superior man will say, ' The usages of cere- 
mony that come closest to our human feelings are not 
those of the highest sacrifices ; (as may be seen in) 
the blood of the border sacrifice ; the raw flesh in 
the great offering (to all the royal ancestors) of the 
ancestral temple ; the sodden flesh, where the spirits 
are presented thrice ; and the roast meat, where they 
are presented once 8 .' 

7. And so those usages were not devised by 

1 This would be on occasion of the united sacrifice to all the 
ancestors ; the personator of Hiu K\ being left out of the enume- 
ration, as more honourable than the others. 

1 That is, all stand equally as if each had paid his contribution to 
the expenses, 

5 The greatest of all sacrifices was that to Heaven in a suburb 
of the capital; the next was the great triennial or quinquennial 
sacrifice in the ancestral temple ; the third was that at the altars 
of the land and grain, and of the hills and rivers, which is sup- 
posed to be described here as that at which ' the cup ' was thrice 
presented; and the last in order and importance were small 
sacrifices to individual spirits. The four offerings in the text were 
presented at the first three ; but not in the same order. That to 
Heaven began with blood ; that in the ancestral temple with raw 
flesh. Those farthest from our human feelings had the place of 
honour in the greatest services. We must seek for a higher and 
deeper origin of them than our ordinary feelings. 

Digitized by 



The Li Kst 407 

superior men in order to give expression to their 
feelings. There was a beginning of them from (the 
oldest times) ; as when (two princes) have an inter- 
view, there are seven attendants to wait on them 
and direct them. Without these the interview would 
be too plain and dull. They reach (the ancestral 
temple) after the visitor has thrice declined the 
welcome of the host, and the host has thrice tried 
to give precedence to the other. Without these 
courtesies the interview would be too hurried and 

In the same way, when in Lu they were about to 
perform the service to God (in the suburb), they felt 
it necessary first to have a service in the college 
with its semicircular pool. When they were about 
in 3'in to sacrifice to the Ho, they would first do 
so to the pool of Wu. When in Khi they were 
about to sacrifice to mount Thai, they would do so 
first in the forest of Phei. 

Moreover, the keeping the victims (for the altar of 
Heaven) for three months (in the stable) ; the absti- 
nence (of the worshippers) for seven days ; and the 
vigil of three days : — all showed the extreme degree 
of (preparatory) care (for the service). 

The ritual arrangements, further, of the reception 
(of guests) and communication between them and 
the host, and for assisting and guiding the steps of 
the (blind) musicians, showed the extreme degree of 
kindly (provision) 1 . 

1 It is not easy to construe this paragraph, nor to discover and 
indicate the connexion between its different parts. Generally we 
may say that it illustrates the previous statement about the rites as 
not simply the expression of natural feeling, but of that feeling 
wisely guided and embodied so as to be most beneficial to the 

Digitized by 


4c8 THE Li jrt. 


8. In ceremonial usages we should go back to the 
root of them (in the mind), and maintain the old 
(arrangements of them), not forgetting what they 
were at first. Hence there is no (need to be) calling 
attention to the demonstrations expressive of grief 1 ; 
and those which (more particularly) belong to the 
court are accompanied by music. There is the use 
of sweet spirits, and the value set on water ; there is 
the use of the (ordinary) knife, and the honour ex- 
pressed by that furnished with (small) bells ; there is 
the comfort afforded by the rush and fine bamboo 
mats, and the (special) employment of those which 
are made of straw. Therefore the ancient kings in 
their institution of the rules of propriety had a 
ruling idea, and thus it is that they were capable of 
being transmitted, and might be learned, however 
many they were. 

9. The superior man will say, ' If a man do not 
have in himself the distinctions (embodied in cere- 
monies), he will contemplate that embodiment 
without any intelligent discrimination ; if he wish 
to exercise that discrimination, and not follow the 
guidance of the rules, he will not succeed in his 
object. Hence if his practice of ceremonies be not 
according to the rules, men will not respect them ; 

individual and society. The auxiliary services in the first part of it 
were all preparatory to the great services that followed. That in 
the great college of Lu was concerned with Hau K\, the ancestor 
of the House of Kin and all its branches, and preliminary to the 
place he was to occupy at the great sacrifice to Heaven. 

The remaining two paragraphs show how the natural feeling 
was quietly nourished, guided, and modified. 

1 Yet much is said in the Than Kung about those demon- 
strations of grief in the mourning rites. 

Digitized by 



THE Li KHt. 409 

and if his words be not according to those rules, men 
will not believe them. Accordingly it is said, " The 
rules of ceremony are the highest expression of (the 
truth of) things."' 

10. Hence it was that in old times, when the 
ancient kings instituted ceremonies, they conveyed 
their idea by means of the qualities of the articles 
and observances which they employed. In their great 
undertakings, they were sure to act in accordance 
with the seasons ; in their doings morning and 
evening, they imitated the sun and moon ; in what 
required a high situation, they took advantage of 
mounds and hillocks, and in what required a low 
situation, of the (banks of the) rivers and lakes. 
Hence each season has its rains and benefits, and 
those wise men sought to make use of them with 
intelligence with all the earnestness they could 
command 1 . 

11. The ancient kings valued (men's) possession 
of virtue, honoured those who pursued the right 
course, and employed those who displayed ability. 
They selected men of talents and virtue, and 

1 See Callery's translation of this paragraph. He says on it : — 
' Cette pdriode offre, par son incoherence, des difficult^ sdrieuses 
qui me font supposer une grave alteration du texte primitif ; ' and 
justifies his own version by the remark, ' Je me suis dit qu'apres 
tout il vaut mieux embellir que de"figurer.' He takes the whole, 
like -King, as referring to the ceremonies of different sacrifices. 
Ying Yung (Sung dynasty; earlier than A'u Hsi) understood it more 
generally of other royal and imperial doings. The A^ien-lung 
editors say that the two views must be united. They remark on 
the last sentence that, as 'every season has its appropriate pro- 
ductions and every situation its own suitabilities, we must examine 
them in order to use things appropriately.' 

Digitized by 



appointed them. They assembled the whole of 
them and solemnly addressed them 1 . 

12. Then in accordance with (the height of) 
heaven they did service to Heaven, in accordance 
with (the lower position of) earth they did service to 
Earth ; taking advantage of the famous hills they 
ascended them, and announced to Heaven the good 
government (of the princes). When thus -at the 
felicitous spot (chosen for their capitals) they pre- 
sented their offerings to God in the suburb and 
announced to Heaven (the general good government 
from the famous hills), the phoenix descended, and 
tortoises and dragons made their appearance 8 . 
When they presented their offerings to God in the 
suburb the winds and rains were duly regulated, and 
the cold and heat came each in its proper time, 
so that the sage (king) had only to stand with his 
face to the south, and order prevailed all under 
the sky. 

13. The courses of the heavenly (bodies) supply 
the most perfect lessons, and the sages possessed the 
highest degree of virtue. Above, in the hall of the 
ancestral temple, there was the jar, with clouds and 
hills represented on it on the east, and that with the 
victim represented on it on the west. Below the 
hall the larger drums were suspended on the west, 
and the smaller drums answering to them on the 
east. The ruler appeared at the (top of the) steps 
on the east ; his wife was in the apartment on the 
west The great luminary makes his appearance in 

1 The ' selection ' here, it is understood, was of the functionaries 
to take part in the sacrificial ceremonies, and the solemn address 
was on the duties they had to perform. 

* See pp. 392, 393, paragraph 16. 

Digitized by 


SECT. II. THE ii JTffi. 411 

the east; the moon makes her appearance in the 
west. Such are the different ways in which the pro- 
cesses of darkness and light are distributed in nature, 
and such are the arrangements for the positions 
(corresponding thereto) of husband and wife. The 
ruler fills his cup frpm the jar with an elephant re- 
presented on it ; his wife fills hers from that with 
clouds and hills. With such reciprocation do the 
ceremonies proceed above, while the music responds 
in the same way below ; — there is the perfection of 

14. It is the object of ceremonies to go back to 
the circumstances from which they sprang, and of 
music to express pleasure in the results which first 
gave occasion to it. Thus it was that the ancient 
kings, in their institution of ceremonies, sought to 
express their regulation of circumstances, and, in 
their cultivation of music, to express the aims they 
had in mind. Hence by an examination of their 
ceremonies and music, the conditions of order and 
disorder in which they originated can be known. 
Aju Po-yii * said, ' A wise man, by his intelligence, 
from the sight of any article, knows the skill of the 
artificer, and from the contemplation of an action 
knows the wisdom of its performer.' Hence there is 
the saying, 'The superior man watches over the 
manner in which he maintains his intercourse with 
other men.' 

15. Within the ancestral temple reverence pre- 
vailed. The ruler himself led the victim forward, 

1 A friend, and perhaps a disciple of Confucius, an officer of the 
state of Wei. He is mentioned in the Confucian Analects and in 

Digitized by 


412 THE L! jrf. BK. VIII. 

while the Great officers assisted and followed, bear- 
ing the offerings of silk. The ruler himself cut out 
(the liver) for (the preliminary) offering, while his 
wife bore the dish in which it should be presented. 
The ruler himself cut up the victim, while his wife 
presented the spirits. 

The high ministers and Great officers followed the 
ruler ; their wives followed his wife. How grave 
and still was their reverence ! How were they ab- 
sorbed in their sincerity ! How earnest was their wish 
that their offerings should be accepted ! The arrival of 
the victim was announced (to the spirits) in the court- 
yard ; on the presentation of the blood and the flesh 
with the hair on it, announcement was made in the 
chamber ; on the presentation of the soup and boiled 
meat, in the hall. The announcement was made 
thrice, each time in a different place ; indicating how 
they were seeking for the spirits, and had not yet 
found them. When the sacrifice was set forth in the 
hall, it was repeated next day outside (the gate of 
the temple) ; and hence arose the saying, ' Are they 
there ? Are they here ?' 

1 6. One offering of the cup showed the simplicity 
of the service ; three offerings served to ornament it ; 
five, to mark discriminating care ; and seven, to show 
(the reverence for) the spirits 1 . 

1 7. Was not the great quinquennial sacrifice a ser- 
vice belonging to the king? The three animal victims, 
the fish, and flesh, were the richest tributes for the 

1 The sacrifices where only one cup was presented were, it is 
said, the smallest ; three cups belonged to the altars of the land 
and grain ; five, to those of the hills and rivers ; and seven, to those 
in the ancestral temple. All this is quite uncertain. 

Digitized by 


SECT. II. THE Lt KH\. 413 

palate from all within the four seas and the nine pro- 
vinces. The fruits and grain presented in the high 
dishes of wood and bamboo were the product of the 
harmonious influences of the four seasons. The 
tribute of metal showed the harmonious submission 
(of the princes). The rolls of silk with the round 
pieces of jade placed on them showed the honour 
they rendered to virtue. The tortoise was placed in 
front of all the other offerings, because of its know- 
ledge of the future ; the tribute of metal succeeded 
to it, showing the (hold it has on) human feelings. 
The vermilion, the varnish, the silk, the floss, the 
large bamboos and the smaller for arrows — the 
articles which all the states contribute ; with the 
other uncommon articles, which each state contri- 
buted according to its resources, even to those from 
the remote regions: — (these followed the former). 
When the visitors left they were escorted, with the 
music of the Sze Hsii 1 ., All these things showed 
how important was the sacrifice. 

18. In the sacrifice to God in the suburb, we have 
the utmost expression of reverence. In the sacri- 
fices of the ancestral temple, we have the utmost 
expression of humanity. In the rites of mourning, 
we have the utmost expression of leal-heartedness. 
In the preparation of the robes and vessels for the 
dead, we have the utmost expression of affection. In 

' We are told in the K&u Li, Book XXIII, art. 32, that the 
bell master, with bells and drums, performed the nine Hsia pieces, 
on the occasions appropriate to them. The second of them was 
' the Sze Hsia,' as here, but the occasion for it in the text would 
be inappropriate. The eighth, or Kai Hsia, would be appro- 
priate here, and hence K&ng said that sze was a mistake for 

kai (gg). 

Digitized by 


414 TH£ L ? zt- "• vm - 

the use of gifts and offerings between host and guest, 
we have the utmost expression of what is right 
Therefore when the superior man would see the ways 
of humanity and righteousness, he finds them rooted 
in these ceremonial usages. 

19. A superior man has said, ' What is sweet may 
be tempered ; what is white may be coloured. So 
the man who is right in heart and sincere can learn 
the (meaning of the) rites.' The rites should not 
be perfunctorily performed by the man who is not 
right in heart and sincere. Hence it is all important 
(in the performance of them) to get the proper men. 

.20. Confucius said, 'One may repeat the three 
hundred odes, and not be fit to offer the sacrifice 
where there is (but) one offering of the cup. He 
may offer that sacrifice, and not be fit to join in a 
great sacrifice. He may join in such a sacrifice, and 
not be fit to offer a great sacrifice to the hills. He 
may perform that fully, and yet not be able to join 
in the sacrifice to God. Let no one lightly discuss 
the subject of rites V 

1 It is not easy to trace satisfactorily the progress of thought 
here from one sacrificial service to another. ' The great sacrifice ' 
is understood to be the triennial or quinquennial sacrifice to all the 
ancestors of the ruling House. It is a great step to that from a 
small sacrifice where only one cup was presented. What ' the 
great sacrifice to the hills was' is uncertain. It is in the text Ti 
Lfl (^ jj$j). The meaning of Ltl as a sacrifice to the spirit 
of a hill is well established from the Analects HI, 6. Once the 
phrase Ti Ltl appears as used in the iPau Lf, Book V, 91, of 
the royal sacrifice to God (' Lorsque 1'empereur offre un grand 
sacrifice au Seigneur Supreme,' Biot); but it cannot have that 
meaning here, because the text goes on to speak of that sacrifice 
as superior to this. Aang Hsttan made Ta Ltl to be the sacri- 
fice to the ' five Tis,' or the five Planetary Gods, which view, as 

Digitized by 



THE Lt KHt. 415 

21. When 3ze-M was steward to the House of K\, 
its chief had been accustomed to commence his sacri- 
fices before it was light, and when the day was 
insufficient for them, to continue them by torchlight. 
All engaged in them, however strong they might 
appear, and however reverent they might be, were 
worn out and tired. The officers limped and leaned, 
wherever they could, in performing their parts, and 
the want of reverence was great. Afterwards, when 
3ze-lu took the direction of them, the sacrifices pro- 
ceeded differently. For the services in the chamber, 
he had parties communicating outside and inside the 
door ; and for those in the hall, he had parties com- 
municating at the steps. As soon as it was light, the 
services began, and by the time of the evening 
audience all were ready to retire. When Confucius 
heard of this management, he said, 'Who will say 
that this Yu does not understand ceremonies 1 ?' 

the A^ien-lung editors point out, cannot be adopted. And how 
any sacrifice to the hills, however great, could be represented as 
greater than the quinquennial sacrifice in the ancestral temple, 
I cannot understand. I must leave the paragraph in the obscurity 
that belongs to it 

1 The ^4ien-lung editors say: — ' 3ze-lu was a leal-hearted and 
sincere man, and the Book ends with this account of him. From 
the mention of the preparation of the rites on a great scale and of 
their high value at the beginning of the Book down to this tribute 
to 3 z e-lu as understanding ceremonies, its whole contents show that 
what is valuable in the rites is the combination of the idea of what 
is right with the elegant and outward form as sufficient to remove 
from a man all perversity and increase what is good in his nature, 
without a multiplicity of forms which would injure the natural 
goodness and sincerity, and lead their practiser to a crooked per- 
versity. Deep and far-reaching is the idea of it I ' 

Digitized by 




Section I. 

I. At the border sacrifices a single victim was 
used, and at the altars to (the spirits of) the land 
and grain there was (the full complement of) three 
victims 2 . When the son of Heaven went on his 

1 See the introductory notice, p. 26. 

* The object of the statements here and some other paragraphs 
is to show that the degree of honour was expressed by the 
* paucity ' of the articles ; compare last Book, Sect, i, paragraph 8. 
Perhaps the name Ki&o {$$) in the title should be translated 
in the plural as the name for all the border sacrifices, or those 
offered in the suburbs of the capital. There were several of them, 
of which the greatest was that at the winter solstice, on the round 
hillock in the southern suburb. Besides this, there was in the first 
month the border sacrifice for ' grain,' — to pray for the blessing 
of Heaven on the agricultural labours of the year, in which Hau JH, 
the father of the line of Kin, and its ' Father of Husbandry,' was 
associated by that dynasty. There were also the five seasonal 
border sacrifices, of which we have mention in the different parts 
of Book IV, though, so far as what is said in them goes, the idea 
of Heaven falls into the background, and the five deified ancient 
sovereigns come forward as so many Tis. In the first month 
of summer there was, further, a great border sacrifice for rain, and 
in the last month of autumn a great border sacrifice of thanks- 
giving. ' Of all these border sacrifices,' say the A^ien-lung editors, 
'there is clear evidence in classical texts.' Into the discussions 
growing out of them about ' one Heaven,' or ' five Heavens,' and 
about their origin, it is not necessary that I should enter ; it would 
be foreign, indeed, to my object in this translation to do so. The 

Digitized by 


sect. I. THE KlkO THEH SANG. 417 

inspecting tours to the princes, the viands of the 
feast to him were composed of a (single) calf; and 
when they visited him, the rites with which he 
received them showed the three regular animals. 
(The feasting of him in such a manner) was to do 
honour to the idea of sincerity 1 . Therefore if the 
animal happened to be pregnant, the son of Heaven 
did not eat of it, nor did he use such a victim in 
sacrificing to God 2 . 

2. The horses of the Grand carriage had one or- 
namental tassel at the breast ; those of the carriages 
that preceded had three ; and those of the carriages 
that followed had five 3 . There were the blood at the 
border sacrifice ; the raw flesh in the great offering 
of the ancestral temple ; the sodden flesh where 
spirits are presented thrice ; and the roast meat 
where they are presented once 8 : — these were ex- 
pressive of the greatest reverence, but the taste was 
not valued ; what was held in honour was the scent 
of the air *. When the princes appeared as guests, 

border sacrifices were the greatest religious or ceremonial services 
of the ancient Chinese; and the fact to which our attention is 
called in this Book, is that at them there was used only a single 

1 Why ' a calf? ' * Because of its guileless simplicity,' says A"au 
Hsu of our eleventh century ; earlier than A"u Hsf, who adopted his 
explanation. The calf, whether male or female, has not yet felt 
.the appetency of sex, and is unconscious of any 'dissipation.' 
This is a refinement on the Hebrew idea of the victim lamb, 
'without blemish.' 

* This might be referred to his unwillingness to take life un- 
necessarily, but for what has just been said about the calf. 

8 See last Book, Sect, i, 8 ; and Sect, ii, 6. 

* Little is said on the meaning of this statement, which appears 
to say that the most subtle and ethereal thing in sacrifices, the 

[37] e e 

Digitized by 


41 8 the l! xt BK. IX. 

they were presented with herb-flavoured spirits, 
because of their fragrance; at the great entertain- 
ment to them the value was given to (the preli- 
minary) pieces of flesh prepared with cinnamon and 
nothing more. 

3. At a great feast (to the ruler of another state), 
the ruler (who was the host) received the cup seated 
on his three mats. (On occasion of a visit through a 
minister or Great officer) when the cup was thrice 
presented, the ruler received it on a single mat : — so 
did he descend from the privilege of his more 
honourable rank, and assume the lower distinction 
(of his visitor). 

4. In feasting (the orphaned young in spring) and 
at the vernal sacrifice in the ancestral temple they 
had music; but in feeding (the aged) and at the 
autumnal sacrifice they had no music : — these were 
based in the developing and receding influences (pre- 
valent in nature). All drinking serves to nourish the 
developing influence ; all eating to nourish the re- 
ceding influence. Hence came the different character 
of the vernal and autumnal sacrifices ; the feasting 
the orphaned young in spring, and the feeding the 
aged in autumn : — the idea was the same. But in 
the feeding and at the autumnal sacrifice there was 
no music. Drinking serves to nourish the develop- 
ing influence and therefore is accompanied with 
music. Eating serves to nourish the receding influ- 

' sweet savour ' of the offerings, was the most important, and should 
excite the worshippers to add to their sincerity and reverence all 
other graces of character. The same lesson was given to the 
feudal princes when they were entertained as visitors at the royal 

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ence, and therefore is not accompanied with music. 
All modulation of sound partakes of the character 
of development. 

5. The number of tripods and meat-stands was odd, 
and that of the tall dishes of wood and bamboo was 
even 1 ; this also was based in the numbers belonging 
to the developing and receding influences. The 
stands were filled with the products of the water and 
the land. They did not dare to use for them things 
of extraordinary flavours 2 or to attach a value to 
the multitude and variety of their contents, and it 
was thus that they maintained their intercourse with 
spiritual intelligences. 

6. When the guests had entered the great door 3 , 
the music struck up the Sze Hsia\ showing the 
blended ease and respect (of the king). (While feast- 
ing), at the end of (every) cup the music stopped (for 
a moment), a practice of which Confucius often indi- 
cated his admiration. When the last cup had been 
put down, the performers ascended the hall, and sang; 
— exhibiting the virtues (of host and guests). The 
singers were (in the hall) above, and the organists 
were (in the court) below ; — the honour being thus 

1 Every Chinese scholar knows that odd numbers all belong to 
the category of Yang ( ), and even numbers to that of Yin 

* The meaning of this clause is uncertain, and I have not found 
it anywhere sufficiently explained, considering what the characters 

* This paragraph and the next describe ceremonies on occasion 
of the king's reception of the great nobles, when they appeared 
in great force at court. With this the expurgated Lt .£! begins. 

* See note 1, page 413. 

E e 2 

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420 THE hi Kt. BK. IX. 

given to the human voice. Music comes from the 
expanding influence (that operates in nature); cere- 
monies from the contracting. When the two are in 
harmony, all things obtain (their full development). 

7. There were no fixed rules for the various 
articles of tribute. They were the different products 
of the different territories according to their several 
suitabilities, and were regulated by their distances 
(from the royal domain). The tortoises were placed in 
front of all the other offerings ;— because (the shell) 
gave the knowledge of the future. The bells suc- 
ceeded to them ; — because of their harmony, they 
were a symbol of the union of feeling that should 
prevail 1 . Then there were the skins of tigers and 
leopards ; — emblems of the fierce energy with which 
insubordination would be repressed ; and there were 
the bundles of silks with disks of jade on them, — 
showing how (the princes) came to (admire and ex- 
perience) the virtue (of the king). 

8. (The use of) a hundred torches in his courtyard 
began with duke Hwan of Khi. The playing of the 
Sze H si a (at receptions) of Great officers began 
with A'ao Wan-jze 2 . 

9. When appearing at another court, for a Great 
officer to have a private audience was contrary to pro- 
priety. If he were there as a commissioner, bearing 

1 As we have no account anywhere of bells, made, being sent 
as tribute, many understand the name as merely = ' metal.' 

1 This and the five paragraphs that follow seem the work of 
another hand, and are not in the expurgated K\. Duke Hwan 
was the first and greatest of 'the five presiding princes' of the 
Khun Khh\ period. He died b.c. 643. K&o Wan-5ze was a 
Great officer and chief minister of 3>n about a century after. The 
king alone might have a hundred torches in his courtyard. 

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his own prince's token of rank, this served as his 
credentials. That he did not dare to seek a private 
audience showed the reverence of his loyalty. What 
had he to do with the tribute-offerings in the court 
of the other prince that he should seek a private 
audience ? The minister of a prince had no inter- 
course outside his own state, thereby showing how 
he did not dare to serve two rulers. 

10. For a Great officer to receive his ruler to an 
entertainment was contrary to propriety. For a ruler 
to put to death a Great officer who had violently 
exercised his power was (held) an act of righteous- 
ness ; and it was first seen in the case of the three 
Hwan 1 . 

The son of Heaven did not observe any of the 
rules for a visitor or guest ; — no one could presume 
to be his host. When a ruler visited one of his 
ministers, he went up to the hall by the steps proper 
to the master ; — the minister did not presume in such 
a case to consider the house to be his own. Accord- 
ing to the rules for audiences, the son of Heaven 
did not go down from the hall and meet the princes. 
To descend from the hall and meet the princes, was 
an error on the part of the son of Heaven, which 
began with king 1 2 , and was afterwards observed. 

1 The * three Hwan ' intended here were three sons of duke 
Hwan ' of Lu, known as A%ing-fu, YS, and Af-yu ; see the 3o 
A'wan, and Kung-yang, on the last year of duke Jfwang. Instances 
of the execution of strong and insubordinate officers in different 
states, more to the point, had occurred before ; but the writer had 
in mind only the history of Lu. 

' t was the ninth of the sovereigns of A"au (b.c. 894-879); with 
him appeared the first symptoms of decline in the dynasty. 

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422 the hi art. 

ii. For the princes to suspend (their drums and 
bells) in four rows like the walls of an apartment 
(after the fashion of the king), and to use a white 
bull in sacrificing 1 ; to strike the sonorous jade ; to 
use the red shields with their metal fronts and the 
cap with descending tassels in dancing the Ta-wu ; 
and to ride in the grand chariot : — these were usages 
which they usurped. The towered gateway with 
the screen across the path, and the stand to receive 
the emptied cups ; the axes embroidered on the inner 
garment with its vermilion colour : — these were usurp- 
ations of the Great officers. Thus, when the son of 
Heaven was small and weak, the princes pushed 
their usurpations ; and when the Great officers were 
strong, the princes were oppressed by them. In this 
state (those officers) gave honour to one another as 
if they had been of (high) degree ; had interviews 
with one another and made offerings ; and bribed 
one another for their individual benefit : and thus all 
usages of ceremony were thrown into disorder. It 
was not lawful for the princes to sacrifice to the king 
to whom they traced their ancestry, nor for the Great 
officers to do so to the rulers from whom they sprang. 
The practice of having a temple to such rulers in 
their private families, was contrary to propriety. It 
originated with the three Hwan 2 . 

12. The son of Heaven 8 preserved the descend- 

1 That a white bull was used in Lu in sacrificing to the duke of 
A"au, appears from the fourth of the Praise Odes of Lu. See 
vol. iii, p. 343. 

2 These must be the three families of Lfl, so powerful in the 
time of Confucius, all descended from duke Hwan. The expression 
' in this (state) ' shows that the writer was a man of Lu. 

8 We must think of this ' son of Heaven ' as the founder of a 

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ants of (the sovereigns of) the two (previous) dynas- 
ties, still honouring the worth (of their founders). 
But this honouring the (ancient) worthies did not 
extend beyond the two dynasties. 

13. Princes did not employ as ministers refugee 
rulers *. Hence anciently refugee rulers left no son 
who continued their title. 

14. A ruler stood with his face towards the south, 
to show that he would be (in his sphere) what the 
influence of light and heat was (in nature). His 
ministers stood with their faces to the north, in re- 
sponse to him. The minister of a Great officer did 
not bow his face to the ground before him, not from 
any honour paid to the minister, but that the officer 
might avoid receiving the homage which he had paid 
himself to the ruler. 

1 5. When a Great officer was presenting (anything 
to his ruler), he did not do so in his own person ; 
when the ruler was making him a gift, he did not go 
to bow in acknowledgment to him : — that the ruler 
might not (have the trouble of) responding to him. 

16. When the villagers were driving away pestilen- 
tial influences, Confucius would stand at the top of his 
eastern steps, in his court robes, to keep the spirits 
(of his departed) undisturbed in their shrines 2 . 

new dynasty. Thus it was that king Wu of Aau enfeoffed the 
duke of Sung as representing the kings of Shang, and the rulers 
of Kfi as representing those of Hsia. 

1 Rulers expelled from their own state. But the princes might 
employ their sons as ministers, who ceased to be named from their 
former dignity. 

8 See the Confucian Analects X, 10, a, and note. Dr. Williams 
(on Jftjpj) says that the ceremony is now performed by the Board 
of Rites ten days before the new year. 

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424 THE Lt xt. BE. IX. 

1 7. Confucius said, ' The practice of archery to 
the notes of music (is difficult). How shall the 
archer listen, and how shall he shoot, (that the two 
things shall be in harmony) ? ' 

Confucius said, ' When an officer is required to 
shoot, if he be not able, he declines on the ground 
of being ill, with reference to the bow suspended at 
the left of the door (at his birth) 1 .' 

18. Confucius said, ' There are three days' fasting 
on hand. If one fast for the first day, he should 
still be afraid of not being (sufficiently) reverent. 
What are we to think of it, if on the second day he 
beat his drums 2 ?' 

19. Confucius said, 'The repetition of the sacri- 
fice next day inside the Khu gate ; the searching for 
the spirits in the eastern quarter; and the holding 
the market in the morning in the western quarter : — 
these all are errors.' 

20. At the Sh£, they sacrificed to (the spirits of) 
the land, and on the tablet rested the power of the 
darker and retiring influence of nature. The ruler 
stands (in sacrificing) with his face to the south at 
the foot of the wall on the north, responding to the 
idea of that influence as coming from the north. A 
kit day is used (for the sacrifice), — to employ a 
commencing day (in the Cycle) 8 . 

1 Every gentleman was supposed to learn archery as one of the 
' six liberal arts ; ' and a bow was suspended near the door on 
the birth of a boy in recognition of this. The excuse in the 
paragraph is a lame one. See the ' Narratives of the School,' 
article 28 ; and Book XLIII, 19. 

2 ' Narratives of the School,' XLIV, 9. 

3 There are of course six decades of days in the Cycle, each 
beginning with a k'\& day. 

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The great She" altar of the son of Heaven was 
open to receive the hoarfrost, dew, wind, and rain, 
and allow the influences of heaven and earth to 
have full development upon it. For this reason the 
She" altar of a state that had perished was roofed 
in, so that it was not touched by the brightness and 
warmth of Heaven. The altar (of Yin) at Po 1 had 
an opening in the wall on the north, so that the dim 
and cold (moon) might shine into it. 

2i. In the sacrifice at the She" altars they dealt 
with the earth as if it were a spirit. The earth sup- 
ported all things, while heaven hung out its brilliant 
signs. They derived their material resources from 
the earth ; they derived rules (for their courses of 
labour) from the heavens. Thus they were led to 
give honour to heaven and their affection to the 
earth, and therefore they taught the people to render 
a good return (to the earth). (The Heads of) 
families provided (for the sacrifice to it) at the altar 
in the open court (of their houses) ; in the kingdom 
and the states they did so at the She" altars; show- 
ing how it was the source (of their prosperity). 

When there was a sacrifice at the She" altar of a 
village 2 , some one went out to it from every house. 
When there was such a sacrifice in preparation for a 
hunt, the men of the state all engaged in it. When 
there was such a sacrifice, from the towns, small and 
large, they contributed their vessels of rice, thereby 

1 Po had been the capital of the Shang dynasty. The site was 
in the present Ho-nan; changed more than once, but always 
retaining the name. We have the Northern, the Southern, and the 
Western Po. 
** See page 259, paragraph 7. 

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426 THE Lt k\. 

BK. IX. 

expressing their gratitude to the source (of their 
prosperity) and going back in their thoughts to the 
beginning (of all being). 

22. In the last month of spring 1 , the fire star 
having appeared, they set fire to (the grass and 
brushwood). When this was done, they reviewed 
the chariots and men, numbering the companies of 
a hundred and of five. Then the ruler in person 
addressed them in front of the Sh& altar, and pro- 
ceeded to exercise their squadrons, now wheeling to 
the left, now wheeling to the right, now making them 
lie down, now making them rise up ; and observing 
how they practised these evolutions. When the 
game came in sight and the desire of capturing it 
was exerted, (he watched) to see that (the hunters) 
did not break any of the rules (for their proceedings). 
It was thus sought to bring their wills into subjec- 
tion, and make them not pursue the animals (in an 
irregular way). In this way such men conquered in 
fight, and such sacrificing obtained blessing. 

Section II. 

i. The son of Heaven, in his tours (of Inspection) 
to the four quarters (of the kingdom), as the first 
thing (on his arrival at each) reared the pile of wood 
(and set fire to it) 2 . 

1 Perhaps ' the last month ' should be ' the second month.' 
There is much contention on the point. 

a This paragraph is not in the expurgated Lt. It does seem 
out of place, for the book goes on to speak of the border or 
suburban sacrifices presented in the vicinity of the capital, and 
having nothing to do with the tours of Inspection, of which we 

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2. At the (Great) border sacrifice, he welcomed 
the arrival of the longest day. It was a great act 
of thanksgiving to Heaven, and the sun was the 
chief object considered in it 1 . The space marked off 
for it was in the southern suburb ; — the place most 
open to the brightness and warmth (of the heavenly 

first read in the Canon of Shun, in the Shu. Those tours, how- 
ever, were understood to be under the direction of Heaven, and 
the lighting of the pile of wood, on reaching the mountain of each 
quarter, is taken as having been an announcement to Heaven of 
the king's arrival. 

1 P. Callery has here the following note: — 'II re*sulte de ce 
passage et de plusieurs autres des chapitres suivants, que des les 
temps les plus anciens, les Chinois rendaient au soleil un veritable 
culte, sans m€me y supposer un esprit ou genie dont il fut la 
demeure, ainsi qu'ils le faisaient pour les montagnes, les rivieres 
et tous les autres lieux auxquels ils offraient des sacrifices. De 
nos jours encore on sacrifie au soleil et a la lune; mais c'est 
plutdt un acte oflkiel de la part des autorite's, qu'une pratique 
de conviction, car le peuple Chinois n'a pas, comme les Japonais, 
une grande devotion pour l'astre du jour. Voyez la fin du chapitre 

The text conveys no idea to me of such an ancient worship, but 
I call the attention of the reader to Callery's view. The other 
passages to which he refers will be noticed as they occur. For 
my, ' and the sun was the principal object regarded in it,' he says, 
' C'est le soleil qui est le principal objet (des adorations).' The 
original text is simply jjjj di JJ . I let my translation stand as 
I first made it ; but on a prolonged consideration, I think, it would 
be more accurate to say, 'and the sun was considered (for the 
occasion) as the residence of (the spirit of) Heaven.' Such an 
acceptation of di is quite legitimate. The sun became for the 
time the 'spirit-tablet (^ :£)' of Heaven. Fang A'tteh 
says: — ' (The Son of Heaven) was welcoming the arrival of the 
longest day, and therefore he regarded the sun as the residence 
(for the time) of the spirit of Heaven. That spirit could not be 
seen ; what could be looked up to and beheld were only the sun, 
moon, and stars.' 

Digitized by 


428 THE Li Zl. BK. IX. 

influence). The sacrifice was offered on the ground 
which had been swept for the purpose; — to mark the 
simplicity (of the ceremony). The vessels used were 
of earthenware and of gourds ; — to emblem the 
natural (productive power of) heaven and earth. 
The place was the suburb, and therefore the sacrifice 
was called the suburban or border. The victim was 
red, that being the colour preferred by the (A!au) 
dynasty ; and it was a calf; — to show the estimation 
of simple sincerity. 

3. For (all) sacrifices in the border they used a 
hsin day 1 ; because when A"au first offered the 
border sacrifice, it was the longest day, and its name 
began with hsin. 

4. When divining about the border sacrifice, (the 
king) received the reply in the fane of his (great) 
ancestor, and the tortoise-shell was operated on in 
that of his father ; — honour being thus done to his 
ancestor, and affection shown to his father. On the 
day of divination, he stood by the lake 2 , and listened 
himself to the declarations and orders which were 

1 The mention of the ' hsin day' requires that we should under- 
stand H&o (5$) here of other sacrifices so called, and not 
merely of the great one at the winter solstice. The iOien-lung 
editors say: — 'The border sacrifices for which they used the hsin 
days were those at which they prayed for a good year. They 
used such a day, because when king Wu offered his great sacrifice 
after the battle of Mu-ySh, and announced the completion of his 
enterprise, the day was hsin-hdi, and from it dated A'au's pos- 
session of the kingdom, and the hsin days became sacred days 
for the dynasty.' There were of course three hsin days in every 

* The ' lake ' here must be a name for the royal college with the 
water round it. So Lu Tien and others explain it (y|8 ^ <ffi 

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delivered 1 , — showing an example of receiving lessons 
and reproof. (The officers) having communicated to 
him the orders (to be issued), he gives warning 
notice of them to all the officers (of a different sur- 
name from himself), inside the Khu gate (of the 
palace), and to those of the same surname, in the 
Grand temple. 

5. On the day of the sacrifice, the king in his skin 
cap waits for the news that all is ready, — showing 
the people how they ought to venerate their supe- 
riors. Those who were engaged in mourning rites 
did not wail nor venture to put on their mourning 
dress. (The people) watered and swept the road, 
and turned it up afresh with the spade ; at (the top 
of) the fields in the neighbourhood they kept torches 
burning, — thus without special orders complying with 
(the wish of) the king 2 . 

6. On that day, the king assumed the robe with 
the ascending dragons on it as an emblem of the 
heavens*. He wore the cap with the pendants of 
jade-pearls, to the number of twelve 4 , which is the 

Hf J^ i^)» an d Yuan Ytlan's dictionary with reference to 
this paragraph, defines it as 'the place where they practised 

1 By the officers as the result of the divination. 

1 It was an established custom that they should do so. 

* 'The robe with the dragons on it,' — Kwan (^), — is thus 
described in the dictionary. But there must have been also some 
emblazonry of the heavenly figures on it also ; otherwise it would 
not have emblemed the heavens. But I have not been able to 
find this in any dictionary. 

4 Having now changed the skin cap mentioned in the preceding 

Digitized by 


430 THE Lt Kt. 

BK. IX. 

number of heaven 1 . He rode in the plain carriage, 
because of its simplicity. From the flag hung 
twelve pendants, and on it was the emblazonry 
of dragons, and the figures of the sun and moon, 
in imitation of the heavens. Heaven hangs out 
its brilliant figures, and the sages imitated them. 
This border sacrifice is the illustration of the way 
of Heaven. 

7. If there appeared anything infelicitous about 
the victim intended for God, it was used for that 
intended for KV*. That intended for God required 
to be kept in its clean stall for three months. That 
intended for Ki simply required to be perfect in 
its parts. This was the way in which they made a 
distinction between the spirits of Heaven and the 
manes of a man 3 . 

8. All things originate from Heaven ; man origin- 
ates from his (great) ancestor. This is the reason 

1 'The heavenly number;' — with reference, I suppose, to the 
twelve months of the year. 

* At, better known as Hiu K\, ' the prince, the minister of 
agriculture/ appears in the Shu as Shun's minister of agri- 
culture (Kh\ pjjl, vol. iii, pp. 42, 43), and one of the principal 
assistants of Yu, in his more than Herculean achievement (vol. iii, 
pp. 56-58) ; and in the Shih as the father of agriculture (vol. iii, 
pp. 396-399)- To him the kings of Afau traced their lineage, and 
they associated him with God at the Great border sacrifice. See 
the ode to him, so associated, vol. iii, p. 320. In that service 
there was thus the expression of reverence for God and of filial 
piety, the second virtue coming in as the complement of the other. 
It would seem to be implied that they used the ox for Ki for the 
blemished one. 

* By ' spirit ' and ' manes ' I have endeavoured to come as near 
as I could to the different significance of the characters shan 

and kwei 

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why Ki was associated with God (at this sacrifice). 
In the sacrifices at the border there was an ex- 
pression of gratitude to the source (of their pros- 
perity and a going back in their thoughts to the 
beginning of (all being). 

9. The great k& sacrifice of the son of Heaven 
consisted of eight (sacrifices). This sacrifice was 
first instituted by Yin KM 1 . (The word) k& ex- 
presses the idea of searching out. In the twelfth 
month of a year, they brought together (some of) 
all the productions (of the harvest), and sought out 
(the authors of them) to present them to them as 

10. In the k& sacrifice, the principal object con- 
templated was the Father of Husbandry. They also 
presented offerings to (ancient) superintendents of 
husbandry, and to the (discoverers of the) various 
grains, to express thanks for the crops which had 
been reaped. 

They presented offerings (also) to the (represent- 
atives of the ancient inventors of the overseers of 
the) husbandmen, and of the buildings marking out 
the boundaries of the fields, and of the birds and 
beasts. The service showed the highest sentiments 
of benevolence and of righteousness. 

The ancient wise men had appointed all these 
agencies, and it was felt necessary to make this 

1 Who this Yin Kh\ was is unknown. ATang thought he was 
an ancient sovereign. The iSTAien-lung editors seem to prove in 
opposition to him and others that he was the minister of some 
ancient sovereign. His descendants were subordinate ministers 
under ATau, having to do with sacrifice. They are mentioned at 
the end of the 37th Book of the Kiu Li. 

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432 THE Li Ki. 

BK. IX. 

return to them. They met the (representatives of 
the) cats, because they devoured the rats and mice 
(which injured the fruits) of the fields, and 
(those of) the tigers, because they devoured the 
(wild) boars (which destroyed them). They met 
them and made offerings to them. They offered 
also to (the ancient Inventors of) the dykes and 
water-channels ; — (all these were) provisions for the 
husbandry 1 . 

1 1 . They said, — 

' May the ground no sliding show, 

Water in its channels flow, 

Insects to keep quiet know; 

Only in the fens weeds grow!' 
They presented their offerings in skin caps and 
white robes ; — in white robes to escort the closing 
year (to its grave). They wore sashes of dolychos 
cloth, and carried staffs of hazel, — as being reduced 
forms of mourning. In the kk were expressed the 
highest sentiments of benevolence and righteousness. 

1 This and the other paragraphs down to 13 about the ka. 
sacrifice are not in the expurgated copies. It is difficult to under- 
stand what it really was. What is said of it leads us to think of it 
as a Chinese Saturnalia at the end of the year, when all the crops 
had been gathered in, and the people abandoned themselves to 
license and revel under the form of sacrificial services. 'The 
Father of Husbandry' was probably Shin Nang, the successor of 
Fu-hst; see vol. iii, pp. 371, 372. 'The Superintendents of 
Husbandry' would be Hau ATI and others, though Hau .ATi 
appears in the Shih as really the father of agriculture. ' The over- 
seer' occurs in the Shih (vol. iii, p. 371 et al.) as ' the surveyor of 
the fields.' The commentators, so far as I have read, are very 
chary of giving us any information about the offerings to ' the cats 
and tigers.' ATiang .STao-hsi says, ' They met the cats and Ugers, 
that is, their spirits ($J ggj | $, |fl S |$ •&>* 

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(After this) 1 they proceeded to sacrifice in yellow 
robes and yellow caps, — releasing the field-labourers 
from the toils (of the year). Countrymen wore 
yellow hats, which were made of straw. 

12. The Great Netter 2 was the officer who had 
the management for the son of Heaven of his birds 
and (captured) beasts, and to his*department belonged 
(all such creatures) sent by the princes as tribute. 
(Those who brought them) 3 wore hats of straw or 
bamboo splints, appearing, by way of honour to it, in 
that country dress. The Netter declined the deer 
and women (which they brought) 4 , and announced to 
the visitors the message (of the king) to this effect, 
that they might warn the princes with it : — 

' He who loves hunting and women, 
Brings his state to ruin.' 
The son of Heaven planted gourds and flowering 
plants ; not such things as might be reaped and 
stored 8 . 

1 This seems to introduce another service, following that of the 
k a. It is understood to be the 14 sacrifice of .Oin, described on 
page 300, paragraph 19. 

* We find 'the Netter' called Lo (j|| ft), as if Lo had 
become the surname of the family in which the office was here- 
ditary, as the last but one of the departments described in the 
30th Book of the K&u Lf. 

3 Those would be ' Great officers ' from the various states, per- 
sonating for the occasion hunters or labouring men. 

4 The ' deer ' would be taken in the chase ; the ' women,' attrac- 
tive captives, taken in war. But they would not have such to 
present from year to year. We can say nothing more about this 
article of tribute. 

• Many take this concluding sentence as part of the king's 
message. The A'Aien-lung editors decide against that view; its 
meaning is that the king never farmed for his own gain. 

[*7] F f 

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434 THE L * K ^' 

BK. IX. 

1 3. The kk with its eight sacrifices . served to 
record (the condition of the people) throughout all 
the quarters (of the country). If in any quarter the 
year had not been good, it did not contribute to 
those services, — out of a careful regard to the re- 
sources of the people. Where the labours of a good 
year had been successfully completed, they took 
part in them, — to give them pleasure and satisfaction. 
All the harvest having by this time been gathered, 
the people had nothing to do but to rest, and there- 
fore after the k& wise (rulers) commenced no new 
work 1 . 

14. The pickled contents of the ordinary dishes 
were water-plants produced by the harmonious 
powers (of nature) ; the brine used with them was 
from productions of the land. The additional dishes 
contained productions of the land with the brine 
from productions of the water. 

The things in the dishes on stands were from both 
the water and land. They did not venture to use in 
them the flavours of ordinary domestic use, but 
variety was considered admirable. It was in this 
way that they sought to have communion with the 
spirits ; it was not intended to imitate the flavours 
of food 2 . 

15. The things set before the ancient kings served 
as food, but did not minister to the pleasures of the 
palate. The dragon-robe, the tasseled cap, and 

1 This paragraph treats of the AS as celebrated in the states. 

* The conclusion of this paragraph leads us to take all the 
dishes spoken of in it as containing sacrificial offerings. It would 
take too long to discuss all that is said about the ' regular ' and the 
' additional ' dishes in the first part. 

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the great carriage served for display, but did not 
awaken a fondness for their use. 

The various dances displayed the gravity of the 
performers, but did not awaken the emotion of 
delight. The ancestral temple produced the im- 
pression of majesty, but did not dispose one to rest 
in it. Its vessels might be employed (for their pur- 
poses in it), but could not be conveniently used for 
any other. The idea which leads to intercourse with 
spiritual Beings is not interchangeable with that 
which finds its realisation in rest and pleasure. 

16. Admirable as are the spirits and sweet spirits, 
a higher value is attached to the dark spirit and the 
bright water 1 , — in order to honour that which is the 
source of the five flavours. Beautiful as is the 
elegant embroidery of robes, a higher value is set 
on plain, coarse cloth, — going back to the commence- 
ment of woman's work. Inviting as is the rest 
afforded by the mats of fine rushes and bamboos, 
the preference is given to the coarse ones of reeds 
and straw, — distinguishing the (character of the ser- 
vice in which they were employed). The Grand soup 
is unseasoned, — in honour of its simplicity. The 
Grand symbols of jade have no engraving on them, 
— in admiration of their simple plainness. There 
is the beauty of the red varnish and carved border 

1 We have seen, before, that ' the dark spirit ' is water. Was 
there a difference between this and ' the bright water ? ' The A'Aien- 
lung editors think so, and refer to the functions of the Sze Hsiian 
officer (1IJ %& jj%, KivL LJ, Book XXXVII, 41-44), who by 
means of a mirror drew the bright water from the moon. How he 
did so, I do not understand. The object of the writer in this part 
of the section is to exhibit the value of simple sincerity in all 
religious services. 

F f 2 

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436 the l! k\. 

BK. IX. 

(of a carriage), but (the king) rides in a plain one, — 
doing honour to its plainness. In all these things 
it is simply the idea of the simplicity that is the 
occasion of the preference and honour. In main- 
taining intercourse with spiritual and intelligent 
Beings, there should be nothing like an extreme 
desire for rest and ease in our personal gratification. 
It is this which makes the above usages suitable for 
their purpose. 

17. The number of the tripods and meat-stands 
was odd, but that of the tall dishes of wood and 
bamboo was even, — having regard to the numbers 
belonging to the developing and receding influences 
of nature 1 . The vase with the yellow eyes 2 was 
the most valued of all, and contained the spirit with 
the fragrant herbs. Yellow is the colour (of earth) 
which occupies the central place 3 . In the eye the 
energy (of nature) appears most purely and brilliandy. 
Thus the spirit to be poured out is in that cup, the 
(emblem of the) centre, and (the symbol of) what is 
most pure and bright appears outside 4 . 

1 See the fifth paragraph of Section i, and the note. It may be 
added here, after Khung Ying-ta, that ' the tripod and stand con- 
tained the body of the victim, which, as belonging to an animal 
that moved, was of the category of Yang, but the dishes contained 
the products of trees and vegetables, which were of the category 
of Yin.' 

* In pictures, this vase was figured with two eyes. They were 
carved on the substance of the vessel and then gilt, so as to 
appear yellow. 

* On the central place assigned to the element of earth and 
its yellow colour, see the supplementary section appended to 
Book IV, Section ii, Part iii. 

4 P. Callery characterises the reasoning of this paragraph a« 
* pueVil et grotesque ; ' and concludes a long note on it with the 

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1 8. When sacrificing to Heaven, the earth is 
swept, and the sacrifice presented on the ground, — 
from a regard to the simplicity of such an unartificial 
altar. Admirable as are the vinegar and pickles, 
suet boiled and produced through evaporation is 
preferred, — to do honour to the natural product of 
heaven. An ordinary knife might be employed (to 
kill the victim), but that fitted with bells is preferred, 
— giving honour to the idea thereby indicated ; there 
is the harmony of sound, and then the cutting work 
is done. 

Section III. 

i. (As to) the meaning of (the ceremony of) 
capping 1 : — The cap used for the first act of the 
service was of black cloth, — the cap of the highest 
antiquity. It was originally of (white) cloth, but the 
colour when it was used in fasting was dyed black. 
As to its strings, Confucius said, ' I have not heard 
anything about them/ This cap, after it had been 
once put upon (the young man), might be disused. 

2. The son by the wife proper was capped by 
the eastern stairs (appropriate to the use of the 
master), to show how he was in their line of succes- 

sentence: — 'Je laisse a ceux qui peuvent suivre ce logogriphe 
dans le texte Chinois, le soin d'en saisir toutes les finesses ; car, 
a mon sens, ce n'est qu'une ineptie.' 

1 These paragraphs about capping are not in the expurgated 
copy of the Lf, and many commentators, especially Wang of Shih- 
liang, would relegate them to Book XI. And they are not all easy 
to be understood. The capping was thrice repeated, and each 
time with a different cap. So much is clear. The names and 
forms of the caps in paragraph 3 have given rise to much specula- 
tion, from which I purposely abstain; nor do I clearly comprehend 
its relation to the threefold capping in the ceremony. 

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438 THE LI tft. 

BK. IX. 

sion to him. The father handed him a cup in the 
guests' place (without receiving one in return). The 
capping showed that he had reached maturity. The 
using of three caps was to give greater import- 
ance (to the ceremony), and show its object more 
clearly. The giving the name of maturity in con- 
nexion with the ceremony was to show the reverence 
due to that name. 

3. The wei-m&o was the fashion of A'&u; the 
/£ang-fu, that of Yin; and the miu-tui, that of 
the sovereigns of Hsii. A'au used the pi en ; Yin, 
the hsii ; and Hsii, the sh&u. The three dynasties 
all used the skin cap, with the skirt-of-white gathered 
up at the waist 

4. There were no observances peculiar to the 
capping (in the families) of Great officers, though 
there were (peculiar) marriage ceremonies. Anciently 
a man was fifty when he took the rank of a Great 
officer ; how should there have been peculiar cere- 
monies at his cappings ? The peculiar ceremonies at 
the cappings as used by the princes arose in the end 
of the Hsia dynasty. 

5. The eldest son of the son of Heaven by his 
proper queen (was capped only as) an ordinary officer. 
There was nowhere such a thing as being born 
noble. Princes received their appointments on the 
hereditary principle, (to teach them) to imitate the 
virtue of their predecessors. Men received office 
and rank according to the degree of their virtue. 
There was the conferring of an honourable designa- 
tion after death ; but that is a modern institution. 
Anciently, there was no rank on birth, and no 
honorary title after death. 

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6. That which is most important in ceremonies is 
to understand the idea intended in them. While 
the idea is missed, the number of things and observ- 
ances in them may be correctly exhibited, as that is 
the business of the officers of prayer and the recor- 
ders. Hence that may all be exhibited, but it is 
difficult to know the idea. The knowledge of that 
idea, and the reverent maintenance of it was the 
way by which the sons of Heaven secured the good 
government of the kingdom. 

7. By the united action of heaven and earth all 
things spring up. Thus the ceremony of marriage 
is the beginning of a (line that shall last for a) 
myriad ages. The parties are of different surnames ; 
thus those who are distant are brought together, and 
the separation (to be maintained between those who 
are of the same surname) is emphasised'. There 
must be sincerity in the marriage presents ; and all 
communications (to the woman) must be good. She 
should be admonished to be upright and sincere. 
Faithfulness is requisite in all service of others, and 
faithfulness is (specially) the virtue of a wife. Once 
mated with her husband, all her life she will not 
change (her feeling of duty to him), and hence, when 
the husband dies she will not marry (again) 2 . 

1 I do not see how Callery translates here : — ' On rapproche ce 
qui e*tait eloign^, et on unit ce qui e*tait distinct.' He says, 
however, in a note : — ' Ceci se rapporte a l'antique loi, encore en 
vigucur, qui interdit le manage entre personnes d'un m@me nom, 
parce que lors mSme qu'il n'existe entre elles aucune trace de 
parente*, il est possible qu'elles proviennent de la menae souche, et se 
trouvent ainsi sur la ligne directe, ou les Chinois admettent une 
parente" sans fin.' 

* This brief sentence about a woman not marrying again is not 

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440 THE Li tfi. BK. IX. 

8. The gentleman went in person to meet the bride, 
the man taking the initiative and not the woman, — 
according to the idea that regulates the relation 
between the strong and the weak (in all Yiature). It 
is according to this same idea that heaven takes 
precedence of earth, and the ruler of the subject. 

9. Presents are interchanged before (the parties) 
see each other 1 ; — this reverence serving to illustrate 
the distinction (that should be observed between 
man and woman). When this distinction (between 
husband and wife) is exhibited, affection comes to 
prevail between father and son. When there is this 
affection, the idea of righteousness arises in the mind, 
and to this idea of righteousness succeeds (the 
observance of) ceremonies. Through those cere- 
monies there ensues universal repose. The absence 
of such distinction and righteousness is characteristic 
of the way of beasts. 

10. The bridegroom himself stands by (the car- 
riage of the bride), and hands to her the strap (to assist 
her in mounting 2 ), — showing his affection. Having 

in the expurgated copies. Callery, however, says upon it : — ' Dans 
certains testes du Li Ki, on trouve a la suite de ce passage une 
phrase qui restreint a la femme cette immutability perpe"tuelle dans 
le manage. En effet, les lois Chinoises ont de tout temps permis 
a l'homme de se remarier apres la mort de sa premiere femme, 
tandis que pour les veuves, les secondes noces ont toujours e"te* 
plus ou moins fl&ries, ou par la loi, ou par l'usage.' 

1 Callery has for this : — ' Les presents que porte 1'^poux dans 
ses visites.' " But the young people did not see each other till the 
day of the marriage. 

* On the ' strap ' to help in mounting the carriage, see p. 45, et at 
Callery has here ' les re"nes.' The text would seem to say that 
the bridegroom was himself driving, and handed the strap to help 
the other up ; but that would have been contrary to all etiquette ; 

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that affection, he seeks to bring her near to him. It 
was by such reverence and affection for their wives 
that the ancient kings obtained the kingdom. In 
passing out from the great gate (of her father's house), 
he precedes, and she follows, and with this the 
right relation between husband and wife commences. 
The woman follows (and obeys) the man : — in her 
youth, she follows her father and elder brother; 
when married, she follows her husband; when her 
husband is dead, she follows her son. 'Man' denotes 
supporter. A man by his wisdom should (be able 
to) lead others. 

ii. The dark-coloured cap, and the (preceding) 
fasting and vigil, (with which the bridegroom meets 
the bride, makes the ceremony like the service of) 
spiritual beings, and (the meeting of) the bright and 
developing and receding influences (in nature). The 
result of it will be to give the lord for the altars to 
the spirits of the land and grain, and the successors 
of the forefathers of the past ; — is not the utmost 
reverence appropriate in it ? Husband and wife ate 
together of the same victim, — thus declaring that they 
were of the same rank. Hence while the wife had 
(herself) no rank, she was held to be of the rank of 
her husband, and she took her seat according to the 
position belonging to him 1 . 

and they appear immediately, not sitting together, but following 
each other. 

1 It is exceedingly difficult to construe this sentence, nor do the 
commentators give a translator much help. Rendering ad verbum, 
all that we have is this : — ' The dark-coloured cap, self-purification 
(and) abstinence; spiritual beings, Yin (and) Yang.' A'angs 
explanation is very brief: — ' The dark-coloured cap (was) the dress 
in sacrificing. Yin (and) Yang mean husband and wife.' I have 

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442 THE hi k\. be. IX. 

12. The old rule at sacrifices was to have the 
vessels (only) of earthenware and gourds ; and -when 
the kings of the three dynasties instituted the (par- 
taking of the) victim, those were the vessels em- 
ployed. On the day after the marriage, the wife, 
having washed her hands, prepared and presented 
(a sucking-pig) to her husband's parents ; and when 
they had done eating, she ate what was left, — as a 
mark of their special regard. They descended from 
the hall by the steps on the west, while she did so 
by those on the east ; — so was she established in the 
wife's (or mistress's) place. 

13. At the marriage ceremony, they did not 
employ music, — having reference to the feeling of 
solitariness and darkness (natural to the separation 
from parents). Music expresses the energy of the 
bright and expanding influence. There was no con- 
gratulation on marriage ; — it indicates how (one 
generation of) men succeeds to another 1 . 

tried to catch and indicate the ideas in the mind of the writer. 
Taken as I have done, the passage is a most emphatic declara- 
tion of the religious meaning which was attached to marriage. 
Dr. Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, pp. 88, 89) has trans- 
lated the greater part of the paragraph, but not very successfully, 
thus : — ' A black crown, with fasting and watching, is the way to 
serve the Kwei Shins, as well as the male and female principle 
of nature. The same is the case also (with regard to marriages 
which are contracted) with the view of obtaining some one to 
perpetuate the lares domestic! (tf£ f§|)» an d principally 
respect obtaining successors for our ancestors : — can they therefore 
be conducted without reverence ? ' 

1 See p. 322, paragraph 20; where Confucius says that in a 
certain case the bridegroom's family has no music for three days, 
on the ground that the bridegroom had lost his parents, and 
sorrow was more suitable than mirth as he thought of their 

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14. At the sacrifices in the time of the lord of Yii 
the smell was thought most important. There were 
the offerings of blood, of raw flesh, and of sodden 
flesh ; — all these were employed for the sake of 
the smell. 

15. Under the Yin, sound was thought most im- 
portant Before there was any smell or flavour, the 
music was made to resound clearly. It was not till 
there had been three performances of it that they 
went out to meet (and bring in) the victim. The 
noise of the music was a summons addressed to all 
between heaven and earth. 

16. Under the A"au, a pungent odour was thought 
most important In libations they employed the 
smell of millet-spirits in which fragrant herbs had 
been infused. The fragrance, partaking of the 
nature of the receding influence, penetrates to the 
deep springs below. The libations were poured 
from cups with long handles of jade, (as if) to em- 
ploy (also) the smell of the mineral. After the liquor 
was poured, they met (and brought in) the victim, 
having first diffused the smell into the unseen realm. 
Artemisia along with millet and rice having then 
been burned (with the fat of the victim), the 
fragrance penetrates through all the building. It 
was for this reason that, after the cup had been put 
down, they burnt the fat with the southernwood and 
millet and rice. 

1 7. So careful were they on all occasions of sacri- 

being gone. This statement was generalised by the writer ; but 
in the Shih, as in ordinary life, music is an accompaniment of 
marriage. See the paraphrase of the ' Amplification of the fourth 
of the Khang-hs! precepts.' 

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444 THE L ^ *!• bk. ix. 

fice. The intelligent spirit returns to heaven ; the 
body and the animal soul return to the earth ; and 
hence arose the idea of seeking (for the deceased) in 
sacrifice in the unseen darkness and in the bright 
region above. Under the Yin, they first sought for 
them in the bright region; under A'au, they first 
sought for them in the dark. 

18. They informed the officer of prayer in the 
apartment; they seated the representative of the 
departed in the hall ; they killed the victim in the 
courtyard. The head of the victim was taken up to 
the apartment. This was at the regular sacrifice, 
when the officer of prayer addressed himself to the 
spirit-tablet of the departed. If it were (merely) the 
offering of search, the minister of prayer takes his 
place at the inside of the gate of the temple. They 
knew not whether the spirit were here, or whether it 
were there, or far off, away from all men. Might not 
that offering inside the gate be said to be a search- 
ing for the spirit in its distant place ? 

1 9. That service at the gate was expressive of the 
energy of the search. The stand with the heart and 
tongue of the victim (set forth before the personator) 
was expressive of reverence. (The wish of the 
principal) for wealth (to those assisting him) included 
all happiness. The (presentation of the) head was 
(intended as) a direct (communication with the de- 
parted). The presence (of the representative) was 
that the spirit might enjoy (the offerings). The 
blessing (pronounced by him) was for long continu- 
ance, and comprehensive. The personator (seemed) 
to display (the departed). 

20. The (examination of the) hair and the (taking 

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of the) blood was an announcement that the victim 
was complete within and without. This announce- 
ment showed the value set on its being perfect 1 . 
The offering of the blood was because of the breath 
which is contained in it. They offered (specially) 
the lungs, the liver, and the heart, doing honour to 
those parts as the home of the breath. 

21. In offering the millet and the glutinous millet, 
they presented the lungs along with it. In offering 
the various prepared liquors, they presented the 
bright water; — in both cases acknowledging their 
obligations to the dark and receding influence (in 
nature). In taking the fat of the inwards and 
burning it, and in taking the head up (to the hall), 
they made their acknowledgments to the bright and 
active influence. 

22. In the bright water and the clear liquor the 
thing valued was their newness. All clarifying is a 
sort of making new. The water was called ' bright' 
because the principal in the service had purified it. 

23. When the ruler bowed twice with his head to 
the ground, and, with breast bared, himself applied 

1 From the middle of paragraph 10 to 18 inclusive is not in 
the expurgated edition, which closes with the nineteenth para- 
graph and the half of the twenty-first. I need not quote Callery's 
translation of this portion, but he says on it : — ' Ce passage est un 
de ceux qui se refusent le plus a la traduction, et qui renferment, 
au fond, le moins d'ide*es claires et raisonnables. L'auteur a 
voulu, ce me semble, donner une explication mystique a des mots 
et a des coutumes qui n'en dtaient point susceptibles, et il lui est 
arrive', comme a certains commentateurs bibliques du moyen age, 
de faire un galimatias, auquel lui mSme, sans doute, ne com- 
prenait rien.' — On what the author says about the hair and blood, 
compare vol. iii, page 370. 

Digitized by 


446 THE Li kL 

BK. IX. 


the knife, this expressed his extreme reverence. Yes, 
his extreme reverence, for there was submission in it 
The bowing showed his submission ; the laying the 
head on the ground did that emphatically ; and the 
baring his breast was the greatest (outward) ex- 
hibition of the feeling. 

24. When the sacrificer styled himself 'the filial 
son,' or 'the filial grandson,' he did so (in all cases) 
according to the meaning of the name. When he 
styled himself ' So and So, the distant descendant,' 
that style was used of (the ruler of) a state or 
(the Head of) a clan. (Though) there were the 
assistants at the service, the principal himself gave 
every demonstration of reverence and performed 
all his admirable service without yielding anything 
to any one. 

25. The flesh of the victim might be presented 
raw and as a whole, or cut up in pieces, or sodden, 
or thoroughly cooked; but how could they know 
whether the spirit enjoyed it ? The sacrificer simply 
showed his reverence to the utmost of his power. 

26. (When the representative of the departed) had 
made the libation with the k'\&. cup, or the horn, (the 
sacrificer) was told (to bow to him) and put him at 
ease. Anciently, the representative stood when 
nothing was being done ; when anything was being 
done, he sat. He personated the spirit ; the officer 
of prayer was the medium of communication between 
him and the sacrificer. 

27. In straining (the new liquor) for the cup, they 
used the white (mao) grass and obtained a clear 
cup. The liquor beginning to clear itself was 
further clarified by means of pure liquor. The juice 

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obtained by boiling aromatics (with the extract of 
millet) was clarified by mingling with it the liquor 
which had begun to clear itself : — in the same way 
as old and strong spirits are qualified by the 
brilliantly pure liquor or that which has begun to 
clear itself 1 . 

1 He would be a bold man who would say that he had given 
a translation of this paragraph, which he was sure represented 
exactly the mind of the author. The interpretation given of it 
even by i^ang Hstlan is now called in question in a variety of 
points by most scholars ; and the .Oien-lung editors refrain from 
concluding the many pages of various commentators, which they 
adduce on it, with a summary and exposition of their own judg- 
ment Until some sinologist has made himself acquainted with all 
the processes in the preparation of their drinks at the present day 
by the Chinese, and has thereby, and from his own knowledge of 
the general subject, attained to a knowledge of the similar pre- 
parations of antiquity, a translator can only do the best in his 
power with such a passage, without being sure that it is the best 
that might be done. 

In the K&a Li, Book V, 23-36, we have an account of the 
duties of the Director of Wines (yg j£ ; Biot, ' Intendant des 
Vins'). Mention is made of 'the three wines (^ Ypf)/ which 
were employed as common beverages, and called shih £iu 
(^ fg), hs! *iu (^ yS), and k king *iu (fif yg) ; 
in Biot, ' vin d' affaire, vin age - , and vin clair.' Consul Gingell, in his 
useful translation of ' The Institutes of the ATau Dynasty Strung as 
Pearls' (London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1852), calls them — 'wine 
made specially for any particular occasion ; wine which has become 
ripe ; and old, clear, and fine wine.' 

In addition to these three kid, the Director had to do with the 
five ft (3l 3§js Biot, 'les cinque sorts de vins sacreV), and 
called fan k\ (^ ^), 11 k\ (jjg| ^), ang k\ (^ If), 
th! *i (&g JJjif), and Man k\ (jfc 1$); in Biot, after \ffang 
Hstian, 'vin sumageant, vin doux, vin qui se clarifie, vin sub- 
stantia, vin repose";' in Gingell, 'rice-water which has undergone 

Digitized by 


448 the lA k\. 

BE. IX. 

28. Sacrifices were for the purpose of prayer, or 
of thanksgiving, or of deprecation. 

29. The dark-coloured robes worn during vigil 
and purification had reference to the occupation of 
the thoughts with the dark and unseen. Hence 
after the three days of purification, the superior man 
was sure (to seem) to see those to whom his sacrifice 
was to be offered 1 . 

fermentation, wine in which dregs have formed, wine in which 
the dregs have risen to the surface, wine in which the dregs have 
congealed, and of which the colour has become reddish, and pure 
clear wine in which the dregs are subsiding.' Whether Biot be 
correct or not in translating M (perhaps should be read >tai, = 
Jzj§>) ' vin sacreV the five preparations so called were for use at 
sacrifices. ' They were,' say the .ATAien-lung editors, ' for use at 
sacrifices, and not as ordinary drinks.' ' They were all thin, and 
unpalatable ; for the cup, and not for the mouth.' 

1 The .Oien-lung editors say that from paragraph 14 to this, 
the compiler mentions promiscuously a great many particulars 
about the ancient sacrifices, the different places in which the 
services at them were performed, the things used in them, Ac, 
showing how sincere and earnest those engaged in them must be 
to attain to the result mentioned in this last paragraph ; and that 
this is the fundamental object of the whole treatise. 

I have called attention to this promiscuous nature of the contents 
of many of the Books towards the end of them, in the introduc- 
tion, page 34, as a characteristic of the collection. 

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Section I. 

i. The sovereign and king orders the chief 
minister to send down his (lessons of) virtue to 
the millions of the people. 

2. Sons 8 , in serving their parents, on the first 
crowing of the cock, should all wash their hands and 
rinse their mouths, comb their hair, draw over it the 
covering of silk, fix this with the hair-pin, bind the 
hair at the roots with the fillet, brush the dust from 
that which is left free, and then put on their caps, 
leaving the ends of the strings hanging down. They 
should then put on their squarely made black jackets, 
knee-covers, and girdles, fixing in the last their tablets. 
From the left and right of the girdle they should 
hang their articles for use : — on the left side, the 
duster and handkerchief, the knife and whetstone, 
the small spike, and the metal speculum for getting 
fire from the sun ; on the right, the archer's thimble 
for the thumb and the armlet, the tube for writing 
instruments, the knife-case, the larger spike, and the 
borer for getting fire from wood. They should put 
on their leggings, and adjust their shoe-strings. 

1 See the introductory notice, pp. a 6, 27. 
* The ' sons' here are young gentlemen of good families, shih 
(i), who might be employed as ordinary officers. 
[27] G g 

Digitized by 


450 THE l{ jcJ. 

BX. X. 

3. (Sons') wives should serve their parents-in-law 
as they served their own. At the first crowing of the 
cock, they should wash their hands, and rinse their 
mouths ; comb their hair, draw over it the covering 
of silk, fix this with the hair-pin, and tie the hair at 
the roots with the fillet. They should then put on 
the jacket, and over it the sash. On the left side 
they should hang the duster and handkerchief, the 
knife and whetstone, the small spike, and the metal 
speculum to get fire with ; and on the right, the 
needle-case, thread, and floss, all bestowed in the 
satchel, the great spike, and the borer to get fire 
with from wood. They will also fasten on their 
necklaces 1 , and adjust their shoe-strings. 

4. Thus dressed, they should go to their parents 
and parents-in-law. On getting to where they are, 
with bated breath and gentle voice, they should ask if 
their clothes are (too) warm or (too) cold, whether 
they are ill or pained, or uncomfortable in any part ; 
and if they be so, they should proceed reverently to 
stroke and scratch the place. They should in the 
same way, going before or following after, help and 
support their parents in quitting or entering (the 
apartment). In bringing in the basin for them to 
wash, the younger will carry the stand and the elder 
the water ; they will beg to be allowed to pour out 

1 l Necklaces * is only a guess at the meaning. Shin Hao and 
others make the character to mean ' scent bags.' But this also is 
only a guess. There is nothing in its form to suggest such s 
meaning ; and as many other critics point out, it is inconsistent 
with the usage in paragraph 5. These acknowledge that they do 
not understand the phrase ^ jjijp. See I, i, 3, 34, but the use of 
ying there is considered inappropriate here. 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. THE NEI 8EH. 451 

the water, and when the washing is concluded, they 
will hand the towel. They will ask whether they 
want anything, and then respectfully bring it. All 
this they will do with an appearance of pleasure to 
make their parents feel at ease. (They should bring) 
gruel, thick or thin, spirits or must, soup with vege- 
tables, beans, wheat, spinach, rice, millet, maize, and 
glutinous millet, — whatever they wish, in fact ; with 
dates, chestnuts, sugar and honey, to sweeten their 
dishes; with the ordinary or the large-leaved violets, 
leaves of elm-trees, fresh or dry, and the most 
soothing rice-water to lubricate them ; and with fat 
and oil to enrich them. The parents will be sure to 
taste them, and when they have done so, the young 
people should withdraw 1 ; 

5. Youths who have not yet been capped, and 
maidens who have not yet assumed the hair-pin, at 
the first crowing of the cock, should wash their hands, 
rinse their mouths, comb their hair, draw over it the 
covering of silk, brush the dust from that which is 
left free, bind it up in the shape of a horn, and put 
on their necklaces. They should all hang at their 
girdles 2 the ornamental (bags of) perfume ; and as 
soon as it is daybreak, tKey should (go to) pay their 
respects (to theirparents) and ask what they will eat 

1 The structure of this and the preceding sentences is easy 
enough, but it is not easy for a translator to assure himself that he 
is rendering every Chinese character by its correct equivalent in 
his own language. 

9 They hang on these instead of the useful appendages men- 
tioned in paragraphs 2 and 3, as being too young to employ these. 
This determines the meaning of -M 5g" in the last clause as I 
have given it Zottoli's rendering is: — 'Si nondum comederint, 
tunc adjuturi majores inspectabunt praeparata,' 


Digitized by 


452 THE Lt k\. BK. I. 

and drink. If they have eaten already, they should 
retire ; if they have not eaten, they will (remain to) 
assist their elder (brothers and sisters) and see what 
has been prepared. 

6. All charged with the care of the inner and 
outer parts (of the house), at the first crowing of the 
cock, should wash their hands and mouths, gather up 
their pillows and fine mats, sprinkle and sweep out 
the apartments, hall, and courtyard, and spread the 
mats, each doing his proper work. The children 
go earlier to bed, and get up later, according to 
their pleasure. There is no fixed time for their 

7. From the time that sons receive an official 
appointment, they and their father occupy different 
parts of their residence. But at the dawn, the son 
will pay his respects, and express his affection by (the 
offer of) pleasant delicacies. At sunrise he will re- 
tire, and he and his father will attend to their 
different duties. At sundown, the son will pay his 
evening visit in the same way. 

8. When the parents wish to sit (anywhere), the 
sons and their wives should carry their mats, and ask 
in what direction they shall lay them. When they 
wish to lie down, the eldest among them should carry 
the mats, and ask where they wish to place their feet, 
while the youngest will carry a (small) bench for 
them to lean on while they stretch out their legs. 
(At the same time) an attendant will place a stool by 
them. They should take up the mat on which they 
had been lying and the fine mat over it, hang up the 
coverlet, put the pillow in its case, and roll up the 
fine mat and put it in its cover. 

Digitized by 


sect. i. the n£i 3eh. 453 

9. (Sons and their wives) should not move the 
clothes, coverlets, fine mats, or undermats, pillows, 
and stools of their parents 1 ; they should reverently 
regard their staffs and shoes, but not presume to 
approach them ; they should not presume to use 
their vessels for grain, liquor, and water, unless some 
of the contents be left in them ; nor to eat or drink 
any of their ordinary food or drink, unless in the 
same case. 

10. While the parents are both alive, at their 
regular meals, morning and evening, the (eldest)' son 
and his wife will encourage them to eat everything, 
and what is left after all, they will ^themselves eat 2 . 
When the father is dead, and the mother still alive, 
the eldest son should wait upon her at her meals ; 
and the wives of the other sons will do with what 
is left as in the former case. The children should 
have the sweet, soft, and unctuous things that are 

11. When with their parents, (sons and their 
wives), when ordered to do anything, should imme- 
diately respond and reverently proceed to do it. In 
going forwards or backwards, or turning round, they 
should be careful and grave ; while going out or 
coming in, while bowing or walking, they should not 
presume to eructate, sneeze, or cough, to yawn or 
stretch themselves, to stand on one foot, or to lean 
against anything, or to look askance. They should 
not dare to spit or snivel, nor, if it be cold, to put on 
more clothes, nor, if they itch anywhere, to scratch 

1 That is, the parents of the husband, and parents-in-law of the 

* ' That nothing,' says Khung Ying-td, ' may be served up again.' 

Digitized by 


454 THE L * *&• 

BK. Z. 

themselves. Unless for reverent attention to some- 
thing 1 , they should not presume to unbare their 
shoulders or chest. Unless it be in wading, they 
should not hold up their clothes. Of their private 
dress and coverlet, they should not display the inside. 
They should not allow the spittle or snivel of their 
parents to be seen 2 . They should ask leave to rinse 
away any dirt on their caps or girdles, and to wash 
their clothes that are dirty with lye that has been 
prepared for the purpose ; and to stitch together, with 
needle and thread, any rent. 

Every five days they should prepare tepid water, 
and ask them to v take a bath, and every three days 
prepare water for them to wash their heads. If in 
the meantime their faces appear dirty, they should 
heat the water in which the rice has been cleaned, 
and ask them to wash with it ; if their feet be dirty, 
they should prepare hot water, and ask them to wash 
them with it. Elders in serving their youngers, and 
the low in serving the noble, should all observe these 

1 2. The men should not speak of what belongs 
to the inside (of the house), nor the women of what 
belongs to the outside. Except at sacrifices and 
funeral rites, they should not hand vessels to one 
another. In all other cases when they have occasion 
to give and receive anything, the woman should re- 
ceive it in a basket. If she have no basket, they 
should both sit down, and the other put the thing on 

1 As for archery. The meaning is, I suppose, that none of the 
things mentioned should be seen or known, while they are waiting 
on their parents. 

* But instantly wipe it off, according to Kh&a H4o. 

Digitized by 


sect. i. the nei 3eh. 455 

the ground, and she then take it up. Outside or in- 
side 1 , they should not go to the same well, nor to 
the same bathing-house. They should not share the 
same mat in lying down ; they should not ask or 
borrow anything from one another ; they should not 
wear similar upper or lower garments. Things 
spoken inside should not go out, words spoken out- 
side should not come in. When a man goes into the 
interior of the house, he should not whistle nor point 
If he have occasion to move in the night, he should 
use a light ; and if he have no light, he should not 
stir. When a woman goes out at the door, she must 
keep her face covered. She should walk at night 
(only) with a light; and if she have no light, she 
should not stir. On the road, a man should take 
the right side, and a woman the left 

13. Sons and sons' wives, who are filial and 
reverential, when they receive an order from their 
parents should not refuse, nor be dilatory, to execute 
it 2 . When (their parents) give them anything to eat 
or drink, which they do not like, they will notwith- 
standing taste it and wait (for their further orders) ; 
when they give them clothes, which are not to 
their mind, they will put them on, and wait (in the 
same way) s . If (their parents) give them anything 
to do, and then employ another to take their place, 

1 Zottoli has for this — ' viri mulieresque.' The writer is speak- 
ing of men and women, indeed ; but the characters have reference 
to place, and = ' out of the house or in it' 

* That is, they will not presume on any indulgence which they 
might expect from the impression made by their general character 
and behaviour. 

' • Orders,' consequent on their parents' seeing that the food or 
garment is not to their mind. 

Digitized by 


456 the hi ei. m. x. 

although they do not like the arrangement, they will 
in the meantime give it into his hands and let him 
do it, doing it again, if it be not done well. 

14. When the sons and their wives are engaged 
with laborious tasks, although (their parents) very 
much love them, yet they should let them go on with 
them for the time ; — it is better that they take other 
occasions frequently to give them ease. 

When sons and their wives have not been filial 
and reverential, (the parents) should not be angry and 
resentful with them, but endeavour to instruct them. 
If they will not receive instruction, they should then 
be angry with them. If that anger do no good, they 
can then drive out the son, and send the wife away, 
yet not publicly showing why they have so treated 
them 1 . 

15. If a parent have a fault, (the son) should with 
bated breath, and bland aspect, and gende voice, 
admonish him. If the admonition do not take effect, 
he will be the more reverential and the more filial ; 
and when the father seems pleased, he will repeat the 
admonition. If he should be displeased with this, 
rather than allow him to commit an offence against 
any one in the neighbourhood or countryside, (the son) 
should strongly remonstrate. If the parent be angry 
and (more) displeased, and beat him till the blood 

1 This last sentence is enigmatical in the original text. Zottoli 
says : — ' Si non possint coerced, filium ejice nurura exclude, quin 
tamen patefacius agendi morem;' adding as an explanation of 
that ' agendi morem,' ' siquidem eos haud certe in finem sic ejectos 
voles.' Different views of the Chinese have been given by 
different critics; and it would not be difficult to add to their 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. THE NEI 3EH. 457 

flows, he should not presume to be angry and resent- 
ful, but be (still) more reverential and more filial. 

1 6. If parents have a boy born (to the father) by 
a handmaid, or the son or grandson of one of his 
concubines, of whom they are very fond, their sons 
should after their death, not allow their regard for 
him to decay so long as they live. 

If a son have two concubines, one of whom is 
loved by his parents, while he himself loves the 
other, yet he should not dare to make this one equal 
to the former whom his parents love, in dress, or 
food, or the duties which she discharges, nor should 
he lessen his attentions to her after their death. If 
he very much approves of his wife, and his parents 
do not like her, he should divorce her 1 . If he do not 
approve of his wife, and his parents say, ' she serves 
us well,' he should behave to her in all respects as 
his wife, — without fail even to the end of her life. 

1 7. Although his parents be dead, when a son is 
inclined to do what is good, he should think that he 
will thereby transmit the good name of his parents, 
and carry his wish into effect. When he is inclined 
to do what is not good, he should think that he will 
thereby bring disgrace on the name of his parents, 
and in no wise carry his wish into effect. 

1 8. When her father-in-law is dead, her mother-in- 
law takes the place of the old lady*; but the wife of 
the eldest son, on all occasions of sacrificing and 
receiving guests, must ask her directions in every- 

1 JMan H£o quotes here from the Lf of the elder Tal (Book 
XIII, chapter 26) the ' seven grounds of divorce,' the first of them 
being the wife's ' want of accordance with her husband's parents.' 

* Who now retires from the open headship of the family. 

Digitized by 


458 THE hi xt. Br. i. 

thing, while the other sons' wives must ask directions 
from her. When her parents-in-law employ the eldest 
son's wife, she should not be dilatory, unfriendly, or 
unpolite to the wives of his brothers (for their not 
helping her). When the parents-in-law employ 
any of them, they should not presume to consider 
themselves on an equality with the other ; walking 
side by 6ide with her, or giving their orders in the 
same way, or sitting in the same position as she. 

19. No daughter-in-law, without being told to go 
to ber own apartment, should venture to withdraw 
from that (of her parents-in-law). Whatever she is 
about to do, she should ask leave from them. A son 
and his wife should have no private goods, nor 
animals, nor vessels ; they should not presume to 
borrow from, or give anything to, another person. 
If any one give the wife an .article of food or dress, 
a piece of cloth or silk, a handkerchief for her girdle, 
an iris or orchid, she should receive and offer it to 
her parents-in-law. If they accept it, she will be 
glad as if she were receiving it afresh. If they re- 
turn it to her, she should decline it, and if they do 
not allow her to do so, she will take it as if it were a 
second gift, and lay it by to wait till they may want 
it. If she want to give it to some of her own 
cousins, she must ask leave to do so, and that being 
granted, she will give it. 

20. Eldest cousins in the legitimate line of descent 
and their brothers should do reverent service to the 
son, who is the representative chief of the family 
and his wife 1 . Though they may be richer and 

1 These are all legitimate members of the same surname or clan, 
but the honoured cousin is the chief of it in the direct line, He is 

Digitized by 



THE Nil 3EH. 459 

higher in official rank than he, they should not pre- 
sume to enter his house with (the demonstrations of) 
their wealth and dignity. Although they may have 
in attendance many chariots and footmen, these 
should stop outside, and they enter it in more simple 
style with a few followers. 

If to any of the younger cousins there have been 
given vessels, robes, furs, coverlets, carriages and 
horses, he must offer the T>est of them (to his chief), 
and then use those that are inferior to this himself. 
If what he should thus offer be not proper for the 
chief, he will not presume to enter with it at his gate, 
not daring to appear with his wealth and dignity, to 
be above him who is the head of all the clan with its 
uncles and elder cousins. 

A wealthy cousin should prepare two victims, and 
present the better of them to his chief. He and his 
wife should together, after self-purification, reverently 
assist at his sacrifice in the ancestral temple. When 
the business of that is over, they may venture to 
offer their own private sacrifice. 

21. Of grain food, there were millet, the glutin- 
ous rice, rice, maize, the white millet, and the yellow 
maize, cut when ripe, or when green. 

Of prepared meats, there were beef soup, mutton 
soup, pork soup, and roast beef; pickle, slices of 
beef, pickle and minced beef; roast mutton, slices 

the chieftain of the clan. They are heads of subordinate branches 
of it. They may have become more wealthy and attained to 
higher rank in the service of their common ruler, but within the 
limits of the clan, he is their superior, and has duties of sacrifice 
to the ancestors of it, with which they cannot of themselves inter- 

Digitized by 


460 THE Li Kt. BE. I. 

of mutton, pickle, and roast pork ; pickle, slices of 
pork, mustard sauce, and minced fish ; pheasant, 
hare, quail, and partridge l . 

22. Of drinks, there was must in two vessels, 
one strained, the other unstrained, made of rice, 
of millet, or of maize. In some cases, thin pre- 
parations were used as beverages, as millet gruel, 
pickle, with water syrup of prunes, and of steeped 
rice ; clear wine and white *. 

Of confections, there were dried cakes, and rice- 
flour scones. 

23. For relishes, snail-juice and a condiment of 
the broad-leaved water -squash were used with 
pheasant soup ; a condiment of wheat with soups 
of dried slices and of fowl ; broken glutinous rice 
with dog soup and hare soup ; the rice-balls mixed 
with these soups had no smart-weed in them. 

A sucking-pig was stewed, wrapped up in sonchus 
leaves and stuffed with smart-weed ; a fowl, with 
the same stuffing, and along with pickle sauce; 
a fish, with the same stuffing and egg sauce ; a 
tortoise, with the same stuffing and pickle sauce. 

For meat spiced and dried they placed the brine 
of ants ; for soup made of sliced meat, that of hare ; 
for a ragout of elk, that of fish ; for minced fish, 
mustard sauce ; for raw elk flesh, pickle sauce ; 
for preserved peaches and plums, egg-like suet. 

24. All condiments for grain food were of a 

1 In all, four rows of prepared meats, consisting of four dishes 

* Both the old wine and occasional wine, mentioned in the note 
on page 447, were 'white.' The £iu here, probably, were the 
three £ia there. 

Digitized by 


SECT. t. THE NEI 9EH. 46 1 

character corresponding to the spring ; for soup, 
to the summer ; for sauces, to the autumn ; and 
for beverages, to the winter. 

In all attempering ingredients, sour predominated 
in the spring ; bitter, in the summer ; acrid, in the 
autumn ; and salt, in the winter : — with the due pro- 
portioning of the unctuous and sweet. 

The glutinous rice (was thought) to suit beef; 
millet, to suit mutton ; glutinous millet, to suit 
pork ; maize, to suit dog ; wheat, to suit goose ; 
and the broad-leaved squash, to suit fish. 

25. Lamb and sucking-pig were (thought to be) 
good in spring, fried with odorous (beef) suet ; 
dried pheasant and fish, in summer, fried with the 
strong-smelling suet (of dog); veal and fawn, in 
autumn, fried with strong suet (of fowl) ; fresh 
fish and goose, in winter, fried with the frouzy suet 
(of goat). 

26. There were dried beef, and dried stalks of 
deer's flesh, of wild pig's, of elk's, and of the munt- 
jac's. Elk's flesh, deer's, wild pig's, and muntjac's, 
was (also eaten uncooked ; and) cut in large leaf- 
like slices. Pheasants and hares were (made into 
soup) with the duckweed. There were sparrows 
and finches, partridges, cicadas, bees, lichens, small 
chestnuts, the water-caltrops, the hovenia dulcis, 
the zizyphus, chestnuts, hazel-nuts, persimmons, cu- 
cumbers, peaches, plums, ballaces, almonds, haws, 
pears, ginger, and cinnamon 1 . 

1 In this there are the names of more than thirty condiments or 
relishes, which, according to most commentators, were, or might 
be, served up at the meals of the rulers of states. But from 
paragraph 21 we have a list of viands, drinks, and their accom- 

Digitized by 


462 THE l.t jrf. BK. X. 

2f. If a Great officer, at his ordinary meals, had 
mince, he did not have, at the same time, dried 
slices of meat ; and if he had the latter, he did 
not have the former. An ordinary officer did not 
have two kinds of soup, or sliced flesh. (But) old 
men of the common people, did not eat their meat 
alone without accompaniments. 

28. Mince was made in spring, with onions; in 
autumn, with the mustard plant. Sucking-pig was 
used in spring, with scallions ; in autumn, with smart- 
weed. With lard they used onions ; with fat, chives. 
With the three victim-animals they used pepper, and 
employed pickle as an accompaniment. For wild 
animals' flesh they used plums. In quail soup, fowl 
soup, and with the curlew, the condiment was smart- 
weed. Bream and tench were steamed ; pullets, 
roasted ; and pheasants, (boiled) j with. fragrant herbs 
and no smart-weed.. 

29. Things not eaten were the turtle, when 
hatching ; the intestines of the wolf, which were 
removed, as also the kidneys of the dog; the 
straight spine of the wild cat ; the rump of the 
hare ; the head of the fox ; the brains of the sucking- 
pig; the yl-like bowels of fish 1 ; and the perforated 
openings of the turde *. 

30. (Bones and sinews) were taken from the 
flesh ; the scales were scraped from fish ; dates 
were made to appear as new ; chestnuts were 

paniments with no information as to when and by whom they were 
used. To descend to further particulars about them would be 

1 <£j- It is uncertain what some of these forbidden articles 
really were. 

Digitized by 


SECT. I. THE NEI 3EH. 463 

selected ; peaches were made smooth ; kk and pears 
had the fnsects drilled out of them *. 

31. When an ox lowed at night, its flesh was 
(considered) to be rank ; that of a sheep, whose long 
hair showed a tendency to get matted, to be frouzy ; 
that of a dog which was uneasy and with (the inside 
of) its thighs red, to be coarse ; that of birds when 
moulting and with their voices hoarse, to be fetid ; 
that of pigs, when they looked upwards and closed 
their eyes, to be measly; that of a horse, black 
along the spine and with piebald fore-legs, to smell 

A pullet, whose tail could not be grasped by the 
hand, was not eaten, nor the rump of a tame goose, 
nor the ribs of a swan or owl, nor the rump of a 
tame duck, nor the liver of a fowl, nor the kidneys 
of a wild goose, nor the gizzard of the wild goose 
without the hind-toe, nor the stomach of the deer. 

32. Flesh cut small was made into mince ; cut 
into slices it was made into hash. Some say that 
the flesh of elks, deer, and fish was pickled ; that 
of muntjacs also, being cut in small' pieces ; that of 
fowls and wild pigs, in larger pieces ; of hares, the 
stomach was pickled. Onions and scallions were 
mixed with the brine to soften the meat 2 . 

1 The explanation of these brief notes is also perplexing. 
Zottoli makes the ki. to have been a kind of medlar (azarolus). 
Medhurst calls it, after the Khang-hst dictionary, ' a kind of pear.' 
Williams, explaining it under a synonym (of the same sound), 
' a sour red fruit of the size of a cherry, a kind of hawthorn.' 

1 The manner of these preparations has not been definitely 
explained. The meaning is uncertain. So also is what is said of 
the cupboards in the next paragraph. 

Digitized by 


464 THE lA zl 

BS. X. 

33. Soup and boiled grain were used by all, from 
the princes down to the common people, without dis- 
tinction of degree. Great officers did not regularly 
have savoury meat, but when seventy they had 
their cupboards. The cupboards of the son of 
Heaven were five on the right (of the dining hall), 
and five on the left ; those of dukes, marquises, 
and earls were five, all in one room ; those of 
Great officers three (in a side chamber), and other 
officers had one on their buffet. 

Section II. 

1. In nourishing the aged 1 , (Shun), the lord of 
Yii, used the ceremonies of a drinking entertain- 
ment ; the sovereigns of Hsia, those (at entertain- 
ments after) a reverent sacrifice or offering; the 
men of Yin, those of a (substantial) feast ; and the 
men of A'au cultivated and used all the three 2 . 

Those of fifty years were entertained in the 
schools of the districts ; those of sixty, in the school 
of the capital ; and those of seventy, in the college. 
This rule extended to the feudal states. An old man 
of eighty made his acknowledgment for the ruler's 
invitation by kneeling once and bringing his head 
to the ground twice. The blind did the same. An 

1 Kt&a. Hao says : — The nourishment of the aged took place in 
four cases : 1st, in the case of the three classes of ancients ; 2nd, in 
that of the father and grandfather of one who had died in the 
service of the country ; 3rd, in that of officers who had retired 
from age ; and 4th, in that of the aged of the common people. 
On seven occasions of the year it was done formally. 

* On the different designations of the dynasties, see on Con- 
fucian Analects, III, 21. 

Digitized by 


sect. ii. the nbi 3eh. 465 

old man of ninety employed another to receive (the 
message and gift for him). 

For those of fifty, the grain was (fine and) differ- 
ent (from that used by younger men). For those of 
sixty, there was meat kept in store (from the day 
before). For those of seventy, there was a second 
service of savoury meat. Those of eighty were sup- 
plied regularly with delicacies. For those of ninety, 
food and drink were never out of their chambers ; 
wherever they wandered, it was deemed right that 
savoury meat and drink should follow them. 

After sixty (the coffin and other things for the 
funeral) were seen to be in readiness (once) a year ; 
after seventy, once a season ; after eighty, once a 
month ; and after ninety, they were every day kept 
in good repair. The bandages, however, the sheet, 
the larger coverlets, and the cases were prepared 
after death 1 . 

At fifty, one was supposed to begin to decay ; at 
sixty, not to feel satisfied unless he had flesh to eat. 
At seventy, he was thought to require silk in order 
to make him feel warm ; at eighty, to need some 
one (to sleep) with him, to keep him warm ; and at 
ninety, not to feel warm even with that 

At fifty, one kept his staff in his hand in the 
family ; at sixty, in his district ; at seventy, in the 
city ; at eighty, (an officer) did so in the court. If 
the son of Heaven wished to put questions to (an 
officer of) ninety, he went to his house, and had rich 
food carried after him. 

1 The sheet was for the slighter dressing of the corpse imme- 
diately after death; the coverlets for the fuller dressing at the coffin- 
ing ; the cases were for the upper part of the corpse and for the 

[27] H h 

Digitized by 


466 THE Li jrf. BK. X. 

At seventy, (an officer) did not wait till the court 
was over (before he retired). At eighty, he re- 
ported every month (to the ruler's messenger) that 
he was still alive ; at ninety, he had (delicate food) 
sent to him regularly every day. 

At fifty, one was not employed in services re- 
quiring strength ; at sixty, he was discharged from 
bearing arms along with others ; at seventy, he was 
exempted from the business of receiving guests and 
visitors ; at eighty, he was free from the abstinences 
and other rites of mourning. 

When one received at fifty the rank (of a Great 
officer), at sixty he did not go in person to the 
school \ At seventy he resigned office ; and then 
and afterwards, in mourning he used only the un- 
hemmed dress of sackcloth (without adopting the 
privations of the mourning rites) 1 . 

The kings of the three dynasties, in nourishing the 
old, always caused the members of families who were 
advanced in years to be brought to their notice*. 
Where an officer was eighty, one of his friends was 
free from all service of government ; where he was 
ninety, all the members of his family were exempted 
from them. So also it was in the case of the blind. 

(Shun), the lord of Yvi, entertained the aged (who 
had retired from the service) of the state in (the 
school called) the higher hsiang, and the aged of 
the common people in (the school called) the lower 

1 Does this intimate, that if he had learned better at school, 
when young, he might have become a Great officer earlier ? He 
was now too old to learn. 

* The government could not attend to all the aged; but it 
wished to hear of all cases of remarkable age, and would then do 
what it could for them. 

Digitized by 



h s i a n g . The sovereigns of the line of H s i 4 enter- 
tained the former in (the school called) the hsii on 
the east, and the latter in (that called) the hsii on 
the west The men of Yin entertained the former in 
the School of the Right, and the latter in that of the 
Left. The men of Kku entertained the former in 
the £iao on the east, and the latter in the Yii hsiang. 
This was in the suburb of the capital on the west. 

The lord of Yu wore the hwang cap in sacrificing 
(in the ancestral temple), and the white » robes in 
entertaining the aged. The sovereigns of Hsii 
sacrificed in the shan cap, and entertained the aged 
in the dark garments of undress. Those of Yin 
sacrificed in the hsii cap, and entertained in the gar- 
ments of white thin silk. Those of A"au sacrificed 
in the mien cap, and entertained the aged in the 
dark upper garment (and the lower white one) 1 . 

2. 3&ng-jze said, 'A filial son, in nourishing his 
aged, (seeks to) make their hearts glad, and not to 
go against their wishes ; to promote their comfort in 
their bed-chambers and the whole house ; and with 
leal heart to supply them with their food and drink : 
— such is the filial son to the end of life. By "the 
end of life," I mean not the end of parents' lives, but 
the end of his own life. Thus what his parents loved 
he will love, and what they reverenced he will 
reverence. He will do so even in regard to all their 

1 The above long paragraph constitutes, with very little differ- 
ence, the first twelve paragraphs of Section v of Book III. A'u 
Hsl says that in this Book we have ' old text,' whereas Book III is 
a compilation of the Han dynasty; and that the authors of it 
incorporated this passage. I am willing to allow that they did so ; 
but it may be doubted if this Book in its present form be older 
than the time of Han. 

H h 2 

Digitized by 


468 THE lA Kl. BK. X. 

dogs and horses, and how much more in regard to 
the men (whom they valued)!' 

3. In all their nourishment of the aged, (the object 
of) the five Tls was to imitate (their virtue), while 
the kings of the three dynasties also begged them 
to speak (their lessons). The five Tls taking them 
as models, sought to nourish their bodily vigour, and 
did not beg them to speak ; but what good lessons 
they did speak were taken down by the faithful 
recorders. The three (lines of) kings also took them 
as models, and after nourishing their age begged 
them to speak. If they (seemed to) diminish the 
ceremonies (of entertainment), they all had their 
faithful recorders as well (to narrate their virtue). 

4. For the Rich Fry, they put the pickled meat 
fried over rice that had been grown on a dry soil, 
and then enriched it with melted fat This was 
called the Rich Fry. 

5. For the Similar Fry, they put the pickled 
meat fried over the millet grains, and enriched it 
with melted fat This was called the Similar Fry. 

6. For the Bake, they took a sucking-pig or a 
(young) ram, and having cut it open and removed 
the entrails, filled the belly with dates. They then 
wrapped it round with straw and reeds, which they 
plastered with clay, and baked it. When the clay 
was all dry, they broke it off. Having washed their 
hands for the manipulation, they removed the crack- 
ling and macerated it along with rice-flour, so as to 
form a kind of gruel which they added to the pig. 
They then fried the whole in such a quantity of 
melted fat as to cover it. Having prepared a large 
pan of hot water, they placed in it a small tripod, 

Digitized by 



which was filled with fragrant herbs, and the slices of 
the creature which was being prepared. They took 
care that the hot water did not cover this tripod, but 
kept up the fire without intermission for three days 
and nights. After this, the whole was served up 
with the addition of pickled meat and vinegar. 

7. For the Pounded Delicacy, they took the 
flesh of ox, sheep, elk, deer and muntjac, a part of 
that which lay along the spine, the same in quantity 
of each, and beat it now as it lay flat, and then 
turning it on its side ; after that they extracted all 
the nerves. (Next), when it was sufficiently cooked, 
they brought it (from the pan), took away the outside 
crust, and softened the meat (by the addition of 
pickle and vinegar). 

8. For the Steeped Delicacy, they took the 
beef, which was required to be that of a newly killed 
animal, and cut it into small pieces, taking care to 
obliterate all the lines in it. It was then steeped 
from one morning to the next in good wine, when it 
was eaten with pickle, vinegar, or the juice of prunes. 

9. To make the Grill, they beat the beef and 
removed the skinny parts. They then laid it on a 
frame of reeds, sprinkled on it pieces of cinnamon 
and ginger, and added salt It could be eaten thus 
when dried. Mutton was treated in the same way 
as beef, and also the flesh of elk, deer, and muntjac. 
If they wished the flesh wet, they added water and 
fried it with pickled meat If they wished it dry, 
they ate it as eaten (at first). 

10. For the (Soup) Balls, they took equal quan- 
tities of beef, mutton and pork, and cut them small. 
Then they took grains of rice, which they mixed 

Digitized by 


470 THE Li «•}. 

BK. X. 

with the finely cut meat, two parts of rice to one of 
meat, and formed cakes or balls, which they fried. 

ii. For the Liver and Fat, they took a dog's 
liver, and wrapped it round with its own fat. They 
then wet it and roasted it, and took it in this con- 
dition and scorched it. No smartweed was mixed 
with the fat 

1 2. They took the grains of rice and steeped them 
in prepared rice-water. They then cut small the fat 
from a wolfs breast, and with it and the grains of 
rice made a fry 1 . 

1 3. The observances of propriety commence with 
a careful attention to the relations between husband 
and wife. They built the mansion and its apart- 
ments, distinguishing between the exterior and in- 
terior parts. The men occupied the exterior; the 
women the interior. The mansion was deep, and 
the doors were strong, guarded by porter and eunuch. 
The men did not enter the interior ; the women did 
not come out into the exterior. 

14. Males and females did not use the same stand 
or rack for their clothes. The wife did not presume 
to hang up anything on the pegs or stand of her 
husband; nor to put anything in his boxes or 
satchels; nor to share his bathing-house. When 
her husband had gone out (from their apartment), 
she put his pillow in its case, rolled up his upper and 
under mats, put them in their covers, and laid them 
away in their proper receptacles. The young served 
the old ; the low served the noble ; — also in this way. 

1 This and the other paragraphs from 4 are understood to 
describe the 'eight delicacies (/V 3^).' which were specially 
prepared for the old. See the ATau LI, Book IV, par. 18. 

Digitized by 



THE NEI 3EH. 471 

15. As between husband and wife, it was not until 
they were seventy, that they deposited these things in 
the same place without separation. Hence though a 
concubine were old, until she had completed her 
fiftieth year, it was the rule that she should be with 
the husband (once) in five days. When she was to do 
so, she purified herself, rinsed her mouth and washed, 
carefully adjusted her dress, combed her hair, drew 
over it the covering of silk, fixed her hair-pins, tied 
up the hair in the shape of a horn, brushed the dust 
from the rest of her hair, put on her necklace, and 
adjusted her shoe-strings. Even a favourite concu- 
bine was required in dress and diet to come after her 
superior. If the wife were not with the husband, 
a concubine waiting on him, would not venture to 
remain the whole night 1 . 

16. When a wife was about to have a child, and 
the month of her confinement had arrived, she 
occupied one of the side apartments, where her 
husband sent twice a day to ask for her. If he 
were moved and came himself to ask about her 2 , 
she did not presume to see him, but made her 
governess dress herself and reply to him. 

When the child was born, the husband again sent 
twice a day to inquire for her. He fasted now, and 
did not enter the door of the side apartment. If 
the child were a boy, a bow was placed on the left 
of the door ; and if a girl, a handkerchief on the 

1 This paragraph has given rise to a great deal of discussion 
and writing among the commentators, into which it is not desirable 
to enter. 

' The first character in this clause occasions difficulty to a 
translator. Zottoli has : — ' Negotiisque ipsemet interrogabit illam.' 
Wang Tao understands it as I have done. 

Digitized by 



THE Li Kt. BK. x. 

right of it. After three days the child began to be 
carried, and some archery was practised for a boy, 
but not for a girl. 

1 7. When a son and heir to the ruler of a state 
was born, and information of the fact was carried to 
him, he made arrangements to receive him at a 
feast where the three animals should all be pro- 
vided ; and the cook took in hand the (necessary) 
preparations. On the third day the tortoise-shell 
was consulted for a good man to carry the child ; 
and he who was the lucky choice, kept a vigil over 
night, and then in his court robes, received him in 
his arms outside the chamber. The master of the 
archers then took a bow of mulberry wood, and six 
arrows of the wild rub us, and shot towards heaven, 
earth, and the four cardinal points. After this the 
nurse received the child and carried it in her arms. 
The cook (at the same time) gave (a cup of) sweet 
wine to the man who had carried the child, and 
presented him with a bundle of silks, and the 
tortoise-shell was again employed to determine the 
wife of an officer, or the concubine of a Great 
officer, who should be nurse. 

18. In all cases of receiving a son, a day was 
chosen ; and if it were the eldest son of the king, the 
three animals were killed (for the occasion). For 
the son of a common man, a sucking-pig was killed ; 
for the son of an officer, a single pig ; for the son of 
a Great officer, the two smaller animals; and for 
the son of the ruler of a state, all the three. If it 
were not the eldest son, the provision was diminished 
in every case one degree. 

19. A special apartment was prepared in the 

Digitized by 



palace for the child, and from all the concubines and 
other likely individuals there was sought one dis- 
tinguished for her generosity of mind, her gentle 
kindness, her mild integrity, her respectful bearing, 
her carefulness and freedom from talkativeness, who 
should be appointed the boy's teacher ; one was 
next chosen who should be his indulgent mother, 
and a third who should be his guardian mother. 
These all lived in his apartment, which others did 
not enter unless on some (special) business. 

20. At the end of the third month a day was 
chosen for shaving off the hair of the child, except- 
ing certain portions, — the horn-like tufts of a boy, 
and the circlet on the crown of a girl. If another 
fashion were adopted, a portion was left on the left of 
the boy's head, and on the right of the girl's. On 
that day the wife with the son appeared before the 
father. If they were of noble families, they were 
both in full dress. From the commissioned officer 
downwards, all rinsed their mouths -and washed 
their heads. Husband and wife rose early, bathed 
and dressed as for the feast of the first day of the 
month. The husband entered the door, going up 
by the steps on the east, and stood at the top of 
them with his face to the west. The wife with the 
boy in her arms came forth from her room and 
stood beneath the lintel with her face to the east 

21. The governess then went forward and said 
for the lady, 'The mother, So and So, ventures to-day 
reverently to present to you the child !' The hus- 
band replied, ' Reverently (teach him to) follow the 
right way.' He then took hold of the right hand of 
his son, and named him with the smile and voice of 
a child. The wife responded, 'We will remember. 

Digitized by 


474 THE lA kI. BK. x. 

May your words be fulfilled ! ' She then turned to 
the left, and delivered the child to his teacher, who on 
her part told the name all round to the wives of the 
relatives of all ranks who were present. The wife 
forthwith proceeded to the (festal) chamber. 

22. The husband informed his principal officer 
of the name, and he in turn informed all the (young) 
males (of the same surname) of it. A record was 
made to the effect — ' In such a year, in such a 
month, on such a day, So and So was born,' and 
deposited. The officer also informed the secre- 
taries of the hamlets, who made out two copies of it. 
One of these was deposited in the office of the 
village, and the other was presented to the secretary 
of the larger circuit, who showed it to the chief of 
the circuit ; he again ordered it to be deposited in 
the office of the circuit. The husband meanwhile 
had gone into (the festal chamber), and a feast was 
celebrated with the ceremonies of that with which 
a wife first entertains her parents-in-law. 

23. When an heir-son has been born, the ruler 
washed his head and whole body, and put on his 
court robes. His wife did the same, and then they 
both took their station at the top of the stairs on 
the east with their faces towards the west. One of 
the ladies of quality, with the child in her arms, 
ascended by the steps on the west The ruler then 
named the child ; and (the lady) went down with it. 

24. A (second) son or any other son by the wife 
proper was presented in the outer chamber 1 , when 

1 It seems plain that the sons in this paragraph were all by the 
proper wife or chief lady of the harem, for it is not till paragraph 
26 that sons by inferior members of it are spoken of. The A'Aien- 

Digitized by 



(the ruler) laid his hand on its head, and with gentle 
voice named it The other observances were as be- 
fore, but without any words. 

25. In naming a son, the name should not be 
that of a day or a month or of any state, or of any 
hidden ailment 1 . Sons of Great and other officers 
must not be called by the same name as the heir-son 
of the ruler. 

26. When a concubine was about to have a child, 
and the month of her confinement had arrived, the 
husband sent once a day to ask for her. When the 
son was born, at the end of three months, she washed 
her mouth and feet, adjusted herself early in the 
morning and appeared in the inner chamber (belong- 
ing to the wife proper). There she was received 
with the ceremonies of her first entrance into the 
harem. When the husband had eaten, a special por- 
tion of what was left was given to her by herself ; and 
forthwith she entered on her duties of attendance. 

2 7. When the child of an inferior member of the 
rulers harem was about to be born, the mother went 
to one of the side apartments, and at the end of three 
months, having washed her head and person, and 

lung editors clearly establish this point. ATang Hstlan took a dif- 
ferent view, saying that ' " the (second) son " was a brother of the 
heir-son (in paragraph 23), and " any other son " a son by a concu- 
bine,' and P. Zottoli adopts this view : — ' Reguli haeres ( jtf- JE.\ 
ejus germanus frater (Jffi ~f")> a subnuba filius (jS- ■¥*); ' add- 
ing, ' Regulus excipiebat primum in praecipua diaeta ({£§■ ££) ; 
secundum in postica diaeta (J^| j§^)> quae hie exterior dicitur 
relate ad adjacentes aedes, quibus nobilis puerpera morari solebat ; 
tertium excipiebat in adjacentibus aedibus (Yj|lJ rff )■' But these 
' side apartments' are not mentioned till paragraph 27. 
1 See page 78, paragraph 43. 

Digitized by 


476 the iA kI. bk. x. 

put on her court robes, she appeared before the ruler. 
(One of) her waiting women (also) appeared with the 
child in her arms. If (the mother) was one to whom 
the ruler had given special favours, he himself named 
the son. In the case of such children generally, an 
officer was employed to name them. 

28. Among the common people who had no side 
chambers, when the month of confinement was come, 
the husband left his bed-chamber, and occupied a 
common apartment. In his inquiries for his wife, 
however, and on his son's being presented to him, 
there was no difference (from the observances that 
have been detailed). 

29. In all cases though the father is alive, the 
grandson is presented to the grandfather, who also 
names him. The ceremonies are the same as when 
the son is presented to the father; but there is 
no (interchange of) words (between the mother and 

30. The nurse of the ruler's boy 1 quitted the 
palace after three years, and, when she appeared 
before the ruler, was rewarded for her toilsome work. 
The son of a Great officer had a nurse. The wife of 
an ordinary officer nourished her child herself. 

31. The son of a commissioned officer and others 
above him on to the Great officer was presented (to 
the father once) in ten days. The eldest son of a 
ruler was presented to him before he had eaten, when 
he took him by the right hand ; his second or any 
other son by the wife proper 2 was presented after he 
had eaten, when he laid his hand on his head. 

32. When the child was able to take its own food, 

1 See above, par. 17. * See above, par. 24. 

Digitized by 


sect. ii. the nei 8eh. 477 

it was taught to use the right hand. When it was 
able to speak, a boy (was taught to) respond boldly 
and clearly; a girl, submissively and low. The 
former was fitted with a girdle of leather ; the latter, 
with one of silk 1 . 

1 The account which follows this of the teaching and training of 
the brothers and sisters is interesting ; and we may compare it with 
what is said in volume iii, p. 350, of the different reception given to 
sons and daughters in the royal family, though the distinction be- 
tween them is not accentuated here so strongly. The passage 
treats of the children in a family of the higher classes, but those of 
the common people would be dealt with in a corresponding manner 
according to their circumstances. And even in the early feudal 
times the way was open for talent and character to rise from the 
lower ranks in the social scale, and be admitted to official employ- 
ment. The system of competitive examinations was even then 
casting a shadow before. To number the days was, and is, a more 
complicated affair in China than with us, requiring an acquaintance 
with all the terms of the cycle of sixty, as well as the more com- 
pendious method by decades for each month. The education of a 
boy, it will be seen, comprehended much more than what we call 
the three Rs. The conclusion of paragraph 33 gives the translator 
some difficulty. Zottoli has — 'et petet exerceri lectionibus ser- 
monisque verjtate,' and my own first draft was — ' he would ask to 
be exercised in (reading) the tablets, and in truthful speaking/ 
But it is making too much of the boys of ancient China to repre- 
sent them as anxious to be taught to speak the truth. The meaning 
of the concluding characters, as given in the text, is that assigned to 
them by ATang Hsilan. 

There is nothing in what is said of the daughters to indicate that 
they received any literary training. They were taught simply the 
household duties that would devolve on them in their state of 
society; though among them, be it observed, were the forms and 
provision for sacrifice and worship. It will be observed, also, at 
how early an age all close intercourse between them and their 
brothers came to an end, and that at ten they ceased to go out 
from the women's apartments. On what is said about the young 
men marrying at the age of thirty I have spoken in a note on 
page 65. 

Digitized by 


478 the ii jri. bk. x. 

33. At six years, they were taught the numbers 
and the names of the cardinal points ; at the age of 
seven, boys and girls did not occupy the same mat 
nor eat together ; at eight, when going out or coming 
in at a gate or door, and going to their mats to eat and 
drink, they were required to follow their elders : — the 
teaching of yielding to others was now begun ; at 
nine, they were taught how to number the days. 

At ten, (the boy) went to a master outside, and 
stayed with him (even) over the night. He learned 
the (different classes of) characters and calculation ; 
he did not wear his jacket or trousers of silk ; in his 
manners he followed his early lessons ; morning and 
evening he learned the behaviour of a youth ; he 
would ask to be exercised in (reading) the tablets, 
and in the forms of polite conversation. 

34. At thirteen, he learned music, and to repeat 
the odes, and to dance the ko (of the duke of Kkv)\ 
When a full-grown lad, he danced the hsiang (of 
kingWu) 1 . He learned archery and chariot-driving. 
At twenty, he was capped, and first learned the 
(different classes of) ceremonies, and might wear 
furs and silk. He danced the ta hsii (of Yii) 1 . 
and attended sedulously to filial and fraternal duties. 
He might become very learned, but did not teach 
others ; — (his object being still) to receive and not 
to give out 

35. At thirty, he had a wife, and began to attend 

1 It is difficult to describe exactly, amid the conflict of different 
views, these several dances. Dances were of two kinds, the civil 
and military. The ko was, perhaps, the first of the civil dances, 
ascribed to the duke of A'au (vol. iii, p. 334); and the hsiang, 
the first of the martial. The two are said to have been combined 
in the ta hsia. 

Digitized by 



to the business proper to a man. He extended 
his learning without confining it to particular sub- 
jects. He was deferential to his friends, having 
regard to the aims (which they displayed). At 
forty, he was first appointed to office ; and according 
to the business of it brought out his plans and 
communicated his thoughts. If the ways (which he 
proposed) were suitable, he followed them out; if 
they were not, he abandoned them. At fifty, he 
was appointed a Great officer, and laboured in the 
administration of his department. At seventy, he 
retired from his duties. In all salutations of males, 
the upper place was given to the left hand. 

36. A girl at the age of ten ceased to go out 
(from the women's apartments). Her governess 
taught her (the arts of) pleasing speech and manners, 
to be docile and obedient, to handle the hempen 
fibres, to deal with the cocoons, to weave silks and 
form fillets, to learn (all) woman's work, how to fur- 
nish garments, to watch the sacrifices, to supply the 
liquors and sauces, to fill the various stands and 
dishes with pickles and brine, and to assist in setting 
forth the appurtenances for the ceremonies. 

37. At fifteen, she assumed the hair-pin ; at twenty, 
she was married, or, if there were occasion (for the 
delay), at twenty-three. If there were the betrothal 
rites, she became a wife ; and if she went without 
these, a concubine. In all salutations of females, the 
upper place was given to the right hand. 

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March 1886. 

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